The Athens post. [volume] (Athens, Tenn.) 1848-1917, 1861-01-25

hallowed feet. But as great platform, |
extending from ocean to ocean, upon
which, could il be carried out in its true
spirit, thirty millions Of free people and
their increase might stand in an enduring
confederation to the latest generation yet
unborn. The intellectual powers of orr
greatest Statesmen haye been spent, and
the English language culled for oppropri
ate words in merited eulogies upon this
great specimen of human wisdom in the
science of fundamental law. 1t bears the
name Of Washington, Madison, franklin,
Hamilton, and others, whose great spirits
brooded over the battlefelds of the
American Revolution. 1t Is the founda-
ton of the temple of American liberty
the bonds of our national Union, which
was cemented by the blood of our faith
ers. We owe our national increase, the
acquisition of territory, our wealth and
happiness, our national greatness and
glory, to the Union of these United
States as bound together by this sacred
instrument. True, it was written by the
father of his country that cunning, am
| bilious and designing men would en-
gender sectional strife for the purpose of
destroying this free government. But
who could have supposed that before its
first cntennial anniversary, that the peo-
pie would be called upon in their soye-
reign capacity to vote upon the naked
question of Union or Dsunion? Such,
however, is the fact. We are now called
upon to say whether or not, and upon
what conditions. this glorious Union shall
be preserved 1t is fact well known,
| that for period of near q half century
this government moved on quietly and
without rufiie under the present Con-
stitution. While the Statesmen of the
purer days Of the Republic held the
rcigns Of Government, and carried out
the true principles Of the Constitution,
our people were happy and prosperous.
The great question OF Slavery, which has
caused all of our present difficulties, was
wisely settled in the Constitution by no
further mention of it than n clause re-
lative to fugitive slaves, in the following
words mo person held to service or
labor in our State under the laws there.
of escaping into another shall, in conse-
quence of any law or regulation therein,
DC discharged from such service or la
Dor, but shall be delivered up on the
claim of the party to whom such service
or labor may be due" 1t is manifest to
every rejecting mind that Congress has
no power under this section of the Con-
stitution to legislate upon the slavery
question, either to establish or abolish it,
i'll any State, District or Territory. This
institution, as all must see, must have its
origin in separate State legislation. Con-
gress then, having no power either to
establish or to abolish slavery, could i'm
part no such power to territorial legis
lature, since the stream can rise no high
err than its fountain, neither conld the
territorial legislature impart this power
TO the people, until they 90 TO form their
Constitution. In the formation of their
Constitution the people have undoubted-
ly the right, under the provision, to es-
| tablish slavery or not, as they choose
Every member in the Congress of the
United States was held by his oath of
Office to non intervention, in its proper
sense, in regard alike to the institution of
slavery and to its abolition either in the
States or territories. While Congress,
then, has no power to institute slavery in
the State of Pennsylvania it has none to
abolish it in the State of Virginia: and
while the Constitution cannot recognize
slavery in the State Of Pennsylvania, be-
cause it does not exist there under her
State laws, it can and does recognize it
in the State Of Virginia, as existing under
the laws thereof
Under the Cd clause of the Sd section
."u, u; n''''iT' u, 'iG Nol'S'l'"t'oii' Con
~, y 49,, 49, aS m,sa o zee power 10 Hspose
~ ",o "''Ne a., ','eJ'i"' tu.uS nnt rt'Su-
l"t'I" ,It", H. '"e .ell''or'es' ~ Is
u MIMI, ti,n, .i;'. oHnsLtSs IS .te 'on-
NV, ,i';, '''t".i ": 'lo ih.""t ,erri-
~? "''tt ,h,'.o' .. III 'Irr'oF,ai con
u ''n;'i , 81, wy ,ie Puoi'c uoiiia'h
WILL, iI 'I,' 'i ,p "'on"9oe uy 'he coih-
; ;ioi. o'oo' Nv .,o"Ielo vi i'ie i'a'ioh-
INVITES P"'Gn"sers rom an parts OF the
eou''', E-SG'is .leii in"u 'or Valne re-
ecNu,', "'lu Petuits thcnl 10 enter the
se'.n1o'9 MN men horses' cattle ana
nvs'Teo nii'it uro reco9ii!Aou rs prop
y ~ 'e Uono'i'u''o'i III the states
IV "H.''' ."ey seNer"iiy eiiisra'e'-
"ou'" ~ hoo oe cohsis'eht win me
sP''i. VI '"c Soiis'''e'ioii 10 project lbis
PIoPe'V unt,i 'ne iorili'tioh Oh Htate
s''.s,'li .nousii can ma no
eMh''1' si"ri. Vi Po"ti' III 80 many WORDS
- na,,,d a. IT, ~ ot ~ ."o Iono.ush II that
20 II eon' iiii'y 10 the
Pm; ~ III riue Cons.itu',oh' as wen as 10
','' Piin'iPie vi Justice, that
they shouiu Proteci every species OF
property linen, II l am fiSnt IN tins
POSITION when congress had afforded the
necessary protection toslavery as species
OF property recognized by the Cohstitu-
ton, 1t had spent Its constitutional pow
ers and could go no further IN the terri
tories. The moment, then, that Con-
gress admitted abolition petitions, and
suffered the slavery question to enter the
national councils, was the unhappy pc
RODS that antedates the troubles that
/ hnnn h1DnlaSt q N