Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-09-18
INDIANAPOLIS, IND, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER l8, 1861
Abstract of the Remarks of Governor
Wright at his Reception on Satur-
daV Last.

Abstract of the Remarks of Governor
Wright at his Reception on Satur-
day Last.
Colonel Dnmonf and Fellosc-citisens:
Words are inadequate to express the emotions
of my heart The circumstances surrounding
me this hour, the kindness OF this welcome, and
the flatterng manner in which you have received
me this day, should crafty the ambition of any of
Indana's sons
Colonel Dumont, / am not worthy the high
praise bestowed upon me- Whatever has been
accomplished by me at home or abroad, owe to
you, fellow citizens, and 20 the influence of our
glorious institutions. The qualification of this
hour is, however saddened by the reflection that
my old neighbors-the long faithful public ser
want and honest man, Douglas Mcguire, and the
devoted son of Indiana. identified with all her
varied interests, Oliver H, Smith. and also your
faithful public Executives, the eloquent Wallace
and Willard-during my absence have passed
away. And / am reminded of my obligations to
the Great Being who rules all by the fact that,
having had a personal knowledge of your former
Gogernors-Jennings, Hendricks, Ray, Noble,
Bigger and Whtcomb-I am the only one hav
ing served you any considerable length of time
now alive to witness the sad condition of our be-
loved country. r
1t seems that one of the great errors of the
present day is a mistaken notion Of State rights.
The first and highest obligation of the citizen is
to his National Government. 1t is this which
gives him the name--an American citizen-whch
protects him at home and abroad. We seem to
forget that our Fathers gave up to the General
Government certain great powers, among which
are: the right to make treaties, to declare war,
and regulate commerce, &C.; and when the Gov
ernor of Missouri, (Jackson) assumes that the
State can declare war and form alliances, is that
not treason, an usurpation of the powers of the
General Government And what less is it for
Governor Magoffin to say that his love of State
sovereignty and State pride would make him 90
with the people of his State? Much as love
the people of lndana-and you have done for
me more, perhaps, than for any of your sons row
living-wheneyer you shall set at nought the
principles upon which our Government is found
ed, deny the right of United States troops to pass
through the State, and shall claim TO exercise
any of the powers specially delegated to
the General Government. then | shall obey my
national and not my State Government. We
need Jackson, who when Floyd, Governor of
Virginia, sent him word he would not allow Federal
troops to pass through that State to put down
South Carolina insurrection-tell Gov. Floyd, said
the old hero, the troops shall pass through, and
by the eternal, I'll cut his ears off. We owe an
obligation to our townships, counties and States,
which most fully believe in carrying out most
faithfully. We likewise owe an obligation to that
national Government which protects us and gives
us name and character in every portion of the
earth. | acknowledge the signet and seal Of
Washington, Jefferson and Hancock, who made
Us ,lational Union, gave US national name,
and the powers given to the Federal Government
must be carried out or there is no hope for the
stability of our republican Institutions. You
were told by me many years ago that the first act
a -. r.
step in the downward road to anarchy. We are
realizing this truth. When Jefferson Davis as
serted in his inaugural to the so called Confede-
rate States the doctrine that our fathers formed
confederate Union, and not national Govern
ment, we started on this downward road. This
principle of national existence underlies all our
institutions. What hope is there for contracts,
for engagements of any kind, where will you ex-
pect to find any integrity or moral worth if this
principle enuncated by the Confederate States,
that any State may secede at pleasure and de
stroy the Government from the passion or sc. fish-
ness of the hour, is once recognized and adoptedS
You may then shut up your schools, colleges,
family governments and all your institutions, and
you are rapidly passing on the road to anarchy
and disorder. | do not stop to discuss the ques
ton of the right of revolution. The Southern
States place their present conduct on the prnci-
pie asserted by Mr.. Davis. No man can pretend
pie who have the balot-box, and in this case
having majority in the leading departments
agreeing with them the questions at issue il
they had remained in the Union.
The question is what is our duty az the present
hour? We all desire peace. Wewish to restore
the Government of our fathers. The best men
differ in answering this question. One thing we
should all DO, if we differ let us differ as Ameri-
can citizens. We can do no good by calling each
other hard names. What is the effect of calling
some men traitors, some abolitionists? Ny coun-
trymen, we drift towards the sea of aDarchy, and
becomes US to treat those who differ with us as
citizens of our republic. You may expect strong
measures. You may look for many things to
arouse the passions of men. War is great ca
lamity, but there is a greater disgrace-the
destruction of the Government and the princi-
plies on which the peace and happiness of the
country repose.
Men talk of the suspension of the writ of habeas
corpus If Mr.. Lincoln should suspend this writ
in time of peace, there is not township in this
State which has not moral force or power enough
to drive him from Washington in an hour There
is a great difference between strong measures used
to sustain a government and those used to destroy
it. We are now realizing the fruits of long and
bitter sectional controversy against which have
long warned you. One of the results ofthe cleo
ton Of 1860, was the placing of ultra men in the
executive chairs of many of the Northern and
Southern States. The great masses of the peo
pie did not believe the consequences would result
which have or more conservative men would
have heen elected. Hence we have seen the
difficulties the people have met with in carrying
out public sentiment in many of the States of the
Union. My conviction is firm, that there is
stronger body of Union men in the South than i
generally known. / see no way OF reaching tn,
true men of the South but by breaking the back
bone of this rebellion. The leaders of the rebel
lion control public sentiment by force, threats
and overawing the quiet and those who desir
peace and unity.
This may seem strange Have you not seen
few bad men do the same thing in many portion
of the North. Yes? Quiet and good men vii
not always rise to put down mob. You hay
seen men publicly whipped. Jails torn down an
men hung by a mob in sight of judges an
sheriffs Men with whom talk say can we sue
ceed in breaking down the rebellion? / say YES
| Ii was to be expected from the long time the re
bellion has been brewing, and the extensive pre-
parations made by its leaders. that we would NEE
with some defeats at first. Such has been tn
result in ali such contests with governments
where portion of the people conspired agains
them. / do not expect to see any Southern pee
pie conquer this Northern One thing
most evident, that you can not point to the pag
OF history where twenty millions of people, pos
sessing the moral power, wealth and integrity
the North, have failed in such a contest. Ma,
nay. You have more benevolent institutions
more moral integrity and power than half of tn
people of the Old World, numbering hundreds c
millions. Our strength is not alone in none
and property, it consists in those principles M
DERIVING the Government of our fathers, and W
deserve to be slaves if we do not sustain them !
this dark hour of adversely, as well as in pros
/ perlty. was not among YOU, fell0w-cltIZen'
when our arsenals. revenue-cutters and custom
houses we're seized under false pretenses OF pre-
lection by armed mobs, and when Sumte
heo sevpnfy me