The Weekly Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, O. [Ohio]) 1861-1???, 1861-10-17

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! Independence. constituted the Union, and
made the American nation one of the great
nations of the earth. Ii is not for us, even
if we were able, to give that battle cry; II
must be given by genius in authority, and
fall either from the lips Of the President, or
I the Camniander-in-Chief of our armies. Nei-
thcr may as yet be prepared to utter il; but
if this nation has future, II its destiny is,
| as we have hitherto boasted, to prove what
man may he when and where he has the
| liberty To be himself, uttered 10y one or the
other it ere long will be, and in tones that
will ring out through the whole Union, and
through the whole civilized world now anx-
iously listening to hear it. The Union is
and must be sacred to liberty, Here man
must bc man, nothing more, and nothing less
Slaves must not breathe our atmosphere,
and we must be able to adopt the proud
boast of our mother country, The slave
that touches our soil is froc.' This is the
destiny of the New World, if destiny we
have,-tho destiny our fathers toiled for,
fought for, bled for, and to this we their
children must swear to be faithful, or die
to the last man.
THE SLAVE POPULATION.
n This brings us to the question
of the slave population in the rebcllous
States. In these States there are over three
millions of the population held hy the laws
or usages of those States rs slave. These
people are an integral portion of the United
States, owe allegiance to the Federal Gov
crnment. and are entitled to the protection
of that Government. The Government has
the same right to make friends and allies of
them. and to enroll and arm them against
the rcbelli on, that it has to make friends
and allies or to enroll and arm the white
population of Western Virginia or Eastern
Tennessee. 1t makes nothing against this
that these people have heretofore been
slaves by the laws or the usages of the
States in which they reside; for the laws or
usages are deprived of all force against the
Union hv the very act of rebellion Rebel
lion dissolves all laws for the protection OF
the life or property of the rebels. BY the
very act Of the rebellion, the rebel torIeits
to the Government against which he rebels
both his property and his life, and holds
henceiorth neither, save at its mercy or dis
crction. Ii it were not so, Che Government
would have no right to contiscate the prop
crty OF rebels, or to attempt to suppress
rebellion by force of arms. il the slaves
held in the rChelliOus States are property
they are forfeited to the Government, anu
the Government may contiscate them. as
cotton, rice, tobacco. or any other species
of property found in the hands of the rebels
The same principle that gives the Govern
ment the right to conlisCate bale of cottoI
owned by a rebel, gives it a right to conhs
cate every negro slave claimed by rehc
master. This is perfectly clear, and is i'm
= pl.cd in the recent act OF Congress on thu
subject. Bnt if these people held as slave
are not property, they are and should b'
q regarded as citizens of the United States
II. Ia E,,ln
ment. liable to bc called into the service o
the Union in the way and manner ii deem
! most advisable, and il loyal, entitled to tn
same protection from the Government a
q any other class Of loyal citizens, Nobod
+ can pretend that the Federal Govcrnmen
/ is obliged, by virtue OF the laws or usage
+, heretofore existing III the slave States, t
p treat these people as property. Wh0tcVc
! might have been its obligations before tn
: rcbcllious acts of those States, that oblga
ton is no longer in force.
i TIE BORDER STATES AND FREEDOM.
: But, if it bc required to treat them as fire
u ang loyal citizens by the military operation
: for the preservation Of the Union, or eve
. to remove the causes of the present rche
: lion, the Government is bound to so trca
r them. The only doubt that can arise is a
u to the fact, whether it would or would nc
Il prove useful to this end. 1t may be Object
II ed to such "a measure that it would depriv
D us of the aid of Western Virginia aud EaS
ter Tennessee, and drive into open hOstilit
to the Union, Maryland, Kentucky and Mis-
o souri, This objection deserves grave co,
II sidcraton. But it is in substance the OF
II lection that has embarrassed the Govern
e ment from the outset, and compelled it
II take only half way measures to suppres
u the rebellion. For ourselves, we CannC
e respect the fear to which this obligation al
Q peals. Fear is the worst possible counselc
$ in the world and the government that hes
t. tatcs to adopt the best policy for fear {
/ alternating its friends, is lost. Let the line
1t be at once sharply drawn between ou
II friends and oT enemies. In Crisis III;
l. the present luke warm friends WHO will
e our friends only by virtue of certain conce
l. Sons to their interests or preludiceS, AZ
' more embarrassing than open enemies, an
N do more to weaken our forces than If array
t, ed in open hostility against us. If these State
} are for the Union they will insist on no COZ
20 ditons incompatible with the preservation
ii the Union; they will make sacrifices for tn
l. Union, as well as other loyal States, an
" there is no, reason why they should not.
% There is neither reason or Justice in Mass
d chusetts, New York, New Jersey, Pennsy
vania, and the great States northwest {
e the Ohio, pouring out their blood and treas
el ure for the qualification of the slavehodin
/ pretentons of Maryland, Kentucky or Nil
n souri, The citizens of these States VIII
@ own slaves, are as much bound, if the PREF
G ervation of the Unionrequires it, to give IL
p their property in slaves, as we at the Ia
II thcr North are to pour ont om blood an
treasure to put down rebellion whic
d threatens alike them and us. If they Low
e their few slaves more than they do the I'm
L. on, let them go out of the Union. We ar
1t stronger to fight the battle of the Unio
e without them, than we are with them.
e EMANCIPATION.
% Rut we have referred only to the slave
e. in the rebellious States. and, if it is or if
d becomes a military necessity to liberate a
= the slaves of the Union, and to treat tn
N whole slave population as freemen and cit
.e zens, il would be no more than just an prof.
It or that, at the conclusion of the war, tn
1t loyal citizens of the loyal sections of the n
&c bellious State, should be unidentified at
Ii REASONABLE rate for slaves that may hay
been liberated The States and section
E. have not large number of slaves, and,
e the Union is preserved, it would not be
S, heavy burden on it to pay their ransom
4, and to paying no patriot or loyal citizen {
a. the free States should raise the slightei
At objection. The objection, therefore, urge'
D. though grave. need not be regarded as.il
1t suparable, and we think the advantage