Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1861-02-07


can organize government to destroy them
Il is too much 20 ask man to sign his owl
deaih-warrsEt.
n. We wish to say few words as to the
policy Of the slaveholding States In the present
Emergency.
We know It to be 6xed discrimination oil
them all not to scquissee in the principles
which have brought Mr.. Lincoln into power.
Several Of them, however, have hesilated--snd
Il is a sign Of the scrupulOus integrity OF the
South 10 maintaining her faith-whether lhe
mere fact Of bis election, apart from any overt
act Of tbs Government, is itsoif a casts beslf
and a sufficient reason for extreme measures
Of Resistance. These States have, also, clung
to the hope that there would yet be returning
sense Of Justice at the North, which shall give
them satisfactory guarantees for the pTeserya-
ton Of their rights, and restore peace without
the necessity OF sehism. We respect the mo-
tiVes which have produced this hesitation.
We have no sympathy with any taunting re-
fectlons upon the courage, magnanimity, pub
lie spirit, or patriotism Of such common
wealth as Virginia. The mother Of Washing
ton is not to be insulted IT, ike her grea, hero,
she takes counsel Of moderation and pru-
dence. We honor, too, the sentiment which
makes It hard to give up the Union. II
was a painful struggle to ourselves; the most
painful struggle Of our lives. There were
precious memories and hsllowed associations,
connected with a glorious history, to which
the heart cannot bid farewell without a pang.
| Few men, in all The South, brought themselves
TO pronounce the word "disunion," without
sadness Of heart. some States have not yet
heen able to pronounce it. But the tendency
of events is irresistible. It is becoming every
day clearer, taat the people Of the North hate
slavery more than they love the Union, and
they are developing this spirit in a form which
must soon bring every siave-holding State
| within the ranks Of secession. The evil day
NAV be put of, but It must come The country
nust be divided into two people, and the point
which we Wish now to press upon the whole
South is, the importance Of preparing, at On;e,
for this contamination.
The slaveholding interest is one, and it
seems to us clear that the slayeholdiug States
ought speedily to be organized under ans gen
eral Government. United, they are stTong
enough to maintain themselves against the
world. They have the territory, the resour-
ces, the population, the public spirit, the in
ssitutions, which, under genial and fostering
| Constitution, would soon enable them to be-
come one Of the first people upon the globe.
and il the North shall have wisdom TO see
] her true policy, two Governments upon this
continent may work out the problem Of human
liberty more successfully than one. Let the
/ two maintain the closest alliance for defense
against foreign foe, or, at least, let them be
| agreed that no European power shall ever set
| foot on American soil, and that no type OF
government but the republican shall ever be
tolerated here, and what is 10 binder the full
est and freest development OF our noble in
stitutions. The separation changes Lothing
/ but the external relations Of the two sections.
Such a dismembermsnt Of the Union is not
I like the revolution Of a State, where the in
ternEl system Of government is subVerted,
where laws are suspended, aad here anarchy
reigns. The country might divide into two
great nations tomorrow, without jostie OF
| a lar; the government Of each State might 60
on as regularly as before, the law be as su-
preme, and order as Perfscs, il the passions Of
the eople could be kept from getting the bet
| ter Of their judgments. It ls great advan-
! tage in the form Of our CoRfederscy, that a
radical revolution can take place without con-
/ fusion, and without anarchy. Every State
has a perfect internal system at work already,
and that undergoes no change, except in ad-
iusting Il to its altered external relations.
| Now, given this sys EN- Of States, with every
element OF a perfect Government IN full and
undisturbei operation, what is there in the
circumstance Of one Confederacy Of divided
| Interests, that shall secure a fTeer and safer
development than two Confederaeies, each
representing an undivided interest? Are n It
| two homogeneous Unions stronger tnan one
that il heterogeneous Should net the life of
| a Government be one ? We do not see, there
fore, that anything will be lest to freedom by
the union Of the South under a separate gov
ernmsnt She will carry into it every institG-
I tion that she had bsfore-heT State Consti u
tions, her legislatures, her courts of justice,
/ her halls Of learning-eveTything that she now
possesses She will put these precious inter-
ests under a government embodyiHg every
principle which gave value TO the old one, and
amply adequate to protect them. What will
she lose Of real freedom We confess that
we cannot understand the defamation, that
with the American Union, American institu-
I tions are gone. Each section OF the Union
will preserve them and cherish them. Every
principle that has ever made US glorious, and
made our Government a wonder, viii abide
with us. The sections, separately, will not be
as formidable to foreign levers as before.
