Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1861-06-02
mr. HaTss 60 Mr., nosts.--g he After.
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he following letter from Hon. Edward Bates to |
Hon. Johns Minor Bolts. ~ II has never be- |
lore been published. II was written In re-
ply to letter of Mr.. Bolts that has been fol
some time before the public Il viii be read
with greS. interest;
sszas NAsHrEoroS esTY, April 90, 1861.
Hon. John Miney Bolts, Richmond, "a,
: Dear Sir: s*s You and /, Mr.. Bolts, know
each others characters very. well. Heretofore
YOURS has been marked by bold, frank and man.
" traits, which won for you many friends and
admirers all over the country. and hence my
astonishment on receiving from you such note
with such an enclosure. do not impute the
blame to you, for cannot avoid the conclusion
that you are acting under duress-that you have
become the victim Of set Of desperadoes. who,
having wantonly plunged into the guilt OF trea
son and the danger Of ruin, would gladly sacri-
fce you and me, apd ten thousand such men,
If thereby they can make way of escape for
themSelves from the least Of the dangers which
they have so wickedly incurred.
Here at Washington. perhaps, we know lit
tie more about the machinations Of the conspi-
rators at Richmond than they are aware Of
But besides that, tho documents (your note TO
Col. Russell, your note to me, and the printed
slip) bear internal evidence OF concerted plan,
a scheme invented (not by the bold and patriotic
Bolts, butt by those same conspirators, who, fail.
ing to intimidate the Government by bullying
violence. have changed their tactics, and still
hope to win the victory and destroy the nation
by less hazardous but more cunning process.
l. Your note to Colonel Russell (which be
showed me) imports that you are safe and com.
Portable at Richmond, while we have melan.
choly testimony that such men as you are Meth.
or safe nor comfortable there.
| 2. Your note to me OF April 23d Covering the
printed letter, but not mentioning it) contains
several phrases which lam persuaded you would
not have used If left to your own free action
Tne note begins by stating its main object thus
-"I write hurriedly to say that have consent
ed to the publication of my letter to you, with
the hope, Sc" Which letter to me7 have
received several letters from you, but none o.
the 18th Of April. "Consented to the publica-
tion'-st whose instance2 The phrase and th'
context invite the inference that the publication
was made at my instance, and that Inference
was, believe, generally drawn in this city, aDC
will probably be drawn all over the country
whereas, you do know that had nothing to d,
with the publication.
The note concludes with this very suggestive
lne-"I am not at liberty to speak Of what |
going on here" can easily comprehend tha
lhumiliating fact; and do painfully sympathiz
with you and with all good and faithful men II
my native state, when behold the capital Q
the once free and proud Virginia subjected 10 H
tyranny Of lauLess mob.
3 The printed letter. Alas! that shoul
live to see such a letter under the hand of tn
gallant and gifted John M. Bolts! shall no
! 20 into any minute criticism of the letter-t
, show how It contradcts all the main facts i
your high and honorable political history, an
countermarched the whole line of your activ
, and useful career, onward and upward for th
, last thirty years. My personal regard and m
a great respect for your character forbid me to
that. But ! cannot forbear to say that th
whole scope and the tendency of the letter,
, not its design, Is an argument In favor Of dis
, solving the Union, and blotting from the map Q
the world the nation Of the United States.
lis q silent approval, by falling to condemn, Q
the violent and revolutionary proceedings q
the people OF the Southern States, In several Q
them before the idle form Of secession was gon
through with, in plundering the money and arm
and other property of the United States; in sell
ing upon our ungarrisoned forts; in maxim
!, open war upon such as refused to surrender; i
firing upon, and 10 some instances actually de
grading the flag Of our country; and In scheme
and projects boastfully announced in the publ
: press, and partially acted out in militar
D preparations, to seize this capital by violenct
and break up the government.
Your letter does not in terms assert, Sut b
u necessary implication assumes, that this Admil
istration can, IL It win, restore the peace of Il
. country by the cheap and easy experiment {
:, issuing proclamation proposing truce
= hostilities and the immediate assembling Of
. pational convention" It seems to me, my dea
Q sir that there are some serious objections ;
.his Cheap plan Of peace; and fret, the Presider
has no power to call q national conventions
Second, II he did call IL, there is not the remotet
7 probability that the insufgent States would ODE
0 the call. Third, II they did obey 1t, there
n little hope that they would agree to come Q
equal terms with the other States, by recantir
} their recent assumptions Of separate and absC
8 lutte sovereignty, and by restoring all that th.
Il have taken by violence from the United State
| 10 short, after all that Is past, II seems to m
that there are but two alternatives left to th
Administration: first, to submit implicitly
II all the claims of the insurgent States, an
A quietly consent to dlsmembefment Of the ne
don; or second, TO do its best TO restore peac
law and order, by supporting "the Constitute
J, and the Union, and the enforcement of Il
q laws" Let the nation judge which horn of Il
/. ! dilemma the Administration ought to take,
view of all its obligations In regard 10 the pei
msnent interests OF the country, and its own p
!. triotism and constitutional duty. ey 5'g,T
,s lam amazed at the course Of things In vi
! ginia, Your convention was not cGlled to d
= solve the Union, nor trusted with the power
secession. By the act ofiits creation that sov,
q reign power was reserved to the people of vi
a ginia. Yet as soon as the convention had O.
!. cretly scted upon the subject, without any pr
V mitigation of the ordinance, and while the pee
q pie we're yet ignorant of It's existence, the e,
ecutive officers OF Virginia rushed, incontinen
lly, into open war against the United State
They endeavored to obstruct the harbor of No
folk, in order to secure the plumber of the Nav
Yard at Gosport, and sent military power
. complete the work Of It's spoliation. The el
b terprse failed, indeed, to clutch the spoil, bu
2 it caused the destruction of millions of gdola
: worth of public property. The same thing wa
substantially, done at Harper's Ferry. vi
/ Rinia troops were marched upon the place
0 seize the arsenal. They did not get possession
40 John Brown did, only because the vigilaI
little garrison, knowing Its inability to resii
, such superior numbers, destroyed the properi
. and made good its retreat. They menaced th
3 capital by open threats OF military force, = oh
structiDg the roads leading to it, and by &C
tive endeavors to command the navigation {
II the Potomac And all this done while th
, State, according TO the letter Of its own Law
remained q member Of thc Union. ifssN 1-
Think you, my dear sir, that men who do thei
things in open day and In contempt of the figh
. land powers Of the people Of Virginia, have suo
J reverence for treason, order, law, liberty, me-
rality and religion" as todgive much heed
the PresIdent's"proclam proposing q truce7
lack the faith tobelieve it.b ~ ~ irgs0Y
In conclusion, Iassure you,cin sllAincerit.
that do deeply sympathize in your present dii
tress. / love The people of my native Stat