The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1861-06-05
Some Signs from France.


seen the great change which has since then oc-
Cured in England. We have absolutely seen
articles in an English journal which expressed
in u clearer and moro forcible style the theory
and character of the American Government
than any we have observed in our own. AT
last even in Paris, there strong signs that
the Confederate South is to have hearing.
The gallant French, our ancient allies and
friends, are beginning to show that they also
comprehend the South's situation. Like the |
London Times, the leading Paris journal has |
found out that the Union was voluntary Con- |
federacy of sovereign States. In reply to the |
Opintoae Rationale, which has been led |
astray by the Northern journals, all of whom
look upon the United States as consolidated |
Government, we have the Pays, semi-otiical
paper said to be under the control of LoCIs
NApoLEoN's most confidential writer, the al
legged author Of the pamphlets which the En-
peror puts forth occasionally to feel the pulse
of Europe. The Pays instructs the Opiaione
NationaLe that the Federal Government is
merely common arrangement of independent
sovereigntes, with delegated and limited pow
ers We annex some extracts:
The Opinion Rationale should recall to
mind the words of Lord Chatha during the
War of Independence.
"When, Wi tn one common accord, all clas-
ses of society in a nation composed of individ-
uals, unite to give them selves new Govern
meut, there must necessarily be some great
criminal to punish tor the laws OF nature, as
well as those of logic itself, repel the supposi
| ton that a man can take up arms against his
benetdctor.
| ii, however, the Opinion Rationale is 10 be
taken as authority, the States forming the
| Southern Confederate are TO be regarded
| simply provinces in instruction against
| the Central Government III one word, as
| rebels. But, in this manner of contem plating
| The events now occurring III the United
States, there is an error too grave TO be allow
| ed TO pass without refutatIon. The Govern
| ment Of the United States is not and never
| has been a unitary government, out is d req
| eral Government.
And, first, what is Confederation2 Bes-
| cherelle thus defines it "a league, an ALI
ance between independent States, for the pur
| pose Of obtaining redress for their wrongs and
| of defending their rights"
| The first condition requisite TO & State, in
| forming part OF Confederation, is that 1t
| shall be ependent-that is to say, sove-
| reign.
Now, did the States of North America, by
any chance, forfeit their sovereignty-that
| fundamental basis of every Confederation
| when they formed their Cons Ii tn tionf
| Lest we should xpose ourselves to the same
error as that in to which the "Opinion Nation
aIe' has fallen, we Sill let the law itself
| speak for us.
| The Articles OF CONGREGATION OF l'ol supu-
| late:
shall be the United States of America.
| .ART. IL. Each State retains its sovereign
| ty freedom, and Independence, and every
| mower, jursdic ton, and right, which is not
by this Confederation expressly delegated to
J the United States IN Congress assembled"
, The Constitution OF 1859 In noWIse impaired
, these rights of sovereignty.
It's preamble declared that
e eve, the people of tbe United States, in
order TO form Il more perfect Union, rs tablish
| Justice insure domestic tranquility, provide
for the common defence, promote the public
| welfare and secure the blessings of liberty
| to ourselves and our posteriy, do ordain and
n | establish this Constitution Tor the Unltec
, | States of America
u Then comes the enumeration of the power:
l. | specially delegated by the States to the Fede
| raj Government
: When called upon to ratify the Constitu
ton the States, in order to leave no doub
whatever in existence in regard to the scope
of this fundamental law, and with a view o
n defining in IL still more precise manner thu
| nature of the connections and relations K
arise between them and the Federal Govern
IS ment, by virtue of this compact, declared tina
l. | the different States of America had no
10 united tor the purpose of placing themselves
70 | in principle, in an attitude OF unlimited sub
6 | mis- sion so far the Federal Government
was concerned, but that, by the compact de
y | nomina ted the Constitution OF the U. State
70 and susceptible of amendment, they estab
lished General Government for ends ex
pressly determined, to which they delegate
al | certain powers exactly detiued, while, at tn
same time, formally resetying to each sepa
ID | rate State all other rights of sovereignty nc
al | delegated by the Constitu ton; that in ever
case where the General Government shoul
l. assume powers other than those especial
j, | delegated, its acts should be null and VOID
| that the Federal Government created by thi
u compact should not be, in any case, the Judg
er of the ex tent OF these powers, but that, as /
All confedera tons between sovereign State
having no common judge, each State shout
~ reserve for itself an equal right TO Judge {
J. infractiens OF the compact, and to redress IN
same.
After this solemn declaration, the Cons t
l. stitution was adopted and signed by Wasf
u ington, Franklin, Madison, and many other
G. who all took an active part In the ADMINISTERS
:; | ton of the country and never dreamed, liz
" the Opnione Rationale, or converting SOL
re ereign States into provinces depending upon
IN | central power; on the contrary, and as thong
| these States, Jealous or their sovereignty, Ia
a not found the guaranty of their rights to
of | expressed explicitly enough, they presen ted
1859 the amendment of the celebrat ted Jeffe
- son, which was rauned In 1871, ana Is coucht
he in the following words:
"The powers not delegated to the Unite
er States by the Constitution, nor prohibited |
IT. | it TO the States, are reserved TO the Stat
respectively, or TO the people"
Thus the Opinion Rationale can very rea
to ily convince itself by "a rapid survey of u
Cons Ii tn ton, that the latter contains
no clause that denies the right OF aState to wit
ice draw from the Union, no clause which Civ
-, 10 the Federal Government The power
''' force Il State to remain i'll the Confederate
seS agaus 81 it's will, and should Il see mt 10 mi
MS such Il right from the aggregate Oh the
rangemeuts OF the Constitution, we snail CT
erS | in opposition thereto the Interpretation
we | Washington himself, which in reference
;, this question is worth quite as much, we pr
the sumo as that of the Opinion Rationale.
les Let the Opinion Rationale rest assured tn
| this is the W hole secret OF the powerlessne
'hd that paralyZes the Cabinet at Washington.
i'm, The North we'll knows that there is SON
ely o cn.ns tha Sonth: it eomprehends, despite
ed, fanatieism, that the Cons refuses
the means OF reducing TO subJugatlon the
ceded States; it knows, 100, what the Opi
ion Rationale seems To ignore, that II cam
place Il daring hand upon the Southern 90
| federation without abdicating its own rigf
oS | of soyereignty; it knows that II cannot co
the | pei the South 10 center the Union Withc
| proceeding by means OF war and conque
i"s' and that in entering upon that course, e'
md admitting its success, something more ~
doubtful. il we were to judge by the SURE
1 VI der of Fort SUMTER it would hazard its o.
al | existence.
-, The Father of his Country was SO far fr
regarding the Union as indissoiupie, or IT
ing | thinking The Federal Government posses
mr., the right TO retain State n its embrace, u
'' in his Farewell Address he conJured ms
ma low. citizens never to entertain the though
ork preaAlng one oh 40 n,o M
y to
IN, Now, do not this lively solicitnde OF Wa
ington and his entreaty, clearly Indicate |
aus, he recognized the absolute right OF the ota
rate to detach themselves ron tue mon ne ,-s,
'ork oonst;qntion of i7s7. the amendment of L
rous | the opinion of Washington-aii, In WI