New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-12-14

Tight fOm Tue START anu Ill tno Wdy Oui""b"'
In either and any case. you can find no hold
ing. ground for position half way between us.
Our resistance to Slavery Extension may have
been ill,judged or needless, or futile, or insin-
cere; but if we had right to follow our own
convictions rather than yours, then your aver
ment that Slavery agitation caused the rebel
lion is at war with truth and an unfounded
apology for treason.
Mr.. Steele is afraid that Congress will enact
some law respecting rebel slaves that the Pres
ident does not call for. That 10 possible. 1t
was done at the late Session, when the act
confscating Slaves used in constructing the
forts and intrenchments from which the Union
soldiers are shot down, so tar from being called
for by the President, was vigorously resisted
by him, from q sincere conviction that it was
too sweeping, and would iDjure the National
cause Mr.. Lincoln has been enlightened by
experience on that point, and may BIO on Others.
At all events, the responsibility of passing laws
is vested in Congress, that of executing them
in the President. The passions and errors OF
the moment find their best antidote in careful
adherence to the Constitution.
Mr.. Steele concerns himself excessively with
the welfare and sustenance CT the slaves OF
rebels whom Congress is tempted to declare
free. What is TO become Of theml How are
they to be fed We submit that they be al
lowed to solve these difficult problems for
themselves. If the Government had simply lett
those who have thus far come within our lines
to take care of themselves, it would have
evinced more practical wisdom. Cooping them
up at Fortress Monroe or combining them in
Washington Jail is not wise. Let us employ
those who can be rendered serviceable to the
National cause, and bid the rest look out for
themselves.
Finally, Mr. Steele threatens a demoraliza-
ton Of the Volunteer Army if the policy of
letting the slaves of rebels go free should
be adopted by Congress. This menace he was
never authorized to make, and it only proves
his own loyalty contingent and questionable
not that of the Volunteers. Some of these are
Republicans, others Democrats; and all guesses
as to the proportion of each in the Union
arraies are sheer assumption. We know, how
ever, that slave.catching is business to which
they nearly all have intense and increasing re-
pugnance; we know that the good will toward
Slavery wherein part Of them have been po-
litically educated decreases with every battles
we know flat the spontaneous welcome accord
ed TO our soldiers by the slaves of Jeldom
and the imphcable, ierocous hostility of their
masters, is exciting a salutary effect. If it be
our first thought to conquer and crush the re-
bclliou. we shall not rudely repel whatever aid
and co0peration the reyOlted States may proter
MS: we cannot afford to rejec. the sympathies
and efforts of full third Of their population.
Only let it be agreed that the overthrow OF the
rebellion shall be paramount, while the preser
walton or extinction Of Slavery is made a quite
subordinate consideration, and there can be no
doubt as to the result. Among the Liberals Of
Europe, who look upon this contest from
dispas,ionate standpoint, there are no two
opinions Oh the main pont-all of them see
that Slavery is the backbone of the rebellion,
and marvel why we hesitate to break 1t. They
can ONLY understand il as implying that we
are only playing at war, and do no not really
mean 10 put down the rebes. We trust that
a few DAYS will terminate their perpleGity and
their incredibly.