Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1861-02-08
MISCELLANEOUS.
Of sir. Iverson, Of Georgia.

tcQeT1l SQVCiNulcuI, ltlu aSSSt lSu I'LL ihoSPSi-
dencc us a separate and sovereign State. In
performing this important and solemn act, she
has been influenced by the deliberate and firm
conviction that her safety, her interest, and her
honor demanded it The opinion of her peo-
pie has been gradually tending to this point
for the last ten years, and recent events have
confirmed it; and an overwhelming majority of
the people have elected delegates to n Conren-
ton, and expressed in that election determi-
nation to withdraw from the Federal Union
And the Convention, by like decisive MAORI
ty, has passed the Ordinance Of Secesslon.-
Georgia is one of six States which in less than
sixty days, have dissolved their connection
with the Federal Union aud declared their
separate independence, and steps are now in
progress to form Confederacy OF their own,
and, in a few weeks at the lurtheSt, a Pro-
visional Government will be formed CIV
ing them ample powers for their own
defence, and with power to enter into negotia-
tons with other nations, to make war, to con-
cludc peace, to form treaties, and do all other
things which independent nations may of right
do. Provision will be made for the admission
Of other States to the new Union, and 1t is con-
tidently believed that, within few months, all
the Southern States OF the late Contederacy
will be formed into Union far more holnoge-
neouS, and, therefore, far more stable than the
one now broken up. | have only to say that
this action of my own State, and OF her South
ern neighbors and sisters, meets the approval
of nv well-considered and deliberate Judgment
and rs one of her native sons and subjects,
shall cheerfully cast my lot with her and them.
And, sink or swim, live or die, shall be of
and with her and them to the last BY the
secession of the Southern States, and the for
&C Hon co1o fo.n
and mo1nentous alternatives will devolre on
the Federal Government. You may acqui-
esce in the Revolution, and acknowledge
the independence Of great Confederacy,
or you may make war on the seeding
States, and attempt to force them back
Ii you acknowledge our independence, and
treat us as one of the nations of the earth, you
can have friendly relations and intercourse with
us. You can have an equitable division of the
public property, and OF the existing public
debt OF the United States. But il you make
war upon US, we will seize and hold all the
public property in our borders and in our
reach, and we will never pay one dollar OF the
public debt, for the law Of nations will
extinguish all private and public ebliga.
tons between the States. The first Federal
gun that is fired upon the seeding States-the
first drop OF blood of any of their people shed
by the Federal troops-wil cancel every pub
lie and private obligation Of the South which
may be due either to the Federal Government
or to the Northern people. We care not in
what shape or FORM or under what pretext you
undertake coercion. We shall consider all
efforts to exercise authority over US as acts Of
war, and shall meet and resist them accordingly.
You may send armies to invade US by land or
you may send ships to blockade our ports, and
destroy our trade and commerce with other
nations. You may abolish our ports Of
entry, and by en- act of Congress attempt
to collect the Federal revenues by ships
of war. You may do all or any Of these, or
similar acts. They will be acts of war, and
so understood and considered, and in whatever
shape you make war we will fight you
You boast Of your superior numbers and
strength, but remember that ''the race is not
always to the swift, nor the battle to the
strong" You have one hundred thousand
fighting men. So have We. And, fighting
upon our own soil, and to preserve our rights,
and vindicate our honor, and defend our homes,
our fresides, our wives and children from the
invader, we shall not be easily conquered
You may possibly overrun US, desolate our
fields, burn onr dwellings, lay our cities in
ruins, murder our people, and reduce US to
beggary, but you cannot subduc and subjugate
us to your will. Your conquest, if you gain a
victory over us, will amount to but little
You will have to keep standing army
ncy only. to keep US in subsection. You may
whip us but we will not stay whipped. We
will rise again and again to vindicate our rights
and our liberty, and to throw off your
oppressive and accursed yoke, and VIC will
never cease the strife until our whole
white race is eXtinguished, and our fair
land given over to desoation You will have
ships Of war-we may have none. You may
blockade our ports and lock up our commerce
We can live, if need be- without commerce.
But when you shut up our commerce from the
looms of Europe we shall see whether other "a
tions will not have something to say and some
thing to do upon that subject Cotton is
King" and will oblige you to raise your block
ade and draw oil your ships. ! know that
great hopes are raised, and great efforts made
to retain the border States i'll the Union. But
let coersivc measures be commenced against
the Southern Confedcracy or any of the seeding
States. and all such hopes will vanish into thin
air. The first act of Federal legislation looking
to coersion, the first Federal gun fired, the first
Federal ship which takes its station off South
evn port, will bring all the Southern States, in
Guiding Maryland, laggard rs she seems to be
in the vindication of 4 sound independence, into
obedience and alliance with their Southern Sis
tiers. And thus united, they will resist and defy
all your efforts. There are also those who, sur
rendering all hope preventing the destruction
of the Union, and recognizing tho existing
state of facts, yet hope to see ii reconstructed
Sir, war between the two nations will forever
close the door TO any such project will not
hnt tho 1of ~
after they have formed Southern Conledera-
cy, will not listen to propositions Of reconcilia-
ton. Let the North make them, and we will
consider them. The Southern people have
heretofore cherished Il firm and sincere rever-
ence and attachment to the Union, and nothing
but stern necessity could have convinced them
of the propriety of leaving it, or could have
driven them to the alternative of separation
from it; and when they shall see. if it be not
too long delayed, n fraternal sense of justice
and good feeling returning to the Northern
mind and heart, and when they can find sufi-
cient and reliable guarantees for their rights
and equality in the Union, they may, perhaps,
reconsider their action and rejoin their former
confederates For myself, am free to declare
that, unless my opinion shall be greatly chang
ed, shall never agree to a reconstruction OF
the Federal Union. The Rubicon is passed,
and it shall never, with my consent, berecross-
ed. But in this sentiment may be overruled.
l may safely say that nothing will satisfy them,
except the recognition of equality, the safety
of the institution Of domestic slavery, and the
protection Of their constitutional rights, for
which they have been so long contending in
the Union, and the denial Of which has forced
them to their present attitude Of selfdefence.
1t remains for me now only to express my
grateful Acknowledgements and thanks for the
uniform courtesy and kindness with which I
have been treated by those Senators with whom
have had official and social intercourse. And
in thus wishing them each long life Of pros.
perity and peace, / bid them farewell.