New-York daily tribune., 1861-06-24
NO QUESTION a.FonE THn oUsE.

human nature forbds a perpetual torture and
tension of anxiety, We must sometimes laugh,
though matters may be at the worst; and tue
satrists Of England have already taught us to
laugh at the British House of Comnons-n body
with wonderful talent for impang itself upon
the horus of o dilcwma, ard for wrIgeliog itself
out Of the difficulty with no marked regard either
for dignity or decent consistency. There ia q
farce called "The Two Gregories;" but we do
not believe that of the stage there were ever
two Gregories SO absolutely Gregorian as the
Gregory of tho Imperial ParIiament--'he houora-
bic member for Galway. Gregory Of Galway fell
an earl, victim to tho charms Of the Southern
Confederscy, and loving however wol not in the
least wisely, he wa. for its instant recognition
and instant admission into the community OF iD.
dependent powers. He put his Passion into mo
iion, nnd he put his motion before the
| House; but when the time came for putting the
unhappy motion to the House, Mr.. Gregory dis
| covered that the House desired to have nothing
| to 90 with the melton aforesaid. The demand
for its withdrawal, though civil, was Ierenptory,
Mr. Gregory made an affecting speech, complain
Ing that the Southern Contederacy was accused
" of unwarr sutable secession, and ITS members
"were called traitors and pejurers." With
" draw - cried the House. 81 viii" said Mr.
| Gregory. "S,ne de-" cried the House. 81
"wiIl," said Mr. Gregory. And the subject
dropped.
Now, for our own part, although the manipu'a-
! ton ef this red-hot resolution might have beeu a
delicate aud difficult business, We are sorry that
it was no, kept in hand just little while loDger
| Mr. Gregory should have made another speech.
He should have informed the House and tho
word what. in his opinion, treason is. He should
ho,e given his private notion of perjury. He
should have shown what there is in the great
American roguery which elevates it to virtue
what there is in the torswearing Of States wnich
offers from the perjury Of indIS duals-in what
way our Government has provoked civil war;
or, if he failed in showing that. how The South
ern secession is TO DO successfully taken out OF
TIE category Of wicked and noisome revolt. But
tie House was too wise to permit debate. If it
lad done 80, We should doubtless have found
there some champion ready to utter disagrcenblc
| truths, and ~ chop the nyiacblc logic Of toe
facts. Then, nothing but the want oi clear state
nent could have saved the makeshiit mansgc-
meb, Of fow shop. keeping mon from the con-
| tempt which it deserved, and from the indIgna-
tiop Of tie British people. II would have been
shown how mnpy sacnfces-some OF tOem, in
deed, inconsistent with political probity ty-hsyc
been made by the Northern people, that, if pos
sbie, this contest might be ayortcd Terscly, but
| triumpbsntiy, Congressional history might have
been adducod-Gag Resolutions, Compromise
| Tariff. Fugitive Slave Laws, Kansas Ncbraska
bills. 1t might have been shown for the truth is OF
record, thst the Republican party, though exaspe-
rated as neser political party wSs before, b. gra
tuiious calumnies and unprecedented wrongs. pro-
tested Nth its whole force against the apprehcn-
SONS Of shareholders, as the excess o. injustice and
OF Idle fear. An untIcd Administration could do
bat lttlc except protest; yet, by all fair laws Of
political warfare, it was entitled to the beueft Of
it's protest, ond 10 fair opportunity Of proving
! it's ability to carry on the Government, and to
carry 1t on in u just and wise spirit Certainly,
a slow and cautious House of Commons would
have rated at its proper value the prccipitancy
of this spasnOdc uprising have weighed
and found wanting in all elements Of integrity
| and honor men who commenced debate on civil
affairs by drawing the sword. After such an
exposition, however bald ard defective, Mr.
Gregory would hardly have talked agan Of the
cruelty and injustice of branding the Confederate
| Cotilines az perjurers aud traitors. They are
both. No amount, no ingenuity Of special plead
ing, can alter the patent and ndelble fact.
| When the history of these distracted times shall
be written, as it will be, by mon who are al.
ready gathering materials for the labor, the petty
| cotemporary interests which nov becloud mems
| judgments will have passed away. Should that
history disclose the Confederate Slave States as
proper objects Of AnsloSsxOn esteem and SYM
| pathy, and our own Government az inhuman mud
unchIisliaD, then future ages will govern their
decisions by moral and philosophical principles
unknown to the present. If it shall be decided
that civil war waged in tho name Of Freedom
for tie extension Of Slavery was holy, necessary.
and just, We hope, for consistencys sake, when
civilized Europe no longer calls itslf Christian,
aud when the Anglican Caurch has embraced the
faith Of MOhemned that such decision will be
made by incn, and not before.
Then, indeed should a House Of Commons re-
main in Great Britain, it will be perfectly proper,
if any member is old-fasbonod enough to speak
Of international honor, for the Speaker TO call
him peremptorily 10 order, and TO remind him
that there % is no question before the House."
But now, when We consider the historical, the
commercial, the literary, and even the political
ties which bind the best part of the British with