Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1861-01-26

THE C~RTSEs.s-RO. 8.
The Priaciples InvoIped IN the Secession Of the
Marss States from the Union are heaficGt
wih those that Separated the Colonies from
Great Briiaia-Comparison and Conclusion
EDrroRs APPEAL; / have aimed, in these
articles, to impress 10Y readers with my con-
yictions Of The true position Of the slave
States relatively to the free States, in the
Union, and 70 the Union itself. Ihave aimed
to impress upon them the dangers which en-
viron those states and imperil their liberties
in that Union-dangers inevitable, unayoida-
bic, and ever increasing, because they are con-
Joined to, and indispensable from, the very con-
dition and existence Of that Union-cangefs
resulting frem the preponderance, now great
and ever growing larger, Of one section, diverse
and adverse IN institutions and policy, over
another. believe the principles operating this
day, causing the necessity for a separation be-
tween the slave ami free Slates-thai the Hb-
critics Of the slave States may be preserved
are identical with those that foreedths sePara-
ton Of the colonies from Great Britain. As
evidence Of this slmilitude, / adduce declara-
lions made by tie colonial advocates Of seces-
sion pending the controversy between Great
Britain and the colonies.
South Carolina in 1867 In instructions to
her agent in England, says; "If the interests
Of the mother country and her colonies cannot
be made to coincide; if the welfare rf The
mother country necessarily requires a sAerl-
fee Of The most natural rights Of the colonies
the right Of making their own laws, and dis
posing Of their own property through repre-
sentatives Of their own choosing-if such is
really the case between Great Britain and her
colonies, then the connection between them
ought to cease; and sooner or later 4 mast IN
euifdblu cease. There never can be a
disposition in the colonies to break OF their
connection with the mother country, 90 long
as they are permitted to have the full enjoy
ment Of those rights 10 which the Constitution
entities them they desire no moTe,
nor can they be satisfied with less.
Il IS The reality that zee claim as our inheritance,
and wouid defend with our lives" In sub
stance, this is the protest the slave have
made as against the controlling influence Of
the free States IN the national legislature,
where a sectional majority prevents the South
from obtaining claws and disposing OF their
own property through representatives OF their
own chOosing;" and the slave States never
dreamed Of breaking of their connection with
the North, til long after the reality Of the
"full enjoyment Of those rights to which the
I OOAaAlAlAAuu EAAAAlEa AuEm uuA DEsn 0NAANA
them.
An esteemed writer, in referring to the
claim of Great Britain to exercise power with
out adequate representation Of the colonies,
says; "As the relation Of the Government
would become one Of poOer snd not Of right, it
cannot but employ its accumulated resources
to make itself oppressive; this If
suffered to prevail will eXiin Euish the fame Of
liberty" In the absolute majority the arbi-
I A-aru and frrroaofun uorffnwm1 rnaro-fkr~ 80 fha
North, overriding and, in effect, annihilating
southern representation, we have an exact par
allel, that, IL suffered to prevail, will eXtin-
guish southern independence.
The people Of the colonies, previous to the
revolution were, as the people Of tue slave
States now are, excited BY aggression to def
ant resistance; they were by tories as we arc
BY Black-Republieans and their sympathizers
pronounced "hasty, inconsiderste, mad, trait
ors." It was alleged by a tory chief justice
that "no two colonies think alike; there is no
uniformity Of measures; the bundle Of sticks
thus separated viii be easily brOken.D So say,
so think now, southern submission'sts and
northern coercionists. The tory chief Justice
was a false prophet, and so will be those who
predict failure now.
Samuel Adams, the stern old puritan Of
Massachusetts, said then at is laNfGl to
resist the Chief Magistrate If the ommon
" a&aNA INV -AaN VI aAk t1 HNNH
For himself and for others, be held that all
sorrows and all losses were to be encountered
rather than that liberty should perish" The
SAINT spirit to-day inmates the Soutl. t.
preserve the independence Of their common
wealths they have to resist the General Gov
eminent; and they will endure al evils, "Tath-
er than that liberty should perish"
New York, in 1854, declared that, History
does not furnish an instance Of a revolt begun
by the people which did not take its rise from
( oppression; that Powsr lodged in a single per
son is less fearful than n CoHsiifatiOn IN JChich
one part Of the community holds a.. right for
eUeT 10 tar and isgislats for the other .
that no human foresight or contrivance can
prevent its final c-onsummation in the most in
| tolerable expressions; that without
a peoples right to legislate for themselves, ex-
elusive Of all others, there can be no liberty,
no happiness, 10 security. nor even the idea Of
property. Life itself would become i%ntolera-
bic. . The liberties OF the Colonies were en-
daHgeFed by the assumption Of power by Great
Britain their General Governments: feeling
that liberty comprised within itself all that
was worth having in1ife, they peEilled all else
to be free and were triumphant. The timid
and the weak, the socalled loyal and eonserVa-
tive men, the time-serying and compromising,
then, as HoU, would have held back for a more
| propitious time, for concessions frsm a power
which they feared, but which, like power now,
would make no concession other than to receive
submission when humbly offered by the OPP
pressed.
It was the growth Of British aggression that
caused the secession Of the colonies it is
the increase Of northern aggression that forces
secession on Ii South.
Great Britain insisted that the interests Of
the colonies should be made tributary to a
policy dictated by, and subservisRt to, En-
glish interests, on pretsnce that it was for the
general welfare. On the same pretence the
North now insist on making The South tributary
and subssTvient to a northern policy adverse
to southern prosperity.
Great Britain ridiculed the idea Of separa-
ton, and pointed f~eelinglT at the apparent
weakness of the colonies. The North scorn-
fully pronounce secession impraeticable, and
proudly contrast their strength with ours.
Great Britain told the colonies that without
her protection they would fall an easy prey to
foreign enemies or 10 civil diseori. The North
tell US that but for her protection the South can
not retain her Institutions and her liberty.
But it is needless to pursue the parallel
further. A people once free, if oppressed, will
assert their rights no Establishments, no
threats, no fear OF consequences will deter
them and as the patriots Of the revolution
overcams an obstacle, and triumphantIy vinii-
Gated the principle that free government rests
upon TIE "~c0nsent Of The governed" 20 will
the South demonstrate by the united action Of
her patriot Oas ,against whatever obstacles may
interpose, the sam problem. As, in the one
case it resulted in the formation Of the colo
mics into a confederation Of United States, il
will, in the other, result in the slave States
forming a southern c0nfedcracy. Est0 p~srpetua.
SUMPTER
49, - 49,