The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-03-08
Policy OF the New Administration-T
Platform OF Warrington and Jefferson.

The question which transcends all others In
importance, at the present moment is what
active policy in relation to the great crisis
through which the country Is passing, will
evolve out Of the vague and unsatisfactory
dicta with which the President and his mouth
pieces have contrived to mystify the public.
The republican party have the power, for
which they have 30 long striven, entirely in
their hands, Veal or woe, good or evil, the
reconstruction Of the Union or its perpetual
dismemberment hang upon the counsels they
may see ft to adopt. Imagination cannot pic
ture q more dreary, desolate future than
awaits US, If the government of Mr.. Lincoln
fails to rise to the dignity of its position, as the
faithful stewards of the people; and, ON the
other hand, the benefits will be untold that
may result from the exercise Of such discretion,
judgment and patriotism as ought to character
ize statesmen, at such an epoch. Mr.. Lincoln
repeatedly assured his hearers, during his pill
grimage from Chicago to Harrisburg, that the
models of his Presidential career were already
chosen; that he should strictly emulate the con-
duct of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison and
endeavor to be guided by the example set by
his predecessors of the time of the constitution.
1t will be well to consider what the condition
of the United States was when that instrument
was framed, and what principles of interstate
relations concerning slavery, were administered
at the close of the last and the beginning of
this century.
When Washington was elevated to the chief
magistracy of the United States slavery was
thoroughly understood to be part Of the
common law Of the land. It underlay, and
formed portion of the basis upon which the
constitution rests. Bondsmen of New York.
New Jersey and New England were possessed
by the same tenure that slaves are now held in
Alabama, Louisiana and Virginia. No Fugi-
tive Slave law was needed, because the re-
quirement that 'fugitives from labor" should
be delivered up, was no more advantageous to
the master In Georgia than to the owner of
negroes in Connecticut. 1t was not until long
after the last term Of Office of jefferson had
expired that any attempt was made to put
Southern institutions under ban, by excluding
them from the federal territory; and it was
later still that the right was arrogated to con-
fiscating the property of citizens of the South
sojourning at the North. The sectional party
which made anti-slavery its especial dogma,
and "irrepressible conflict" watchword, was
not dreamed of until twelve years after the
time Of President Madison. Under Washing
ton and his successors, then, owners Of slaves,
North and South, could take their property
everywhere-into each State or Territory in
cluded in the confederation; 1t was protected
by local as well as general law; where oppo-
sition to involuntary servitude existed, 1t was
grounded upon no fanatical pretences, but
found its justification in motives of political
economy; and as complete freedom Of opinion
was granted with regard to its propriety, as
was yielded to variety in religious sentiment.
If Mr.. Lincoln would return to the halcyon
days of our pristine greatness, he must make
North and South, the enjoyment of those rights
which they possessed seventy years ago. Whore
they have been invaded, 1t Is his duty to re-
commend full reparation, and the obliteration
Of the evils which craft and fanaticism have
brought upon the country. If he will appre-
ciate, as Madison, Jefferson and Washington
would have done, that he is not the President
Of any faction or Of any party; but that, hsv-
ing been elected by a minority Of the people,
he stands on the enviable vantage ground of
being bound by no ties and obligations other
than those his oath Of Office imposes, he will
perform the promise he made In his inaugural,
OF administering the government to all with
.r..r Sosroose onJ x,rsll horiu onon 60 rxraa,
away the usurpations which have brought dis
aster upon the land and threaten its destruc-
ton. He processes to desire precisely what we
do neither more nor less than Is wished for by
every upright conservative citizen, namely
that justice should be done to every section
alike. 1t will be very easy, If be Is honest
in his purpose to secure so happy result
The first tack Of the administration should be
70 call an extra session of Congress, whose
DUTY IL should be to consider amendments to
the constitution, 80 specific and unambigu-
oIs in their nature, that the same
practical liberty will be restored which
existed at the time Of Washington.
The Fugitive Slave clause should be
so modified as to secure indemnity to the mas
ter in every instance whore biz property Is not
restored. The southerpsr travelling in New
England, New York or Wisconsin with his
bondsDen should be protected in the right Of
transit or sojonTn, and should be under the
egis everywhere Of the general government.
The right of carrying slaves into the Terrific
ries, which Mr. Lincoln does not think is COM
plete now, should be made So And, above all
things, the same privileges Of opinion that are
granted to the Catholic, Presbyterian, Shaker
or Methodist, each Of whom carries In bis bosom
some distinctive tenet which separates him from
all others, should be absolutely yielded 10 rela-
ton TO social institutions. Upon Mr.. Lincol.
cevoives the heat and burden Of securing peace
to the Union. No dictator OF the Roman re.