Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1861-10-03

We therefore recommend to friends, the Cotton
Planters of this and other States TO SEND NONE
THE BLOCKADE IS EXPRESSLY REMOVED
from all the ports of the Confederate States but to
make arrangements to store it carefully and properly
under their own sheds and gin houses"
This signed by all Of the Factors of the city, and
there was the same unanimity in Savannah, End the
Cities of the Cult. Is this not condemnation of the
policy of partial exports? Does it not Indignantly
ect the idea that relaxation of the blockade as to
exports merely should lure any portion of our citizens
into supplying Others while the blockade excludes from
us our own supplies? The Factors of Charleston say
to the Planters of this and otter States and print 1t
In large capitals, that they to "SEND NON h
OF THEIR COTTON TO MARKET, UNTIL
THE BLOCKADE Is EXPRESSLY REMOVED
from all the ports Of the Confederate States"
1t is not to be supposed that the Factors meant to
apply rule to the Planters and themselves act upon
another
The unqualified language of the Circular imposes
more stringent rule than think necessary. relaxa-
ton might as have already said, be permitted IN re-
gard to vessels which had already the blockade with
full cargoes of foreign supplies.
The Factors Circular, unqualified as it is, seemed to
meet the approval of the planters, and it appeared
until lately, of the whole Southern people.
" A Citizen" then had some ground for supposing
that the settled policy of the Confederate States
as he has stated.
But Mercator,' one merchant, at least, does not
subscribe to this policy. He considers it as auxiliary
licy of our Confederacy.
Lincon's policy did not, as have before stated have
as object, the cutting off exports. This is an incident
of his blockade, which he would if he could have gladly
avoided He in fact expected at the time his blockade
was instituted, that cotton would find its way North,
and that what not needed there would be exported
to Europe from Northern ports Disappointed in this,
be contemplated the scheme indicated by the Factors
Circular, that is, to relieve the blockade at
of the Southern ports so to permit exports from
these" still, of course, excluding imports.
But Mercator " thinks Withholding Cotton an
ndignity to England He is eloquent on this head.
What is the indignity? We say to England, "you
shall have Cotton only the terms you haze hher
to had it. Give US, you have heretofore done, yOur
manufactures and will furnish Cotton in exchange
But, except the Cay of exchange of commodities
we consider it interest to hold on to our Cotton
1t is our property and we mean to deal with it as best
suits our own interest" Is this an indgnity Mer
Gator" in the glow Of his rhetoric has lost sight of
logic How does he find hostile demonstration 10 the
declaration that trade shall be it always has been
exchange of commodities, las England has it in her
power to make it stilD, England refusing this, we
don't choose to trade at all? We say to England
send your goods and to that extent we will return
you Cotton, but not one bale beyond. You have the
power to open this trade to any extent and to main
| tain your position becomes nation. Should at
tempt it, it must be by stealth, and upon the miserable
ptitu scale OF smuggers whose only safety is in their
feeness. 1t is then no more than an act of simple
se-respect that we should declare to England that if
We should declare to England that if she wants our
Cotton, she must to u.s. and give in return what
we require
"Mercator' considers that eve declare to those we
seeking friendly relations WITH that if Mr.. Lincoln
removes relaxcs his blockade, we will renstate and
reinforce it by embargo conceived and imposed in
spirit of hostility" How gross the misrepresentation
If the blockade is removed, the "embargo,' as he
terms it, ceases. II it is "relaxed if, without relax
atiCn, it is dsregarded long there is law for
| | Or VaIUo EbOud
returned to the extent that wants supplied from
abroad. So far, in my opinion, the policy already
adopted extends. Whether the Government may not,
in the future find it expedent to press still further the
potCer Of Cotton it is not now my purpose to discuss
How far Cotton is King" it may become necessary
hereafter to investigates but for the present confne
myself to the policy already adopted.
At this time, at least "Mercatol" may rest assured
that the Queens throne" is not threatened
foRrishng rebellion and famine" in the faces of the
British people.
But Mercator fears that if we do not smuggle out
little Cotton to England, she may become indepen-
dent of US, and learn to supply herself elsewhere think
we may run this hazard and [ indulge the hope that
if the worst comes, do we'll without England
as she without US.
have such apprehensons, to the changes ofthe
course of trade, to loom in the imagination Of
Mercator." But if the danger really exist, it will not
be averted by the epeCuatlOnS OF few individuals
this side Of the Atlantic who will have to encounter not
only the blockade, but the common sentiment of the
South
My objection is that such attempts will only to
keep up the hopes and expectations of the English
ton, that they may perhaps obtain Cotton in the
FUTURE without action their part; and thus p'otroc
the period of ultimate decision their policy. Mer
Gator thinks that if could but transfer crop 81
Cotton to England tomorrow, it would be the wsest
policy we could adopt That having $20000000O
worth Of Cotton in England with the knowledge that
we would invest the chief part in her manufactures
soon the blockade raised would constitute the
" most persuasive argument in favor of " recognition
and OF active interference to open our ports" Is the IN
ducement stronger with the Cotton In hand, than with
out England knows now that all that is proposed by
|" Mercator would be hers if she chose to take the
ton suggested and she has the additional tnduceent to
secure the Cotton. The superadded inducement surely
does not weaken position.
Individuals might profit, doubt, by the shipment
OF Cotton, and temporary and partial advantages would
occasionally accrue to the community, but the same
thing is to a shipment New York. 1t might
under some circumstances, result highly to adyan
tage. But the example in either case would be mis-
chiev0us
OF what avail would exports be without a return O
supplies? Money, unless it procure something il
eXchaege is useless the jewel to the cock grain
of corn was better. Let US hold Cotton until VI
can get quld pro quo.
But new writer signed an "Old Shop-keeper" com
ing this morning to the rescue, in the Courier, ask
how to pay for imports unless we send our Cot
ton to Europe. "Al the CON-" he says, Sin all ID
Banks in South Carolina would 60 but little way to
wards paying for those articles of prime necessity whic
are needed now by our gallant Army
This is, really, the popular argument.
Now, according to my information, the banks in th
Confederate States have large balances due them i
= England. single bank in this city is said to hol
81, 100000. The banks in New Orleans must hol
many millions. This exchange England, easily Pre-
cured is far than sufficient to pay for all supple
that are likely to run the blockade.
+ This subject admits of very many views. have no
more than l intended. l have no intention to pursu
the controversy, but turn it into other hands.
how ipfor oil foalp