The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-03-03

Mr.. Lincoln's Policy ON the slavery
QuestfOn-Is IL Peace or Wary
The scales are falling from the eyes OF our
conservatives, hitherto hopeful Of gsed results
from the patriotic Offices of w. H. Sovsrd in
behalf of the Union and Of peace, as the Pro
mier of the incoming administration. Sids.by
side with his votes ON the great issues OF ths
day, his fine promises and sweet phrases Of
Cancellation and harmony can now be undsp-
stood. "He holds with the hare, but runs with
the hounds' Even the milk and water COM
promise of the Peace Conference was too much
for him. There will be no compromise. The
policy OF Mr.. Seward has been simply to amus0
the border slave States until the Inauguration
OF Mr.. Lincoln. That point has been gained.
For all business purposes this Congress has
expired. 1t officially ceases to exist at noon
tomorrow. The tremendous pressure Of pub
lie opinion upon the two houses in favor Of
prompt adjustment to save what Is left of the
Union, and to secure peace, has been adroily
warded off, and there Il and will be no CON-
promise.
Thus, with s'the constitution Is 1t ISL viii
he Union as IL is, with the Southern confede.
racy a. 1t is, and with the revolutionary spirit
Of the South unappeased, but. more intensified
and more widely didused, kr. Lincoln wiia
enter upon his administration. And what
is the prospectf Is it peace or warf
We have shown that the composition of his Cabi-
net foreshadows that "irrepressible conflict"
that widespread civil war, which is sure to fol-
low the ascendancy Of the radical republics
policy under the new regime. We have inti-
mated that Mr.. Seward would be borne to tho
wall by two such energetic antislavery radi-
Gals as Chase and Blair; but now we have
every reason to place him in the same category
with them and with the President elect. During
all this session of Congress, on the numerous
and various propositions of compromise upon
which Mr. Seward, as the representative of Mr..
Lincoln, has been called to vote, he has
not, in single instance, abated one jot OF title
of the Chicago platform.
He proposes, to be sure, national conven-
ton for the revision of the constitution. In
this proposition he has doubtless acted as tha
harbinger Of Mr.. Lincolns inaugural address.
We feel confident that national convention
will be the remedy suggested through the inau-
gural, for the urgent, fearful and manifold
revolutionary evils of the day. But the m,odus
Operandi of convention Of this descrip-
ton reduces it almost to an i'm
possibility, in the present condition Of
the country. A convention must be
called by act Of Congress; but Con-
gress can only make the call upon applica-
ton for it by the Legislatures of two-thirds of
the States. How are two-thirds Of the States
to be brought to this demand, when, perhaps,
more than pne-third of the whole number will,
three months hence, be attached to the new
Southern confederacy9 But take the case as it
now stands, with seven States out of the Union.
This will leave us twenty-seven to work upon;
and from these twenty-seven we must secure
twenty-three legislative applications is,
from two thirds of all the States in and out Of
the Union-before Congress can issue the call
for convention. 1t is thus manifest, under
the existing state of things, that there will not
probably be sufficient number of State ap-
plications for a convention to authorize Con-
gress to make the call during Mr.. Lincoln's
administration.
A constitutional convention, then, such as
we expect to be recommended in Mr.. Lincoln's
inaugural, will be mockery as a peace Offer
ing to the border slave States. 1t only means
'the constitution as it is," and no compromises.
Meantime the point of immediate danger lies
in the question of reinforcing Forts Sumter
and Pickens, and of recapturing the numerous
forts, custom houses, arsenals, minis, and other
property Of the government at Washington,
seized and occupied by the seeded States.
We are left in little doubt as to the policy Of
Mr.. Lincoln in this matter. He will enforce
the laws; and it is not improbable that the first
week of his administration will be signalzed
by bloody conflict at Fort Sumter. Let this
be the case, and there will be no escape, as it
appears to u.s. from the calamites and horrors
of general civil war. In view of these con-
tingencies, at all events, we again admonish
our fellow citizens Of all sections and parties,
of all classes and pursuits, to prepare for the
worst; for we are perhaps upon the verge Of
the most ruinous financial panic, and the most
disastrous civil connections, in the annals OF
the nineteenth century.
"a LESSON FROM RESPONSIBILITIES this
caption the Tribune reads lesson in Its edi-
torial columns against secession. But the les
son il like n two-edped sword which cuka