New-York daily tribune., 1861-11-12
with the rebellion by a simulated zeal in th

cause OF the Union.
With these exceptions tho great body Of the
people of the loyal States, Of oil parties and
creeds, agree in the opinion that the war was
not commenced, and ought not to be carried
on, either to put down Slavery or to uphold
Slavery, but to restore and maintain the gu
premacy OF the Federal Government over every
part Of the Republic; that in the accomplish
ment of this end the Government is bound to
employ all the means within ts reach which
are sanctioned By the usages of war; and that
if Slavery can be made an instrument to secure
this object, then it is the duty of the Govern
ment to seize it and WELD it against the enc
my with the same prOmptness and efficiency
that it would any other means which the ex-
igencies of the conflict had placed at its dis
posal.
So far We doubt not, the loyal sentiment OF
the country has advanced. And the evidences
throng upon us that the masses OF our people,
with the exceptions already noted, are eager
to adopt and act upon the legitimate deduc-
tions from these premises, to the effect that,
inasmuch as the rebellion is daily becoming
more and moro formidable, and proves to be
far more difficult to suppress than was origin
ally anticipated, therefore, to save the lie oi
the nation, it will be necessary, to greater
or less extent, to enlist Slavery among the
other explosive elements now being employed
to crush the Great Conspiracy for the dcstruc-
ton of the mOst benefcent Government on
earth.
We think we do not Oyerstate the rapid
march of public sentiment in this direction.
Cautious and conservative mon are going for
ward faster than they imagine. For example;
it would be difficult to find person, not at
heart q secessionist, who would not say: " If
Z" either Slavery or the Union must fall, then
" lot Slavery instantly perish" Aud the num-
Der Of those who believe that this alternative
is close upon us is now multitudinOus, and in
creases with every reverse Of our arms, and
with every day that pOstponea decisive victory
of our forces.
The act Of Congress Of August last dis
charges from "labor or service" eyory slave
who has been used by the rebels directly or
indirectly, in carrying on the war. In other
words, it sets him free. When this act was
passed it produced great trepidation in timid
and conservative quarters. 1t was denounced
as an abolition plot" The President even
hesitated to sign it.. Weeks rolled on; our
arms encountered rcyerses; the rebellion as
sumed gigantic proportions. At length Ere
monts proclamation appeared. After little
breathing spell, and when the President re-
solved to modify it so as to make 1t conform
exactly to the act Of Congress, these tmid and
conservative classes, who had stigmatized this
law IA an Abolition scheme, rushed 10 the de-
fense of the President, and euogized the act
Of Congress as q wise measure, precisely
adapted to the exigency. This Is progress
for this law has forever delivered from Slavery
at leait a third Of a million Of negroes, the
very bone and sinew Of the system, who are
diIused all through the South, and hold os
perfect tenure TO liberty as tho Chief-Justice
of the United States.
| All will recollcct how cautiously th. people
received. aud how gugerly the Administration
Gen. Butler let fly at public opinion from
Fortress Monroe. The War Department after
much painful cogita!ion and despite not iew
misgiyings in conservative circles, restricted
the application of this novel doctrine exclusive
" TO the slave. Of rebels who voluntarily
sought shelter within the walls Of the fort, and
who were then to be set to work only in pa
ciic employments. But we now lind the De-
partment npplauded in all quarters while in
structing commanders invading tho South not
only 10 receive all slaves who come within our
lines, but to lure them to our service, and arm
them in companies, to aid in crushing tho Re-
beion--in a word, to convert them into mill
tary auxiliaries. This rule is to be applied not
| to the slaves Of rebels only, but to those Of
| loyal citizens, giving assurance to the latter
that Congress will pay them for their Losses.
The optics must be very nice to discern how
far this falls short Of an application Of the
! doctrines of tho Fremont proclamation to the
case Of rebel slaves, and they must be very
dull not to perceive that it goes long way
beyond them in regard TO the slaves of loyal
citizens. And, by the by, as indicating the
march OF public sentiment, We may add in
passing, that while the Adjutant. General was
grouping together al possible reasons for the
removal Of Fremont from the command Of the
Western army, the issuing of this proclamation
was studiously omitted.
What is to be the effect upon the institution
of Slavery when the Government begins to em.
ploy it on broad scale TO crush this rebel.
lion, the future only can determine. Doubtless