New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-05-21

sOna knowledge. Dut tIht JOhn 4. CdihOuu
ably and zealously supported Protection. both in
principle AID detail, while maritime New England
stubbornly resisted that policy, is matter of in
disputablo record that the other eminent South.
rons above named we're ia lifelong champions, no
intelligent person will deny. Whatever the merits
or dement's Of the Protective policy, it is false
that it was devised or established by the North as
o means Of expressing or robbing The South.
Then, as to The new or Morrill, Tariff, which
Mr.. Rhe,t sets up as an excuse for Secession
il ia q sufficient answer to bis complaint tina.
bit for Secession il copiH not hare been pissed.
Here, az in tho election of Lincoln, the disuniOn-
lists conspred to get an excuse for rebellion.
Had they simply let Secession alone, and attended
IN Congress as usual, they could have beaten the
Morrill, Tariff if they chose aud continued the
low Revenue Tariff Of 1857, for which South
Carolina gave hearty vote, as she had done
for that of 1876. No tariff ever was or could
be passed in opposition to a united south. Need
more be said on That poiLsl
4. Fishing Bounties and Navigation Lars.
These are set forth by Mr. Rhett as Northern
schemes to plundor The South. But these acts
were passed in the infancy Of the Union, ny no
sectional vote but by tao assent and Tor the
benefit Of ALL II was believed by the statesmen
who framed our Government that we ought to
have American Sailors and American SHIPS and
20 this end they gave triiing bounty TO our
hardy fishers on the Grano Banks, because they
knew that the Newfoundland Fisheries must be
our great nursery for seamen. 10 the same end,
they gave certain advantages TO American vessels
in the carrying trade of their own country. Mr.
JefersOn, as Secretary Of State, made the Report
that justified aud settled this policy. Tie simple
fact that Il has stood nearly seventy years
un.haken, While the South has had predoni'
mating influence in the National Councils through
most Of those years, proves the policy just and
wise.
5. TIE Right Of Secession.
We will give Mr.. Rhett's argument in favor
of this right in his own words:
be States composing the Confederate States needed de-
veopI4en Of he nsuis Of the concluded oyeuinef sssr
them Of its 1e.poc tendencies. With the Cosuson over
thrown and the Goveneh; OF the United sste In tas hands
Of hostile section net only liberty but sePessrFs"n 90
indd thsr sraion fon T. To accompa tots 'sPaai
ufurpson Of power required They had tie ready In
strumetiay tie sovereignty Of States. There 90
feet 10 all history moro indsputsbe han that he o'-a states
which ,iop,ed tbs Constitution Of Ne United sia,r. for the
tsbhmrt Of Government them At the tin II IL sdop
ton free sovereign and independent ss,e' Robed WITH
Constitution Of the Ursd sse, surrender her sovereignty
lf,hey I'D The 81 ,hosd DO Clearly 'hosn rot ore u ne
auoh les. 20 their mere ss'Dt-tse oo'eInnsh' OF
forny 10 the power. conferred ther Ia ?owu.
their powers They csicd h-mfelses under this ton
tbsy maze The Coz tution sst~s se,lg ,.v-rsy they
sdoped .nd by he States oriy 70 smeaaej = ia an
4t.H. - fr. al =
.hs - .'s,egnty q nin /. d,cy,d become & ere.
si.s .py o. ~ r,-''' ~ aSs % y,s
agency To, overm,n Of the Unrsi State. hr thsre5m.
eeLt They az the .'veresn psTe. g 'Ls eon'iu
us nPse .s,bsAos ii. sscucy aud shsa The com set
IL violated by h' ovrsisn' they ea1e The nsht = rye.
Thee (. word IL she Constitution O. ths ttd s'e'
which senles this tight .ui n'hirS BAT plain 'pohe sras
s'esdag therefore ron ls United s,s,ei n, corfcl
eighties"
To those who have read the great debate
between Webster aad Hayne, no reply to the
above can be needed; but, for the benefit Of
our younger readers, We viii add q few worif:
Mr. Rhett assumes that each State was orig.
inaly sovereign, and that 1t yielded no part Of
that sovereignty in becoming enc of the United
States under the Federal Constitution. But we
turn to that ConstiiutoD, AMI read Cart. l.,
sec. 10Y:
No State shall enter INTO any Trs.y, t.tac. Or Consd,r
aiGn yso Letter. q h.qao cad Regri'sI con hepey sns
oh {" Cirolt mzf' ~ ythl"y p p.'a AZ. 'iNr toln zen
Ger 10 .sJen o. .eeis pes az bl Q, A.Isri 81 poe,
acio s" - Law mPADs The Obligation Of Co-seis or grant
NJ shall aihont The Of Congress. l,y suy duty
Of Tuuutge eep Ttoo ships Of VA h time Of Peace
Power IN War cusy invaded sach in.
n.lnent danger ), viii not adEi' Of delay"
What can DO tho meaning Of srch language
What is the nature Of tho sovereignty thus fet.
tered and limited II a sorereign must apply to
some other power !or permission to lay Tun-
mage Duty, keep Troops OF Ships, enter iato q
Compact, engage in War, &c, &c, wha! would
make him deysadeni II the States are siilI
sovereign why should MOI the Federal Govern
Eent apply 10 them, instead Of their applying to
it, for power TO exercise such inalienabo Incl
dents Of sovereignty In short, if the States
are still soyerelgns, why is not their bond of
union called Treaty, Compact League, or al
all events something else than a Constitutional
One more suggestion, and we close:
Let suppose that Washington, Franklin,
Madison, Hamilton. and their compeers engaged
in framing the Constitution had been told BY
some one who opposed tue imposition of such
stringent restrictions on tho States as We have
just quoted" Well; fx it as you viii; but any
" State can at pleasure secede, and that knocks
down your col house AZ orce,' would they not
have been astoundod by the intimaton Re-
member that Mr.. Madison expressly negat.ved
Hamilton's suggestion that New-York could only
be induced to adopt the Constitution or a Inn
tied term by way of trial. Not must be
q adopted nncondi nentlY y VIVA in