The south-western. [volume] (Shreveport, La.) 1852-1870, 1861-03-27
The New Constitution.

The right of secession is nowhere acknowledged or
expressed III this constitution. This is grave omission
If had the right secede from the old government
we have also the right to secede from the one
Upon the right of secession there has been and there
STILL great difference of opinion, among persons in
the United States While the cotton States have prac-
tically declared the right of secession, Mr. Lincoln
compares the relation Of State the federal govern
ment with the relation Of county to a State. This
point eught not be left in debaeabe position. 1t
is vital to have it most clearly understood. A
provision should be inserted in the constitution by
which any State feeling itself aggrieved by the action
of the majority, shall be entitled to withdraw from the
confederacy.
1t may be said that such provision is useless as
there IS likelihood of any Of the seeding States
Withdrawing from the confederacy. How do we
know that? Fifty years ago who could have anticipated
that the present disruption would have ensued? 1t
then considered treason estimate the value of
the Union There is always danger that Of diff
ference will spring up between sovereign and ndepen-
dent although confederate States. According to the
present constitution whenever State decides that these
causes are Of sufficient magnitude she has the right
withdraw
The right of secession being conceded then it fol-
lows that the congress of the confederate States should
be invested with powers should hold no property,
which would be interpreted to the detriment OF new
seeding States by the secession Of States.
This is common sense view of the matter. We have
seeded. What the now likely to embroil
US Win the united states. 1leY what 3lr BuChan-
calls the property of the government-tcrrory,
forts, ships arsenals armorias customhouses, &c If
the exercise of our rights of secession involves us in
war; it will be on account of this property. We are
making government. Is it not prudent in US to
take that this of does exist in it? We
may not withdraw from it, but our children or our
grandchildren may. We should not place possible if
not probable difficulties in their way.
The right of secession being conceded the new gov
eminent becomes merely league between sovereign
and independent States, for purposes of commerce,
defence and offence Why should not each State have
it's owR army, navy customs &C, subject to sufficient
congressional control to the purposes of leagues?
Why do we need supreme court and its heavy ex-
penses? What State minds it. when its decisions con-
lict with the judgment of that State? Did Georgia
mind it in the TasseIs case? Of what avail was the
dread Scott decision 1t laughed at by those who
did not like it. Why cannot our own State courts
answer every purpose oflaw?
Ii we not involved in with the United States
1t will be because the secession is so formidable from
the number of States seeding, and common interest
of other States in the cause of secession Suppose South
Carolina had seeded alone upon ground of interest
only to herself Undoubtedly coercion would have been
used, and on the ground which authorizes Euro
pean naon to keep up by force of arms if necessary
"the balance of power"
Let not Georgia again submit herself to the possibility
Of such contingency. The constitution adopted al
Montgomery, is believed not to be binding upon MS
until it is ratified by the State Let it be submitted to
the test Of rigorous examination tits the opinion Of
the writer that if the doctrine of secession be granted
large portion ofthe provisions of this constitution are
worse than useless. Let us be certain that what we
spend money for belongs to and our children without
the possibility of It's value being impaired by the acts
others
This article is written in no captious spirit toward:
the congress at Montgomery. 1t is composed of oul
best and truest But they seem strangely to have
overlooked the statement of the rights the exercise
which now brings into collision with the United States
We contend that this right is of revolution, but Of
causes of fundamental law The statement of the righ
in written constitution would give cooring 10 all that
succeeds it, It would make the government less impos
ing abroad but would make it safer and purer at home
These considerations are submitted to the thoughtful
examination of the citizens of Georgia If we adopt SC
closely the Institution of the United States we shall
again be liable to the causes which have rendered il
nugatory and have encompassed US with disaster The
question whether We have or have not the right tc
secede rests at the root of the whole matter If We
have not it should be expressed and we should lave
strong government If we have it should be expressed
aud we should haze merely league Of confederate
States FCassville fGa STANDARD