Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1861-08-25

~ RE7di aadi ssgorg si Il .asaonco "A, "A a.,
11DBlsh oi sant svis 0dv ssodi 10 s,a,
.zss iilurr ul aiRleayaW .nroaS AZ kI.o
u s-t1V Exch&h ls ~ TrissSess. vtt'ss'
d This nsttsr, % the plblic tss Observed. A.,
a occasioned great ien1bs2iasszzsnt ~ The AdmlG
isiFations Ecertainly q atsaf dad of fncou.
venlence and snfering 70, theparties personall,
concerned. The inhefent trouble Of. the avs
tenn which 70 no system, hefetolofg ptfsdsd a
thaethe sufefibgs Of ous adssssaries{ sbich n,
nlGht epdnie dEish, Eeasopsble cemposnre. Ar
returned 70 our own innocent men, who are pris
4 yners And this comes from the pscuiiaFitiel
d we sco1hiet itseIS "a its eeinBinks, Hand
!ae feluctance Of ne AdministrStion 70 place
Spon !. @ the basls which is has Assumed nov foi
Atths beEi6ning 7, fhe dAdminjstratisa s.tlez
the war an fnsdtveet etion-Aapd i1 fbaE asneeEI I.
was 70 De put down BY me due eLsrciSe AZ -.
sonaoie 1otce1 and those who psssisted IA febel.
\ nooe pfsetlces, ~ taken prisoners, would Ieeal.
y stand 10 the relation OF traitors "a tbe Gov.
enment,i ,if engaged out Iand, apd AZ Sjystsa ] q,
arrested on the water zIe IL manifess tbat 4
theory Ike this could only Be carried ont. IN !
case where the 9ovefnment sswas vefv strooc
\ and lte febellious citizens 80 weak, that sthey
must NOT only eventaally yield 20 the authority
III the GcverDme1t, but possess no very sefious
Iyf permanent power OF mischief. Because II
tne pafties engsged ID she etfugeIe were on any
thing fesem6lIng equal terms, Ia point Of
strength and efiiciency, harsh prvceedibRs adopt.
ed on one side would inevitably be follSWed bv
retaiistory measures on the otherL until IN he
end, the war, instead Of being a aconfiet or civ.
ilized men for great and noble objects, sffeetinR
the highest interests Of 'humsnity, would deeen.
crate into savage and vindietive strife for the
physical mastery l5oa leiFJmni % 13idN t61i
The execution OF men for treason and piracy
itis manifest cannot BE- ipracticed on s large
scale.A The object Of such executions, when
ever allowed, is 70 furnish saIutary erafnbIe.
and 90 TO repress evil practices, but not merely
TO destroy human life. The tendency even Of
civil VAR therefore, is, very soon 70 apply to It
tne principles OF all other civilized warfare.
Indeed, 10 becomes absolutely Indispensable 10
take this view of IT, sooner Or later, iinIes1 the
mutual Disposition should exist, which is hardly
conceivable, when land 10 30 unfortunste ss
10 pc involved In civil CONNECTIONS, OF drench-.
ing IL with ihdiscriminate slsughtefs. sI3f96'e5
Ina case of this sort, In which our own feel.
ings are interested, we do not always take the
same yieg Of Q question which would occur to
an impartial observer For example, she inti-
mation.in the British Parliament---at an enly
period Ia the controversy the cruisers OF
the seceding States might be regarded as enti-
tied 10 belligerent rights, was received with al
almost universal burst Of Indignation! But,
after all in this respect, as we'll a. iu regard 10
the prisoners taken In battle, the whole question
finally resolves Itself into one dependens upon
the relative magnitude Of the contending
forces. A knot Of conspfstors may be hung as
traitors-the crews Of vessel or two, assailing
the commerce Of q nation, might suffer as
pirates but you cannot hang whole people,
and the same principle must apply to their ar.
my and their feet. In fact, when the rebellion
becomes Of consequence enough to put the whole
powers Of q government to the test, to repress
or TO resist IL, then IL is war, as well as rebel
lion, and the laws usually In force In war are
applicable to 1t and mutt be recognized. 9th
erwise, as we have above remarked, the contest
degenerates into q merely barbarous, mutual
massacre, restrained BY no moral considerations
Or settled principles, acknowledged by every.
civilized people. :? ore. siaaHal) - = 51t
Ia conformity with these views, the civil war
Of England, In the seventeenth century, though
carried on with great ahimosity and many oc.
casional excesses, was still directed by the or
dlnafy rules of warfare, In their general over
sight, and the exchange of prisoners took place
upon the usual terms, ne upon ether -oocssions.
ln our own revolutionary struggle it was the
the mother country . her armies were employed
70 reduce us to gsubjection, there was great
conflict of opinion and Of action among our own
people; many scenes OF violence occurred, es.
pecially at the beginning Of the outbreak, and
In parts Of the country until the end Of the
conflict; but the exchange Of prisoners regular
ly took place. 90 in all other cases of war,
though the British Government regarded 1t only
as rebellion, until IL was fnally compelled to
ackDowledge our independence. b.,s15,.s, u.
70 We think, therefores there should be no fur.
ther hesitation on this point; but that the usual
negotiations should, be conducted for this pur-
pose, which the necessity Of the case impera-
lively demands. The real evil OF contrary
course falls upon our own troops who are 80 IN.
lucky as to be taken prisoners, and upon their
iriends and families. q The objection 10 . mere
~ technical and theoretical one, II does not
Affect the main question, st iasue st all, ~ We
give up no right, aud make no acknow ledgment
OF pretended rights on, the other, eide. The
real point is, that they, who. posseas certain
amount Of military ,stsengtb, have been able TO
capture some OF our friendsl and upon certain
well-undeFstoodi conditions, not affecting the
general question, IN controversy. and quite apart
from u, we effect the rendition OF those friends
by an exchange. IS sgrff1eo saoiflt IN ,.,ir,t,
Resides, this kind Of conduct would at once
soften the always hard conditions Of war. by
relieying itof many personal feelines, resuIting
from private grievance and would tend 70
elevate IL still more into Q noble struggle be-
coming great, people. We desire 70 see It Q
war Of principle, not of passion, and thus 70
insuse its speedy and succesaipl issue, d lam
We dare say isl may be urged In reply to
these opinions What, are, yop willing to let
the trai,orss 60 lunpunishsdf Are you disposed
to put them on The. footing of fair oombAsants,
and allow them to be exchanged for good
patriots and honest mep2 To this we answer,
that these questions have nothing 70 do with
the point ~ issue Weate preoluded for The
time, blythe necessity of the case, from settling
the future condition Of those Who have offended
against the laws, and have given up q peaceful
and prosperous country to blood and ravage.
Bat We want the good patriots and honest men
relessed--and, as for the reat, We are willing 20
defer the character they are % sus.sin and the
final doom ofiall rebels and traitors 70 the end
tof the waP,Y We shall DO deplorably mistaken
III they are TO gain. anything, either Of advant
tage or, honor, out of it, either now or with
posterity. But we wish Il %, be q noble war,
conducted upon principles commensnrate with
is grand objects, deprived Of every, horror
which 10 not, inseparable from every war, and
rising in dignity and streugth, until Il reaches its
glorious aud successful close Beston Cswser
ris.uruuuiuura,uuusu.u