Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1861-02-28

puerilities of the insutors and the insulted, and
rise up TO vindcate humanity against such un-
manly pervcrsiiies.
The Slave States claim that slaves are not on
" property, but such peculiar Kind of prop
erty that the general government has nothing
TO do with it. 1t is invested with sort of di-
vnty, almost beyond the power of man 10 reach.
The slave States claim the sole right of its man
agement, while imposing upon the general gov
crnment and the free States the ruinOus conse-
quences of its growth and increase. Virginia
claims the right to endanger us with u servile
insurrection, and of granting to Pennsylvania
only the right to help pay for the property de-
stroyed. Virginia claims the right to increase
the number of her slaves on the hypothesis of
Penns,lvania's paying for their future manu-
mission. She claims the right of fomcnting Il
nuisance with the assurance that the free States
must pav to yet rid of it. What monstrous
doctrine is this Why, if you withhold from
government the right to dispose of the proper
~ of its subjects for the national defence and
safety, you deprive il Of its sovereignty, and it
ceases to he government The general gov
ernment can take my property and yours for IFS
purposes, and can it not take that of the slave
holder? What peculiar privilege or exemption
is this which is set up by the slave States p
Have they power greater than that of the
general government? If they have, it is time
that we should know it. II is our business, it
is our dHy, TO know to whom allegiance is due.
The slave States are in a condition to claim
our assistance; and by their friendly co-opera-
ton we may still be enabled to render it. The
regimen Of our course with respect to them
should be-AssiSidace, oad oAy amount Of as.
siSitdce, 6m cHh0m O jo,ther compromise Of
our common liberties. If unfortunately they
should not be willing to accept OF it, and in the
only way that we have it in our power TO give,
there seems to be no other result but civil war
By this means--by war, slavery would in all
probability be abolished, and in way much
cheaper 10 the general government (setting
blood asidc) than by purchase We are now Il
great nation-with nearly as many millions of
men and as many resources as Great Britain or
France with our slave oppressed energies once
fairly aroused we could build fleets of Great
Easterns and send our slaves back to Africa or
TO Central America, and while thus getting rid
of our cancerous disease, we should be gaining
new strength to maintain the claims to the dig
nifty and liberty of man. Anew seminary would
be opened To increase the number of our sailors
and TO sustain our flag in every sea.
Such is the course that our hopes point out
to US and which seems within our power to pur-
sue. 1t is, at all events, nobler to try it than
to shrink back from the light and liberty and
dark recesses of slavery. While England and
France are striking of the shackles from hu-
man freedom in the old enslavpd empires of
the East why should we be seeking 10 rivet
them with renewed strength and tirmnesS here?
Amidst all our doubts and perpleXities there
is one course which is open, clear and plain !;
and that is to make no more compromises with
human slavery. The slave States have so long
overruled the free States to their own purposes
that they have come at last TO attach an impor-
lance TO themselves which in reality does not
belong to them. In the efforts to give their So
cial condition political power and value which
it does not and cannot possess, they claim the
right to forcG'the country into convulSons OF
fear and alarm, disturb the finances ruin nor
thern capitalists and throw free aborers out OF
employment whenever it suits their imperous
will to do so. While living in advance of their
income by years credit, they have been sub
scribing freely from their mortgaged pockets
for purposes of filibusering, raising armies OF
Kansas ruffians, and for bribery as a means OF
extending and perpetualing their political su-
premacv based upon slavery they have per-
verted executive departments of the govern
ment to reasonable uses they have corrupted
the legislative branch by deficiency bills which
| have covered up frauds upon the treasury
of the most ruiuouS character to the moral
]
ored everywhere to shock the public con-
science and weaken lis moral sensibilitieS with
view to reconcile its tastes thus deprayed ia
the existence and expansion of slavery; they
| have reduced the high Office of Presdent--the
representative of the sovereignty and authority
| OF thirty millions of people, TO Il mere instru-
ment of party,-the President almost forgetting
that he occupies high executive position which
calls on him TO d0 and dd and not descend tc
the low, clamorous position of Representative
in Congress, which he does in the long, undi >
nifed stump-Spceches with which once yeal
he gratfes the idle curiosity of the people and
now, when short crops and bankruptcy bank
ruptcy in pocket, bankruptcy in political value
and bankruptcy in moral character are staring
them in the face, and servilc insurrection threat
ening them ut every momeH with sudden eX
lie to the North with their spoons in their pock
etS-in this state of things, what are we of thu
free States called on to do? Why, we are call
ed on to compromise with slavery. At tim,
when the slave States should be making som,
concessions to US, in favor of a common Liber
ty in favor of good government, in favor o
free labor, in favor of Union and the Consttu
ton, in favor of high and worthy nationa
character that may command the respect of th
world and elevate the condition of the who'll
human race, ii is demanded of us that we shoult
make new degrading ana rulnouS compromise
of Liberty with them. We should allow th
hair of our strength to be so interviewer witt
the meshes Of slavery, and our eyes to becom
so blinded by repeated compromises that in ou
ultimate efforts 10 get free, we must become
crushed beneath the ruins alike of our gloriou
institutions and of human liberty.
This is no time for speeches or for resolu
tiops; but it is a time for action. 1t is tim
when every one should be looking to that pro
vision of the Constitution which secures to hin
the right of bearing arms to defend himsel
against insult outrage and tyrannical oppres
sion. And Of all the instances of oppression
, of the present day, we know none greater thai
that a few shareholders should WELD the desti
nies OF nearly thirty millions of free and sover
eign people This is the time to dictate l.
slavery the terms of peace ! or, if that fail,
then to be prepared for war. 1t is no time t
!, take council of our fears for by that cours
: we should hasten the dangers which we depre
cate. Words are of no consequence; they hav
lost their value by the false coinage and impress
} which political extravaganza haspu upon then
, 1t is only by decision, trmness and determine
ton, and quietly preparing to meet the wors
that we can now secure the blessings of libert
, and good government to our common countr,
A course of indecision and vacillation woul
: end but in confusion and generalization, an
7 would merit, as it would excite, the contemI
5 of both sections and of all parties. J. W. p.