Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-03-13

lore, the minority are bound to Succumbl 1he |
argument cuts the other way, for if there be any
virtue in the opinion of majorities, then it is the
Republican party and their platform which must
go under.-N. Y Herald
The Inaugural Address of Mr. Lincoln |
.-Thc Country no Wiser than il was |
Before--Is Coercion the Policy!
1t would have been almost as instructive if |
President Lincoln had contented himself with tel |
ling his audience yesterday funny story, and let
them 60. His inaugural is but a paraphrase of
the vague generalities contained in his pilgrimage
speeches, and shows clearly, either that he has
not made up his mind respecting his future course,
or else that he desires, for the present, to keep
his intentions to himself. The stupendous ques-
tions of the last month have been whether the in
coming administration would adopt coercion or
a Cancellation policy towards the Southern States;
whether it would propose satisfactory amend
ments to the Constitution, convening an extra
session of Congress for the purpose of consider
ing them and whether, with the spirit ofthe states
men who laid the corner stone of the institutions
of the republic it would rise to the dignity of the
occasion, and meet fitting the terrible crisis
through which the country is passing. The inau
gural gives no satisfaction any of these points.
Parts of it contradict those that precede them,
and where the adoption of any course is limited at
a studious disavowal of its being a recommenda-
ton is appended. Not small portion of the
columns OF our paper, to which the document is
amplihed, look as though they were thrown in as ,
mere make weight. A resolve to procrastinate
before committing himself, is apparent through
out Indeed Mr. Lincoln closes by saving that
"there is no object in being in hurry" and that
nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.
Filled with careless bonhOmie as this first procla
nation to the country of the new President is, it
will give but small cOntentment to those who be-
lieve that not only its prosperity but its very ex-
istence is at stake.
The inaugural opens by deliberately ignoring
the true issue between the Southern and North
ern States. 1t declares that the slavehodng
members ofthe Confederation have no grievances
that nobody is hurt" or will have a right to
imagine himself hurt, until the peculiar insttu-
ton is actively invaded where it exists. "Appre-
hension," he says, "seem, to exist among the
people of the Southern States, that their proper
ty and their peace, and personal security. are to
be endangered. There has never been any reas-
enable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the
most ample evidence to the contrary has all the
while existed, and been open to their inspection y
The same spirit runs through the whole speech.
He quotes the Chicago Platform resolution against
John Brown as though that were an all-suffcient
reply to objections and elsewhere exclaims: ais
it true that any right written in the Constitution
has been denied? | think not" Yet in the line
and a half which is all that he thinks proper to
devote to the mOmentous question OF the common
Territories out of which has grown the sectional
strife which convulses the Union, he virtually
kicks to pieces the whole ground-wor of Repub-
lican aggressons and confesses the untenableness
of their past claims. "Must Congress" he says,
''protect slavery in the Territories? The Consti-
tuition does not expressly say"
A couple of paragraphs devoted to the fugitive
slave law contain acknowledgment of his duty
to enforce it, but, while emphatcally promising
to do so, the President quibbles respecting the
manner of carrying out the law, and interpolates
for the benefit of his Abolitonist friends query
respecting free negroes which is completely out
| of place. might it not be WELL" he asks, in
their behalf, ''to provide by law for the enforce
ment Of that clause in the Constitution, which
guarantees that the citizens of each State shall
be entitled all the privileges and immunities Of
citizens in the several StatesF This cover
| fling. of course, at South Carolina, whose recen
legislation on the subject of free negroes is thus
held up for reprobation.
| The Union, Mr.. Lincoln reminds us, has no
provided in the National Constitution, for its owl
destruction; but, Gin contemplation of unversa
law" it must be perpetual and thi
should greatly console the Bourbons and the
Rajah of Scinde, "perpetuity is the Fundamental
law of all National Governments" Therefore
81 shall take care" he continues, "that the law
/ of the Union be faithfully executed in all of th
/ States" Later, however, he pays tribute Il
| the right of revolution" with which his frs
declarations are scarcely consistent He says
"This country, with its institutions, belongs Il
the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall
grow weary of the existing Government, the
can exercise their constitutional right of amend
ing, or their revolutionary right to dismember o
overthrow it." But he passed on to declare tn
purposes Of his Administration, in relation to tn
States that have seeded fact he abstains from
directly referring to-in a manner so murkly ab
struse, and intentionally contradictory, that, a
first sight, he appears nearly if not quite, incom
prehensible. He tells that, Sin enforcing tn
laws. there need be no boodshed or violence, an
there shall be none, unless it is forced upon tn
National authority. The po,cer confded to m
,ciH be used to hold, occupy and possess the prop
{ erty and places belonging TO the Government, an
collect the duties and rnposts, but beyond VIVA
NAV be necessary for these objects there will b
no invasion-no using of force against o
amongst the people anywhere. 1t is impossibl
to interpret these sentences otherwise than as
pledge to the coercionists that forts Sumter an
Pickens shall be reinforced; forts Pulaski, Mou
trie and the defenses of the Belize retaken; an
that Southern cities shall be blockaded, and til
revenue collected outside of such ports of entr
as Mobile Charleston, New Orleans and Savar
nah If such words mean anything, it is wa
and the beginning of such civil horrors, as hay
E never yet been witnessed in any age. No honeye
|
> tirely extract tie venom they contain.
Yet an explanation follows, which is designc
to cover UP, as far possible, the terrible suicd
threat that precedes il. The President goes OIL
4 where hostility to the United States shall be
V great and universal as to prevent competer
resident citizens from holding the Federal office
: there will be no attempt to force obnoxior
s strangers among the people that object. Viii
the strict legal right nay exist of the GovernmeI
to enforce the exercise of these Offices the attem
to do so would be so irritating and so nearly in
4 practicable wthal that | deem il better to foreo
+ for the time the uses of such Offices" An
again: 1.-The Government, nv dissatisfied fellow
countrymen, will not assail you. We are not eI
emies but friends We must not be enemies
Suppose you go to war, you can not fight alway
= and when after much loss on Doth sides and Il
. gain Oh either, you cease fighting, the identic;
e questions, as to terms of intercourse agai
n before YOU" These disclaimers of hostile inter
would be hailed with rejoicing if they could
h deemed sincere They seem, indeed, to contr
o dict the previous terrible menace; but we fe;
they mean no more than if the Southern Stat
Il make no resistance, when the Administratio
J. shall be ready 20 attack them. there shall
t peace; the endeavor to repulse the Federal Co
IS ernment will. however, be regarded by the latt
v as q beginning of hostilities. We shall soon Sc
2 1t may possibly be that coercion and conciliatic
IF have been meted out, in two phrases, to satisf
l. equally, the mOuerdteS anu raulcalS oil the Repu
o lican party, and the Government is still undecide
n with regard to the practical policy it will be
e hered to-
" The President philosophises about the rights
IS mejorties and minorities i'm n common pla
is manner, predatory to an endelvor to weaken Il
e authority of the Supreme Court, and especial
l. of its Dred Scott decision, by asserting that b.
20 temporary weight attaches thereto, "as ca,
particular case decided by the Supreme Cour
ha off fln1 in
This attack upon the highest tribunal in the Ian
possesses significance, as it is quisi -indorseme
st Of one of the pet plans of Mr.. Seward one
N whose strongest motives for desiring a nation
. convention, is to effect a reconstruction of d
- federal judiciary, in such manner as shall d
prive it of much of the power and dignity it nc
possesses.