The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1861-03-30
rMK Two PATHS.

THE Two PATHS. Ty
Tho Administration has reached point at
which two paths diverge, leading TO widely differ
ent ends One or the other Of these roads IL
must take. Which II shall be, is matter OF
doubt TO many lookerson, and possibly 70 the Pres.
ident himself. To be sure, il we take his inaug.
prafin its most Obvious neaning, and aside from
that saving clause in which he exprcssly init
mates 4 possible change from the course marked
out, there would be no room for question q to
she intended policy. As it is we must admit
some uncertainty, nor can We ignore the appa-
rent fact Of great amount Of hestating, tenn
porixing, aud consulting, on the part of the Ad.
ministration, in regard to what seemed 20 clear
~ settled in the inaugural. ~
It cannot be matter of indifference which
course is decided upon. Consequences most mo.
mentous to the country depend on the very,
next positive step taken. The success or failure
of the Administration great success or q mis-.
cradle failure-will turn upon the choice made
between The diverging routes now reached. Nor
can it be that there are no clear indications, to a
sagacious statesman, by which to determine the
better and the worse Of these routes. To 60
amiss in so vital q matter, under such circum-
stances, must ruin any Administration in public
confidence, and be fatal TO its future fame and
power. ~ ~
One Of these two paths Is that misnamed as
the one Of PEACH; the other is equally misnamed
that Of CoKRc1oN. The one involves complete
surrender to the Secession rebellion; a helpless
abandonment Of the forts, vessels, money and
other property already stolen by the traitors; a
delivery Of all the other forts and Government
property within the revolving States into the
hands OF the conspiratorsi and complete re
cognition Of their bogus Government, as one
ont 10 fohl nd into
by means Of righteous and honorable revolu-
ton. This Is the policy which is artfully termed,
by its advocates, the policy Of peace. Whether
it is really such, we will consider farther on
On the other hand, and as the only possible
alternative, we have the policy. which treats the
Cotton rebellion as basely criminal; wanting in
any ground Of Justification; utterly unworthy of
eoun.enance in any form, much less Of recogni-
ton; and ultimately to be put down, in such
time and manner as an energetic Administration,
hampered in its immediate acts by the imbecility
or wickedness of its predecessor, can best ac-
complish such result By this policy, every
fort Of the Government, now in possession, will
be firmly held, unless in the face of an invinci-
BILE military necessity" the revenues will be col
lected in every Southern port, just as fully as
the means at command will allow; and the rebel
"Confederates" will remain unrecogpized until
finally compelled to succumb to the legitimate
Government.
None Of the er;ibarrassments and greatly in
creased difficulties entailed upon this Admins
tration by the wretched mismanagement of its
predecessor, can change in the least, the fanda-
mental principles which should guide its action.
The circumstances are changed, but not at all
the duties Of the Constitutional Government, in
regard to Secession. The attempted separation
is either right Or wrong iustiiable or unjustifa-
q ahl aOrn oepiv o,d do
or the other Of the question must be taken and
firmly maintained, 81 ,..-.s ....s.
To yield to the Cotton Confederation its lofty
assumptions, implies that we recognize either
the right of Secession, or an accomplished rev.
olution for just such cause, or submission
based upon compusion, for want of power to
help ourselves against the Southern powder and
Southern steel" of the Confederate army. The
first ground Chat of the right of Secession) has
been so often argued and is so clearly prepos-
| ferrous, having been denied even by John G..
| Calhoun himself while engaged in his attempt
| ed Notification revolution, that we will waste
no words on that That the rebellion of the
Cotton States was for any real oppression, or
other just cause, again, has not even been
pladsbly made out by its defenders, much less
even, recognized by any loyal citizen, either
| North or South. 1t we succumb, then, and re-
cognize the Confederate" usurpation, it can
only be tina. we are wiling to acknow ledge our.
| serves subiued, and thus we shall proclaim to
the world that rather than fight, we will allow
any factious mcb to domineer over US.
! We confess that we have very little patience
with that shallow philosophy which finds .peaeep
in any such Illuminating conduct as this. De-
moralized by such procedure, our Government
would speedily sink to the level of Mexico and
| the South American Republics Instead of
peace, under a Government so imbecile,, we
should have general anarchy, and constantly re-
| curing civil war. Constituted as our nation is,
| this would be inevitable. There would be no
end to the sources of discord. So far from being
diminished by separation, these causes of strife
| would be hundred fold increased. If we cannot
live peacea5ly and fraternally, under a common
Constitution, we can frame no possible treaty
| that will keep us in concord and harmony-
Peaceable separation is ore of the willes. vaga-
| ries ever proposed in the name of practical
craftsmanship. To recognize the Confederate
usurpation--a usurpation not even nominally
| based upon a popular vote lis to involve the
| country in more certain, more protracted, and
more disastrous war than any other plan that
could be devised.
Coercion is often SO used, in these dsys as to
involve false meaning. We do not propose to
punish men for their opinions but to compel
them to obey just and constitutional laws,
which they have helped to make, and to respect
Government which, being popular in its form,
can be changed without revolution or violence.
whenever it goes wrong. The Governmen t must
maintain its authority. 1t cannot, on any oon-
sderation. allow hostile empire to be carved
out of its own territory. The rebels having ia
ken up arms, and themselves made war on the
Government, We see no honorable alternative
but to compel them to obey the authority from
which they have revoltcd. We see not how any
loyal citizen can consent to any other course,
We believe the people will be satisfied with
nothing less than the complete submission of the
traitors, and their exclusion forever from power
among those whom they have msled aud de-
luded.
1t remains to be seen whether the Administra-
ton will go to the right or to the LETT. After
evaeuating Fort Sumter, its very next step will
decide the future. 1t will speedily become ap-
parent whether This humiliating measure was
really a military necessity" as we have been
led to believe, or only part of submission
policy, to be followed out at Fort Pickens also
where demonstrably no such necessity exists
We are unwilling to believe that there can be
any question on this point, or that the seeming
hesitation of the Administration, has any refer
ence to its general policy We trust it will take
the right path, and so stright forward to the end
Cincinnati Gazette.
.. -1-g--
SKETCH OF GEs. p. G. 7. BEAUREGARD.-Gen.
P, G. Toutant Beauregard was born on his faith
er's plantation, near New Orleans. He is de.
scendant OF the most arstocratc Southern fam
stso, GuAt \