Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1861-01-30
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~ ou lle oyulns CT use any legal OF poll'leo
fundamentally whatever. They believed tha
negroes were al good IS white men, and ma
the twenty millions Of white citizens could b
made 10 believe the same thing, and thus mat
ly consent to abolish their legal SUPREMACY
aud universally fratemize with negroes, az p
Jamaica, Canada, San Domingo, al owe
where " freedom +" or free negToism nss 3eei
established BY tie monsrchists OF Europe
But party has sprung up at the North ina
proposes to bury on the "auu slavery enter
nrise,'s and the final abolition Of "siaverT,
b. getting possession of the Government an,
using that 10 accomplish the object Ia view
Greeley, Seward, Chase, Lincoln aid oller
adopt The idea and The object or Garrison, ou
differ in the means OF process through Whlcl
thar object f. 10 be accomplished. SewaT,
sayE-yes--the negro is a blGck-lCbiie man-a
man naturally Just a. good and naturally en-
titled to the rights Of white men, and lt IS 2
monstrous wrong and evil 10 retain him in a
subordinate social position, and therefore u
will be a stupsHdous good to change The exist
ing condition-to s'ab0lisb slavery" and bring
about univsrssl equality, afiiisiion, cr,as be
terms it, "Gniverssl freedom Indeed, on a
late occasion he pubiicly declared that, IL The
nat on did not abolish the legal supremacy OF
the white man over the negro, OF did not finally
abolish the legal sub5rdiHalion Of The latte
and thus bring aboa, universal legal equality
OF white men and negroes, he would sbardon
MS country and 20 elsewhere, where be could
enjoy (sfnigger';) liberty. This nan and others
here, therefore, formed party in the North
with the sv0Wes design uf using tbe Cove IL
ment for the Accomplishment Of tdis purpose
for the final ibolit on Of the supremacy Of the
white man over the negro-for peuning up the
negro population Of the South within existing
limits, which, as they say, and say .ruly,
would finally destroy The social order or abolish
the existing coatition Of Virginia
Now, which OF these Two men, Garrison or
Seward, is he viest, the most infamous, or
most reasonable to tsis white republic
They perfectly agree in theory, 10 the same
idea, and In The object In Fiew-that negroes
are naturally entitled 20 The same rights, and
that il is desirable finally 10 carry this idea
into practice; or in other words, that "uDi-
Verssl freedom" OF white men and negroes
alike must be ultimately accomplished They
only differ ia policy, or the means o reach the
end 10 view. Garrison trusts to moral, and
Seward O. governmental foTce-the former be-
lieVes that opini0H may accomplish the END,
while Seward would use the G5vernmeBt-the
Government in comnsn Of Virginia, to ruin
Virginia, to pen Up the negroes Of that State,
and thus TO force the while mes Of Virginia to
abolish their Supremacy over their negToesl
Is not Seward immeasUrs bly and ins1pressi-
BIS more vile, moe wicked and impious and
more dangerous than Garrison? Certainly,
but he people dol't see it, and are so bhHd
and bewiissred that while 10 Rochester, Utica,
Boston, etc, they are mobbing a handful Of
Gsrris0nisns, wretcbed gang OF women, free
niggers and non-resistant GarTisonians, tley
follow AID applaud Seward, who is q million
Times over more dangerous, and WHO, with his
party at his back, stands pledged 20 a policy
that must nscessarily destroy their GOrsrnmeEt.
eur Southern Revolution and the
Prospect On Both sides Of the Hu-
bIcou.
Pm the New YORK Beraid
Our hopes o. the preservation OF reconstruc-
ton OF The Union are fast fading away. A
southern letter on the subject, which We
publish this morning, in connection with tie
general drift Of passing events, brings Us face
70 face with the increasing probabilities Of a
final separation, and the establishment Of
q homogene0us, independent southern confed-
ersey, upou the basis OF slave labor, and
northern coniedersry, resting upon free
labor.
In the brief interval to the Inauguration OF
The Republican party in power at Washing
tor, Il is vain ts expect from them any Conces-
sions to the South Of be character demanded
as the conditions Of peace with that section.
Upon he plea Of TIE President elect that it
is too late for compromises to save the Union,
or upon the plea OF bis appointed premier, Mr.
Seward, that il is too soon. the oveTshadow-
ing northern party which they re present stands
still. If here and there vi bin the officers
qaarters Of the camp a voice has been raised
for concessions and peace it has been speedily
sileHced.
