Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-01-07
ut Of the Committee Of Thirteen be taken

ate. He said that no act of bis public life
gave him so much pain as TO vote for the
resolution. The Committee could not agree.
In order to see the real cause of the troubles
we must go back to the late election. We
should assume that whenever Congress un-
dertook to act upon slavery, discord and agi-
tation was sure to follow. When Congress
let the question alone there was peace. He
referred to the excitement when the Missouri
Compromise was enacted. The fearful agi-
tatIon of 1920 was settled by the establish
ment of the COMPROMISE line. So long as
| that adjustment was carried out. there was
peace and quiet. Texas was admitted quiet
| ly under this rule. though there was a great
| eontrariety of opinion, but no one objected
because it extended that line. Again: Cali
| fornia and New Mexico were acquired. and
| the extension of the line to the Pacific Ocean
was demanded. The records show that he
reported, as Chairman of the Committee on
| Territories, a resolution to extend the line
| to the Pacific. This was adopted in the
| Senate, but when it was sent to the House
| it was rejected by Northern votes. That
| opened the fioodgates of the agitation of
| 1S46 which only were settled by the cOmpro-
mise of 1850. When we settle this question
in the Territories, then we shall settle it en-
| tirely. The ab0litonists could never
| have brought the Union TO the verge of dis
| solution but for this question in the Terrific
/ ries- 1t was the rejection of the extension
| of that line in 1913 which opened the agita-
| ton. The arguments ofl819 and 1920 were
| repeated. The positions of the North and
the South were the same. The purest patri-
| OTIS in the land were alarmed; and Mr.. Clay
came back to the Senate to see if he could
| not bring peace. He found no fault with
| the Southern members. but he could ind no
support of this line in the North. The Mis-
souri, line was abandoned because its friends
said they could not carry it ont in good
faith. Then they turned to see what was
| next. But they desired to take the question
out of Congress, to secure the peace OF the
country. At last it was decided to leave
the question to the people of the Territories
themselves. The records show that he sup
ported both compromises, and for the sd me
reasons Peace followed all over the country.
but in 1853 and 1854, it became necessary to
organize the Territories of Kansas aud Ne
braska. The committee in forming the bill
determined to carry out the Compromise
Measures of 1850, though they had all been
in favor of the Missouri Compromise as
long as it could be carried out. A hue and
cry was Immediately raised, that they were
violating a sacred compromise; but the bill
did not mention the Missouri Compromise.
But did the people possess the power of set
Ting the question?
The history of the Government might be
UlYfUeU lNlO lou, Tue
Government admitted many Territories, but
all was peace. After the agitation of 1920
was settled. all was peace. Again till eigh-
teen hundred and fifty. Since then we have
had a continual controversy, and the result
of the late election has convinced the South
that it was the fixed policy of the dominant
uarty of the North to invade their constitu-
tiOual rights. The Senator from Ohio (Mr.
Wade) admitted the existence of this belief
at the South, but charges it to the misrepre-
sensations of the Northern Democracy. Il
matters not whether these evils are real or
imaginary, if the South were resolved to rush
into the horrors of disunion and war rather
than suffer them. He was sorry to see the
Senator bringing it as a partisan question
here, but, as it was brought he felt bound to
defend the Democracy. No man was better
pleased to learn that he had misrepresented
the Republican party. He asked the Sena-
tor from Ohio if it was not the policy of that
party 10 confine slavery within its present
limits by the action of the Federal Govern
ment, and whether it was not the policy of
that party to exclude slavery from the Terri
tories we may possess or may hereafter ac-
quire; whether or not that party were in
favor of returning the fugitive slave; in
short, whether it was rot the policy of that
party to exert all the power of the Federal
Government under the Constitution, accord
ing to their Interpretation, to restrain and
cripple the institution of slavery, with a
view to its ultimate extinction in the States,
old as well as new, North and South.
MI. Wade said be could find the answer il
his speech already made. He had no ad
ditiOns to make.
Mr.. Douglas said he did not expect an equi
vocal answer. he proceeded to argue that
such was the policy of the Republican party.
and quoted Mr.. LineOln's speeches. where he
said the crisis must come, and the States
must become all one thing or the other, to
show that he maintained such policy. He
said he had the hope that Mr.. Lincoln would
repudiate all such extreme sentiments Be
that as it may, neither he nor his party have
the power to do harm to the South; the
South, however, are ready to rush into dis
union and meet the consequences. No man
would go further than he to enforce the laws;
but we must look the facts in the face. Re-
bellion often becomes successful revolution,
and government was often forced to re
cogniZe de facto governments in revolted
provinces. In this government the laws must
be enforced by civil powers. How are we
going to execute the law when Lhe Federal
Government has no power to act? How are
we going to enforce the laws III South Caro-
lima? He denied the right OF secession. but
she had done it, and how could we help il?
South Carolina will not be alone, and how
are we going to enforce the laws unless we
make war and conquer the State? Are we
prepared for war with our brethren? He
would not tolerate the idea until every hope
of adjustment was gone. He was for peace
to save the Union. War and ,disunion, GER
tain and inevitable. He referred to the pur
chase of Louisiana, and said it was pur
chased for the benefit of the whole Union.
and for the safety of the upper Mississippi in
purticular. The possession of that river was
more necessary now than it was then. We
cannot expect the people of the interior to
admit the right of foreign State taking pos
session of that river. He also referred to the
purchase of Alabama and the amount paid,
and asked if she could go out now? The Pre-
sident in his message first said we could not
coerce State to remain in the Union, but
| in a few sentences he had advised the acqui-
sition of Cuba, as if we could pay $50, 100000
for Cuba, and then the next day she might
secede and re-anneX herself to Spain and
Spain sell her again. He had admitted that
Texas cost US war with Mexico and 100, 600
lives. In the name of the 1000 gallent men
from Illinois who fought those battles, ar
que against the right of that State to secede.
Mr.. Hemphill asked if the protection of
Texas was the only reason of the war, and if
the United States paid anything to Texas for
| the land, and if we did not acquire California
| from that war.
Mr.. Douglas said that the only complaint
| of Mexico was the annexation of Texas, and
we had only paid S10,0O0,O00 for some bar
| rem lard she did not own. He said the con-
| stitution was intended to be perpetual, and he
| denied the right of secession under the con-
stitution, against the constitution. and
| against justice and good faith.
He said there could be no government
| without coercion, but GEORGIAN must be used
| in the modes prescribed by law. This is not
| question of coercion in State; where no
authority of the Federal Government remains
| we are bound to recognize a government de
| facto, where the State maintains individual
sway The man who loves the Union, who
loves to see the laws enforced will love to
see rebellion put down. How does he in.
| tend to enforce the laws on seeding State
/ except by making war. In his opinion we