New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1861-04-09

Ao D144 IoN1NAlSCTs AI ItEA
measures appertainipg to their several Depart
ments, say the friends of the clause But,
answer, that s precisely what's not wanted. The
measures connected with these departments di
rectly and indirectly will embrace the entire
range OF Congressional legislation. These Cabine
ministers, then, WHO will represent no eonstltu
ency, who will be responsible to no constituency
who Will have none of the inducements to caution
and clrcumspection that would operate on Con
gres8an or Senator, will have it in their power K
| q large extent, to mould and fashion the Legis
lature OF the country. II is no to say they
can only argue, they cannot vote. Seductive
argument, glowing rhetoric, artful sophistry, i'm
posing elocuton, from six gentlemen, selected fol
their talents and attainments, must of necessity
exercise great influence but when to all these art
| added the Establishments of power the Influence
OF close contact, and the hope of reward, is j
too much to suppose that the whole, combined
might not control the fate of doubtful bill? Why
| it is Well-known historical fact that at memo
rable period when the English House of Commons
began to show some signs Of dissatisfaction at the
continued assertion of regal prerogative, the Min
listers of the Crown were Infatuated on the floor in
order to procure by persuasion what could nc
| longer be coerced by threats; and now we know
that for long years past the influence of Ministers
IN the House, coupled with Office bribes and other
corruptons, has to a large extent controlled the
destiny of the British Empire. ~ g2r#
small we not profit by the experience of the
| past? Shall we shat our eyes to the light of his
tory? Shall we forget that man is essentially the
same in all ages7 Shall wa provoke Providence
| by putting officials in the way of temptation
or shall we, like prudent men, guard against a
| great evil by destroying the cause of it? This can
| only be done by striking this clause from the Con.
sttntion; or if it must be retained, mitigate the
| evil as far as possible by an amendment provd-
ing, as is the practice under the English Consti-
tuti0n, that if the Ministers are defeated the Cabi
net shall be dissolved and the President compelled
to form new one, rejecting the ascertained
| popular will z - 5ssgs gsl 81.
The ninth paragraph of the ninth section OF
the first article is in my opinion radical departure
from the philosophy of free government
The asserted right Of taxation without represent
| alton, was the leading grievance that produced
the American revolution. The right, however, to
| vote for representative who is empowered to
levy taxes, but who, at the same time is without
| power to appropriate the money is not alone a
privilege without corresponding benefit bnt ID a
practical denial of the elementary principles of
freedom. The extortions of Henry the VII,
the confscations Of Henry the VIII, the benev-
| olences and ship money of Charles the l. en-
| forced against law and common justice, were not
more abhorent to reason than is the proposition
that the money collected from the people by the
tax gatherer shall be placed beyond the reach of
majority OF their representatives and put under
the exclusive control of the heads of Department.
| Until now had supposed that among American
| freemen there was no difference of opinion on this
subject. The right of the people who pay the
| taxes to appropriate the money through their
representatives, to such objects and purposes as
| are allowed by the fundamental law, had thought
would not be doubted. And it had occurred to me
that the right of majority OF Congress to control
the purse as well as the sword of the tion rested
| on principles so familiar, and 50 well approved,
that no attempt would be made to disturb it,
Yet the clause last quoted denies this right and
destroys these principles. It establishes a per-
petual UetO. Without the previous permission of the
President and one of the heads OF Department. the
peoples representatives can not appropriate dol
lar OF the peoples money to any object, or for any
purpose, however much demanded by the people
themselves, unless by twothrds majority vote !!
Is not this gross and palpabe innovation on the
principles of free Government? On what princi
pie is it that man because elected President and
six others appointed by him as Cabinet Ministers,
are all at once endowed with superhumau wisdom
and knowledge? How can they know as com.
pletey, and understand as thoroughly, the wants
and necessities of the great body Of the people, as
the representatives who come up from their midst? !?
By all the rules of common sense, men have the
right to direct the destiny of their own money and
by all the principles Of free Government, the peo-
pie who pay the taxes may within the limits of the
Constitution, appropriate the money at pleasure,
without the official oficious guardianship Of
President and Cabinet. To deny this is to sap the
foundation of Republican institutions and erect on
| their ruins snperstructure that, however impos-
| ing its exterior, will contain within an altar on
which will be offered up daily sacrifice for the sue
cess OF the few at the expense of the many
Ii, then, we give to the President through his
Mlnlsters, the power to shape the legislation of the
y, II
dent and his Ministers the absolute control of the
whole money power Of the nation-which this clause
OF the Constitution undeniaby does for all practical
purposes-we may cling to the name of free peo-
pie, hut it will be impossible to continue long
free people in fact. The name will avail but little
when the thing shall have become extinct; for
while freedom and liberty are words that quicken
the pulse and awaken responsive echo in every
heart, they may be used as delusion and o snare
1t is matter of grave doubt, for instance, whether
there was as much genuine freedom under the
iron protectorate of Cromwell under the much
and justly abused reign of the First Charles A nd
it is certain that while the guilotine did its work
under the direction of Robespierre, the name of
liberty was prostituted to wholesale butchery and
measureess oppression.
1t is our duty, then, to remember the political
axiom that "power is always stealing from the
many to the few.n 1t has been verified in all ages
of the world, under all forms of government and in
all conditions of society. Instead, therefore, of in
vesting the few with powers not onlv not neces-
sary to the efficient discharge of their duties
but dangerous to and destructive of the lib.
critics of the peope, it is duty to give to
the few who govern only such powers as are
If it be true that the price of liberty is eter.
nal vigilance, it follows that, in order to be
surely retained, it must be strongly and unremit
tngly guarded. No power should be surrendered
by the people, the parting with which would mt
its safety in peril. But if, as is proposed by this
Constitution, the people give up their power over
the purse, and allow the Cabinet Ministers to fash
ION ana mould the legislation OF the country thew
will have tamely abandoned two of their most i'm
pregnahte stronghods, which, in the hands of un-
princped and ambitious men, may be surely
turned against them and welded to their destruc-
ton.
Such catastrophe ought to be carefully guarded
against by proper amendments. Everything ought
to be done to strengthen the State G0vernments
and limit the Confederate Government to the sim
pie exercise OF q few powers plainly granted But
for external relations would have no need of
the Confederacy. he status of the citizen, the So
clal relations domestic rights and dutie titles to
property, protection to person and property and
the guarantee of personal freedom-all these de.
pend upon State laws. We want no power, there.
FORE vested in the President or his official DEPEND
ents giving them the privilege of debating to us the
subjects on which shall legislate. Nor do we
require the oicious intermeddling of irresponsible
Cabinet Ministers in the discussions of either House
of Congress.
The third clause of the second section of the sec
ond article violates fundamental principle of free
government
By IT'S terms, all officials except the heads of De-
partments and diplomatic agents, are to hold Office
during good behdeior, which for all practical pur
poses, means for life.
Looking to our long extent of coast, and our al
most equally long extent of frontier, it will be
seen thatto prevent smuggling, and ensure the GER
tain COLLECTION OF the customs, many thousands of
men will be required. When to these are added
the large number to be engaged in the mail ser.
vice, and the employees in the other departments,
we Will have great army of Office holders fast
ened upon the country eating out its substance.
independent alike of the government and the neo-