The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1861-07-13

These loyal citizens this Government is bound
to recognize and protect as being Virginia.
lie explodes in this style the heresy Of
ARMED NEUTRALITY.
| In the Border States so called. in fact ,he
Middle States, there are those who favor a
policy which they call armed neutrality
that is an armng Of those States to proven.
the Union forces passing one way or the
wonld be disunion completed, iignIatively
speaking. IL would be the building of an
impossible wall along the line Of separation.
and yet not quite an impa ssabe one, fpl under
the suiSe of neutrality it would tie the hanhs
of the Union men, and freely pass supplies
from among them to the insurrectonists
which it could no, do as an open enemy.
At a stroke it would take all the trouble of
the hands of secession, except only what
proceeds from the external blockade. 1t
would do for the Disunionists that which
of all things, they most desire feed them
well, and give them disunon without strug-
lie of their own. 1t recognizes no fidelity to
the Constitution, no obligation to maintain
the Union; and, while very many who have
favored it are doubtless loyal, it is rev,rthe-
less very injurious in eiItct
He says In reference to the
CALL FOR TROOPS: ETC.
These measures whether strictly legal or
not, were ventured upon under what appeared
to be popular demand and public neces-
sty, trusting, then. as now, that Congress
would readily ratify them. 1t is believed
that nothing has been done beyond the con-
str'tu'ional competency of Congress.
lie defends suspension Of the writ of
HAEEAs coHrCs.
Soon after the fist call for militia, it was
considered duty to authorize the Command
General in proper cases, according to his
discretion, to suspend the privilege of the
wr'is OF habeaS corpus, or, in other words,
to arrest and detain, without resort to the
ordinary processes and forms of law, surh
individuals as he might deem dangerous to
the public safety. This authority has pur-
posey been exercised but very sparingly.-
Nevertheless. the legality and propriety of
what has been done under it are questioned,
and the attention OF the country has been
called to the proposition that one who is sworn
to take care that the laws he faithfully exc
cuted should not himself violate them OF
course some consideration was given to the
questions of power and propriety, before this
matter was acted on.
The whole Of the laws which were required
to be faithfully executed were heng resisted
and 1a'ing OF execution in nearly one.lhird
of the States Must they he allowed to
finally fan OF execution. even had it been per
fectly clear that, by the use of the means
necessary to their execution, some single law,
made IN such extreme tenderness Of the cit-
zens liberty that. practically, it relieves
more OF the guilty than Of HE Innocent shou Id,
to very limited extent be violated
10 state the question more directly, are all
the laws but one to 60 uncxccnIed, and the
Government itself go to pieces lest that one
.e violated! Even in such case would rot
the official oath be broken if the Government
should be overthrown, wien it was believed
that d'srcgarding the single law would tend
to preserve it, But 1t was not believed that
tins question was presented. 1t was not
believed that any law was violated. The
provision of the Constitution, that the priv
lege OF the writ of hahcaS corpus shall not be
suspended unless when, in case of rebellion
or invasion, the public safety may require it,
is equivalent to a provision that such privilege
may he suspended when, in cases of re-
helhon or invasion, the public safety doc S
require it. 1t was decided that we have a
case Of rebellion, and that the public safety
does require the qualified suspension CT the
privilege of the writ, which was authorized to
be made.
Now it is insisted that Congress, and not
the Executive. is vested with this power
But the Constitution ltselfis silent as to which
or who is to exercise the power, and as the
provision was plainly made for dangerous
emergency, it cannot be believed that the
trainers of the instrument intended that in
every case the danger should run its course,
until Congress could be called together. the
very assembling Of which might be prevented
as was intended in this case by the rebellion.
No more extended argument is now offered
as an opinion at some length will probably bl
presented by the Attorney General. Whether
there shall be any legislation upon the sub,
ject, and if any. what is submitted entirely
to the better judgement of Congress.
In order that the war for the Union may
be prosecuted vigorously he recommends
MORE MEN AND MONEY.
! 1t is now recommended that you give the
legal means for making this contest short
and decisive one; that you place at the con-
troll of the Government, for the work at least
400 600 men and sS400 100000. That NUN.
of men is about one-tenlh of those of proper
ages within the regions where apparently all
are willing to engage, and the sum is less
than twenty third part Of the money value
owned by the men who seem ready to devote
the whole.
A debt of 100000 900 now is less sum
per head than was the debt Of cur own Reyolf.
ton. when VT came out of that struggle; and
the money value in the country now hears
even greater proportion to what it was then
than does the population. Surely each man
has as strong motive now to preserve our
| liberties as each had then to establish them
A right result at this time will be worth
more to the world than ten times the men
and ten times the money. The evidence
reaching us from the country leaves no doubt
that the material for the work is abundant
and that it needs only the hand of legislation
to give it legal sanction, and the hand Of the
Executive to give it practical shape and eff
cheney. One OF the greatest perplcxities Of
the Government is to avoid receiving troops
faster than providing for them. In word
the people will save the Government if the
Government itself will do its part only indif
ferently well.
He argues at considerable length, and com.
pletely annlhates the dogma Of
SECESSION.
1t might seem, at frs! thought TO be o.
little difference whether the present move
ment at the South be called secession or rebel.
hon. The movers, however, well understand
the difference At the beginning they knew
,hcy could never RI Use their treason To any