The Jeffersonian Democrat. [volume] (Chardon, Ohio) 1854-1865, 1861-02-08
WHOLE NO., SIS.

estate held only 10 trust for them, and do
prive tho world of the best hopes Il has on
joyod since the human rnco began its slow
and painful, yet needful and wisely an.
pointed progressa
Hcre / might close my plea for the Amer
ican Union; but it is necessary, IL not to OK
hsust argument, at least to exhibit the ON
tiro case. The dsunionists. consciously uu.
able to stand on their mere disappointments
in tho recent election, have attempted to
enlarge their ground. More than 30 years
there has existed considerab!e-thouph
no! heretofore formidable-mass of citizens
in certain States situate near or around tho
Delta of tho Mississippi, who believe ,ha.
tho Unicn is less conducive to the welfare
and greatness OF these States than smaller
confederacy. embracing only slave States,
would bo. This class has availed itself Of
the discon'ents resulting from the election,
to put into operation tho machinery Of dis
solution, long ago prepared and watching
only for occasion. In other States there il
a soreness because of the want ofsympathy
in tho free States with tho efforts of tho
Shareholders for tho recapture of fueitives
from service. In all the slave States there
is restiveness resulting from tho resistance
which has been so determinedly made within
the last few years, in the free States, to the
extension Of slavery in the common terrific
ries OF the United States. The Republican
party, which cast its yotes for the successful
Presidential candidate on the ground of that
policy, has been allowed, practically, no
representation, no uttorance by speech or
through the pross, 10 the slave States; while
its policy, principles and sentiments, and
even its temper, ,havo been 80 misrepresentcd
as to excite apprehensous that it denies
important constitutional obligations, and
aims oven at interference with slavery and
its overthrow BY State authorities or intor-
vention OF the Federal Government. Con-
siderable masses even 10 the free States. in
tcrcstod in the success of these misrepre.
sentatiOns as means of partizan strategy,
have sent their sympathy to the party claim
ing to be aggrieTed. While the result Of
tho election brings the Republican party
necessarily into tho foreground in resisting
disunion, tho prejudices against them which
have described have deprived them of tho
corporation of many good and patriotic cit-
izens. On complex issue between tho Re.
publican party and Gisunionists, although
1t involves the direst national calamities, tho
result might bo doubtful; for the Republic
can party is weak in large part of tho
Union. But on diroct issue, with all who
cherish the Union on one side, and all who
desire its dissolution by force on the other,
the verdict would be prompt and almost
unanimous. ! desire thus TO simplify the
issue, and for that purpose 10 separate from
it all collateral questions, and relieve il of
all partizan passions and prejudicea
! consider the idea Of the withdrawal
OF the Gulf States, and their permanent
reorganization with or without others in
distinct Confederacy, as a means OF ad.
vantage TO themselves so certainly unwise
and SO obviously impossible OF execution,
when the purpose is understood, that I
dismiss it with the discussion l have al
ready incidentally bestowed upon It.
The case Is different, however, In regard
to the other subjects which have brought
in this connection before the Senate.
Beyond doubt. union is vitality impor-
tans to the Republican citizens of The Uni
ted States; but is just as important TO
the whole people, Republicanism and
Union are, therefore, mot convertible terms.
Republicanism is subordinate to Union,
as everything else, and ought TO be-Re-
publicanism, Democracy, every other po-
lilical name and thing; all are subordinate
and they ought to disappear in the pres-
ence oil the great question Of Union. So
far as l am concerned, it shall be SO; 10
should be SO il The question were sure to
be tried as il ought only to be determined,
by the peaceful ordeal of the ballot.
shall be so all the more since there is one
side prepared 10 refer il 10 the arbitrament
Of civil war. have such faith in this
Republican system Of ours, that there is
no political good which l desire. that /
am not content to seek through its peace.
iul forms Of administration, without invok-
ing revolutionary action. II others shall
invoke that form of action 10 oppose and
overthrow the government, they shall not,
so far as it depends on me, have the ex-
cuse that obstinately left myself to be
misunderstood. In such case / cannot
afford TO meet prejudice with conciliatior,
exaction with concession which surren-
ders no principle, and violence with the
right hand Of peace. Therefore, sir, so
far as the abstract question whether, by
the Constitution OF the United States, the
bondsman, who is made such by the laws
OF State, is still a man or only property.
| answer that, within that State, its laws
on that subject are supreme; that when he
has escaped from that State into another,
the Constitution regards him as bonds
man who may not, by any Law or regula.
ton Of that Stale. be discharged from his
service, but shall be delivered up, on
claim, 10 the party 20 whom his service
is due. While prudence and justice would
combine in persuading you TO modify the
acts OF Congress on that subject,so as not
to oblige private persons TO assist in their
execution, and TO protect freemen from
being, by abuse of The laws, carried into
slavery agree that all laws of the States,
which relate to this class Of persons, or
any others recently coming from or resi-
dent in other States, and which laws con-
travene the Constitution OF the United
States, or any law Of Congress passed in
conformity thereto, ought to be repealed.
Secondly. Experience in public affairs
has confirmed my opinion. that domestic
Slavery, existing in any State, is wisely
left by the Constitution OF the United
States exclusively to the care. manage
ment and disposition OF that State; and II
it were in my power. I would not alter