The Oxford intelligencer., 1861-03-13

what imperfect telegraphic synopsis OF the al
dress delivered by abraham Lincoln, on the 4th
instant, when he was about to be inaugurated as
President of the United States. We now re-
produce the entire address IN erteasO, believing
that all viii desire to know precisely upon what
terms we are invited to return to the desecrated
and disrupted Union, and how alone we can be
permitted to hope for peaceful solution of the
present difficulties
No such document ever emanatcd from the pen
Of any Of Abrahams predecessors. 1t is a com
pound of falsehood, treachery and stupidity,
evidently the work of an ignorant politician of
small calibre, who has been accustomed to deal
with populace as rude, INSCRIPTIONS, and I'M
enlightened as himself
Mr.. Lincoln declares that "there has never
been any reasonable cause for the apprehension
existing among the Southern people" Heavers,
with the utmost gravity, that he has mo pnr-
pose directly or indirectly to interfere with the
institution of slavery in the States where it now
exists" As an evidence of the truth of this
ayerment, he condescends to inform the world
that it is a citation from one of his own speeches.
We have taken the pains to wade through por-
ton of the immense mass of twadde that was
poured forth by him in 1863 and 1859, and We
can find no way Of escape from the conclusion
that his word is entitled to small credit. One of
two things is certain. Either he was insincere
in 1858 and 1859 when he was denouncng sla-
very, or he is now insinccre in denying that he
has any purpose to interfere with it. In all his
discussions with Douglas, the leading and promi-
ncnt idea which he presents is the absolute
lac says, "this government can permanently en-
dure half slave and half free" al have always
hated slavery, think, as much as any Abolition
ist" 81 did not even say that desired that
extinction. lido sag so nor however, so there
need be no longer any difficulty about that. -
There is no reason in the world why the ne
gro not entitled to all the natural rights emu
merated in the Declaration Of Independence, the
right to life liberty, and the pursuit of happiness
hold that he is as much entitled to these as the
white man." 81 desire policy that looks to
the prevention oft slavery as wrong, and lbok
hopefully to the time when as a wrong it may
come to an end" 81 think we want and must
have national policy in regard TO the institution
Of slavery, that acknowledges and deals with
that institution as being wrong Nothing will
make you successful but policy which shall
treat the thing as being wrong. This govern
crnment is expressly charged with the duty of
providing for the general welfare. We know
that slavery is the only thing that has threat
encd the pcrpetuity of the Union itself. The only
thing which has ever mcnaccd the destruction of
the government under which we live, is this very
thing. TO rcpress this thing we think, is pro-
viding for the general welfare" II, two or
three years ago, such were his sincere convic-
tons, il is manifest that he is not fit, in 1861, to
be trusted by the Southern people, There is
IAN iircprcssiblc conflict" between his former
and his present declarations Tried by his own
speeches, he is sclfconvicted prcyaricator.-
No man has a right to expect that sensible poo
do what he declares he thinks he ought to do.
Upon his own showing, he is dishonest
Mr. Lincon's style of defamation, like the
mode of travelling which he adopted in order to
reach Washington city, may be characterized as
the sncaking style. Destitute of all true manli-
ness, he suggests the most atrOcOus sentiments.
in the form of intcrrogatores, and processes, all
the while, that he is mot asserting any thing"
Desiring to defend the odious and unconsttu-
tional personal liberty laws" of the abolition
States, and to hint that he is in favor of pro-
viding that fugitive slaves shall not be surrender
a until abolition jurics shall first have passed
upon the claims of their masters, he cunningly
askS-'whethcr, in any law upon this Subject, all
the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and
humane jurisprudence ought not to be introduced,
so that free man be notin any case surrendered
as a slave?' Again;,by way of intmating to his
myrmidons of the John Brown school that there
to them the blessed privilege of stirring up SER
vicinsurection, with impunity, in all the slave
holding States, by means of " free speech and
free press" he adds the pregnant question: -
And might it not be WELL at the same time to
provide by law for the enforcement of that clause
in the Constitution, which guarantees that the
citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the
privileges and immunies of citizens in the sew
eral States| Astute Abraham! The Memphis
Bulletin, doubtless will declare that these ques-
tons assert nothing
The great rail-splittcr next proceeds to display
his ignorance of constitutional law, and his I'M
blushing mendacity in regard to well-known his
torical facts, 81 hold be says "that in con-
temptation of universal law and of the Constitu-
ton, the Union of these States is perpetual
perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the
fllnda mental law of national governments" He
here assumes that the government of the United
States was national, in the face of the fact that
it was Enthusiastically federal in its character.
Arguments derived from the fundamental law of
national governments are out of place when they
are applied to federal governments 1t does not
follow from the fact that hogs have bristles, that
hens have bristles also. The government of the
United States was peculiar. 1t was unlike any
other that ever existed Instead of being clothed.
Ike the national governments of France and
England, with all the powers of government, it
was vested only with a few cautiously enumera-
to1 ,,o,ro-- Il 49,, l. L.