The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-03-20
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THE NATJONAI CDTCIS

THE NATIONAL CRISIS.
we chp the following extracts from an article in
r the last number of the London A,benoym. The
writer is reviewing the "Hstory of the Constitu.
tion," by Curtis; "a Memoir of Abraham IincoIn.''
and Helpers "Impendng Crisis :"
The manns in which intelligence of runture
of friendly relations between the States composinr
the American Union received in this c0untr9
ought to silence those politicians who represent us
to the people of the States cherishing a malig-
nant antpathy to them and their institutions.
That Intelligence came upon us as an overwhelming
personal disaster 1t was received by with con-
sternation and profound sorrow. The threat of Sc
cession had been so frequently thrown out that we
| had learnt to look upon it as an empty menace
Secession seemed suicidal to the one and destruc-
tive to the other side, that spectators felt
| the South would endure provocation rather
| than secede-felt secure the North would hesitate
| to convert a troublesome friend into an open en-.
emy. Nor in the present position of affairs has this
| view been altogether given up. We confess that
we cling to it STILL believing that the Importance of
| union, manifest to than the inhabitants
| OF the States themselves, will even yet lead the
| way, as in previous of internal conflict, to
| compromise and arrangement.
There are signs that North and South would
| gladly extricate themselves from position into
which they have been hurried by intolerance on the
! one hand and resentment on the other, They see
that with the sacrifice of the Union hev surrender
their eminence amongst the nations of the earth
that their prosperity, unprecedented in all the
annals of the past is incompatible with hostile
tariffs and hostile laws The suggestion that two
Unions exist side by side, in mutual amity and
confidence, can find defenders only among those
who are ignorant alike of history and human
nature. Only let this unhappy struggle be pro-
longed till two confederaces have definitely taken
form, power, and national existence, and two more
hostile neighbors will not be found on the face of
the globe. Every day some new diversity of in
terest, some fresh point Of collision will arise to
embroil the kindred powers, and each question of
n 70 ha mad .
mostly which proverbially characterizes family
quarrels. Suspicion, jealousy, and rivalry will
produce constant strife, and, with such antagonists
the sword will be more in favor than arbitration
To maint tain their independence and enforce their
rights, each Union will have to maintain standing
army, and, necessary consequence of the insttu-
tlon, an increasing army. Ere a generation has
passed away, such republics will in this respect |
approximate to the condition of France and Aus
tria. And in a republic the existence of a large
permanent military force leads, sooner or later as
surely day closes in night to the overthrow of
freedom, and the establishment of armed despot
More than once in the life of the United States of
America, their federal constitution and individual |
institutions have been preserved to them by the |
absence of large standing army. These conside-
rations must have full weight with all the honest |
and enlightened citizens of North and South The |
fanatics of the Free States and the penniess ncen-
diaries of the Caronas may persevere in bowling |
for bloodshed and devastation; but the thoughtful
and trustworthy members of both parties will, we |
confidently believe, agree, in the name of humani-
ty, to make all objects secondary to the preserva-
tion of the Union.
BY the determination with which both sides con-
tinue, under great temptation, to abstain from acts
that would render reconcilement impossible they
delare, in the most forcible manner, their anxiety
to be more friends. The men of the North
say in effect, eve are sorry you've left u.s." The
men of the South reply, "Giye us security and
we' soon be with you again." Still the game is a
perious one. An attitude of defiance must some
times be maintained out of sense of dignity,
though it was first taken up in haste, and has been
repented of with sincerity. And nothing Is more
likely to goad the South into obstinate perseYer-
auce in their present position than reteration of
the charge that they are mere wordy braggarts.-
more foolish calumny than this was never utter
ed in the heat Of political warfare. That which is
grandest in the history of the American confederacy
is to be found in the Biographies of Southern men,
The South has her faults, but cowardice and trick
cry not amongst them. The author of "a
Memoir of Abraham Lincoln" whose scantv and
barren pages have no strength save that of acr-
monious partZanship, sneers at the "bluster" of
the hot-blooded South. He may be assured that
the English, to whom he especially addresses him
self, by no means attribute preponderance of
Trans Atlantic "buster'' to the South
OF Mr.. Lincoln, we read ''Not by BIRTH not by
the sword, not by the influence Of wealth. not
by intrigue, not by the clamOr of the mob not
even by remarkable superiority of talent, of elo-
quence, or of learnng-but by untiring energy, by
answering integrity, by uncompromsing cour-
age, by kindness of heart, by genial humor, by
moderate eloguence, has Abraham Lincoln com
mended himself to his countrymen and won himself
place amongst the Princes of the earth" The
eulogist tells us few other important particulars
about "honest cd Abe" Twelve months schooling
constituted his entire education. He stands six feet
four inches in his stockings. When young man,
living with his family in Macon county, he "with
the help of John Hawks, relation of his mother
in one day split three thousand rails He is also
"reported to be regular attendant religious
worship, and to be pew holder, though not COM
municant, of the Presbyterian Church in Spring
field, to which Mrs. Lincoln belongs -
To split three thousand rails in twenty-four
hours; to be a pew holder in a Presbyterian church!
