The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-05-29


The News from E1rOPo-Attituae Of
Great Britain In Relation 20 American
Affairs.
Elsewhere will be found o number of in
teTestDg extracts from the London journals
received by the New York, together with the
brief summary of which we published the
other day. 1t will be seen that the provisions
of the latter cover all the possible cases in
which the Queens proclamation may be con-
trsvened. Recruiting, enlistment, the supply
ing Of arms, and the fitting out, arming or
provisioning of privateers for the service of
The belligerents in any part of her Majesty's
doninions, subject the persons thus offending
10 the penalties of fine and imprisonment and
the forfeiture of the vessels or arms so fur
nisbed. If our Minister and Consuls are only
ordiI arily active they can, under the authority
of this enactment, soon put the professions of
her Msjesty's Ministers to the test. 1t is stated
mat purchase has just been effected in
Birmingham of two hundred thousand rifles
and number of cannon for the Confederate
States. If the British government is sincere in
its neutrality the parties executing this order
can at once be made amenable to the laws.
We very much question, however, if the mat
ter be brought under the notice of the law
Ulcers of the Crown, it will receive much at.
iention. A proclamation is one thing, and its
enforcement is another. In the present case
there is but too much reason to anticipate
laxity Of execution.
Unfortunately for England at the present
interests and her sentiments are antagonistic
She abhors slavery, but she must have cotton.
Five millions of her people are dependent upon
the continuance of the supply of the staple ar
ticle Of Southern produce, and its withdrawal
would lead to the closing Of the Lancashire
mills, the starvation of the disbanded opera
tives, and possibly to riots and even revolution.
England knows that the fibre she weaves is
slave grown; but the necessity she has for that
| material, and its paramount Importance as an
ar ticle of British commerce and manufacture,
cause her to throw her scruples against
slavery to the wind wherever cotton is
concerned. Knowing how vitality her well
fare. both domestic and foreign, is
involved in this one thing, and being
fully aware of the danger that now ex-
,sts, in consequence of the revolution in this
country, of the supply being cut off while the
South remains in state of rebellion, it is not
surprising that some of her leading statesmen
should have felt serious apprehensions con-
corning the progress of events here, and
bought seriously about preventing, if possible,
An interruption of the cotton supply under any
circumstances. Foremost among these, as we
have before had occasion to remark, is Lord
John Russell. the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, and be is evidently in dilemma which
every mail from the United States rather in
creases than diminishes.
What is to be done p is a question which
Lord John puts gravely to himself but
he sound falls back upon his ear, and still
he question remains unanswered, He takes
his place in Parliament, aud speculates
upon the condition of our affairs in the
'one of n man representing a country having
great interest at stake which he is charged
70 protect His great object is TO feed the Man
chester looms with cotton notwithstanding the
war in America; and all other considerations
are with him subordinate to this one. Tn.
promptings Of patriotism, the love of liberty
he glorious cause Of the Union and Union rights
and the firm resolve to preserve the honor and
integrity Of their country, which more than
twenty millions Of freemen in the loyal States
share in unity, are nothing to Lord John when
cotton lies in the balance. He doubtless
weighs the difficulties and dangers of the situa
ton well, and speculates whether disaster At
home would he preferable to British interfe
epce and probable disaster abroad. He
.ee,s himself somewhat befogged as to
he Law Of privateerlng, And he therefore
refers The subject for consideration and
IN opinion to the law officers OF
he Crown, which of itself testifes to his
liability to cope with the subtleties around
o,m, and the anxiety he feels as to the right or
srong of the matter When be receives their
opinion he again speaks in Parliament upon
American affairs He says-glad, apparently
20 catch at straw--that when Greece separated
rom Turkey the right Of that country to issue
letters OF marque was allowed, and the law off,
GERS of the Crown, who had been consulted
lad declared that such right would belong to
he Southern confederacy. What did Lord
John mean by such q statement? We cannot
but believe that he merely wished to signify
hat England would not regard the Southern
privatecrs as pirates, as the United States will,
because that would necessitate active British
interference 10 assist in their capture, as the
enemies Of all civilized nations; and the fact Of
not regarding them as pirates does not In any
way allow them the privilege of entering
British ports or Of using British courts to adju-
dicete on prizes. Indeed, we feel morally Ger.
tain that England would unanimously prevent
either her ports or her courts being used by
privateers; for nowhere In the world is the