The star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, 1861-07-17
The Presidents MESSAGE.

The message is stamped all over with
LincoIn's own individuaiity-it evidently
snlanated from his own mind, for certainly
on man making any pretentions to states
mAnship would have placed document OF
so much importance before the people in
such an unintellisi5ie manner. Its about on
par with his Inaugural Address anc most
oil ii as di fficuli 10 understand.
He starts out with narrative of the po-
si,ion OF affairs, at The time OF entering uP-
on the discharge OF his dades as President.
and refers 10 the policy of his inaugural ad.
dress, (Which meant anythins) which he
now says sloeked 10 The exhaustion of all
peaceful measures before resor; 10 any
stronger ones, I" but does not tell US what
peaceful measures he or his party ever pro
posed He then elaborately and tediously
narrates the defence of Fort Sumpter, and
winds up this part by saying that its attack
was began for the purpose of driving OUT
The visible authority of the Federal Union.
and thus force it to immediate dissolution
He next refers to the result OF his call up
on the war power of the country, and then
reads Virginia severe reprimand for the
cource she has pursued and points her to
The iamentable condition in which she has
brought herself He next rdicules the idea
of armed neutrality and thereby counts
Kentucky "out." He then virtually admits
his violation of the Constitution, (ihus pla
cling himself on level with the Secession
lists, by increasing the force of the regular
army, on mis- own responsibility, and asks
Congress TO ratify his act and relieve him
from the unpleasant dilemma in which he
finds himself. He next attempts 10 justify
his act in suspending the writ of habeas
corpus, and then comes to the important
point in the message-asking for men and
money 10 carry on the war, which he does
in the following language.
II is now recommended that you give the
legal means for making this contest short
and decisive one; that you place at the
control of the Government for the work at
least 40O, 900 men and 500, ,O00, 900.
That number of men is about one>tenlb
of those of proper ages within the regions
where apparently all are willing 10 engage,
and the sum is less than the tweniy-third
part OF the money value owned by the men
who seem ready 10 devote the whole.
AS the whole force of the army, regular
and volunteer, after taking off the three
months men, is about 2s5, 900, it will be
seen that if Congress grants his request,
about 10000 soldiers will yet have to be
raised He merely states the amount oil
money needed, but does not suggest any
plan 10 get it.
He next argues against the idea OF seces-
sion, and comes to the conclusion that such
thing cannot be !; but he forgets TO tell us
that only day or two previous to this he
acknowledged it in the case OF Virginia, by
recognizing the government of Western
Virginia, which recently seeded from the
State of Virginia and get up Tor themselves
just as Southern seeded States propose ol
desire to do. We leave this point with him
for further explanation. He next refers lc
] The loyalty OF tie Union men in the South
and then pays glowing and just tribute to
/ our brave volunteers. He closes the mes
/ sage with the following language
mo compromise by public sentimen
could ia this case be cure. Not that com
promises are often proper. but that no pop
ular government can long survive marked
i precedent that those who carry an election
can only save the government from imme
diale destruction by giving up the malr
/ point upon which the people gave the elec
lion. The people themselves, aud not thei
| servants, can safely reverse their own de
1 iiberaie decisions"