The weekly Ottumwa courier. [volume] (Ottumwa, Iowa) 1857-1872, 1861-01-30

we have no constitutional power to make
war against State. The dilemma results
from an assumption that those who, in such
q case, act against the Federal Government,
act lawfully as State although, manifestly,
they have pervest Il the power of the State
to an unconstitutional purpose. A class of
politicians i'm New Engllnd set up this the
ory and attempted to practice upon it in
our war Nth Great Britain.
Mr. Jefferson did no. hesitate 10 say that
States must be kept within their constitution
al sphere by impuls,on, If they could not be
held there by attraction. fully admit the
originality, the sovereignty, and the inde-
pendence Of the several States within their
sphere But hold the Federal Government
to be equally original, sovereign, and inde-
pendent within its sphere. And the govern
ment Of the State can no more absolve the
people residing within its limits from allegi-
ance to the Union than the Government of
the Union can ahsolve them from allegiance
to the State. The Constitution fthe United
States, and the laws made in pursuance there
/ Of, are the supreme law of the land, para
mount to all legislation Of the States, wbcth-
er made under the Constitution or by even
their organic Convention The Union can
be dissolved not by secession. with or with
out armed force, but only by the voluntary
consent Of the people of the United States,
collccicd in the manner prescribed by the
/ Constitution Of the United States.
Congress, in the present case, ought not
to be impassive. 1t ought, if it can, to re-
dress any real grievances of tire offended
States, and then it ought to supply the Pres
i1snt s0ith all the means necessary to main
tain the Union in the full exhibition and
discreet exercise Of its authority. Beyond
this, with the proper activity on the part of
the Executive, the responsibility Of saving
the Union belongs to the people, and they
are abundantly competent to discharge it.
propose, therefore, with great Difference.
to address myself to the country upon the
momentous subject, asking hearing, not
less from the people within what are called
the seeding, than from those who reside
within the adhering States.
Union is an DID, fixed, settled habit of the
American people, resulting from convictions
of its necessity, and therefore not likely to
be hastily discarded. The early States, while
existing as. colonies, were combined, though
imperfectly, through common allegiance to
the British Grown. When that allegiance
ceased, no one was so presumptous as to
suppose political existence compatible with
disunion ; and, therefore, on the same day
that they declared themselves Independent,
they proclaimed themselves also confedcra-
ted States. Experience in war and in peace,
from 1776 until 1889, only convinced them
Of the necessity ofconyerting that loose Con-
federacy into more perfect and perpetual
Union. They acted with coolness very
different from the Incorporate conduct of
those who on the other rashly defy dlsunion
They considered the continuance of the Un-
ion as subject comprehending nothing less
than the safety and welfare of all the parts
of which the country was composed, and the
| fate of an empire in many respects the most
interesting in the world | enter upon the
subject OF continuing the Union now, deeply
impressed with the same generous and loyal
conviction. How could it be otherwise, when,
cnstead of only thirteen, the country is now
composed of thirty three parts and the en-
pirc embraces, instead of only four millions,
no less than thirty millions or inhabitants.
! The founders OF the Constitution moreover
regarded the Union as no mere national or
/ American interest On the contrary, they
confessed with deep sensi5ility that it seemed
to them to have been reserrca fer thc rc,rln
Of this coun'Gy 90 iecd "ha her scc'ctjes Of
men are really capable of establishing god
government upon reflection and choice, or
whether they are forever destined to depend
for their political constitutions on accident
and force. They feared, therefore, that their
failure to continue and perfect the Union
would be a misfortune to the nations How
much more, sir, would its overthrow now be
a calamity to mankind
Some form Of government is indispensable
here as elsewhere. Whatever form we have,
every individual citizen and every State must
cede to it some natural rights, to invest the
Government with the requisite power. The
simple question, therefore for US now to de-
eide, while laying aside all pique, passion,
and prejudice is: whether it conduces more
to the interests Oft the people oc this country
to remain for the general purposes of peace
and var, commerce inland and foreign, postal
communications at home and abroad, the
care and disposition Of the public domain,
colonization, the organization and admission
of new States, and, generally, the enlarge
ment of empire, one nation under our present
Constitution, then it would be to divide
themselves into separate Confederacies or
States.
Our country remains now as it was in 1887
composed not of detached and distant
Territories, but of one whole well connected
and fertile region lying within the temperate
zone, with climates and soils hardly more
various than those of France or of Italy,
This slight diversity quickens and amplifies
/ manufacture and commerce. Our rivers and
valleys, as improved by art, furnished us a
4 system of highways unequaled in the world.
/ The different forms of labor. if slavery were
not perverted to purposes of political ambi-
] ton, need not constitute an element of srtife
in the Confederacy.
Notwithstanding recent vehement express
sions and manifestations of intolerance in
some quarters, produced by intense partizan
excitement, we are, in fact, q homogeneous
people, chiefly of one stock, with accessions
we'll assimilated. We have, practically, only
one language, one religion, one system Of
Government and manners and customs
common to all Why, then, shall we not
Z remain henceforth as hitherto, one people
/ The first object Of every human society is
safety or security, for which, il need be, they
will, and they must, sacrifice every other
|; This security is of two kinds /; one, exempt
ion from foreign aggression and influence
, and sedition. ..,...sa.
Foreign wars come from either violation OF
treaties or domestic violence. The Unior
/ has, thus far. proved itself an almost perfec
} shield against such wars. The United States
T continually enlarging their diplomatical ac
ouaintance have now treaties with France
) the Netherlands, Great Britain, Sweden
|, Prussia, Spain, Russia, Denmark, Mexico
Brazil, Austria, Turkey, Chill, Siam, Muscat
a VeneZ,lela Peru Greece Sardinia Ecuador