New-York daily tribune., 1861-03-06
na uNooLN,s AnD.Rss.


received is the strongest evidence Of the anxiety
with which it was waited for as well as of the
high character of the document itself. For nearly
four months the people of this country, strong in
the power Of self-gOvernment to which our insti-
tutiOns have bred them, have sustained them
selves, as no other nation could have done, vir-
tualy without central government, and while
all the evil clements in the discentented and
vicious of the community were appealed 10 by
an apparently successful rebellion Undoubtedly
we have been drifting fast into anarchy; the
reign OF scoundrelism was impending, aud might
have already overwhelmed us but for the patent
forbearance of the people with an effete and eT-
piring government, and the patient waiting for
the government TO come, on which all hopes and
all fears were centered. But had it been evil
dent that the incoming Administration was to be
a mere continuation Of the imbecle policy OF the
last three months, the country sustained no longer
by the hope of something better to come, would
have fallen presently into general wreck and
ruin. at least for q season, incapable OF holding
together even by that powerful cohesion of popu-
lar government, which is at once the result and
the LcPf OF lilt tNCtlcuCC VI Jul NHuDA'teN
ten. The feeling then would necessarily be one
of great relief were the Address merely ON assur-
ance Of some positive frmness on the part OF the
new Administration.
But how much more must it crafty the public
expectation when the address is found to be
marked by sagacity as striking as its courage
and BY an absence Of all passion as remarkable
as its keen division OF the line Of duty, its une-
quiyocal statement of the issues at stake, and
uncompromising admissions of their precise value.
Upon the question Of Slavery the President
frankly acknowledges all that the Constitution
requires, as the Republican party has done before
him, and prOclaims the duty of fulfilling those
requirements. But there is no hypOcrtical pro-
fession of hssty alacrity at performing what il
the exceptional duty under free government,
and he ia careful to characterize 1t as held by
the majority of the people as strictly " dry legal
obligation" The question of Slavery in the Ter
rtories, nasmuch as the Constitution Is silent
in relation to Il, nc I a".@. a".@. "n't hs settled BY
the majority and their decision acquiesced in by
the minority. Nor does he submit on this point
to the dietHm of the Supreme Court. In a few
pregnant sentences, worthy the charge of a
Chief Justice >" ;.ry, and cOntainin" w.,
sound law than is often found in charges
twenty times its length be clears away all the
assumed settlement of the question by the Drcd
Scott decision. To the binding character of such
decisions in private suits ne assents, but he con-
sders that the people would practically cease to
be their own masters and resign the right Of
self.goverument into the hands of that tribunal,
if they acknowledge that the policy of the Gov
| ernment ia TO be irreyocably fixed by the decis-
ions of the Supreme Court to which the Con-
sttution gives no political power. And this is aS
sound common sense as it is good law, and
sweeps away at dash oil the cObwebs Of sOph-
| istry that have been woven over tho public mind
| by the Judgment in the case of Dred Scott.
| But it is in the admirable treatment of the
Secession question that Mr.. Lincoln is most en-
titled to the gratitude Of the country, end must
certainly it seems to us, command the support
of all good citizens. The duty of the head of
the Government to assert the rights of the Gov.
ernment itself is so selfeydent a truth that the
truth Of the corollary is no less sO-that those
will be guilty of commencing civil war, il any
shall arise, who shall attempt to hinder the Fede.
raj Government from occupying its own property.
The ayowal Of his purpose, in this regard, is
unequivocal, unhesitating, firm, and earnest.
One thing snly can be understood from it--he
means to execute the laws. But as there is no
hesitation, 90 there is no haste; and the frmness
Of his purpose is tempered by mercy. He
means evidently to provoke no unnecessary
hOstilities, and only where his duty is perfectly
clear to protect the rights Of the whole
will he assert the authority Of the Federal Gov.
ernment. If in the interior of the Southern
States foolish people will not permit the
presence Of Federal officers, they viii be per-
mitted 10 do without them, as they only are the
losers, but where revenue is to be collected
which belongs to the whole people, or where forts
are to be reOccupied which no mora belong TO
the section where they happen to be than they
do to the people Of the most distant corner of
the Union, then the laws must be executed, and
the power of the Federal Government asserted.
But time, DO doubt, viii be given to the unhappy
people, betrayed by an inbecle Government into
excuses which four months ago they never con-
templated, to return to their allegiance, and
restore the property of which they have possessed
themselves under O lamentable delusion.
The clearness with which the President states
his position on this point is as remarkable its
frmness, and so persuaded will the country be
that ii is wise plan, and that it is plan which
must conGne all further disturbances to few
localities in settling the difference with tie
South. and that no disastrous consequences will