Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-10-09
BnRjish Thoughts on American Affairs
The London Times.


to matters in the United States, and presents
views different from those which have here
tofore appeared in that journal.
The article begins by saying: 1.-THE more
the American question is considered, the
wider it appears. All the special issues
ascribed to the contest"-meauing proba-
bly,, all the special issues to which the con-
test is ascribed-"have been discarded, one
after another, and we are, at length, dis
posed to view in the war between North and
South, nothing more than an expression Of
the same passions which, in all ages, have
divided States or kept nations asunder."
Looking at the matter from an American
standpoint, there has been neither discard
ing nor changing of issues. That which
the issue was in the beginning it continues;
and if there is any alteration, it is only in
the increased distinctness with which that
issue is understood and accepted upon both
sides. Nor is it a solution Of any thing to
say that "the war between North and South
is nothing more than an expression of the
same passions which, in all ages, have di-
Passions may have divided States, but those
passions bad causes; and behind all transi-
tory feelings there is, in every case of divis-
ion, remote cause in some condition which
bears to living men the appearance Of perma-
nency. Shallow philosophers in the United
States, at the beginning of these troubles,
talked of them as having been occssioned by
passion, feelings of envy or disappointed ami
bition; butwith US, mostly, now, tits conceded
that beneath all the passion there was a con-
dition which was continually endangering
the peace and integrity of the Union, which
was the occasion of annual symptoms of that
which has now occurred, and was the food
upon which the passion that broke the peace
was fed and cherished.
Slavery" does not, therefore, as the Times
affirms, ''count for little in the quarrel, and
commercial antagonism for much" but COM
mercial antagonism for little, and slavery for
all the rest. Feelings ofcommercial antago-
nism affected but few; and there we're coun-
ter-feeliDgs in the intimate commercial union
which existed between the mercantile classes
of the two sections; but in respect to slavery,
there was no such counterbaauce and slav-
cry and slave conservatism upon one side,
and free-labor and anti-slavery upon the
other, are the known, palpable, and uni
versally recognized causes of the conflict
now going on-a conflict which, while
inhabiting the region of party politics,
was s'irrepressible," and now, in the sphere
of war, seems equally so; and which, there
are many reasons to believe, will never cease
| until slavery is abolished, or the disunion
that has been instituted shall be made per.
petual.
| Says the Times:
"The South began the fight, and the South
| erners desired revolution, aud revolutions
are commenced by. those who desire them
- II -
"The North accepted the battle, and i;
| fighting for Union but Union in the mouths
| of the Northerners is only another word fol
empire. If the Great Republic is split into
two Oonfederacies, not only will the power
| of the old Government he halved, but the
| halves will balance each other. The Con
federate States will form a cOunteTpoise tt
the United States, and the strength of the
American people will be consumed. The
manifest destiny of the country will have
vanished. Instead Of great, united, ire
sistible nation, there will be two Jealous
States watching each otner-perhaps even {
dozen or q score of such sovereigntes, for i
is logically argued that if the right Of Seces
sion is once established, every single State o
the Union may claim It's separate iudepend
euce. War, therefore, would be always pos
sible. and the contingency must be provides
against by standing armies Notifications ant
gsrrisons Even if peace remained unbroken
there would be endless conflicts Of laws au
customs, sorely impeding commerce and pro
gress. In other words, the Continent c
North America would be converted int
something very like the Continent of Europe
and the Unionists are obviously right in as
serting that the transformation would b
destructive of American strength, and fate
to the grand experiment of democratic gov
ernment."
It is not so certain that the Unionists M
right in asserting that q division of tn
Union would be destructive of America
strength and fatal to the grand experimer
of democratic government; and this notior
SO far from having been grined from a
European stand. point is borrowed from I'll
United States, and is the offspring Of ultl
American Uuionism. That the dissoutio
or division of the Union is q thing to
greatly deprecated, there is 70 denying; bV
we the people OF the United States comm
a folly of which, in cooler times, we wou
be ashamed, when we assume that ever
thing holden by men dear and valuable.
national power, personal liberty, and il
diyidual prosperity-all hang upon Il
question whether or not this Union is to
divided. Divide as many times as epleas
and the men, the soil, the local government
the creative and provocative energy, Il
taste, civilization and all the stimulants
honorable ambition will remain. Nor do
the fact of fdivision necessarily jeopardize Il
fact of democratic government. Both Il
sections have their national politics, and bo
of them are democratic in their character
nor, if the South should 60 unsubdued,
there any reason to suppose that, 10 this T
spect any material change will take plae
In fact, reduction of the South to state
. constrained obedience to the Federal GO
ernment will be far more likely to wol
= changes in our political institutions than
failure to do SO; for to hold territories al
l. their people in state of political inferiori
: is contrary to the first principles of demo
racy.
1t is true that dissolution Of the Union
. it should take plsce-wOuld be productive