Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1861-12-20

but that we should not even dissent or
publicly allude to the matter at issuep
How can statesman, who is guided by
the principles of justice or even by po-
litical expediency, demand of any ra-
tioual people anything so irrational or
idiotic as debate and answer to charges
without any reference TO the subject
matter of the chargesY
If this rebellion had resulted from a
conspiracy on the part of the great body
of Railroad corporations, or Banks, or
Manufacturing interests in the United
States, because the General or State
Governments had refused to comply
with their demands, do you suppose
there would have been any such hesita-
ton on the part of the Government as
to their duty as there has been towards
the present rebels? The old Bank of
the United States had a capital of only
fifty millions of dollars, and yet General
Jackson thought its continued existence
dangerous to the liberties of the people,
because he knew it subsidized the public
press, controlled party conventions, and,
with it's gold, corrupted statesmen and
divided the nations chosen guardians
and counsellors. He thereupon crushed
it out, and the nation applauded him.
The number of rebel shareholders in the
United States does not exceed 100000
men, women and minor children, all
told. OF this number not more than
100000 are voters, and yet they claim
that that their capital in slaves is worth
two thousand millions ofdollars. 1T fifty
millions of dollars in the hands of bank
was dangerous to the liberties of the
people, how much more dangerous is
two thousand millions of dollars in the
hands of shareholders, who are enemies
to the Government ? For the protec-
tion of this properly, as they claim it to
be, they have demanded special legisla-
ton and constitutional guarantees which
the people would not grant, and because
of the refusal, this small but powerful
class have made this war upon the Gov
ernment. Suppose the great majority
of the bankers of the United States land
the bank stockholders are really more
numerous class than the rebel slavehold-
ers) were to combine and demand an
amendment to the Constitution, grant
ing them perpetual charters, with the
right to suspend specie payment when.
ever, in their opinion, the interests of the
banks demanded it, and suppose the peo-
pie should refuse to give them such a
dangerous grant of power, and, because
of this refusal, they should unite in a
conspiracy to destroy the Government
by making war upon it as the rebel
shareholders are now doing, what would
you, as practical men, do if Mey, instead
of the Shareholders, were the rebels? 1
know what you would demand, and it
would be done-the leading conspira-
tors would be arrested and their prop
erty confscated to pay the expenses of
putting down the rebellion, and thus
make it impossible for them to get up
another such rebellion ] would do the
same with the Railroad conspirators,
who have more wealth and more men
interested with them than all the slave
holding rebels-I would do the same
with any combination of men, under the
same circumstances. The Banking,
Railroad and Manufacturing interest of
of the United States each separately
controls more wealth than all the CON
spirators now engaged in the rebellion,
and their institutions are of more i'm
portance to commerce-to civilization
and good government-than all the
shareholders, whether loyal or rebel I;
and yet, if any one or all of these inter-
ests were to combine against the Gov
ernment, what would be their fate p
Would there be any division among us
on the question of conducting the war
against them Why then, as practical
men, should we hesitate as to the course
to be pursued towards rebel slavehold-
ers?
The truth is, prejudice has blinded us
as nation so that we will not see our
duty, and this is the secret of our inetfi-
cheney and our reverses. How many
men are there before me who would
hesitate at confscating the entire wealth
of all the corporations in the country
whether Banks, Railroads or Manufac-
tories-f they were combined and in
rebellion against the Government and
you believed such action was necessary
to save the nations life p? If you would
do this, would you not also confscate
and deprive the present slaveholding
conspirators Of every slave they posses
sed, if you believed it necessary for the
preservation of the Constitution and the
Union? | have no doubt of it. Their
the only question is a difference of opin
ion as to the time when this necessity
has or shall have arrived. When, il
the judgment of each man individually
that time has come, we are unanimous
AT present some are convinced that th,
time is nO,o-others think differently
all, / doubt not, honestly. Instead
therefore, of finding fault and denounc
ing each other for honest differences o
opinion, would it not be better for al
to maintain their opinions without Grim
ination and denunciation of the Govern
ment, which is undoubtedly honestl,
endeavoring to do its duty? We are s.
constituted that we must see things dii
erently. If twenty men were selecte
from this audience tonight and propC
sition was submitted to them, which t
each was entirely new, whether in phi
osophy or politics, you know that thei
: opinions would not only differ widely
: but that some would be much quicke
than others in coming to their conclu
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