Juliet signal. [volume] (Juliet [i.e. Joliet], Ill.) 1844-1???, 1861-02-12
VOL. Is NO. So.

cutcheon Men Of Illinois, shall we tear
this government down. Friends Of the
sunny South, is it not worth preservinr.-
Ask the millions Of spindles Of New Enr-
land. and the cotton plantations Of the
South able uuiteily to elothe the world
Ask the states of the northwest, able TO
feed the world. Ask the mineral regions
able to furnish iron and lead and COPPER
and gold and silver for the world. Ask
the coal fields able to give fuel to the
world One, all, answer this great CUES.
tiOn, shall we tear out and ablitnrate our
national constitution! Shall we blot out
a single star from our national constella-
ton. Does not every heart in earnest
response answer neverl Tie canstitu
ton requires adoption in toto and forever"
III could think Of a sacrilese more re-
voting than the idea Of blCtting single
state from our sisteThOod il would L.
nothing short of obliterating one of the
angels that lights up the gates Of Para
disc.
Having seen tba, there is no good cause
for revolution 10 this government. Nc are
called back tofhe reality, thai Terofufi6h
at this moment exists in a very large sec
ton of our country. shall rnrpuselv avoid
the discussion Ut those questions Of party
action on either side, which may be SUP
posed to have led to our present condition.
l think no sane man can doubt the dis
content has reached the proportions Of
revolution. About one sixth of our states
already seceded-nearly as many more
upon the point Of secession. and as many
more whose relations to this Union are
at least contingent and uncertain. think
-
cannot come short of the dignity Of revolu
ton. Whether it shall prove successful
revolution still remains TO be disclosed by
that future, whose veil cannot be pere>
trated with certainty-but this porientous
question may, perhaps, find its solution in
our own acts. 1t is an easy thing to be 4
statesman in times of tranquility and pres
perity, but in crisis like the present, it is
matter Of fearful responsibility. At this
moment 1t would be a matter of the utmost
ease to give impetus to the headIoag and
downward course Of our country, but to
guide its fury into the highway Of safety.
must be the work Of comprehension, care
and exertion. The men placed a; the
head of this nation, have no power to save.
if the people shall prove unreliable in the
hour of emergency. l make no particular
allusion TO the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln.
as do not regard that as matter of cues
tiun. lie has been cOustitutionlv elected.
and is entitled to administer this govern
ment. He can have no higher guarantee
to the exercise of that right, than an elec
ton 10y the people in the manner rointed
out by the constitution. Ii is true he has
come far short of a majority Of the popular
vote, but the constitution does not REQUIRE
such maturity. and his right, under the
constitution is just AZ sacred in my opinion
as though he had received every vote at
the election. i have made myself thus
explicit on this point, because it is known
l was not among his supporters, and ! pre-
fer my sentiments should not be subject
to question. But Mr.. Lincoln cannot sue
cessfully administer this government
without the co operation Of the people
Mr.. Seward plainly saw this and in his
speech in the Senate, he uses this Lana
"On complex issue between the Repuh>
licans and the DisuniOnists, although il
involves the direst national calmity, the
result might be doubtful for the Rerub-
lican party is weak in a large part of the
Union but on n direct issue with all who
cherish the Union on one side and all who
desire its dissolution by force on the other,
the verdict would be prompt and almost
unanimous. j desire thus to simplify the
issue and for that purpose to separate f-nm
1t all collateral questions, and relieve il os
all partisan passions ard preiudices."
In order 10 secure harmony among the
friends Of the Union, we must agree upon
a system of action not too offensive TO any,
and yet such as will command general
approval. Radical measures might pro-
woke trouble in our own midst. When we
attempt with ordinary vision to penetrate
the future beyond the Inauguration Of civil
war, we indeed "see through glass dark
~" What lies beyond those rivers Of blood
has 10 brightness to our Rpprehension.-
No man can undertake to say where its
ravages can be staid nor where they will
be most shocking in their manifestation
How impressive is that little sentence in
Mr.. Stewards speech Il do not know what
the Union would be worth, if saved BY the
use Of the sword"
This seems to dispose of the question of
force. l use the word force in preference
to the more common term OF coercion, for
| CO not subscribe to the doctrine that
the FEDERAL government has no rover under
the constitution to coerce a state. But
contend that coercion must be legal aud
constitutional. If the party which has
succeeded in q political triumph now at
tempts to push that triumph madly for
ward TO the verge q! civil war aud destruc
ton OF this Union, as the opposite PARTY
generally believe, and as | believe civil
war would prove. they evidently could not
obtain the sympathies nor aid Of the OPP
posite party. i am net here TO say what
concessions one could extend or the other
accept. In my opinion this cannot be
settled till the people have acted. Our
time can &c better occupied in determin>
ing whether any instrumentalities are stilI
within our reach, 10y which our threatened
calamities can be ayerted, and If so what
they are. The American people owe Senator
Seward a debt of gratitude they should
not be slow to acknowledge for what he
has said On the first proposition. / quote
from his speech in the Senate:
d" / feel sure the hour has not vet come
for this great nation TO fall. This ?eorle
which has been studying to become wiser
and better as II has grown older, is not
perverse or wicked enough to deserve SO
dreadful and severe punishment as dis
solution. This Union has not accomplish>
ed what good for mankind was manifes,ly
designed by Him who appoints the seasons
and prescribes the duties Of states and
empires"
Equally encouraging was the response
Of Crittenden and Douglas TO a despatch
from these who were struggling go man
fully in the south against secession. 1--WE
still have hope for the Union. Don't give
up the ship. Don't despair of the Rspul-
lie" But while these things are being
said ami done in the Lall Of congress,
events are Transporting with such rapidity
that men almost stand appalled, at the im>
miuenee Of cur danger. In view Of those,
| propose to glance for q moment at the
instTumentalities yet remaining for tie
preservation Of our nation. Thus far, the
destinies Of this country have been prin
cipally held in the care Of political organ
izationG, usually termed narties; under the
direction Of each and all Of them our cpun>
try has prosPered wonderfully. We are