The Athens post. [volume] (Athens, Tenn.) 1848-1917, 1861-04-26
The Appeal to Arms President Lin
coins War Manifesto.
[frcm the Now YORK Herald of the lsth.l

The most important and momentous
manifesto that has ever enanatcd from
our federal executive governments is the
reply of President Lincoln to the Virgin
ia Commissioners touching the policy he
intends to pursue in regard to the Con-
federate States.' The policy thus dis
closed comprrhends the submission or
| subjugation TO the government at Wash
ington of call the States which claim TO
have seeded" although Mr.. Lincoln
qualities it to merely defensive and linn
| tied system OF operations.
He will use the power confided in him
Ito hold, occupy Hnd possess property
and places belonging to .he government,
and collect the duties on imports" in the
seeded MS in the Stotes still attached to
our Union. IN his iusnsprai tnia aecln'n-
| ton was intendeu 20 uppiy % the militia
ry posts and property which were in the
possession of the government when it
came INTO his hands, but he emphatical-
! ly declares that, = if, as now appears to
be true. in pursuit of a purpose to drive
| the Unit, d States authority from these
places, an unprovoked assault has been
made upon Fort Sumter, shalt hold my
Scij' al liberty 10 rcposSess Il. II I can, like Iidc
IS ,chich had been seized before the government
,cas dcsoiycd upon c: and, in any event,
shall, to the best Of my ability, repel force
! by force" Next, in consequence of the
assault upon Fort Sumter, the suspension
of the United States mail service in the
seeded States is threatened, US justified.
and possibly demanded, 10y the actual
commencement OF war against the gov
| erumpnt
Such is the ultmatum Of our federal
administration to the special commission
of inquiry from the Virginia State Con-
vention. Accordingly, not only the re-
capture Of Fort Sumter, but OF the sur
| rounding forts, becomes now the declared
| purpose of Mr.. Lincoln. and, in the tpce
Of this declaration, his promise that he
| will not attempt to collect the duties on
! imports by any armed invasion OF any
| part of the country" except the landing
OF " II force deemed necessary to relieve
some fort upon the border practically,
rs a peace reservation, amounts to moth
| .ng. In their late war against Russia the
! hostile operations Of England and France
were limited to the waters and shores OF
the Black and Baltic seas; but it was as
| much u war for the reduction OF the Car
to their terms as if the Allies had pene-
trated his territories to Moscow. So, now,
the coast line military policy of Mr. Lin
! com uHulIlSI lht States WHICH tldllll 10
! have seeded" means war; and. if follow.
| ed up, is Just as suIc to involve the two
| sections in Il general wal as if he had de-
| clared his purpose to be the suppression
| of the the Montgomery government by
| hostile march upon that city.
On the other side, it is very evident
that it is not the purpose Of the seeded
| States to pause with the capture of Fort
Sumter. They have a formidable besieg
ing army mustered and impatient OF re.
stiaint in front of Fort Pickcns. They
have resolved upon its possession. It's oc-
cupation, on their part, is considered
Necessary TO even Il plausible appearance
before the world Of their liberation from
the government at Washington. The at
tempt therefore. will be made to reduce
! Fort PickenS as Sumter has been reduced,
| and thus between these two tortresses
there may be scope and verge enough for
all the naval forces OF the United States
and all the land forces of the Confederate
States, for many months to come.
But has Mr.. Lincoln the power to limit
the points OF this civil war which is upon
us? Can q fire in combusuble city be
limited to few houses which it may be
deemed necessary to burn down? We
apprehend that our Presidents ultima
| tunr to Virginia will speedily be followed
by an ordinance of secession on the part
of her State Convention. which, since the
Goth OF February, has been laboring TO re-
| sist the disunion prs ure upon 1T. We
| fear that the secession of Virginia will
soon be followed by similar movement
on the part OF North Carolina, Tennessee,
| Arkansas and Kentucky, and we do not
| feel perfectly assured OF the continued
adhesion of Maryland to the United
| States. We fear that there is something
more than empty bravado in the late
! speech OF the Southern Secretary Of War
mt Montgomery, promising the occupa-
! ton OF the city of Washington by the
| Confederate States authorities very early
IN May.
| At all events the reduction OF Fort Sum
ter and this manifesto of President Lin
| coin are equivalent to IA declaration of war
on both sides between the Confederate
and the United States. In conflict OF
| this sort there can be but two parties-a
| Northern and a Southern party-tor all
other parties VIII cease to exist. The pO-
| liticai principles, organizations and issues
which have divided our country and our
people, in various shapes and forms, since
the treaty Of oar Independence with Eng
! land. will all OP ve"y soon overwhelmed
| in the sweeping changes of a civil war. 1t
would be folly now to argue what might,
could, would or should have been done
| by the Southern fre-eaters and Northern
| disorgapi1ers in 1860, or by Mr.. Buchnn-
an, or 10y Mr.. Lincoln or by the late ses-
sion ol Congress. Civil war is upon Us,
and the questions which now supersede
all Others are, What are the consequences
| 4 IL
! and how and when? what is our duty un-
| der this warlike condition of things? and
what are the movements and the condi'
tions necessary to change tins state OF war
to state of peace?