Richmond daily Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1842-1861, 1861-08-07

THE BRITISH JOURNALS AMI fhhoiDhNi LIN
COINS NE5sAGE-THE RECOGNITION OF TIE
INDEPENDENCE OF TIE CONFEDERATE STATE;
TO BE TIE ONLY RESULT or THE WAR.
The English papers have very general and free com
nents President Lincons message and the war; Sub
Joined are copious extracts from the articles Of the most
influential journals:
| vIEws OF rHr LONDON STAR.
The Presidents message the Federal Congress
braces q history, argument aud declaration. Al
though the former aims at vindcaton Of the consis-
ency Of the Federal Executive throughout these troubles
and assumes to reconcile the earlier policy OF acqui-
with the subsequent vigorous marshang of force
TO suppress the Secessonst Government il will scarcely
succeed in modifying the conclusions of foreign observers
respecting the events Of the las. four months.
It is mere folly in Mr.. Lincoln to talk Of the
people of the Confederate States few disseminated
men" His call for an army of 100000 men, and trea
sury Of 100000 to corqier them, gives the lie to
that phrase for known, these Confederate States
united aud powerful enough to oppose military re-
sstance to great army As little can any one believe
that they bad not sufficient for taking the step
they have done-whether the real was she one
put forth not Three millions Of men do not
deliberately change their Government and embark an
arduous, dangerous aud eKhausng enterprise from
price. Whatever their reason, the brad principle OF
popular sovereignty they had right 10 do phdt they did
aud to hear Mr.. Lincoln quoting the Constitution Of the
United States made eighty years since, and eaboratey
reasoning the intentions OF It's founders against the
right of Secession reminds of the high tory doc.
riues among ourselves under which the sentiment made
by generation, in its own interest," held TO bind all
future generations, whether for their interes not.
We make reference to the question Of slavery here
because not syllable is whispered upon that subject in
the message, has hr. Lincoln, nor any member Of
his Cabinet made the ausion to il since their
accession to Office. The grounds assumed BY the Fed
sra Executive in suppressng the secession that
slavery is to be unnterfered WITH and 10 still TO be
rounded by constitutional guarantees 1t Is treated in
| fact as entirely outside the matter In conflict.
| So much for the Presidents history and argument
The declaration we have mentioned being made in hs
message Is one Of no compromise While the war fever
prevails in the North he could have said nothing less
II the saDgulnsry spsech OF Mr. Grow of Penusylva
tho Speaker OF the House OF Representatives be
.ksn indication Of the purposes of Congress- Mr.
Lincoln will get bis 400 900 men and his 100000 Oo,
aud should the South give way intimidated there
will be, no doubt, boodshed enough 10 stimulate the
slaughter Of the worst campaign Of the worst European
| dsspots
Despots usually 20 to war for dominion and territory,
and from the speech Of Mr. Grow we see that that
purpose Is not absent all events from his mind. The
Presidents stretching Of the Law, or rather biz superse.
ding of It by martial law will receive tho indemnity he
asks and the roll Of bills introduced by Senator Wilson
to enlarge aud better organize the military powers OF the
Executive will be passed. II the South can be conquer
ed this Administration, backed by the blood and
ure of the North will do IT, But the possibility Of con-
quest still remains problem, while the sacrifice Of prop
erty the introduction of vicious system Of taxation,
the accumulation Of debt-and worse than all-ths de-
moraization of free people trained only to military de-
tense by the establishment Of standing armies and the
spread Of spirit Of military conquest melancholy
certainss Suppose the Comic 1erate States subdued
intimidaed however, what theny Mr.. Lincoln says the
Constitution and laws will simply be administered a.
| heretofore. But that is easier said than done.
The Constitution and laws of the United States
| for nd onlv he administered .
Die who voluntarily receive them Suhjlgation by force
OF arms Is the way to win the minds Of and
when the Southern States subdued and disarmed it
will be found necessary to enforce the Iws-unul now
10 great extent seli-admnistered-by military Or
ganizstion moved from Washington. The result will In
ably be subject States not in but under the Union.
