Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1861-03-19
The American Crisis.


The European press, led astray, no doubt by
the generous thought Of giving some help to
the acknowledgements of four millions OF ne
groes, seeins in presence OF the American er:
sis, to give an almost absolute and universal
counteaance to the policy Of the Northern
States, and to exhibit its sympathy exclusive
" for the negro race. In such rash flights of
imagination and generosity the press has too
easily forgotten the Southerncrs themselves
who are in fact exposed to all the horrors Of an
insurrection. which has been fostered by the
theories and preachings of the North. Scarce.
" has single voice been bold enough to speak
out for their defence Have then the planters
of the South become in one instant, so odiouS
as not even to be able to inspire feeling Of
sympathy Tor themselves and must we con-
de:un without hearing them
On that ground, the American question, for
US and for all disintereSted persons, is ques-
ton not very difficult to solve. 1t is thereby
stripped OF all philosophical distractions, and
sobercd down to the condition Of a standing
fact. But of course, the question will not thus
become IN easier one for the AbotioniSts, for,
in spite of all that has been said they may
have to hesitate before urging on the triumph
of their ideas such victory IS not to be OBJ
tanned without bloodshed
We do not feel inclined to enter into discus
sion of the question Of slavery-the sad in
heritance bequeathed to America by its Eu-
ropcan ancestors. Leaving to God and to
time the care Of doing away with that institu-
ton, if it be contrary to Divine laws and to
the precepts of Christianity, we will confine
ourselves to the task Of examining those facts
which are now taking place in America and the
laws that govern the country. 10 do this, We
Al. -, FNrtp Stnro IF fl,a
United States. 1t is we'll known that the Anne
rican Colonies, when shaking OF the yoke OF
Great Britain, erected themselves into sovereign
States and proclaimed their independence in
ITS. A few years later, in ITS, those seve-
reign States, in Convention assembled, conclu.
ded q federal compact which was voted for by
the people Of each State, under the name OF
"Constitution Of the United States of America
Taught by experience, those States, Tor fear
of giving to themselves new master, we're
careful, in order to avoid all false construction,
to explain the Constitution which they were
about to sign, and declared in substance that
the States Of America did not unite with the
view of putting themselves in state Of un-
bounded submission to the Federal Government,
but that they intended by means of the COM
pact called Constitution Of the United States,
such Constitution being liable to amendment,
to establish a general government for some
particular ends expressly determined, and to
which, for that purpose, they conferred certain
powers, we'll specified. Each separate State
formally reserved all the other rights of sove-
rernty which had not been, through the Con-
stitution, conferred upon the Federal Govern
nent. Thus, at any time that the Federal
Government should assume powers not dele
gated to it, its acts should be null and void;
the Federal Government created by that com
pact should he, in no case, the judge Of the
extent of those powers; but as 1t is natural
with all considerations among sovereign States,
each State reserved for itself an equal right to
Judge OF the infractions of the compact, and
the mode Of redress Of the same.
Slavery was then common institution
throughout America; the Constitution recog.
nized that kind of property, saying that the
slave who will fly from slaveholding State
to seek refuge in free State, shall not
thereby become free, but shall on the contrary
be returned to his owner. The Constitution
also contains provision that no cxpropria-
ton of private property shall take place ex-
cept in case of public necessity, and that
such appropriation must always he preceded
by complete and legitimate indemnity
Finally, it declares that the Territories are
and shall remain the common property Of all
the States of the Confcderacy.
Such is the fundamental law. Let US now
see how the free States construe that Consti-
tuition and in what way they would like to
carry it out
The programme of the Black Republicans
(abolitionists of the North will throw more
light on that point than any commentary
It's principal features are as follows:
1st, The Federal Constitution, when ex-
pounded with justice and equity, does not
recognize the right Of property in the slaves,
and gives to the slave owner no right to claim
the protection of the Federal Government IN
the Territories
ID 1t is just and moral, to encourage by all
means in our power, directly or indirectly, the
theft of slares CChe italics are in the French
text) Laws passed with the view of rendering
recovery Of that kind of property as difficult
and dangerous as possible are not unconstitu-
tional The Constitution does not forbid
the free States from taking away from
the Southerners the slaves whom they take
with them in their travels through those
States, Notwithstanding the arrests, to the con-
trary, of the Supreme Court Of the United
States.
Sd. To put to the ban Of minkind the slave
owners, and send them before the bar Of public