The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1861-06-07

! Government. II must be used in all govern
ments, no matter what their form or what their
| principles.
But coercion must always be used in the
I mode prescribed in the Constitution and laws.
hold that the Federal Government is, and
ought to be, clothed with the power and duty
{ to use all the means necessary to coerce obedi-
| ence to all laws made in obedience 10 the Con-
| Stitution. But the proposition TO Subvert the
| de facto government of South Carolina, and
to reduce the people of that Slate into subiecton
10 our Federal authority, no longer involves The
| question Of enforcing the laws in a country
| within our possession, but il does involve the
| question whether we will make war on State
which has withdrawn her allegiance and ex-
PEELED our authorities, with view of Subectng
her TO our possession for the purpose of enforc-
ing ouy laws within her limits.
We are bound, by the usages OF nations, by
! the laws of civilization, by the uniform prac-
! tce of our own Government, to acknowledge
the existence of government de facto so long
as it maintains its undivided authority. When
Louis Philippe fed from the throne of France,
and LamartIne suddenly one morning found
[ himself at the head ola provisional Government,
l believe it was but three days until the \ mcr-
ican minister recognized the Government de
facto. Texas was Government de facto, not
recognized by Mexico, when we annexed her;
and Mexico was Government de facto, not rec
ognized by Spain, when Texas revoited. The
laws of nations recognize Governments de facto
where they exercise and maintain undivided
sway, leaving the question Of their authority de
jure 10 be determined by the people interested
in the Government. Now, as man who loves
the Union and desires to see it maintained for
ever, and to see the laws enforced, and rebel
Iiou put down, and insurrection suppressed,
and order maintained, desire TO know of my
Union-lovIng friends on the other side of the
Chamber how they intend TO enforce the laws
IN the seeding States, except by making war,
conquering them 6rstz and administering the
laws in them afterwards.
In my opinion we have reached point where
disunlon is inevitable, unless some compromise,
founded upon mutual concessions, can be made
prefer compromise to war. prefer conces-
sion TO a dissolution ef The Union. When I
avow myself IN favor of compromise, I do not
mean that one side should give up all that
it has claimed, nor that the other side should
give up everything for which It has contended.
Nor do oots any N.aaa tn rnrns tn my standard:
but simply say that I will meet every man
half way who is willing TO preserve the
peace of the country, and save tie Union from
disruption upon principles OF compromise and
concession.
In my Judgment, no system of compromise
can be effectual and permanent which does not
Danish the slavery question from the Halls OF
Congress and the arena OF Federal politics, by
irrepeaable constitutional provision. We have
tried compromises by law, compromises by act
| OF Congress, and now we are engaged in the
small business of elimination and recrimination
as 10 who is responsible for not having lived up
TO them in good faith, and for having broken
faith ] want whatever compromise is agreed
/ to placed beyond the reach of party politics
! and partisan policy, by being made HFevocable
in The Constitution ITSELF 50 that every man that
! holds office will be bound by his oath to sup
| port it.
! There are several modes in which this irrIta-
! ting question may be withdrawn from Congress,
/ peace restored, the rights of the States main
| tanned, and the Union rendered secure. One
/ OF hem-one 10 which can cordially asSeLt-
has been presented by the venerable Senator
/ from, Kentucky (Mr. CRlrTENDeN.) The jour
nal OF the committee of thirteen shows that
voted for il 10 committee. / am prepared to
vote for it again. ] shall not occupy time now
/ In discussing the question whether my vote ti
make partition between the two sections, in
stead of referring the question TO the people,
will be consistent with my previous record or
not. The country has no very great interest in
my consistency. The preservation of the u
nion, the integrity of this Republic, is OF more
importance than party platforms or individual
records. Hence l have no hesitation IN saving
to Senators on all sides OF this Chamber, that
am prepared to act on this question with refer
ence TO The present exIgencies of the Ease, as
| if had never gwen a vote, or uttered word,
or had an opinion upon the subject.
Why cannot you Republicans accede to the
re-establiShment and extension o. the Missouri
compromise line? You have sung peans enough
] in its praise, and uttered imprecationS and cur
ses enough on my head for its repeal, one would
think, 10 Justify you now in claiming triumph
! by its re-establishment. If you are willing to
give up your party feelings-to sink the Parti-
san in the patriot-and help me to re-establlSh
and extend that line, as a perpetual bond Of
peace between the North and the South, | will
promise you never TO remind you IN The future
of your denunciations of the Missouri compro-
mise so long as was supporting it, and OF your
praises OF the same measure when we removed
1t from the statute-book, after you bad caused i.
to be abandoned, by rendering it impossible for
US TO carry it out. l seek no partisan advan-
tage ; desire no personal triumph. am will
ling TO let by-gones be by-gones with every
man who, in this exfgency, will show by bis
vote that he loves his country more than bis
party.
AT first, thought your reason for declining
to adjust this question amicably, was that the
Constitution, as it stands, was good enough,
and that you would make no amendment TO 1t.
That position has already been waIved. The
nrn,A landar of the Rannhlican rnari1. IMr. SEW.