The weekly north Iowa times. [volume] (McGregor, Iowa) 1857-1867, 1861-01-23

its policy, principles ana sentiments, all"
even its temper, have been so misrepresent'
ed as to excite apprehension that it denies
important constitutional obligations, and
aims even at interference with slavery
and it's overthrow by State authorities or
intervention Of the Federal Government.
! Considerable masses even in the free States,
interested in the success Of these misrepre-
sentations as means of partizan strategy,
have lent their sympathy to the party claim
ing to be acgrieved. While the results OF
the election brings the Republican party
necessarily into the foreground in resisting
disunion, the prejudices against them which,
I have described have deprived them of
the cooperation Of many good and patriotic
citizens. On complex issue between the
Republican party and the disunionists, al
though It involves the direst national Gala.
mites, the result might be doubtful; for
the Republican party is weak in large
part of the Union. But on a direct issue,
with all who cherish the Union on one side,
and all who desire the dissolution by force
on the other, the verdict would be prompt
and almost unanimous. desire thus to
simplify the issue, and for that purpose to
separate from it all collateral questions, and
relieve it of all partisan passions and pre-
judices.
consider the idea of the withdrawal Of
the Gulf States, and their permanent reor-
ganization with or without others in dis
tinct Confederacy as means of ADVANTAGE
to themselves, so certainly unwise and so
obviously impossible of execution, VIII, n
the purpose is understood, that | dismiss it
with the discussion have already incidcn-
tally bestowed upon it.
The case is different, however, in regard
to the other subjects which have brought
in this connection before the Senate.
Beyond doubt, Union is vitality impor.
tant to the Republican citizens Of the
United States; but it is just as important
to the whole people. Republicanism and
Union are, therefore, not convertible terms.
RepuJHcanism is subordinate to Tnion, as
ecerything else is and ought to be-Repub.
l,canism, Democracy, erery other political
name and thing all are subordinate - and
they ought to disappear in the presence Of
the great question Of Union. So far as
am concerned it shall be so; it should be
so if the question were sure to be tried as
it ought to be determined, by the peaceful
ordeal of the ballot. 1t shall be so all the
more since there is one side preparedness to
refer it to the arbtrament Of civil war. |
have such faith in this Republican system
of ours, that there is no political good which
desire, that | am not content to seek
through lis peaceful forms of administra-
ton, without invoking revolutionary action.
If others shall invoke that form of action
to oppose and overthrow Government, this
shall not, so far as it depends on me, have
the excuse that obstinately left myself to
be misunderstood. In such a case | can
afford to meet prejudice with conciliation,
exaction with concession which surrenders
no principle, and violence with the right
hand of peace. Therefore, sir, so far as the
abstract question whether, by the Consti-
tuition of the United States, the bondsman,
who is made such by the laws of State,
is still man or only property, I answer
that, within that State, its laws on that sub
iect are supreme; that when he has escaped
from that State into another, the Constitu-
ton regards him as bondsman who may
not by any law or regulation of that State,
be discharged from his service, but shall be
delivered up, on claim, to the party to whom
his service is due. While prudence and
justice would combine in persuading you to
modify the acts Of Congress on that subject
so as not to oblge private persons to assist
in their execution, and to protect freemen
from being, by the abuse Of the laws, car
ried into slavery, l agree that all laws Of
the States, whether free States or Slave
States, which relate to to this class of per-
sons, or any others recently coming from
or resident in other States, and which laws
contravene the Constitution of the United
States, or any other law of Congress pass
ed in conformity thereto, ought to berepealed.
Secondly. Experience in public affairs
has confirmed my opinion, that domestic
slavery existing in any State, is wisely left
by the constitution Of the United States ex-
clusively to the care, management and dis
position of that State and if it were in my
power, would not alter the Constitution
in that respect. If misapprehension of my
opinion needs so strong remedy, l am
willing to vote for an amendment of the
constitution, declaring that it shall not, by
any future amendment be so altered as to
confer on Congress power to abolish or
interfere with slavery in any State.
Thirdly. While | think that Congress
has exclusive and sovereign authority to
legislate on all subjects whatever, in the
common territories of the United States !:
and while certainly shall never directly
or indirectly, give my vote to establish or
sanction slavery in such territory or any
where else in the world, yet the question
what constitutional laws shall at any time
be passed in regard to the territories, is, like
every other question, to be determined On,
practical grounds. | voted for enabling
acts in the cases of Oregon, Minnesota, and
E,,c,e ,v;,bopf haipn nIla fo con,,ro
them such provisions as | would have pre-
ferred; and yet voted wisely. SO now, |
am we'll satisfied that, under existing Cir
cumstances, a happy and satisfactory solu-
ton of the difficulties in the remaining ter
rtories would be obtained by similar laws,
providing for their organization, if such Or
ganization were otherwise practicable. If,
therefore, Kansas were admitted as State,
under the Wyandotte Constitution, as |
think she ought to be, and if the organic
laws of all the other territories could be re-
pealed, could vote to authorize the organ
izat,on and admission of two new States
which should include them, rescrving the
right to effect subdivisions Of them when
ever necessary, into several convenient
States; but do not find that such reserv-
ations could be constitutionally made
Without them, the ulterior embarrassments
which would result from the hasty incorpo-
ration of States of such vast extent and va
rious interests and character, would out
weigh all the immediate advantages of such
q measure. But if the measure were prac-
ticable, l should prefer different course,
namely: When the eccentric movements
of secession and disunion shall have ended,
in whatever form that end may come, and
the angry excitements of the hour shall
have subsidized, and calmness shall have
over the public mind, then, and not until
then,--one, two, or three years hence-I
should cheerfully advises Convention of the.
people to be assembled in pursuance Of the
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