Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-10-07

NOt certainty, except 70 repel lnNhslOu' oub
here arises a difficulty: there are several
debatable lands, claimed by both parties,
each of which looks upon the other as al
invader. What shall be done with them
Maryland, Missouri, Kentucky, Virginia
The title to these must, to all appearance, be
decided by the right of the strongesti and
that leaves us at war after the question of
ability to make conquest has been disposed
of; and the North and the South can just as
well exhaust and impoverish themselves on
these fields as if they had the whole conti-
nent for their scene Of operations. But must
we fight until we are exhausted and inn
poverished2 And if we fight until we are
exhausted and impoverished, what then?
We are engaged in a civil war, a kind of
warfare-as some great political writer,
Machiavelli or De Tocqueville, lor both, have
said-the most difficult of all to begin, and,
when begun, to end. We found the begin
ming easy enough; but the end-is thing of
which we are inquiring. Governments have
no constitutional power to consent to an act
of national dilapidation. They never do so
except upon compulsion. There must be
compulsion or its equivalent before our Gov
ernment will consent to division, or even
to a suspension of the war upon any other
terms than the preservation of the national
integrity. Must we then fight on until
either the South or ourselves are ex-
hausted2
1t is a thing which civilized, commercial
and Christianized Governments have prac-
ticed, which is a distinguishing mark of their
civilization, commerce and Christianity
that when other nations have fallen at once
into logical dilemma, and belliGerent
imbroglio, to come in with friendly offers OF
mediation and present themselves as umpires
to settle and decide the matters in contro-
versy between the parties. Thus, in 1885,
when General Jackson and Louis Philippe
of France, were in danger of coming to log
gerhesds Great Britain kindly stepped in a!
a friend to both parties, and in few well.
directed sentences, placed affairs upon al
amicable footing, saving our Republic tht
expenses and troubles of a foreign war. Th'
same thing may be done again.
Great Britain and France are interested il
the peace of this continent. 1t is difficult tc
imagine matter outside of their several
realms than can compare in Importance
with the interest they have in the preserva
ton of peace in the United States. Tha
the Governments of these countries will, il
time-should the war continue long enough
offer their mediation between the partie:
may be set down as absolutely certain. Th
question is one of time only.
1t may be that there has been, up to thi
time, no offer of intervention by France G
England to either Government. 1t is prof.
able that there has been, as yet, no formf
offer but if there had been, there is no res
son to suppose that the intelligence of
would have transpired.
The public mind in the North is not read,
to be informed that Mr.. Lincoln has bee
approached, and that he has permitted him
self to listen to Messrs. the Ministers, or E.
voys, or Agents of the British Queen or th
French Emperor, representing the sincere de
sire of their several Courts that the presen
unhappy difficulties between the Unite
States and the Confederacy may be termi
mated, and offering the friendly mediation c
their several majesties, to aid in devisin
such measures of adjustment as shall +
honorable to both parties, and calculated t
secure and preserve the peace between ther
in the future. There is no telling what goe
on between Governments. In all war, ther
is an under-current of official or unofficis
negotiation. The agents of the Confederac
are very near our Administration now; an
there are more things agitated in a secre
way than is wont to be dreamed of in ou
exOteric philosophy.