Pomeroy weekly telegraph. [volume] (Pomeroy, Meigs County, Ohio) 1860-1866, 1861-03-08

sible, then the Union Is less than before
the Constitution, having lost the vita
element of perpetuity.
It follows from these views, that M
State. upon its own mere motion, car
! lawfully set out of the Union; that re
solves and ordinances to that effect are
legally void, and that acts of violence
! within any State or States against tbt
authority OF the United States, are in
surrectionary or revolutionary, accord
ing to circumstances.
|, therefore, consider that in view O.
the Constitution and laws, the Union i.
unbroken, and to tie extent Of my ahil
ity shall take care, as the Constitution
expressly enjoing on ne that the laws
OF the Union be faithfully executed il
all the States. Doing this [ deem tc
be only simple duty on my part, and
| shall perform it so far as practicable
unless my righttul masters, the Ameri-
can people, shall withhold the rightful
means, or in some authoritative manner
direct tie contrary. l trust this viii
not be regarded as menace, but only
as declared purpose of the Union, that
1t may constitutionaily defend and main.
tain Itself. In doing this there need
be no blood shed, OR violence, and there
shall be none unless it be forced upon
the national authority. The power con
ferred on ne will be used to hold, oc-
cupy, and possess the property and
places belonging to the Government; to
collect duties and imposts; but beyond
what may be necessary TOR these objects.
there will be 70 using Of force against
or among the people anywhere Where
hostility to the United States, in any
interior locality, shall be so great and
SO universal as to prevent competent
resident citizens from holding Federal
offices, there will be no attempt to force
obnoxious strangers upon the people for
that object. While the strict legal
right may exist in the Government to
enforce the exercise of these Offices, the
attempt to do so vonld be so irritating
and SO nearly impracticabie withal, that
| deem it better to iorego for the time
the uses of such Offices. The mails, un-
less Eepelled, will continue to be furn-
isheti at all points of the Union, SO far
as possible. The people everywhere
shall have the sense Of perfect security
which is most favorable to calm thoughts
and reflection. The course herein indi-
Gated will be followed, unless current
events and experience shall show mod
ification or change to be proper, and, in
every case of exigency, my best discre-
ton will be exercised, according to cir
cumstances actually existing, with a
view and hope of peaceful solution
Of the national troubles, and the restora-
ton Of fraternal sympathies and afea-
lions. That there are persons in one
section or another who seek to destroy
the Union at all erents, and are g lad of
any pretext to do it, will neither af-
firm or den5, but if there be such, may
[ speak to then. before they enter upon
SO grave matter rs the DISSOLUTION Of
our national fabric, with al its benefits:
its memories and hopes. (To those who
really love the Union J. need address no
word) Would it not be wise to ascer-
tain, previously to hazarding so desp2r-
ate step, whether there is not a posi-
bility that portion Of the ills you fly
from have no real existence? Will
you, while the certain ills you fly to are
greater than ali the real ones you fly
from, risk the commission Of so
fearful mistake2 All profess to be
content in the Union if all constitutional
rights can be maintained. is it true,
hen, that any right, plainly written IN
she Constitution, has been denied? [
:hink not. Happily the human r'ind
s so constituted that no party can reach
.he audacity of doing this. Think, if,
you can, of single instance in which a
plainly written provision of the Consti
.ution has ever been denied. If by the
mere force Of numbers majority shall
deprive IA minority of any clearly writ
en Constitutional right, it might, in
moral point Of view, ju5tit'ya revolution
It certainly would, if such right were
| vital one; but such is not our case.
4 Il the vital rights Of minorities and Of
are SO plainly assured to
hem by afGrmations and negotiations,
guarantees and prohibitions, il the
that controversies never
rise concerning them. But no organic
aw can be framed with provision
pecifcally applicable to every question
which may occur in practical administra-
ion. No foresight can anticipate, nor any
document of reasonable length contain,
.xpress provisions for all possible cues
ions. Shall fugitives from labor be sur
endered by National or State authority?
The Constitution does not say. May
Congress prohibit Slavery in the Terri
ories? The Constitution does not ex-
'ressIy say. Must Congress protect
slavery in the Territories? The Consti-
ution does not expressly say. From
questions Of this class spring all our
controversies, and we di,
iae upon them into maj critics and mi
lorities. If the minority will net ac-
Iuiesce, the majority must, or the Gov
rnment must cease. There is no other
lternative for continuing the Govern |
nent, but acquiescence on the one side
II the other.
If minority, in such case, will seeede |
ather than acquiesce, they make a pre-
edent. which in turn will divide and
uin them, for minority Of their own
Tifl socede from them whenever ma
ority refuses to be controlled BY such q
minority. For instance, why may not
ny portion of new confederacy, a year
u two hence, arbitrarily sccede, precisely
S portions of the present Union uow
laim to secede from it? All who cher
sh Disunion sentiments are nov
,eing educated to the exact temper
# doing this. Is there such a perfect
IDENTIFY of.interest among the States to
new Union, as to produce har
nony only and prevent renewed seces-
ion? Plainly, the central idea of seces-
ion is the essence Of anarchy.
a majority held in restraint by Con