Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1861-09-27

Stdtes may hoiu tnelF slaves under the COnStIt
tion,-tliat is, the General Government has
right 10 interfere with their domestic instit
} ions in the State; but they do not believe Il
Constitution confer the right of property
! man. -.-.
Truth.-''1'here are hut two positions th
have particle Of cons ency, tn s.a,e tn u
$ tion OF the Radical Abolitionis.s oftI.e Nort
who maintain that the Constitution is entire
! ly opposed TO slavery, and the outright pro
slavery men of the South, who go to the e,
treme, and say that they have right to 9
anywhere with their slaves. There is no kin
of common sense in any intermediate position
or consistency in its arguments: because if III
! Constitution is anti slavery it denies the rigE
/ of property in man, and thus cuts up SLAYER
I by the roots; but If it is pro-savery it grant
the natural element of property in man, an
thus leSalizes slavery in the nation TO sa
that the Constitution denies the doctrine G
property in man, and yet grants the right f
hold slaves, is an Inconsistency so papabl
that 1t IS wonderful that any sound reaso. le
could arrive at such conclusion. No, III
constitution is consistent with itself, and t ei
ther grants the doctrine of property in maj
or it denies it. And it does positively deny il
! for the corner stone on which it rests has the
declaration engraven upon it in plain charac
| ters, that liberty is an inalienable right il
man as man. And the Preamble itself, whicl
is the chief exponent of the Instrument 5 mean
ing and objects, declares liberty to be the lead
ing object Of the new Government Nowft !;
a plain case that, since the object of this con
'stitution and the government founded upon it
as set forth III fe constitution itself, is 10 pro
Iitect all in the enjoyment Of liberty; and as d
large proportion Of the popua:i)n-ncar
one-sevcnth-are ground down by slavery Il
the level Of bIutes, ii is the imperative duty o
the General Government TO enforce the fupda.
mental law of the land and set them free
But now, since the General Government con-
tinually persists i'll aproslavcry Interpretation
OF the constitution, let us have from it a state.
nIent of the whole argument in a short form "
Gov. ave will state the argument fairly,
plainly and candidly, that all may see. We
admit many things claimed by the Radical
AboIitioni5ts. We admit that the Declaration
OF independence is the foundation stone OF the
constitution that it is the embodiment Of the
principles and aims composing the frame work
of the constitution constructed upon it, and
that it is, decidedly for liberty 1t declares,
''all men are created equal" and that tie right
of liberty is one Of the "inaienab!e rights
Second, That the Preamble of legal docu.
meni is an index to tue character and intcn-
tion Of the Instrument; and that the Preamble
of the constitution is entirely on the side OF
liberty. 1t declares the object of the con. tt
tuition to be, ''to secure the blessings of liberty
to ourselves and posterity," without any dis
tinction ofrace, color, &c Third, That wherc
the idea of liberty is under contemplation, ir
some Of its parts the body Of the instr lment
comedies positively with the Declaration and
and the Preamble, and is for liberty; as, for
example, NO person shall be deprived of life,
liberty or property, without due process OF
law" Yet there are other parts of the body
of the constitution which appear to rs to give
sufficient ground for the slavery that exists
We admit, however, that there are, in all, but
three Of these clauses: 3, Of Sec. 2, Art L;
l of Sec. 8, Art. 3; 3 of Sec. 2, Art. 4. These
three clauses together with the fact that the
Goverement has always been administered in
favor Of slavery, are our whole authority for
the present pro-savery construction aud ad-
ministration." t.t
T'ruth-"That is indeed fair statemcnt.-
Now let us see whether upon such authority
as that you are justified in permitting four
millions of your people to be chattelliz,d, and
whether you are excusabc for not delivering
them from bondage. The clauses referred to are
the Fugitive, appointment, and Migration
clauses. The most you can claim Tor these
clauses, is, that the language is nut as positive
for liberty as in the Declaration and preamble;
that;it is ambi guous, with o<sibe' interpre.
tation in favor OF slavery. The word SiUre ,r
s!dUery does not occur in them or in the whole
constitution. There is no description of
slave, or the condition or slave. The sub
jects are described as ~pcrsohs," and the niornl
Of Intelligent ffirclhen are atlri5p-
ted to them, which could not be 80 II fIlHy;I7
slaves or chattcls, that is. cattle. No foreigner
whu had never seen your constitution, nor heard
any account of character, nor ofyuur Insti-
-utions and practices, would, on reading the
whole Instrument, ever raise the question
whether these clauses give license for slavery!
This is certainly true, aud it ie proof positive
hat they do not contain single sentence thaj
common sense aud justice would relIdgF in IA
Yor of slavery nttH
d In the Fugitive clause the subjects are de-
;cribed as "persons" who owe another party.
This implies that they had made themselves
lebtors by voluntary eoptract. But this
;ould not be said of sldves or chattes, there
iore slaves are not meant. In the Migration
clause the subjects are called persons" again;
md in certain contingencies a law based on
his very clause against foreign emigration
night be Indispensable to the safety OF the
country. lp the Appnrtionment clause use
he term free" in its technical, legal sense of
D4ing endowed with franchises, in contrIdis-
incLion to that Of Aliens, then you have the |
lhraee, :: :lEree-Gfths Of all other pcrsons,Y re-
ering, as it docs legally and Justly, TO aliens,
)r uhnaturalizcd persons, and 50 you get rid of
hc pro-slayery feature which you imagine IL |
contains. HENCE, this lang uagc of the ccnsti |
luton, which is youF ground for slavery, even
granting that it is abiguous to your under |
Standing, has clear Interpretation in favor Of
liberty and justice; and you know that if there I
$ any doubt in the passage, TINT is the legal T
and it places these clauses in
heir proper position with the Declaration aud
uG FSSL vi tLIC COunbiAutlOil, Ol tHC AiuE " |
reedom. As TO preceding administrations,
'oq have right til go accprding to the letter
IS you find it recorded, and to interpret your /
,Yn constitution. Where now is your qutlOr-
~ III the constitution for SO heinuus, aud a.
)ominabe. and Injurious a crime as slavery? |
Here you stand up protecting slavery, with
iothi6g but Imaginary authority in thu ee little
lauses of the constitution on your side, while
opposed to you are such opponents and proofs
IS these viz. The Declarations; the p. Gamble
M bill lofattainder shall be passed No title
T nobility shall legrapted';; No bill impair
ng the obligation Of contracts shall be pas
ed; "The United States shall guarantee t9 |
very State i'll the Union Republican form 1
+ Government; "the right OF the people to