Bradford reporter. [volume] (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, 1861-03-07
INAUGURAL ADDRESS
ABR'M LINCOLN,
March 4, 1861.
tllo,o citizens of The United States:
March 4, 1861.

the oath prescribed by the Constitution OF the
United States to be taken by the President be-
fore he enters on the execution of his Office.
/ do not consider it necessary at present for
me to discuss those matters Of Administration,
about which there is no special anxiety or ex
ctement.
| Apprehensions seem to exist among the peo-
pie of the Southern States that, by the acces
sion of Republican Administration, their
property, and their peace and personal securi-
| ty are to be endangered. There has never
been any reasonable cause for such apprehen-
sion Indeed, the most ample evidence to the
contrary has all the while existed, and been
open to their inspection. 1t is found in nearly
all the published speeches of him who now
addresses you. l do but quote from one of
these speeches, when | declare that II have no
purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with
the institution of Slavery in the States where
| it exists believe | have no lawful right to
do So" Those Who nominated and elected me
did so with full knowledge that had made
this and many similar declarations, and had
never recanted them. And more than this,
they placed in the platform for my acceptance,
and as q law TO themselves and to me, the clear
and explicit resolution which | now read
| Rsso'rtd That the maintenance invioIate of the
rights of the States and especially the right of each
State to order and control its own domestic institutions
according its Judgment exclusively s essential to
that balance of power of which the perfection and en-
durance of political fabric depend and denounce
the awess invasion by armed force of the soil of any
State Tearritory matter under what pretext the
greatest of crimes.
now reiterate these sentiments, and in do
| ing so, only press upon the public attention
the most conclusive evidence of which the case
is susceptible that the property, peace and Sc
curty OF no section are to be in any wise en-
dangered by the now incoming administration
| add too that all the protection which, con-
sistcntly with the Constitution and the laws,
can be given, will be cheerfully given to all tho
States when lawfully demanded, for whatever
cause, as cheerfully to one section as 10 an
other.
| There is much controversy about the deliv-
erng up of fugtives from service or labor-
The clause / now read is as plainly written in
the Constitution as any other of its proyis-
ions.
No person held to service labor in State under
the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in
quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged
from such service labor but shall be delivered up
claim Of the party to whom such service or labor may
! be due
1t is scarcely questioned that this provision
was intended by those who made it for the re-
claiming of what We call fugitive slaves and
the intention Of the lawgiver is the law. All
| Members of Congress swear their support to
the whole Constituton-to this provision as
much as any other. To the proposition, then,
that slaves whose cases come within the terms
of this clause "shal be delivered up" their
oaths are unanimous. Now if they would
make the effort in good temper, could they not
with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass
law by means Of which to keep good that
unanimous oath There is scme difference of
opinion whether this clause should he enforced
by National or by State authority, but surely
that difference is hot very material one. If
the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but
little consequence to him or to others by which
authority it is done And should any one in
anv case, be content that This oath shall 90
unkept on a merely uusubStantial controversy,
as to how it shall be kept? Again, in any
law upon this subject, ought not all the safe
guards Of liberty known in the civilized and
humane juriSprud zee to be introduced, so that
a freeman be not 10 any case surrendered as a
slav3 And might it not be well at the same
ti' e TO provide by law for the enforcement Of
that clause in the Constitution which guaran-
tees that ''the citizens of each State shall be
entitled to all the privileges and mmuuities OF
citizens in the several States" | take the Of
fetal oath to day with no mental reservations,
and with no purpose to construe the Constitu-
ton or laws by any hypercriticaI rules and
while | do not choose now to specify partcu
lar acts of Congress as proper to be enforced,
do suggest that it will be much safer for all,
both in official and private stations, to conform
to, and abide by all, those acts which stand
| h. 20 a.
ing to find mpunity in having them held to be
unconstitutional.
1t is seTenty-two years since the first inaug-
uration of a President under our National
Constitution. During that PERIOD fifteen diff
ferent and greatly distinguished citizens have
in succession administered theExecutive branch
of the Government. They have conducted
it through many perIs, and generally with
great success. Yet with all this scope for
precedent, now enter upon the same task,
for the brief constitutional term of four years,
under great and peculiar difficulty. A dsrup-
ton of the Federal Union, heretofore only
menaced, is now formidably attempted |
hold that in contemplation of universal law
and of the Constitution, the union Of these
States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if
not expressed in the fundamental law of all
National Governments. 1t is safe to assert
that Government proper never had a pro-
vision in its organic law for its own termna-
ton. Continue to execnte all the express
provisions of our national Constitution and
the Union will endure forever, it being impos
sible to destroy it except by some action not
provided for in the instrument itself Again,
if the United States be not Government
proper, but an association of States in the ma
ture of a contract merely, CAN'T, as contract,
be peaceably unmade by less than all the par