The Oxford intelligencer. (Oxford, Miss.) 1860-18??, 1861-02-06

may make war on q foreign State. IL It be the
purpose Of gentlemen, they may make war
against State which has withdrawn from the
Union; but there are no laws of the United
States to be executed within fhe limits Of Sc
ceded State. A State finding herself in the
condition in which Mississippi has judged she
is, in which her safety requires that she should
provide Cor the maintenance Of her rights out Of
the Union, surenders an the benefits, land they
are known to be many,) deprivss herself Of the
advantages, (they are known to be great,) sewers
all the ties Of affection, (,nd they ere close end
endurins.) whidh have bound her p the Uhion
and thus divesting herself Of every benefit ia
king upon herself every burden, she claims to
be exempt from any power to execute the laws
Of the United States within her limits.
well remember an occasion when Massachu-
sets was arraigned before the bar Of the Senate,
and when then the doctrine Of coercion was rife
and to be applied against her because of the res
cue of fugitive slave in Boston. My opinion
then was the same that it is now; Not in spir-
it of egotism, but TO show that am not infu-
enced in my opinion because the case is my
own, I refer to that time and that occasion as
containing the opinion which I then entertained,
and on which my present conduct is based
then said, Il Massachusetts, following her
through stated line Of conduct, chooses to take
the last step which separates her from the
Union, il is her right to go, and I will neither
| vote one dollar nor one man to coerce her back,
but will say 10 her, God speed in memoryof the
kind associations which once existed between
her and the other States. 0540
1t has been conviction Of pressing necessity,
it has been belief that we are to be deprived
in the Union of the rights which our fathers be-
oueathed to us, which has brought Mississippi
into her present decision. She has heard pro-
claimed the theory that all men are created free
and equal, and this made the basis of an attack
upon her social institutions; and the sacred
| Declaration of Independence has been invoked
! to maintain the position Of the equality of the
races. That Declaration of Independence is to
be construed by the circumstances and purposes
for which il was made. The communities were
declaring their independence; the people of
those communities were asserting that no man
was born, to use the language of Mr.. Jefferson,
booted and spurred to ride over the rest of man
kind; that men were created equal-meaning
the men Of the political community that there
was no divine right to rule that no man inher-
tied the right TO govern ); that there were no
classes by which power and place descended to
families but that all stations were equally with
in the grasp of each member Of the body poll
tic. These were the great principles they an
nounced; these were the purposes for which
they made their declaration these were the
ends to which their enunciation was directed
They have no reference to the slave; else, how
happened il, that among the items Of arraigp-
meht against George I'll. was that he endeavored
4 TO do Just what the North has been endeavoring
of lateto do, to stir up Instruction among our
slaves. Had the declaration announced that the
negroes were free and equal, how was the Prince
to be arraigned for stirring up insurrection
among them? And how was this TO be enumsr-
ated among the high crimes which caused the
colonies, TO sever their connection withthe moth
err country When our Constitution was form
ed, the same idea was rendered more palpable,
for there we find provision made for that very
| class of persons as property; they were not put
upon the footing of equality with white men
not even upon that Of paupers and conyicts but
f so far as representation was concerned, were
Disseminated against as lower caste, only to
be-represented in the numerical proportion Of
0 threefifths
M Than Canatora xva rocur 10 tla ron, IN IF w
binds us together we recur to the principles up
e on which our Governpieht was founled; and
1 when you deny them and when you deny to us
! theright to Withdraw from Government which
. thus perverted threatens to be destructive o.
5 our rights, we but tread in the path of our faith
take the hazard This is done not in hostility t.
others, nor to injure any section Of the country
: nor even for our, own pecuniary, benefit; bu
! from the high and solemn motive of defending
: and protecting the rights we inherited, ant
o whichlit is our sacred duty to transmit unshori
t to our children.
a find in myself perhaps, type Of the gen
: erai feeling Of my constituents towards yours
am sure feel no hostility to you, Senator,
= from the North. am sure there is not one o
: you whatever sharp. discussion there may hav,
d been between us, to whom cannot now say, il
S the presence of my God, wish you well an,
r such, ] am sure, is the feeling Of the peopl
t whom I represent towards those whom you rep
: resent l therefore feel that but express thei
desire when say.I hope, and they hope, 70
peaceful relations with :you.1 though we mus
n part They may be mutually beneficial to US j
the future, as they have been in the past, if 70,
e so will it The reverse may bring disaster o.
: every portion of the country and If you vii
have il thus, we will Invoke the God Of our faith
: ers, who delivered them from the power of tn
o lion to protect us from the ravages of the bear
d and thus, putting our trust in God and in on
a firm hearts and strong arms, we win vindicat
e the right as best we may. ursfsss ~ g Hsi-st
c e. In the course Of my service here, associate
= at different times,with great variety of Sens
tors, see now around me some with whom
+ have served long; there have been points Of co
L lision, but whatever of offence there has bee
e to me leave here; carry with me no hostil
y remembranee.F Whatever offence I have give
e which has not been fedressed or for which sal
e isfaction has not been demanded, | have, Ser