That is all. Bot each s q will be strong
enough to protect itself, Doth together can
| save this continent for republicanism for ever.
| Indeed it is likely that both governments
will be purer, In consequence OF their mutual
rivalry, and the diminuiion Of the extent OF
! their 0stronaqe. They will both cherish in
teuselv the American feeling, both maintain
fTue pride OF American character, and both try
| to make their g0vernmsnts at home what they
would desire to have them appear TO be abroad
] Once take away all pretext for meddling with
one another's peculiar interests, and we do
| do not see but that the magnificent visions Of
glory which our imaginsti0ns have delighted
I 70 picture as the destiay OF the Anglo-Saxon
race OF this North American continent, may
vet be fully realized. They never can be il
we continue together, to bite aud devour ono
another.
But, whether it be for veal or woe, the
South has no election. She IS driven to the
wall, and tie only question is. will she take
care Of herself in time2 The sooner she
can organize General Government, the bet
ter. That viii be centre Of unity, and once
combined we are safe.
We cannot close without saying few words
60 the people Of the North as to the policy
which It becomes them to pursue. The whole
question OF peace or war is in their bands.
The South Is simply standing or the defensive,
and has no no'ion Of abandoning that atti-
tude. Let .he northern people, then, seriously
consider, and consider in the fear OF God, how,
under present circumstances, they can best
conserve those great interests Of fsedom, of
religion, and Of order, which are equally dear
20 US DO b, and which they can fearfu " jeop-
ard. II their coansels incline to peace, the
most friendly relations can speedily be re-
stored, and the most favorable treaties entered
into. We should feel ourselves the Joint vas
sails Of the continent. and should be Joined to-
gether BY tie5 which unite no etheT people.
We could, INDEED, enjoy all the advantages OF
the Union, without any OF its inconVenisneies.
| The cause OF humanlherty would not be even
retarded, il the North can raise to level with
/ the exigeneics Of The occasion. II, on the
other hand, their thoughts incline to war, we
solemRiy ask hem what they expect to gain {?
! What interest will be promoted. What end,
/ worthy Of 4 great people, viii they be able to
/ theV Aft fvT fhnfr taI raae all
hey may try tp reek their resentment upon the
seeding States, and they may inhict large
/ amount OF injury, disaster, and suffering.
! But what have they gained? Shall free
people Be- governed by their passions?
/ Suppose they shoald conquer US; what
will they DO With us? How will they
/ bold Us Ia sutiesction2 How many
gsrrsens, and how many men, and how much
! treasure, will Il take to keep TIE South in
order as conquered province? And where
are these resources 70 come from After they
| have subdued US, he hardest part Of their task
will remain. Tney will have the wols by the
! ears.
But upon what grounds do they hope u con-
qusr Us? They know US well-theY know our
numbsTs-they know our spirit, and they know
the value which we set upon our homes and
/ firesides. We have fought for the glory Of the
/ Union, and the world admired US; but it yTas
not such 6ghtipg as we shall do for our wives,
or children, and our sacred honor. The verv
women Of the South, ike the Spartan matrcns,
win take hold Of shield and bnckisr, and our
boys stschool will 90 to the field in all detern-
ins'ion Of disciplined vslor. Conc iered we
can never be. It would be madness to atteupt
/ It; and after years Of blood and slaughter the
parties would be jast whe e they began, ex-
cept that they would have learned TO bats one
another with an intensity Of hatred eeaaied
only in bell. Freedom would suffer, religion
would suffer, learning would suffer, every hu-
man interest wonld seher from such a war.
But upon whose bead would rest the responsi-
] bilitYP There can be bat one answer. We
solemnlY believe the South viii be held guilt.
less hsfare the eyes Of the Judge Of ali The
earth. shs has s,eod In her lot and resisted
aggression.
II the North could rise 10 the dignity of
their present calling, this country would pre-
sent to the world spectacle Of unparalleled
grandeur II would show how deeply the love
Of liberty aud tbs influence Of religion are
rooted Ia ouT people, wnen 3 great empire can
be divided without confusion, war, OF disor-
der. Two great people united in one govern
nent differ upon question Of vital Importance
TO one. Neither can eonscientiouslY give way.
Ia the magnsnimitY Of their souls, thev sav.
let shsre bs no strife between US, fer we are
brethren. The land is bread enough for US