The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-01-12

|
was an rrepressble conflict between the two social
! systems, until one or the other must give way A
President has been nominated and elected by sec
| uonat majority, who is known to have ayowed and
| entertained such opinions. A party has now come
into power with full possession of this government
| who have elected a candidate who has made such
declarations with regard to the rights of the South
| Is 1t surprising, then, that the Southern States
| should think it is not safe to remain in a poy-
| ernment which may be directed as an instru-
! ment OF hostility against u.s. and that they
| should say it is not safe to remain under the
| government of President who NAV misuse
| his power and patronage for the very pur-
pose OF creating strife between US, and civil war
| among us 1t is known that many members of the
| Republican party endorsed and recommended A
book which advocated the extinction of slavery by
such means. Is it safe for the South to remain un.
der such government unless can be protec ted?
Inc southern States have within themselves all the
capacities of empires, and it is Be supposed ha
When they are threatened in our government with
an attack on the very system upon which the social
| system depends, that they would not withdraw and
establish another in which they know they can and
will be protected. The social system ia its moral
oelng;and In government thawould dwarf and SUD-
! press 1t Is like parent that would consipn its child
! to wee and infamy | have known governments
that have survived when their allegiance had been
| transferred but know of none which has sur-
vlved the sudden aid total prostration of its So
ciat system. L say therefore that the South is
forced to take this course. unless it can get soma
guarantees that will protect it in the Union-sona
constitutional guarantees that will serve that end
now ask what shall be the nature of the guaran-
tees tnat would efectuay protect our social system
from such assaults as these. They must be guar
antees of a kind that will stop up all of the aven-
ues through which they threaten to assa the So
eiai system OF the South. There must
De constitutional amendments provided
lst That Congress shall have no power to
abolish slavery in the States the District of Co
um1la, or IN the dockyards, forts and arsenals of
the United States. Cd. Congress shall not abolish.
tax or obsruct the slave trade between the States
D. 1t shall be the duty of each of the States to sup
press combinations within its jurisdiction for the
armed invasion OF any other State. 4th. States
shall be admitted with without slavery accord
ing to the election of the people. 5tb 1t shall be
the duty of the States to restore fugitive slaves or
pay the value of the same. 9th. Fugitiyes
rom rom justice shall be deemed to be those who
have offended the laws of a States within
its jurisdiction and have escaped therefrom
ith. congress shall recognize and protect ~ nro
perty whatever is held to be such by the laws of
any State, in the Territories, dOck-yards arsenals
forts-wherever the United States has exclusive
jurisdiction These are, of course, liable to excep
tlons-hrst Congress may leave slavery to the peo
pie OF the Territories when they shall be ready to
sanction of a majority of Senators from the non
slaVeholding and slaveholding States This ex
cePtIon is designed to apply to those cases where
we annex county, and they are not quite ready to
c couie In as state: Ihe next exception is that
Congress may divide the Territories 80 that slave
ry shall be prohibited in one Dol ton and
recognized and protected in the other: pro
vlded the law is sanctioned by a majority of
Senators. This exception is intended to annlv
to cases where unpeopled territory is annexed. and
Is subject to fair division between sections. Such
are the guarantees of principle which it seems to
me ought to be established by amendments to the
Constitution. But do not believe that these guar
anees alone would protect the social system of the
South from an attack to overthrow it by superior
power of the North. believe in addition to these
guarantees of principle, there ought to be guaran-
tees OF power otherwise this social system of the
South might find itself in position where the
stronger party might construe these guarantees of
principle away and assert "bgher law" To make
IL secure then some power ought to be given to en-
able to the system in the Union And here
Ill the Senate will bear with mel will proceed
to suggest such remedies as think ought to be an
piled. He would not say that this was the oniv
means OF settlement for there were others on
which ne could agree; yst he thought this plan the
best. In the first place, he would resort to a dual
Executive, as proposed by Mr.. Calhoun, but in
another form. He would provide that each section
should elect President, to be called the first and
second Presidents; the first to serve four wears and
the President next succeeding him to serve for
tour other years, and afterwards be re-eIioible
During the term of the first President the second
should be President of the Senate, having A
casting vote in of tie No treaty or law shnnld
be valid which did not have the signatures of both
Presidents or, in the event of a veto the law be
passed by two-thirds of the Senators from the seq
tlon from which he came; and officer should be
dents, or the sanction Of majority of the Sena-
