The Oxford intelligencer. (Oxford, Miss.) 1860-18??, 1861-03-13
LINCOLN7S
1 n A u C q AL AID DRE s 8
Elbow CITIZENS OF THE USIrED SrArrs

In compliance with custom as old as the
Government ITSELF Iaptear before you to address
you briefly and to take, in your presence, the
oath prescribed by the Constitution of the Uni
ted States to be taken by the President before
he enters on the execution of the duties of his
Office
do not not consider it necessary, at present.
for me to discuss those matters of administration
about which there is no special anxiety or ex-
element Apprehension seems to exist, among
the people Of the Southern States, that by the
accession Of Republican Administration, their
property, their peace, and their personal securi-
ty are to be endangered. There has never been
any reasonable cause for such apprehension
Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary
has all the while existed and been open to in
spection. II is found in nearly all the published
speeches of linn who now addresses you. do
but quote from one OF those speeches. when de-
Clare that have no purpose directly or indirect
ly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in
the States where it exists | believe have no
lawful right to do so, and ! have no incl ra ion
did so with the full knowledge that had made
this. and many similar declarations, and had
never rccantcd them. And more than this, they
placed in the platform for my acceptance, and
as a law to themselves aud to me, the clear and
emphatic resolution. which now read:
"Hrsolrci That the maintenance inyioatc of
the rights Of the States, and especially the right
Of each State to order and control its own iudg
men, exclusively, is essential to that balance of
power on which the perfection and endurance
of our political fabric depends, and we denounce
the lawlcss invasion by armed force of the soil
Of any territory no matter under what pre-
tcXt-as among the gravest of crimes"
now reiterate these sentiments, and in d d,ne
SO, only press upon the public attention The
most conclusive evidence Of which the case is
susceptible, that the property, peace, and seru-
ritv Of no section, are to be in any wise endln.
gcrcd by the now incoming administration. I
add too. that all The protection which, consist
emily with the Constitution and the laws can
he given, vii be cheerfuly given to all the
States, when lawfully demanded, for whatever
causes, as chccr!ully to one section as to an
other
There Is much controversy about the delivery
mp # rlgitiycs from service or labor. fhc clause
! now read IS as plainly written in the Consttu-
ton as any other Of its provisions:
"No person held to service or labor in one
State, under the laws thereof escaping into
another, shall, in consequence Of any law or
regulation therein, he discharged from such ser.
vice or labor. but shall he delivered mp on claim Of
the party to whom such service or labor may be
due"
Il can scarcely he qcstonod that this proyis-
ion is intended by those who made Il, for the re,
claiming Of What we call fugitive slaves, and The
intention Of the law givcr rs the law. All mem
: brrs of Congress swear to give their support to
the whole Cons;itution-to this provision rs
I much as to any other. 70 the proposition, then,
: that slaves whose cases come within the terms
of this clause shall be delivered up, their oaths
are unanimous.
/ Now. il they would make the effort in good
J temper. could they not, with nearly equal una
nmty, frame and pass a law, by means Of which
To keep good that unqnimous oath? There is
some difference of opinion, whether this clause
{ should be enforced by national or State authori-
ty, hut surely that difference is not very mate
rial 6nc If the slave is to he surrendered, il
can be Of but little consequence to him. or to
/ Others. by which authority il is done; and should
J l.. t1.,A oc4H
shall 20 unkept, on a mere unsubstantial con!ro-
versy, as to how IT shall be kept? Again. in any
law upon this subject, ought not all the safe,
guards Of liberty known in civilized and humane
jnriSprudencc. 20 be introduced so that a free
man be not in any case surrendered as slave:
And might It not he we'll at the same time, tc
provide bv law for the reinforcement of that
clause in the Constitution which guarantees that
the citizens Of each State shall he entitled to all
the privileges and inmunities of citizens in the
several Statesy
! take the official oath to-day with no mcnia
reservations. aud with no purpose to construt
,hc Constitution or laws by any hypercritica
rules. And while I DO not choose now tC
specify particular rules Of Congress as proper e
be enforced, do suggest that it will be mucl
safer for all both in political and private stations
to conform to. and abide by. all those acts whicl
-,and anrcpealcd, than TO violate any Of them
trusting to fad iupunity in having them held t.
BE- unconstitutional
II l. seventy-two years since the first inaugI
ration Of President under our National Con
sti;u,ion. During that period fifteen diiieren
. and distinguished citizens have, in succession
administered The Executive branch of the Gov
eramenL They have conducted it through ma
ny pcrils. and generally With great success, yet
with sll this scope far rrccodcBts, now entc
r upon The same task for the brief Constitutions
term of four years, under great ard peculiar d
fculiie disruption of the Federal Union
, heretofore only meaaced. is now formidably al
, mittcd I hold that in contemplation Of nriyel
sal law and Of the Constitution. the Union
s these States Is perpetual Perpctuifv is implied
! Il not expressed, in the fundamental law of Y;
, tinnal Governments. 1t IS safe to say that Il
/. Government proper ever had a provision in i
2 orrsnic law for its own formation. Continue {
d cNecute al The expressed provisions Of our y.
= 'isnsl Constitution and the Union viii endui
, forever, II being impossible to destroy it exceI
p by some action not provided for in the instfl