New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-02-28
FROM W1SHINGTO
From Our Special Correspondent.
WHAT CABINET WHAT POLICY i-souThtRN
CONFERENCE.-THE OWN DANGERS.

COSFEDERACY-OuR OWN DANGERS.
WASHINGTON, Feb. &c, 1851.
W. are At the forks of the road. The hours
are big with great events. We have President.
So much ia certain We must have an Admins
traton. That Administration must have policy.
What shall that policy BET There are two dis
tinet maths before u.s. There il the policy of
making a distinct concession Of the position oc-
cupied by the Republican party in the election, in
regard to the Territorial question. There is the
policy of refusing to make il. Between these
two policies there is no halfway place-no mid
die ground. The Administration must tread
one path or the other. There is no
chance 10 20 between. Beat about it
and about it, rs you may, still there 10 nothing
vital in the case but the Territorial question.
We fought the battle on it. We won on 1t.
Both the other Presidential candidates ran on 1t.
Never was palmer issue. 1t is OF no use TO
try (, bcfcg the question now. 1t is OF no use
10 try TO dodge it now. 1t has got to be met,
and Abraham Lincoln Las got to meet 1t. lie Is
the pivotal man on which the whole question in
all lis bearings and consequences hinges. 1t Is
Of no great consequence what the feace Con-
gress or the Constitutional Congress does in the
emergency. The former Is good as an index. So
is the latter But the whole thing turns on the ques
ton What will the Administration do = They
have got to deal with the subject. la their hands
lie the entire responsibilities of the hour. II the
Cabinet was formed, Mr.. Lincoln would be
measurably relieved. But it is not And he has
got il 10 form in reference to that policy. In
word, he has got to decide for himself what the
course of the Administration shall be, On the
very point on which the States are disintegrat-
ing. the Union dissolying. Thus il is that on Mr.
Lincoln alone, and solely, rest al the compllca-
tons of the hour. He has to speak the word
that will solve or deepen them.
Mr.. Lincoln himself is on the Anti. Cemproudse
line of policy. He has said so on his way. tie
has said 80 here. Mr.. Seward IL otherwise.
The remainder Of the Cabinet has to be made
ND on one line or the other. And mems assCcia'
tons and opinions are known. The question has
been open long. Every mans Judgment is made
up. For or against 10 the pam issue, and men
are ranged on one side and the other OF it.
Shall those be taken who are of Mr.. Stewards
way or of Mr.. Lincoln's vSayl Or shall they be
half and half Or hcw1 WIN Mr.. Lincoln
make UP his Cabinet of men Of diverse sent-
ments on this pxofoun ily important issue Or
will he recede from lis own position and take
Compromise IGsn OF d thus mako his Cabinet
unit
But however THIS may be, ono thing Is certain;
the Administrati, On must start on some gwen line
of policy on the subject on which seyerh states
have already ieft the Union, on which oil are
conyulsed, al "a on which part are still engaged
in deliberat mg, with view to Secession. -.
So muc'A is inevitable. In the present Crisis,
the DON, thing policy is just as much on atiirma-
tive policy as any other. But very important
consa.e ration ia that we not only have domestic
Doll ~ 10 pursue in this crisis toward the Border
Save States, and toward the Gulf States, no"
Acting in q separate Confederacy, but we have
, TO inaugurate course Of diplomacy abroad Ia
direct reference to the existing state OF Things ~
that Confederacy; and that policy must 'aAe -
shape and character from the line OF conduc. 70 p'
pur.ued in the Administration at home. IL Is !.
be besitant, doubtful, uncertain, aimiess' OF
to be direct, specific, energetic, ana prompt
The Southern Confederacy men know JuSt wha
thew mean: they know the objects ttey aim at
They have tskes their most 'slS and determine