Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-04-06

lude these leaders themselves, but that we nave
gained nothing, that we can gain nothing by going
into it and sharing with it. seems to me very evil
dent.
Our true policy is to stand by that Union whose
blessings we have so long experIenced-so long en-
joyedto stand fast by it until some great political ne
cessity shall drive us from it. In the Union we
know that we have found safety-there our fathers
found safety-and these fathers constructed it for
our safety. All experience has taught US that we
have the best government in the world Abused
and maladministered as it frequently is, is 1t not at
last the best government in the world? Where else
does liberty appear as she does here? She appears
somewhere in the little Republics of the old world
but so insignificant III their numbers not to be no
ticed and of course to be spared by the great des
pots and the great Emperors of Christendom. There
she may be said to exist in her rustic simpcity-n
tatters and rags. Here she exists in all her splen
dor, with diadem on her head. Here is a great
Republic that has avowed allegiance to her. She as
queen beckons to all the world, and signalizes
people that know how to govern themselves peo-
pie that have entitled themselves to this liberty.
This has been the fruit of this Constitution and
this Union by which advise you to stand firm
Stand true to it say, until some great political ne
cessity drives you from that post What are we
now to do? portion of our countrymen are spec
ulating distant consequences. They are resolving
that we will quit our place of safety and go into an
experimentation the new revolutionary Government
follow. Then they say there will be no war, and
then will be in better condition to reconstruct.
This is all fallacy, from beginning to end. Can
trust our speculation upon that are so de-
pendent one upon another-upon contingencies that
lie in the future? Can we come to distant conclu
sions of that sort? No. The safe way is to do that
duty which is nearest to you. Do that first. You
can see that We have not the gift of prediction
This argument of speculation founded upon distant
contingencies, founded upon differences, and infer
ences from differences to what may follow from
the complication of causes that is least of all to be
relied upon. There is safe logic in it. Every
man see and understand the duty that is next to
him. and should not attempt to confound his con-
viction by endeavoring to comprehend objects be-
You'd his reach.
What is our nearest duty? You have been told
to maintain the Constitution of the United States
It has never done you wrong, never despoiled you
of your property, never taken from you minute OF
your freedom your liberty during your whole life
time Are you to abandon that upon contingent
cy; are you to go abroad for experiment is that
the next and wiSest step to be taken? Is not the
most immediate duty to stand fast in your fidelity to
that tried government until some necessity shall
force you from it When that necessity comes it
will need no argument Necessity requires no spec
ulation-no argument When that great political
necessity comes which alone would justify us in sum-
dering this glorious Union it will speak for ITSELF
1t will speak for itself in language not to be misun
derstood We need not wrangle or debate quar-
rel about it. 1t will tell all with its imperous tom
que. 1t will wave us to obedience. Conform to it
we must Is that the case now? MOI Why then be
in hurry to abandon this good government which
has sheltered us so long, Why commit ourselves
to the cold and incement skies Of untried coun-
try an untried winter? Is that wise? Is that the
prudence of great nation? Excitement, animation
and mpetuosity may prompt us, and some may be
lured by the very danger of the excitement but that
is not the part of wSdom-that not the part OF
that wisdom that ought to govern you and to govern
a community-that wisdom which is of deliberate
rejecting mind You are to divest yourselves Of
these passions when you come to decide such ques
ton. Let me ask You, such question
submitted to a people before? Here thirty mil
lions Of people, constituting the greatest the reest
and the most powerful nation on the face of the
earth Is she to fall down in day? Are we has
tily to 70 otf-to fly from all the greatness we have
inherited and acquired, and mady, wildly seek in
the wilderness an experimental government and sub
Sttute it for the better one We now enjoy?
The moment we are divided, what are We? Be-
fore all the nations of the earth greatness is CIV
en- up. Is there any one of you, any one whose
heart swells with pride and love of country, that
would not mourn over the slightest diminution Of
the greatness of this countrys power? We expe-
rienced the haughtineSs and superciliousnesS OF "a
naughty nations prince when we were but feeble
colony | might say involved in revolution. Now
your flag carries respect and fear and love over sea
and land; it is everywhere hailed with the profound
est respect When you are compelled to blow from
its folds of the stars that now adOrn t-whcn
this waning constellation shall show its diminished
head-what will become of that respect founded in
fear as we'll as in love? Wha. will become of that
respect with which it was hailed under peaceful
government? When you go abroad now, and when
to the question as to what you are, you answer you
are an American, you are treated instantly with
thop h., t. l,ebr
all names it is that by which man would prefer to
travel in Europe. 1t is your country's name that
gives you this stamp, this great power 1t is that
great country whose name never fails to prove
shadow of protection over you. Do you not believe
that foreign nations are tr:umphng in the divis
ION and ACKNOWLEDGMENT of this great government?
They feared its example. They feared its liberty;
but now they look to you not with good govern
ment founded on liberty and on principles which
may be to them dangerous example They look
to you to cite you as an evidence that all popular
government is deluson. "Men not capable of
governing themselves" they say sneeringly, land
the people of the United States are showing t.
They live in country that reveres power. They
had all sway and all dominion, yet you see by
party controversy and the little exasperations that
spring out of it, this great government is in in
slant exploded under the madness of party. In six
months that proud empire reaching to the skies
stretching its the world has fallen to the
ground They are an evidence that man requires
kings and despotiSm to govern hm-that he cannot
govern himself You, the proud nation, are now
cited example of the impotency, the incapacity of
mankind for selfgovernment-to show that your
boosted liberty is nothing but the exhalation of fam
ces, having no power, no strength no capacities
These the consequences that will accrue from a
dissolution of the Union
Let us strive then to bring the seceders back and
reform them. Here is government formed, all its
laws and institutions perfect. The house is COM
plee and furnished Those who have left US have but
to step in and take possession of the mansion of
their fathers. By standing fast by the Union and
showing the seceders that there is no probability
that we will unite with Them and if the other loyal
saveholding States will show the sane disapproba-
ton of their course will that not have the effect of
checking the career of this revolution? Won't it's
tendency be to make them return 10 their hreth-