The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-03-07
BALTIMORE.
THURSDAY, MARCH 7, Il

The South has, it alleges, good and sufficient
cause for the apprehension that its rights are Sc
riously endangered by the accession of the Repub-
lican party to power. The hostility of that party
to the institutions Of the South is well known,
and it is equally certain that, with the resources
it now possesses, it can soon cripple or destroy
those institutions, at least in the border States
To the laws and the Constitution only can the
South look for protection, and she must trust for
safety to the determination of the Federal Gov
eminent to administer these faithfully and impair
TALLY The people of the slave States have how
ever, for some time past had little confidence in
the disposition of those of the North to interpret
fairly and obey honestly the constitutional or e-
gislative enactments which were intended to Sc
cure the rights of the slaveholding section of the
country. That these apprehensions have been
well founded we have frequently endeavored to
demonstrate, and if the evidence upon this point
which Mr.. LINCOLN himself has now furnished, is
not deemed conclusive, it is scarcely worth while
for those who differ upon the subject to ar
que it any further. What obstacles now
intervene between the institution of slavery and
an administration which may desire to subvert il?
On what substantial guarantees can the South
now rely for protection? What barriers are left
standing over which abolitionism cannot leap at
pleasure? Mr.. LINCOLN repudiates implied consti-
tutional obligations, and refuses to be bound by
the decisions of the courts upon constitutional
questions. He has deliberately, and in the face
of the nation, ignored no less than three vital
propositions which have been heretofore solemnlv
aHi ind rol 10 l..
PRIGG and DRIED ScoTT cases, explicitly deter
mined that tie STAKEHOLDER has the right to go
into the common territory-that negroes are not
citizens of the United Sates-and that it is the
duty of the national and not of the State au-
thorities to secure the rendition of fugitive slaves
Upon each and all of these points the adminstra-
ton of Mr.. LINCOLN is committed to doctrines at
variance with those laid down by the Supreme
Court, and it is further pledged to disregard the
ruling of that tribunal in all cases, in which its
exposition of the law may thwart the schemes of the
government. Mr.. LINCOLN is not bound, he says
by anything except what is ''plainly written" in
the Constitution. The "express' provisions OF
that instrument he will consent to defer to- but he
will not be guided by an implied obligation or
Judicial Interpretation. Now, as the ''express'
or ''plainly written" provisions of the Constitu-
ton concerning slavery amount to little or moth
ing, it is obvious that Mr.. LINCOLN feels that
correspondingly small duty is imposed upon him
with reference to the interests or safety of the
institution. The assurance which the STAKEHOLDER
will henceforth have of protection at the hands of
hostile administration must be slight indeed
And when the mass of the Republican party ac-
cepts the doctrine now held by many, that the
Constitution does not recognize or protect slavery
anywhere, successor TO Mr.. LINCOLN will proba-
bly, be elected who will not find himself restrained
even by any 'express" provision from assailing
the institution in the States