Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-02-27

a hundred African slaves were resident in par
ticular county, and if it were proposed to take
fifty of them into the county adjoining, would that
be an extension or an increase of slavery? Ger
tainly not. We cannot extend slavery except by
adding to the number of slaves. And this can
only be done by re-opening the African slave
trade. But the slave trade never will be re-
opened so long as the Union holds together, while
it may be established if Southern States form
Confederacy of their own The eifectual mode
therefore, of preventing the extension of slavery
is to preserve the Union. 1t is only while the
Union holds together that we can be certain that
slavery never will be extended
Thomas jefferson, in his letter to John Holmes,
then Senator from Maine. dated April 3d. 1890,
says: "Ofone thing l certain, that the
free passage of slaves from one State to another
would not make slave of a single human being
who would not be so without it, so their diffusion
over a greater surface would make them individu-
ally happier and prop0rtionately facilitate their
emancipation by dividing the burden on greater
number of CONDUCTORS"
1t is sufficient, however, for our present pur-
pose to admit that as regards the negro, his con-
dtion is not, directly or indirectly made worse by
being removed from State to a Territory. For
if So it is evident that the welfare of the white
race oaly not that of the African is in any de-
gree concerned.
But il it he question as between white;
alone, then the OF the southern Wlite ought
to be regarded just as much those of the North
ern white What is Justice between themg That
a portion of the Territories of the United States
should be open to the Northern emigrant,
shared by slaves and that another portion should
be open to the Southern emgrant with his slaves.
BY taking slaves to Territory, the South for
the time loses political power; for in State, by
the three fifth principle, slaves form basis of
representation; but rs there is no Representative
from Territory but only single delegate SO
the three fifth principle is wholly imperative
there 1t revives only when the Territory be
comes State But even then there is no po-
litical gain to the South except in the Senate
only and to that she is entitled in virtue of her
white population not of her slaves. The slaves
who. in the new State become, by virtue of the
three fifth provision n basis of representation
would equally have been such i'll the older States
whence they withdrawn. The political in
fuence derived through them is neither increased
nor diminished by their transfer from one State
to another.
Considerations of sectional ascendancy, then,
do not enter into the question; but, in addition,
the question tselfhas ceased to be practical one,
for during the last twelve years, though slave own
ers were free to take their slaves into the terrific
res of the United States. only twenty four slaves
were actually taken there
If, as it is claimed by many, slavery is, by an
opinion of the Supreme Court, acknowledgement
even up to the British boundary then nothing
but Constitutional provision can exclude it from
territory north of So deg. 80 min. The Northern
laborer gains, therefore, by such Constitutional
provision.
1t is possible that the opinion expressed by the
Supreme Court, may, by some future decision, be
reversed But il is certain, that, meanwhile, there
is no prohibition of slavery either north or south
of the line.
Meanwhile too there is danger of contro-
versy regarding jurisdiction between Congress and
the Supreme Court, than which nothing can be
imagined more fatal to the supremacy of the law.
because subversive OF the authority of the highest
judicial tribunal in the land. There is danger,
too that Supreme Judges may hereafter be Sc
lectel solely with reference to the views they are
believed to entertain single point; condi-
ton of things which would tend beyond measure,
to degrade the dignity, and character, and indie
pendence OF that Court
Thus we reach the conclusion that division of
territory such az is proposed by the Crttenden or
other similar plan of adjustment, and demanded
by the border States. equally just and expedent
Itremains to speak of the effects, at the pres
ent iuncture, of coercion.
The first and certain effect is, that it will unite
the fifteen slave States against US.
This Southern Confederacy, of some ten mil
lion inhabitants, viii claim to be independent
We may admit the claim, or we may reject 1t.
clearly no right whatever to invade them or to
collect duties from them; an attempt to do either
would be cause of war As to ports and other
United States property the disposition to be made
of them would be the subject of negotiation In
this case, by bidding the seceders depart IN peace
and agreeing upon terms of separation, though
we lose them as sister States, may retain them
friendly Power.
II, on the other hand, we deny their claim and
persevere in our denial and proceed to enforce
that denial. either by invasion of any territory
held by them. or by attempting, by means OF the
naval or military power of the Government, to
collect duties from them, such proceedings are
absolutely certain to be regardedby them as cause
| of war They are absolutely certain to lead to a
declaration of war by the South.
Coercion, then, whatever shape it assume,
| is absolutely certain to produce, first a united
South, and next belgerent South. We
shall have, by our side hostile nation of some
ten million inhabitants, with boundary of more
| than a thousand miles to defend against them.
| We shall have all the horrors and the suferings
and the immoralties of war. There Will be Sc
curity neither to person nor to property. The
| farmer will SOW, not knowing whether his own
sickle or an enemy's sabre, is to reap. Men and
women and children will lie down at night, uncer
tain whether their lives safe until the morn
ing.
Coercion, in its commencement, is decision,
/
Kentucky. there shall be foreign soil. Coer-
cion, if persevered in will make Kentuckians not
foreigners only but enemies among whom We
may carry fire and sword; whom no law will re-
strain from carrying fire and sword among us.
Coercion then, is civil war Whether coercion
fails or succeeds, the consequences will be equally
fatal II it fails, disgrace will be added to dis
aster. fit succeeds, what shall have but
conquered provinces, which 1t will require a nu-
/ merous standing army to maintain in submission
| to a Government which they will detest?
Coercion, then is far worse than is a rejection
of all terms of adjustment For while the latter
dissolves the Union, peace may still be main
tanned. But coercion is certain to bring upon us
hostilities as well as dissolution.
Guided by such considerations your Committee
propose, for adoption, the following
RESOLUTIONS.
] Resolred, That it is the duty of every good
citizen, in view of the imminent dangers that
threaten cOutry, to act first with single eye
to the preservation of the Union, and the main
tanance of peace between its citizens; and to
that end, TO postpone all political predictions,
partisan interest, and party creeds so far as these
may conflict with Cancellation and may tend to
hreIk up into fragments this conederacy of States
and TO assent to any just and reasonable plan OF
accommodation which promises to settle the ex-
| isting difficulties.
Resolued. That if the Southern form of labor
| is excluded from one portion of the common ter
ritories of the United States, it is Just that there
be another portion of the United States wherein
that form of labor is admitted.
ReSolued, That an extension of the limits with
i'm which the slaves of the United States are to be
permitted to dwell, is not extension of slavery,
which can only be effected by an importation of
| slaves; and that refusal 10 accept any terms of
| adjustment by imperilng the maintenance of the
Union, is the most likely means to extend slavery
itself, seeing that while the slavetrade will never
be allowed while we remain united, it may be re-
! opened by Southern Confederacy.
ReSOlccd, That if the Peace Conference shall
adopt and propose, for the settlement of the pres
difficulties, the plan of adjustment of Senator
Crttenden, or any other fair and just proposition,
substantially resembling it, such plan shall receive
our cheerful and hearty support
Resolred, That if the Peace Conference shall
fail to agree ON any proposition, then we earnestly
recommend that National Convention of dele
gates, to be elected by the people, be called by
! Congress or by the States. to which shall be re-
ferred the question of the settlement of our
National difficulties it being our firm belief that
4 the nouular will reflected throuoh delevates so