Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1861-12-11
VOL. S.--NO. IS.

I
Sregate vote than they ever before gave 10
any candidate on any question.
kentucky, too, for some time in doubt. is
now decidedly, and, | think, unchangeably
ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri
is comparatively quiet, and / believe cannot
again be overrun by the insurrectionists.
These three States OF Maryland, Kentucky
and Missouri, neither of which would promise
a single soldier at first, have now an aggre-
gate of not less than forty Thousand in the
held for the Union; while of their citizens,
certainly not more than third OF that number,
and they of doubtful whereabouts and doubt
fui existence, are in arms against it. Alter
somewhat bloody struggle Of months, winter
closes on tie Union people OF Western Yir-
gina, leaving them masters of their own
country.
An insurgent force or about fifteen hundred,
for months dominating the narrow peninsular
region of the counties of Accomac and
Northampton, and known as the Eastern
Shore of Virginia, together with some con-
tiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down
their arms, and the people there have renewed
their allegiance to and accepted the protec-
tion of the old flag. This leaves no armed in
surrection north of the Potomac nor east of the
Chesapeake.
Also, We have obtained footing at each of
the isolated points on the southern coast of
Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Sa-
vannah, and Ship Island and we likewise
have some general accounts of popular move
ments in behalf of the Union in North Carolina
and Tennessee. These things demonstrate
that the cause of the Union is advancing
steadily southwark.
Since your last adjournment, Lieutenant
General Scott has retired from the head of
the army. During his long life tie nation has
not been unmindful of his merit, yet, on calling
to mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly he
has served his country for time far back in
our history, when few of the now living had
been born, and thenceforward continually, 1
cannot but think we still debtors. / sub
NIT, therefore, for your consideration, what
further mark of recognition is due to him and
to ourselves as grateful people.
win the retirement OF General Scott came
the Executive duty of appointing in his stead
a General-in Chief of the Army. 1t was a
fortunate circumstance that neither in council
or country was there, so far as know, any diff
ference of opinion as TO the proper person to
be selected. The retiring Chief repeatedly
expressed his Judgment in favor of General
Mcclellan tor the position, and in this the
nation seemed to give unanimous concur
renee. The designation of Gen. Mcclellan is
therefore, in a considerable degree, the selec-
tion of the country as well as of the Executive
and hence there is better reason to hone that
there will be given him the confidence and
cordial support thus, by fair implication
promised, and without which he cannot with
so full efficiency, serve the country. It has
been said that one bad general is better than
two good ones, and the saying is true If taken
to mean no more than that army is better
directed by single mind, though inferior.
than by two superior ones at variance and
cross purposes with each other. And the
same is true in all joint operations, wherein
those engaged can have none but a common
end in view, and can differ only as to the
choice of means.
In d storm at sea, no one can wish the shin
to sink, and yet not unfrequently all go down
together, because too many will direct, and no
single mind can be allowed to control.
Ii continues to develop that the insurrection
is largely, if not exclusively, war upon the
first principles of popular government-the
rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of
this is found IN the most grave and matureIy
considered public documents, as well as in
the general tone of the insurgents
In these documents we find the abrigdment
of the existing right of suffrage, and the de-
NAL of the people of all right to participate
in the selection of public officers, except the
Legislature, boldly advocated, with labored
arguments, to prove that large control of the
people in Government is the source of all DO
litical trouble.
Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as
possible refuge from the power of the people.
In my present position l could scarcely be
justified were to omit raising warning voice
against this approach of returning despotism.
1t is not needed fitting here that a
general argument should be made in favor of
liberal institutions.
But there is one point with its connections.
not so hackncyed as most others, to which 1
ask brief attention. 1t is the effort to placo
capital on an equal footing with, if not above
labor, in the structure of the Government.
1t is assumed that labor is available only in
connection with capital that nobody labors
unless somebody else, owning capital, some
how by the use of IT, induces him to labor.
This assumed, 1T is next considered whether
it best that the capital shall hire laborers, and
thus induce them to work by their own con-
sent, or buy them and drive them to it with
out their consent.
Having proceeded so, far, it is naturally con-
C luded that all laborers either hired labor
ers or what we call slaves. And further ii is as
sumed, that whoever is once hired laborer,
is fxed in that condition for life. Now there
is no such relation between capital and labor,
as assumed, nor is there any such thing as a
free man being fixed tor life in the condition
of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions
are false, and all inferences from them are
groundiess Labor is prior to and independ-
ent OF capital.
Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could
never have existed il labor had not first exist
ed. Labor is the superior of capital, and de-
SeIfcs uiuCn the HiSuer CouSluerdtlOh. Odpi-
tai has its own rights, which are as worthy of
protection as any other rights. Nor is it de-
MED that there is, and probably always wiz be
relation between labor and capital, producing
mutual benefits. The error is in assuming
that the whole labor of the community exists
within that relation.
A few men own capital, and that few avoid
labor, or buy another few to labor for them. A
large majority belong TO neither class, neither
work for others nor have others working for
them. 81
In most Of the Southern States majority Of