Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-08-28

JEFS. DAVIS Cot Could they present a
stronger Justification for leaving the Union than
the Journal furnishes? Republicans of Indiana.
read the following argument Of the Journal in
favor Of their secession, and then decide whether
the central organ Of the Republican party Of In
diana has any regard whatever for the position il
now occupies, unless at the sacrifice of all that is
honorable and manlyI
A telegraphic report Of an article In the New
York Tribune to the Cincinnati GGzetfe, tells us
that the former paper has taken the ground that
If any State or combination OF States deliberate
ly determines TO seeede from the Union, IL should
be allowed 70 go without hindranee. We ex-
pressed the same opinion when the disunion cla-
NOR first a-ose, and the more think of it, the
more confirmed in it. The question of
the cOnstitutonality Of secession is not the main
question. No rational man can resist the argu-
ment against secession constitutional pro-
ceedng, but any rational man may hesitate be-
fore deciding that the Constitution shall be pre-
served at the expense of civil war. There are
higher considerations than the integrity of the
Constitution, and they enter into the case when
we are called upon to decide upon compelling a
State to submit TO il by force. Secession is rev
oution, and the first act of it lifts the case be.
yond all questions of forms and laws. We are
to decide then, not "What is legal and const
tuti0nal p but What is bes. ?" 1t mag
be best to follow the Constitution to the last,
and enforce it at all hazards. But it may also
happen that this will not be best. In the present
case it seems clear to US that if the enforcement
of the Constitution leads To civil wa- we shall be
better off to let the Constitution be broken and
save bOodshed. All history proves that no war
is so re entless and cruel as a war of relatives.
And war between relatives SO irritable, high
spirited and courageous as the Americans, will
certainly be the most cruel ever known Eng
land never fought the French so murderously as
she fought Englishmen when Cromwell encoun-
tered Prince Rupert. And Americans never
fought Englishmen with the ferocity with which
they will fight each other when Gen. Scott shall
encounter jeff Davis. We can imagine no evil
equal to an American civil war. The separa
ton of the whole confederacy into independent
nations would be harmless beside It. We can not
endure the thought of it. The main question,
therefore, is, not the consttutionality of seces-
sion, but the blood and horror of coercion. Will
coercion produce civil war? To our mind it is
beyond question. But this is not the only reason
why secession, if it is resolved upon shOIld not
be checked by force. If coercion means any
thing, il means TO preserve the Union. OF what
value will an Union be that needs links of bayo-
nets and bullets to hold it togetherl Whit bet
Union than out of it, if she is to tester with the
wounds inflicted by our hands, chafe with the
memory of defeat and degradation, and seek for
the first opportunity of revenSeI Is family bet
ter off with a member in it than away from it,
who has TO be watched perpetually to keep him
from firing the houseg We say no. Common
sense and humanity say no. Ii any State WILL
go from Us, let it go. The price of retaining it,
if it is to be paid in BLOOD is far greater than the
worth of it when we have got it. We are, there
FORE clearly of the opinion that an attempt to re-
strain by force the secession of any State, OF
combination of States from the Union, would
he unwise and calamit0us in the last degree 1t
is better TO preserve lives, and all we can OF
friendness with seeding relations. than to
preserve the Constitution at the cost of war.
OF course, peaceabe secession implies the adjust
ment Of some very complicated and delicate ques-
tons OF debts. common property and future in
tercourse but it is better to settle them by a COM
mission than by campaign.