Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-01-30

Il rise MT. TreSluenJ IOr the purpose OF an
nOuneing to the Senate that have satisfactory
evidence that the State of Mississippi, by a
solemn ordinance of her people in convention as
sembled, has declared her separation from the
United States. Under these circumstances, of
course my functions terminated here. 1t has
seemed to me proper, however, that L should APP
pear IN the Senate TO announce that fact to my
associates and / will say but very little more.
The occasion does not invite me to go into argu-
ment; and my physical condition would not per-
init me to do so if it were otherwise; and yet it
seems to become me to say something on the
part of the State here represent on an occasion
so solemn as this
1t is known to Senators who have served with
me here, that have for many years advocated as
an essential attribute of State sovereignty, the
right of State to secede from the Union. There
fore if | had not believed there was justifable
cause; if had thought that Mississippi was acting
without sufficient provocation, or without an ex-
listing necessity, should still, under my theory
of the Government, because of my allegiance to
the State of which | am a citizen, have been
bound by her action. /, however, may be per
mitted to say that l do think she has iustifiable
cause, and | approve of her act. conferred
with her people before that act was taken, coun-
selled them then that if the state of things which
they apprehended should exist when the conven-
ton met, they should take the action which they
have now adopted.
hope none who hear me will confound this
expression of mine with the advocacy of the
right of a State to remain in the Union, and 70
disregard its constitutional obligations by the
notification of the law. Such is not my theory.
Notification and secession, often COMPOUNDED,
are indeed antagonistic principles. Notification
is remedy which it is sought to apply within the
Union, and against the agent of the States. 1t is
only to be justified when the agent has violated
his constitutional obligation, and State assuming
to judge for itself, denies the right of the agent
thus 20 act, and appeals to the other States of
the Union for decision; but when the States
themselves, and when the people of the States
have acted to convince US that they will
not regard our constitutional rights, then, and
then for the first time arises the doctrine of Sc
cession in its practical application.
A great man, who now reposes with his fathers,
and who has been often arraigned for want of
feality to the Union, advocated the doctrine of
notification because it preserved the Union. 1t
was because of his deep-seated attachment to the
Union; his determination to find some remedy for
existing ills short of the severance of the ties
which bound South Carolina to the other States,
that Mr.. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of null
LITIGATION, which he proclaimed to be peaceful;
to be within the limits of State power, not to
disturb the Union, but only to be means of
bringing the agent before the tribunal of the
States for their judgment.
Secession belongs to different class of RENE
dies. IL is to be justified upon the basis that the
States are sovereign. There was a time when
none denied it. hope the time may come again
when better comprehension of the theory of our
Government, and the inalienable rights of the
people of the States, will prevent any one from
denying that each State is a sovereign, and thus
may reclaim the grants which it has made to any
agent whomsoever.
therefore say | concur in the action Of the
people of Mississippi, believing it to be necessary
and proper, and should have been bound by their
action if my belief had been otherwise, and this
brings me to the important point which | WISH
on this last occasion to present to the Senate.
1t is by this confounding of notification and Sc
cession that the name of great man, whose
ashes now mlngle with his mother EARTH has been
invoked to justify coercion against a seeded
State. The phrase, "to execute the laws" was
an expression which General Jackson applied to
the case of State refusing to obey the laws
while yet a member of the Union. That is not
the case which is now presented. The laws are
to be executed over The United States, and upon
the people of the United States. They have no
relation to any foreign country. 1t is perver-
sion of terms, at least it is a great msapprehen
sion of the case which cites that expression for
application to a State which has withdrawn from
the Union. You may make war on foreign
State. If il be the purpose of gentlemen they
NAV make war against State which has with
drawn from the Union; but there are no laws of
the United States to be executed within the limits
of a seeded State. A State finding herself in
the condition in which Mississippi has judged she
is, in which her safety requires that she should
provide for the maintenance of her rights out of
the Union, surrenders all the benefits, (and they
are known to be many,) deprives herself of the
advantages, (they are known to be great,) sewers
all the ties of affection, (and they are close and
enduring,) which have bound her to the Union;
and thus divesting herself of every benefit, taking
upon herself every burden, she claims to be ex
empt from any power to execute the laws of the
United States within her limits.
/ well remember an occasion when Massachu
sets was arraigned before the bar of the Senate,
and when then the doctrine of coercion was rife
and to be applied against her because of the res
cue of a fugitive slave in Boston. Ny opinion
then was the same that it is now. Not in spirit
of egotism, but to show that am not influenced
in my opinion because the case is my own, re
fer to that time and that occasion as containing
the opinion which l then entertained, and on
which my present conduct is based. / then said,
If Massachusetts, following her through a stated
line of conduct, chooses to take the last step
which separates her from the Union, it is her
right to go, and will neither vote one dollar nor
one man to coerce her back, but will say to her,
God speed, in memory of the kind associations
which once existed between her and the other
States.
1t has been conviction of pressing necessity;
il has been belief that we are to be deprived in
the Union of the rights which our fathers be-
queathed TO us, which has brought Mississippi into
her present decision. She has heard proclaimed
the theory that all men created free and equal,
and this made the basis of an attack upon her 30
cal institutions and the sacred Declaration of In
dependence has been invoked to maintain the po-
sition of the equality of the races. The Decla-
ration of Independence is to be construed by the
circumstances and purposes for which it was made.
The communities were declaring their independ-
ence; the people of those communities were as
serting that man was born, to use the language
of Mr.. Jefferson, booted and spurred to ride over
the rest of mankind; that men were created equal
meaning the men of the political community;
that there was no divine right to rule; that no
man inherited the right to govern that there
were no classes by which power and place de-
seconded to families; but that all stations were
equally within the grasp of each member of the
body polite. These were the great principles
they announced; these were the purposes for
which they made their declaration; these we're the
ends to which their enunciation was directed.
They have no reference to the slave; else how
happened il that among the items of arraignment
made against George III was that he endeavored
to do just what the North has been endeavoring
Of late to do, to stir up Instruction among our
slaves. Had the declaration announced that the
negroes were free and equal, how the Prince
to be arraigned for stirring up Instruction among
themI And how was this to be enumerated among
the high crimes which caused the colonies to sever
their connection with the mother country? When
our Constitution was formed, the same idea was
rendered nm nal nabla for tbara xva find
sion made for that very class of persons as prop.
erty; they were not put upon the footing of equal
ity with white men-not even upon that of pau
pers and convicts; but, so far as representation
was concerned, were Disseminated against as a
lower caste, only to be represented in the numer-
zeal proportion of three fifths.
Then, Senators, we recur to the compact which
binds us together; we recur to the principles upon
which our Government was founded; and when
you deny them, and when you deny to us the
right to Withdraw from a Government which. thus
perverted threatens to be destructive our rights
we but tread in the path of our fathers when We
proclaim our independence, and take the hazard