The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-08-27
it receive the united and undivided support of
the North, and completely dsarm The rebels
and their allies in the South
Our Relations with England and France
In the Present Crisis.

Our Relations with England nnd France
In the Present Crisis.
The tone Of the English and French press
since the battle of Bull run would seem to
indicate that the hostility existing towards the
North in both countries has been very much
increased by that event. We have the best rea-
sons for believing that this is not 80. Neither
in England nor in France can the journals
which have taken such decided part against
us be said to represent the great bulk Of public
opinion. In the one case we find them both,
through their editorial columns and the efforts,
political as we'll as journalistic, Of their repre-
sentstives here, openly aiding the rebels. In
the other we know that the French newspapers
| merely reflect the tone Of the English in the in
terest Of that identity of policy which, for the
moment, exists between the two governments on
the American question. That neither represent
that great body of public sentiment which must
ultimately decide the question of inter-
ference we have the clearest evidence in
their endeavors to make out the contest in
which we are enaged as one of material inte-
rests, instead of what it really is--a conflict of
principles The two governments and their or
gans evidently feel that public opinion will be
powerfully arrayed against any infracton of the
| neutrality which they profess, unless they can
succeed in imparting a false coloring to the
conduct and objects of the North.
Besides this difficulty other elements have
sprung up, which will render them less dis
posed to push matters to extremes The tho
rough ventilation and discussion which the
question has received, owing to the shamefully
partisan course taken by the London Times
and one or two other leading English journals,
have led to a better understanding by the Eng
fish and French publics of their commercial in
terests and international duties. They now be-
gin to appreciate the fact that they have not
so large stake in the independence of the South
as the advocates of the latter pretend
Notwithstanding, therefore, the unfavorable
impression created by the rout of our army at
Manassas, and by the false representations and
sneers of the London journals in regard to it, it
is not the less certain that the conviction is
rapidly gaining ground abroad that not only
does the North possess all the resources, but all
the vigor and determination necessary to bring
this unnatural contest to prompt termination.
1t is unlikely, in the face of these facts,
that the English government will attempt
to break the lines of our coast guard.
1t would be violation not only of the
principles Of international law, which give
to every government the right Of closing such
of its port as it chooses, but an infraction of a
long series of precedents acted upon by Eng
land herself In the difficulties with China, ia
pan and Siam, it was never for one moment
pretended that the European governments were
entitled to dictate to those countries the ports
that should be opened to foreign commerce.
We stand precisely in the same position
as they did. The closing of the Southern
Iorts is not a blockade, in the inter
national sense of the term. It is simply
the reassertion of what was done by the govern
ments in questionable fact of all our Northern
ports being left open establishing clearly the
distinction between it and regular blockade
England, therefore, will not venture to violate
in the case Of a civilized people right accord
ed to them by the laws of nations, and which
she did not dare to infringe when in conflict
But there is, as We have said, another motive
equally powerful which will operate to pre-
vent her taking this course. Her commercial
interests forbid it. John Bright, himself con-
nected with the cotton interest, and man of
much more comprehension and statesmanlike
views than Lord John Russell, or any of his col
leagues, has placed this in the clearest light
England and France would risk more by going
to war with the North than the whole of the flu
ture cotton production of the South would be
worth to it. The present conflict has demon
strated the necessity of her rendering herself
independent of that source of supply
and by the lst of March next, up to which time
it is calculated her stock in hand and that
which is expected from other quarters will
last, she will to great extent, have established
that independence. If she keeps from interven-
ton in our affairs the North, by next spring,
will have reopened to her the Southern ports,
and placed her in possession of any further
quantity of the staple that she may require.
Let her attempt to violate the blockade and she
will not only lose this but she will lose, in adj
dition, the trade Of the North, which is to her of
infinitely more consequence in the future. The
manufactures that we take If exchange for our
breadstuffs and other products will be shut out
by prohibitive duties, and the distress caused
by it among her operatives will be far greater
and more permanently damaging than that re-
sulting from the interruption of her supplies
Of Southern cotton. Such are the views which
are rapidly substituting in the minds of the SEN
sible and rejecting portion of the British
public the mistaken impressions which
the first effect Of the war on their
manufacturing interests had created. In France
the same convictions are gaining ground, be-
cause France has also, in her exports of silk,
fine woollens and other fabrics, much to lose
by adopting aggressive measures towards the