The Evansville daily journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1848-1862, 1861-12-04

gents. In these documents we find the
| abridg cement of the existing right of suf
frage and the deuiaI to the people of all
right 10 participate in the selection of pub
lie officers, except the legislative body, adj
vocated with Iabored arguments to prove
that large control of the government in the
/ people /. is the source Of all political evil
| Monarchy itself is sometimes limited at as
possible. refuge from the power OF the
| people. In nay present position l could
scarcely be justified were to emit raising
warning voice against this approach of
returning despOtism. II is not needed nor
fitting here that general argument should
be made in favor OF popular institutions,
but there is one point with its connections
not so hackneyed as most others, to which.
ask attention. It is the effort to place
capital on an equal footing with if not
above labor in the structure of Government,
1t is assumed that labor is available only 10
connection with capital that nobody la
bors unless somebody else owning capital,
somehow by the use of it, induces him to
labor. This assumed, it is next considered
whether it is best that capital shall hire
laborers and induce them to work by their
own consent or buy them and drive
them to it without their consent. Hay-
ing proceeded so far, it is naturally con-
cluded that all lahorers are either hired la
borers, or what we call slaves and further,
it is assured that who ever is once hired
labor is fixed in that condition for life
Now there is no such relation be-
tween capital and labor, as assumed,
nor is there any such thing as a free man
being fixed for life in the condition of
hired laborer. Both of these assumptions
are false, and all differences from them are
groundless. Labor is prior to, and indie
pendent of capital. Capital is only the
fruit of labor and could never have existed
if labor had not first existed. Labor is the
superior of capital, and deserves much the
higher consideration. Capital has its rights
which are as worthy of protection as any
other rights, nor is it denied that there is,
and probably always will be, relation
between labor and capital producing mutual
benefits. The error is in assuming that the
whole labor of community exists within
that relation. A few men own capital and
that few avoid labor, and with their capital
hire or buy few to labor for them. A
large majority belong to neither class
neither work for Others nor have others
work for them. In most of the Southern
States a majority of the whole people of all
colors are neither slaves nor masters, while
in the Northern a large majority are neither
hirers nor hired men, With their families,
wives, sons and daughters, they work for
themselves on their farms, in their houses,
and in their shops, taking the whole product
to themselves and asking no favors of capt.
tai on the one hand, nor of hired labOrers
or slave on the other. 1t is not forgotten
that a considerable number of persons
mingle their own labor with capital. that is,
they labor with their own hands and also
pay or hire others to labor for them but
this is only mixed and not a distinct class.
No principle stated is disturbed by the ex-
istence of this mixed class. Again as has
already been said, there is not, of necessity,
any such thing as the tree hired labor,
being fixed for that condition of
life. Many independent men everywhere
in these States, a few years back in their
lives, were hired laborers. The dependent |
penniless beggar in the world labors for
wages awhile aud saves a surplus with |
which to buy tools or land for himself; then
labOr5 on his own account, and at length
hires another new beginner TO nelp him.
This is just, and generous, and prosperous
system, which opens the way to ALL gives
hope to all, and consequently energy, pro-
gress and improved condition to all. No
men living are more worthy to be trusted
than those who toll up or on from poverty /; |
none less inclined to take or touch aught
which they have hot honestly earned. Let
them beware Of surrendering a political |
power which they already possess, aud |
which, if surrendered, will surely be used |
to close the door of advancement against |
such as they, ana to fix new disabilities and !
burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall |
be lost.
From the first taking of our National |
census to the last is 10 years, and we find |
our population at the end of the period |
eight times as great as it was at the begin
ming. The increase of those other things |
which men deem desirable, has been even
greater. We thus have at one view what |
the popular principle applied to govern |
ment, through the machinery of the States
and the Union has produced in d given !
time, and also what, if formerly maintained,
it promises for the future. There are al
ready among US those who--if the Union
be preserved-win live to see it contain
100000, GOO.
The struggle of to-day is not altogether
for to-day it is for a vast future. Also
with firm reliance on Providence, all the
more firm and earnest, let US proceed in the
great task, which events have devolved
upon us. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, D. O., Dec. 3.