New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-01-29

which yrriyed here from Philadelphia at about O'Clock
in the evening.
At q o'clock, Mr. j. J. Coombs, the President Of
the Cab, called the meeting to ORDER and briefly In
trodp ed Mr. Clay, the announcement of whose name,
and hose appearance greeted with three cheers.
Mr.. Clay then said:
ADDRESS OF CAssIUs NJ. CLAY.
Nh cihkslDHSr, GESTLEMES OF THE Association,
No CITIZENS OF WAsHIsGToN: Il need hardly be-
h ught necessary that should say that speak for no
man, Tor no clique and even for any party Stand
mg oeiore You an humble citizen of these United
safes never hasng held any Office of prominence Of
and TO still less extent under the National Govern
1ent can rely on your consideration ony ON The fact
hat thefe are times when even the hum6lest citizen
nasmueh as hls Interests are at stake, may be heard
with patience If not with consideration and respe,t
Applause.
However questionable the morality Of deceiyi,~
Others, there can be doubt that it is never our in
erest to deceive ourselves We are, gentlemen, not
in The ordinary condition of citizen addressing M
fellowcountrymen in order that be might persuade
them 10 act in the party organizations which, perhans
in all Republics are necessary to carry out the will az
the people; but We are in the midst of revolution.
These thirty three United States have-whether throag
real means OF justification, through blinded passions
whether they base this movement upon right ana
Justice and appeal to the universal ccnsciences Of
men, whether it is baed upon projects Of personal
success and ambition the fact il still the same thai
portion Of the ctzens OF the Republic portion Of the
citizens Of the States in open and armed rebellion
against its authority The laws have been deaed; the
ned States colors places Of strength and de-
fense have been pulled down; armed men have as
sembled together in large and powerful bodies and
have taken possession Of the public property and Cred
upon the vessels Of the United States. So that IT, ae
cordirg TO the definitions OF rebellion, any Government
in state OF rebellion, this is now IN a state
of rebellion according TO ali the terms which consti.
tute il, in the ordinary designation Of history and
especially according TO that broad, definite, eompne
heDsible and misunderstood Ian
guage which the Constitution itself has applied to
those who shall levy against the existence Of this
Government. Now, gentlemen, candidly put il. not
in the spirit of partisan, but trust for my peculiar
relation TO these cOntenting partiesthose who sand
by the Union Of the States and those who
TO dissolve il, as they some OF them conceive ae-
cording to the right of revolution and according az
Others hold it, TO the constitutional right of secesson
with all my relationships, all my associations OF birth,
Of family, and Of interest on aide Of that fatal
lire while that great, and gallant and noble party
with which have acted-who have sympaihized with
ne in the hours Of obscurity and defeat and who now
triumph with the day of success, are aTayed
mainly on the ether side. conceive, that account.
at least may ask your hearing on this occasion. Ap-
What, then, fellow-czens are the causes that have
brought about this melancholy state of affairs stall
not 90 back further tonight than that great national
action of 1850, which sanctioned by all tue then
organized parties Of this country, constituting what
called the compromises Of 1870; nor will fear say
on tbis occasion, that the causes which called for tie
forming Of that compromise still exist, and have been
deepened and widened BY circumstances which have
subsequently occurred. What was this grea. eabryo
pipciple which caused and called for this acton
on the part OF this Commonwealth thus departing from
the ordinary methods Of legislation i. the qnes-
ton Of free labor on ore side and slave labor on the
other side Those Interested in the progress develop
ing power, and domnancy Of free labor being on the
one side, ard those interested in their personal
Iitv, and the advantages Of pecuniary and political
fittua fha IN ofal
other side. Well now, gentlemen, remember thai up
10 the year 1850 since the formation Of the Govern
ment in l776 with these two distinct interests, the
slayeholdng power had always controlled the poicyd
our Government.
But it turned out at last that right was the highest
expedency and in 1885, after contest Of more than
half century, victory perched on the standard Of the
Free in ContTadistincOn 10 the standard OF slavery.
Loud applause. Then it was, gentlemen, for the 6st
time thai il was thought by the defenders OF slave in
stuiioDs that basis Of political supremacy, they
should depart outside of the ordinary channels Of GOV
eminent in taking the will Of the majority, ami a.
tempt to bring some extraneous and outside forces 10
work as they were the weaker party in this contest.
And what were they Why, that the active Influences
of the Government, through the Federal Adnnnstra-
tion should be brought TO bear upon the Territories.
will not 90 these compromises further than 70
say that all parties, North and South, having solemny
agreed TO item, the question 10 the territories was
settled. How was it settled BY stpulatng thai the
STAKEHOLDER might 20 into them ALL except thai nere
existed as we find a little further along, previous
action of our ancestors partially for the same caaes.
fixing ar a limit the line of 30 JO. SO great had 10
been esteemed in the estimation Of the people OF tins
Government that il was regarded equally sacred
with the Constitution itself; and the prophecy was
made that when il should be broken down, the foun-
dation Of the Government would also be broken down,
and our nationality, perhaps, should expire WIFI H.
What was the result, gentlemen Why the great
mas Of Free Labor of this country! North and South,
who had oked upon Slavery an existing institution,
Tor which they were not personally Responsible, and
which depended the will OF the Slave States found
that the latter by an aggregation OF strength, we're
resi-tng them, and say they were bound 70 organize
themselves into party organizations on this issue 10
it comes with bad grace from these gentlemen 70 say
that we have formed an antagonstlc anu unirendy
rsry 10 overthrow the institutions OF the South, "nen
history prosaims that it they, and not we, wno
fomed the party Of aggression, and that we formed
our party only to resist IL. Applause. say ourss
party Of defense. deRy here aud ereryTAeTe, eaat
us nor, srer uds, crer proposed to BE- Partyg
gorcs,j,n mon the rights Of any Of these STATES.
Now, gentlemen, | do not propose TO consider me
morality to discuss the motives ~ these me1 VINO
have pTecpitated this issue upon the country On me
contrary on this occasion at least, am disposed to
GARD Slavery az political rather than dc III you peass
moral institution. L do not come here 70 hnd iams
with eavelolde.s fer attempting TO MAINTAIN hei sias
by air and legitimate meaus. OenllcInen, we Law
proyed by our actoI that this IL the spilt IN WHICH
we submitted TO this institution, while legally and con-
stitutionally main aiming Its powerl TINS GoVeIhhsn
For eighty YEAR, from the beginning OF TINS pOvyin
nent To the prehert time-excepting the rev YEAR, W
fraternal feeling existing between nsihe slave PoEst
and mean no indienty by the expression-ha Ta1T
this country and We have been subject 10 .ms ne @n
II rnled by it's superior intelligence, or oy any oV
t;onal means we could have nothing 70 say agsinS ~
We were beaten by i, in 1856 and what dd we gS
Did any man propose to separate the States 81 ,ns
North OF of the Northwest Did any man Pr"P%SY
reLe Lion becane We had been beaten IN battle e.
sbion either North or South in consequence OF uo
success OF tits party ,oeo ..e:,, % lovers
Of our country, appealing 10 the Judgment OF ne
e tr;eS i once more, and at la'tfor the mt 'ns
we is lieu of his conntrywe got verde, IN behai