Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-06-12
AMERICAN AFFAIas ~ ENGLAND.
Tone of Lord PslmersfOn's OrGan--lntei
estfng Comments OF the English Press

The foreign files by the Austrslasian, at New
York, show that the question of the American war
continued to engage attention The letter Of Cas-
sius NJ. Clay, in the London Times, had been follow
ed by another from Mr. Motley, the historian, who
had at great length set forth his views of the Amer
lean struggle. attributing all the trouble TO the
South. Mr. Clay had found an antagonist In the
person of Mr.. De Leon, formerly American Consul
n Egypt. Mr.. De Leon writes to the Times contro-
verting the points set up by the Kentuckian.
The tone Of the Palmerston organs is decidedly fs
vorable to the letter of marque plan of the South
ern Confederacy. Indeed it is now held by high
commercial and legal authority in England. that Its
commissioned priVateers may take prizes into any
neutral port and keep them there until their con-
demnation is pronounced by its admiralty courts
sitting in Charleston, New Orleans, Mobile or Sa-
Vannah. This judgment, if equally rendered, will,
it is alleged be binding on British maritime courts
The people of England are said to be ayerse to
the privateering business, but Mr.. Lindsay, NJ p,
who recently visited tins country, IN speech to his
constituents at Sunderland, advised France and
England to step forward and proclaim the indepen-
dence of the Southern Confederacy as the only
means of allaying the thirst for blood which, ne
saws prevails at the North. The London Morning
Post, Lord Pslmerston's organ, asserts that the
Southern States were de faeto independent at the
moment
Lord Palmerston says, through his london organ
the Post, that, Canada will soon become the centre
of commerce and emigration from the American
continent, and that domestic army is about to
spring from the ground in Canada, not only able to
protect the neutrality Of the province but to MAIN
tain that balance of power which the folly of Repubs
lican America has transferred to British North
America
From the London Economist.
The Americans are Just now standing in one of
those critical positions and at of those perious
moments Of nations life, which determine its fate
and its character during many future years, and,
possibly, many unborn generations. The gronnd
and xua rurffo IL hpI
washed from beneath our feet: the moment is very
short, and perhaps has already passed away. On
what may now be decIded-nay, too probably on
what has been already done-wil depend vast
good or almost incalculable evil The peaceful DIS
rltption of the Union should t5eLcO1ne most hopefully
as an almost urGUOsJed advantage civil war we
cannot but regard as an almost unmihgated mis-
chief breach cannot be healed by internecme
hostilites but it may easily be widened into an I'M
passable gulf. Even if rejuncton were possible,
and as desirable as the Northern Federahsts appear
to deem it,who can hope for it through the medium
of war The South can never again expect TO DOM
mate the North The North cannot seriously eTpect
to Slugdte the South nor. as ace hare often urged.
tco7d be toorh their Iohile to do To lure the
seceders back into the Union would be grand, and
| might be benefcient achievement to force them
back neither is feasible nor would be profitable.
Neither party, therefore, can subdue reem-
| brace the other-pFobab!y by no means, certainly
not by fighting.
into any strategic estimate of probabilities. 1t
| would be rash and almost irrelevant, to ask with
which party lie the best chances Of mastery. We
content ourselves with the positon-which even ex-
cited passion must we think admit 70 be irrefraga
| ble-that, to whichever side the balance may in
cllne the mutual mischief inflicted must be literal
" ncaculable and the completest Uicory which 1t
is possible for the North to achieve would bring
success worth achieving. As we have said over and
over again. stripping the question at issue naked.
I fnelfi inf
government fight TO preren the Sldce states doing that
loieh hey lc do juSt certainly after defeat or after
uietery as before the battle nay which Is already
| done and which not the most sanguine Abohtlonlst
believes can be undone ~ Mr.. C. NJ. Clay indeed
in that strange letter which he has addressed to the
/ Times and which is very model of feeble reason
/ ing and questionable taste-would fain persuade us
1 that his constituents know Clearly what they are
about to fight for, and that they really propose to
| themselves to subjHgste the seeding States, and
| believe they shall easily succeed in doing We
| can only say in reply that we have never met any
| sober countryman of his bold enough to avow the
same project, or to entertain the same expectation.
| But while we look with such grief and depreea-
ton on the prospect of sanguinary and unnatural
conflict between brethren for an underlined purpose
| and barren triumph, we are optimists enough to
/ contemplate the prospect of peaceful separation
and an amcabe partition of joint possessions with
much hope and even with positive satisfaction. We
| do not see why both parties why Europe why hC-
| manitv at large may not then be gamers by the
| catastrophe The two republics will be free, each
in its own sense and according the dictates of its
own experience, to amend that Constitution which
| one republic had go long felt, and sometimes avOw-
ed to be full of perils and defects They may be-
come friendly rivals and competitors in the art of
democratic craftsmanship. They may strive with
| each other as to which shall frst bring to perfec-
| ton system of genuine self government They
may profit by each others errors, may grow rich
| By each others prosperity, may grow strong by
| esch others progress.