Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-02-06

Legislative.
From this examination there results sevsr
al conclusions
First. That the agents TO carry on ihis
government are appointed Immediately by
the people, and therefore IT is q free govern
ment.
Second, That it is an exceedingly simple
| government, both in its machinery and
powers
Third. That its burthen. especially if it.
population IL great and its citizens are pros
porous, is, exceedingly light.
| Fourth, That the duties confided to its
agents are few, aud, in the nature of things
are plain, well defined, and easily under
| stood.
| Fifth, Yet these duties are of such delicate
and important character. as to require these
agents to be men of the highest moral and
mental endowments.
| IF these latter conclusions are correct, the
| Federal Government, is to be much COM
mended, by the sage, and long cherished by
patriotic and peaceful people. Its granted
power to do good is Unreasonable, and, il
| loyalty administered it is Incapable TO do
| mischief And this power to do good extends
| indefinitely as the citizens under it multiply,
aud the extent of its territory Increases For
so happy were its great authors in seizing
| defining and granting its powers, that it could
| as easily embrace hundreds of millions of in
telligent and just people, even if they ex-
| tended over continent, as it could the three
and half millions of compact freemen vino
made it, 1t can never become a tyranny or
despotism, 1t is utterly incapable of becom-
| ing sectional or partial, ii is only made for
| protection, which is it's life and soul; and its
| genius is the equality of rights of the States
| and the citizens of all and each State. If it
| ever departs from these sublime ends, if it
ever becomes partial to any given States, or
| their people, or their IDEAS or oppressive 10
any other, or the citizens OF any other. even
the smallest of them if it is ever sectional,
| or administered upon an idea, it is then made
a tyranny by traiiorous men, who have seized
upon the forms of law, to wreak their VEN
geance. or fatten upon the spoils of their
fellow-citizens.
But, another aud most singular observa-
ton is made upon this government, and that
is, that it is government, so far as the
States are concerned, by consent, while SO
far as foreign nations are concerned, it is q
government of Irresistible power. This is a
singular paradox. and can only properly be
explained by illustration. Suppose that a
portion of the citizens of New Y ork city take
into their heads that the Emperor of France
is tyrant and despot, and in accordance
with this idea public meetings are called. at
which resolutions are passed denouncin him
as traitor TO his trust, a despot whom it is
sympathy with efforts to assassinate him, and
make contributions of money to relieve those
who have perilled their lives in desperate eff
forts TO put him down. Suppose, too, leading
and influential journals, the Tribune for in
stance. day after day publishes editorials de-
nouncing against him all the approbious
epithets that the language commands to
make him odious. not only to the people of
France, but to all the civilized world. Let
far thar hot IN
der the influence of such proceedings, leaves
New York for the purpose of taking his life.
aud actually makes that attempt. Let us
suppose that after this attempt, such things
are continued, not only in New York, but in
Boston and New Orleans II Louis Napoleon
demands rom the government at Washington
the suppression OF these proceedings, as put
ting in jeopardy his government, would Con-
gress have power to pass the proper law 7
They would very clearly. Con. l article, sec.
g. 10 clause. And they would pass such a
law, or the French government would have a
just cause of war against the United States.
But, again, suppose portion of the people
of Massachusetts,, and of other States having
no slaves, have adopted the opinion that
slavery is sin, and that to free a slave by
any unlawful means, even, is praiseworthy
action and suppose that politicians from
the stump, popular and influential journals,
public meetings of the people, ministers in
The pulpit-ai enforce these opinions, aud
pariy-seeking political power in the State
governments is founded upon them. And
suppose some sincere men, who think that
man should act upon his opinions, go into
Virginia, for example. and in the attempt to
create instruction of the slaves, some peace
full citizens of tn State are killed by them.
And suppose those same things be not only
continued by portion OF the citizens of free
Nl,N
creased, after this bloody result. What rem
edy has Virginia Can Congress interfere
Not at all, it las no power to do 50. Can
Virginia seek her own redress under the
Constitution By no means. She is bound
hand and foot by the Constitution.
And the idea in this last supposition might
be illustrated by a number of similar and ma
terial incidents. all of the utmost Importance
to the safety of the people of the slave States,
as well as to the good morals aud the good
order of. any given State. Suppose Virginia,
at the time of the John Btown raid, had
been, and since is, a foreign ,tion. Can it
be doubted that she would have applied to
the u. S. Government for redress for the
punishment of the instigators of, and the
actors in this crime against the peace of her
own government and the safety of her peo-
pie? Aud that the Government at Washing
ton would have passed the necessary laws to
give Virginia the protection she needed, we
are bound to infer from the past fidelity of
the q S. Government to the comfy Of the
States, and the La1cs of nations.
ofThe conclusion to be drawn from this view
8 the Constitution is, that, so far as the
tates are concerned, the Government of the
y. S. is one of consent only. The great
authors of the Constitution designedly SO
made it. They knew that the foundations of
free government could only be safely laid
in the consent of the people, and that to en-
sure its efficacy, it must be built upon their
affections. They trusted, and wisely trusted,
to the influence of blood, to the memo
ries of the Revolution, to mutual suf
ferings borne, and sacrifices made for
each other, to the glory of their united
achievements and to the palpable benefits of
Union, to cement, against the assaults of
time aud circumstance, the edifice of govern
ment they had built by the Constitution
and they felt as all the world now feels. that
if the people of the States remained of one
heart, one mind, and held to one destiny.
that the entry OF their government among the
governments of the world would be like the
entry of king into levee of his mobiles.
Thus we close this partial review of the
duplicate Government of the United States,
and the several States. We have seen that
the Federal Government is erected over all.
with such a nice discrimination in the selec-
ton OF its powers that loyalty administered,
it can never be tyranny, or sectional, or
partial. That although the States under it
now number thirty-three, with population
of thirty millions. that citizen of NO State,
singly considered as such. can come in con-
tact with ii; over him and fer him 1t has nei-
Their claim of obedience nor power of protec-
ton. But when he is viewed in the relation Of
being one of thirty milions-an entire nation
ality-his identity with the general Govern
ment is complete, and from him it exacls ODE
dience and to him it extends protection. Amp
this is the glory of the Constitution. 1t left
itself .selfdependent upon the consent of the
people of the several States. The authors
of it acted wisely. THY consulted the sage
Experience, and learned from him that
government should he powerful only for
good. and that to be Sc, the citizen should
have the largest liberty, both of thought and
action. and so eudoYing him, In his relation