Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1861-08-23

mischief of these anpatriotic presses, than
to elevate them to greater Importance by
prosecution, or to encroach IN the sllgnt-
est degree upon that freedom OF Puohc as
cussion which in ordinary times Is Justly
regarded as one of the greatest safeguards
ofIiberty. But tt is F'reposteTOus to sdcT!Hes
ths end to the means. We should in this re-
spect learn wisdom from the enemies of the
Union. While we regard rs unbecoming
our Christian civilization that resort to
Lynch law by which every expression of
opinion adverse to the popular sentiment is
suppressed in the seeding. States, we
ought to remember that i'll tolcrMtlnG
u traitorous Press among ourselves we
practice liberalityt0hich aIcakenS no graft
tude at home, and is HeUer reciprocdted by the
opposing purity. 1t is IN fact an G5suTdtty an
terms, under the Uenera62e name Of the H6ert9
Of tie press, TO permit the Systematic ana "a
cenGous abuse Of government t0hich is taxed
10 the utmost IN defending the. country from
general disintegrdtion and political cddoS.-
The Governor of Malta was once censnred
in Parliament for some alleged severity to-
ward the editor of n journal in that island
and the liberty OF the press was declared
to be in danger. The Duke of Wellington
said be was as friendly to the liberty of
the press in London as anybody, but free
press in the Island of Malta was as much
out of place as on the quarterback Of
man -of-war. We suppose the most en-
thusinstic champion OF the liberty OF the
press would hardly think it right to pub
lish a Journal within tue walls of Fort Nc
Henry, in which the officers of that garrl-
son should be daily advised to desert and
the men be costantIy exhorted to mutlny;
and whose columns should he filled with
persistent abuse OF the government and all
engaged in it's defence. Why should
journals of that description be allowed to
diffuse their poison beneath its walls
amidst the excitahle population OF Il large
city.
So too with reference to the freedom OF
speech in debate, one of the vital condI-
tons of republican liberty. The late ses-
sion in Congress has witnessed magma
nimity on the part of the majority IN ooth
Houses of truly romantic cast. me acts
and the motives of the Government, in the
suppression of the nsurrection, admitted
by one of its most distinguished chiefs to
proceed mainly from the disappointment
of leading asplrants to oEfice,) have been
assaulted from day to day with virnlence
and persistence which would be harm
lese in time of peace, but which i'll time OF
war can have no other effect upon the
popular mind, than to perplcH and dis
henrten those who are stalking life and for
tune in the cause of the country. This
generosity excites no gratitude on the part
of those towards whom it is practiced; and
so far from being reciprocated, the mem
bers of the Confederate Congress Mt Mont
gomery or Richmond, who should assaIl
the conduct or policy of that body, as the
Government of the United States has
been assailed by the sympnthizers with
secession Mt Washington, would not reach
his hotel in safety. He would swing from
the next lamp post.
Not merely is all freedom of speech anu
of the Press prohibited. in the seeding
States, but the most quiet and the hum
bIest rights of citizenship are interdlcted.
When the Ordinance of Secession was
about to be submitted to the vote Of the
people of Virginia, a distinguished Senator
of that State in Congress, and who in that
capacity was under onth to support the
Constitution OF the United States, publish
ed Il letter, signed with his name, in which
he declared that such citizens of Virginia
as did not approve the ordinance must
leave the State; n summary sentence OF
Punishment and contiscatiOn against about
a third part OF the people of that ancient
Commonwealth; n sentence which the Sc
ccding majority are now attempting to en-
force at the point of the bayonet, TO Illus
trute the principle that "the right of gov
eminent rests upon the consent of the gov
erend."
The necessity which i'll time of war,
partially suspends the operation of the
laws, transfers the governing power to the
military authority, not absolutely and
without conditions; far from it; but un-
der the limitations of the Constitution, and
= -, Tod tn - IT ~
of things. The power which existed in
the Roman Republic of creating a Dicta-
tor, in seasons of imminent danger, who
was clothed with absolute authority for
limited period-a power which was sub
stautially, though not avowcdly assumed
by Congress in the revolutionary wars
unknown to the Constitution and it is to
be devuutly hoped will never be called into
exercise by pcrils too formidable to be
otherwise aYertcd.
For all the ordinary purposes IF war,
the President of the United States is cloth
cd with the requisite power as ''Commau-
er-in-Chief of the Army Of the United
States, and of the militia of the United
States, when called into active service"
The laws of the land provide the means
for exercising the great powers which lie
possesses in this character. The present
is not the first occasion in which they
have been called into action. The prOcla-
nation OF the President calling for seven
ty-fiye thousand volunteers, although not
issued till the war had actually commenced
bv The reduction of Fort Sumter, by the
general armament of the South. with
ordnance and munitions reasonably pre-
pared beforehand by the sworn Off
GERS of the United States, and by an
Official threat of movement on Washing
ton, has been denounced by President Da-
Wis as an unprovoked measure, whoSemng
nitude transcends all constitutional lin
its, and can aim only Mt the "snbjugation"
of the South. At time when the popu-
lation of the United States did not exceed