Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1861-07-12

deVotIoh TO law auu order, as much pride
and reverence for their history and the
government of their country as anv other
civilized and patriotic people. They knew
they could make no advancement directly
in the teeth Of these strong and noble SEN
timents They accordingly commenced BY
an industrious debauching Of the public
mind. They invented an ingenious sopb-
ism, which, conceded, was followed by per-
fectlY logical steps through all theincidents
Of the complete destruction of the Union
The sophism itself is that any State of the
Union may, consistently with the nation )
Constitution, and therefore lawfully and
peacefully, withdraw from the Union with
out the consent Of the Union or Of any
other State. \ little disguise, that the
supposed right is to be exercised only for
just cause, then selves to be sole Judges Of
its Justice, is too thin to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar coated, they have
been drugging the minds Of their section
for more II tan thirty years, until at length
they have brought many good men to
willingness to take up. arms against the
Government, the day after some assem-
blage of men have enacted the farce Of
taking their State out of the Union, who
could have been brought to no such thing
the day before This sophism derives much,
perhaps the whole, Of its currency from
the assumption that there is some omnipo-
tent and sacred supremacy pertaining to
each State of our Federal Union. Our
States have neither more nor less power
than that reserved to them in the Union by
the Constitution, no one Of them having
been a State out Of the Union. The orig
inal ones passed into the Union even before
they cast off their British dependence, and
the new ones came into the Union d.
rectly from condition Of dependence, ex-
cepting Texas, and even Texas in its tenn
porary independence was never designated
as State The new ones only were des-
ignated States on coming inte the Union.
while that name was only first adopted fer
the old ones on and by the Declaration Of
Independence. These in the United Col
onies were declared tree and independent
States, but even then the object plainly
was not to declare their independence Of
one another, Of the Union, but directly
the contrary, as their mutual action be-
fore. at the time, aud afterwards, abun-
dainty show. The express plighting Of
faith BY each and all Of the thirteen orig
inaI States in the articles of the confcdera-
ti9n, two years later, "that the Union shall
be perpctual," " is most conclusive. Ha7-
ing never been States neither in substance
or name outside the Union, whence this
magical omnipotence Of State rights, as
serting claim of power to lawfully des-
troy the Union itself? Much is said about
the sovereignty Of the States, " but the
word even is not in the national C0nstitu-
tion nor, it is believed, in any Of the State
What is q sovereignty 2
Would it be far wrong to declare it a po-
IiticaI community without political suPe-
rior? Tested By this, no one Of our States
except Texas was sovereignty, and even
Texas gave up the character on coming
into the Union, by which act she acknowl-
edged the Constitution of the United
States and laws and treaties of the United
States, made in pursuance Of the Constitu-
tion, to be forever her supreme Law.
The States have their status in the I'm
ion and they have no other legal status
IF they break from this they only do SO
against law by revolution. The Union,
and not themselves separated, procured
their independence and their liberty. By
or purchase the Union gave each
Of them whatever Of independence and lib
ertY it has. The Union is older than any
Of the States and in fact it created them
as States. Originally some dependant
colonies made the Union and in return the
Union threw eff their old dependence for
them and made the States such as they
are. Not one Of them ever had q State
Constitution independent Of the Union =
OF course, it is not forgotten that all the
new States formed their Constitutions be-
fore they entered the Union, nevertheless
dependent on and preparatory TO coming
into the Union. PROFESSIONALLY the
States have the powers and rights reserv-
ed to them by the National Constitution.
but among these surely are not included
all conceivable powers, however mischiay-
Gus or destructive. But at most such on
" as were known in the world at that time
as governmental powers, and certainly
power to destroy the Government itself,
had never been known as a governmental,
a merely administrative power.
This relative matter of National power
and States rights as p; inciple, is no other
than principle of generality and locality.
Whatever concerns the whole should be
confined to the whole General Government,
while whatever concerns tie State should
be left exclusively to the State. This Is
all there is left Of the original principle
about it. Whatever the national conyeu-
ton intended in defining the boundaries be-
tweenthe two as applied to the principle with
exact accuracy is not TO be questioned.
We are all bound By that definition with
out question, What is now combatted is
the position that secession is consistent
with the Constitution, is lawful and PEACE
ful. It is not contended that there is any
express law for it, and nothing should ever
be implied as Law which leads to unjust
and absurd consequences. The nation
purchased with mo. ey the countries out of
which several of these States were formed.
Is it just that they should 20 of without
leave OF without refunding? The nation
paid very large sums. in the aggregate, l
believe. nearly 100000, to relieve Elor-
ida from the aboriginal tribes. Is it just
that she should now 60 of without consent
or without any retura? The nation is now
in debt for money applied for the benefit
/ Of these so called seceeding States. in COM
mon with the rest. Is 1t just either that