Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1861-03-06
THE INAUGURAL.

full reading its importance demands. In
point Of composition 1t is fair State pa
per, and, as is right and proper, bears the
murks of studied preparation. 1t differs
from his reported speeches, in being losi-
cal and grammatical, and labors with evi,
dent earncstness to establish fact that
none but members of his own part, have
ever officially denied. Mr.. Lincoln opens
with broad denial that it ever was his
intention to interfere with the institution
Of slavery in the States where it exists,
and quote, the following from one OF his
written speeches to prove his orthodoxy :
= have no purpose TO intertere directly
or Indirectly, with the institution OF sla-
very in the States where it exists; be
love have no legal right 10 do so, and |
have no inclination to do so.' Mr.. Lin
coin says that such assurances as these
found in nearly all my published speeches,
should have satisfied the apprehensions oil
the Southern people, that, by the acees-
sion Of a Republican Administration, their
| roperty ard their peace and persona al
safety are not 10 be endangered From
such declarations as these, found in nearly
all his published speeches, tho Southern
people have never felt insecure, but a
different class of expressions, found IN
nearly all his speeches. have given the
Southern people considerable uneasi-
ness. As Mr.. Lincoln has referred us TO
those speeches, we would simply ask
il such declarations as these, scattered
through his speeches mean anything: i
have always hated slavery, think as much
as any abo,itioaist : This Government
cannot permanently endure, half slave
ana half free ; If | were in Congress, and
vote should come up whe.hort slavery
should be prohibited in new territory
in spite Of me Dred Scot decision, ] would
vote that it should 1t is from such ex
tracts As these found in Mr. Lincoln's
speeches tha. the Southern people have
gathered their apprehensions and yet he
ssscr,s that they have never had any
cause 10 distrust him. Mr.. Lincoln must
have M ,dc an untrue statement in his
Insgural or he must be sadly m,sreported
in his written speeches, to which he has
there made reference. 1t is only from
these. and many similar expressions cou-
pied with tho record OF his party.
in voting for the Blake resolution in
endorsing the Helper Book. in excusing
the John Brown raid and like acts, that
the Southern people have at length been
brought t, feel insecure, in their property
AZ d persons.
Mr.. Lincoln differs materially with ma.
ny of his friends, he thinks the "Fugitiyc
Slave Law is plain provision of the Con
otitu,ion." 10 snys that mcnibern oi
Congress who swear to support the Con-
stitution.' Swear to support the provis'
ion tia. persons held to labor in one State
and escaping into another, shall be de.
livered up on claim of the master 10
whom such labor is due. Mr.. Lincoln
thinks they might il they only would pass
such a Law as would enable them to 81 b.
port this provision. Why the man who
knowingly violatostho provisions of the
Constitution, would be more likely to obey
|
law founded thereon, is We confess, to US
something OF n mystery. The member ot
Congress, who violates one provision ot
the Constitution will violate amy law cal
sulatcd TO give that provision efficiency
Mr.. Lincoln, however suggests that a law
might be passed to relieve the consciences
of delicate members of Congress on this
question, 10y exempting them from perju>
ry. Ho however thinks the Fugitive
Slave law will have to be obeyed, until
some such law Is enacted.
The President declares that u" he will
execute the laws just as far as he can y
and adds, that where hostility in any
I lJN"i'ND, sHuli Dc ~ great ullu uniNtTSaI III
10 prever. competent resident citizens
from holding offices, there will be no at.
tempt to force obnoxious strangers anon
the people for that object. While the lie.
ga! right may exist in the government, |
deem it better to defer. for a time, the
uses Of such Offices" This does not look
very much like coercion and coupled with
The subsequent declaration, that there
shall be no bloodsbed, or violence, unIes.
forced upon the National authority, is
rather conciliatory. Whatever may be
his future intentions, Mr. Lincoln on this
question declaratory at least, is merely fol.
lowing IN the footsteps of his predecessor,
and while he does this, he cannot 70 far
wrong. He denies the contitutional right
OF State TO secede. He says that scces-
sion is anarchy or revolution. He talks