The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1861-07-13

rha Nasssaru ef Abraham k1nceln.
Under the caption Of I" The Despot's Plea"
| the Charleston Courier criticises the MsesaSe
| recently Issued BY the despot At Washington.
! We copy the concluding portion:
| The culminating point Of the mendacity,
impudence, effrontery and miscnlevous 30,
| In that Dor ton relating to the Union and the
states This portion may he best and brieny
described as presenting LIE In every line, ana
| nofhinr would have emboldened even Lin
| coin. and seward, and Blair, to venture on
deuce in the ignorance of Northern readers.
Does Abraham Lincoln, LII: knoW tne
| fact that two at least of the Thirteen States
| declared separately their independence OF the
Does Abraham Lincoln, LII. D. by me
servile fawning OF the once nSnoI ,u. %scinrad
| her independence and established ota.s Ooh-
| stitution and Government In March, ITO
Does be know that South Carolina. MS an
| independeut State, had appointed Commis-
| sioners made treaties and alliances: ana es-
| tablished an army and navy before the adop-
| ton of the Constitution
Rv the "Union" Abraham Lincoln, LII
d.. in tends and denotes An indivisihle CONSOLE
dation with States existing only as mnnlcipai
departments or Federal districts. we deny
that such Union was ever formed or adoPted
or Assem- ted TO by any Of the American States.
The monstrous mendacity OF this portion
of the Message cannot receive due treatment
| in the space at our disposal. we refer II for
the present to the Judgment OF inte!ngen'
Southern readers, who are too well acquaint-
ed with the facts and epOchs OF our constitu-
tioual history and with the distinguished rep
utation of Abraham Lincoln, LII. ID Tor vio-
lation of truth, to take anything on MS asser'
ton.
Were any thing needed to confirm us in the
feeling, determination and resolve tnat we
could never submit TO the rule OF Lincoihlsm'
this Message would sunlce
American hiStOry-eV2n English history
from the glorious dawn at Runninmede, IN
which we are gloriously participant, by inner
itance, and should be in principles and lnsti-
tutions-has been written in vain, II any por-
lion OF American States. or peoples, can qai,
etly succumb under the interpretation ana
application of constitutional law ana Exec9-
tive powers given by Abraham Lincoln, LII.
D.. by the visitation OF Providence Presl-
dent Of the United States, but through the
merciful favor Of Providence not Fresi-
dent OF the Oonfedel ate States OF America,
whom may God long preserve from such a
dive us war, famine, pestilence, dasolation,
death in every form and win every hcioent
of horror, but from Lincoln and Lincolnism
good Lord preserve us, as Thou has ratlousiy
delivered us.
COMMENTS OF THE NORTHERN PRESS.
The Seryian journals, we need hardly say,
ara profuse in their laudations of the Message.
Snch papers as the New York Herald, 1ri
hume. World, Philadelphia Bulletin, Ledger
North American, and others Of that class,
nonr out a volume of fulsome compliment,
which is as pitiful as it is disgusting. 1t will
surprise the reader, however, to learn that
the New York Times is an exception, and al
though what it says does not amount to much
we give the following extract the benefit Of
our circulation
fFrom the New Y ork Times Republican,
1t is common to herald Presidents Mes
sage to the world rs an important document.
Aud often it is go. But never was a message
less important than the one transmitted to
Congress by President Lincoln, although the
occasion is the most extraordinary that ever
occurred in our country for the writing OF a
message. The telegraph, or some strange fate
that presided in the transmission and re- print
of the document, has apparently conceded in
this view of is value. for never before have
we had a more painful tumble from which to
extract the pith ana meaning, the statement
and sequence of 8 State Paper. We mean no
disrespect to the President in saying SO. We
mean simply that we knew beforehand the
sentiment of the country in regard to the war,
and neither President nor Congress will be
expected or indeed permitted, to do any thing
| contrary to the public will.
We are disposed to postpone criticism upon
| a document that appears to be SO barDarously
| treated in it's transmission But we must
say that altogether too much attention Is be-
| slowed on Virginia's act of Secession in the
Message and the mode in which it was
com plished by the Richmond Conven ton; and
less is said than would have been acceptable,
| in regard to the II ,vements of the people o.
Western Virginia and of East Tennessee, for
their relief from the tyranny OF the Cobf eder-
| ate States, aud the prospect Of their success
! through the aid OF Government. Some
| thing more than one sentence on 1.-The prac-
tiee Of privateeriing" BY the sseede r. States
| try would have liked to know what Is the
| prospect of the ratification of the convention
| of European governments which declares pri.
rfYe
| on the subject OF liberal commercial relations
| with European nations would not have been
out CT place.
Some of the more honest OF the Northern
| journals condemn the Message unhesitatingly.
We So " a scathing criticism in the New York
Daily News, but could not obtain possession
| of the paper. The following extract from
another fearless defender Of Southern rights
we find in Il Baltimore daily:
From the New York Day Book, Dem.J
1t will not escape the attention OF the reader
| that Mr.. Lincoln speaks of himself and his
&c is, as "the G0vern ment," showing has utter
ignorance OF the very PRINCIPLES lying at the
foundation Of our system. The Government
| is the people, Mr.. Lincoln one Of their general
agents. Congress is another. The Supreme
Court another. To each of these depart
ments certain general powers were delegated.
powers not delegated7 That is the real Dues
| ton. Mr.. Lincoln labors through several
very badly constructed sentences to prove that
a State has not the constitutional right of Sc
cession. We would have been glad ii Mr.
LINCOLN had devoted halftha space to showing
US where he derives the constitutional right
of coercion. But We have never Il word en-
that subject. Mr.. Lincolu's ideas Federal
| and Stat rights are equally wide Of the mark
He commits the solecism OF arguing that the
Union made the States There never was a
cart so exactly before the horse.
The old Journal of Commerce, too, speaks
its mind pretty freely, as an extract VIII
show:
From the N. J. Journal of Commerce, Dem
The President doubtless intends high
compliment to the men composing the army
when he declares that there is scarcely regi
ment from which there could not be select
ed a President, Cabinet, a Congress, and,
perhaps, court, abundantly competent TO
administer tina Government its IT, AS things
go, we inclined 10 think this some what
high wrQugh. eulOgisrn upon our citizen SOL
| diery substantially deserved. certainly there
| Is not one from which a person could not be
selected qualified to present the subject mat
ter OF our national difficulties III a clearer and
more concise form than has been done in the
paper under consideration.
The allusion by the President TO the pro-
ceedings for suspending the privilege of the
| writ OF hdbeas corpus, does not, that we can
| see, throw any new light upon that quest ton.
Certainly the Administration view OF the case
| Is not as well presented as it has been done a
| hundred times by the Republican newspapers.
| Possibly the Attorney General, whose opinion
ton for Executive interference with this great
| safeguard for the liberty OF the citizen.
Even the Baltimore Sun, which we had
given up for lost, is appealing to the judg.
| ment Of the people against the conclusions
| set forth in the Message. Perhaps when the
| Northern people get their eyes open to the
| fact that the war will swell nm a nation