The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-02-15

chants and others DESTROYS of having their bust
cards inserted, can be accommodated by
eaving their orders at the Counting-room during
the day.
We have taken occasion to say, decidedly here
tofore,-and we again urge the suggestion, as a
timely one, now--that the settlement of the ma
tional difficulties ought not, in our opinion, to be
embarrassed by demand for guarantees Of any
Sort in regard to territory hereafter to be &C.
qured. We do not rest this opinion upon the
mere ground, that present evils are sufficient for
the day which has to deal with them because it
is the part of craftsmanship to oresee and provide
against future evils as well. Neither do we con-
fine ourselves, by any means, to the view so forc-
big put, by Mr.. ADAMS of Massachusetts, as to the
madness of fighting among ourselves, because we
"cannot agree upon the mode of disposing of our
';neighbors lands" If it is to be part of our pol
icy to acquire the lands of our neighbours it would
be but statesmanlike to have some understanding,
as to the mode in which they to be disposed of
when acquired. For ourselves, we mean distinct
ly to say, that we are utterly opposed to any pol
icy which conempates or will encourage such
future acquisitions at all, and we would not, as
matter of choice desire any arrangement which
would keep alive the theory or spirit Of such a
policy, offer any temptation whatever to its
development. We believe that the nation has
more than enough territory already. We are
painfully conscious of the extent to which our
present dangers have been the result of territorial
acquisitions made heretofore. We regard the
doctrines of the 0stend Manifesto as absurd, I'M
prncpled and full of peril to us, in all our rela
lions, whether domestic or foreign. We consider
filibusterism, in every shape-whether naked and
shameless, or in the guise of purchase from those
whom we would force to selI-as disgraceful to
our national character, and at war with the
whole theory and principles of our Government
We therefore desire to see no bait held
out to it under any pretext, or in any
form, and believing thata provision, now deliber-
ately and formally made, for the terms upon which
future acquisitions shall be enjoyed by our people,
will furnish temptation and encouragement to
propagandists, upon both sides, to promote such
acquisitions, by foray and intrigue in all time 10
come, we prefer to see the subject dropped en-
trey, and flibusiersm Of every sort left to all the
encouragement which the uncertainty of its results
will be sure to entail. We do not mean to say
that the obvious wisdom of withdrawing one Sc
rious question from the many embarrassing ones
which surround the solution of our difficulties, is
not powerful consideration in ITSELF and does not
add immensely at the present time, to the force of
the views which we have expressed. We would
not be understood as denying the propriety, in
such n crisis as this, of letting the future take
care of ITSELF if the consideration of its anticipated
difficulties would prevent the adjustment of those
which are instant and upon US. Nor do we abate.
on the other hand, one ot or title of our adher-
ence to the doctrine of the equality of the States
as expounded by the Supreme Court. We only
desire to express our convictions against the policy
of territorial acquisition, in itself, simply as q
policy, and even if its introduction into onr pend
ing disputes would not complicate Or embtter
them. 1t is, and always has been, our deliberate
judgment, that it is the true policy of the UNITED
STATES, and their high duty towards the adjacent
nations of this continent to encourage protect and
develop them, instead Of despoiling and dividing
them. If in place of fostering their dissensions,
invading their territory, and demoralzing or slay-
ing their people, we had gone among them with
the arts of peace and ivilization-persuading
and if need be, compelling them to cease intestine
SIiiiN-h nat hOulu NC lItlE COuulllOu now AS
a fulfment of our own true republican mission,
how infinitely nobler would be our position in
regard to them before the world and in history
Even in the point of interest, merely, our relation
to them would be ten-fold better. We should
have established over them protecorate Of kind
ness, and not force, sustained. by gratitude
and honorable dependence. We could have
moulded them 10 our institutions and policy, and
have made their interests so identical with ours
that no 'MoNRoE doctrine" need ever have been
invented to prevent European, intrusion into their
councils They would now be happy and prosperous
themselves, and an incalculable element in orr
own prosperity. Hereafter, as well as now they
would be as efectually ours for all purposes of
fair and advantageous relationship as if their terri
tory belonged to us-and without any risk to our
selves and our own peace and national permanence,
from oVer-extension of our domain and mutipli-
cation of the elements of dscord among us. tits
well known fact that treaty of commercial re-
ciprocity, upon the broadest and most ADVANTAGE
Gus basis, could have been negotiated with Spain
during the Administration of General PIERCE.
making the Island of Cuba as much our own to
all practical intentS, for all the legitimate purposes
of commerce and intercourse, as if it had been
bought and paid for. 1t is equally well known
that similar treaty, negotiated by our present
Minister at Madrid, was rejected at the last session
of Congress. The opportunity was thrown
away, in the first instance, for fear that such
treaty might set flibusterism at rest
in that direction, by removing all possible pretext
for it, and consolidating important commercial
interests against it. In the second case the same
opportunity sacrificed, because the treaty con-
tanned provision for indemnity to the AMIsrAD
claimants, and Republican Senators would not
soil their virtuous hands with an instrument.
which committed the outrage of recognizing
property in man." And so, perverseness and
tanaticsm on the one side and on the other, des-
peratey fooled away the great peaceful interests of
the country. We are opposed to any perpetuation
o: such rivalry in wickedness and folly by pro-
Vidlng future fields for its exercise. We are there
fore, quite ready to accept Mr. CRITTENDES's
original resolution on the territorial question,
without Mr.. BRECKINRIDGE's Interpretation, and
we are gratifed to see that Mr. CRITrENDEN him
self has expressed the same willingness Nay, we
have no objection whatever to the Faneuil Hall
resolutions, which, while they propose to extend
the settlement to territory hereafter to be acquired
propose at the same time to prohibit such future
acquisitions, unless three-fourths of the States
assent to their being made. We believe that the
people of Maryland would heartily approve of such
a settlement, and we repeat our own conviction
that they have no interest " hch it would not
serve.
We earnestly desire to do Mr.. LINCOLN strict and
impartial justice: to ''ex.enuate nothing" nor
''to set down aught in malice" His admirers