Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-04-06

breaking up that government whose promises reach
ed humanity in every region of the world-promises
that have been indssolubly connected with liberty
and political happiness The wrong to all those IN
terests which they have done proves Oncusively to
my mind that the Union cannot be broken. 1t is
not yet broken They States may have seeded
"Seceded"- word altogether iegitimate, having
no origin foundation in any constitutional right,
and all that can be enigmatical in meaning-that L
am willing to apply here, Invested of all right and
Significance simply it is revolution against us
whereas revolution acknowledged and avowed is war
upon the nation against whom that revolution is at
tempted. Our Union so far as it exists in the sane
ton of the Constituton-so far as it exists in the
South-in all our laws, all popular opinion and SEN
:ment-still exists in theory though disobeyed and
disregarded by those who attempt to form another
nation and the wish of all is to bring them back-to
be again one and indivisib!e How shall it be best
done?
What is the policy for the General Government
to pursue? Now, Mr. President, without underta-
king to say what the exact policy-under crcum-
stances so singular the present hour presents us
With will only undertake to say that they ought
not to pursue a course of torcble coercion
Our object and desire is to bring them back into
former terms of Union and fellowship. That is the
object of our private affections, we'll as of our
public policy. To attempt bv coercion-by arms
to force them back into the Union at the point of
the bayonet-to shed their blood-is no way to win
their affections. Let them go on in peace with
their experiment This government is not bound
to patronize revolution against itself-therefore,
say let its policy be the policy of forbearance and
of peace. Let them make this experiment under
all the advantages that peace can give them. We
all hope, for their own good and their own welfare,
that their experiment will fail of success-that
when the increased expense of government formed
of few States and the thousand Inconvenience
that attend its disruption from the great body to
which it belonged-hke tearing off an arm from the
human system-when they have come to experience
all the pains and the troubles and
all the pests that attend, and must inevitably at
tend this extraordinary movement-they will be-
gin to look back to the great mansion of their tribe
the grand union of their great Republic-they will
wish TO return to their brethren, no longer to try
these hazardous experiments of making govern
ments separate from this government These are
truly hazardous experiments. / think they will
fail hope so only because that will have the ef-
feet of bringing them back into this Union 1t will
have the desirable effect of restoring lost breth
rem to / am, therefore, for the peace policy
Give them opportunity of making the expert
ment Do not excite them by or bloodshed-
They have been sufficiently msled by other causes.
Add to those the irritation that the sight of
blood would necessarily create and we can have no
possible hope Of reconciliation-them to US or we
to them
Let rather trust to peace. Let us trust to their
experence-ttre inconvenience of their errors They
will come back. We will invite them back-not re-
ceve them as brethren who have fallen into error
who have been deluded but who, discovering their
errors, manfully returned to us, who magnanimous-
ly receive them and rejoice over them. / want the
General Government to pursue this policy of peace
and forbearance. What shall the separate States
do? Those slaveholding States still adherng to the
Union ought to be more particularly forbearing
= But what shall old Kentucky do? Our affections
are all clustered upon her. Her peace her honor,
her glory, her interests Her character is
ours and proud heritage it is. love her with all
my heart | am one of the oldest of her children.
have been one of the most favored of her children
ard with heartfelt gratitude do | acknowledge it
with all my hearts devotion do | acknowledge it. /
can never repay the obligations which feel owe
to her. What shall Kentucky do-our country
our magnanmous old State-what shall she do in
this great criSs-this trial of nations faith p
Shall VIC join in the experimental governm4t of the
South, shall we adhere to the tried government
of the Union under which we live--under which
your fathers lived and died! | call upon you to
bear witness, as candid truthful men-do you know
Of any wrong that the government has ever done
you? Can you name any instance of wrong suffer
ed on account of your connection with the great
Union of which you part? Kentucky herself
came into existence under the COnstitution-and
under the Union that she still clngS to- Under its
protection she has grown from handful of pioneers
and few hunters to the noble State that she now
iS-in every passage Of her history maintaining her
character for honor and fidelity-for devotion to
CONnlTy-SecklnS,
distance, at whatever sacrifice, every battlefield
upon which the honor and the interest Of her
try were to be com6atted for. That is old Kentucky
Fearing nonc--feelng herself in influence and pow
er irresistible in the right cause, irresistible in de-
fence of herself she has gone on and prospered
Where is the man of Kentucky that fears that any
body will come here TO take away our rights from
us? Our seEpossession and character are founded
upon this conscious ability to defend ourselveS-that
there is none so bold as to attack us we being in
the right, they in the wrong.
Now what, ask again, is Kentucky to do? This
is question upon which many Of us. fellow-czens,
differ opinion / came not here to-day to re-
proach any for his opinion. | came to argue
the matter with my fellow citizens and to present
my views of the subjects one Of the people of
Kentucky. We should counsel together on such
occasions. No man should be entirely given up to
his opinion in such matters. He should listen with
respect to the arguments of all. 1t is the good Of
the country that is at stake and the opinions of all
should be heard and determined upon calmly and
dispassionately. II differ, it is only about the
means of advancing the interests of that country
What will we gain by going off with this seces-
sion movement-ths experimental government
Is it not hazardous experiment? Can seven States
well bear all the expenses that must arise out of the
maintenance of armies, of navies the expenses of a
state of government like own with like eX-
penses? They must have President. They will
probably not give him less salary then we give
our President They must have Congress- They
will not give their Congressman less than give
ours. They must have all the retinue, all the diff
erent departments of government, and they will
not place them, l Think at less cost than we
The army and the navy the expense of which our
legislators frequently complain of without being
able 10 diminish, that they must have also How
can these seven States defray the expenses? Is it
our interest to join this experimental government
to give up the grand heritage which we enjoy under
the established Constitution made by the men most
venerated by US, under which we have lived-a gov
eminent which has been thought throughout the
world to be masterpiece of human wisdom-shall
we who have grown and fourished under it and re-
garded it the most firmly established government
in the world il its PRINCIPLES are properly respect