The weekly Lancaster gazette. (Lancaster, Ohio) 1860-1863, 1861-01-31

4
former communication, to which it re-
lates. But there is an autagOnism in
this paragraph between the statements
Of "T." himsOlf, which must be appa-
rent to every one.
He first says that deny that thee Consti-
tuition is compact dtah, and in the next
breath asserts that | contend that il is
q compact, to which the general govern
ment is partyl evidently showing eth
er q want Of comprehension or wilful
perversion Of my definition and view Of
the Constitution and Government Of the
United States. The language employed
by me, is that "the Constitution Of the
United States is, practically, frame Of
government, both Of the people and the
States" and that so far as it operates
directly on the people, Gas in taxation,
representation, IL naturalization or allegi.
snce) that far il is more than compact.
He asserts, too, 10 the face Of the above
plain language, that "hold to the old
federalist idea, that our government is
consolidated one p Now this GER
tsiuty indicates that 1T" has q very
imperfect notion Of the nature Of con-
solidated government, or he could not,
without intentional misrepresen alton,
say that there is anything in my arti-
Gle which can be construed as fayoring
such an exposition Of our system Of
government.
The establishment Of Q consolidated
national government would have re-
quired total destruction of State lines,
as we'll as q concentration Of all the
powers of sovereignty into that one na-
tiondI government; whereas / have en-
deavored to show that the sovereign
powers Of the people Of the United
States are exercised by the general gou-
ernment and the State governments,
considered together.
By sovereignty residing in the "body
of the nation" was meant Gas every man
of any brains must have understood, }
not that the general government was vest
ed with all the sovereign powers, but
that full sovereignty dwells, originally,
in the body Of the people Of which the
nation is composed. have distinctly
stated that the general & the State gov
ernments of the United States are merely
the ''mode" or the means by which
"the people exercise sovereignty" but
that to render our system of govern
ment "permanent," it was necessary for
the people Of the United States, when
they established it, ''to relinquish to the
general government" Cor if"T" pleases,
to those agents whom the people should
choose to administer it) $50 much ei
their sovereignty as would sustain it,
! I fully appreciate the distinction
which "T' draws between the signi6ca'
tions Of the words "relinquish" and
"delegate;" but l must ask to differ
from him as to the appOsitoness Of tha
distinction in the premises. For, al
was shown 10 my former article by fact
derived from our history and Constitu
ton, the "delegation of powers provid
ed for in that instrument, twas intended
to be perpetual" Hence it may b,
truly said, that there is no distinction
between the meaning Of the word "del
! gated, as used in the Constitution, an,
. that of the word ''relinquished."
l might here close this article if j
were not that I am reluctant to allo,
n to arrogate to his secession doctrine
the prestige Of the cherished sentiment
of our revered Washington and Jeffer
sonl In claiming concurrence Of th
= views of these distinguished patriots
! with his own, upon the question of tn
J right of State to withdraw from tn
= Union, he certainly reaches the china
!. of misrepresentation. And to sho'
: how far they sustain @ his opiuion'
;, and how widely they differ from tn
! crude notions Of "Young America,"
: ! copy the following extracts:
In his Fare well Address, Washington say
VI alt is OF infinite moment that you should prt
peTly estimate the immense value Of your M
:. tiOnGl URiOn TO your collective and individu
g happiness; watching for its preservation vii
. jealous anxiety; denOuncing DhGaeuer ma
~ suggest epen SUSPICION that IL can, IN Al
70 EVENT be abandoned; and indignantly frODI
,e ing upon The FIRST DAwMNG Of epery atteml
y to ahenGte any portion Of your country fro
" the rest"
Thomas Jefferson, in his first President
h inaugural Address, says: awe ATE all repu
~ licans, we are all feder&ists; il there be al
| L. .,h % al
~ Union, or 10 change its republican form, !
them stsnd unjsturbed, as monuments ot 4
TO safety wiih tohich ERROR or OPINION may be ia
10 Grated, tOhers reason is free to cOmbdt ~
;, Such has ever been the sentiment of oil trl
patriots.
he A word in relation TO the Calhoun Resol
y, TONS which ar" quotes. Against these re
4 olutions, properly interpreted, there is no obje
- ton. They refer evidently to the status
20 the States at the period between the abrog
y, ton of the Articles Of Confederation and 4
- adoption Of the present Constitution. Nc
he no one is so ignorant as to dispute the iat
nc that, during the interim between those acts
~ the American people, the States were ind
y pendent OF each other; nor would any o
ne say that the people OF each Stcte did not Q
he in their separate sovereign capacity in adoI
is ing the Constitution OF the United States. /
,at when the Confederation was, by the conse
Is of all the States, dissolved, the Union its
nd ceased and was not restored until our pr'
or. sent Constitution was adopted. This | ha
lie before intimated by referring to the .
,ie ton of North Carolina and Rhode Island
ess relation to the establishment Of the Consti'
;s ton. But can it be denied that, by the i
,rs act above mentioned, (the adoption Of
N Constilution,) the status OF the States in
he spect to their individual sovereignty, v
he changed; OF that no State can now be So
hat reign. except within certain limited sphe'
les II think il has been shown that this cannot
as fairly oontroverted. am compelled, how
,on er, to enter my most solemn protest agai
ent a recognition Of Mr.. Calhoun exposition on
md governmental system, (as set forth by HMM
na famous 6Resolntions on the powers OF the g