Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-02-20


South Carolina, or in Texas, or in Nebraska? Do
his hours of toll increase in number, or the pro-
Wis ons of the slave code augment in severity as
he is carried West? No Are his chances of
good treatment or of emancipation less in Ter
ritory than in a State? No. 1t is not he who
would suffer by the change. 1t would be the emi-
grant, the white laborer. If slaves, in numbers,
become resident where he is, he finds his vOlun-
tary labor brought into contact and competition
with involuntary servitude. In such a case he
has right TO complain. In such a case he has
right to require that there shall be portions of
Federal territory, corresponding in extent to the
relative number of free States, in which he may
settle without being compelled to labor in compe-
tition with those who receive for the longest days
work but food and clothing, or to bring up his
children among the adverse influences and temp
tations nseparable from system OF legalized
slavery.
But in all this the white man is acting for him
self and his descendants, not for the African race
He proposes not to loosen the feers not to allevi
ate the condition of one single slave. he pro-
poses to keep them out OF his way; that is all
| commend his resolution to keep slaves out OF
his way confess that he is reasonable in de-
mandng, if the demand be necessary, that from
certain territory they should be excluded. What
| cbect to is, that he should say he desires this
exclusion for their sakes and their interest, when,
to is, that he should set up for philanthropist
when he is an economist only. What object TO
il, that he should assume credit when he deserves
none; that he should glory in his zeal and deyo
ton to the sacred cause of humanity when his
motives,-very proper motives, commendable in
their pace,-rise no higher than to seek an ade
quate reward for his own labor, and advantageous
surroundings for his children and for himself.
But this is a view of the abstract question only,
a.fia of ir,la nf It=
practical aspect remains to be considered and will
be found to result iu conclusions even more deci-
dedly important.
| said that the free laborer might reasonably
demand for his own and his children's use, the
occupation; uushared by slaves, of certain por-
tons of our Territories, If the demand be
ry. But recent events show, that this demand.
proper in itself, has no practical application. Ii
is fruitless to make it; for no object is obtained
when it is granted.
The industry ola Senator from New York
soon, if report speaks truth, to occupy the chief
seat in he Cabinet, has recently brought to light
fact conclusive on this branch of the subject.
The entire Territories of the Uni,el States out t
side of the States already admitted, comprehend.
area twenty four times as large that of the
State of New York. For twelve years this Ter
ritory has been open to the occupation of slave
owners with their slaves. The fact recently
brought forward by Mr.. Seward is, that into this
vast extent of country in which, under the ac-
ton of Congress and the decision of the Supreme
Court, slavery has been uninteruptedly main
tanned, protected, guaranteed there hare been
brought t,ceuty- four slares only. If throughout
the last twelve years, slavery had been interdcted
there, what would have been the practical result?
Let faction lstenl Let flnaticism give earl
The practical result would have been, that flcen-
ty four African slaUes tcOuId haUe been erclu-
ded theretrOm,
| hope that / am as willing as others to respect
the conscientious scruples of my fellow citizens
| trust that am capable of appreciating and dis
posed to honor, exertions and sacrifices in great
and good cause. Nor has it been the habit OF
my life to let principle wait upon expediency.
But experience has taught me that, in the excite
ment OF party strife, few men maintain due pro-
portion between effort and result. The imme-
date object of pursuit looms up before us in a
magnitude and importance due only to the distort-
ing medium through which it is regarded
Have any honestly persuaded themselves that
it, at this moment. the Union is endangered it is
for a cause in which life and fortune may ration
ally be staked?-that the contest is for the most
precious of human rights?-that the issue is the
same that has, in all times and in hundred
shapes, divided the opinions of mankind-the
issue between freedom and slavery? Let him be
undeceived. Before us, day, there is no such
There might have been. For there are, amons
us, four millions of men, of African lineage, ex
isting without personal liberty political rights
The issue might have been, on the one side
whether that liberty and these rights should b,
accorded to them; and on the other, whether ad
ditonal numbers of the same race should b,
brought hither, to be subjected TO the same servi
tude. The North might have demanded imme
date manumission, or she might have proposeC
tla ohoc an1 noInp of
slave this continent; or she might have sought
by force or argument, TO mitigate the stringenc,
of save-codes. The South, on her side in searcl
of wealth and political influence, might have de
manded, by a reopening OF the slave trade, an in
crease Of human servitude; an extension of tn,
three fifth basis Of representation; Importation
from the African coast, at once, of Federal vote
and domestic labor.
All this might have been. And then. indeed
might the friends of the African have called upol
US to say whether we were willing to imperil ou
Union for his sake. But except by a cOmpara
lively small sect of Ab0ltionists in the North an,
few inconsiderate extremists in the South, N,
such extravagant and impracticable measure
have ever been broache1. far less seriously pro
| posed. What party. having any respectable in
| huelce, will avow them! Are they found witt
the inconsiderable exceptions referred to, in an
one of our present political creedsl
The great issues to which have here referre
were made up and were determined seventy
three years ago. Thirty nine deputies from thir
teen States, men more dispassonate if not wise
than their descendants, debated and decided them
/ If we would make these issues again, we mus
first reverse that solemn decision. If we protes
against any constitutional recognition of volun
tary servitude; if we say that better is dsunio
without slavery than Union with it; ii we declar
that we can not so outrage principle as to max
any compromise with slavery; then we praC
ticaly denouncing the craftsmanship of Wash
ingtOn and Jefferson, and Franklin and Madison
and all that host of worthless who by their sigma
lures TO the Constitution by their subsequen
adhesion to it, sanctioneC the delicately balance
provisions of that instrument. Then are we viz
tually declaring, not only that the Union ougl
not now to continue, but that it ought never {
have been established Then are we assumin
that those who framed what for three quarter
of century has been held to be the charter
our republican freedom were betraying the yer
cause of liberty which that charter assumes
confirm.
Are we prepared to take such ground as that
In the name of nineteen ont of every twent
among us, / venture to answer No. Like th
patriots of the Revolution, nay, like every re
sonable being who inhabits this imperfect worl,
we are content to tolerate some evil for the SAX
of much good
But if no essential question now divides publ
opinion, what is the character of the present pc
ilous strifeg
A Presidential canvass, as usually conducte
among US, must have its platforms, its watcl
words, its wal. cries. Ii must have on either sid
its enthusiasm, its excitoments. its fanaticisn
; These periodical tempests have their advantage
} but they have their grave dangers also. If the
; stir the stagnant pools and clear the air, til,
: often grievously disturb the equilibrium of Il
msntal and moral atmosphere. Time must elaps
after each storm, before calm and order, AZ
sober reason are, even in a measure, restored
Only in such considerations these, will
temperate spectator, here or in foreign lands, fiji
{ any Ineligible explanation of the amazing seen
that are now daily enacted among Us.
/ doubt whether, in all the past history of Il
} world, a great empire, strong in it power al
prosperity, threatened with dissoluti,
for cause so light, through variance of opinion
f trivial as the cause, and the variance that cons
T tute our danger to-day.
!, The fears that were produced in the South
T the election of the President soon TO be inaugur
5 tel were the idlest OF all visionary terrors. II
{ concession bv the North nece ssary 10 aliay the