Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1861-01-17

tence Of slavery in many Of the States, and
Iasows that there Is no right in the free
States, or in the General Government 70
any interference, directly orindirectly, with
slavery ia the Slave States, he is opposed
to its extension unauthorized by law. The
multitude Of people by whose sutirages he
has been elected, entertain the same 'lews.
There is nothing unconstitutional IN enter
flaming such views, or in expressing or
ilavowing such opinions. There is no pre-
tence by any considerable number Of people
anywhere, that there can be any legal in
terfeStnce with slavery in the Slave States,
except by the people Of the States them
selves. The right or power Of interfering
Iby force is almost universally denied.
Yet, on account Of the result Of such an
election. interfering with the rights Ct no
people. or class of people, either il or out
lof the slave States; taking away the rights
Of no State, nor Of the people Of any State
and on account of opinions and principles
precisely such as were entertained by
Washington and Jefferson and Madison,
and all the early Presidents and Statesmen
both in the slavehoiding and non-slaye'
holding States, violence is invoked, and
armed men, making actual war upon the
nation, threaten dissolution Of this Union
and I e destruction Of this government.
THE Constitution of the United States
Intakes no ma slave. Itmakes slaves Of
no class of men. The great leading idea
lef the government, that underlies all, OYER
shadows all, permeates all, is civil and re-
lloious liberty. The idea that slavery I'M
der such Constitution goes travelling into
1.-The free territories, without any local law
lin those territories authorizing or tolera-
ting il, is both absurd and wicked. Men
are not universally recognized as property,
or as the common subjects OF property
THE fact that class of men are held as
slaves under the laws of any given State,
ldoes not make them slaves out Of the Juris-
Idiction Of that State, unless itcan be legally
land Iegitimately assumed that the laws Of
Ia Slave State follow the slave outside Of
that State, and are in actual force beyond
its limits Because the people Of the free
States entertain views opposed to slavery
extension, and because they have elected a
I President Of the same faith, war is threat
lened, and devastation, AMI blood.
A variety Of excuses are made for the
Threatening attitude assumed toward the
Government and Union. The extreme
1 Southern States complain Of the Personal
Liberty Bills, and demand their immediate
and unconditional repeal.
In the Slave States farthest South, from
which slave has scarcely ever escaped,
there is the most apparent excitement on
this subject. Further complaints are made
be ause of the difficulty Of enforcing the
Fugitive Slave Law in the North. Odious
las that law is, it has been enforced in al
lmost every State where the attempt has
been made. Whether right OF wrong, this
lis the fact That people should object to
IAN odious, and, as they believe, unconstitu-
ltional law, which calls upon them to aid in
reducing men to slavery, is not remarkable.
a change in its oppressive features would,
II Just TO the extent Of the change, do away
with hostility to it.
Personal liberty laws are found, or sho'd
be found, upon the statutes of every State.
They ought TO lie there. All States have
them. both North and South, varying in
their character and provisions, yet still per-
sonal liberty laws. The highest duty of
the legislature of any civilized State, is to
provide by every constitutional means for
the protection Of the rights Of person Of the
citizen. So a law for the protection and
preservation of the liberty of the people,
cannot be too stringent if it is within the
tConstitution. The States never surrender
ed the right to protect the person of citizens.
Every living human being has rights to
legaltest to the question of whether he is a
free man or slave While it cannot be
consented thai laws, looking to the protect
lion of liberty, should be repealed, vet all
such laws should conform to the Constitu-
ton Of the United States. lion close ex-
animation and scrutiny, you are satisfied
that any Of the provisions of our personal
liberty laws are in conflict with the Con
stitution, il will be your duty, as yourpleas-
ure, to so change them THAI they shall con-
4 lOl30 10 blldL OOISlltullOU. Dill no ICdF,
no favor no hope Of reward, no demand,
mo threat, should ever induce or drive free
tpeop.e to break down the walls of their
Iproteetion. We love the Constitution and
the Union of these States. We will make
sacrifices of feeling to appease and concili-
ate our brethren, but zoe WiH make no
more sacrifices of principle. While this
government stands, and we consent 10 live
under il, Liberty may pay to Slavery the
price the Fathers agreed should be paid,
hut, with our consent, it shall pay no more.
We viii abide by, and have meyer refused
to abide by, the Compromises Of our com
mon Constitution. But, subject to that
Constitution, the civil and religious liberty,
for which the flesh 81 the martyrs melted
and their bones cracked, in the flames; for
(which the Pilgrims became Pilgrims, aud
for which our fathers fought, shall travel
down toother generations as they came
careering on in the midst Of the ages, with
not one right impaired or one attribute
lost
The remedy chosen for the imaginary
evils suffered by the South. is Secession