The Nevada journal., 1861-03-22
LTNCoLN's INAUGURAL
ADDRESS.

Government itself, appear here to address you
briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath
prescribed by the Constitution Of the United
States to be taken by the President before he
enters on the execution of his Office l do not
consider it necessary at present for me to discuss
those matters of administration about which
there is no special excitement The apprehcn-
sion seems to exist among the people of the
Southern States that by the accession of n Re-
publican Administration their property aud their
peace and personal security are to be endang-
cred, and there has naver been any reasonable
cause for such apprehension ; indeed, the most
ample evidence to the contrary all the while ex-
listed, and was open to their inspection. 1t is
found in nearly all the published speeches of him
who now addresses you. l do but quote from
one Of those speeches when l declare that have
no purpose, directly indirectly, to interfere
with the institution of slavery in the State where
it exists. L believe l have no lawful right to do
so. l have no inclination to do so. Those who
nominated and elected me did so with the full
Knowledge that had made this and many sim
liar declarations, and had never recanted them,
and, more than this, they placed in the platform,
for my acceptance, as a law to themselves and
to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which
| now read:
" Resolred, That the maintenance inviolate of
the rights of the States, and especially the right
of each State to order and control its own do
mestic institutions according to its own judg-
ment exclusively, is essential to the balpce of
power, on which the perfection and endurance
of our political fabric depends; and we de-
nounce the lawless invasion by an armed force
of the Government of any State or Territory, no
matter under what prctcxt, as among the grav-
est of crimes"
1 now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing
SO, only press upon the public attention the
most conclusive evidence of which the case is
susceptible, that the property, peace and secu-
rity of no section are to be in anywise endang
cred by the now incoming Administration. /
add too, that all the protection which, consist
emily with the Constitution and the laws, can be
given, will be cheerfuily given to all the States
when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as
cheerfuly to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the delivery
of fugiti, es from service or labor. The clause
now read is as plainly written in the Constitu-
ton any other of its provisions
No person held to service of labor in one
State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an
other, shall, in consequence of any law or regu-
lation. therein, be discharged from such service
or labor, but shall be delivered, upon claim, to
the party to whom such service or labor may be
DUE" 1t is scarcely questioned that this provi-
sion was intended by those who made it for the
reclamation of what we call fugitive slaves; and
the intention of the law given is the law. All
members of Congress swear their support to the
whole Constitution-to this portion as much as
to any other. To the proposition, then, that
slaves whose cases come within the terms oil this
clause, and shall be delivered up, their oaths
unanimous. Now, if they would make the
effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly
unanimity, frame and pass law by means of
which TO make good that unanimous oath =
There is some difference of opinion whether these
clauses should be enforced by National or State
authority; but surely that difference is not a
very material one. If the slave is to be surren-
dered, it can be of but little consequence to him
or to others by what authority it is done, and
| should any one in any case be content that his
oath shall be unkept or merely unsubstantial
controversy rs to how it shall be, e,kep2 Again, in
any law upon this subject, ought not all the
safeguards of liberty known in all civilized and
human jurisprudence, to be introduced so that a
| freeman may in no case be surrendered as a
| slave? And might it not be well at the same
| time to provide by law for the enforcement OF
| that clause in the Constitution which guarantees
that the citizens of each State shall be entitled
to all the privileges and immunities OF citizens
of the several Statesf , 1 take the official oath
| to-day with no mental reservations and no pnr
pose to construe the Constitution and laws by
any private rules. and while do not choose now
| to specify particular Acts of Congress as proper
| to be enforced, do suggest that it will be much
safer, both in official and private stations, to
conform to and abide by all those Acts which
stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them,
trusting to find security in having them held to
| be unconstitutional.
| 1t is sevcnty-two years since the first inaugu-
ration of a President under national Consti-
tuition. During that period fifteen different and
greatly distinguished citizens have, in success
sion, administered the Executive. That branch
| of the Government they have conducted through
many perils, generally with great success.
now enter upon the same task for the brief con-
stitutiOnal term of four years, under great and
peculiar difficulty. Disruption of the Federal
! Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formally
attempted. L hold then, in contemplation OF
universal law and the Constitution, the Union
of the States to be perpetual. Perpetuity is
| implied it not expressed in the fundamental law
| of all national overnments Its safe to assert
that the Government proper had a provision in
its organic law for its own preservation. Con-
tnue to execute all the express provisions of our
| National Constitution and the Union will endure
forever it being impossible to destroy it except
by some action not provided for in the ihstru-
ment itself Again If the United States be Lot
| Government proper, but an association OF
States in the nature of contract merely, can il
as contract be peacesbly unrnsde unless by all
the parties who made it? One party to contract
may violate it. break it, so to speak, but does it
not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we
find the proposition that in legal contemplation
the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history
itself; the Union is much older than the Consti-
tuition. 1t was formed in fact by the Articles of
Association. in 1774; it was matured and con-
tinued BY the Declaration of Independence, in
l776; it was further maturcd on the faith of all
the then thirteen States, expressly plighted and
engaged that it should be perpetual. By the
Articles of Confederation, in 1776, and finally in
1889, one of the declared objects for ordaining
an establishment of Constitution was to form
a more perfect Union by all or part only of
the States possibly the Union is less than be-
fore the Constitution, having lost the vital ele-
ment of perpetuty. 1t follows from these views,
that no State upon its own mere motion can law
fully get out of the Union; that resolves and
ordinances to that effect are legally void, and
that acts of violence within any State or States
against the authority of the United States, are
insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to
circumstances. I therefore consider, that in
view of the Constitution and laws the Union is
unbroken, and to the extent of my ability shall
take care, as the Constitution itself expressly
eujoins, that the laws of the Union be faithfully
executed in all the States. Doing this. deem
it to be only simple duty on my part, and shall
perform it so far as practicable, unless my right
full master, the American people, shall withhold
the requisite means, or in some authoritative
manner direct the contrary. l trust this will
not be regarded as a menace, but only as a de-
clared purpose of the Union that it will only
defend and maintain the Constitution itself. In
doing this there need be no bloodshed or vio-
lence; and there shall be none, unless it be