New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-12-20
can read toward it lie to write emancipation Oh
her own tanner, or To bribe The aristocrais God


fnga her fleets along the coast the South can never
be successful except upon tie basis of negro free
dom and for one, cannot consent 10 believe that
tie North Rill agree 10 share its chains. FOR me,
exclusively rs an Abolitionist have little more in
terest in this war than the frontiersmans wife had
in bis struggle with the bear, when she didn't care
which whipped. Laughter and applause. But be-
fore leave the Aboi.ionist, let me say one word.
Some men say we are the cause Of this war. Gen
iemen, you do us too much honor. Cheers aud
laughter.l If it be so, have reason TO be proud
of il; for in my heart, as American believe tins
year the most glorious Of the Republic since 70.
Great applause. BE the North craven aud contented
until now, like mamDon, seeing nothing even III
heaven but the golden pavement, to-day she tlr0Ws
off her chains. We have North as Daniel WEB
ster said. This is nothing for nations to blush at
England might blush III 1925, when EDglishmen
trembled at a fools frown, and were silent when
James forbade them to think, but not in 10Y, when
an outraged people cut oil bis son 8 head. Massa'
chusetts might have hlushed year or TWO ago
when an insolent Yirginian, standing on bunker
Ill., insulted the Commonwealth, and then dragged
/ her citizens TO Washington TO tell him what they
knew about John Brown; but she has no reason to
blush to-day when che holds that same lnsoient
Senator an acknowledged Federal prisoner. up
roarious applause.l In my view the DiGodiest war
that ever ragged is infinitely better than the happiest
Slavery that ever fattened men into obedience
/ jCheersl And yet / love peace. But 1t is real
neace; not peace such as we have bad not peace
that meant lynch law in the Carolinas and mob law
! in New-Yok; not peace that meant chains AROUND
Boston Court House gag on the lips OF statesmen,
and the slave sobbing himself to sleep in curses NO
more such peace for meno peace that Is not oorn VI
iniustce aud does not recognize the nights OF every
race and every man. Loud cheeringI oome men
saw they would view this war as White men. aui
content with no such narrowness. view ~ AS ah
| American citizen proud to be the citizen OF an
an,;re that knows neither black nor wbito neither
SAXON nor Indian, and shelters all under scepter
e0ual and impartial over all. Loud cheer. III 1
oy, 10 love nv country il must be loyeable; II am
:, honor il, il must be worthy Of respect. What Is
the function God gives us-wbat is the breadth Of
responsibility he lays upon usl An empire
the home of every race every creed, every
tongue TO whose citizens is committed, II not the
only then the grandest system OF pure sei-goveTh.
ment. De Tocqueye tells us that all nations and
all ages tend with inevitable certainty to this result,
but he points ont as history does, this land AZ tne
Normal school of the Nations, Sc; by God 10 try tie
experiment of popular education aud popular govern
ment to smooth all obstacles. discover al dangers,
guard against all perls, facilitate The progress heip
forward the hopes and the steps OF the race Let us
see to it, therefore, that in such Crisis, and Win
such past neither the cowardice, nor the needless
ness nor the Indifference of Americans, forfeits this
high honor won for us by the tolls of two genera
tons given TO us by the blessings of Providence.
II ia as snch citizen of the leading State Of this
Western continent, vast in territory and yet MOTH
ing compared with the grandeur Of Its past and The
majesty of it's future-it is such citizen that
with for one to find my duty, express az an ndivid'
ual nv opinion and aid thereby the Cabinet III DONG
its duty under such responsibility. II does not lie IN
one man to ruin u.s. nor in one maD 10 save ms, nor
Dozen 1t lies in the twenty millions, ~ the thirty
millions, Of thirty-four States. Now how do we
stand in a war-not only that, but terrihc WAL
not war sprung from the caprice OF woman, the
spite of priest the Pickering ambition OF prince
as wars usually have; but war ineyitabie,
nobody's fault, the inevitable result OF past
training, the conflict of ideas, millions OF
people graphing each others tbroats, every SOL
der in each camp certain that he IL hghtng Tor an
idea that holds the salvation Of the word-every
drop of his blood Ia in earnest. Such war finds 40
parallel nearer than that Of the Catholic and Hugeu-
not ia France than that Of Arrtocrat and Repnb-
lican In 1880, or Of Cromwell and the IRISH when
victory meant determination. Such Is our war.
look upon il IA the of the great strug
gle between the hidden aristocIacy and democracy
of America. You TO Say to-day whether II shall
last ten years seventy, as 1t usually has DONE In
such war, will not speak OF war III iseli-l have
no time to- will not say with Napoleon that II ID
the practice of barbarians will not say that 1t IL
good. l say that it is better than the past. Good,
better best comparative ruperlatives, but thing
may be better and yet not good Ibis war Is better
than the past There is not an element OF good In IT,
Yes there is nothing in il tina, We might not have
gotten better, fuller, and more perfectly in other
parts And We. it is infinitely better than the craven
past infinitely better than peace that had PRIDE ior
its father ana subservieDcy for It's mother Neither
will speak Of the cost Of war, although you know
that we shall never get out OF this one without
debt of at least two thousand millions of dollars. Or,
if the prevalent theory prove correct and the country
comes together again anything like the old basis
we pay jeff Davis debts ar well as our own Neither
will [ remind you that debt IL the fatal disease
of Republics the first thing and the mightiest 70
undermine Government ami corrupt the people. The
great debt Of England has kept her back In all
progress at least hundred years. will not touch
neither will / remind you that when we 20 out Of
this war we go out with an immense disbauded
army, an immense military spirit embodied in two
thirds Of million Of soldiers, the fruitful the inev
| liable source of fresh debts and new wars; pass
by all that and lying within those causes are things
enough to make the most saDguine friends OF free
Institutions trembe for our future. But pass those
/ by. But let me remind you of another tendency c.
the time. You know, for instance, that the writ Of
habeas corpus by which Government is bound te
render reason to the judiciary before it lays IT.
hands upon citizen, has been called the high-waei
mark of English liberty. The present Napoleon, IN
his treatise on the Englih Constitution, calls 1t the
germ of Enelifh institutions. Lieber says that that
with free meetings like this and free press are the
three elements which distinguish liberty from dee
potsm, and all that Saxon blood has gained in the
battles ard tolls Of go years are these three things
Now to-day, Mr.. Chairman, every one Of them
habeas corpus, the right Of free meeting, and free
press-s annihilated in every square mile Of the Re
public. We live to-day, every one OF u.s. under martha
law or mob law. The Secretary Of State puts int
his Bastile, with warrant as irresponsible as thai
Of Louis, any man whom he pleases, and you know
that neither press nor lips may venture to arraigr
the Government without being silenced. Mark me
am not complaining; do not cay it isnot necessary
1t is necessary TO do any thing to save the ship
| Loud applause.l II ID necessary to throw every
thing overheard that we may float. 1t is mere
question whether you prefer the despotsm of Wash
ineton or that OF Richmond, and prefer that Of
Washington. Laughter and applanse.l But never
tbeess, point out to you this tendency because II
is momentous in its Significance. We are tending
with rapid strdes--you cay inevitable; don't deny