The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1861-12-06


is plainly in the right direction. The insur-
gents confidently claimed q strong support
from the north OF Mason and Dixonis line and
the friends Of the Union were not Tree from
apprehension on the subject. This, however,
was soon settled definitely, and on the right
side. South of the line, noble little Delaware
led of right. From the FIRST, Maryland was
made to seem against the Union, our soldiers
were assaulted; bridges were burned aud
railroads torn up within her limits, and wc
were many DAYS Mt one time without the
ability to bring single regiment over her
soil to the capital. Now her bridges and
railroads arc repaired, and open to the Gov.
eminent. She already gives eleven rcgi.
ments 10 the cause Of the Union. and mono
to the enemy. and her peopeople ut regular
election have sustained the Union by larger
majority, and larger aggregate vote than
ever before given to any candidate or or any
question.
Kentucky, 100, for some time in doubt, Is
now decidedly, and l think unchangeably
ranged on the side of tho union. Missouri
is comparatively quiet, and ! believe cap
not be again overrun ny the insurrectionists.
These three States Of Maryland, Kentucky
and Missouri, neither ofwhich would promise
q single soldier ut first, have now an az
gregate Of not less than forty thousand IN
the field for the union, while Of their citi-
zens certainly not more than third ofthe
number, and there arc doubtful where
abouts and doubtful existence are In against
il. After somewhat bloody struggle OF
months, winter closes on the union people OF
Western Virginia, leaving them masters Of
their own country. An insurgent 'orce OF
about 1900 for months dominating the mar
row penisuar region constituting the coun-
ties of Accomac and Northampton, ind
known Us the eastern shore of Virginia, to-
gether with some contiguous parts Of Mary
land, have laid down their arms, and the
people there have renewed their allegiance
to, and accepted the protection of the old
flag. This leaves no armed insurrection
north of the Potomac or cast OF the Chesi-
peake. Also, we have obtained footing
at each Of the isolated points on the Southern
coast of IIattcras, Port Royal, Tybee Island,
near Savannah, and Ship Island, and wo
likewise have some general accounts OF popu-
lar movements in behalf of the union in
North Carolina and Tennessee. These
things demonstrate that the course Of the
Union is advancing steadily southwark.
Since your last adjournment, Lieut.. Gen.
Scott has retired from the head OF the army.
During his long life the nation has not been
unmindful of his merits, yet on calling to
mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly he
has served the country from a time far backin
our history, when few of the now living had
been born, and thenceiorwrad continnally,I
cannot but think that we arc his debtor.
submit, therefore, for your consideration, what
further mark Of recognition is due to him
and ourselves as grateful people. With
the retirement of Gen. Scott, came the exec
utiye duty of appointing in his stead Gen.
eral-in-C Chief of the army. 1t is a fortunate
circumstance that neither in council or coun-
try was there, 80 far MS ] know, any differ.
ence OF opinion as to the proper person to
be selected. The retiring chief repeatedly
expressed bis judgment in favor Of Gen. Nc
Clellan for the position, and this the nation
seemed to give an unanimous concurrence
The designation of Gen. Mcclellan Is, there
fore, in considerable degree the selection of
the country us we'll US the executive, and
hence there is better reason to believe there
will be given him the confidence and cordial
support thus by fair implication promised,
and without which he cannot with 20 full
efficiency serve the country. 1t has been
said that one bad General is better than two
good ones, and tho saying is true, IL taken to
mean more, that an army is better directed
by single mind. though inferior, than by
two superior ones ut variance and cross pur-
poses, and the saine il true in NIL joint opera
ton wherein those engaged can have nonc
but common end in view, and can differ
only us to the choice Of means. In a storm
at sea, none on board can wish the ship to
sink, and yet not unfrequcntly all go down
together, because too many will direct, and
no single mind can be allowed to control.
It continues to be developed that the in.
surrectiOn is largely, il not exclusively war
upon the first principles of popular govern
ment and the rights OF its people. Conclu-
syc evidence of this is found in the most grave
and maturely considered public documents us
well rs in the general tone Of the insurgents.
In these documents We find the abridgment
of the existing right to participate in the
selection OF public officers, except the legisla-
tive body advocated with labored arguments,
to prove that large control of the government
in the people is tho source of all political
evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes limited
at as o possible refuge from the power OF the
people. In my present position | could
scarcely be justified were to omit raising
warning voice against this approach OF re-
turning despotism. Ii is not needed nor
fitting here that general argument should
be made in favor OF popular institutions;
but there is one point with its connections
not 30 hackneyed US most others, to which
ask brief attention. Ii is the effort to place
capital on an equal footing with ,ifnot above,
labor, in the structure OF government. IL is
assumed that labor is available only in con-
necton with capital; that nobody labors
unless somebody else owning capital some
how by the use of il, induces him to labor.
This assumed, it is hext considered whether
it Is best that capital shall hire laborcrs and
then induce them to work by their own con-
sent. or buy them and drive them to II with
out their consent. Having proceeded 50 far,
it Is naturally concluded that all laborcrs are
either hired laborcrs, or what we call slaves.
And further, II Is assumed that whoever is
once hired laborer, is fixed in that con-
dition for life. Now, there is no such re-
lation between capital and labor US assumed,
nor is there any such thing as a free man
being fixed for life in the condition OF n hired
laborer. Capital has its rights, which are rs
worthy Of protection as any other rights,
nor Is il denied that there isa probability
there always will be a relation between
labor and capital, producing mutual bene-
fits. Both of these assumptions are false,
and all differences from them are ioundlcss.
Labor is prior to and independent Of capital.
Capital is only the point Of labor. and could
never have existed II labor had not first existed.
Labor is the superior Of capital, and deserves
tho higher consideration. The error is in
assuming that the whole labor Of the COM
munitics exists in that relation, few men
own capital, and few avoid labor them