Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1861-06-14

We assume, for to day, that the Union 10 dls.
solved, the assumption mar be fact or an
hypothe hesis--it matters not whioh Il is suficisnt
to serve a. predicate for what We have 20 say
in the following paragraphs. Taking our stand
upon dissolution as q fact. let US look forward.
The Union 10 divided There are two nations
IA Northern and Southern IL will become
necessary for each so toax i,s own form OF
Government that II may establish and preserve
international relations with the otner.A The
true policy for each will be 90 TO arrange its own
administrative departments, that while every
thing which reason and justice demandG shall
be Done to maintain peace, Il will be ready at
all times to protect It's rights By an appeal TO
the arbitrament Of the sword. y ~
The North will find 1t necessary, Tor this
purpose, TO become, In some sense, q military
nation, Whether II will need to keep CONSTANT
ly In employ ment large standing army, must
to some extent depend upon the policy, In that
respect, adopted by the South. But 10 will
20 place In the hands of les Central Government
full and exclusive Jurisdiction overthe military
arm and operations of the nation. In all that
relates to the enlisting, organizing and COM
manding Of troops, there Ahould be no authority
between the people and the national head. The
enrolment and training of the militia, the LOCAL
depots OF arms, amunitlons and provisionsl
should all be under national control. Wehave
seen, enough OF The danger, deley and efficiency
growing out Of that divisionj Of powers which
exists under the present arrangement, to show
how hazardous Its continuance will be under the
new circumstances. To this extent, at least,
the local should be subordinate to, the central
authority; and the National Executive should
be-. In Law and in fact, Commander in- Chief
over the entire military force Of the country,
whether It exists In the form Of q, standing
army or Of citizen soldiery. ~ 15
We are fully aware Of the, outcry which
the presentation Of doctrines like these has
been wont to awaken In this country. We
have been periodically treated, in Fourth-ot7
July oratlons, lyceum lectures and Congress-
ional speeches, to say nothing OF the writings
OF the fathers and grand fathers, TO grim
visions OF huge standing armies, with, am
bilious military chieftans rising 70 power
BY their means, and turning to tyrants, subyeft.
ing the Government, and elevaIing themselves
to thrones erected upon the crushed liberties OF
the people. The foupders of our Republic had
read Roman, and Turkish, and Egyptian his
tory. They had Pretorian Guards, and Jspni-
ssries and M4melukes in their minds when they
were arranging and distributing the powers Of
our Government, and they have left, In docu'
mentary ferm-in "system of checks and bal
ances," which enables one Jurisdiction to retard
and defeat the efforts Of anotber--.he evidence
Of their fears and apprehensons. But We live
10 time when We are able to see that occa'
sions may arise when there must be unobstruct-
ed authority somewhere, or evils may ensue
from the want of 1t quite as formidable as any
that can come from It's misuse. Whatever may
be the dangers Of strong government, 1t is
easy to parallel them by equal dangers that are
ipseparable from weak one.
We know enough of the troubles incident to
q state Of war to be convinced that peace 10 q
thing worthy TO be purchased Dy anything CON-
patible With actual freedom, Large powers re
posed in Government are not necessarily in
imical to popular liberty. A Government 90
surrounded By renTaints that, In order 70 pc
efficient in times Of public danger, 1t must break
through its Constitutional trammels, is prob
ably more TO be feared than one whose under.
stood powers are equal to any possible emer
gency. f.o-ss 30. !. .fiqlyY I.