Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-03-05

LINcOLN'S INAUGURAL /!
synopsis OF Presidents LincsIn's Inamgu-
raj Address.


WASHINGTON, March 4-Lincoln in his Inaugural
Address says: There never has been shy rsasona-
De cause for apprehension that Southern property,
peace or security, would be endangered by the
accession OF Republican Administration He
quotes nus speeches declaring that he has no pur-
pose to interfere directly or indirectly with Slavery
In the States. He does not mean 70 eoussrue the
Constitution by hypscritcal rules. He holds that
by universal law and Constitution the nion of the
States is perpetual, and il the United States ha NOT
Government proper, but an annexation Of States
in the nature Of a contract, can eoptraet
be peaceably unmade without the consent
of all the contracting partes2 / consider
the Union unbroken, and shall take care. that To
the extent of my ability, as the Constitution ex
pressly enjoins that the Federal laws be faithfully
executed in all the states. In doing this,
there need be no blood she'd or violence,
and there shall be none, unless it be forced
upon the national authority. The forces
conided to me, will DO used to hold, occupy,
and possess the property and places belonging to the
Government, to collect the duties on imports, but
beyond what may be necessary for these objects
there will be no using Of force against or among the
people anywhere. The mail, unless repealed, will
continue to be furnished. The course here indi-
Gated will be followed, unless current events
shall show q modification or change to
be proper The Consultation does not ex-
pressly say whether fugitives shall be surren-
dered BY national State authorities, nor does it
expressly say that Congress may prohibit slavery
in the Territories nor expressly say that Congress
must protect slavery IN the Territories. On these
or.ac MAJ
ern, or the Government must cease The central
idea OF secession is the essence Of an
archy. The rule of minority is wholly
inadmissable. lido not forget the position assumed
by some that the Supreme Court is to decide Con-
stitutioral questions, that such decisions must
be binding upon the litgants. While such decisions
are entitled to very high respect and consideration
in all parallel cases by all other Departments of the
Government, one section believes slavery right
and ought to be extended, another section
believes it wrong and ought not to be ex-
tended. On a separation, one section
would ultimately revive the slave trade,
and the other refuse to surrender fugitives.
The different sections cannot separate-intercourse
amicable or hostile, must continue. Suppose you
go to war, you cannot fight always, and when fight
Ing ceases, the ClQ ldentc2 queSuOnS as 70 te terms
of intercourse are again upon you. This coun-
try and its institutions belong to the peo-
pie. They can amend it eonstitutiOnalIy
or overthrow it by revolution. He has no
objection to the amendment proposed by Con-
gress prohibiting the Government rom ever inter
ferng with slavery in the States including that of
persons held to service, express and irrevocabIe.
No authority is conferred on the Executive TO fix
terms for the separation of the States. His duty
preserve the Government and transmit it TO his
cessors unimpaired. No administration can very
seriously mjure the Government in four years. He
conjures his eountrymen to think calmly on the
whole subject. The Const tuition is unimpaired and
the laws of your framing under it, and there is
single good reason for preeipitate action Intei
gence, patriotism, christianity and firm reliance
on Providence are competent to adjust our
present difficulties. In your hands my
dissatisfied eountryr1en not mine is the mOmentoas
issue Of civil war. The Government will not sssaiI
you. You can have no conflict without being the
aggressors. You have taken no oath to destroy the
Government. l shall take a most solemn one to
preserve, protect and defend it. We are not enc
mics, but friends.