New-York daily tribune., 1861-08-23
COULD CIVIL WAR HAVE BEEN
AvERTED BY CONCEssIONs

DAYS since long leader, made up in good part
of reprints from its own columns, and euuted
Let Us Take an Observation" The sum ana
substance of the article runs thus: Soon alter
last years Presidential Election. The Journal, IN
view of the Secession demonstrations as the
South, proposed fresh compromise respecting
Slavery Extension-propOsed, substantially, the
Crittenden Compromise. This The TRIBUNE
condemned and resisted-hence Disunion and
Civil War.
1t is entirely true that The Josrnoi did urge
such compromise, and that THE TRIBUNE in'
| nexjbly resisted it--as did also, we sre CONN.,
dent, not less than nine-tenths OF the Repuolican
Journals and ninety-nine hundredths of the Re
| publicans throughout the country. Let us all
now {" take an observation" together, and see
who were then wrong and who right
| Hostility to the Extension of Slavery is, be-
yond question, the cardinal principle, tue quick
ening breath, of the Republican party. True, 1t
| did not originate with this party, but dates back
| to the infancy of the Republic. 1t was clearly
| affirmed ia Mr. Jeffersons draft IN l7o4 OF ali
Ordinance for the organization and government
of the Federal Territories, and, though supported
by more than twO.thirds Of the members OF Con.
ere.s then present, encountered an opposition
that probably defeated the bill The principle
was revived and incorporated in the famous Ordi-
| nance Of % and then unanimously adopted aud
enacted. 1t was ratified by the first Federal
! Congress Q790) aud rcafirmed in the reports to
Congress OF John Randolph and Jesse Franklin
(bOtn sayehOlders rejecting the prayer of Indiana
Territory to be allowed to hold slaves for a lin.
tied term Of years--rejectiDg it expressly on the
ground of the detrimental character Of Slavery.
In the Missouri Controversy Qol5-2O) the opPo-
site principle secured partial triumph, Missouri
! being admitted as Slave State, after repeated
votes by the House that it should not be. The
ground of that triumph was The equality OF
"the States"-that is the right of each State
| to fashion and determine its own local institu
tions. Missouri was part Of the Louisiana pur-
chase, came to us slsscholding, aud had always
remained so; yet at no stage OF the controversy,
80 far as We can recolect did any man deny the
power of Congress 10 prohibit Slavery in Federal
! Territory, nor intimate that ii would be unwise
| to do so. On the contrary, one side OF the Mis-
souri, Compromise was the express and peremptOry
prohibition BY positive law Of slaveholding in any
part of said Territory lying north and west Of
the Iiae of $50 80 n. latitude-that is, of the
southwest corner of Missouri.
A quarter Of a century later, Texas was an.
nexed, with Slavery brmly imbedded in her in.
stitutons; but her admission was resisted by
nearly half the American People, and mainly be.
cause of her Slavery. 1t was then decided that
any State formed out of that part of said Texas
| which lies north Of 90 80 must be Free State.
! Hitherto, we had been dealing with territories
that came to MS slayehOding, and whose whites
! wished them TO remain such. But now the
! tables were turned-war on Mexico was made
conquest and acquisition seemed inevitable and
a strongly Democratic House, Oh motion Of Mr..
Wilmot of Pennsylvania resolved that Slavery
should have no legal existence in the territory
thus acquired. This was carried by 80 to 6l--
nearly every member from the Free States
voting TO sustain II. The principle was repeat.
edly reafhrmed in subsequent votes Of the House.
In l545 (Aug. 10Y Mr.. Douglas Of Illinois
moved the extension of the Missouri Slave line
(36o 800 westward to the Pacific Ocean. The
Senate aSsented (33 to 2D; but the House
promptly refused to cOncur-i2l 10 o2-Only
three members from all the Free States voting
with the South TO concur in Mr. Douglass prop
Osition. The settled determination of the Free
States, including all parties to consent TO no
partition Of the Territories with Slavery was thus
formally recorded.
The project of dividing the Territories, and
allotting a definite portion Of them to Slavery,
was revived in 1850, and Mr. Jefferson Davis
pressed it upon Henry Clay as basis of Com
promise. Said Mr.. Davis (Jan. 29th, $780,
after scouting Mr. 'Clsys plan as giving the
South nothing
"Ths m,y DO understood upon this question and tht nv
position forth the country the same tLst
convey sentiments Of from Kentucky hero as
e 4dd as. Ss Pdss az ~. Sc.aa .t1 & "a r sp SSs S
ne Tfga' 20 ho!d Har" teton taat iias,' &C., Ee.
To which Mr.. Clay replied:
am extremely sorry hssr the Senator from Mis.ppi
poOis. ne 70 the P.ciac and that he L. DOT s.ed with
% ,Hs oss IeaaiISs und.s.nS LIN correctly positive po.
now, Sir coming nom Slave State owe Il 10 uy,a
owe 20 truth subject 20 .tats that No soyss
aael.9n o. SLeTsyy Daers 'ad not bfTe sEsd SOn or
worm u NAT line" &c, &c.
Now, this identical proposition Of an estab.
hshment Of Slavery by act of Congress in all
Federal territory south of $50 30-whieh Jeffer.
son Davis thus put forth as his utimatum in
1850, and which Henry Clay, though a slave.
holder and the representative Of q Slave Slate
declared that no earthly power could induce him
to vote for-is just what we we're offered in the
Crittenden Compromise of last Winter. 1t had
been repeatedly aud uniformly rejected by the
Free States before there was any Republican |