New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-10-16

naval achNny mere. heglncnb ue D'''hS VI
oftenor than need he mentioned, and THE State will
have more than her quota in the field
an APPEAL TO AMERICAN CHRISTIANS.
In the fearful peril which has suddenly arrested
the peaceful progress Of the nation, all have com
mon interest. Involving the Church as well az the
State, its progress and prospective results does Il
not demand Of Christians special soliciude III regard
to the new responsibility it imposes upon them as
members OF the body polite And is the necessity
less apparent of mutual conference and prayer for
needed wisdom and grace at this appalling junctnre
/ While there il very general agreement IN the
popular mind that Slavery is the real cause oil our
troubles there is less unanimty of opinion az to the
results TO be apprehended or hoped for The MAORI
ty regard it as merely q struggle to MAINTAIN 'he
authority Of tho Government end the integrity OF the
Union These objects secured they look no tuither'
MANY, however think they see III this conflict the
doom of oppression. Without indicating the tcay
of reaching this result, or engaging IN any measures
designed to secure it, they hope for II.
Itis greatly to be feared, however, that IN tins
! The with is father Of the thought
as in IL we have another illustration of what has
ever been the bane Of our policy, the substitution OF
exuec,ation for execution an indOlen hope Of some
good desired for the effort necessary to secure H.
like the " optimists and quietis,s,' crying no
danger" OF whom Mr.. Webster so bitterly com
planned, when he ysinly attempted to rodsc the
North 10 resist the annexation OF lexasi IKE VII.
Webster himself who refused to support the Nllmot
Proviso for the new territory wreGed from Mexico,
In consequence Of the war, provoked by that annex
alton ON the plea that he "wOnld not re'ensct the
laws of God;' like thousands expecting tbe NORM
TO be reused TO resistance by the outrages OF the
Fugitive Slave act the bred Scott decision, the John
Brown affair, though doing nothing to turn these
events 10 any such accounts there is reason 10 Tear
that those row expecting the present war TO destroy
Slavery, while doing nothing TO forward such q
result, will yet wake up TO the terrible fsct, 'hat IL
" is only scotched not killed.
/ III Slavery, which has ruled the nation for fifty
years and lnsuguraed the present war because that
control could not continue uR3HeStf9Hed, is TO DC
abolished ia il probable that so great resul. IL 10
be secured except by measures specially designed
for such a p,rpose2 In present possession OF the
ground, with all toe guarantees, constitutions,
legislative, and judicial, afforded 10 It's lmper0us
demands by an ohsequious Government, VIII II REM
quish not merely its control but ts existence, with
out r. struggle-a struggle made necessary by tpe-
cifc efforts Tor its overthrow And yet do we not
look in vain for such eiorts IN any movement,
popular or governmental in that direction Some
have hoped much from Gen. Buffers decision, re.
garding the slaves Of rebels ss "contraband Of
war" TO be used for service If needed, and the
PROCLAMATION Of Gen. Fremont, and the recent act
of Congress, confscsting them. There can be little
ground of hope, 1t would seem, for such acts OF
merely strategic policy, when We look In vain for
apy expression Of purpose wish, from either de-
partmeut of Government, civil or military, 10 inter-
fere with the principle Of tie system; when lead
ing editor in defense OF the Administration, abiding
10 those acts can say that they Affect Slavery only
the same as other property" and member OF the
, Cabinet" in q recent speech IN New~Engiand eiy
declares that this war IL not war upon the ihst
tuition Of Slavery, but war for the restoration OF
the Union and the protection Of all citizens IN The
well
rghtsp Some affect 20 gard these acts as but the
entering wedge TO more thorough ana TaolcAl
policy, that shah completely rend or destroy the
connection between the Government and the system
With what color Of probability such an opinion can
. be cherished, il Is difficult for US 10 see.
Ii ia no part Of our present purpose, however, 20
impugn the motives, inveigh against the policy Of
3 the present Administration. We are not unaware OF
the serious difficulties that iDcumber the subject Of
Slavery and the best method OF restoringt0 four nil
lions Of our down-tTodden and benighted country
men their long-lost though inalenable rights. We
can readily account for the reluctance OF lie members
to add to he fearful responsibility Of conducting e
present campaign, the duty OF graphing With the
cause. Nor do we overlook the danger they may
appiehend OF taking position too far IN advance Of
the people Who after all, make Governments and
Constitute the source Of political power We recog-
nize these difficulties, and regard them as second
only to those Of an attempt at securing peace while
ignoring and leaving untouched the prolific source Of
all our troubles. Indeed, we find in them our great
argument IN favor OF our appeal 20 the people. espe
cialy 10 the Christian portion of those on whom, IN
fact rests the responsibility of deciding the question
involved. Representing, therefore, society organ
lied to induce action by the churches with refer
ence to Slavery, and TO inculcate the duties OF civil
government, OF civil rulers and Of citizens in respect
to ito overthrow, Z we feel called upon by motives
g of patriotism humanity and Christian consistency,
u without dogmatism or empicism, to ask breth-
rem to weigh with candor the following considera-
% tions involving indeed but small part Of the great
subject, and yet indicating particular points which
seem 10 US specially important.
And first, we would inquire whether or not, the
I, great need Of the nation IS larger INFUSION Of the
{ religious element into oar g00ernmeRtal p0iicyf
We need political sagacty and military strategy Of
the highest order. But do we not need more loyal
fidelity 70 he deeper convictions Of our moral
lures To us il seems that the great problem that
camors loudest for solution ID moral rather than po
tical--not 90 much whether the seeded States shall
be compelled TO retarn 10 their allegiance 20 the Ma
tiOnal Government, as whether the Nation itself
shall return 70 lie allegiance TO the government Of
God. To ignore, therefore, the great question Of hui
man Tights, in an attempt 20 establish those that
merely governmental, will probably prove vain
Fret Itoverooks the natural workings Of the great
law of cause and effect, which God himself has o.
tablshed. There IS an irrepTessible conflict" be-
tween Freedom and Oppression. They have neces-
sites incompatible with each other, the nations
experience abundantly proves. Can that peace be
permanent, which leaves these hostile forces TO war
against each other in the future as they have in the
past
Second II involves the forfeiture Of the Divine
favor. God has given very unequivocal limitations
Of his purposes in this regard. To tho reb,lhous
Jews il wac said, But your iniquites have separ-
ated between you and your God, and your sins have
| bid bis face from you that he will not hear. &. d.
The way Of peace they know not, and there is
no Judgment Tor right in their goings they have
made them crooked paths; ichosoever g0cth N them
shall not kno,o peace. " Is not thie the fast have
chosen to loose the bands Of welcomes, 10 undo