The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-10-04


original numbers while the Union army melted
away by the loss Of the three months men. The
consequence was that Lyon was overwhelmed
by vastly superior numbers at Springfield, as
was Muligan subsequently at Lexington, and
the rebellion Is now dominant over three
fourths of the State. All this time Fremont
was in possession Of large reinforcements, which
were idle and not needed Immediately for any
other purpose; and yet he did not send them to
the relief Of his brave generals till it was too
late. He busted himself in fortifying st. Louis
at cost of a million of dollars, when it was
not in danger, or when, If 1t was imperilled,
the best way to defend it was to
promptly overthrow the rebels in the
southwest and west Of the State. BY allowing
them to concentrate their forces and to destroy
his scattered detachments in detail, he has placed
s.. Louis in real jeopardy, from which nothing
but great victory at Lexington, Bonneville or
Jefferson City can save it. Indeed, his abrupt
departure with all his force to the latter place,
and leaving scarcely any troops to protect his
base of operations, though knowing he would
not be able to advance from Jefferson City for
q fortnight, was going to the other extreme, and
exposed st. Louis to capture had Pillow been
sufficiently sharp and energetic to take advan-
tage of it; and even now it is by no means GER
tain that Price may not avoid Jefferson City and
march by detour upon 81. Louis, while McCul-
loch or some other rebel general holds the force
at Jefferson City in check. His military insub-
ordination in preventing an Indiana regiment
from obeying an order Of the War Department
must be added to these heavy charges. His
incompetency, therefore, as q general and dis
regard of authority are sufficiently demonstrat-
ed to convince the government that it ought not
to trust him any further in Missouri. Why,
without military education or experience, he
was ever appointed general in so important a
position is one of the wonders Of this war.
But it is not only in point Of generalship, but
in political capacity, that he has shown
his want of sagacity. His unauthorized pro-
clamaton-applauded to the third heaven
by all the abolition organs and dcmagogues in
the country-was most understandable, and cal
cuated to do irreparabie mischief. But for the
prompt and decided action of the President
countermanding the main point in it, kentucky
would have been lost to the Union and it is no.
torous that it has turned nearly all the Union
men in Missouri into rebels, and We have good
republican authority for the fact that since it
was issued body of Union Home Guards
threw down their arms, saying "they would not
fight for abolition" Well knowing the effect it
is producing in the South, the rebel chieftains
are iEdustrously circulating il. while they care
fully suppress the Presidents modification.
There are, or at least were, numerous friends OF
The Union in tic Southern States, but few or no
aboitionists. Upon that issue the population
OF the whole South are o unit, and the war; if
conducted upon the principles Of The proclama-
ton, would endure for twenty ycars.
The slave question is one Of property, and not
of principle, and is to be regulated upon the
SAME grounds as other property. The war is
for the constitution and the Union, not to sub
vert everything, and reduce our political system
to chaos. This is what the Tribune and Sum-
ner, and the whole band of abolitonsts, are
working to accomplish. They accordingly
praise Fremonts proclamation, and warmly
take up his defence. The Tribune says it will
be very difficult, if not impossible, to conquer
ten millions of people who are unanimous; but
let a decree Of emancipation 90 forth from the
national capital, and four of these ten millions
0he negroes) are ut once transformed into ar
dent and active allies of our government Ii this
were realized, it could only be by the 'bloodiest
record in the page of time" Dut it is a vain
dclusion. There is no example in history Of
slaves rising against their masters when en-
gagged in war with foreign enemy. Tie Soutl-
ern negroes have not the power if they had the
will, and they have not The will if they had the
power. With few isolated exceptions, the
slaves have been treated too we'll to rebel, and
have too little appreciation Of such liberty as
the abolitonists would give them. AS the Lon
don Post well observes, "both in the North and
the South the negro is treated as the member
of degraded and subscrvicnt race, and Mrs
Stoves fiction, however charming, cannot dis
prove the fact" The Tribune, therefore, may
set down the ten millions Of Southern popula-
ton as thoroughly united by decree of eman-
cipation, and the four millions of slaves as
more subseryient and useful to the whites than
in times of peace.
Napoleon the First, in his war with Russia,
declined to proclaim the emancipation Of the
scrfs for two reasons:-First, because he feared
they were unfit for liberty and secondly.
because he could not hope that the Russian
Emperor ever would become his friend
again if he encouraged them to RISE Now we
know by our own experience of the negro at
the North that be is unfit for republican free
dom, and is in every way happier and better
in state of servitude at the South; and we
could not hope that the Southern white popula-
ton could ever become our friends again if we
induced thcir'negroes to rise against them. But
to recover their friendship is the object of the
war; otherwise it would be the most foolish
war ever waged by mortal man. Nor is the
case Of the Russian serfs parallel to that of the
negro slaves, as the Tribune argues. They are
white men and capable Of freedom. The natu-
raj condition Of the negro is to be slave.
Sumner makes the same blunder when speak
ing of the slaves Of ancient Greece and Rome,