Civilian & telegraph. [volume] (Cumberland, Md.) 1859-1875, 1861-07-11

rion, by which act she acknowledged
the Constitution of the United States,
and the laws and treaties of the United
States made in pursuaucetof the Con-
stituion, to be for her the supreme law
he land.
The States have their status in the u
MON and they have no other legal status
If they break from this they can only
do so against law and by revolution. -
The Union, and not themselves separate
ly, procured their independence and
their liberty. BY conquest or purchase
the Union gave each of them whatever
of independence and liberty it has.
The Union is older than any Of the
States, and. in fact, it created them al
States. Originally some Dependent
Colonies made the Union. and in turf
the Union threw off their old dependence
for them, and made them States such a.
they are. No one of them ever had &:
State Constitution independent of the
Union.
OF course it is not forgotten that al
the new States framed their Constitution
before they entered the Union, neverthe
less dependent upon and preparatory tt
coming into the Union.
UnquestionabIy the States have the
power and rights reserved to them il
and by the National Constitution bu
among these surely are not included al
conceivable powers; however mischievous
or destructive but at most such only
as were known in the world at the time
as governmental powers; and certainly
power to destroy the government Itself
had never been known as governmental
AS merely administrative power.
This relative matter of National pow
er and STATE rights, as principle, is nc
other than the principle of generality
and l,yality. Whatever concerns the
whole should be confided to the whole
to the General Government while
whatever concerns the whole should be
left exclusively to the State This is
all there is of original principle about it.
Whether the National Constitution, in
defining boundaries between the two,
has applied the principle with exact ac-
curacy, is not to be questioned We are
all bound by that defining, without ques.
ton. What is now combatted is the pc.
sition that Secession is consistent with
the Constitutions lawful and peaceful.
1t is not contended that there is any
express law for it; and nothing should
ever be Implied as law which leads to
unjust or absurd consequences.
The nation purchased with money the
countries out of which several of these States
were formed. Is it Just that they shall 90 off
without leave and without refunding?
The nation paid veay large sums--in the
aggregate, | believe nearly hundred millions
Ito relieve Florida of the Aboriginal tribes
Is it just, either, that She shall now be of
without consent, or without making any re-
turn? The nation is now in debt for money
applied to the benefit Of these so-callet! Sc
cedrg States. in common with the rest.
Is it just. either, that creditors shall 20 I'M
paid or the remaining States pay the whole?
y part Of the present national deot was con-
:racted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it
just that she shall leave and pay no part of
this herself?
Again, if one State may sccele, 20 may a.
bother; and when all shall have seeded none
is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to
creditors? Did we notify them Of this sage
view Of ours when we borrowed their mon
ey?
If we now recognize this doctrine by al
lowing the Seceders to go in peace, it is diff
.l,1k i Il.
to % or to extort terms upon which they
will promise TO remain.
The Scceders insist that our Constitution
admits Of Secession; they have assumed to
make National Constitution of their own
in which Of necessity they have either dis
cacded or retained the right of Secession, rs
they insist it exists in ours. II they hive
discarded it, they thereby admit that, on
principle it ought not to be in ours.
Ii they haze retained it, by their own
construction of ours they show that to he
consistent, they must seccdc from one anolh :
er whenever they Shall fluid it the easiest way
OF settling their debts, or etlrcting any other
selfish or UNJUST object.
The principle Itself is onelof disntegration.
and upon which no Government can possibly
endure.
If all the States save one should assert
the power to drive that one out of the
Uuion. it is presumed the whole class of
seceder-politicaus would at once deny the
power ano denounce the act as the great
est outrage upon State rights. But sup
pose that precisely the same act, instead
of being called driving the one out"
should be called "tbe seeding of the
others from that one;" it would be cx-
actly what the seceders claim to do; uu-
less, indeed they make the point that the
one, because it is minority. may right
fully do what the others, because they
are a majority, may not rightfully do.
These politicians are subtle and pro
found on the rights of minorities. They
are not partial to that power which made
the Constitution and speaks from the
preamble, calling itself /" We. the peo-
| pie 1t may be well questioned vheth-
er there is to-day majority of the
legally qualified voters of any State, ex-
cept perhaps South Carolina, in favor of
Disunou. There is much reason to be-
lieye that the Union men are the MAORI
ty in many, if not in any other Que. of
the so-called Seeded States. The con-
lrary has not been demonstrated in any
one Of them. 1t is ventured to affirm
this even of Virginia aud Tennessee. for
the result of an election held in military
camps, where the bayonets are all on
one side of the question voted upon, can
scarcely be considered az demonstrating
popular sentiment. At such an election
all that large class who are at once for
the Union and against coercion would be
coerced to vote against the Union. 1t
may be affirmed. without extravaganza,
that the free institutions we enjoy have
developed the powers and improved the
condition of orr whole people beyond
any example in the world. OF this we