From the oracles OF the party at Springfield,
from the representatives. OF the party in Con-
gress, from the general temper of the organ,
and the rank and file Of the party everywhere,
it is manifest mat they "have no compromises
to make in behalf If southern slavery until
they shall have settled the question, "whsther
we have Or have not such tbiag as a Govern
ment Of the United S-stes.1 Under this pro-
grsmme Mr.. Lincoln viii enter upon the Ex-
ecutive duties Of the federal admins ration,
ana bis frst oficiai efforts sll be 20 enforce
the federal laws IN the several States which
have formally declared theirl connection with
the General Government a. Washington dis
solved. Wha will follow? The submission
Of the seeded States 20 the federal authority,
or general alliance Of ali Che Southern States
for resistance TO federal coercion? Undoubt-
edly the alliance indicated, and under the bonds
Of a southern eoHfedeTscy.
The preliminary compact Of confederation
among ihe seeded States, seven, ten, or more,
as the case may be, viii most probably be
adopted in alraHce Of Mr. LincOln's lnaugu-
ration, 50 that The attemp. on the part Of the
President TO enforce The federal TeveBue laws
al Charleston VIII involve al once the tremen-
dous alternative of the reduction, not Of the
little state Of South Carolina, bat OF the for
dabls alliance Of al the slave States, be-
cause even those which have not yet seeded,
and those which may still rsmlin II the Union
on the 4th Of March, are all pledged to the
common cause of southern res;stance against
federal ercion. We are deal Hg With facts.
We know that the constitutional duties and
cath Of lhe President require him to "taks
care that the laws Be faithfully executed"
His duties and the rights and the powers Of
the Federal Government in al t1e States are
clear But the facts in this matter, too, stand
cut in bold relief, and frem ihese fscs il is
apparent that TIE attempt 70 enforce the fede-
raj laws in South Csroiins, Tor example, viii
unite the southern States against The Federal
Governmeut II the at itude Of war.
Here, then, We are brought into raPPsrt with
oar New Orleans correspondent, anc bis pro-
ersmme Of the peaeeable separation OF The
Tfnfon into tlgO confederscies. shall we agres
10 this, hcT.h and South, or plunge into the
ruinous folly Of a wasting civil warg That
is the question. We say hat, as The Republic
ear party "hsVe 10 compromises TO make"
and that as coercion will be war, let there be
a peaceabie separation Of The South and the
North, and let each section BE- orgsaizsd under
the homogeneous Institutions peculiar to ITSELF
Treaty stipulsti0ns between the two conleder-
seies viii establish tie bond Of peace and Of
commercial reciproeities between them. Our
northern snii-slsvery religiopiets viii thus
have their consciences relieved Of the "sln Of
rlaverv.r and southern society viii thus be
secured against abolition iBeendisreE. Nay,
more. each sec ion, IN being relieved Of this
harrassfng slavery agitation, viii be free 70
devote an its powers 70 tie fullest dsVel0pment
Of ils material and moral prosperity.
Mr.. Seward, at st. Paul, last autumn, giving
he wing to his Imagination, f0reshaiowsd,
nader tie free coil and free labor policy Of the
r publican party, The absorption Of the Can
aass and other British provinces 10 the nor b
Of rs: and. under a northern confeieracy,
there would be 10 difhculty to impede the fui-
flinent r tfis prophecy. General Quitman,
of Mississippi, tile prophet OF tne southern Sc
resslonis's of his Gay, foreshacowe the sb-
sorpfion iu southern confederaey Of Cuba,
Mexico and Central America, comprshending
sach a vast field Of agricultural, mineral and
manufacturing resources, and such elements
Of commercial and military strength, as would
be unparalleled in the history Of any nation
Of ancient or modern tines.
Wbv. then. IL We have reached that point OF
5iss,laiion from which tbe Union cannot be
recoysred without WaE, or without restraints
,rbirb will cramp rs, North and South, within
our preseHt llmits, why not agree 70 peacea-
~ tepsratiou into two confederacies? Why
not. we say, when permanent basis Of peace
and perfect freedom Ct expansion and develop
r9ent are thus offered 70 the North and the
sauiA? Do shat We nay, North America is
foo large for one government; but establish
two. from TIE political elements and material
snts,-sriss Of this Uhion, and they In good
fue rfI cover the continent. Finally, we con-
rur Eith Lord Palmerston, that the peaeeable
separation Of the Union viii be better than
civil Ear-
FugitIres fa Canada.
The action Of tbe court Of Qusen's bench at
To-euto, Canada, deciding upon the eEtradi-
fios Of the fugitive slave Jones alias Anderson,
y 4 should nos be reversed o. appeal, will
orsrs very important to those WHO lose their
5s-Tosg. Aly runaway can be chsrged with
~ larceny Of bic clothes, a. The property Of
b,s -,seter. and this VIII bring hin back andsr
rmr e4fradition law witb Great Britain. 4
ebsnrs fn our diplomatic policy requiring The
~-,forstion Of fugitive slaves by foreign
,,oysrs has been frequently proposed, and oEiy
~ .rsek was enforced by the Hon. Miles
Tsviar. Of Louisiana, before Congress heary
iseIsv. when ssersisry Of State, instructed our