The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-01-02
BALTIMORE.
WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2, 1861


ton. In the Senate Committee of Thirteen a
proposition was submitted by Mr.. RICE, of Mime
sofa, to divide the Territories of the United States
by the old Missouri Compromise line, and at once
admit the section North of that line as the free
State of Washington, and the section South as
the slave State ofJeerson. In the terms of the ad
mission Of these States it was 10 be provided that
when any portion Of them hereafter, with an area
of not less than sixty thousand square miles and
population of at least l3O 600, shall apply, it shall
be admitted as separate State. This plan was re-
ported to have met with the appreciation of Sena-
tor DAVIS, of Mississippi, but to have fallen to the
ground in the Committee, over the everlasting
stumbllng-block of Kansas-one side insisting that
this Territory should not be included in the State of
Washington, and the other that it should. Look
ing merely to the principle of this mode of settle
meut, without regard to its Details which we
should not suppose of difficult arrangement, if the
principle itself were concurred in, we ask, what
can be fairer, and at the same time more efecual?
What difficulty is in the way? The expedent Of
Mr.. RICE is not even a novel one. Texas was
brought into the Union by simple joint resolu-
ton, with population quite as disproportioned to
either of the proposed new States, and has
the same provision for future subdivision It
will certainly not be pretended that there was an
equal necessity for the acquisition of Texas on such
terms, as at present exists for the quoting of this
eterrima causa JeZi-this endless quarrel about the
Territories. If there be doubt about the ability
of these thiuly settled Territories 10 maintain in
dependent State Governments, let aid be afforded
them by the General Government. Questions of
cost are as nothing compared with restoration of
the harmonious relations among the States, but
even in this point of view, it would be less expen
sive to maintain two States than hafa dozen Ter
ritorial Governments Ample provision may be
made by grant Of the public lands within their
respective limits for this purpose. One striking adj
vantage of the proposition is that it requires no
change Of the present Constitution-the admission
of a State, on terms agreed, being one of the
most common operations of the Government. We
observe with pleasure that this principle of ad-
justment is regarded with favor by Mr.. SHERMAN,
the Republican leader of the House Of Representa-
tves, as well as by other influential men on both
sides and we cannot doubt for a moment that if
there be real wish to settle the territorial diff
Guilty, it may be forever disposed of, in this man.
ner. 1t has been suggested that this plan is
to be accompanied with a restriction upon the
future acquisition of territory by the United
States to the Southwark. If any mode can be
devised to make such a restriction absolute North
or South, SO far from its being regarded by us
as an objection, it would greatly enhance the ad-
vantages of the settlement in our judgment. We
have too often had occasion to express our unmit-
igated adherence of all flbustering schemes of
conquest, to raise any difficulty about the DISPOSE
ton of territory which we hope never to possess.
The territory of the slave States is the most valua
BILE in natural advantages of all the United States
1t certainly embraces every part of them
where slave labor can be proftably employed
and is of sufficient extent to secure for the
institution, if undisturbed, the perfect solution
of its own problem of civilization. Let, then,
the South be guaranteed in her present posses
sons, and let the abstract but important question
of State equality in the Territories be salts
factorily arranged, in the manner above indicated
and we can perceive nothing, not suggested
by the dreams of mad ambition, or false po-
litical economy, which the South can de-
sire. And this brings US to another
proposition, said TO have been adopted
nearly unanimously in the Committee of
Thiryhree to the effect that it is expedient an alb
solute constitutional guarantee should be incorpor-
ated in the Constitution against any future inter-
ference on the part of Congress with the institution
OF slavery within the States Provided that it
is intended to include the District of Column
bia and the United States forts, dock
yards, &C., within the Southern States. and
also the trade between the Slave States
IN this prohibition upon Congress, we
hope the Offer will be promptly accented
Although there is nothing in all this which has
not been, by common consent, conceded to the
South, it is best to have Southern rights in these
matters set forth as leave no room for mistake.
The Constitution, at present, does not contain
such guarantees. The power to abolish slavery in
the District, resides in the United States or
nowhere; and the power to regulate trade be-
tween the States is expressly conferred on Con-
gress by the Constitution. Although most conclu-
sive argument may be made against the exercise of
those powers contrary TO the domestic policy of the
slayeStates that's very different matter from hav-
ing positive safeguard in the Constitution, about
which neither fools nor fanatics could dispute.
Again, the clause of amendment in the Constitu-
ton includes power by which the domestic in
situations of the States may hereafter be medded
with. 1t is an apprehension Of that Sort coupled
with the fear of unfriendly legislation and anti
slavery influence on the part of the General Gov
eminent, which, more than anything else, has ex
asperated the present imbrogo In this PROPOSE
ton we are rendered perpetual and effective bar
so far as a constitutional bar can be So
against Northern aggression in any dangerous
form. With our rights thus defined, it would
seem impossible, hereafter, to make mistake as
to the moment or the nature of their invasion, and
as little about the mode of their redress There could
be no subsequent assault which would not mean
war, and would not be resisted as such.
This argument of course proceeds upon the sup
position that the cause of the present quarrel is the
institution of slavery alone. We should be doing
ourselves injustice, however, to allow it to be sup
posed that we do not perceive divergence be-
tween the sections too great to be accounted for
by any single cause of difference The lessons OF
thirty years. sedulously instilled into the living
generations of the extreme North and South, have
educated too many of the champions of their
respective sections into mutual hate and defiance.
to allow hope for any immediate result more
favorable than the negotiation of a truce, during
which better feelings and better men may slowly
recover their former ascendency. 1t is not
three months since the severing of this Union
came to be generally looked upon as q
thing within the bounds of possibility-and nev.
or within so short period has distress so terrible
brooded over the land. What an appalling spec
tacel THE sight of this great nation, sick through
all its members, in horrible dread and mminen
danger of present dissolution. Let Us welcome,
them in this our extremity, any reasonable pros
pect Of relief, if we must trust to time for the
full and perfect cure.
In the American of yesterday there appeared a
memorial, addressed to Governor HICKS by large
and influential body of our citizens, endorsing his