Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1861-10-04
Frsmont's Proclamation.

The following sensible remarke upon the
course adopted BY the Government in re-
lation to the proclamation of Gen. Fre-
mont, is commended to attention
1t is natural for people to abhor half
way measures, and adopt for their heroes
the men who never hesitate or doubt, but
cut with the swor every knot of law or
policy that checks the movement Of revolu-
tion. Our people have therefore hailed
Fremont as the real hero of the crisis and
have not stopped to ask tie question
whether he was acting In harmony with
the National Government, or was setting
up an independent government Of his own.
Yet sooner or later this question was to be
asked, and answered. The Government
could not do otherwise than ask it:-nor.
unless he has made up bis mind to be 81
lently superseded, can the President per-
NIT any General, however vigorous or pop
ular, to initiate a policy at war with that
which the Government has prescribed for
the conduct Of all its officers Whatever
may be his personal feelings or opinions,
no man can fail to see the absolute neces-
sity imposed upon every officer of govern
ing bis conduct, solely and exclusively, by
the orders he may receive from Washing
ton. Unless we are prepared to split up
at once into as many nations as we have
Major-Generals in the field, no one of them
must assume to make out for himself
course of action different from that pre-
scribed by the authority from which they
all derive their power, and to which they
all owe allegiance. Any other course is
not only fatal to unity of action but strikes
at the very root Of that National unity, in
defiance of which the war is waged.
Whatever may be thought of the intrin-
sic merit of his action, we fear it cannot
be doubted that Gen. Fremont consulted
his own Judgment and viii, far more than
the laws of Congress or the orders of the
President IF Congress had made no law
in regard to it, but had left the whole mat
ter open to the military discretion of the
commanding Generals, Cen Fremont's ac-
tion would wear a different aspect. But
this was not the case. Congress did take
action upon it. 1t did make laws to cover
the whole question and those laws are
binding upon the entire Executive authori-
ty of the country, from the President to
the lowest of his subordinates
As we have already said, the impulse of
the people has been to applaud Gen Free
mont's action on this subject. Beyond all
question it was in harmony with public SEN
timent throughout the Northern States. It
seemed to strike blow at the very root of
the evil, to wound in his most vital part
the hydra of rebellion IF the contest had
come to be openly and avowedly one BE-
tween the Free States and tho Slave
States, and thus between Freedom ard
Slavery, this view Of the subject would be
conclusive. IF we had made up our minds
to discard as allies Kentucky, Missouri and
Maryland, and to abandon the hope of re-
gaining Tennessee and Virginia to our STAN
dard, we might safely adopt the policy
proposed, But we must not forget that
these Border Slave States are just now the
debatable ground of the great rebellion
and we cannot, without culpable and un-
statesmanike negligence, throw them out
of the account in the measures by which
we seek the suppression of this rebellion.
True, it is possible that Gen. Fremont's
plan of action would bring about this re
suit more efectually than that of the Gov
ernment; but of this the Government
must be the judge-N. I. Times.