The weekly pioneer and Democrat., 1861-01-25

land and foreign, postal Communications a
home and abroad, the care and disposition
OF the public domain, colonization. the or
ganizatl0n and admission of new states, and
generally the enlargement of empire, on,
nation under our present constitution, thai
1t would be to divide themselves into sepa
rate states or confederacies.
The first object of every human society i.
safety or security, for which, if need be
they will, and they must sacrifice every 9th
er. This security is of two kinds; one, ex-
emptlon from foreign aggression and infu-
ence; the other, exemption from domestic
tyranny and sedition.
Foreign wars came from either violations
of treaties or domestic violence. The Union
has, thus far, proved itself an almost perfect
shield against such wars. The United
States, continually enlarging their diplo-
matte acquaintance, have now treaties with
France, the Netherlands, Great Britain,
Sweden, Prussia, Spain, Russia, Denmark,
Mexico, Brazil. Austria, Turkey, Chill
Siam, Muscat, Venezuela, Peru, Greece,
Sardinia, Ecuador, Hanover, Portugal,
New Granada, Hesse CasseI, Wurtemburg
China, Bavaria, Saxony, Nassau, Switzer-
land, Mecklenburg, Schwerin, Guatemala,
the Hawaiian Islands, San Salvador,
Borneo, Costa Rica, Peru, Bremen, the
Argentine Confederation, Loo Choo, Japan,
Brunswick. Persia, Baden, Belgium, Para.
quay. Nevertheless, the United States,
within their entire existence under the
Federal Constitution, have had fragrant
wars with only four States, two of which
were insignificant Powers, on the coast of
Barbary; and have had direct hostilities,
amounting to reprisals, against only two or
three more; and are now at peace with the
whole world. If the Union should be divi-
ded into only two Confederacies, each of
them would need to make as many treaties
as we have now and, of course, would be
liable to give as many causes of war as we
do now. But we know, from the same ex-
perience of other nations, that disintegration
once begun, inevitably continues until even
The greatest empire crumbles into many
parts. Each confederation that shall ulti-
mately arise out of the ruin OF the Union
will have necessity for as many treaties as
we now have, and will incur liabilities for
war as often as we now do, by breaking
them. 1t is the multiplication O. treaties,
and the want OF confederation, that makes
war the normal condition of society in
Western Europe and Spanish America. 1t
IS Union that, Notwithstanding our world
vide intercourse, makes peace the habit of
,he American people.
will not descend so low as to ask whether
1ew confederacies would be able or willing
20 bear the grievOus expense of maintaining
he diplomatic relations which cannot be
dispensed with except by withdrawing from
Oreign commerce
Our federal government is better able to
avoid giving just cause of war than several
because it tconforms the action
If all the states to compacts. 1t Can have
,nly one construction, and only one tribunal
% pronounce that construction, of every
reaty. Local and temporary interests and
passions, or personal cupidity and ambition
IAN drive small cOniederaces or states more
'asily than great republic into indiscreet
rotations of treaties.
The United States being great and
avorable and satisfactory treaties. Indeed,
very treaty we have was voluntarily made
Small confederacies or states must take such
reatles as they can get, and give whatever
reaties are eXacted. A humiliation, or
wen an unsatisfactory treaty, is chronic
,ause of foreign war.
The chapter of wars resulting from
lnjustifiable causes would, in case of division,
lmplify itself in proportion to the number
,f new cOnfederacies and their irrtability.
Dur disputes with Great Britain about
Oregon, the boundary of Maine, the patriot
in Canada, and the Island of
San Juan the border strifes between Texas
md Mexico. the incursions of the late
William Walker into Mexico and Central
these were cases in which war
vas prevented only by the imperturbabilty
'f the federal government.
This Government not only gives fewer
causes of war, whether just or unjust, than
smaller Confederaces would, but it always
las greater ability to accommodate them
oy the exercise of more GOODNESS and cour-
age, the use OF more various and more liberal
means, and the display, if need be, of greater
orce. Every one knows how placable we
ourselves are in controversies with Great
Britain, France and Spain; and yet how
we have been in our intercourse
with New Granada, Paraguay, and San
Juan de Nicaragua.
Mr.. President, no one will dispute our
Orefathers' maxim, that the common safety
)f all is in the safety of the States. While
hey remain united, the Federal Government
combines all the materials and all the forces
Of the several states; organizes their defences
On one general principle; harmonizes and
assimilates them with one system, watches
or them with single eye, which turns in
all directions, and moves all agents under
The control of one executive head. A nation
10 constituted is safe against assaults or
even insults.
War produces always speedy exhaustion
0f money and severe strain upon credit.
The treasures and credits of small Con-
federacies would often prove inadequate.
those of the Union are always ample.
THE DOMESTIC EVILS OF DIsUNIoN.
The public prosperity how could it SUR
vive the storm? Its elements are industry
10 the culture of every fruit; mining of all
The metals; commerce at home and on every
sea ; material improvement that knows no
obstacle and has no end invention that
ranges throughout the domain of nature f.;
increase of knowledge as broad as the hu-
man mind can explore; perfection of art as
high as human genius can reach; and social
refinement working for the renovation of the
world.
How could onr successors prosecute these
noble objects in the midst of brutalizing
civil conflict? What guarantees will clpi>
tai invested for such purposes have, that
will outweigh the premium offered for po-
tical and military ambition? What leisure
will the citizens find for study. or invention,