The national Republican., 1861-01-29
me, that whatever of high hope las

convince me, that whatever Of high hope las l
think there is) there may be in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution is impossible. Ii
they were all landed there in day, they would
perish in the next ten days and there are not |
surplus shipping aud surplus money enough in |
the world to carry them there in many, times
ten days. What then2 Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings? Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition? 1
think l would not hold one in slavery, at any
rate; vet the point is not clear enough to de.
nounce people upon. What next2 Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals My own feelings will not admit of
this and if mine would, we well know. that
those of the great mass Of white people win not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice ard
sound judgment, is not the sole question, if,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel
ing, whether well or i'll founded, cannot be
safely dsregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. 1t does seem to me that sys.
TENS Of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed but for that hardness in this respect, l
will not undertake to Judge our brethren of the
South.
"W hen they remind US of their constitutional
rights, l acknowledge them, not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly; and l would give them
any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi-
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one."-Speech at Ottowd, Ill.,, dug.
81, 1858.
Has anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this very institu-
ton of slavery? What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros.
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity save and except this institution
of slavery If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition Of things by enlarging
slavery-by spreading it out and making it
biggerg
"You may have wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and'spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way Of treating what
you regard as a wrong."-Speech at Alton, Oct.
Is, 1858.
al suppose most of US II know it of myself)
believe that the people of the Southern States
nre entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is CONSTITUTIONAL l agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the institution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes at least, profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do yield sup
port to fugitive slave law? Because do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar
antics that right, can be supported without
it."-Speech at Alton, Oct. 10, S5S.
"The real issue in this controversy-the one
pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
the part Of one class that looks upon the insti-
tuition Of slavery as a wrong, apd of another
class that does not look upon it as wrong.
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it as being moral, social, and political
4 wrong; and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among u.s. and the difficulties Of get.
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet having due regard for these, they desire
policy in regard to it that looks to its not ere.
ating any more danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong
and one Of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be a man among US who
does not think that the institution Of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects Of which have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with US. And if there be a man amongst vi
who is so impatient of it as wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ms, and th'
difficulty Of getting rid Of it suddenly in a sat
isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu
misplaced if he is on our platform. ."-Speech a
alton, Oct. Is, 1858.
FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH.
, awe the Republicans, and others, forming
! the opposition Of the country, intend to stant
by our guns to be patient and firm, and in tn
long run to beat you. When we do beat you
you perhaps want to know what we will d.
with you. / will tell you, so far as l am au
thorized to speak for the opposition, what w
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington
). Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mea
to leave you alone, and in no way interfer
/ with your institution to abide by every CON
i promise of the Constitution and, in wore
:. coming back to the original proposition,
q treat you as far as degenerated men (if we hav
e degenerated) may, according to the example
q of those noble fathers-Washingto Jefferson
e and Madison. We mean to remember that yo
. are as good as we are; that there is no di
! ference between us, other than the differenc
= of circumstances. We mean to recognise an
g bear in mind, always, that you have as goo
, hearts in your bosoms as other people, or a
, we claim to have, and to treat lou accorC
mgy-Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. II, 1859.
OUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORA
Resolred, That we, the Democracy of th
uion, in Convention assembled, hereby d.
are our afirmance of the resolutions unan
ously adopted and declared as a platform
inciples by the Democratic Convention a
ncinnati, in the year 1856, believing thi
: emocratic principles are Interchangeable
cir nature, when applied to the same subje'
: = after; and we recommend as the only furtht
solutions the following:
= Resolred, That it is the duty of the Unite
= ates to afford ample and complete protecto
" " all its citizens, whether at home or abroa
Z ID whether native OR FOREIGN.