The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1861-08-10
\ 5pcefI) for tic ilniou.
SPEECH OF ANDREW JOHNSON,
OF TENNESSEE.


the President We're taken up.
Mn. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. proceeicd to
speak ut length in favor Of the resolutions.
lie said he was unwilling to let the Senate
adjourn without saying something of the
| present state Of affairs On our retnFn here
We find ourselves in the midst of IA civi war,
which seems to be progressive, will, not
much hope of speedy termination. 1t
seemed to him that the Government had
reached one of three periods which all
| governments must pass through: First,
! They have to pass the ordeal to establish
their independence. This Government passed
that in the war Of the Revolution. Next,
after having obtained their independence
and taken Il position among nations, then
! they must maintain themselves against
| foreign Powers and foes. This Government
passed that ordeal in 1872. There is another
ordeal, when the Government has to contend
/ against internal foes. We are now in the
midst of this third ordeal. The struggle now
is whether the Government is capable Of
maintaining its existence against traitors to
the Constitution Of the country. This is the
problem low before or people. He trusted,
and lad perfect confidence that the Gov
eminent would successfully pass this ordeal ;
but the time had arrived when the energies
of the people must be PIT forth, and there
must be union and concert Of action. 1t had
been argued that if we proceed will be in
great danger of Dictatorship, and that the
character and genius of our Government will
be- wholly changed. y is argued that this is
an attempt to change the nature and insttu-
tons of the Government. He referred to
Mr.. BreckinridGe's specch.l We agree in
an effort TO change the Government, but
differ AS t" the parties trying to make the
change. 1t is Il struggle now whether the
,l,.,iI
based on intelligence, integrity, and purity
of the people. There is an effort being
made, and it is the result OF Il long -contcm-
plated plan, to overthrow the institutions Of
this Government
He referred again to Mr.. Breckinrdge IS
speech, when he said that Washington carried
the country through the Revolution without
suspension Of the habeas corpus; but
President Lincoln could not carry On the
Government three months without it. He
cited a case during the war Of the Revolu-
ton, when forty citizens were taken and
imprisoned eight months, and the soldiers
refused to deliver them up on a writ of habeas
corpus, and the Legislature of nslyvania
indeinnifed the officers tor the suspension of
the writ. He referred to the case Of General
jackson at New Orleans as precedent for
cSta bishng martial law in case Of an emcr-
gcncy. Had Gen. Jackson refused to put
the city under marital law and thus lost the
Government, he ought to have lost his head
The President was obliged TO act as he did to
save the Government, and this is very
umproptious time to asSal the Government,
| when armed bands of traitors are actually in
the field: trying to overthrow it. The increase
Of the army and navy was justified by the
great plea Of necessity. But how does the
case stand now. when we are called on to
support the Government Who will find
fault with the President for doing Just what
Congress ought to doi Why not come for
ward and support the Government No!
The fact is too apparent that We had enemies
to the Government here last winter, and in
my opinion We have got enemies Of the Gov
eminent here now-that we have got those
here who make long pathetic speeches In
favor of compromise. But the Senator from
California, Mr.. Latham, showed conclusively
that the thing the traitors most feared last
year was compromise, and Il great effort was
made to get ont of Congress before the COM
premise could be made.
The argument has been made that the free
States would get the power and then amend
til" Constitution so as to destroy the institu-
ton of slavery hence the South must rot
wait till the fatal day came. Then eight
States withdrew, and we reached a poin,
when the free States had the majority and
the power to amend the Constitution 50 as to
overthrow the institution of slavery. Now,
what was done then2 Why, we passed an
amendment to tie Constitution that M
amendment should I've made to the Corstitu.
ton that would give any power to legislate
on the subject Of slavery. Talk about COM
promise How can we get any guarantee
more binding than thatl This was done
when the free States had the power, and it
places slavery completely beyond the control
Of Congress. What more can be asked 3
Why don't the STATES who talk of compromise
come forward and accept this ofer2 But
no! instead Of it, they pass ordinances ia
violate the Constitution and take the States
ont. What else did Congress do when the
free States had the power? They came
forward and passed three territorial bills,
and none Of them had any slavery prohibi-
ton, and declared that no law shall be passed
by Territorial Legislatures impa,rng the
rights Of private property. Can there be
anything more conclusive Now, take this
amendment to the Constitution and the Ter
ri.oria bills, and what else is left Of the
slavery question Yet the Union must be
broken up! Some are sincere in the COM
promise, but others come here simply to make
it pretext, in the hope that it will lie
refused and then, on the refusal, these
States will be declared out of the Union. -
A Senator from Georgia once said, &c When
traitors become numerous enough, treason
would be rrspectable.'' Perhaps it is Sc
now, but, God being willing, let them be as
many as they please, he commended wal
against traitors and treason against the Gov.
eminent framed by our fathers, and we intend
to continue it to the end. Applause in the
galleries. Now We are in the midst of a
civil war; blood has been spilled and life
sacrificed. Who commenced it Yet now