The Ottawa free trader. [volume] (Ottawa, Ill.) 1843-1916, 1861-03-09
The Inaugural Address.

<NuofSsS III luli III OUT cOiuDiiis ~ oay. ~
is only moderately we'll written. Some Of
the sentences are even so awkwardly con-
structed, that we doubt whether the teie-
graph has reported him correctly.
The style, however, is a small affair, if
tho matter is right Criticism on this
head can onIy DO based on the way in
which We interpret him. First, then, we
understand Mr. lincoln as undsrtak king to
dispsl the cpprehsnsi)ns of the South, on
which alone lie thinks their secession
movements are based, that the accession
Of p republican administration would be
dangerous to their property, by assuring
them that the republicans never proposed
in the remo.est degree to interfere with
| their domestic institutions. On the con-
trary, he quotes from the Chicago platform
| TO show that they condemned every thing
! like John Brown raids, and aver willing
mesa to have the fugitiTe slave clause OF
the Constitution executed IN good faith
This we think, Nj Liaco!n can say in all
honesty for himself and perhaps a major
ity of his Cabinet, but certainly not for a
! large proportion of his party.
Coming, however, TO the marrow OF the
document his exposition Of tho relation OF
| TIE States to each other and the general
government, we understand Mr.. Lincoln to
occupy this position: That the Union Is in
! law unbroken; that it is and was intended
to be perpetual; that secession is necessa-
rily unknown to the Constitution, and Is,
therefore, either insurrect;on or revo!u-
ton, according to circumstances. Being
elected PrsSiiS-.s of the whole United
i States, and taking the oath to support the
Constitution and see ali the laws faithfully
executed, he Is, per consequence, left with
90. discretion, but is bound TO protect the
public property, collect the revenue, and
execute all the laws in the seeding as
well as non-seceJ;ng States.
That this portion of the address should
be differently interpreted, is not surpris-
| ing; but il IS somewhat singular that the
extreme friends Of the President aud his
extreme enemies should interpret it alike.
Both sag it means coercion to the full eX-
tent, ard will bring on var between the
sections in thirty days Tie biz and little
! Ifii,ne politicians say, the President means
Immediately 10 blockade all the Southern
ports, retaile the forts, and force the re
beilious' States into submission; and The
secessioniats rub their hands in s!ee saying
the same thing, and congratulate them
selves that nos they shall have all the
slave States Join them, for they are all
( pledged against coercion.
With due Difference, we thina the Prssi-
dent means nothing Of the sort. Who, st
/ least at tie North, vii venture TO question
the correctness CT his position, that when
! he took the Presidential oath, he became
| the President Of the ,ci2le United States
and assum ID the LEGATION to discharge
all his duties as such, as If no secession
had taken place nThe Constitution knows
no divided Union, and Judge fancy admi-
aistered the same oath 10 Mr.. Lincoln
that he adm Mustered to seven other Fresi
dents. Bat in executing the laws tie Pre-
sident has pretty wide discretion, and it
{ Is III TSlSISiiCS u tIiS use ne IHteiIh5 10
make OF this, that we think his extremist
friends and enemies mistake. Mr /.
might i'm nz,ii. ly send an armament to
Charleston to retake Fort Mcultrie, ard
this would bring on war forthwith; but
does he mean to do this? On the contra
~, he says there need be no bloodshed,
and he is opposed to such a course, unless
it is forced upon him; as by an attack up
Oh Tort Sumpter, for instance.
Coercion, in its bad sense, then, we are
10th to believe to have been in his thoughts.
Why else should lie Immediately follow
his statements tina: look so threatening
with SO large saving clause as this:
! The course here indicated will he fol-
lowed, unless current events and expert
I ances shall show a modification or change
10 be proper, aud il every case and eNigen-
cv NV best discretion viii be exercised,
according to circumstances actually exist
ing, and with view and hope OF the
peaceful solution Of the national troubles
and the restoration o. fraternal sympa-
tAies and affections.
So far from violent and precpitate mea-
s,tros, we infer from this extract, and the
whole tone Of the inaugural, that the Pre-
sideEt l,lcans TO get i'll a spirit of the at
most forbesrance and Instead of looking
upon the address a, a declaration Of war,
we fully agree with Judge Douglas, that
for the present az least, it must he rather
understood a. q proclamation OF peace.
The portion Of the inaugural devoted to
the DIcd Scott decision Is mere pettiiog
ciny The President thinks decision of
the Supreme Court i. binding only 50 far
a. it touches the immediate parties to the
suit, and may be reversed in the very next
case Such has not, we believe, been The
commonly received notion among lawyers
as TO the binding force Of judicial deci-
siors. If orr Supreme Court, after full
vestiga,ion and de.;bera;ion, make de-
cision. that Court ever afterwards defer to
it, unless Il can be shown 70 have been
made under palpabe m;sappreh ension.
Law is mighty unsartin' as it is but if
the highest judicial tribunals of the coun-
try acted on the principle OF ignoring all
previous decisions, the people would soon
rid themselves of institutions so capricious
and unstable.
at Elizabeth, y j., on Wednesday eve
ming Il 9th uit, one Archibald Oracle,
.;r., was burned in elfigy; his offence being
a participation in the Seizure Of Fort Nor
gan. Archibald Oracle is graduate Of