tors from whence they appointed. He also pro-
posed mode of eecting Presidents by dividing
the States into districts and each district elect ore
man as elector, all OF whom were afterwards to
meet in convention, and the two men who hed the
highest votes should be submitted to the people for
election as Presidents in the same way as the
electors were elected to nominate. He also recon-
mended change in the Supreme Court. for five
judges from the North and five from IL ne Sopth
win me me- r. ."stlc@ eh9sen out of tho number
Republicans, but he did not desire to arpue the
right of secession, for he firmly believed that it
could not be denied, judging from the nature of
compact entered into by the States He tDouobt
that all the power of the Federal Government in
the States rested in te consent of the States and
IT that consent was not given by the people the
Federal Government was poweress to enforce its
laws-ln conclusion he said that he believed
that an attempt to coerce the people in this REGARD
Will only meet with the general detestation of
mankind. Such a resistance will be made as
has never been seen before in the history of the
world except perhaps in the resistance of the Dutch
who hid behind their dikes and flooded their lands
with the waves of the sea, preferriog death in any
and every form rather than submission to TYRANNY
But do not wish to pursue this line of argument
and do not wish to engage in any discussion which
stirs the blood. stand here to plead for not
because my State has any reason to fear more than
others, but because the interest of all mankindis for
peace. la the name of civilization and humani-
ty, and in the name of thirty millions of souls
men, women and children-whose lives, hon
or and happiness depend upon the events of
such civil warm the name of the great Ameri-
can experiment which was founded by Providence
in the wilderness, and which trust has not vet
failed, shall appeal to the American people to
prevent the efusion OF blood. 1t is said the very
smell of blood stirs the animal passions of men, Give
us time for the play of Let us see after the
States have secured to themselves their old organ
lzaton and their old system, if we cannot bring to-
geher once more scattered divisions; if we can
not close up our broken ranks-caunot find some
plan OF conciliation. And when these columns come
mastering in from the distant North and the
farther South, from the rising and the setting of
the sun, to take their part in that grand review
there will go up shout that will shake the heav-
ems, and which shall proclaim to the ends of the
earth that we are united once more, brothers in
war, brothers in peace; ready to take our place in
the front OF the grand march of human progress
and ready and willing to play in that game of ma
tions were the prizes are wealth and empire, and
where victory may crown name with
deathless and eternal fame.-After he
had concluded in reply to ones
tion offered by Mr.. Baker, he said that he would
vote for the resolutions of Mr.. Crittendeu as pro-
posed in the committee.-Mr. HARLAN took the
floor, and argued that the election of Lincoln was
cause for dissolution, and stating in the course
of his remarks that the Republican party would
not yleld an inch from their position before the in
auguration of Lincoln. He would vote, however
for the compromise as it stood the statute books
when 1t was repealed in lS54.-After an Executive
session, at P. NJ, the Senate adjourned
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The CHAIR announced the following gentlemen
to compose the Committee of Five upon the late mes
sage otthe President, viz: Messrs. Howard of Mich
igan; John Cochrane, of New York; Branch of
North Carolina; Dawes, of Massachusetts, and
Hickman, of Pennsy lvana.--Mr. HICKMAN an
nounced that for numerous reasons he could not
serve upon the Committee, and asked to be ex.
cused, which request was granted.--Mr. LOVE
JOY introduced resolution proposing to give
Lieutenant-General Scott, control Of military
and naval operations in the present crisis to
which objection made and it lies over.-
The House then took up the Private Calendar, and
a large number of bills of private nature were
acted on Among them was one for the relief of
the assignees of David G. Broderick which was
passed.-Mr. SHERMAN moved that the House
resolve itself into Committee of the Whole on the
Civil and Miscellaneous Appropriation bill-Mr
COBB, of Ala, asked leave to introduce bill which
he supposed would be the last he ever would present
mere lie was proceeding at some length, when Mr.
BINGHAM, of Ohio, called him to order-Mr
COBB (excitedly) ''You come over here and call me
to order. Just come over and do it-come outside
and call me to order" Loud cries Of "order.S
"order. Mir. Cobb took his seat, but continued
for some time to hurl defiance at the gen.
teman, who called him to order The House
then went into Committee, (Mr Branch in the
chair, and considered the Civil APPROXIMATION bill
The committee then and reported the bill to
the House, with various amendments When the
name OF >lr. Hindman, of Arkansas was called on
one Of the amendments, he said that on the present
occasion he would assist the Republicans in bank
rupting, as soon as possible, a Government whose
purse and power would soon be used in the effort
to su9Jugate his brethren of the South.
The bill was then passed without divi-
sion Mr. nOITSTON ,,oro1 a.. II.