Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1861-10-01

strength to subjngate them. War cannot
be conducted on peace principles, or
successfully conducted by persons who do
not enterintoi 1t with spirit resolution md
energy.
the SLAVE POPULATION.
This brings us to The ques-
tion of the slave population in the rebel
lious States. In these States there are over
three millions of the population held by
the laws or usages of those States as slaves.
These people are an integral portion of the
the United States, owe allegiance to the
Federal Government, and are entitled 10
the protection of that Government. The
Government has the same right to make
friends and allies of them, and to enroll
and arm them against the rebellion, that
1t has to make friends and allies or to en-
roll and arm the white population of
Western Virginia or of Eastern Tennessee.
1t makes nothing against this that these
people have heretofore been slaves by the
laws or the 1sages of the States in which
they reside; for those laws or nsages are
deprived Of all force against the Union by
the very act of rebellion. Rebellion dis
solves all laws for the protection of the
life or property of the rebels. BY the very
act of rebellion, the rebel forfeits to the
government against which he rebels both
his property and his life, and holds hence
forth neither, save its mercy or discretion.
If itwere not SO; the Government would
have no right to confscate the property of
rebels, or to attempt TO suppress rep-
belIion by force Of arms. If the slaves
held in the rebellious States are property,
they are forfeited to the government, and
the government may confiscate them, as
cotton, rice, tobacco, or any other species
- -, hau 1f III 81,
els. The same principle that gives to the
government the right to confscate a bale
of cotton owned by rebel, gives it right
to confiscate every negro slave claimed by
a rebel master. This is perfectly clear,
and is implied in the recent act of Con-
gress on the subject. But if these people
held as slaves are not property, they are
and should be regarded as citizens of the
United States, owing allegiance TO the Fed
eral Government, liable to be called into
Il 9 service of the Union in the way and
manner it deems most advisable, and, if
loyal, entitled to the same protection from
the government as any other class of loyal
citizens. No body can pretend that the
Federal Government is obliged, by virtue
of the laws or usages heretofore existing
in the slave States, to treat these people AS
property. Whatever might have been its
obligation before the rebellious acts of
those States, that obligation is no longer
in force.
THE BORDER sTATRs AND FREEDOM.
But, if it be required to treat them as
free and loyal citizens by the military ope-
rations for tho preservation of the Union,
or even TO remove the causes of the pres
ent rebellion, the government is bound so
to treat them. The only doubt that can
arise is as to'the fact, whether it would or
would not prove useful to this end. 1t
may be objected to such measure thatit
would deprive US of the aid of Western
Virginia and Eastern Tennessee, and drive
into open hostility to the Union Maryland,
Kentucky and Missouri. This objectios
deserves grave consideration. But it is in
substance the objection that has embar-
rassed the government from the outset,
and compelled it to take only halfway
measures to suppress the rebellion. For
ourselves, we cannot respect the fear to
which this obligation appeals. Fear is the
worst possible counsellor in the world, and
the government that hesitates to adopt tile
best policy for fear of alternating its friends,
islost. Letthe lines beat once sharply drawn
between our friends and our enemies. Ina
crisis like the present, lukewarm friends,
or friends who will be our friends only by
virtue OF certain concessions to their in
terests or prejudices, are more embarrass-
ing than open enemies, and do more to
weaken our forces than If arrayed in open
hostility against us. If these States are
for the Union they will insist ON no condi-
tions incompatible with the preservation
of the Union; they will make sacrifices for
the Union, as well as the other loyal States,
and there is no reason why they should
not. There is neither reason nor justice
in Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, and the great States north
west of the Ohio, pouring out their blood
and treasure for the qualification of the
slaTeholding pretentions of Maryland, Ken
lucky or Missouri. The citizens of these
States who own slaves, are as much bound,
if the preservation of the Union requires
it, to give up their property in slaves, rs
we at the farther North are to ponr out our
blood and treasure to put down rebellion
which threatens alike them and us. Ii
they love their few slaves more than they
do the Union, let them go out Of the Union.
We are stronger to fight the battle of the
Union without them, than we are with them.
EMANCIPATION.
But we have referred only to the slaves
in the rebellious States, and, if it is or
lift becomes military necessity to iber-
ate all tue slaves oil tne OnlonI anu 70 Ieat
the whole slave population Us freemen
and citizens, it would be no moro than
Just and proper that, Mt the conclusion of
the war, the loyal citizens of the loyal sec
tions of the rebellious States, should be
Unidentified at reasonable rate for slaves
that may have been liberated. The States
and sections of States have not
large number of slaves, and, if the Union
is preserved, it would not be heavy bur
den on it to pay their ransom; and topay-
ing it no patriot or loyal citizen of the free
States should raise the slightest objection.
The objection, therefore, urged, though
grave, need not be regarded as insuperabIc
and we think the advantage of the meas
ure, in u military point of view, would be
far greater than any disadvantage we have
to aPprehend from it.
Whether the time for this important
measnra hns come or not. il is for the