Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-10-02
From the London Post Palmerstons organ) September
Failure OF American institutions.

1t is scarcely more than a year ago that We
were continually reminded, by popular speaker
of the extreme Liberal section. that the citizens
OF the United States of America were the best
governed people in the world. The orators CO.
pous eloqueace told out the glories Of the Trans
atlantic Republic in round and ringing periods
with so much unqualified praise, and dsparaged
the Institutions of his country in such
measured terms of detracton, that any one
might have supposed that it was America and not
England that had the honor of giving birth to the
speaker. Well-informed men know that the fer
vent panegyrics which elected the applause of
the crowds in Birmingham and Manchester were
mere rant, that the glories portrayed did not
list, and that the institutions of America were
even yet on their trial, and that any laudatory
speeches were at least premature. But the mob
thought not so. The mob is a very unthinking
creature, and so that a thing is luently and con
fidentlv said, it does not much inquire into the
logic of the speaker, or his experience or his We
racity. So the popular mind readily took in that
monarchy led to aristocracy, and aristocracy to
bad government, heavy taxes, restricted trade and
all other forms of popular oppression. 1t did not
pause to search history, it did not care to weigh
evidence; it found plausible theory put conf
IDENTIFY before it, and it took it up and shouted for
it as for a truth.
The experience of the last year has, we should
hope, taught both the demagogue and his credu
lous admirers TO modify their enthusiasm, and be
little more patient under the oppression of Eng
fish limited monarchy. We have no desire to
hold up American short comings to the scorn of
the world; we deeply regret the circumstances of
America; we lament the war, and its causes and
consequences too sincerely to make light of that
infatuated peoples msfortunes. But at the same
time, since an invidous comparison has been pop
ularly made by member of our own Legisla-
ture, for the purpose OF political party, we do feel
justified in pointing out that by no possibility
could crisis like that which now rends the
American States have occurred under the Con
stitutiOn which we have the happiness to possess,
or have had its origin in the social circumstances
by which we are surrounded. The condition of
America breaches to us with as loud voice as
the condition of Italy did three years ago, and it
tells US that nation may suffer depression and
collapse from over extension, as well as from
over restriction of the popular element. 1t tells
us also that unbridled democracy is selfish thing
and, once given the power, will sacrifice every
social and moral tie to its own ascendancy. Had
it been otherwise. slavery could not have existed
in the form which it has always worn there, nor
would it have been suffered to become the foster
ing provocative of that deadly civil conflict which
is now so great scandal to civilization and to
Cnristendom.
Let us see what the model Republic, the fruit
of universal suffrage, has done. First, in the in
stitution of slavery, it set at nought in social life
the primal law of human equality on which its
political life depended With this seed of future
disunion within itself it proceeded to develop a
policy based on the expediency of the hour, and
without reference to the great canons of political
economy which embody the collective experience
of the world in the science of government. Its
grand rule was to raise to the highest pinnacle of
authority the favorite of the hour-to entrust
HIM with very limited powers, to leave no margin
tor his genius or discretion, and to displace him
after given time without reference to his merits
or his powers of serving his country The con
sequence is that from Washington to Lincoln the
Americans have never had a President who was
man of genius, or who has materially helped
the country, or shed any lasting briance upon
its administration.
If the Americans have lived in comparative
peace. it is because they have had no one to quar-
rel with and they have ended their long course of
neutrality by quarreling with one another. The
of that quarrel is credtable &c neither party
There is no single principle which chivalry would
recognize on either side. The conduct of the war
is equally unredeemed by single feature credit
able to the heads of either army. Thus far the
Americans have been powerless to prevent war,
and powerless to conduct il when it came. The
whole administration has proved itself fault.
The moment it was severely tried it collapsed
and came TO grief, and now there is no regular
army, no discipline among the volunteers, clear
line of policy, no elasticity of revenue.
There is abundance of enthusiasm and fabulous
contingents Of men, and enormous supplies of
money are freely voted and raised; but there is a
want of governing and administrative power.
Neither the men nor the money economised,
and as for taxation it has become frightful; and
when the is over. If it ever be over, the
States of America viii be the heaviest taxed Of
all the countries in which the Anglo Saxon race
has taken root. We make these observations in
no unfriendly spirit; but when we have been
ostentatiousiy told 70 take pattern by America, it
Is part OF our duty TO help our countrymen TO see
how the American model works under one of
those terrible strains which sooner OF later puts to
crucial test the efficiency of all political const
tutions, and all theories of civil administration