The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1861-07-13

coded, was followed by perfectly logical steps
through all the incidents to the complete des.
| truction Of the Union.
The soPhiSIn itself is that any State Of the
Union may, consistently with the National
Constitution, and therefore lawfully and
peacefully, withdraw from the Union with
ont the consent Of the Union, or of any
other Slate. The little disguise, that the sup
posed right is to be exercised only for just
cause, because they themselves are to be the
| sole judges of its justice Is too thin to merit
any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar coated, they
have been drugging the pubic mind of their
section for more than thirty years, and until
at length they have brought many good man
to a willingness to take up arms against the
Government the day after some asS.mb.age of
men have enacted the farcical pretence of
taking their State out of the Union, who
could have been brought to no such thing the
day before.
This sophsln derives much, perhaps the
whole OF its currency, from the assumption
that there is some omnipotent and sacred
supremacy pertaining to State, TO each State
of our Federal Union. Our States have neither
more nor less power than that reserved to
them in the Union by the Consultation, no
one OF them ever having been State oat of
the Union. The original ones passed INTO
the Union even before they cast oft their
British colonial dependence, and the new
ones each came into the Union directly
from condition of dependence, excepting
Texas; and even Texas, in it's temporary
independence, was never designated State.
The new ones only took the designation of
States on coming into the Union: while that
name was first adopted for the old ones in
and by the Declaration of Independence.
Therein the United Colonies were declared to
be free and independent States.
But even then the object plainly was not to
declare their independence of one another, or
of the Union, but directly the contrary, as
their mutual pledge and their mutual action.
before, at the time, and afterwards alum
dainty show. The express plighting of faith,
by each and all the original thirteen, in the
Articles of Confederation, two years later.
that " the Union shall be perpetual" is most
conclusive. Having never been States. either
III substance or name outside of the Union,
whence this magical omnipottnca Of State
Rights asserting claim of power to lawfully
destroy the Union itself? Much is said about
the sovereignty of the States, out the word,
even, is not III tie National Constitution,
nor, as is believed, in any of the State Con-
situations. What is sovereignty, in the
political sense of the term? Would it be far
wrong to define it ga political community
without political superior Z" Tested by
tins, no one Of our States except Texas ever
was sovereignty, and even Texas gave up
the charter on coming into the Union, by
which act she acknowledged the Constitution
of TIE United States, and the laws and treaties
of the United States, made in pursuance OF
the Constitution, tn be for her the supreme
law Of the land. The States have the status
in the Cuon, and they have no other lcga.
status. II they break from this, they Can
only do 50 against law, and by revolution. -
The Union, and not themselves separated
procured their Independence and their liberty
BY conquest or purchase, the Union gave
each OF them whatever Of independence and
liberty it has. The Union is older than any
of the States, and in fact it created them as
States. Originally, some dependent colonies
made the Union and, in turn, the Union
threw off their old dependence for them and
made them States, such as they are. Not
one Of them ever had State Constitution
independent of the Onion.
OF course, it is not forgotten that all the
new States framed their Constitutions before
they entered the Union nevertheless depen-
dent upon, and preparatory to coming into
the Union.
Unquestionably the States have The powers
and rights reserved to them in and by the
National Constitution !; but among these,
surely, are not included all conceivable pow
ers, however mschevous or destructive, but,
at most, such only Us are known in the
world at the time as governmental powers,
and certainly power to destroy the Govern
ment itself had never known as governmental
a merely administrative power.
This relative matter Of national power and
State rights as principle is no other than
the principle Of generality and locality.
Whatever concerns the whole should be
conlided to the whole, to the General Govern
mcnt; while whatever concerns only the
State should be left exclusively to the State
This is al! there is Of original principle about
it. Whether the National Constitution. in
defining boundaries between the two, has
applied the principle with exact accuracy. is
not to be questioned. We are also bound by
that defining, without question. What is
now combatted is the position that secession
is consistent with the Constitution. is law full
and peaceful 1t is not commended that there
! is any express law for it, and nothing should
ever be implied as law which leads 10 unjust
or absurd consequences
The nation purchased with money the
countries out Of which sevcra. of these States
were formed. Is it just that they shall 90
off without leave anG without refunding g.
The nation paid very large sums-n the
Aggregate, believe, of hundred millions
to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes
Is it just that she shall now go off without
consent or without making any return p
The nation is now in debt for money applied
for the benefit of these so.called seeded
States in common with the rest. Is it jus.
either that creditors shall 60 unpaid. or the
remaining States pay the whole! Part of
| the present national debt was contracted to
pay the old debts Of Texas. Is it just that
she shall leave and pay no part Of this her
self!
Again, il one State may secedc, so may
none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite
just to crcditorsl Did we notify them Of
this sage view of ours when we borrowed
their money? If we recognize this doctrine
by allowing the Seceders TO go in peace it is
Difficult. to see what We can do If Others
choose to go, or to extort terms upon which
they will promise to remain.
| The Scceders insist that our Constitution
admits of secession. They have assumed to
make national Constitution of their own
which Of necessity they have either discarded
or retained the right of secession as they
insist in ours. If they have discarded it.
they thereby admit that on principle it ought
not to be in ours. II they have retained by
| their own couStr uctlon of ours thcv show