Clarksville chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1857-1865, 1861-03-08

With Wow and hope of peaceful solution Of the
national troubles the restoration Of the fraternal
sympathies and affections
That there are persons in one section or another.
who seek to destroy the UnioL at all events and are
glad Of any prrtext TO do It, will neither affirm OF
deny, but if there be SUCH need address them no
word. To those however who really love the I'm
ion, may speak before they enter upon so grave a
matter as the destruction of our national fabric,
with all its benefits memories and hopes-wonld It
not be wise to ascertain previously why we hazard
so desperate step2 While there is any possibility
that any portion of the Ills you fly from have no
real existence while the certain ills you fy to are
greater than all the real ones you fly FROM will you
risk the commission Of so fearful mistaken All
profess to be content in the Union if all Constitu-
tional rights be maintained Is it true then
that any right plainly written in the Constitution
has been denied2 think not. Happily, the hui
man MUD is so constituted that no party can reach
to the audaeity of doing this. Think if you can
of single instance it which Mainly written pro-
vision of the Constitution has ever been denied
IL by the mere force Of numbers majority shall
deprive minority of any clearly written Constitu-
tiona right, it might in moral point of view JUS
tify revolution. II certainly would, If such a
right were vital one; but such is not our case
all the vital rights of minorities and Of individuals
are so plainly assured TO them by aflirnations and
negations, guarantees and prohibitions in the Con-
stution that controversies never arise concerning
them. But no organic law can be framed with a
provision specifically applicable to every question
which may occur in practical administration. No
foresight anticipate, nor any document of reas-
enable length contain express provisions for all pos
sible questions. Shall fugtives from labor be sur
rendered by National or State authority? The Con-
stitution does not expressly say. May Congress
prohibit slavery in the Territories The Constitu-
ton does not expressly say Must Congress protect
slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does
not expressly say; Upon questions of this class
spring ali our constitutional controversies, and we
divide upon them into majorities and minorities.-
If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority
must or the Government must cease. There is no
other alternative for continuing the Government,
but acquiesence on the side or the other. If a
minority in such case will seccde rather than acqni-
esce they make precedent, which in turn will di-
vide and ruin them for a minority of their own
will secede from them whenever majority refuses
to be controlled by such minority: For instance
Why may not any portion of new confederacy, a
year or two hence arbitrarily secede again. precise
ly as portions of the present Union now claim to
secede from it. All who cherish Disunion senti-
ments are now being educated TO the exact temper
of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of in
terests among the States to compose a new union as
to produce harmony and prevent renewed secession
Plainly, the central idea OF secession is the essence
of anarchy.
A majority, held in restraint by constitutional
checks and limitations and always changing easily
with the deliberate changes of popular opinions and
sentiments, is the only true sovereign of free peo-
pie. Whoever rejects it, docs of necessity fly to
anarchy or despotsm. Unanimity is impossible.
The rule of minority, as permanent arrangement,
is wholly inadmissibe. So that rejecting the ma
jorty principle, anarchy and despotism, in some
form, is all that is left. do not forget the position
to be decided by the Supreme Court Nor do | de-
ny that such decisions must be binding in any case
upon the parties to suit as to the object of that
suit, while they al;o EN- ted to vry high rep ct
and consideration in all parallel cases by all other
departments of the Government aud while it is
obviously possible that such decision NAV be err
roneous in any given case, STILL the evil effect fol-
lowing it being limited to that particular case with
the chance that it may be oyerruled and never be-
come precedent for other cases, can better be
borne than could the evils of q different practice
AT the same time the candid citizens must confess
that if the policy of the government upon vital
questions etfecting the whole people is to be irrevo-
cably fixed by decision of the Supreme Court the
instantthey are made in deciding litigation between
parties in personal actions, the people will have
ceased to be their own rulers, having TO that extent
practically resigned their government into the hands
of that tribunal. Nor is there, in this view, any
assault upon the Court or Judges It's duty from
which they may not shrink to decide cases proper
y brought before Them and it is no fault of theirs
if Others seek to turn their decisions to polit-
ical purposes. One section of onr country
believes slavery is right and ought 10 be extended
while the other believes it is wrong and ought not
to be extended. This is the only substantial dis
pute for the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution
and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave
trade are each as well enforced perhaps as any law
can be IN a community where the moral sense Of
the people imperectly supports the law itself The
great body of the people abide by the dry legal oh
legation in both cases. After the separation of the
sections the foreign slave trade now mpertectly
suppressed, would be ultimately levived without re-
striction in one section, while fugitive slaves now
only partially surrendered would not be surrendered
at all by the other.
Physically speaking we cannot superintendent
remove our respective sections from each other mol
build an impossible wall between them The hus
band and wife may be diovced and 60 out of the
presence of each other but the different parts of coun
| try cannot do this. They cannot but remain face
to face, and an intercourse either amicable or hos
tile must continue between them. Is it possible ther
to make that intercourse more advantageous or moro
satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens
make treaties easier than friends can make laws
Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between
aliens than among friends? Suppose you go to wal
you cannot fight always and when after much los
on both sides and no gain on either you cease fight
ing. The old identical questions to terms of in
tercourse are again upon you. This country with
its institutions belongs to the people who nhabit it
Whenever they shall grow weary Of the existing
government, they can exercise their constitutional
right of amending it. or their revolutionary right tC
dismember or overthrow it. Icaunot be ignorant O
the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens arr
DESTROYS of having the National Constitution amend
ed While make no recommendations of amend
ments, fully recognize the rghtful authority OF the
people over the whole subject is TO be exercised il
either of the modes prescribedn the instrument Itself
and should from existing circumstances, favor rath
er than oppose, fair opportunity being offered fol
the people to act upon it. will venture to ado
that to me the Convention mode seems preferable
inasmuch as it allows the amendment to originate
with the people themselves instead only of permit
ting them to take or reject proposition originated
by others not especially chosen for the purpose anC
which might not be precisely such as they woul(
wish either to accept or refuse. understand pro
posed amendment to the Constitution, which amend
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