Clarksville chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1857-1865, 1861-04-12
NUMBER 10.
Lincoln's Inaugural.
[From bid Lendon rimes, March ] !. 4

c.l
Tho four months Of the American intcrrcgnum
have elapsed and the United States or rather such
of them as still consent to acknowledge him, have
once more a chief Magistrate cleeled accoring to
the institutions which men fondly hoped would be
perpetual. The boundaries Of the republic, If we
regard it from actual, instead of legal point Of
view, have sadly shrunk during the winter that had
just passed. The Union has lost its point of con-
tact with the Gulf of Mexico, and seven stars have
fallen from its armament. Among the States that
still remain there is desponcncy mstrist, aud mis-
giving the destiny of the Border States stremb-
ling in the balance, and that man must indeed have
confidence in his foresight who would take upon
himself TO assert TO which OF the two Confederaces
they will belong at the close of the present year.
The principle of dsintegraton has been introduced
aud no say how far il may spread.
II is under these circumstances Of unparalleled
difficulty and danger that Mr. Lincoln has been SOL
EMMY sworn in rs President of the Unied States at
Washington, in the presence of quiet aud orderly
multitude of 10000 persons. If we say that his
speech does not appear to equal to the occasion,
we convey very severe eeusure, for where is the
statesman orator who could give expression 10
sentiments and declarations worthy of a crisis 80
momentousP Mr.. bincolns speech commences by
declaration somewhat similar to that which has
been made with 50 little success by Mr. Seward
tie wishes to quiet the appreheDsions of the South
caused by the election of Republican President
to tamper with their domestic institutions. We
confess that we see in this language, which has al
ready been held at hundreds of meetings by every
Republican orator. nothing calculated TO reassure
any one or to win any support.
The President and the audiences he addresses
must know that the secession of the South is the
result of well considered and deeply laid scheme
and that its motives to be found in the wish to
secure vast tract of territory, in the dislike of the
South to protective tariff, in the determination Of
her public men TO retain Office and power, in tho
distrust of the judges who may be introduced into
the United States courts by Republican President,
and above all, in the bitter antipathy which has
grown up and strengthened year by year between
the two sections of the Union. Would it not be
better candidly to admit this and 70 place the quar-
rel before the American people IN all its full import
and significance than to effect to believe that il can
be reconciled by the concession of matters which
it is well known have never been seriously in dis
pute
We must however admit that Mr. Lincoln has
been perfectly clear and explicit in defining the
course he means to adopt He disclams all attempts
at guiding his actions by considerations of policy
and expedency, and takes merely lawyers view
of the subject
Whether the President announces his intention to
invade the South not is matter of little conse-
queHce except for the satisfaction OF his own con-
science. The revenue will not be levied nor tho
forts occupied without the employment of armed
force, and the first resistance which that force meets
scatters to the winds all IT, fair professions about
nnwilingness to invade or coerce. War once COM
menced, and that civil war, will be carried on we
may be well assured, in no judiciousor compunctous
spirit.
The position Of the American President calls for
every allowance from persons who from distance
criticize his actions but we should have had much
more nope for the future had his speech been found
ed more the actual position Of affairs and less
upon the formal requirements of the Constitution.
We have always thought that the steps proposed
by Mr. Lincoln might have checked Secession had
they been taken in the first instances but time has
been allowed to elapse, rebellion to consolidate it
self and il is TO tre with great danger to attempt
to limit the means of putting il down to the exer-
else OF one or two constitutional functions. Would
1t not be better to recognize at once the formation
Of the Southern Confederscy and to think little
less of constitutional powers and decorums which
can end in nothing but civil war, and little more
Of negotiation and arrangement by which alone
that civil war can be ayerted? II would be an in
elligible course the President to say that he
is going to negotiate for peace, or that he is going
to enforce a return TO the Union by arms Nbut to
say that he is going to exercise the powers of the
Constitution ignor1g altogether the fact secession,
is to make war certain while cutting of any opPor-
tunity for negotiation.