New-York daily tribune., 1861-06-08
MINISTER CLAY'S LETTER.

which appear d in The Times Of last Monday, and
which naturally attracts good deal of attention. Is
necessary 10 consider who the writer is what position
he holds in public affairs, and why he wrote THAT
letter.
Mr.. Cassius M. Clay is a Kentucky man. and rei'
alive Of the late Henry Clay; but he Las never 'o'
lowed the political track Of his eminent RELATIVE neh'!
Clay used TO boast that it was by bis doing that hen
tucky was Slave State At the time OF ts organHa-
ton as State majority OF the lnhaoltaus ueoieo 10
emancpste their negroes and encourage the lmmlgra-
ton of free labor but Mr.. Clay dscoun,enanced The
notion and used his influence, with success, TO induce
his peghbofs TO follow the Southern practice in regard
10 the tenure of labor To do this in such country as
Kentucky was to incur a very grave responsibility.
The inhabitants have taken heartily 10 Slavery
with one accord; their sill and climate favorable
the employment of white well free negro labor;
they have seen the river, Ohio using into high
prosperity while Kentucky made little no progress;
and there have been not few citizens IN Mr. Clay
State who have always felt that he answerabe 1or
its inferiorty in numbers wealth. and intelligence 10
the States on the oppotit bank Of the Ohio. Among
those who asserted the higher principles on which
the State ought TO have been organized and on Whch
it must have hourshed beyond perhaps any other re-
gion in the Uuion Mr. Csssius M. Clay has been the
most prominent. For long course of years he has
testified against the false policy of his State at the
risk of his e and to the great injury OF his fortune'
He has been hunted out OF the Stae be has been iIn-
prisoned prosecuted threatened, and brought within
az inch Of his life by Lynch aw and bis property has
been thrown into the Ohio, burnt. or broken up Dut
nothing could dsunt his sirt, or sence hS protests
His Southern habits of slfdefense, and bis Northern
habi Of political reasoning have on Tue whoe, maui
him too strong for bis enemies lie was an accursFd
Abolitonst yet he has lived TO come to Europe as an
Embassador. He be longed to the small body OF
Abolitiopsts proper but, though he earned PISTOLS
u, 49, n. fha fnaKg
he was DO far an Abotionie that be early emancpated
his own slaves and has since fought stout bat
tie, by his own printingpress public speaking, shu
whole Of life, behalf Of the Liberties; oil whites
and blacks, all over the Union.
Such is the man who now, having Just ianded IN
England on his way to Russia is evidently struck with
surprise at the ignorance be meets with, or Is leo 10
infer from the tone of of the newspapers on the
great American question. The impulse was to write
to The Times 10 set The clearly before US, and
recify some current mistakes He has met with rather
hard measure 10 return; bat lew more daYs in En-
gland would have shown him that a somewhat closer
and clearer statement of bis would have answered
better with an audience which he addresses ON the
very ground that ii is critical instead OF sympathetic
1t is certain, however, that The Tunes misappre-
bends Mr.. Clay when it dlsrisses as mere rhetorical
ampfcation his notice Of tal by jury liberty OF the
prees, and representative government as objects OF
conflict between North and South. MIR. Z. NJ Clay
has but too much to know what the systematic
perversion of justice 49, under the influence OF 'ne
further than the condition Of the Supreme Court under
Southern management to be aware what the North has
to do in upholdng justice. Fair jury trial Is not TO be
had in half the States the coercion Of the press Is ss
bad as ANYTHING Mr.. G. NJ. Clay will find IN Russia:
and as for representative government, we need only
point to the threeffhs suffrage of the Slave States
and the virtual exclusion from the polls there Of all
mean whites whose opinions might be supposed
likely 10 be inconvenent, Mr.. Clay 10 Ger taply Jnt
fed n saying that the Free States fighting for lib
erty under these and other FORMS the liberty and the
forms have always and everywhere been crushed oy
Southern rule. But he must allow for tnglishmen
being unable TO imagine without due explanation, that
such fundamental liberties these are really 10 be
fought for in the great Republic. The successive
Southern Governments OF recent years have enoached
more and these common 1gbts, 70 that tney are
now actually in question: but Mr. Clay must remember
TINT while he has been contendDg for them at the isk
of his life aud 10 the oss of his fortune, most OF Us
have been suppoDg them the birhrght OF every white
American, rs of ourselves.
The paragraph of Mr. Clay's letter which cites the
demands Of tie Southern Confedeiscy is certainly ac
curate. Every point Of 1t may lie proved by facts
within the memory OF most OF u.s. and Tie one truth,
that in every instance the Confederate authorities
have refused to refer their usurpai0ns TO the
votes of the people," should be well considered by any
Englishnsn whose mind is open TO evidence In the
case The demands are essentially barbaric in such
country at such date; and Mr. Clay Is indisputaby
justified in saying that the great question OF the is
whether this barbarisO is or is not to be allowed 10
swamp the whole Republic To smile at such state
which Mr.. Clay proposes TO Iebuke and correct.
As for whether the North repress the rebellion,
everybody judge whether Dir. Clay confidence
is rational or not This be decided by the facts of
population and the comparative resources Of food,
stores, money, &c. We not aware that nybody
preends that there is an approach to equality in the
resources Of the two secons-eNen II the Border States
ioned the South, and notwithstanding the enormous
embezzlements by which the Federal treasury has
been euptied Mr.. Clay's letter, however, confirms
the largest estimates yet made OF the strength OF the
loyal Federal element throughout The country. Per
haps the most valuable part OF his letter IA that which
he occupies with statement, not new to readers,
but too much needed generally, Of the relation which
the people individually bear to the Government, and
with which the States have nothing to do. The real
question is who and how many the rebels are. little
time will show whether there are most Union men or
Secessonists in the States over which Mr.. Jefferson
Davis processes to bear sway. II Mr.. Clay is right
in believing that anything hall the citizens are loyal
to the Union, they will soon have the means Of de-
clsring Themselves and the contest will be at end.
Ii is certainly true, Mr. Clay points out, that the
political party at the North which is answerabe for the
long domination Of the Pro-Sayery faction at Washing
ton has become the most loyal OF all parties since s
Southern comrades took 10 rebellion
Another valuable statement Of Mr.. Clays il that
there s no question Of the subugaon" OF any State.
Our contemporaries have been raising the difficulty one
after another, of what is to be done with subugaed
territory; and Mr. Davis the leader Of the aggressive
party who met with ong-sufering to the last moment
now invites his followers to declare against "subuga-
tOn is no question OF territory or conquest at all
Rebels must return to their allegiance OF obtain terms
which do not involve trouble TO their loyal neghbors
They will probably have the choice OF going away
living in peace and order under the laws. We believe
Mr. Clay 10 be mistaken If he thinks the Consttution
NAV remain precisely what il is. There must be amend
ments by which the Free States will be released from
all implication with Slavery; and there are other
points which will not bo again sanctioned. But his
general statement that the Constitution exists s for
the whole country, and that there is political adver
sary TO subugate will be Of great use to those who
fandf fha