Arkansas true Democrat., 1861-02-28
z { S''s SPEECH OF R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia, on the Forts and Arsenals in the States. DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED srArrs
 JANUARY II, 1861.
 CONCLUDED FROM LAST WEEK

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 But, sir, that is not all. To obtain the right of exclusive legislation within dock yards, forts, arsenals, and other needful buildings, Congress must have, first, the consent of the States. That must be given under the constitution. Suppose a State refuses its consent. Where would be your lsourt houses, your forts, your coustom- Abuses? Where would you have the locus
 quo, from which to administer the func- lions and the power of this general govern ment? Everywhere, if they were to refuse to give you this assent, you would be under State jurisdiction; and thus it would be in the power of the State constantly to thwart, obstruct, and prevent the administration of federal justice, or the administration of fed eral power, within her limits and iurisdic- tion.
 So, too, it is in the power of the State, if they chooss, if they undertake to with draw their assent from this constitution, to defeat those great ends of the Union, which I have before described, as designed to in- sure free intercourse and free trade between the citizens of the several States. Thus 1t will be found, when you come to examine the matter, that this federal government cannot exercise its most important and its essential functions within the limits of a State if the people of that State refuse to assent to its power, and choose to obstruct it by means which they have under the con stitution of the United States. If this be so, what is the result to be derived from that fact? The result is, that the framers of the constitution supposed that this fed eral government would only be an author ized government within State so long as it had the assent ofthe people of that State; and that when the people of that State with drew their assent, it was not the authorlz- ed government; and therefore they provid- ed no means for enforcing its powers and for exercising its jurisdiction. Is not that the inevitable conclusion, from the facts to which I have just alluded? Sir, the only mode in which you could protect the ad- mit5strationgof the federal af1airs and the 1 federal jurisdiction within the State, would be to set aside the State government by force, and to reduce it to territorial con- dition; and then what would be the result? | You first coerce State because 1t secedes from thirty-two other members of this con federacy; and you turn around and secede yourselves from it by reducing it from the condition of State to the position of a territory!
 But, Mr. President, I say that if coer- cion were right, it is impossible. l say that no man can doubt that if it be attemp- ted against one of the seeding States, all the slaveholding States will rally to the aid of their sister; and the idea that you can coerce eight, or ten, or fourteen, or fifteen of the States of this confederacy when standing in solid body, is preposterous. 1 acknowledge that you may make civil war which will produce immense disaster in both sections of the country; 1 acknowl- edge that you can inAict immeasurable evils and great calamities upon both the contending sections; but as to supposing that either one could subdue the other so as to place it under its yoke, and impose its laws upon it, l do not entertain the idea for an instant
 Why, sir, how would this war of cner- { on be waged? It would take $100,000, 900 yearly, for you cannot wage it with less than hundred thousand men, and where would you get this sum? Not from imports; for what would the imports of the noithern portion of the confederacy be when vol took from them all that comes in re- tub for the exports of the South? You wi Id have to sustain the war by loans and diNc taxation; and is it to be supposed thst the people would bear such burdens in suSh cause as that? believe they might submit to any just and necessary taxation in their own legal and necessary rights but would they submit to such a scheme of taxation for the purpose of enforcing their yoke upon other people-for the purpose of depriving those other people of the right of selfgovernment? Whose would be the commerce that would be preyed upon?- Not the southern commerce. That would go in foreign bottoms. The commerce to be preyed upon by privateers would be the commerce of the other section of the con. federacy. lift came to a question of plum der, which of the sections would afford the greatest temptation to plunder?. Where are the cities, villages, the concentrated wealth of community to be found in the greatest number and quantity? Those are the objects which tempt the cupidity of q solqiery. You could not steal our negroes Yohr own people would not allow you tc take them and set them free among them to enter into competition with them fol labor and for wages. How would you carry on such war, sir? Where would yoafnd the means? You would not con tinIk the attempt for more than six months bel e you will find it impossible, and yor wei ] abandon it.
 Hay, therefore, that it is not possible by anWsuch means, to coerce the southern peote into submission. know there is { tallPof attaining all the valuable purposes of Union, by simple blockade of thu coast; that is, by blockade which should oofii,ct tho customs and do nothing more Where would the ships come from tt blockade the whole southern coast? An( how could they effect their purpose unde this constitution, unless, indeed, they in tend to violate it? Where would be thei judges, their inspectors, their appraisers their collectors? Where would they exer else their functions? On shipboard? Ina would be impossible. Would you transfe the cargo of the ship to another port of. collection district in another State, whic had not seeded? Why, sir, the carg would not be wanted there. How in regar to the commerce of the South during tha periedE You can lay no duty upon ex ports They would forbid their people nnder Penalties, to send their commoditie by any but foreign bottoms; they nigh