The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-09-27
The President ana the Abolition Press.


whole hornets nest of abolition journals. Ever
since its publication they have assailed him
either with undisguised fury or malignant stabs
in the back. They are disappointed in their ex-
pectations that the war would be made war
of emancipation, and hence their wrath knows
no bounds. They want no war for the Union
with slavery in it, but desire in their inmost
hearts to abolish the Union if they cannot abo.
lish slavery The holder of them make their
onsaughts upon the President openly; but
the more cowardly attack him in sneak
ing, covert way, which exhibits their i'm
potent malice, "willing to wound, but afraid
to strike" OF this class is the EUeniag
Post. On Wednesday afternoon that jour
nal devoted a long leading article to the sub
jeci, under the caption of "The War and Slave
ry," in which it bombarded the President from
masked battery in defence of Fremont and
the abolition view of the question.
In reply to the argument that this is a war
for the maintenance Of the constitution, and the
restoration Of the Union on the basis laid down
in that instrument the Post holds that the con-
stitution is necessarily placed in allegiance dur
ing the war; that the laws of war must pre-
vail, and that, therefore, the private property
of the disafected is justly liable to capture and
confscation, although not used in the naval or
military service of the insurgent leaders. Now
the short answer to this position is, that it is nei
Their according to the constitution nor the laws of
war. BY the constitution the forfeiture of pri-
vate property for treason is expressly forbidden,
as relic of barbarism which visits the inno-
cent wife and children of rebel with the sins
of the husband and parent. BY the laws of
modern warfare in all civilized nations the pri-
vate property of the enemy, except on the high
seas, is exempt from conliscation, and is only
seized when it is used in the public service Of
the belligerent Power. Does the Post desire us
to outstrip the civilized world in barbarity and
return to the bloody and brutal usages of the
dark ages?
But the Post contends that even though the
private property of the enemy on the land
should be exempt from coniiscation, his proper
ty in slaves ought not to be exempt, because
slavery is the cause of the war and its extinc-
ton is therefore necessary to Northern success.
concluding paragraph of its article
We why slave property should DO
exempt from the liabilities Of war; bat we
a why, II any determinations TO DO made at
property should be tho chief TO suffer. Disguise it
may, 1t is still evident that the rebellion has grown al
together Of the existence Of tn t property Our
cety would be perfectly homogeneous throughout but for
slavery. No 9th q rer has eziied, crist,
this continent, Nothing else separates the North and
south. ,nns nas uAsA lyose p he densotva,.c party
To extend its has been the man purpose of Southern
politicians Because they coai not extend it they de-
cared war; Wherever slavery exists there secession is
rampant. Where slavery has died out as in the border
States, secession has but puny vitality. Where there
is no slavery the people to man enthusiastically de-
voted to the Union.
Now this statement is in direct contradiction
to the notorious facts of American history.
Slavery is not the cause of the war; because
slavery existed in every State before the Union
was formed and its perpetual protection was
embodied in the provisions of the constitution
with such guarantees as protect no other
species Of property whatever, just because the
just and wise men who framed it foresaw that
perilous times would come, when men Of Punic
faith, covenant breakers ard fanatics, like the
editor of the Post, would arise, who would
seek to violate the compact of the constitution,
and TO abolish slavery in the States by the laws
Of Congress or by the power of an unscrupu-
lous executive. Hence the fundamental law of
the Union-the law that President and Congress
must equally obey-is made so plain that " he
WHO rms may read, and the man who tramples
on it has no excuse for his treason. Slavery
has existed for three-qnarters of y century since
the Union was established, and, if it be now the
cause of war, it would have resulted in hostili-
ties long before. The same causes always pro-
duce the same effects. Between the period of
the formation of the old Confederation and the
"nlore perfect Union" u rebellion broke out in
Massachusetts, 1t is known as Shay's rebel
lion. That did not arise from negro slavery, but
from a mutinous, agrarian, dwelling spirit. 1t
was put down by the edge of the Southern sword,
and it became decisive argument for the ne
cessity Of the new Union. After the formation
of the constitution, and during the Presidency
Of Washington, another war arose. 1t did not
proceed from slavery, but from mutinous
spirit against the excise laws. This time the
scene of rebellion was in Western Pennsylvania.
Once more rebellion lin 1882 broke out still
farther south; and again it was not from
slavery, but from mutinous spirit against the
tariff 1t was this time called notification, and
its chief seat was in Charleston, South Carolina.
Andrew jackson snuffed it out like candle
with the breath of his mouth, because it had no
strength, and the overwhelming majority Of the
Southern people were against it. In the war
with Great Britain Qs12-I5) the New England
States revolted against the federal power, held
a reasonable convention at Hartford, and, like
Missouri, Kentucky and Virginia in the present
year, stood upon State rights, and refused to
comply with the demand of the President for
their quota of militia. Certainly that revolt did
not proceed from slavery.
Nor has the present rebellion its root in that
institution, but in the same mutinous spirit
which formerly broke out in New England; and
the Southern sccessionists and Northern aboli-
tionists are both responsible for it; but of the
Two factions the Northern IL the more C,IiIfy