Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-06-12

A strOng GOvernmeut.
They who are in favor of preserving, OF
restoring, or neutrality-suspicious. they
choose to call 1.-THE Union, need not read
this article. H
We assume, for to-day, that the Union is
dissolved the assumption may be a fact or
an bypothesis-it matters not which: it is
sufficient to serve as q predicate for what we
have to say in the following paragraphs.
Taking our stand upon dissolution as a
fact, let US look forward.
The Union is divided. There are two ma
tions-a Northern and a Southern. 1t will
become necessary for each so to fix its own
form of Government that it may establish
and preserve international relations with
the other. The true policy for each will be
so to arrange its own administrative de-
partments, that while every thing which
reason and justice demands shall be done to
maintain peace, it will be ready at all times
to protect its rights by an appeal to the az
bitrament of the sword.
The North will find it necessary, for this
purpose, to become, in some sense, a military
nation. Whether it will need to keep con-
stantly in employment a large standing
army, must, to some extent, depend upon
the policy, in that respect adopted by the
South. But it will need to place in the
hands of its Central Government full and
exclusive jurisdiction over the military arm
and operations of the nation. In all that
relates to the enlisting, organizing and COM
mandipg of troops, there should be no au.
tbority between the people and the national
head. The enrolment and training of the
militia, the local depots of arms, smunitions
and provisions should all be under national
control. We have seen enough of the dan
ger, delay and efficiency growing out of
that division of powers which exists under
the present arrangement, to show how
hazardous its continuance will be under the
new circumstances. To this extent, at least,
the local should be subordinate to the cen.
trail authority and the National Executive
should be, in law and ia fact, Commauder-in-
Chief over the entire military force of the
country, whether it exists in the form of a
standing army or of a citizen soldiery.
We are fully aware of the cutlery which
the presentation of doctrines like these has
been won't to awaken in this country. We
have been periodically treated, in Fourth. of
1Inly orations, lyceum lectures, Congress
of the fathers and grand Is gt nf the writings
visions of huge standing armies, with am
bilious military chieftains rising to power
by their means, and turning to tyrants, sub.
verting the Government, and elevating
themselves to thrones erected upon the
crushed liberties of the people. The founders
of our Republic had read Roman, and
Turkish and, Egyptian, history. They had
Pretorian Guards, and Jannisaries and
Mamelukes in their minds when they were
arranging and distributing the powers of our
Government, and they have left, in a docu-
mentary form-insa "system of checks and
balances" which enables one jurisdiction to
retard and defeat the efforts of another-the
evidence of their fears and apprehensiops.
But we live in q time when we are able to see
that occasions may arise when there must be
unrestricted authority somewhere, or evils
may ensue from the want of it quite as
formidable as any that can come from its
misuse. Whatever may be the dangers of a
strong government, it is easy to parallel
them by equal dangers that are inseparabIe
from a weak one.
We know enough of the troubles incident
to a state of war to be convinced that peace
is thing worthy to be purchased by any.
thing compatible with actual freedom. Large
powers reposed in Government are not
necessarily inimical to popular liberty. A
Government so surrounded by restraints
that, in order to be efficient in times of public
danger, it must break through its Constitu-
tional trammels, is probably more to be
feared than one whose understood powers
are equal to any possible emergency.
After all, the only true check upon Gov
ermental %usurpation is the civil character of
the people. A people opposed in principle
to arbitrary power, and jealous of its exer-
else, will seldom suffer under it. The price
of civil liberty ia eternal vigilance, and
where this vigilance does not exist, Constitu-
tons, however stringent and carefully
worded, are nc safeguards. No truly Wig
liant people were ever enslaved by their own
rulers; nor shall we be so until we become
unworthy of freedom through our neglect of
the means by which it must be preserved.