Daily national Democrat., 1861-05-25
Secession and Revolution.

nahces fcSnWnJ all their rights rs sovereign
and Independent States, and dissolved their
connection with the other States of the
Union" Only two Of the seven States ollud-
ed to were States at the time Of the adoption
of the Federal Constitution. Those two,
South Carolina aud Georgia, may be truly
said to have relinqushed some sovereign
Union. When Florida, Alabama, Mississippi
and Louisiana were admitted into the Union
what sovereignty did they surrcnder2 Was
it "Squatter Sovereignty? They were mere
territories and not sovereign States What a
pcryerson of the truth, then, it is to say
that they have resumed thei: sovereign rights
as States. They were admitted on an equal
footing with the other States, it is true, but
that does not change their age or history.
They never were States till they were States
in the Union, and they never did possess the
powers which the old thilteen surrendered
to Congress South Carolina and Georgia
were Independent colonies by virtue Of the
success Of the revolution of l776. Some
contend that they were morally bound, only,
TO associate themselves with the other eleven
Of the 90 old thirteen" They chose, how
ever, to SO associate themselves andSurYendered
certain powers for the common good, and for
the establishing of the great nation which
has since grown TO be the model Republic Of
the world. What was relnquished cannot
be recalled The States reserved certain
powers but those that were granted were
granted absolutely. Within the limits of the
Constitution the Federal Government is su-
preme. State lines exist only with regard
to the exercise Of powers reserved 10y the
States. The States themselves obliterated
state lines for all other purposes We arc
| Nation, having n written Constitution of
limited powers What the Federal Govern
mcnt may lawfully do under the Consitu-
ton, it may do to the utter annhilaton of
all who offer opposition. 1t is the extent,
and not the degree of power which is lin
tied. The States are no more sovereign, so
far as the powers granted TO the Federal
Government are concerned, than is a county
or township. Section 10, Article | of the
Constitution Of the United States is as fol-
lows:
SECTION 10. No State shall enter into any
treaty, alliance or confederation grant let |
ters of marque and reprisal coin money
emit bills of credit make anything but gold
and silver coin a tender in payment of debts
pass any bill of attander ex post facto law,
or law impairing the obligation of contracts,
or grant any title of nobility.
No State shall, without the consent of the
Congress, lay any imposts or duties on i'm
ports or exports, except what may be abso-
lutely necessary for executing its inspection
laws; and the net produce of all duties and
imposts, laid by any State on imports or ex-
ports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of
the United States and all such laws shall bc
eu'gect to the revision and control Of the
Congress.
No State shall, without the consent of
Congress, lay any duty of Tonnage, keep
troops or ships of war in time of peace, en-
ter into any agreement or compact with an
other state, or with foreign power, or en-
gage in war, unless actually invaded, or in
such imminent danger as will not admit of
delay.
Every state is as much bound by this as
any individual is by Constitutional law.
state has no more right than an indiyid-
ual, for instance, to coin money. The power
to trample upon the Constitution is not one
OF the " reserved powers" and no sane man
believes it. A man who enters community
surrcndcrs certain rights to the whole, that
he may more securely enjoy those that he
does not surrender. He cannot disubey a
law and escape the responsibility by saying
that he has resumed what he voluntarily
surrendered. The Union is community
of States, in which each member must,
whether she will or no, be obedient to the |
authorities chosen by the whole, or she mus.
rovol tand try her strength against them. She
cannot secede. Her people may secede by
leaving the country, but for them to remain
and defy the nation, is simply revolution. If |
they succeed in their rebellion it must be
after trial of physical strength.
Some friends of the rebels now tell us that
we ought to acknowledge the independence
Of the so-called Southern Confederacy, and
argue that the success of the colonies in the
war for Independence is wholesome lesson
upon this point. They pretend to believe
that it would have been better for the Bri-
Lish Government, if in 1776, our independ
ence had been Immediately acknowledged
Never was more foolish argument used on
a grave occasion. The seven years war be-
a. ~ I
had much to do with preserving the integr-
ty of that great nation since that time. She
will never have to meet rebels in the field
again, until, as then some great tyranny can
no longer be endured. The subjects of the
British realm know that revolution against
its authority is no trifling matter, to be set
tied in n secession convention. The use of
the term Secession is mean attempt to
evale the consequences of bold revolution.
The Davis insurgents could not raise their
ptiiul clamor against "coercion," if they
dared to call their revolt by its proper name.
The pretended right of secession is an alb
surdity. The right of revolution exists with
all people who are oppressed, and have no
other remedy; but the right of resistance to
revolution exists with every Government
against which revolt is attempted. 1t
seems strange that any should be found to
deny so plain a proposition. The right of
resistance to revolution is now being ener-
getically exercised by our Government, and
rebellion will be crushed forever when the