The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1861-01-04
NEW SERIES-NO. 1863.

the progress of party, we now come to
point where party ceases to deserve c0nsid-
Grafton. and the preservation of the Union
deserves our highest and greatest exertions.
To preserve the Constitution of the country
is the highest duty of the Senate, the high
est duty of Congress-to preserve it and to
perpetuate it, that we may hand down the
dren and our Prosperity, and to generations
far beyond US. We are, Senators. in posi-
lions where history is to take notice of the
course we pursue. History is to record us.
1t is to record that when the destruction OF
the Union was imminent; when we saw it
tottering to its fall; when we saw brothers
arming their hands for hostility with one
another, we stood quarreling about points
of party politics; about questions which we
attempted to sanctify and to consecrate by
appealing to our conscience as the source of
them. Are we to allow such fearful catas-
trophies to occur while we stand trihing
away our tirne? While we stand thus,
showing our inferitory to the high position
which we occupy, the whole country may
be destroyed and ruined; and, to the amaze
ment of all the world, the great Republic
may fall PROSTATE in ruins, carrying with it
the very hope of that liberty which we
have everywhere enjoyed; carrying with it
in place of the peace we have enjoyed,
nothing but revolution and havoc and an
archy. Shall it be said we have allowed
all these evils to come upon our country,
while we are engaged in the petty and small
disputes and debates to which 1 have re.
ferred? Can it be that our name is to rest
in history with this everlasting stigma and
blot upon it?
Sir, I wish to God it was in my power
tc preserve this Union by renouncing or
agreeing to give up every conscientious and
other opinion. 1 might not be able to dis
card it from my mind am under no OBJ
legation to do that. I may retain the
opinion, but if I can do SO great good as
to preserve my country and give it peace,
and its institutions and its Union stability.
| will forego any action upon my opinions.
Well now, my friends, addressing the Re-
publican Senators), that is all that is asked
of you. Consider it well, and I do not
distrust the result. As to the rest of this
body, the gentlemen from the South,
would say to them, can you ask more than
this? Are you bent on revolution, bent on
disunion? God forbid it. cannot believe
that such madness possesses the American
people. This gives reasonable satisfaction.
l can speak with confidence only of my own
State. Old Kentucky will be satisfied with
it, and she will stand by the Union and die
by the Union, if this satisfaction be given,
nothing shall seduce her. The clamor of
no revolution, the seductions and tempta-
tions of no revolution will tempt her to
move one step. She has stood always by the
side Of the constitution; she has always
been devoted to it, and is this day. Give
her this satisfaction, and l believe all the
States of the South that are not desirious
OF disunion as better thing than the Union
and the constitution, will be satisfied and
will adhere to the Union, and we shall 20
on in our great career ofnstional prosperity.
But, sir, it is not necessary for me to
speak to you of the consequences that will
follow disunion. Who Of US is not proud of
the greatness we have achieved? Disanion
and separation destroy that greatness. Once
disunited, we are no longer great. The
nations OF the earth, who have looked upon
you as formidable power, mighty power,
rising to an untold and unreasonable great.
ness in the future, will scoff at you. Your
flag, that now claims the respect of the
world, that protects American property in
every port and harbor of the world, that
protects the rights of your citizens every.
where, what will become of it? What
becomes of its glorious influence? 1t is
gone; and with it the protection Of Amer.
lean citizens and property. To say nothing
of the national honor which it displayed to
all the world, the protection of your rights,
the protection of your property abroad is
gone with that national flag, and we are
hereafter to copjure and contrive different
flags for our different republics, according
to. the feverish fancies of revolutionary
patriots and disturbera of the peace of the
world: No, sir / want to follow no such
flag. I want to preserve the Union of my
country. We have it in our power to do
so, and we are responsible if We do not.
l do not despair of the Republic. When
I see before me Senators of so much intelli'
gence and so much patriotism, who have
been SO honored by their country, sent here
as the guardians of that very Union which
is now in question, sent here as the guar
dians of our national rights, and as guardians
of that national flag, ! cannot despair l
cannot despond. cannot but believe that
they will find some means of reconciling
and adjusting the rights of all parties, by
concessions, if necessary, so as to preserve
and give more stability to the country and
to its institutions.
Mr.. President, I have occupied more
time than intended. My remarks were i
designed and contemplated only to reach to
an explanation of this resolution.
Mr.. Douglas received in Michigan just