New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-01-11
THE P10-SLAVgaY REBELLION.
SECESSION is WAR.
Prn Our gyecal Correspondent

TIE more this secession question is overhauled
and brought into the Light, and turned over, and
every aspect of it illuminated by public and pm
yate debate, by all sorts of persons, with all sorts
of views and purposes as has been and is being
done at this political metropolis, now without
another topic that challenges an instants consider
alton, in comparison with 1.-THE more this Is
done, ] say, the more clear the conviction be-
comes that the separation Of these States is just
about impossible. Those who tolerate and
even favor the idea Of getting rid Of Slavery and
the black race, by excluding the States that in
sist upon its perpetuation, aud giving them over
to ultimate Authorization, find the practical diff
culties of the case almost insurmountable, as
they approach the settlement of details.
There are certain necessities of the Free
States, in their maritime capacity, for example.
that demand solution wholly Inconsistent with
the surrender of the control Of the Gulf Of Mex
leo. England holds Jamaica and other important
points in and about that Gull, and abe will al
ways hold them 20 long as che is able, as ne
cessity of her maritime interests. France and
Spain. though not great maritime powers, each
holds military positions in the West Indies, from
these (as well as otber) considerations. The
Free States Of this Union are more deeply iu-
terested than either of these European powers in
the same object. Their commerce pours in
an uninterrupted stream through the Gulf, and
through every avenue of ingress and egress that
and will forever demand the security and protec-
ton of forts, and harbors, and military succor,
whenever occasion necessitates it, somewhere
within those waters Key West, the Tortugns, and
Pensacola belong more, a thousand times more,
10 the great maritime and commercial interests OF
the Free States. They are thousand times
more necessary to their protection than to the
State of Florda more even, far more, than ~
the whole South.
Then comes the question, VIII thoss points
ever be surrendered by the Free States TO Flor
ida, or to Southern Confederacyi Never,
never. except they be- wrested from them by
war, and be retained by superior naval and
military power. Those posts are in themselves
alone of sufficient importance to create and jus
tify war; even . long and bloody war; should
their possession be contested. England holds
Gibraltar, the very eye Of Spain. II ia held by
force. Spain submits, becau.e she must The
Free States of this Union, aud especially the
maritime States, will infexibly insist upon hold
ing Pensacola. and Key West, and the Tortueas,
for similar purposes 10 those for which England
holds Gibraltar. Under no contingency Of sep
aration that we can now foresee, will those
important posts ever be surrendered by
Northern maritime confederacy 70 Southern
planting confederacy, except the maritime por.
ton Of the Republic be defeated and humili,tcd
on the ocean. How soon that will take place,
every man must be Lis own judge. shall be
excused for saying that the event looks distant.
Again, there is the Mouth Of the Mississippi
River. 1t is easy for those at its outlet to ray
TO the dwelers on its upper winters, 30, We do
not intend to modest your right of navigating
that river You shall have free ingress and
egress to and from the sea through its waters. -
But this sufierance will not answer the purposes
of powerful and independent and high-sPlrted
people, who consider it already theirs. They
will not surrender existing rights, for o mere
promise Of future privileges no matter how liber-
ally or how profusely they may be offered. They
will hold to their rights. They Will insist on
these rights, and they will never relinquish them
till they are convinced that they are not strong
enough to maintain them. This IL the deduction
from the simplest principles of human action II
is plain as q pike-staH. II admits Of no contro-
versy. Nobody ,urrenders what belongs to him
and what he needs, merely because somebody
else wants it.
Here, them are two leading sources and causes
Of war arising at the outset Of any attempt To
construct Northern and Southern Confede-
racy. supposing the sections could agree to sep
arate, so far as other relations were concerned,
there il no visible way Of disposing of these two
important questions without war, unless the
South would willingly surrender important incl
dents Of sovereignty, and take hampered aud
constrained position, in some sort acknowledging
inferiority and want Of power.
We need not look beyond them to find the OBJ
sAacle which is likely 10 prevent secession. For
in these we see what is al-suhicient TO produce
determined and sanguinary war, 10 far as the
Free States are concerned. And what will pro-
duce this fearful evil waged for vital objects, and
which can only end by the absolute and lasting
defeat of one of the parties is the obstacle which
forbids the act and prevents it, except as a vio-
lent revolutionary measure that is sure to de-
stroy the generation Of men who precipitate
Themselves into it.
If war Gomez, then, what is 1t for, and what
will end itf The question is answered in u word
Slavery! Secession is demanded to spread aud