The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1861-07-12

of policy, and would better enable the coun-
try to accept the evacuation of Sumter as q
military necessity.
Then an order was at once directed to be
sent for the landing Of the troops from the
steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens.-
This order could not go by land, but must
take the slower and surer route by sea-
The first returning news from the order
was received just one week before the fall Of
Sumpter. The news itself was that the Of
ficer commanding the Sabine, to which YES
sci the troops had been transferred from the
Brooklyn, acting upon some armistice Of
the late administration, and of the existence
of which the present administration, up to
the time the order was despatched, had only
too vague and uncertain rumors to fix at
tention, had refused to land the troops.
To now reinforce Fort Pickens before the
crisis would be reached at Fort Sumpter
was impossible, rendered so by the mere ex-
haustion of provisions in the latter named
fort. In precaution against such contin-
gency the Government had few days be-,
fore commenced preparing an expedition as
we'll adapted as might be to relieve Fort
Sumpter, which expedition was intended to
be ultimately used or not according to cir.
cumstances The strongest anticipated case
for using it was now presented, and it was
resolved TO send it forward, as had been
intended.
In this contingency it was also resolved
to notify the Governor OF South Carolina
that be might expect an attempt would be
made to provision the Fort, and that if the
attempt should not be resisted, there would
be no attempt to throw in men, arms or
ammunition, without further notice, or in
case of an attack upon the Fort. This no.
tice was accordingly given, whereupon the
fort was attacked and bombarded to its
fall, not even awaiting the arrival of the
provision expedition.
1t is thus seen that the assault upon and
reduction of Fort Sumter were in no sense
a matter of self defence on the part of the
assailants. They we'll knew that the garri,
son in the Fort could by no possibility COM
nit aggression upon them. They knew
they were expressly notified that giving
bread to the few brave and hungry men Of
the garrison was all that would on that &C.
casion be attempted unless themselves, by
resisting so much should provoke more
They knew that this Government desired
to keep the garrison in the fort, not to as>
sail them, but merely to maintain visible
possession, and thus toSpreserve the Union
from actual and immediate dissolution,
trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time,
discussion and the ballot box for final adj
justment; and they assailed and reduced the
fort for precisely the reverse object-to
drive out the visible authority of the Fed
eral Union, and thus force it to immediate
dissolution.
That this was their object the Executive
well understood; and having said to them
in the Inaugural Apdress -"You can have
no conflict without being yourselves the ag'
gressors, he took pains not only to have
this declaration good, but also to keep the
case so far from ingenious sophistry that the
world should hot misunderstood it. By the
affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding
circumstances, that point was reached.
Then and there, by the assailants of the
government, began the conflict without
gun in sight or expectancy to return their
firing, save only the few in the fort, sent to
that harbor years before for their own pro-
lection, and still ready to give that protec-
tiOn in whatever was loyal.
In this act, distarding all else, they have
forced upon the country the distinct issue of
immediate dissolution or blood, and this en-
braces more than the fate of these United
States. 1t presents to the whole family of
man the question whether a Constitutional
Republic or Democracy, government of the
people, the same people, can or cannot main
tain its territorial integrity against its own do
mestic foes. 1t presents the question whether
discontented persons, too few in numbers to
control the Administration according to the
original law 10 any case, can always upon the
pretenses made in this case or any other pre-
lenses, or arbitrarily, without any preten,es
break up their government and thus prctica lily
put au end to free government upon the earth.
1t forces US to ask, is there in all repub.
lies, this inherent and fatal weakness Must
government of necessity, be too strong tor
the liberties of the people, or too weak to
maintain its own existence? So viewing
the issues, no choice was left but to call out
the war power of the Government and so to
resist the force employed for its destruction
by force for its preservation. The call was
made and the response of the country was
most gratifying, surprising in unauimity
and spirit the most sanguine anticipations.
Yet none of the States commonly called
slave States, except Delaware, gave regi.
ment through the regular slave organiza-
ton. A few regiments have been organ
lied within some other OF those States by
individual enterprise, and received into the
government service of course. The seeded
States, so called, and to which Texas had
been joined about the time of the inaugural
ton, gave no troops to the cause of the
Union. The border States, so called, were
not uniform 10 their action, some of them
being almost for the Union, while in others
as in Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee
and Arkansas, the Union sentiment was
nearly repressed and silenced.
VIRGINIA SECESSION DIsCU SEQ.
The course taken in Virginia was the
most remarkable, perhaps the most impor-
tant. A convention elected by the people
OF that State to consider this very question
of disruptiDg the Federal Union was in ses
sion at the capital of Virginia when Fort
Sumpter fell. 10 this body the people had
chosen large majority of protested Union
mon lr,oot ;r,u,od,ofol otto. a. L. Al =.