What qualifications for American President
What a change from the opening years of the
Republic! The early Presidents were all gentlemen
of culture Indeed Washington, whose mother made
the ordinary error of common place woman in
saving the money that ought to have been expended
on his education, was singular amongst those con-
temporary statesmen in not enjoying the attain
ments of scholarship. And Washington had higher
claim on his couutry's regard than that of having,
with the help OF a maternal relative, split three
thousand rails in incredibly short space of time
We do not say that pew-holding and rail l.spliting
are pursuits that would unfit man for the Pres-
dency. Whatwe complain offs that nothing more
important is known about Mr.. Lincoln. Whatever
he does leaves undone, whether his policy be of
peace the world will be grateful for it if it
results in the preservation of the Union. But our
reliance rather in the good sense of the people
than in the legal knowledge displayed by the new
at Indiana:
'By the way in what consists the special sacredness
OF SateE speak not OF the position assigned oa State
in the Union by the Constitution for that by the bond
all recognize. That position however, State cannot
out Of the Union with it, speak Of that assumed
primary right of State to rule all which is less than It's
self and to ruin all that is larger than ITSELF If State
county, in given case should be equal in extent of
territory and equal in number of Inhabitants in what
matter of principle, is State better than county?
Would exchange of names be an exchange of rights?
Upon what principle what rghtful principle, may a
State being than oneiftieh part of the nation
in soil and population break up the nation and then
proportionaby larger subdivision OF itself in
the most arbitrary way?n
We must express our astonishment at the use of
such language by a lawyer. The American Union
is combination of Independent States, leagued
for the accomplishment of definite objects, and free
to retire the conditions of their union being vio-
lated. What right can a State have to secede
Why, the same right the colonies had to revolt;
and a much stronger right-that enjoyed by every
partner in joint stock company. What, asks the
President of the United States, is the difference
between State and county? Surely no one who
needs to be informed ought to be in MIR. Lincon'S
place. What is the difference between the relation
of State to the Union, and that of a county to its
State? Why, Just this-a county has existence
whatever apart from its State The State the
primary institution, and the county acquired from
it only conditional individuality. Whereas the
Union, instead of giving birth to the States was
their creation. Far from being the parent power,
it is their offspring. Apart from them it ceases
to be; whereas apart from it the States continue
to be separate communities with distinct consti-
tutions, as they long before they created
that impersonal power-the Union. Indeed, the
analogy breaks down at every point.
Mr.. Helper whose ''1mpending Crisis" has been
largely circulated in the North-pEOpOseS to abol-
ish slavery from the States by compelling South
ern proprieors to transport their slaves to Liberia,
award them their freedom, and out of their own
purses pay down for their advancement sum OF
ready money. "Their masters" says our Adolf
zionist, ''if unwilling, ought, in our Judgment, to
be com PEELED to grant them their freedom, and pay
each and every one of them at least sixty dollars
cash in hand" If Mr. Lincoln indorses Mr. Helpers
views his right to the title of "Honest Old Abe"
will rest on dsputable grounds.
PRESENT ESTIMATED POPULATION OF THE CON |
FEDERATE STATES.
TABLES SHOWING PROPOSED BAsIs FOR REPRESENTATION
Federal Rate 127 ,462.
States Free. Slave. Total. |
South Carelina............ 5OS,lS6 4O1,l6o I53I
Georgia oIo,35o 4oi, sol 1UoZI9i
Florida. ol,ooo oI,oOs 1toos+
Alabama a,................. 52O,444 435,473 9559l7
Mississppi... 57SlSS 4oS,2H S36,4l5