Holmes County farmer. [volume] (Millersburg, Ohio) 1857-1926, 1861-01-17
M1LLERSBURG OHIO, THURSDAY MORNING, JANUARY H. 1861

to enforce the law in a seeding State Ok.
cept by making war? In his opinion we
had reached the point when disunion was
inevitable unless compromise, founded
on concession, can be made. He prefer
red compromise TO war, and concession to
disunion. No compromise would be
available which does not carry the ques-
ton Of slavery beyond Congress. He
said he had voted for the proposition Of
the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Critten-
den) and was ready to vote for it again.
Why cannot the Republicans unite on
the Missouri Compromise line. They
had heaped curses enough upon his head
for repeating it, to be glad now to re-es-
tablish it. He had helped TO support
that measure till he was compelled TO
abandon it. He was willing now to
meet on terms of mutual concession.--
He had offered another provision to leave
the Territories in statu quo till they have
80, 900 inhabitants, and then settle the
question themselves-and also provided
for the removal of the negI Ioes, if the Ter
ritory chose. to certain provinces. 1fthe
Republicans do not intend to interfere
with slavery in the States, why not put
amendments to the Constitution so they
cannot do it, There must be n settle
ment of some sort now. Itcan't be post
poned. We are in a state of revolution.
1t is compromise or war. He preferred
compromise. He said it seemed as though
the Senators OH the other side determined
to act as party. Let the people decide
the question. No doubt the people of
Massachusetts, are opposed to slavery ex-
tension; but he thought if the questions
were submitted to-day--the resolutions
of the Senator from Kentucky - they
would ratify them.
He argued against making war against
10000, 900 people. He saw there was an
eternal separation, but he would not con-
slider war till all hope was passed. There
is no other way ofrecourse left, to enforce
the law in a seeding State, exceptto make
war and bring the State within your pos
session first, and then enforce the law af-
terward. A war between eighteen States,
on the one side, and fifteen seeding States
on the other, Is to me revolving thing.
For what purpose is the war to be waged?
Certainly not for the purpose Of preserv-
ing the Union. | Ihave too much respect fol
gentlemen on the other side of the cham
Der. collectively and individually to believe
there is one among them who does not
know what war is. You cannot expect
to exteminate ten millions of people
whose passions are excited with the be
lief that you mean to invade their homes
and light the flames of insurrection III
their midst. You must expect to exter'
inmate them, or subjugate them, or else
when you have got tired of war, to ma kc
a treaty with them. No matter whether
the war lasts one year or seven years, o.
thirty years, it must have an end at som,
time. Sooner or later both parties viii
become tired and exhausted, and when
rendered incapable of fighting any longer
they will make treaty of peace, and that
treaty will be of separation. The history
of the world does not furnish an example
of war of sections, or between States o1
the same nation, where the war ended in
reconciliation. Such war always ends
in treaty of peace, and final, eternal
separation.
Idon't understand then, how man can
claim to be a fried of the Union, and yet
be in favor of war upon ten millions ol
people in the Union. You cannot cover it
up much longer under pretext of love iol
the Union. Now, the question must be
met, and whatever concessions / am call
ed upon to make, choose to make vol
unfairly, before bood is shed, and no
afterward. No man has more pride o
country than l. 1t humbles my pride tc
see the authority of the government ques
toned, but we are not the first nation
whose pride has been humbled. Repub
lies, empires and kingdoms, alike, in al
ages, have been subject to the same hui
initiating fact. But where there is deeI
seated discomfort pervading ten millions
J of people, and penetrating every man, wo
man and child. and involving everything
dear to them, it is time for inquiring wheth
er there is not some cause for the feeling
If there be Just cause for it, in Gods mann
let us remove it. Are we not criminal IL
, the sight of Heaven ard posterity, if we d.
| not remove the Just cause? If there is NJ
t cause, and yet they believe there is,s mucl
the greater the necessity for rem owing tn
> misconception. Are you so elated will
the pride of your recent triumph, or prid
of opinion, that you cannot remove al
unfounded apprehension, when it is rush
: ing ten millions of people into disuniol
, and breaking up the government of ou
fathers. and leaving MS, hitherto prouC
republic on earth, to become by-worC
among the nations?
still entertain the hope that this ques
tion may be adjusted, although the indi
e cations are that blood will be shed an
| war will rage before gentlemen fully ap
: preciate the crisis through which we ar
/ passing l don't think my nerves al
t any weaker than ordinary, nor do l thin
there is much courage in shutting the eye
! in the face of danger, and then saying yo
do not see it. Every man must see it, an
0 hear it, and breathe it. The atmospher
is full of it. l have determined that
4 will do all that is in my power to rescu
y the country from such dreadful fat'
s But will not consider this question {
d war till all hope of peaceful adjustmer
It fails. Better. thousand times bette
that all political parties be disbanded an
l. dissolved Better that every politics
# man now in existance be consigned to III
L. out, dor