The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-06-06
EUROPE.
THE LONDON TINES ON CASSIUS M.CLAY'S

THE LONDON TINES ON CASSIUS N. CLAY'S
LETTER.
1t has been announced that Cassius NJ Clav.
United States Minister to Russia so soon as he ar
rived at London prepared letter for the Times
reviewing the position of affairs in this country
and our relations with England. The Times of Nav
23d reviews the conversation in lengthy aad
able article, from which we make the following ex
tract.
Il
Turning from these specuIations, we call atten-
tion to the letter of Mr.. Clay, Minister from the
United States to St. Petersburg. This lively let
ter-writer proposes six quest0ns-three relating to
his own country, three relating to England. The
fist question h" is more successful in asking than
answering: "What are we fighting for?" awe are
fighting" says Mr.. Clay, "for nationality aud lib
erty." We can understand fight for nation atty
between different races, but fight for nationality
between men of the same nationality is to US, we
candidlv confess il, an inexplicable enigma: nor
can we better understand how people, fighting to
put down rebellion, to frce their fellOw-citi-
Zens to remain in confederacy which they de-
test, and to submit to institutions which they
repudate, can be called the champions Of
liberty. If the South seriously threatened to con-
quer the North. to put down trial by iurv, freedom
OF the press and representative government, the
contest might be for liberty; but this is not So
the introduction OF such topics is mere rhetorical
dHlpllhcdunn ''Can you su0due the revOlted
States?" "Of course can" says Mr.. Clay. So
on that point there is no more to be said "Can
vou reconstruct the Union when one-half of it has
conquered the other?' an Othing easier" saws Mr.
Clay. The -ictim of to-day will become the con-
federae of o-m0rrow the traitors will be cast out
and the Union iirmer than ever-vitness the happy
results of the conquest of Ireland by England re-
peated over and over again, and always repeated
in vain.
Having answered the questions which he supposes
to be addressed to him by England Mr.. Clay be-
comes the questioner, and asks us where our honor
would place in this contest. Clearly by the side
of the Union, because, he says il slavery be ex-
tended in America it mu st be restored in the w est
Indies. If any doubts the force of this demon
stration, we are sorry for it, for Mr.. Clay has no
other to offer. Our examiner next asks us to con-
slider our interest Clearly, he says, it is stand
to the Union, because they are our best customers
and because though they have done all they can sine
the separation OF the South gave them the power
TO ruin their trade with us, they will, in spite
of their own hostile tariff, remain our best Gus
toners.
England afford to offend the United States?'-
"Certainly not" says Mr.. Clay, "for in half cen.
tury they will am unit to hundred millions Of
people, and will hav- railways four thousand miles
long" But is Mr.. Clay quite sure that even if we
sholld offend them now, the people of America
will bear malice for halt century; and if they do
is he quite certain that his hundred millions will
all be members ot one contederacy; and that, we
of the Union ally in war against the other
Mr.. Clay must really allow us to give our own
version of the honor and interest of England
Our honor and interest is to stand alooi from con-
tests which in way concern us, to be content
with own laws and liberties, without seeking
to impose them upon others, 'to seek peace and in
sure it, and to leave those who take the sword to
fall BY the sword. In we will be strictly neu-
tra in peace we will be the friends of whatever
power may emerge out ofrIhe fearful chaos through
which Mr.. Clay sees his way clearly. And that
neutrality which is recommended alike by in
terest and our honor will not violate through
fear-no not of hundred millions of unborn men.
Let Mr.. Clay and his countrymen look well to the
present, and they will find enough to occupy their
attention without troubling themselves with long
visions of humiliation and retrbuon, which no
man Gow alive will ever accomplished.
From the London Times, IEry 22l
PRESIDENT DAVIS MESSAGE
As this lengthy document will be found in an
other place, we shall do more than point ou
that the question, so far public law is concerned,
depends on this: Did the individual States which
resisted Great Britain eighty years ago impliedlv
reserve the right of secession when they entered
into the federation known the United States,
and framed the Constitution of 1887? Certain
points are perfectly clear. la the first place they
previous to l7S7-that is, for four years after
Great Britain had acknowledged their indepen-
dence-absolutely sovereign, and Independent Of
each other. During the Revolutionary war thev
were, in TACT, united only as Enga Spain, and
II,
when an English general was commander
in-chief of the army of all three king
doms, without any prejudice to the inde-
pendence of our allies. On the other
hand, there can be no doubt that secession was
never contemplated bv the parties to the Union of
1887. The States which were unwilling to ratifv
based their opposition on the ground that care had
not been taken to place beyond doubt the abso-
lutte independence OF the individual States in all
matters not expressly made over to Congress-
Amendments were made in the Constitution ex
pressy affirming the reservation by the States of
all their sovereign rights and powers not expressly
delegated to the United States by the Constitution.
Thus the right OF making laws, of contracting
State debts, o altering State constitutions, and in
shrrt, of doing all that is necessary for the mainte
nance of civil society without the interference of
the federation settled before entering into the
compact But it does not follow from this that the
individual State has the right to withdraw those
powers which it had ced to the federation.
Because it retained some sovereign powers, that
is no reason why it may not have effectuay and
permanently parted with others. South Carolina.
for instance, gave to the United States the right
of maintaining an army and navy, and of taxing
her for their maintenance, as solemuy she
served the right of regulating her own banks
her own criminal courts The right of coming
money and the right of establishing post Office,
were legally aienated By the State as the right
of dealing with slavery within her limits
served. In the Constitution there is provision
for dissolution Of the Union, resumption of
the powers granted to the federal government;
and this is at least argument in favor of the
opinion that the Constitution, when ratified, must
be taken binding for ever, and that hen each
State adopted it it ceased to be nation as CON-
pIetey England or Scotland in 1907. x
1t is indeed, plain that the election of Mr. Lin
coin the occasion more than the cause of seces-
sion. For many years all that has kept the t.v
sections of the republic together has been feeling
of patriotism and the possession of common hstor
ica traditions. The best apology for secession is,
in truth, the fact that it has taken place. Most
people in America thought that the reverence for
the Union would cOunterbalance the diversities of
interest and feeling, but they wrong. slave
holding community, under almost tropical sun,
has separated ITSELF perhaps uujustifably, but still
quite naturally, from the traders and shippers, and
| mechanicans and farmers of a northern land. Mr..
Davis's view of the question is ateast supported by
the "inexor able logic of facts" He contends for
the sovereign rights of States and the utility of a
double contederacy on the continent. now, it is
| plain that the principle of State sovereignty is
practically assumed by every State in both fedora
| tions, and the newspapers chronicle the alliance OF
the neutrality of this that community, just AS ii
they speaking of ofindependent nations. Final
y, it seems likely that the States will divide them
selves according they are freesoil or slavehod-
ing and thus show that the new confederacy is at
least founded a principle which has reality for
| the American people.