Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-05-25
FIi At,sllsa IssIhlIf. nj sssslsIP ~,

Ths Arpptfsn repfhlFP % Ne soushsrp ne
james Russell Lowers paper on The IRE
beliion," In the dfidhh6 f6t JuB6, has some
very spicy bits. Aferh funhIk9 review Of
the growth OF Treason, ndd Al unergatio
d~enunoiatioa Of what ~. Lowell calls 1.-THE
muthreon desposism q New AshAPtee,"
The Lessoa 10 % TnehtZWaf has no
evil comparable In its effect On national
character 10 that Of Rcravsp Submission 70
manifest wrong, the ~postpohement Of moral
to material interests. There II no prosper
ity 30 great "a courage. We do not believe
that any amount of foFbearanee would have
coneiliatsd the South 10 long IS they thought
MS pnsiliahimous. The cnly wa. 70 retain
the border States was By showing that We
had the will and the power told6 without
them. The little Bopeep policy Of na- 4
WsesinS tReif tshs ibeSiSd thsmS1 %
was certainly tried long ee9uehf with con.
spirhtors who had shown Enthusiastically that
they desired nothing SO much az The continu-
anco Of peace, especially when u was all on
one side, and who would never have given
the GovefnfneRt the great advantage Of
being attacked in Fort Sumner, had they not
supposed they were dealing with men Who
could not be Ouiied into resistance. The
lesson we have to teach them nowfS, that we
are thoroughly and terribly in,earnest. Mr..
Stephens theories are 10 be putt to a speed
Ter and sterner test than he expected, and we
are 70 prove which is stroRger-an oligarchy
built on men, or q common wealth built Of
them. Our structure isalive in every part
with defensive and recuperative energies;
woe to theirs If hat Wanted corner stone,
which they believe patient and enduring as
marble should begin to writhe With intelli-
gent life f9l go 9a
The HsaG--We have no doubt 0 fthe Issue.
We believe that the strongest battalions are
always on the side Of God The Southern
Army will be fighting for Jefferson Davis,
or at most for t6e liberty of self, mispovern-
menh while we 20 forth for the defense of
principles which alone make Government
august and civil society possible. 1t is the
very life of the nation that is at stake.
There Is no question here Of dynastIes, races,
reliRions-but simply whether we will con-
sent to include in our bill of rights-not
merely as Of equal validity with all other
rights, whether national or acquired, but by
its very nature t~ranscending and abrogating
them sll-the right sf anarchy. We must
convince men that treason against the ball
lot-box Isl az dangerous IS treason against a
throne, and that, if they play so desperate q
game, they must stake their lives on the
hazard. The one lesson that remained for
us to teach the political theorists Of the Old
World was, that we are as strong to suppress
intestine disorder as foreign aggression, and
we must teach it d~ecisively and thoroughly.
The economy of war is TO be tested by the
value of the object to be gained by il. A
ten years wal would be cheap that gave us
a country to be proud of, and q flag that
should command the respect Of the world,
because it was the symbol Of the enthusiast
tic unity of q great nation.
a Radical Chdnge.-We can not think that
the war we are entering on can end without
some radical change in the system of Afri-
can slavery. Whether it be doomed to q
sudden extinction or q gradual abolition
through economical causes, this war will not
leave it where it was before. AS q power
in the state its reign is already over. The
fiery tongues of the batteries in Charleston
Harbor accomplished in one day a CONVEX
sion which the c~onstancy of Garrison and
the eloquenee of Phillips had failed to bring
about in thirty years. And whatever other
result this war is destined to produce, 1t has
already won for us q blessing worth every
tning TO us as q nation in em~aucipating the
pubic opinion of the North.