Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-08-14


Those who WELD the thunder Of the state, may /
have more confidence in the efficacy of arms But /
confess, possibly for want Of this knowledge. /
INV opinion is much more in favor of prudent I
management. than of force; considering force not |
as an odous, but feeble instrument, for preserv |
ing a people so numerous, so active, so growing, |
so spirited as this in profitable and subordinate
connection with us
First. sir, permit me to observe, that the use of
force alone is but temporary. 1t may subdue for
"A moment; but it does not remove the necessity
of subduing again; and a nation Is not governed,
which is perpetually to be conquered.
My next objection is its uncertainty. Terror
is not always the effect of force; and an arma-
ment is nota victory. If you do not succeed, you
are without resource; for, Cancellation failing,
force remains; but force failing, no further hope
sometimes bought by kindness; but they can
never be begged as aims, by an impoverished and
defeated violence
A further objection to force is, that you impair
the object by your very endeaverous to preserve it.
The thing you fought for is not the thing which
you recover; but deprecated, sunk, wasted. and
consumed in the contest Nothing less will con
tent me, than tchOle America. / do not choose to
consume its strength along with our own; because
in all parts it is the British strength that / con-
sumo. j do not choose to be caught by for
eign enemy at the end of this exhaustng conflict;
and still less in the midst of it, i may escape;
but can make no insurance against such an
event. Let me add, that do not choose wholly
TO break the American spirit, because it is the
spirit that has made the country.
Lastly, we have no sort of experience in favor
of force as an instrument in the rule of our col
onies Their growth and their utility has been
owing to methods altogether different. Our an
cient indulgence has been said to be pursued TO
fault. 1t may be so. But we know, if feelingis
evidence, that our fault was more toerable than
our attempt to mend it; and our sin far more sal
utary than our penitence.
Sir, | can perceive by their manner, that some
gentlemen object to the latitude of this descrip-
ton; because in the southern colonies the church
of England forms large body, and has a regular
establishment. 1t is certainly true. There is,
however, a circumstance attending these colonies,
which, in my opinion, fully cOunterbalances this
difference, and makes the spirit of liberty still
more high and naughty than in those 10 the north
ward 1t is that i'm Virginia and the Carolnas, they
have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is
the case in any part of the world. those who are
free, are by far the most proud and jealous of
their freedom. Freedom to them is not only an
enjoyment, but u kind of rank and privilege. Not
seeing there, that freedom, as in countries where
it n common blessing. and rs broad and general
as the air. may be united with much abiect toll,
with great misery, with all the exterior of seryi-
tude, liberty looks, among them, like something
that is more noble and liberal. ] do not mean,
sir, to commend the superior morality of this sen
timent, which has at least much pride vir
tue in it; but cannot alter the nature of man.
The fact is so; and these people of the southern
colonies are much more strongly, and with
higher end more stubborn spirit, attached to liber
ty than those to the nOrthward. SUCH we're all
the ancient common wellths such were our Goth
ic ancestors; such in CIR ,!avs were the Poles;
and such will be all masters CO slaves, who are
not slaves themselves.
Until very lately, all authority in America
seemed to be nothing but emana.ion from
yours. Even the popular part o. the colony con
sttutiOn derived all its activity, and its first vital
movement from the pleasure of the crown We
thought sir that the utmost which the discomfort
ed cOlOnsts could DO, was TO disturb authority;
we never dreamt they could of themselves supply
it; knowing in general what an operose business
it is, to establish a government absolutely new.
But having, for our purposes IN this contention,
resolved, that none but obedent assembly
should sit, the humors of the people there, find
ing all passage through the legal channel stopped,
with great violence broke out another way. Some
! provinces have tried their experiment, as we have
tried ours and theirs has succeeded. They have
1 formed n government sufficient for its purposes
without the hustle of a revolution or the trouble
some formality of an election. Evident necessity
and tacit consent, have done the business in an
instant. So well they have done it, that Lord
Dunmore (the account is among the fragments
on your table, tells you, that the institution
is infinitely better obeyed than the ancient gov
eminent ever was in its most fortunate periods.
Obedience is what makes government, and not
the names by which it is called; not the name of
governor. as formerly, or committee as present
/ This new government has originated directly
from the people: and was not transmitted through
any of the ordinary artificial media of a positive
constitution. 1t was not a manufacture ready
formed, and transmitted to them in that condition
/ from England The evil arising from hence is
this that the colonists have once found the posi-
/ bty of enjoying the advantages of order. in the
midst of struggle for liberty such struggles will
not henceforward seem so terrible to the settled
and sober part of mankind, as they have appeared
before the trial.
am much against any further experiments,
which tend to put to the proof any more of these
allowed opinions, which contribute so much to
the public tranquility In effect, we suffer as
much at home, by this loosening of all ties, and
this conclusion of all established opinions, we
do abroad. For, in order to prove that the Amer
leans have no right to their liberties, we every
day endeavorng to subvert the maxims which
preserve the whole spirit OF our own. TO prove
that the Americans ought not to be free, we are
obliged to depreciate the value of freedom itself;
and we never seem to gain a paltry advantage
over them in debate, without attacking some of
those principles, deriding some of those feel
ings for which our ancestors have shed their
blood
Adhering, sir, as do, to this policy, as well
as for the reasons have just given, think this
new project of hedging in population to be neither
prudent nor practicable.
To impoverish the colonies in general and in
particular to arrest the noble course their marine
enterprises, would be more easy task. freely
confess it, We have shewn n disposition TO a
system of this kind; disposition even TO continue
the restraint after the offence; looking our
selves as rivals to our colonies, and persuaded
that OF course we must gain all that they shall
lose. Much mischief we may certainly do. The
power inadequate to all other things is often more
than sufficient fer this. / do not look on the d-
rect and immediate power of the colonies to resist
our violence, as very formidable. In this how
ever NAV be mistaken. But when | consider,
that we have colonies for no purpose but To be
serviceable to us il seems TO nv poor understand
ing little preposterous, TO make them unserylce-
able in order to keep them obedient. 1t is, In
truth, nothing more than the old, and, as
| thought, exploded problem of tyranny. which pro
poses to beggar its subjects into submission. But
remember, when you have completed your system
of impoverishment, that nature still proceeds in
her ordinary course, that discomfort will increase
with misery; and that there are critical moments
in the fortune of all states, when they who are
too weak to contribute to your prosperity, may
be strong enough to complete your ruin. SP0liatis
orma supeTsunt.
With regard to the high aristrocratic spirit of
Virginia and the southern colonies, it has been
proposed, know, to reduce it, by declaring a
general Acknowledgement of their slaves. This