Worcester daily spy., 1861-12-20
some other and gravSeprovocation than has
yet been given by eiS1er nation.
WINFIELD SCOTT.



speech, after a briei acknowledge of kind
ness TO himself, was entirely devoted to the
subject of the war in America. That strug-
gle was, lie said, one of the highest interest TO
England, and to humanity al large. Eighty
hve years ago they w.re colonies sprung from
this country, and already numbering IA popu
latlon OF three million souls a year ago they
were the United States of America, and com
prised thirty millions of people. In agricul-
ture and manufactures no country in the world
except our own could be placed in comparison
with them. They were equally distinguished
for their inventions, their enterprises, their
schools, their prisons, and their religious es-
adjustments. The public expenditure of
these United States was G23 900 600 year,
they were able TO boast an amount OF comfort,
prosperity, and aboundIng plenty such as no
other country in any age has displayed. But
there was another side to the question. While
TINS country secured the utmost liberty TOR the
whlte population 1t held the black population
IN bondage and degradation. England sowed
the seeds OF the slavery system. Jefferson,
two years before the Declaration of Independ
ence, issued Il protest against the conduct and
policy OF the English government, in prevent
lng tue cOlonlsts from iorbidding the Importa-
ton OF fresh negroes from Africa. Ultimate
ly, every stale was left to lcgisate on slavery
for Itself. But the growth OF cotton has in
creased since that time, and become an article
OF value to an extent which no man dreamed
OF when Jefferson wrote. And this cotton,
cultivated under the slavery system, now
threatens the overthrow OF that which is a
million times more valuable-lhe greet repub-
lie OF the United States
Mr.. Bright then referred to the act of seces-
sion on The part OF the SOUTH Newspapers
sald this question of secession was much like
that which occurred when the colonies revolt
ed against the mother country. The question
in lloO was whether a corrupt ministry in
Downing street and a boroughmongeriug ar.
lament in Westminster should tax three mil.
lions OF unrepresented COlonists without their
consent. Now the IT presentation of the south
in the American legislature was not only com.
pete, but in excess. Three out OF every five
slaves are counted as white men, and tile con.
sequence was that the south had returned
about twenty more members than it had nat.
ural right to do. This showed that there was
no similarity between the two cases. Another
reason for the secession, all ged on this side,
was the protective tariff. No American. how.
ever attributed the dissolution OF the Union 10
that cause The south had been dominant
during the whole period since the declaration
Of independence, and the tariff had existed
during that time. There had, no doubt, been
occasional symptoms OF dissatisfaction, but
when congress met twelve months ago to dis
cover how the Union could be maintained,
among all tue compromises suggested the
question of the tariff was never referred to-
Whatever the influence OF the tariff might be,
it must also be remembered that it is as perni.
cious to the west as to the south, but the west
had not seeded The question was not on
that OF protection or free trade, it was of differ
ent and grayer character. For thirty years
slavery had been constantly coming to the
surface as the difficulty OF American poili-
clans. The object OF The south in seeding
was to escape from the votes of those who
wish to limit the area Of slave territory
What course, asked Mr. Bright should England
pursue We should be neutral-we were
neutral in Italy, but were not neutral in SYM
pathy, and although no English ships or sol.
diers appeared on the shores of that country,
the sympathy OF England was spoken of IN
Europe, and did much To aid the establishment
OF the tree Italian kngdcm
Mr. Bright then argued that we had not
given similar cordial sympathy 10 the peo-
pie of the northern states OF America, although
one or two attsmen, as for instance the Duke
OF Argyll and Lord Stanley, ha spoken with
llbeIaty, fairness, and triendliness of the
United States Earl Russell, however. at
Newcastle, had misrepreseuted the question,
when he said the north we've c0ntending Tor
empire and tile south for independence and
the leading journal, since Lincoln took office,
had not published one far, homo able and
friendly article on American affairs. 1t was
asked why should there be war? Why this
fratrcda strife Why should the north and
south not separate peaceably? He through
ont thought there were insurmountable geo
graphical obstacles to a separation, as well as
strong political objections. II the nor hern
states had done what some newspaper writers
advised, and had allowed the south TO with
draw from the Union without making any et
tort to retain item, We should have been told
that democracy was Il failure, that the north
ern government was guilty of Cowarlce, and
was worthy only OF unmeasuIed contempt
These candid friends tell us American free
dom is gone, the habeas corpus act has been
suspended, aud other laws and liberties have
been endangered. Bat had not we suspended
the habeas corpus act during the Irish rebel
lion of 1913; and if an insurgents army
were encamped within sight OF London, what
regard would government have Tor the per.
sonal liberty OF the subject in any measures
they took for securing the safety of the state
We are told it would be better for us ii the
Union were divided and Sir Edward Lytton
had predicted that there would ultimately be
four or five separate nations or tederalions.
The former he considered Il mean argument;
and us for the latter, he would far rather see
the who OF that vast continent combined in
one great federation of states where there
would be no custom houses, but freedom eve
ywhere-equality everywhere-law every
where-and room for the expanding energies
of our race. Referring TO the seizure of the
confederate commissioners, he said he consid-
cred the act both imp0l tic and bad but it
might turn out TO be wholly Unauthorized by
the American government, and in this case
there was no dodbt they would make ample
reparation. No government had rvinced
greater desire to be guided by wise aud moder-
ate counses in the construction of cases under
the maritime law 1t was said this was
only one of a series of acts showing
ill will on the part of the north. There
would be irritating accidents in the course
Of this struggle. Let us be calm. Let
us recollect how we were dragged into the
Russian war---we drifted into it, 1t cost
hundred million pounds 1t cost the lives of
forty thousand Englisllmen; it injured our
trade; il doubled the armies of Europe and
it did not accomplish a single thing that was
promised. Statesmen now said, in rXculpa-
tion, "What could we do in the frenzy OF the
public mind at that time? :" Don't let them
add to the frenzy, and don't let us be driven
Mr.. Bright then read an extract from Gen
Scott's letter, which was loudly cheered, and
concluded by reminding the meeting of the
large number or English people who have
emgratgd duriug the last fifteen years to the
United States Ouy Misrepresentation, the
most gross calumny, or the most wicked,
could involve in war people with such close
ties. In few years the twenty million free
men in the north would be thirty million, or
even fifty million Hp ,ra 4 oh IL t,,ui,t nnt ha