Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, 1861-03-07

the Constitution having lost the vita
element of perpetuity. 1t follows from
these views that no State, upon its owl
mere motion, can lawfully 60 out of tn
Union that resolves and ordinances Il
that effect are legally void, and that act
of violence within any State or States a
gainst the authority of the United States
are insurrectionary or revolutionary, accor
ding to circumstances. /, therefore, con
slider that, IN view of the Constitution ant
the laws, the Union is unbroken, aud tt
the extent of my ability, [ shall take care
as the Constitution itself expressly enjoin
upon me, that the laws of the Union b
faithfully executed in all the States. Do
ing this, deem to be only simple dut.
on my part, and 1 shall perform it, so ia
as practicable, unless my rightfuI masters
the American people, shall withhold tn
requisite means, or, in some authorized
manner, direct the contrary. | trust thi
will not be regarded as menace, but a
the delared purpose Of the Union, that i
will constitutionally defend and maintail
itself. In doing this, there need be nj
blood shed or violence, and there shall b.
none, unless it be forced upon the nationa
authority The power confded to me viii
be used to hold, occupy and possess th'
property and places belonging to the Gov
ernmeut, and to collect the duties and i'm
posts, but beyond what may be necessary
for these objects, there will be no Invasion
no using of force against or among the peo
pie anywhere. Where hostility to the
United States in any interior locality shall
be so great and so unusual as to preven
competent resident citizens from holding
the Federal Offices, there will be no attemp
to force obnoxious strangers among the
people for that object. While the stric
legal tight may exist in the Government tt
enforce the exercise of these Offices, the at
tempt to do so would be so irrational, anc
so nearly impracticable withal, that | deem
it better to forego for the time the uses o.
such Offices. The mails, unless repelled
will continue to be furnished in all parts
of the Union. So far as possible, the .peo
pie everywhere shall have that sense of per
feet security which is most favorable to COO
thought and reflection. The course here
indicated will be followed, unless current
events and experience shall show a modih
cation or change to be proper; and in every
case and exigency, my best discretion viii
be exercised according to circumstances &C
tually existing, and with view and hope
of peaceful solution of the national trou
bles, and the restoration of fraterDal sympa
thies and affections. That there are per
sons in one section or another who seek te
destroy the Union at all events, and are
glad of any pretext to do it, will neither
affirm or deny, but if there be such, l need
address no word to them. To those, how
ever, who really love the Union, may moi
speak before entering upon so grave mat
ter as the destruction of our national fabric,
with all its benefits, its memories, its hopes
Would it not be wise to ascertain precisely
why we do it? Will you hazard so des'
perate step while there is any possibility
that any portion of the ills you fly from,
have no real existence Will you, while
the certain ills you fly to are greater than
all the real ones you fly from, will you risk
the commission of so fearful a mistaken
All profess to be content in the Union, il
all constitutional rights can be maintained
Is it true, then, that any right, plainly writ
ten in the Constitution, has been denied !
think not. Happily, the human mind is
so constituted, that no power can reach to
the audacity of doing this. Think, if you
can, of single instance, in which plain
ly written provision of the Constitution has
ever been denied? If by the mere force
of numbers majority should deprive mi
nority of any clearly written constitutional
right, it might, in moral point of view,
Justify revolution. 1t certainly would,
if such right were vital one. But such
is not our case All the vital rig hts OF
miuorities and of individuals are so plainly
assured to them by af6rmatious and mega
tions, guarantees and prohibitions, in the
Constitution, that controversies never arise
concerning them. But no organic law can
ever be framed with provision specifically
applicable to every question which may oc'
cur in practical administration. No fore
sight can anticipate, nor any document Of
reasonable length contain express provision:
for all possible questions Shall fugitives
from labor be surrendered by national OIL
by State authority? The Constitution does
not expressly say. May Congress prohibi
slavery in the Territories !? The Constitu
tiou does not expressly say. Must Con
gress protect slavery in the Territories p
The Constitution does not expressly say
From questions of this class spring all ou
constitutional controversies, and we di
vide upon them into majorities and mi
norities If the minority will not acqui
esce, the majority must, or the Govern
ment must cease. There is no other al
tentative for continuing the Governmen
than acquiescence on one side or the other
If a minority in such case will secede rath
er than acquiesce, they make precedent
which in turn will divide and ruin them
for minority of their own will secede frou
them whenever majority refuses to be con
trolled by such minority. For instance
why may not any portion of new Confed
eracy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily Sc
cede again, precisely as portions of the pre-
sent Union now claim to secedc from it ?
All who cherish disunion sentiments, ar