Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-06-04


We hope that this explanation will satisfy
the Gazette Of the consistency of the positions
we assumed; that while the Government, az
between itself and the Oonfederates, has the
right to consider them traitors and to treat
them accordingly, it has no right to demand
that they shall be viewed by other nationsl In
any other light than as belligsrents in
which case, we shall be more than cOmpen-
stated.
We will proceed now TO consider the APP
plication Of the doctrines we have laid down
to the case Of a blockade.
When a Government with the design to
reduce to obedience its rebellious subjects,
establishes blockade, 1t is bound to respect
the construction which other nations put
upon the proceeding, because they become
parties in interest to Il. We viii not con-
tend with the Gazette over the bubble as 10
whether the Southern ports are ours, or be-
long to the COufederscy, because there is no
dispute as to the party which has them in
possession. Governments do not rely much
upon paper titles; and, primd 6aeie, the party
which holds possession has the right. The
right of the Government to blockade de-
ponds upon the fact that, for the time being,
the ports are not its own. The blockade Isl
belligerent measure; and as no Government
can be presumed to be at war with ITSELF no
Government is permitted to blockade its
own ports. Says Mr.. Wheaton:
"However the point, whether the blockade
is to be deemed a pacific remedy, may be
settled, as regards The parties immediately con.
ceTned, it can not be sustained as to neutrGb,
otherwise than as a belligerent measure
BLOCKADE" says the american C~yclopedid,
'in international law, is the closing of the
port Of an enemy by a besieging force. The
effect Of it is that all communication with
the place thus blockaded becomes unlawful,
and the vessels of neutral nations attempting
to sail in or cut Of the port, become liable to
con6scation."
To a blockade, as to all other belligerent
proceedings, the law and reason recognize
but two kinds of parties-belligerents and
neutIals; and in case Of war, all nations
must belong to one class or the other. Our
Government, so far as in its power, has placed
Great Britain in the neutral category. Great
Britain has accepted the act, and declared
her neutrality. We could not, if we would,
have given Great Britain any special favor
in respect to the blockade. To have done so
would have defeated its object; neither
would it have been permitted by other ma
tons. Legally, unless she should choose to
become our ally in the war-and that, it is
| to be hoped, she has not been asked to do
OF our enemy, there is no position but that
of a neutral that she can occupy.
Nations do their duty 10 each other when
they put themselves upon grounds strictly
legal. The idea that the British Government
should, by sOme act or form of words,
express its sy mpathy with ours in this mel
ancholy exigency, is novel, and opens up the
way to new views of international obliga-
tons. We find nothing touching the duty
of sympathy in any'of the standard writers.
1t may seriously be questioned whether the
British Government has any sympathy de-
partment-any foreign Sub-Secretsry, with
whom the national stores of sympathy are
deposited for distribution. We are glad that
the Queen had the good taste to keep her
sympatby-ifs che had aDy-to herself. What
do we want of it? The British lion is not
prone to the melting mood. he is a business
animal, and asks as little sympathy as he
offers. The spectacle of an interview be-
tween him and the American eagle-who is
supposed to be in tears and hysterics-weeds
in his hat, smelling. bottle and white hand
kerchief in his hand-his ~countenRnce
elongated to the measure of the mournful
occasion, is not to our taste, nor, we hope, to
that of the American people.