New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1861-03-18
LETTER FROM LONDON.

| Immediately remotely connected with the sub
ject Of slavery is prejudged here to the disadvan-
tage of its defenders, come stray beams Of the
light of truth do penetrate the British mind, and
reveal gmpses Of the true situation Of things, now
and then | WAS dining the other day with q
wei lthy merchant Of this city, who has mercantile
agencies in two of our American cities, when the
subject Of our troubles became the topic of con-
versaton. I was referred to, of course, as one
from whom reliable information expected. |
spoke accordingly with much moderation and
fairness as could. When we had discussed the
question for a short time, our host drew from his
pocket letter which he had just received by the
last arrival from Boston. From this letter he read
few passages, the substance of which give you.
The writer, after dwelling upon the arrangement
of business caused by recent political Disturbances,
| proceeded to give his views on the state of the
| country. He confessed that he had supported the
Republicans from his sympathy with the anti"
| slavery cause as well as through the persuasOns
Of intelligent American merchants, who assured
| him that the election of Mr.. Lincoln would ad
vance the cause of freedom, give peace to the
| country, and more firmly establish its institutions
upon permanent basis. In this expectation, how
ever, both he and his advisers had been greatly
mistaken. The effect Of Mr. Lncoln's election had
produced directly contrary effect. 1t had pro-
| duced commotion and disaster in trade 1t had
led to the withdrawal from the Union Of six of the
Southern States, and the establishment of a separ-
| ate confcderacy. In more impartial survey Of
the course of parties in the history of this republic,
| he had discovered that its immense growth and
| uniform prosperity had been owing to the wise ad
| mnstration of the Government by the anti boil
| ton party and that whenever power fell into the
| hands Of their opponents their inehclcncy was
| Immediately Rhewn in impracticab!e schemes and
| i-considered measures. He instanced the Nor
| relI Tariff bill, then before Congressman which
| he did not doubt would become law~as an evil
dence of ill-timed legislation. He had but little
hope of a reconstruction of the Union from Mr..
| Lincoln's policy; for he regarded him as merely
| politician without any capacity for large states
manship. Indeed, he concluded, the whole cam
| paign was gotten up upon the narrowest and most
selfish views, with utter disregard of the alleged
| principles OF hostility to slavery and he advised
that the business Of the agency should be confined
to daily transactions of supply and demand.
am not prepared to say to what degree the
writer may have been Influenced by the pressure
of pecuniary loss in the expression of his opinions;
| but the opinions themselves ! regard as sound.
| The few statesmen that the opposition ever had
| they have dstrusted, maligned and banshed.
| They have no breadth and generosity of view
and are utterly at seq when confronted by great
national or international questions.
| ! look upon it as a somewhat significant fact,
bearing upon our present relations with England
| that, in the House of Commons on the l7th the
Secretary Of Foreign Affairs was questioned res
peGting I" begerent rights at sea- and mainly
because this matter could have been resusCitated
at this time for other reason than to elicit the
views of Government in regard to intercourse
with our Southern ports for the present condition
| OF Europe uelnaEdeQ no SucH reference, seeing
| that there is nothing to leopard maritime rights
| The reply of Lord John Russell confirms this view
| for he Immediately quotes Mr. Cass as saying that
he considered the right of blockade, as author
lied by the law of nations, very great abuse :;
| that the only proper occasion for blockade was
| when land army was besiegng q fortified place
on one side, and feet was brought to blockade
it on the other; and that any attempt to interrupt
| trade by blockade. or to blockade places which
were commercial ports, was an abuse which ought
| to be put an end to-
| do not know whether this policy is to be re-
garded as the settled rule Of action of the Govern
mcnt at Washington; but it certainly puts into the
hands Of the English Ministry powerful argument
| in favor of direct and unohstructed trade with
| Southern ports Nor can | entertain the least
doubt that it is now brought forward to Justify in
| advance the intended course of England towards
| your COnfederacy. Everything, far as | can
see, indicates the determination Of merchants not
to be shut out of those ports, especially since the
| disposition manifested by Northern men to impose
heavier duties upon imports, while the Soulh lay
such imposts only are required for revenue, with
| prospect of further reductions in future.
| In reply to your question as to whether "secret
| agents. have been dispatched to America by this
| Government and the Emperor of France, with q
view TO procure reliable information respecting
your affairs, can offer you nothing more than con
jeGture and, indeed, not even that; for it is plain
that if " secret agents" were sent, pains would be
taken to prevent their being known as such. This
much, however, can say-that neither this Gov
| eminent nor that of France is likely to accept
|
even the reports of its Ministers resident at Wash
| ington as basis of actiOn-or. rather let me say
as guide to public action. Those Governments
| will surely acquaint themselves with everything
| relating to so important a subject in a manner
satisfactory to themselves, and will take the best
means of doing SO. / am reliably informed that
this subject occupies very large share of atten-
ton in Downing street, and that ministerial circles
are not permitted to sleep over it by merchants
! and manufacturers.
You must have seen Natal often referred to in
| the newspapers cotton growing country. |
have seen some specimens of its growth, and must
acknowledge that it is very fine short staple; and
that, could it be procured in sufficient quantities.
| would answer very well as substitute for Amer
lean ctStt~a. But in this lies the difficulty.
Natal as all your readers may not know, is
| British colonial possession lying on the South
eastern border of Africa. 1t is a fertile and
healthy district of country producing indigo, cot
| ton, sugar, coffee, ETC., ETC., and inhabited by
Zooloo Ka1res. Great efforts have been made
| by the government of the Cape of Good Hope, and
| by the comparatively few white Inhabitants in
| Natal, to extend the cultivation of the more vau-
able products of the country; and, at time
very sangnine expectations were INDUCED. But
these have been disappointed, and the exports
| have gradually sunk to about one quarter of what
| they were ten years ago. And this may serve to
show how little can be done with the free African.
The culture of cotton to be successful, demands
degree of care, attention, prudence and assduity
of which the negro is not capable. unless over
looked and directed in every stage of the process.
This fact, fancy, British phanthropists will learn
to appreciate after time, and then, they may
come to the conclusion that the negro can be Of
no use to himself or others, except as a slave. In
this condition he is raised from the state of brute
| to that of a man, where to hold him requires as
/ persistent an effort as it did to raise him.
| tits matter for regret that the large heart of
yohn, Bull, which suffers grieVous palpitations
for the comfortably clad and well-fed negro
down in South Carolina, should show SO little feel
ing for his I" kth and kin " in Syria. Notwith-
standing the suferngs to which Christians are ex-
posed; Notwithstanding that, in spite of the pres
ence Of the French army and English ships, their
| villages are still burnt and they despoiled of their
goods-and, in truth, not few murdered. Not
withsanding all this, the great anxiety is to get the
French out of Syra-to leave everything to the
tender mereies of the fanatieal Turk To maintain
his misgovernment, to uphold his lettering throne,
aid defend and maintain the Mahomedan faith
this seems to be the supreme desire of Protestant
England-the " bulwark of our religion" as the
Massachusetts secessonists called the British Gov
eminent in 1914. do not wonder that certain
French writer has lbelled the British people, I" q
nation of bypocrites p although Lam very far from
esteemng them such. But simply an honest, out
spoken, pragmatic generations much given to