The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-02-01
NEW YORK HERALD, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY l. 1851

Irish people to such degree 10 banish from circuit
shown .Ssss was no. ssd OBJECTION nlsn thus
happens that the codes Of all countries abound IN
the oeu repeated attempts TO regulate the price abor
and commodities, the stern severity Of tie penalties
Ias Hs for Ss uss Of 70 the
won meant endeavors to prohibit the sale Of sptu
liquor ssch was in fact the Fugitive Slave law Of 1870
And, for different reasons such likewise the Personal
Liberty laws In very large section Of the free States
che former IS imperative and always will be, and the
Is that its harshness against Innocent
counter TO the ypathies OF the people. II matter
howmlny laws you make, the more cruel they the
| of human feeling, which every made with
heart can readily comprehend. II is this which
nhe ugve is nerey recovered ss peso
| pie who think II cruel 10 return him send him
nshe statute book IT, then, you hope to counteac this
tendency the right way to DO II s not TO increase but TO
much to claim the repeal Personal Liberty laws which
have never been OF practical use TO anybody, bond or
free This would only leave you Jus. where you were
proposing to dissolve the Union because that difficulty
cannot be removed the natural question will spring up,
whether the right Of reclamation in shape other,
specifically guaranteed to you in the organic act OF
vernment, is not worth keeping at all OF you will
let go you succeed IN separation If you do, in my
humble opinion you will get anything like security
again. Your mistake seems TO to have been the de-
sire to use it too hercey. The measure proposed
by the committee is based principle OF JUSTICE the
recognition Of which is calculated to soften the repug
the law the free States and a correspond
ing extent facilitate the recovery Of fugitives But
frankly confess Mr.. Speaker, my unwilngness to par
tcpate in the responsibility for this kind 81 legislation
am willing TO leave the question of modification
otherwise to the representatives Of the border States
who are most interested in i as practical regulation
| With us in Massachusetts,, ] am free TO say
that think both the Fugitive Slave law
Of 1850, and the Personal nal Liberty law CONSEQUENT
quarreing about either both, make ground of
| dispute out of mere abstraction. ! ask the slave
holders If you going to dissolve the Union about it
the one side, how are you likely 70 improve your
chances of recovery by that on the other? ask my
illsnnt
adherence TO your counteregsation you net risk
Ing substance for abstraction, sacrificing bene6cen
the recovery Of single save secured the liberty Of
single freemanY And now come to the second, which
has been called the most serious cause Of dispute
| Of all, but which seems to me more of an
abstraction than either ! mean the complaint OF
the matter Of fact Who excludes the SHAREHOLDERS with
their slaves? Have they not obtained opinion from
the supreme Court which viii in effect override any and
they choose now wherever they like the public do
MAN. There is majority in Congress itself to prevent
their going even If II had the power Why do they not
that right? The reason is pain Is not for their in
teres TO 60 far North. They will not leave tho rich
bottom lands still open for the profitable cultivation Of
the cotton plant in the South TO 60 to comparatively
arid region further of The STAKEHOLDER follows his
interest 1apply ing his labor in that way that will yield
the best result. If he compelled by
TO part Of the territory from which he now complains
greater outrage than any he now enumerates. The
law Of political economy regulates this matter much better
ha nace and hat uo
Of the United States understand the validity Of this
reasoning to be so far conceded that the aggrieved
parties willing to surrender all OF IL that lies north
Of the old Compromise line to perpetual prohibition
of slavery ,herefrom This limits their complaint
that ne inc exclude s nan spss
items which are g, covered by s solemn treaties this
Of New Mexico and Arizona II is from this tract
that they complain of exclusion II is for this tract that
they demand constitutional guarantee OF protection TO
slavery and in Of refusa they ready TO dissolve
the Union Now, would ask how stands the factS This
freely opened TO Shareholders with their slaves
during all that period Slavery has enjoyed all the pro
lection that government favorable to II in all its
branches has able extend it, The Territorial
organization has nursed the bantng by every artificial
las n on ane " o. n slave
the absence OF all desire to execute 1t, as well
SO it has been stretched upon white people. What
could have been done for protection your const
tutional amendment had been in operation? What more
could be done If it were adopted nowY New Mexico is
under the shield OF the Supreme Court Congress cannot
prohibit slavery there in the face OF that tribunal New
Mexico has now twenty-five slaves on surface Of over
hundred thousand square miles of her extent and Of
these only twelve are dcmiced the remainder are but
transient residents New Mexico shows, then, at this
moment all that years OF protection Of slavery has
made her. She has a slave code and twelve slaves;
Of the Gnon do
get itforgetting apprehend, that you execute your
threat instead Of getting more you may lose all that you
slave during all the time you have had TO put
them there, is scarcely likely that the number viii n
withdrawn. think 1t needs no further argument 70
show that the question whether this shall shall not be
slave territory is like that alluded TO by the Roman poet
sde lana eaprind or in other words Of getting wool
out Of goat say, then in answer TO the demand Of
New Mexico that you are asking for what in
substance you enjoy already, and what s good for
slaves to New Mexico for the excellent reason that YOU
doing better with them nearer home. Yet still as
this is all the territory left about which there any
contention between US, the Committee come forward
with an intermediate proposal to settle II once for all by
making it State. This puts end to further strife
ritory have already the right granted TO them the
statute book Of determining the question for themselves
You have your side possession which they say makes
nine points the law; have on ours the aridty Of
the surface snavorabe TO all forms Of agricultural labor
and therefore unproptous slavery. Let us abide by
that result now which is sure TO come sooner
| or later. for one, am free TO say, do not
fear IL. And here let quote remark made TO me
personally this subject by of the gentlemen on
The opposite side Of the Committee He objected to this
proposition because he said 1t put US both in false posi-
tons should be censurci at home for voting to admit
slave State whilst no should meet with similar treat
ment for consentng TO admit another free State Now il
Of this chance exactly that which would Justify
both Of US in our respective action. Yet confess
should be very unwilling TO enter into the proposition
unless all agree TO regard as putting TO rest for
| ever a troublesome Of dissenson. / have
de- other to vote for be not Sc 10
reject H. think the offer ought least to extngush
| every future complaint about the exclusion Of slave
holders from the Territories and every preence that the
refusal grant protection good for their present
violent course. The dissolution Of the Union would
scarcely tend TO make slaves In the Territories Of
| the United States very much doubt whether IL will
enlarge tie number anywhere BE that may, II IL
be thought better TO let New Mexico remain present
condition, though II be slavehoding Territory
hey end all present power Of change by Congress-
content. or all other accounts excepting settlement
u strfes should regard this the course
But in either event rs objection 10 expurgng from
its statute book under the authority expressly reserved
10 Congress- of that portion Of IL well described by
my friend from Ohio. cannot imagine that any calm,
right minded man, Of either party could object IT,
in permitting its continuance for moment only
denim ourselves. But a further claim In this
| connection. We called, not only 10 guarantee
slavery within Territories but provide
for 10 ia those Of neighbors before we get them
When IN committee, recolect that two distinguished
gentlemen declined TO consult with any from the
moment refused 10 enter into this matter 1 believe
that this fact entered by them uJon the Journals
confess II appeared 10 be somewhat singular that the
attempts at Cancellation should cease lust at this
point and that should be driven 10 final separation