The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-03-06

walton of the UNION will be other than disastrous
failure.
With Mr.. LfYcoLN's notions of the disease which
effcts the body polite, and of the treatment
which ought TO be applied TO it, it is obvious that
no remedy can be looked for at his hands. But /
when it is also remembered that he has refused to
accede to any definite measure of compromise or
Cancellation, the probability of any settlement
through his agency becomes almost hopeless. |
He ntimates willingness to see National Con-
vention called for he has no power 10 oppose such
movement, but he expressly guards against any
misunderstanding by observing in this connection
that he makes emo recommendation of amend
"ments' 10 the Constitution. lie says, it is true that
the authority to make these belongs not to him but
to the people, but we know he has had the power
for three months past not only to recommend, but
to command the adoption of any proposition what
ever, that was likely to heal the discussions be-
tween the sections. Since the first of December
he has positively refused to suggest or endorse any
plan which tended to remove the discomfort, or
quiet the alarm of the Southern people, and under
such circumstances it is impossible to interpret
the remark just quoted save in one way. The
PRESIDENT unequivocally means to intimate
that he does not now approve of any OF
the specific guarantees, or amendments to the
Constitution which the South has demand
ed. He could have saved the UNION long
before this, and he could save il now, but any step
in that direction will carry him off of the Chicago
platform and he has defnitively made up his mind
that he will not take it, even though the UNION
perishes.
We have already extended our remarks upon
this address to greater length to- day than
templated, but there Is more point which it is
absolutely incumbent on US to notice. Perhaps the
most important, and certainly the most extraor-
binary paragraph in the whole document, is that
in which the decision of the Supreme Court, in
the DRIED SCOTT case, is referred to. So momen-
tous are the questions here touched upon, and so
grave and startling are the consequences that must
flow from Mr. LINCoLN's theories, that we cannot
dismiss this subject without such brief obser-
vations as our space will permit US at this moment
to bestow upon it. It will suffice now to say,
what we think can scarcely be disputed in this
community, that the propositions advanced by
heard of, but utterly destructive, not merely
of our Constitution, but of any civilized govern
ment on earth He holds that the decision of the
Supreme Court, on great Constitutional ques
ton, is only binding ON 'fhe parties 10 q
"suH, as to the objects Of Mat sut," and
that the "people will cease to be their own
"rulers'' if the policy of the government is to
be fixed by the decisions of that Court. A
more monstrous doctrine has, we venture to say,
been started by the widest radical that ever
harangued Boston audience. IF no Court is en-
powered TO give an authoritative Interpretation to
the Constitution, what, save its own conscience,
will compel the Government to adhere, hence
FORTH to the Constitution; and on what, save the
integrity and wisdom of the party in power, can
the minority ever rely for protection? Mr.. LIN
coins idea of government amounts to little more
than an advocacy Of mob law. 1t is, however, a
simple ore, and it is substantially set forth in
these sentences:
shal fugitves from labor be surrendered by national
State authority? The Constitution expressly
say May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories?
The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress
protect slavery in the Territories?
From questions Of this class spring all Consttu
tlondt CONTROVERSIES and we divide them into ma
jorities and minorties. If the minority will not acqui
esce the majority must or the Government must cease
The Supreme Court therefore, may determine
that the Constitution protects slavery in the Ter
rtories, and if the people of the North form ma
jority Of the whole people they may oyerrule
the decision. The Supreme Court may decide
that the Constitution recognizes the in
stitution of slavery, and the people of
the North may repudiate this at the ballot box
The Supreme Court may say that the Constitu-
ton prohibits Congress from abolishing slavery in
the South, and the people of the North may re-
verse that proposition at the polls. Every guar
antee which secures the property and persons of
the minority from the aggressions of popular fan
atheism and legislative and executive despotism,
must fall PROSTATE, according 10 Mr. LIYcoLN's
theory, at the voice Of a triumphant majority.
Surely such propositions scarcely require refuta-
ton. Mr.. LINCOLN might, if he had thought
moment, have found in his own case an illustra-
ton OF the absurdity of his position. He is the
representative of minority. He is entitled to his
place solely by virtue of those provisions of the
Constitution which protect the minority in the
enjoyment of rights and privileges. But if the
majority is to construe, at its pleasure the Ian
guage of the Constitution, it is not impossible
that a majority might be found some day to elect
delegates to Congress who would declare that the
Constitution did not contemplate the election of |
man under certain circumstances applicable 10 Mr.. |
LINCOLN, and who would therefore vote him out of |
the Presidency. Might not this be ''constitu- |
tional controversy" and should not the ''minor-
ity acquiesce?" But we cannot state, and still
less discuss all the preposterous questions which
the inaugural address suggests. We must there
fore defer the further consideration of it to another
day; aud so, for the present, we leave to the crit
cism Of the public the other obnoxious features of
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