The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1861-01-25
4olitital Matter.
SPEECH OF
WILLIAM III. SEWARD.
Made In the Senate OF the United States.
January 18th. 1891.

Mr.. PRESIDENT: Congress adjourned las
summcr amid auspices Of national abund
once, contentment, tranquility, and happI
ness. IL was re-ascmbled this winter in oh
presence of arrangement in business and dis
turbance of public as well rs private credit
and in the face Of scditious combinations Z
overthrow the Union The alarm is appall
ing, for Union is not more the body thar
liberty is the soul of the nation. The Amer
lean citizen has been accustomed 10 believe
the Rerublic immortal. lie shrinks from
the sight Of commissions Indicative OF its sud
den death. The report Of our condition ha'
gone over the seas, and we who have 80 lOng
and ~ eomplacently studied the endless
AFFILIATIONS oil society in the Old World
believing ourselves exempt from such dis
turbances, now, in our turn. seem to be fall
ing into nonentous and disastrous reSoiu'
tion.
know how difficult II is TO decide, amid
90 many aud 80 various couusels, what ought
70 be, and even what can be done. Certain
Iy however. it is time for every Senator to
declare himself. [. therefore, following the
example Of the noble Senator from Tennessee
(Mr. Johnson), avow my adherence to the
Union in its integrity and with all its parts,
with my friends, with my party, with my
State, with my country, or without either,
rs they may determine, in every attempt,
whether OF peace or war, with every eOnsc-
qucnce Of honor or dish0nor, OF life or death.
Although lament the occasion, hail with
cheeriulncss the duty Of lifting up my voice
among distracted debates, for my whole
country, and its inestimable Union.
Hitherto the exhibitions of spirit or rcso-
luton here, or elsewhere, have been chiefly
made on the side OF disunion. do not re-
gret this. Disunion is 50 unexpected and
80 unnatural that It must plainly reveal IL
self before its presence can be realized.
like best, also, the courage that rises slowly
under the pressure Of severe prOyocation. II
il be a Christian duty to forgive to the
stranger eyen seventy times seven offences,
IL is the highest patriotism to endure with
out complaint the passionate waywardness OF
political brethren so long Us there is hope
that they may come 10 better mind.
/ think ii Is easy to pronounce what mea-
smcs OF conduct will notsave the union. agree
with the Hon. Senator from North Carolina
(Mr. Clingmsn) that mere eulogiums will
not save it. Yet | think that Us prayer
brings Us nearer TO God, though IL cannot
move Him towards us, 81 there is healing
and saving virtue in every word Of devotion
10 the Union that is spoken and in every
sish that Its s'dasger draws forth. L know,
Mt least, that. like virtue, il derives strength
from every irrsrercnt act that Is committed,
and every blsNs'aemous phrase that Is uttered
against IL
Ts. Union cannot be saved by mutual
examinations concerning our respective
share Of responsibility for the present
evils. lie whose conscience acquits him
! will naturally be slow to accuse Others whose
cooperation he needs. History only can
ADJUST the great account.
A continuance Of the debate on the con-
stitutional power Of Congress over the sub
iect of slavery in the Territories will not
save the union. The opinions of parties and
sections on that question have become dog
m.ticsl and il Is this circumstance that
has produced the existing alienation. a
truce, at least, during the debate on the
Union, Is essential 10 reconciliation.
The Union cannot bc saved by proving
that secession is illegal or unconstitutional.
Pcrssus bent on that fearful step will not
stand long enough on forms Of law to be
dislodgcd and loyal men do not need such
narrow ground 10 stand upon.
fear that little more will be gained by
discussing the right Of the Federal Govern
mcut TO coerce seeding States into obedience
II disunion Is 70 80 Gu, this question Will
give place u the more practical one whether
many seeding States have right to coerce
the remaining members to aequiese in u dis
solution.
dread, as in my innermost soul abhcr,
civil war. do not know what the Union
would be worth, IL saved by the use Of the
sword. Yet, for all this, do not agree
with those who, with desire To avert that
great calamity, advise a conventional or uu-
opposed separation, with view to what
they call q reconstruction. IL Is enough
for me, first, that in this plan, destruction
goes before reconstruction, anl secondly
that che strength OF the vase in which the
hopes Of the nation are held consists chiefly
in It's remaining unbroken.
Congressional compromises are not likely
TO save the union. | know, indeed, that
tradition iayors this form Of remedy. But
IL is essential 10 its success. in any case, that
there be found prcpondcraiing mas Of cit
izens ~ tar neutral on the issue which sep
arates parties, that sthey can intervene,
strike down clshing weapons, and compel
an accommodation. Moderate concessions
are not customarily asked by force with
its guns in battery nor are liberal conees
sioas apt 10 be given BY an opposing fore,
no less confsieat Of its own right and ia
own strength. think, also, that there il
apresailing conviction that legislative com
promises which sacrifice honestly cherished
principles, while they anticipate inr,her ex
isencies, even II the do not assume extra-con
stitution powers; are lees sure to avert im
mincnt evils than they arr certain to pro
duce ultimately even greater dangers.
Indeed, Mr.. President, think il will b
wise 10 discard two prevalent IDEAS or prc
iudices. namely first, that the union Is
be saved by somebody in particular and seC
ondly, that II is to DO saved by some eunnin
and insineere compact Of paci6cation. III
remeaber rightly, said something like thl
here 80 long ago as 1850, and Afterwards .
1854.
The present. danger discloses itself in thi
form. Discontented citizens have obtaine'
POLITICAL power in certain States, and the
are using this authority to overthrow th
FEDERAL Government. They dclude theu
selves with the belief that the State pOwc
they have acquired enables them TO discharg
themselves Of allegiance TO the whole Repn'
Lie. Tho honorable senator from lllino
CIR. Douglas) says we have q right to G
erce a state, but We cannot. The Preside'
says that no state has right TO secede, b,
we have no constitutional power to NAL
war against state.
The dilemma results from an assumptic
that those who, in such case, act again
the Federal Government, act lawfully as
state although manifestly they have Pc
verted the power Of the state to an uneons,
tutional purpose. A clas Of polititions
New England cot up this theory and attemp
Cd 70 practice upon Il In our war with Gre