Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1861-03-05

Fellolv Citizens oftAe United States In com.
pliance with a custom as old as the government
ITSELF | appear before you to address you brief
| ly and to take in your presence the oath pre-
! scribed by the constitution OF the United
| States, to be taken by the president before he
enters on the execution of his Office. do not
consider it necessary al present Tor me TO as
cuss these matters OF administration, about
which there is no special anxiety or excite
ment.
Apprehension seems to exist among the peo-
| pie of the southern states, that by the aces
sion of a republican administration, their prop
erty and their permanent peace and security
| are to be ENDANGERED. There has never been
| any reasonable cause for such apprehension.
| Indeed, the most ample evidence TO the con-
trary has all the while existed and been open
to their il spection 1t is found in nearly all
! the Published speeches OF him who now adj
! dresses you.
| / do but quote from one of those speeches,
when l declare that | have no purpose d.
rectly or indirectly to interfere with The 1nstl.
| tuition of slavery in the states where it exists.
| believe have no lawful right to do so, and
l have no inclination to do SO. Those who
| nominated Inc and elected me did so with full
| knowledge that l had made this and many
similar declarations, and had never recanted
them, and more than this, they placed In the
! platform for my acceptance, and as law to
themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic
resolution which l now read:-
/ Resolved, That the maintenance inyioate of the
rights of the states, and especially the right of each
state to order and control its own domestic inst1tu
tions according to its own Judgment exclusively, is
essential to that balance power on whsch the per-
lection and endurance OF our political fabric depend
and we denounce the lawless invasion, by an armed
| force, OF any state or territory, no matter under
! what pretext, as the greatest of crimes
| / now reiterate these sentiments, and in do
ing SO only press upon the public attention
| the most conclusive evidence of which the case
is susceptible, that the property, peace and Sc
| curity of no section are to be in any wise en-
| dangered by the now incoming administration.
l add too, that all the protection which,
| consis enty with the constitution and the laws,
can be given, will be cheerfully given to all
the states, when lawfully demanded, for what
| ever cause, cheerfully to one section as to
another. There is much controversy about
the delivering up of fugitives from service Or
labor. The clause l read is as plainly written
| in the constitution as any other of its provis-
ions =
''No person held to service or labor in one state
under the laws thereof escaping into another, shall
IN consequence OF amy law or regulation therein, be
discharged from such service or labor but shall be
| delivered up on claim Of the party to whom such
service or labor may be due"
| IL is ScaFCely questioned I1at IllS provision
was intended by those who made it f,r the
| reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves,
aud the inleution OF the lawgivers is the law
All members of congress swear their support
| to the whole constitution, to this provision
| as much as to any other. To the proposition,
| then, that slaves Whose cases come within the
terms OF this clause shall be delivered up, their
| oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would
make the effort in good temper, would they not
with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a
law by means of which to keep good that unani-
| nous oath? There is some difference ofopinon
| whether this clause should be enforced by ma
tional state authorities but surely that differ
| ence is not very material one. Ii the slave
is to be surrendered, it can be of but little
| consequence to him or to Others by whose
authority it is done, and should any one, in
any case, be content that his oath should go
| uukept ON merely unsubstantial contro
versy, as to how it shall be kept? Again, in
any law upon this subject, ought not all the
safeguards of liberty known in civilized and
| humane Jurisprudence to be introduced, SO
| that free man be not in any case surrendered
as slave, and might it not be well at the same
| time to provide by law for he enforcement
| of that clause in the constitution which guar
antees that the citizens OF each state shall be
entitled to all the privileges and inlmnnities
of citizens in the several states
take the official OATH to-day, with no men
tai reservations and with no purpose to con-
strue the constitution or laws by any hypercrit-
| specify particular acts of congress as proper to
be enforced, L do suggest that [ will be much
safer for all, both in official and private sta
tions, to conform to and abide by all those acts
which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of
them, trusting TO find impunity in having them
| held to be unconstitutional.
/ Gin tha fret in
auguration OF a president under our national
constitution, and during that period fifteen diff
| ferent and greatly distinguished statesmen
| have in succession administered the executive
branch OF the government They have con-
Quoted il through many perils, and generally
with great success. Yet with all this scope for
precedent, now enter upon the same task for
the 0ref constitutional term Of four years, under
| great and peculiar circumstances. A disruption
ct The federal Union, heretofore only menaced,
is now tormdably attempted. l hold that, in
contemplation of universal law and of the con-
stltution, the Union OF these states is per-
| petual. Perpetuity is implied, il not ex-
| pressed, III the fundamental law of all national
| governments. 1t is safe to assert that no
| government proper ever had a provision in
It's organic laws tor its own termination. Con-
tlnue to execute all the express provisions of our
national constitution, and the Union will en-
dure forever, il being impossible to destroy it,
except by some action not provided for in the
| instrument itself.
| Again, il the United States be not a govern
ment proper, but an association of states in the
nature oil compact merely, ean il as com
pact be peaceably. unmade by less than all
tue parties who made it? One party
to compact may violate it,-break it, SO
| to speak but does it not require all to
lawfully rescind it? Descending from these
general principles, we find the proposition that
IN legal contemplation tue Union is perpetual,
continued by the history OF the Union ITSELF
| The Union is much older than the constitu-
tlon 1t was formed in fact by the articles of
| the association in IVA. 1t was matured and
| conceived by the Declaration of Independence
| In lli6; 1t was further matured and the faith
of all the then thirteen states expressly plight
ell and engaged that it should be perpetual by
| the articles of confederation in l778, and
| hnally in 1887 one OF the declared objects for
ordanmg and establishing the constitution,
| was TO form more perfect union; but if de-
| structon of the Union by one, orby part only
OF the states, be lawfully possible, the Union is
! less than before, the constitution having lost
the vital element of pelpetuity 1t follows
from these views, that no state upon its own
mere motion, can lawfully get out OF the Union,
| that resolves and ordinances to that effect are
legally void, and that acts of violence within
any state or states, against the authority OF the
| United States, are insurrecti0nary Or revolu.
| tionary, according to circumstances.
| therefore consider that in view of the con-
stitution and the laws the Union is unbroken,
and to the extent Of my ability l shall take
care, as the constitution itself expressly en-
! JOINS upon me, that the laws of the Union be
faithfully executed in all the states. Doing
this deem to be only a simple duty on my
llnI fn.o