WINS OF THE LONDON TIxEs
President L;ncoln's second message altogether con-
firms the impression produced by his first II il
pretending aud busnessliks justification OF bis past pol
lev, and invites Congress- without circumlocuon, 10
provide the illegal means for making this contest short
and decisive one" His appeal to his countrymsn for
men aud money is perfectly straightforward and explicit
Ia short We must assume that the North Is prepared to
make any sacrifices to tho obj scs Of which
promises 10 be isterminable.
What are these otjects after ALL that transcend tie
paramount importance of preserving peace between
nsghbo. and brethren This Is point on wbch the
Presidents message, with t3 elaborate refutson Of Sc
.sson theories throws very little light. One thing Is
clear and that Is that Aboonism has little nothing
to do with it. The word slavery" does not occur in
this ocumen and the social question 10 eatirely merg
ed in the constitutional In istt, II we are TO take Mr.
ncoln as our guide the English stories have great
" erred in regarding the American crisis supreme
trial Of r. publican institutions. He expressly declares
t. to b. and, though ne describes the object o: that
form Of government in some vague and high,soundipg
pa,es equally applicable TO any other il is well that
the people of the United States should be jealous for the
honor aud integrity OF their Constitution.
The absurdy Of maintaining that the instrument OF
confederation contained provisions Of annulng itself
has been amply d. monsrated but what foilowsf Ger
tany not that II be enforced at all hazAr Sat the
risk of running those interests which it designed to
secure Of estrangng forever those States which II
designed unite bringing into discredt thcss prn
cples of which it was the earnest embodiment. We
| osunot think that Mr. Lincoln rises to the height
Of this practical but not less lofty argument He per-
siss in dealing with movement which has given birth
to Constitution commercial system vast army and
uubounded aspirations, h,fhearted demonstration
forced on the good people Of the South against their
will and doubts "Whether there is to-day msjorty Of
the legally qualified Of any State except perhaps
South Carolina in favor OF dsunion" We will not say
this is mere traing but we do say that ii goes 10
show that Mr.. Lincoln and his advisers do not feel the
full force Of those considerations which have long abb
sorbed all others in the minds Of European observers.
There ia one negative feature in the message which
We must not pass over. It contains none Of the harsh
|
reason to apprehend, and which, proceeding from an
official source might have impaired, though it could not
dstroy the sympathy have ceased to fet for
the United States The President attributes the tempo
-ary partially Of Europe for the Soah-of which we
rst learnt the existence from American ournas-to the
extraordinary forbearauce of his own Government lead
ing impression that the early dissolution OF
tions Union probable. We are quite ready to sd
nit thi, or any other imaginary Interpretation Of an i'm
,gnary sc' and even TO accept with good grace the
chartatls concession Of New York contemporary
which perceives ian improved disposition Of England"
so long are not forced to quarrel with friend
because he will not quarrel With another.
We have not returned railing for railing for We re.
spscted the sensitive Of patriotism 10 the presence OF
IN overwhelming danger We comment upon the acts
Of American statesmen we should upon those Of
Iwn, though with greater caution and reserve and
1hen VIZ fRTFKR FRANK RECOGNITION or SoprHEkS
DEPExpsScE BY THE NORTH, TO THE POLICY AvowID IN
rnE yrPREsDxsTs hissAGE, 1T Is SOLELY BECAUSE
r1REsrK, BYsrAsDRks, TH4T Is ISSUE IN WHICH,
ArrrR INFINITE LOSS AND HUMILIATION, TIE CONTEST
RksvLr.
4 COMMERCIAL vfEw.
Cores Liverpool Advertiser commehtinggon the meg.
s,ge, says:
Perhaps great battles may b, fought, bu. the war
will not be the less d. ON that acsount and the
continuous blockade Of the Southern ports will pdict
blow on the commerce OF the world the effects Of which
may be felt for many years to The main question
which presses for our immediate consideration IT, how
oag can that blockade be enforosd' This to us In Lam
cashre, 10 most momentous question: and 1t would A.
ford not little satisfaction, If way clear
say that the blockade could possibly be enforced
beyond the close Of the present year.
Since the commencement Of this American difficulty,
editorial trumpet has given uncertain sound Our
sources Of information have SUPPL with early and
reliable intelligence of what passing on the other
side of the Atlantic and we therefore hater OURSELVES