Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1861-02-15

threatened the sefushlng out process agalns
all who advocated the Wilmot proviso. Ii
lS48, Gen. Cass gained thoir support By abau
doning former opinions, and adopting neg
ones, couched, however, in such Delphic word
that they were interpreted oppositely in differ.
ent sections. la 1849-50, sagacious anC
patriotic southern President, when resisting
their Vaccinations, was struck down by death
ln 1852, they nominated General Pierce
whose antece6ents and surroundings were sat.
isfactory. During his administration vast evi
was done, and vastly more prepared. In 1856
they gracefully yielded TO the necessity of the
nomination of MIR. Buchanan. who did not
falter in their sery loo until it would haas been
reasonable to 60 further. In 1860, their real
character aud purpose was disclosed. Fearing
and hating Mr. Douglas for one act of disobe-
dlence, they expended every effort to prevent
his nomination. The two third rule and other
appliances failing, they kept the Charleston
Convention several weeks in session, forced an
adjournment to Baltimore, where failing to
defeat Mr.. Douglas, they seeded, broke the
convention in twain, nominated second cans
dldato, hopelessly divided the Democratic
party, and compelled Republican victory.
Thus, the Democratic party divided, the
Republican party triumphant, the whole south>
ern people purposely uisled as to its opinions
and policy, and the fitting occasion supposed
to have arrived for placing the match to the
magazine, the conspiracy was unveiled. To
day 1t stands before the American people the
most hideous development in their history or
that Of any other nation.
ITS PURPOSE AND PATH.
proceed to the third question: whittier
does it tend, and by what path? The path is
the asserted right of secession; the end, the
dissolution of the present Union. On the 9TH
or question, at least equally important: what
shall follow dissolution? there is great differ
ence of opinion. Some prefer a southern
confsderacy, with constitution much like the
present, others propose o reconstruction Of
this Government, with new guarantees and
conditions, on the extent Of which they again
differ. All, however, believe, agree in
"sloughing off" New England. Others in-
cline to q constitutional monarchy. Others
again, as foresbadowed BY Governor Pickens,
OF South Carolina, 10 a strong military gov
eroment. There is much method in their mad
ness; they agree upon the destructive part of
their policy, but largely differ upon the con-
STuctaUej no new experience, since to pull
NS'h ASHuAVc OuiJ Olubo AUECes 10 Dutlu I'D
requires great qualities. | have heard il late
ly said that three things were necessary in
governmental construction: wise men, money, :,
and the favor Of God. If this be true, this
southern movement must have disastrous ter
mination.
The Path chosen is BY the alleged right pos
sessed by each State to secede at pleasure
from the Union. Il is scarcely necessary to
say that this is doctrine wholly without au-
thorty, against common sense, and repudialed
IN terms by the most eminent Of statement
Mr. Madison, in the recently published letters
to ". 2. Trist, Esq, written 10 1882, says:
81 partake of the wonder that the men you
name should view secession in the light men,
toned. The essential difference between a
free government and government aot free is,
that the former is founded in compact, the
parties to which are mutually and equally
bound by it. Neither of them, therefore, can
haze greater right to break off from the
bargain than the Others have TO hold hina 10 it.
And certainly there is nothing in the Virginia
resolutisns of 1898 adverse to this principle,
which Is that of common sense and common
justice. The fallacy which draws different
conclusion from them lies in confounding
single party with the parties to the constilu-
tional compact of the United States. Tue lat
ter, having made the compact, may do what
they will with it. The former, as one of the
parties, owes fidelity TO it till released by con
sent, or abselved by an intolerable abuse OF
the power created"
In the same letter, Mr. Madison alludes to
Mr. Jeferson'S opinions as expressed in his
letters to Monroe and Uarriugtou, to the eff
feet that it was not necessary to find "yight
TO coerce in the Federal articles, that being
inherent IN the nature of compact"
DIR. Madison again says:
stMany seem 10 have lost sight of the great
principle, that compact is the basis and essence
of free government; and that no right to dis
regard it belongs to party till released from
1t by causes of which the other parties have an
equal right to judge. ln the event of an ire
concilable conflict, not of rights but of opinions
and claims of right: force becomes the ar
biter."
Again: he called upon all real friends of
the Union to ''6ually rally against those spcc-
ulative errors, which, assuming a practical
character, must subvert it..
The same views are found 10 bis correspond
ence with Mr.. Webster, and, al an earlier date,
with Alexander asmliton, to Wbom pending
the ratification of the Constitution BY the State
of New York, be SAID:
"My opinion is, that reservation Of the
right to witbdrawsif ameUdueuis be not deei-
ded on under tee form of the Constitution,
within certain time, is a conditional ratihea-
tiou; that il does not make New York . mem
Der of tue Union, and consequently that she
should not be received Oh that plau. Compacts
must be reciprocal; this principle would not, IN
such case, be preserved. The Constitution
requires an adoption an toto ND FOREVER"
General jackson Is repeatedly on record,
and in bis message to Congress on the 10th of
January, declared that
"The righ: of the people of single Stateto