Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-07-24
Lipco,n,. ue,.aue TO Coprre..

L1nCoin's message 10 congress.
Congress, or the "Rump" of it, met on the
Fourth Mr.. Abraham Lincoln sent that body
Message" We do not republish il; cannot,
in self respect, as Americans. To say that it is
written in execrably bad English, is to alude to
the least of its faults. Its logic is loose Onted,
and in stoops in the shoulders. 1t is not only
unstatesmanlike, but it attacks principles OF con-
stitntional law, in a way that is not hagitiOus,
only because it is too contemptibly weak. The
history of the bad revolution at the South is bad
ly told. There is long, stumbling, limping, ar
gument against the secession theor, that has been
far better done by many village editors, in off
hand articles. There are attempts at dry joking
that are equally becoming the supposed dignity
of the office now held by Abe Lincoln and the
gravity of the situation of the country. He calls
for 100000 soldiers and for 40O, ,00O,0 600 of dol
lars. That is the practical part of the recon
mendations ofthis most benefcent administration
inaugurated by aid of Protestant preachers, and
Humanitarian abOlitonist lecturers and editors.
But there are two clauses of his Message that
have gIaver bearing. In one he intimates that
he will not, probably, abandon his contempt for
the laws of the United States, as declared by the
coordinate branch of the Government-the Su-
preme Court He says:
"Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of
candid men as to what is to be the course of the
Government towards the Southern States after
the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Ex-
ecutive deems il proper to say il will be his pur
pose then, as ever, TO be guided by the COnsttu-
ton and the laws, and that he probably will have
no different understanding of the powers and du-
ties of the Federal Government relatively TO the
rights of the States and the people under the
Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural
address"
Now it would rejoice us could we give these
words the purport of saying that he wished to
abandon the unconstitutional dogma of the Chi
cagO Platform about 'nO more slave States,
when the Constitution puts as the only requisite
for the admission Of a new State ga republican
form of government" But we were all alarmed
in the inaugural, to hear Mr.. Lincoln scof at de
cisions of the Supreme Court, as binding only the
parties in each particular suit and not, all con-
stitutional lawyers agree, and even as Mr.. Sew
ard has acknowledged, binding OIL all good cti-
zens, as the Interpretation and declaration OfIap.
This is no cav. 1t is no time, now to be
fastidious. 1t is grave misgiving, and Mr.. Lin
coin has augmented, instead of dispellng it.
Mr.. Lincoln has painfully revived another loose
and lawless idea. uttered by him on his way to
Washington, but which, il might be hoped. he
had learned the recklessness of, since his inaugu-
ration. At indianapolis he put questions-"just
asking" what the difference between State
and county, except as to relative size, popula
ton, &c. So this innocent man, who hurts
body, and who can nobody hurt" now asks
in his message, "what is souereiqnfy?" Like
big baby, abandoned by its natural guardian, and
cropping round for needed sustenance, his highest
aspiration is to show an "inquring mind, :, and to
ask questions. Were it not that he is cursing
whole people. by filling with ridicule the Presi-
dental chair, he might, without disturbance,
spend the rest of bis mortal existence questioning
and gawkng with other ignorant and idle readers
of the New York Tribune over such matters; He
will never fathom them God never meant him to.
Shades of our patriotic grandsiresl This man
says: 1.-The States have the powers and rights re-
served to them in and by the National Constitu-
tionl' The Constitution" reserves no right to
the States; but the States which by ratifying the
Constitution created the Union, declared-not as
necessary, but by way of precaution-that the
powers not delegated to the United States were, in
their resduary plenitude, reserved to the States,
or to the people.
A State is Of necessity a sovereignty-modified,
tempered and limited, as, among freemen, the
State always is. A State has a sovereign power
over property and person. 1t has power of life
and of death. 1t DEGREES the EXTREMIST penalties,
and provides for its own defense by an armed
militia. This it does, or can do, though, like the
State of Delaware il does not number a hundred
thousand souls. This county can not do, though
like New York county, it numbers nearly mil
lion. This, Abe Lincoln, "asking," with his
"open countenance'' and "inquiring mind does
not know, and not knowing, it was a despicable
tnlng 10 nave run MIN INTO the freSluentlal ONCE
by fanatical or misguided minority, against the
wishes Of large majority of his dissatisfied
countrymen."
We not factous; and, withal, lightly we
esteem the chief constabulary Office of the re-
public, called the Presidency-we are mortified
at the extremely sorry figure the poor man cuts
who now occupies the place. We could touch no
Office in his gift, but we would much rather sus-
tain than oppose him.
Let him rcnounce the unconstitutional tests OF
the Chicago platform, and say with the majority OF
his dissatisfied" countrymen, that the only proper
test of admission for a Stute to the Union,
is "a republican form of Government"
Let him declare, rs every respectable lawyer
will declare, that the decisions of the Supreme
Court are, while they remain such, declaratory OF
the existing laws of the United States, and to be
obeyed.
Let him further declare, as we believe he is
willing to DO that there shall be no interference
politically with the local institutions of States, in
regard to slavery.
And then, the arms would drop from the hands
of our Southern brethren. We of the North
would cry out and applaud him, and he who had
been elected by fanatical and wretched nlinoYi
tn, would be accepted and thanked by vast ma
jority of the country, who would hail him as bet
ter than his party, and as greater than his prejud
ces. Can Lincoln do such n noble act ? We
leave his "frends," and time, to answer.-N. Y
Freeman's Journal