Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1861-01-25

lace OF SediuOuS combinations TO overthrow
the Union. The alarm is appalling; for Union
| is not more the body than Liberty is the soul
of the nation. The American citizen has been
accustomed to believe the Republic immortal.
/ He shrinks from the sight of commissions indi-
catiye of its sudden death. The report Of our
condition has gone over the seas and we who
have so long and with so much complacency
studied the endless agitations Of society in the
| Old World, believing ourselves exempt from
such disturbances, now, in our turn, seem to
be falling into a momentous and disastrous
revolution.
know how difficult it is to decide, amid so
many and so various counsels, what ought to
be and even what can be done. Certainly,
however, it is time for every Senator to de-
clare himself /, therefore. following the ex-
ample of the noble Senator from Tennessee,
(Mr. Johnson,) avow my adherence to the
Union in its integrity and with all its parts,
with my friends, with my party, with my
State, with my country, or without either, as
| they may determine, in every event, whether
of peace or war, with every consequence of
honor or dishonor, of life or death. Although
l lament the occasion, / hail with eheerfulness
the duty of lifting up my voice among distract
ed debates, for my whole country and its ines
timable Union.
Hitherto the exhibitions Of spirit and resO-
luton here as elsewhere, have been chiefly
made on the side of disunion. I do not re-
gret this. Disunion is so unexpected and un-
natural that it must plainly reveal itself before
its presence can be realized. | like best, also
the courage that rises slowly under the pressure
Of severe provocation. If it be a christian
duty to forgive to the stranger even seventy
times seven offences, it is the highest patriot
ism TO endure without complaint the passion
ate waywardness of political brethren so long
as there is hope that they m ay come to bet
ter mind.
/ think it is easy to pronounce what meas
ures or conduct will not save the Union.
agree with the honorable Senator from North
Car olina mir Clingman.l that mere culogiums
will not save it. Vet l think that as prayer
brings rs nearer to God, thor gh it cannot
move Him towards us. so there is healing and
saving virtue in every word of devotion to
thu. Mon that is spoken, and in every sigh
that It's danger draws forth. | know, at least
that, like virtue, it derives 9Th from every
irreverent act that is committed and every
blaspllemous phrase that is uttered again it.
The Union cannot be saved by mutual crimi-
nations concerning our respective share of re
sp'nSbiIity for the present evils. lie whose
conscience acquits him will naturally be slow
to accuse others whose cooperation he needs.
History only can adjust the great account.
A continuance of the debate on the consti
tutioaaI power of Congress oyer the subject OF
! slavery in the Territories will not save the
| Union The opinions parties and sections OH
! that question have becomc hfgnttical, and it
is this circum .tuncc that has pr5duc ,tI the ex-
/ i,ting alienation. a truce, at le lst during the
debate on the Union, is essential to the recon-
! ciliation.
The Union cannot be saved ,y proving that
secession is Illegal or unconstitutional. Per
sons bent on that fearful step will not stand
/ long enough on forms of law TO be dislodged
{ and loyal men do not need such narrow ground
TO stand upon.
fear that little more will be gained from
discussing the right Of the Federal Govern
ment to coeree secediug States into obedience.
| If dismion is to go on, this question will give
place 10 the more practical one, whether unanS
| seeding States have a right to coerce the t.
naming members TO acqu;esce in dissolution.
| l dread, as in my-innermost soul l abhor,
civil war. l do not know what the Union
would be worth, if saved by the use of the
sword. Yet, for all this, do not agree with
those who, with desire 10 avert that great
! calamity, advise conventional or unopposcd
separation, with view to what they call re-
construction. 1t is enough Tor me, first, that
al
struction; and second Y, that the strength oi
the vase in which the hopes of the nation arc
l@eld consists chiefly it its remaining unbroken
Congressional compromises are not likely
to suve the Union. l know, indeed, that ira
dition favors this form of remedy. But it i.
essential to its success, in any case, that there
be found preponderating mass of citizens SC
far neutral on the issue which separates par
ties. that they can intervene, strike dowr
clashing weapons, and compel an accommoda
ton. Moderate concessions are net custom
arily asked by force with its guns in battery
nor are liberal concessions apt to be given 10y
an opposing force, not less confident Of its Owl
right and its own strength. I tkink- Gsso
that there is prevailing conviction that Leg
islative compromises which sacrifice honestly
cherished principles, while they anticipate flu
ture exigences, even if they do not assume ex
ira constitutional powers, are less sure to aver
eminent evils than they are certain to produc
ultimately even greater dangers.
Indeed, Mr.. President, think it will b'
wise to discard two prevalent ideas or preju
dices, namely: first, that the Union is to b
saved by somebody in particular; and second
ly. that it is to be saved by some cunning am
insincere compact ofpaciication. If l remen
Der rightly, l said something like this here S
I long ago as 1850, and afterwards in 1854.
D The present danger discloses itself in thi
: form. Discontinued citizens have Obtaine
r political power in certain States, and they ar
, using this authority to overthrow the Fedora
: Government. They delude themselves wit
? the belief that the State power they have az
quired enables them 10 discharge themselves
: allegiance to the whole Republic: The homo
able Senator from Illinois (Mr. D6uglas( say
2 we have right to coerce a State, but we cal
d not. The President says that 30 State has
, right to secede, but we have no constitutions
}, power to make war against State. The d
+ lemma results from an assumption that thOt
/ who, in such case act against the Feder
g Government, act lawfully as a State, alAOug
l. manifestly they have perverted the power
l. the State to an unconstitutional purpose.
r class of politicians in New England set up th
theory and attempted to practice upon it
our war with Great Britain. Mr.. JefersC
le did not hesitate to say that States must
" kept within their constitutional sphere by II
pulsion, if they could not be held there by q
traction. Secession was then held to be j
admissible in the face ofa public enemy. B
DC if it is untenable in one case, it is necessari
so in all others. fully admit the originate
the sovereignty, and the independence OF I
several States within their sphere