Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-04-14
SUNDAY MORNING. APRIL IA, 1861!
The Bombardment of Fort sumter.

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The Bombardment of Fort sumter.
The telegraph announced to US yesterday
morning the bombardment of Fort Sumter
by the forces of the Confederate States at
Charleston. That fire was opened there
seems to be no room for reasonable doubt.
The assault was commenced at 4 O'Clock in
the morning of Friday, 18th inst, and con-
tin1ed during the principal part of the day.
The details of the action and its results are
meagre, and are not perhaps implicitly re-
liable. The Communications which passed
between Gen. BEAUREGARD and Maj. AMBER
SON precedent to the cannonade are not SUI
ficiently reported to enable Us to Judge win
accuracy as 10 the immediate impelling mo-
tive to active hosiilities. Nothing OF strict
Iy historical character has been given 10 the
public on the subject The telegraph has,
from time to time, announced that the Ad-
ministration had ordered the evacuation of
Fort Sumter; then a special messenger was
sent TO Mai. ANDERSON: then a message to
Gov. PIcKENs and Gen. BEAUREGARD, the full
anu eAdCb puI pOiL vi oAC JCt
known. But we have the undoubted fact
that actual hostilities have commenced. This
fact was sufficient to fill our city with excite
ment throughout the day yesterday, and the
cannonade of Sumter was the subject of COM
ment on all the streets and In private circles
at all points. The secessionists were some
what elated by the news, while the masses of
our people who have been faithfully attached
to the Union, receive it with profound re-
greet
The Unionists of Tennessee in general have
favored peace while they were engaged in an
effort to restore the original conditions of the
Union, fraternity, equality and justice 1t
is useless to disguise the fact that the news
of the events at Sumter have had powerful
effect upon the public mind, and in a direc-
ton not altogether favorable to the cherished
anticipations and objects of the friends of
the Union. Many are inclined to look upon
these unwelcOme events Us closing and seal
ing the book of the past, and as the opening
of q new volume, which is to contain the re-
cord of new nationalities, and the total sew
erance of the relations which have existed
between the slavehOiding and non-slavehold-
ing States of the American Union While |
the people are no more inclined to embrace |
the absurd theory of secession, they are still |
driven by these most unfortunate events to |
consider to some extent the ultimate right of |
revolution. They are forced to contemplate |
their own safety and interests as people, in |
the midst of the bloody strife which they |
have too much reason TO believe IL about to |
be inaugurated aud prosecuted around them. |
They have been equally opposed to the I'M
lust. sectional and exclusive idea of the Re- |
publicaus and to the absurd theory of the |
seeessionists. So long as there was peace |
they could maintain that attitude, with some |
hope of making Roadway against both. In |
a state of war the case is different. As We |
stated the other day. the people will be driv- |
en- to decide between the three alternatives |
of joining one or the other of the contGnding |
parties. or taking care of themselves by act |
ing independently of both. The time for such a
decision has not, in our estimation, yet come
Mr.. LINCOLN, as we imperfectly understand /
the matter, proposed TO supply Maj. AMBER
SON with provisions. The Confederate States
denied the right, and in view of Mr.. LINCOLS's
in that behalf, demanded the
surrender of Maj ANDERSON, who
replied in the negative, and then Gen. BEAU
REGARD initiated steps to compel surrender.
If this attempt should be successful, it will
then remain for Mr.. LINCOLN to determine the
next step. VIII he prosecute the war? Will
he declare blockade and organize an army,
revenue OF overrunning and holding the Sc
eeded States as conquered provinces? Or,
will he suspend operations, to hear from the |
people and especially those of the border |
States? Will he consent, with his party, to |
listen to the appeals of reason for a final and |
conclusive settlement? Or will he madly |
persist in a warlike policy and the total oy-
erthrow of the Union? Can any one yet
answer these questions? We may have our
conjectures, but we cannot prudently hazard
our peace upon mere opinion. We must
know From the beginning the administra-
ton has given out that its policy is peaceful.
If under this guise it has sought to disarm
the people of the border States which yet re-
main loyal to the Union, and prepare him
self for determined and prolonged war
against the seeded States. when that fact is
known the reaction in those States will be
as thorough as it will be terrible.
But for the present We are left in a great
measure to speculation We beg, therefore,
to invoke our readers, whom we have never
vet deceived, to form no settled Judgment
upon matters of so great magnitude on such
a basis. Let Us not be moved by our i'm
pulses, or sweryed from our position by any
partial statement of facts. Let US abide the
account of all occurrences in full. We can
do nothing, in any event, for some time TO
come. We can no more secede Immediately
than We can stop the flow of blood or save
the Union in few hours. Let Us see what
the administration has already done, and
what il means to do We can only thus De
able to act wisely. We are not yet prepared
to discuss the relative merits of the attack
on Sumter. We cannot determine who was
az fault or who was criminal, if crime shall
attach. Let Us invoke the people to be pa
tient and at the same time firm. Avoid ex-
tremes, which are so dangerous and so easily
embraced in times like these.
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