New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-12-10

on shore.
IS The Declaration of Paris aforesaid, hs,h,
d oeen communicated by the original partie, -
N olher Governments, was accepted by nearly =.
l. quite every one Of them. The United Stat.
y unfortunately, constituted an exception. G.o
6 i1erce was then President, and Gov. MAJ.
; Secretary of State, with JEFF Davis, C,.s
:. Cushine, &C., as associates in the CabiDs
Gov. Marcy very readily signifed the unreserysS
sent OF our Government to the three lat.s,
prop, 'sitions aforesaid, but demurred az TO IA.
first, MT as too sweeping, but as too limited.
He propO sed, on behalf Of Che United state
the more thorough, consistent principle alread,
enunciated w DR.. Franklin, that priva,,
property at sea should be equally exempt from
hostile seizure and confscation with private
property on land. And this, being ObsoIious
to Great Britain, was declined by the original
parties 10 the Paris Declaration; whereupa
the Abolition of Prveteering failed. 90 far
the United States were concerned.
Gov. Marcy was heasty, thorough, lifelong
opponent and honest hater Of the Aboitionists;
yet bis conduct in regard to this matter in.
volyed the vital, distinguishing principle of tho
non.yoting Garrlsonians. II was q pointed
denial of the sage and salutary axiom that
Half loaf is better than no bread :" Hs
could not have all he wished 30 be would take
nothing, do nothing. Sc our country was LEO
as though the Declaration of Paris had never
IA Duf in f.of ha c1a al lar Il.
control our Government whenever tho Demo.
cratic party is in power were never favorable
to mitgations of the harshDess Of tue laws Of
war.
Soon after the incoming of the present. Ad
ministration, Gov. Seward notified the French
and British Courts, through our Embassador
that we were now ready to accede, and did
accede, to the Declaration Of Paris as it stands,
though We still cherished our decided prefer.
ence for our own more complete and consist
ent proposition to prohibit entirely the spOlia.
ton of private property (nOt contraoand Of
wary at sea. But here an extraordinary Diff.
Guilty was started. The Declaration in quea-
ton was one which France and England, with
their immediate allies, had originated. They
had invited our assent to 1.-THE terms being
absolutely their own. We had proposed moro
radical and consistent project, looking to tho
abolition of all rights of war on private prop
erty afoat. They had rejected this; and we.
after period of hesitation, having failed to
procure their assent to our proposition, finally
gave our assent to theirs.
Did they welcome it Did they rejoice over
our practical accession to their modification OF
belligerent rights 7 Not they They began at
once to claw off They could not with de-
cency forbid our signing their protocol; but
they could stipulate, on their own part, that
we should derive no benefit from so doing
They knew that we were involved in des-
perate civil war. and that our rebels, having
no commerce of their own, were intent on
destroying ours by enlistng the despersdoes Of
all nations 10 "burn, sink and destroy" our mer-
chant vessels in the character Of Confederate
privateers OF course, whatever rendered the
seas unsafe for our commerce must increase
the business and tue profits OF French and
British vessels employed in the carrying trade
between our ports aud those OF Europe. And
so-with express and ayowed reference to the
impunity aud countenance claimed for and con.
ceded by France and England to Confederate
priyateers-M. Thouvenel, Napoleons Minister
of Foreign Affairs, proposed to Mr. Dayton
that the convention between France and the
United States, embodying their mutual assent
TO the Declaration of Paris, should have ap-
pended to it the following additional OK e1'
planatory declaration on his part:
ain s1lng his signature to the convention concluded o.
de ~ .h day between France and the United States Tao
declares IN execution OF the orders OF the IN
peror that the Government OF His Majesty does not nlend'
undertake By the said convention any engagements Of
to mpicae IT, directly indirectly in tie internal eonhS
now ezi.,lns in the United States"
The purpose of this could not be mistaken
even if it had not been distinctly ayowed.
France chose to reserve to herself the right to
treat the Confederate corsars preying on our
peaceful commerce as engaged ia lawful and
honorable warfare-to harbOr, succOr, and pro-
feet them, and to let them leave her ports re-
fitted and Refrigerated for pursuing their work
of destruction. And England-as Gov. Seward
could not fail TO see--was acting in full accord.
ance with her traditional enemy; the under.
standing between Palmerston aud Russell on
the one hand, aud Napoleon and ThOuyenel on
the other, being systematic and cOmPete.-O
course. Gov. Seward declined to commit our
Government By an adhesion whereof the prac'
tical benefit was SO pointedly denied u.s.
We cannot see how France and England oy
simple and consistent adherence to principies
L., snVeral YearA