Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1861-12-11
L(hneha.a from Era Pans.l !

\ time far back in our history, when lew
Of the now living had been born, and
,henceforward continually, cannot hut
lhink we are still his debtors. | submit,
therefore, for your consideration, what
further mark Of recognition il due to him
and to ourselves, as a grateful people.
With the retirement OF GenScot, came
the executive duty of appointing in his
stead General.in Chief of the army. 1t
is q fortunate circumstance that neither
~ council or county was there, 70 iar rs
know, any difference of opinion as to
The proper person to be selected The
retiring Chief repeatedly expressed his
Judgment in favor of Gen Mcclellan for
ne position, and in this the nation
dccreed 10 give unanimous concurrence.
The designation Of Gen. McClelland is
therefore, in q considerable degree the Sc
lection of the country as well as of the
Executive. and hence there is better rca-
Or to hope that there will be given him
he confidence and cordial support thus,
~ fair implication, promised, and with
Jut which he cannot with so full efficiency
-erve the country. IL has been said that
one bad general is better than two good
mes, and the saying is true, il taken II
mean no more than that our army is bet.
or din ilected by n single mind, though in
.erior, than by two superior ones at vari-
ance and cross purposes with each other.
And the same is true in all joint obseva-
tons wherein those engaged can have nore
ut common end in view and can differ
only as to the choice of means
In a storm at sea, no one on board can
wish the ship to sink, and yet, not unfre-
,ucntly, all 60 down together, because
100 many will direct and no single mind
rill be allowed to control.
1t continues to dcvelope that the insur-
rection is largely, if not exclusively, a war
upon the first principles of popular gov
.rnment--the rights of the people. Cons
.lusive evidence Of this is found in the
most grave and maturely considered pub.
lie documents as well as in the general
tone of the insurgents.
In these documents we find the ack
nowledgement of the existing right of suf-
Grage, and tho denial Of the people OF all
right to participate in the selection of
public officers, except the Legislature,
boldly advocated, with labored arguments
10 prove that large control of the people
in Government is the source Of all poliIlN
cal trouble.
Monarchy itself ia sometimes limited at
rs possible refuge from the power of the
reopie. In my present position | could
.carcely be justified were to omit raising
IL warning voice against this approach of
seturning despotism.
1t is not needed nor fitting here that a
general argument should be made here in
saver Of liberal institutions. But there is
one point with its connections not so
a,ackneyed as most others, to which ask
a brief attention. II is the effort to place
capital on an equal footing with, if not
above, labor, in the structure OF the Gov
ernment.
Having proceeded so far, it is naturally
concluded that all laborers are either hir>
"a laborers or what we call slaves. And
further, it is assumed that whoever is
4,nce hired laborer is fixed in that con-
siition for life. Now there is no such re =
lation between capital and labor, rs as
4umei, nor is there any such thihg rs II
free man being fixed for life in the condi>
tion of hired laborer.
1t is assumed that labor ia available on.
ly in connection with capital; that nobody
!abors unless somebody else owning capi
tai, somehow by the use Oft, induces him
20 labor. This assumed, it is next consd'
cred whether it is best that capital should
hire laborers, and thus induce them TO
work by their own consent, or buy them
and drive them to it without their con-
sent.
Both these assumptions are false, and
all differences from them are groundless.
Labor is prior 20 and Independent of cap.
ital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, aud
could never have existed if labor had not
irst existed, Labor is the superior OF
capital, and deserves much the higher
consideration. Capital has Its rights, (which
are as worthy of protection rs any other
rights. Nor is it denied that there is and
probably always will be a relation tetween
labor and capital, producing mutual BEN
efits. The error is in assuming, that the
whole labor of the community exists with>
in that relation.
A few men own capital, and that few
avoid labor themselves, and with their
capital hire or buy another few TO labor
for them. A large majority belong to
neither class-neither work for Others nor
have others working for them.
In most of the Southern States major
ity of the whole people, of all colors, are
neither slaves nor masters, while in the
Northern large majority are neither hir'
ed nor hirers.
Men with their families, wives, sons and
daughters work for themselves on their
farms, in their houses and in their shops,
taking the whole product to themselves,
and asking no favors OF capital on the
one hand, nor of hired slaves or laborers
on the other 1t is not forgotten that {
considerable number OF persons ningle
their own labor with their capital-that
is, they labor with their owa hands, and
also buy or hire others to labor for them
but this is only mixed and not a dstinc
class. No principle stated Is disturbed b!
tho existence of this mixed class.
Again, as has already been said, there il
not, OF necessity, any such thing as free
hired laborer being fixed to that condition
Of life. Many independent men, every
where in these States, few years back in
their lives, were hired laborers.