Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-01-03

,node of raising revenue conceivable? And how is
the proportion Of each member of the Southern Con-
federacy to be determined? Whether 1t be propo-
sed to be ascertained according to population or ex
tent and value of territory, objections will oe alleged
to either method; and inequalities will arise when
no nicely of legislation can obviate or adjust.
Again, the Southern Stats, as glance al the
map of the present Union will reveal, have ABOUT
three times the extent of and gulf coast to pro-
tect that the North possesses. Alarge naval estao
lshment will be therefore necessary at the OUTSET
for treaties with foreign powers independent oil ma
teral strength to resist invasion, afford VIGOROUSLY
but precarious security. And nothing is more
true than that the necessity of naval and military
defences to a nation is generally in inverse ratio 10
her material force so that the less considerable the
ultimate available resources of a country Tor her
own protection, and the lower her rank among the
powers of the globe the more is she exposeu 10 az
erosion or indignty, and the greater the military
organizations needed to her safety. lnierlorlty OF
population and resources can only be supplied by a
more regular and effective system Of defence, by dis
ciplincd troops by Notifications and more power
ful marine OF all this it would be well to count
the cost before conserving to the overthrow OF
government which, whatever be its faults, has GER
tainly the merit of being of the least expensive
considering the extent and complication OF the in
terests committed to it. on the surface oil TINS planet
Having thus seen although with hardly an aI'-
Proclamation 10 tnelr real magnitude
some of the evils to which the South would be SUD-
iected by separation from the existing Union and
the erection of new Confederacy, the inquiry natu-
rally arises would these be all the perilS and burdens
to be assumed?
As to the peaceful accomplishment of the seces-
sion which is but the initial risk of collision between
the sections to be encountered, grave doubts we
must admit present themselves Mr.. Buchanan, in
his last Annual Message denies the right of militia
arrS fat
reasoning this point appears Econtrorertible to
the writer, as it does to most Southern men. But
Mr. Lincoln may take different view and we may
witness repetition the soil Of the new world in
long and bloody conflict between the Southern
States OF the one part and the Federal Government
with the Northern States of the other of that MEN,
orable internecine war, whose horrors depicted
by the genius of a Schiller, in which the Emperor
of Germany, in the SEVENTEEN century, with one
half the empire on his side was seen engaged for
thirty years against Sweden with the other half
Against this contingency alliances with foreign pow
ers will supply no safe guard. If the South makes
them the North can doubtless do the same; and the
allies Of either section would not be slow to make
the mutual anmosty subServient to their own sin
lister aims and to profit by quarrels which they would
be very willing to prolong Should the President
elect however, accept the reasonable doctrine that
the Federal Government is one over the people in
their individual capacities and not over States in
their political and collective character, and therefore
confnc himself to coercion of the mGgiStray alone,
which appears to be the only sort warranted 10y the
Constitution; should ne be forced to admit tina: he
can use no legal means to compel the submission OF
delinquent communities of the people and should
this initial danger thereby be avoided ran any one
imagine That after the separation should become
complete, and even acquire a recognition from the
remnant OF the Union, wars would not eventually
and very speedily arise? Do we not perceive pos
sible cdSus jeW at every hand? Among the mani
fold causes which might prccipitate the two nations
at any moment into actual hoStilitics. may be cnum-
Grated inevitable territorial disputes, from which
origin have sprung most of the desolating which
history rccordS-commcrcial competitions with the
real fancied grievances which they would certain
~ engender-the apportionmentand extingniShment
of the public debt-the navigation Of the Mississippi
laws in violation Of private contracts together with
other retaatory measures, and the endless machi-
nations and intrgues Of foreign courts, which latter
would alone prove a source of perpetual cmbroil-
ment. Add to these elements Of diScord, the ran
aggravation of the slavery question. with the
probable occasional occurrence of John Brown raid
or Montgomery expedition, and it must be agreed
unanimously b. sensible men that there would be
nc lack of pretcXtS for collision.
Ii is not necessary TO give any rhetorical imagi-
tive coloring to this fearful picture of disaster 1t
needs Homer TO swell its terrible suggestions TO
ll!iad of woes. Each Of us for himself can fol-
low the examination Of this appalling danger to its
probable results. To professional soldiers the future
thus partially unveiled will bring no alarms they
will find in it rather agreeable exctcments and in
vitnS fields profitable venture. But to the farmer
the merchant ard the artisan-to all those peaceful
classes of men who make the soldid foundation of
the prosperity and greatness of the Statc-the con-
temptation of such condition of things is by no
means attractive. Their distress and ruin un-
avoidable if their liberties shall not be endan-
gered by the iron rigors of an ultimate military
deSpotism.
Why should this stupendous calamity, to detail
whose tcrrorS stagsers the Imagination of man, be
voluntarily invoked by the people of North-Carona
and of the South? Is the election Of Abraham
Lincoln to the Presidency. objectionable he is,
and humiliaing to pride as his success may be,
a sufficient for The destruction Of Govern
ment which has thus far never done wrong
Shall we act the part of Samson in the temple, and
bring down ruin upon ourselves so that haply We
may involve our foes at the North in the common
wreck? The overthrow of an enemy can furnish
but slender consolation for ones own downfall As
generous and honorable SouthernerS we should not
forget that large and gallant band of patriotic
Northern men, faithful among the faitheSS, who
have obcyed the beheStS of conscience, honor and
good faith rather than the suggestions of political
prefermcnt through an abandonment of their con.
stitutional duties. They have lnanfully sustained
our cause, and have borne for years the heat and
burden of the hard battle with abolitionisn in its
very strongholds. Though numerically inferior to
the fanatics, they have the preponderatng weight CT
property, character and intellect andupon them the
evils of disunion would chiefly fail We should not
willingly involve them in disaster merited only by
their and our adversares 1t is better that ninety
nine guilty escape than that one innocent man should
suffer. If GOD consented TO spare the city of Lot
if five righteous men could be found therein, shall
not we forbear little longer before abandoning the
Northern Sodom 10 fire and birthstone?
The Federal Constitution is our great and trusted
shield No injury has ever been perpetrated upon
us under covert Of any Of its provisions. No one
alleges that it has any dangerous tendencies as re-
CARDS our rights, that it DISCUSSES any injurious
powers. Its only fault is in inexpIicitness upon
some points whose importance could not have been
foreseen, but has been developed by events-a fault
not positive, but negative. The amendment of this
great charter of privileges so as to conform il
n tho new npcpSStipS that bavo or a,.on