New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-02-26
nIIsTAKRN uAGNANyMITY.

circumstances, the consideration OF q cOmpro-
mise of any kind is not to be entertained for q
! moment, simply because those circumstances
must inevitably dsfeat the very aim of conccs-
sion--an enduring peace on just basis. The
| two parties in the controversy, the South
| and the North, The Extensionists apd
Non. ExtensionistS Of Slavery, stand just
now in the attitude of assalants and
assailed. Practically, thus far, the first have
been successful to degree and in q manner
which they never anticpatedJ and the natural
effect has been to raise their arrogant self.con-
ceit to pitch which, intolerable and ridiculous
as it may be, nevertheless settles the character
of all negotiation. To people in such state
Of mind and temper who have been per-
mitted unmolested to defy the Constitution
and the laws, to place whole States
in armed rebellion with impunity, to pos
seas themselves Of almost all the strong
places, the arms, the munitions of war, belong
ing to the Federal Government, within their borders,
without resistance, and who persuade themselves
that they are in q position to require and COM
mand the best terms for q cessation of hosthlties,
and the establishment Of an irrevOcable policy on
their own behalf, We, the assaed party,
stand in the position Of q demoralized, divided,
and subdued nationality. Whatever may be our
material strength when We choose TO put il forth
practically, it is, at this moment, az if il had
been already tiled and found wanting; while oil
the moral power of success, of determination, of
unity, and Of certain purpose, is on the side OF
the assaiauts. If we treat with them, while
such ore our relative positions, it is at an i'm
mense disadvantage, and with the certainty that
the terms of the settlement will be, sooner or
later, all that they ash for, even to the utter
most exacton. 1t is as prepOsterous for
us to offer some slight concession,
with the expectation that it will
be permanently satisfactory TO tie other
side as it would be for one at whose head a
hghwayman holds q revolver to expect TO pa-
cate him with shilling two shillings, three
shillings, which he dolcs out reluctantly from
purse Of gold. He may as we'll yield at once TO
hun who is, or thinks he ia, the superior, or
else discard at once all appearance of submission,
and fight for his money and bis life. To con-
sent now to any compromise between the con-
is to confess, first that the North is in the
wrong; second, that she is the weaker party,
and that submission is her choice as well "a her
necessity; and, third that having reached the
final Issue, the gage of battle, she owns that she
is conquered, and pretends to place no limit to
the measure of her subseryiency.
And herein ia the weakness Of the position Of
~ A 4. II -,
with him. They and he are, We know, as far from
being willing TO make any degrading. concession
to the Slavery as we are; but the
concession they do make may have just as fatal
consequences az if they were moved by the worst
intentions. 1t will not do in times like these TO
trust anything 10 chance or to lose sight, for m
instant of principle in q reliance upon policy.
In ordinary times, with the whole country at
peace and in unison with the laws q progress,
political economy, population, free speech and
free labor doing their gradual but certain work
upon Slavery, unimpeded by any conyulsiye efforts
Of its friends TO prolong its existence, then il
might be safe TO consider the subject Of the ad-
mission Of New Mexico Then We might have
patience TO listen TO those who would urge that
that Territory should be admitted TO the Union
ms a slayeholding State if she chose 10 be such,
and there were any danger Of il, because that
was the understanding wren the Compromise Of
1850 was adopted. But this is not The time
to discuss that question. If we are bound still
by the Compromise Of 1850 in regard to that
Territory, notwithstanding the atrociOus laws in
support Of Slavery passed by her Territorial
Legislatures notwithstanding the bad faith which
four years later repealed the Missouri Compromise
line; notwithstanding the Subsequent efforts 10
force Slavery, at the point of the b. vie'nft,
upon the people Of Kansas; and Notwithstanding
the law Of ethics that promise 10 do evil is
better broken than kept; it would certainly be
at least mere work Of supererogaton on our
part to recnact the same compromise and absurd
10 expect that the South is to be pscifed by
Offering her that which is hers already.
If on tie other hand we do not believe that
the Act of 1850, which prohibited Territorial
legislation in New. Mexico "in respect Of Slave
ry," settles the relation of Congress 10 that
region whether as Territory or State; and If We
do believe that the repeal Of the Missouri Com
promise and the attempt to carry Slavery North
of $50 so was O breach of faith which absolves
us from any implied understanding as to Slavery
South of that line then surely the case OF New
Mexico can not be held as any exception to the
doctrine of the Chicago Platform which declares
it TO be dangerous political heresy" at yariance
with the explicit "proysions Of the Constitution,
" revolutionary" and subversye of the peace
and harmony Of the country" to admit