Centre Democrat. [volume] (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, 1861-02-28
BELLEFONTE PA THURSDAY MORNING, FEB. % 1861

how little they could do beyond abiding the
issue which awaited them. Upon the Presi-
dent and his Cabinet, grave responsibilities
had been cast respcns bilities for which they
would be held deeply answerable before more
than one tribunal. By the Constitution, it
was the duty ofthe President to see the laws
faithfully executed. But be had offered an
excuse for their non.fulfillment blythe fact
that as all ministerial and federal officers had
resigned in South Carolina, bis power was
practically parayzed to fulfill the law. That
point was one of grave Importance, but it
had been swallowed up by an--event Of still
vaster magnitude. The President was Com
mander-in- Chief, and be was charged with
the duty and vested with the.power to pre-
serve CD land and sea the national aefenses,
and for the full execution of that duty no
Judges, or Courts, or. Marsbals, were needed.
| Nothing was wanted but frmness and integ-
ritY. This he had made no attempt to- do !;
but, on the contrary, bad left the country
naked to lis enemies" and left brave men
in fortresses ungarrisoned, and refused to
send them suceor and support. But if it
were said that to have sent ships and men to
these forts would have precipitated bloody
outrages, then he answered that it should
havo been done before the frat muttering Of
the storm-done early, gradually. when sa'
gacious politicians and citizens had advised
and implored him. But it had not been done,
and the Executive Of this great country stood
petrifed by fear, CT vacillating BETWEEN de-
termination and cowardice, while rebels tore
from bis nerveless grasp the insignia of the
Republic, and in its place hoisted the ban
ner of secession and rebellion. Congress was
powerless to control this. The Constii ution
had given them no power to interfere. They
had voted the money to carry on the Govern
ment and what else could they do? Moth
ing but to take their share in that issue
which remaned-the paramount question Of
the country. AS to the secession movement,
that any one State had the right to go out of
the Union he did not.belisve. The Consttu-
tion showed no such right. Their fathers
would spurn the idea of secession. 1t would
be spurned by those statesmen who believed
that they were not making a..compact of vol-
untary afiliation the eternal wedlock of the
people. There were three ways in which
State could cut itself loose..from ,deral al.
legiance: By the amendment of the Consti
tuition, as provided in the Constitution itself;
by the concert. not of the State going out, or
of the remaining States, but by the universal
acquiesence of the American people; and by
that right or power which inheres in man
and not in State, that option which all men
had to defeat their governments, and if they
succeeded to live in peace as patriots and
heroes, ..and if they failed to die as rebels'and
traitors. But, as to this question OF coercion,
it was not the coercion of States, but indi-
vidua!s. States did not commit murder and
other such crimes. Men did such things,
and men were punishable, not States. 1t had
been suggested that suppose eight States Sc
ceded, what then? That was the cid puzzle,
the old preplem, solved by every Government
that ever demonstrated the power of self.per-
petuation. Iu the crime of one man ten
thousand may have been Engaged, and they
are equally guilty, but not all punishable
practically, because the wheels Of Govern
ment, in inficting punishment on all, would
roll axle deep in blood. and so clog. But
the principle remained the same. AS to the
question of waging war. In this material
age, war was a humdrum thing. The bat
ties fought by the knights and Crusaders, and
sung of by the trouba 1ours of old, had all
passed away. War was no longer CUES.
ton of personal valor and individual achieve
ment, but mere question of murder-of who
could indulge in most iron and lead. IL was
no longer regulated by the law of honor, but
by the law of trade; and if he had the bad
heart imputed to men of the North, he might
indeed be anxious to let secession take it's
course, and he would willingly crown every
absconding State with instantaneous inde-
pendence. There would then be no more
rendition of fugitive slaves, no General Gov
ernment to quell servile insurrection, no more
foreign Pe wers to interfere with the Govern
ment. Slavery would of itself die out The
cotton statistics of the world showed that
American slave>raised cotton is not to reign
as king forever. These statistics, the weird
sisters which attend the ring, proclaim that
his reign shall be but short, and that his
scepter should 60 into alien hands, g no son
of his succeeding" But the question was,
what was to be done? He believed that
more unjust rebellion, and more perfdious
as regarded the relationship, of the men of
the Governmsnt they sought to overthrow,
was pever known. And his difficulty was to
see how any branch of the Government could
with safety and propriety enter upon nego-
tiations at all.
For the Government to conciliate in this |
matter was to evince that they were either in
the last extremity, or that they possessed
magnanimity entirely sublime. Could it be
supposed that they would change tho laws
of the land at the armed behest to those en-
gagged in resisting them? To do so would
demoralizs and jeopardize any Government.
How could they offer terms to insurgents
with uplifted banners of revolt in their hand
To do so would be not only to confess their
IL -