Ellsworth American. [volume] (Ellsworth, Me.) 1855-current, 1861-04-12

SIR, We agreed IN our opinions with the
Senator from Illinois but We did not
think it was necessary that we should en-
ter into the contest in any shape or form.
We let it pass. Not content with that
he comes forward here few days after
wards. to make another speech.
lie assumes that there was combina-
tion on this side of the CHAMBER to pre-
vent him from speaking. Why, sir, we
have been here long enough to know that
we cannot prevent his speaking; and since
the Almighty has given him the power oil
speech, | doubt if anything short of Di-
vine power could prevent his speaking. and
saying what he liked, when he liked. His
power of lungs and expression everybody
knew in this country are beyond that OF
any other man that has travcrsed from
one end Of it to the other to enlighten the
people and further than all that he never
onlts an opportunity to do it, whether
people want to hear him or not
Now, sir, what is the object of this
movement of the Senator from Illinois
As my friend from Massachusetts has
said, but few days had elapsed since the
President came into power. He made Il
peace address to the people, as the Scna-
tor admits and, as the Senator repeats
again this morning. he constructs it as a
declaration of peace. The President says
distinctly in that inaugural, / mean
peace to the country. | will make war
upon no portion of it; and if war is to
| follow, it must be made by others upon
the administration of the Government" "
That is the declaration Why not be con-
tent with IL? Why not, especially if the
Senator believes it is true-why not let
it rest there ? But does the Senator be-
lieve it? If SO, why does he follow up
that declaration with speech, the ten
iency OF which i,,if he viii permit me to
say tor whether he permits me to say
it or not will >ly 1.-THE tendency and
le~ign of which is to make the country
believe that it is about to be plungel in
to a war by the acts Of the Administra-
lion Why does he talk of calculations
Of how many men it will take to subju-
gate the Southern States Why does he
talk OF three hundred thousand men be-
inr about to be ralscd-l believe that Is
the amount-or two hundred and fifty
thousand to attack these Southern States,
aud Of the $500, coo, 900 being necessary
to arm and equip them Where does he
Ltt that information Has there been
any such communicated TO Congress Has
/ the c.antry been told from any authorita-
tive source in any direction from any
quarter, that there was design on the
administration OF the Government now,
or on the part Of those who represented it
anywhere, to plunge the country into Il
war? There has been no such deci4ra-
ton; there can be no such intimation-
There IS absolutely nothing on waieh to
found the declaration in amy shape, or to
any extent whatever, and the Senator
knows it we'll.
ask aglin, what Is the object Of this
speech Of all these intimations running
through it Of those declarations Of pat
rotSnl, of love of country, and attach
m"ut to the Union OF insinuations, and
more than insinuations Of charges, that
on this side of the chamber there are men
who desire AMI dcsi.n the dissolution Of
the Union Why does he take the posi-
tion he does with regard to these seeded
States, and compare them to the barous
of England, when they wrestel Magma
Charta from ohm to the reyoltcl Eng
lish, who attempted and who succeeded in
protecting the liberties of their country
against Charles ami james; aye, and to
our ancestors who fought the battles Of
the Revolution Is he prepared TO &C.
tenl the secession Of those States Is
that the battle they are fighting? Does
he Justify these seeding States ! Else
why does he place them in that category,
and the rest of the people cf the co'n-
try who are standing by the Constitution
AMI cudeavoring to protect the Union, as
those who are trying to wrest the liberties
pt' the people under the constitution from
them What is the object but to inaame
the suspicious Of the people; to arouse
their spirit, AMI the anXieties which arc
now being lulled asleep, and which would
soon be utterly destroyed and eNteymina-
ted by the peaceful, yet firm, course of
the Administration which they have cho-
sen? Why seek to iuhame all these
slunibcrins animo,ities at a moment when
there is prospect that we shall hear no
more Of them, and before the administra-
tion which We have inaugurated has had
time to tell the country. by a single act,
what it meant to do? Why is it to be
brought forward here in tn shape in
which il IS, sir, there upon your table, in
this resolution, at mere executive scs-
sion of the Senate, whea We have no pow
er Of legislation whatever; when nothing
that we can do, nothing that We can say,
nothing that is in our power, can have any
potency for any purpose or for any OBJ
/ jcct ? Why does the Senator come here
with this resolution, placing himself and
standing upon the rumors which he picks
up about the streets, upon communications
in newspapers, upon nothing which the
\ administration has said-assuming all
to charge, i'll fact, that there is danger Of
this country being plunged into war ];
when, in the very same breath, he says
that the President has said he means
peace. AMI he believes him?
The great argument, or one great argu-
ment, is, that we stand precisely in this
condition; We do not answer we choose
to be silent. Why, sir, are We necessari-
ly dra wn into flame By rawlings OF any