New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-01-24
NO OWE WAR.

Withheld from its lawful owner, and intel
States authority be not contested in the Terri,
tories, ard elsewhere within its jurisdiction.
The United States Own forts and arsenals at var-
Gus points on the coast. As they bought the
sites, and erected the Notifications, it would
seem TO admit of no doubt that they belong to
them, and to nobody else. If they be seized,
and attempts be made TO hold them, no one can
Be presumed TO suppose that the United States
ought not to retake them. lu doing this, they
make no war on anybody, they simply recover
theiy property. In expelling those who have Ia
ken and attempt TO retain it, they exercise an
unqucstioned right foe which nobody can find
pretense OF blaming them. If war is to be
avoided let those who have seized the forts aud
arsenals simply surrender them on the demand o
their rightful owners. The United States vii
not invade any State or attack its people. They
cannot do this. They will have no occasion, un-
less invited TO put down rebellion or insurrec-
ton.
How of the Territories ? OF course the United
States will retain and protect their Territories,
as they should. They bought them, and have
paid for them, and own them. They have always
governed them and granted them protection.
Why should they not continue to do so 1t is a
plain duty. But the seeding States will claim to
have on interest in them. OF course they will,
aud the clam Will be cheerfully recognized.
Every other State Will claim the same right, aud
have il accorded to thom But what Is that
right Simply the right TO go in pesceably aud
10 or1 k1 tharpfOr All will
have that privilege. Seeding States, loyal
States, or the people thereof, white and black,
native and foreign, viii oil enjoy equal
privileges. As to carrying slaves there the Con-
Qrcss of the United States will regulate that, as
they always have done.
But the seeding States will send in an army
and try to conquer the Territories, or portion
of them and establish Slavery therein by force OF
armsl If they should do this, that would bring
on a war in the Territories. But it would not
last long, as the experience of Kansas shows.
And it would not take much Of an army to keep
Slavery out Slavery cannot be extended nt the
point of the bayOnet against free people who
object earnestly to its spread. And any war on
this continent or at least this portion Of it, for
such a purpose, would be very brief. The strug-
gle would soon be over and peace restored We
cannot have much of civil war therefore in tie
Territories.
If any attempt should be made to obstruct the
navigation of the Mississippi River, it would
create difficulty, and might readily lead to war.
But the seeding States themselves say they have
not tie slightest intention of doing anything Of
the sort.
The only danger Of collision, then, would
appear to be on the sea, in the effort to
drive away the Coast qusdron, which may
be sent to enforce the laws. The seaports
of the seeding STATES would object to being
shut up. They would aim to remove the block
ade that must be imposed, if those ports re-
| fuse to pay Federal duties. They would thus
have to attack the naval force used in the block
ade. and drive il of or defeat and destroy it, if
they could. The war would thus become naval
| war, and the strongest party would succeed
| But, considering that one side has navy and
I the other has none the contest would be very
| unequal, and its results hardly admit Of doubt
The Slave States would submit
What then? The seeding States would have
no war in any other way than in the modes sug-
gested unless they raise an army and invade the
loyal States. II they should do this, they might
very easily bring On general civil war; Bat
they never yet have contemplated this method Of
proceeding, and it is difficult to perceive what
advantage they would gam by it. The interior
and border Slave States would be slow 10 do this
inasmuch as the retaliatOry blow would frat fall
on attach JrcnlI uuitp
the entire North, and greatly exasperOte the peO-
ple. The inevitable result would be defeat
to the weaker party. Which that is can easily
be told beforehand by examining the census
tables. The raising Of armies in the secedi0g
States to invade the loyal States does not, there
fore, seem at oil probable.
We do not see then in whot way general
civil war is going to be brought about. The
war; if We. have any, must be localized and spe.
ci6c 1t must be in the Territories. 1t must be
on the Mississippi River Or, what seems to be
more probable than ALL it must be war Of the
seeding States on the blockading squadron. To
be sure, if Maryland should seccde the terrible
Mr. Toombs may march northword, sword in
hand, as he has intiuated he shall, and attempt
to take Washington. Or some other contest may
be initiated for the same object.
On the whole, therefore, we are obliged 10
confess that We do not see just how we are go
jna 10 have on old fashioned civil war. The war;
if there ia to be any, must inevitably be one of
the sections; ard, for the reasons given, we con-
clude il will not be Of much Importance. Even
before it begins, everybody will want peace and
struggle for peace, and they will do this more