Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-02-15
RE L.u..v,lle sourna, ON L,nce,n.

The Journal of Wednesday expresses the strongest
disapprobation of Mr.. LNcorNs indianapolis speech
After stating that the remarks of the President elect
appear to be very extra ordinary the Journal
quotes the Geographic account of the speech and
proceeds:
Mr.. Lincoln, in conclusion said he was not assert
ing anything, but asking questions for them to
slider and decide in their own minds what was right
and what was wrong
It would seem from this concluding remark that
Mr.. Lincoln did not wish to be understood as pro
claiming in the previous remarks the policy he, as
President is resolvedsto pursue, but merely throw
ing out before his audience rrovocatives to refec-
tionf He discaimed the responsibility of assert
ing anything, but claimed to be simply "askng
questions for them to consider and decide In their
own minds what wac right ind what was wrong
The speech not Jacksonian but Socratic. It was
feeler rather than a proclamation. Now, we con-
fess we do not much admire this manner of speak
ing in a man holding Mr.. Lncolns position and re-
lations. We do not admire it at all except in the
primary meaning Of the word admire; the thing
tainly is adapted to raise wonder in high degree
If Mr.. Lincoln had not yet fully made up his mind
to do what he broached for the consideration of the
populace of indianapolis as left to infer that
he had not why did he Droach it? Nay, if he had
at the moment fully made up his mind TO do all this.
why three weeks before his inauguration, and
Thousand miles from the National Capital, auticipat
ing counsels and events that might reasonably in
duce him to change his mind or essentially modify
It, and disregardng totally the obvious temper OF
the Southern people as well as the anxious efforts
now making for peaceful and happy solution of
the whole fearful difficulty, why, we say, it he had
even made up his mind at this instant should he,
der such circumstances publish the result, when.
as we have minated the only effect of publishing
it would be to array his pride Of consistency against
the lesson of subsequent Developments and the adj
vice of absent counsellors, whilst imparting to the
cause of secession an impetus which no after de-
carasion might serve to neutraize? prudent man,
in Mr. LincoIn's inexpressiby delicate and respon-
sble situation would, it seems TO u.s. his f.
nal determination, and consequently the publication
of it. until the final moment, leaving his judgment
open as long possible TO the modification of coun-
sci and of events. Much more would he refrain
carefully from announcing what might be I'M
derstood or misunderstood his final de-
termination, bsfore he had even formed IL. Yet Mr..
Lincoln, put the most charitable construction on
his remarks at Indianapolis, has, whilst disclaimng
the assertion of anything announced what he
must know, if he has particle of sagacIty. that
the whole country, North well as South, will ac
cept as declaration of his final determination. If
he would really have bis announcement to be so
accepted he is guilty Of striking lack of dignity
as well as of prudence and of Justice. If he would
not but puts forth the announcement barely to
pertinent upon the public feeling, his conduct is more
BETTING village pettifogger than the President
elect of dissolving Republic. In either case Mr.
Lincoln's remarks gross outrage not only upon
We own our utter astonishraent that man of his
reputed sagacy and singleness of heart has, in ap
preaching the threshold of his great office stumbled
thus grieyously.
As respects the policy defined by Mr. Lincoln,
whether adopted by him not, we have insupera-
bic objections. The present troubles must end in
either speedy reconciliation of the sections and
the preservatiou'of the government, or the perma-
nent separation Of the States and the destruction of
the government. Thus far, we doubt not, all are
agreed. Mr.. Lincoln himself will not dispute this
conclusion. The question OF speedy reconciliation
or of permanent separation is the paramount ques-
ton before the country. And this question must be-
or ought TO be, determined by the people them
selves Jealous effort is making to carry it fairly
up to the people for determination. Meanwhile what
should be the policy of the Federal Government
towards the seeding Statesy THIS although second
airy question of signal consequence nasmuch
its decision will be important bearing on the de-
termination of the paramount question. How
should this secondary question be decided +? The
answer appears to be plain. It's dictated alike
by common sense and by common justice. Let the
existing status be faithfully observed by both par
ties until the people in their sovereign capacity have
time to determine the question referred to them In
our judgment, less than this On the part of the ma
tlonal authorities would be &c compromit the funda
mental principles of the gOveEpment whilst more
would be to complicae the question by the unneces-
garry and ineXpedient exercise of power Let both
parties however suspend hostile action during the
elaboration of tie people, and neither will compro
NIT its position have the smallest occasion fer the
employment of force afterwards. II the people de-
recognize the separation of the States, the
jurisdiction of the nation will be surrendered peace
ably; if the people reconcile the States, the Jursdlc
ton of the nation will be peaceably acknowledged.
And unquestiorably the people assembled in Ma
tional Convention or otherwise will reconcile the
States or decree or recognize their separation. Thus
the simple observance of the existing status pending
the arbitration Of the people Offers to lead TO
peaceable solution whether for ultimate veal or VICE.
And it is our settled conviction that other course
offers a like result.
sMost certainly the course defined suggested
by Mr. Lincoln does not This course fatty violates
the policy we have set forth above. The forts
which, rightfuly wrongfully the Federal govern
ment has suffered TO fall into the hands ofthe seced-
ing States can't be retaken without disturbing fatally
the existing status The possession OF those forts con-
stutes through the action aid inacton of the Fed
eral Government itself essential part of the exist
ing status Let it for the present remain untouch-
ed Any attempt to disturb it by force pending the
arbitration of the people would be wanton and
wicked gfragtion of the public peace; and after the
arbitration Of the people, no matter whether their
decision be for or against the Union there will be
occasion for the attempt. Moreover. the attempt
of the Federal Government TO "retake Its own forts
after their virtual abandonment would at least IN
several instances amount necessarily to 'inUdSOH"
in the popular acceptation Of the term, which we
understand Mr.. Lincoln himself to condemn as I'M
wise and improper. Be this as it may the fact Is
clear. The recapture Of the forts in possession
of the secedipg States could be accomplished or
even undertaken only at the cost of civil war the
most fierce and desolating, and Of the extinction OF
the last hope of preserving the nation. II Mr. LIN
coin does in reality mediate this enterprise, he is
the worst of madmen. If he doesn't mediate the
enterprise, he is scarcely less than simpeton for
broaching if as he has done.
We hope that before Mr.. Lincoln proceeds another
stage on his Journey 20 Washington, he will at least
relieve himself from the first horn of the dilemma
by clearly dsavowing his Indianapolis speech as
declaration of his future policy. We can assure him
in all earnestness that unless he shall make this dis
avowal promptly, he will have inflicted upon the
country a blow that he may find it beyond his pow
er to medlcate hereafter.