The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-04-15
The Appeal to Arms-President LincoIn's
War Manffest0.

festo that has ever emanated from our federal
executive government is the reply of President
Lincoln to the Virginia Commissioners touch
ing the policy he "intends to pursue in regard
to the Confederate States" The policy thus
disclosed comprehends the submission or sub
jugation to the government at Washington of
"all the States which claim to have seeded"
although Mr.. Lincoln qualities it to merely
defensive and limited system Of operations.
He will use the power confided in him "to
hold, occupy and possess property and places
belonging to the government and to collect
the duties on imports" in the seeded as in
the States still attached to our Union. In his
inaugural this declaration was intended to ap-
ply to the military posts and property which
were in the possession Of the government
when it came into his hands; but he emphati-
cally declares that, ''if, as now appears to be
true, in pursuit of purpose to drive the
United States authority from these places, an
unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort
Sumter, shall hold myself at liberty to re-
possess IL, if I can, like places aolich had been
seized before the government acas devolved upon
me; and, in any event, shall, to the best Of
my ability, repel force by force" Next, in
consequence of the assault upon Fort Sumter,
the suspension of the United States mail SER
vice in the seeded States is threatened, as
justified, and possibly demanded, by the actual
commencement of war against the govern
ment.
Such is the ultmatum of our federal admin
istration to the special commission of inquiry
from the Virginia State Convention. Accord
iDgly, not only the recapture of Fort Sumter,
but OF the surrounding forts, becomes now the
declared purpose of Mr. Lincoln, and, in the
face of this declaration, promise that he "will
not attempt to collect the duties on imports by
any armed invasion of any part of the coun-
try" except the landing of "a force deemed
necessary to relieve some fort upon the Dor
DER" practically, as peace reservation,
amounts to nothing. In their late war against
Russia the hostile operations Of England and
France we're limited to the waters and shores
of the Black and Baltic seas; but it was as
much war for the reduction of the Gar to
their terms as if the Allies had penetrated his
territories to Moscow. So, now, the coast line
military policy of Mr.. Lincoln against "the
States which claim to have seeded means
war, and, If followed up, is just as sure to in
volve the two sections in general war as If
he had declared his purpose to be the suppress
sion of the Montgomery government by
hostile march upon that city.
On the other side, it is very evident that it is
not the purpose of the seeded States to pause
with the capture of Fort Sumter. They have
formidable besieging army mustered and impa-
tent of restraint in front of Fort Pickens.
occupation, on their part, is considered neces-
sary to even plausible appearance before the
world of their liberation from the government
at Washington The attempt, therefore, will
be made to reduce Fort Pickens as Sumter has
been reduced, and thus between these two for
tresses there may be scope and verge enough
for all the naval forces of the United States and
all the land forces Of the Confederate States,
for many months to come.
But has Mr. Lincoln the power To limit the
points of this civil war which is upon us 4? Can
fire in combustible city be limited to few
houses which it may be deemed necessary to
burn down? We apprehend that our Presi-
dents ultimatum to Virginia will speedily be
followed by an ordinance of secession on the
part of her State Convention, which, since the
10th of February has been laboring to resist
the disunion pressure upon it. We fear that the
secession of Virginia will soon be followed by
similar movement on the part of North Caro-
lima, Tennessee, Arkansas and Kentucky, and
we do not feel perfectly assured of the con-
tinued adhesion of Maryland to the United
States. We fear that there Is something more
than empty bravado in the late speech of the
Southern Secretary of War at Montgomery.
promising the occupation of the city of Wash
ington by the Confederate States authorities
very early in May.
At all events, the reduction of Fort Sumter
and this manifesto of President Lincoln are
equivalent to declaration of war on both sides
between the Confederate and the United States
In a conflict of this sort there can be but two
parties-a Northern and Southern party-for
all other parties will cease to exist The politi-
cal principles, organizations and issues which
have divided our country and our people, in va
rious shapes and forms, since the treaty of our
independence with England, will all be very
soon overwhelmed in the sweeping changes Of
civil war. II would be folly now TO argue
what might, could, would or should have been
done by Southern fre-eaters and Northern dis
organizers in 1854, 1860, or by Mr.. Buchanan,
or by Mr. Lincoln, or by the late session of
Congress Civil war is upon us, and the ques-
tons which now supersedc all others are, What
are the consequences now before us? where is
this war to end? and how and when! what is
our duty under this warlike condition of things.
and what are the movements and the conditions
necessary TO change this state of war to a state
of pesces
These questions will irree;stibIy ;r,rross