The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1861-11-29

suvSo WIZ eAS w@.SoSo6 euu woassI6 ~ ~
tiently for the deliverance which is 60 near
at hand.
England and the Rebellion.
Secs etary seward's Coast Defence Cir.
cular-Speech OF tho Duke OF Argyle.
The latest English journals are filled with
editorials and speeches from distinguished
men on American affairs. Contrary to
general anticipation, the Circular of Secre-
tary SEWARD, calling on the Governors of
States to look we'll to their coast defences,
has had an excellent effect on the tone of
the English Cabinet, as may be seen from
the extracts following, from the Govern
ment organ, the Post, of Oct. 80.
MR.. Stewards FoRTIFICATIoN CIRCULAR.
Ii the circular of Mr.. Seward is to be
taken as the deliberate exponent of the in
tenti0ns and apprehensions of the Federal
Government, we must deduce from it two
salient facts which invest with an entirely
fresh character the policy of the Cabinet at
Washington. The first Enthusiastically is,
that the recognition of the Southern Con-
federacy by way of the maritime powers of
Europe would be rendered no equivalent to
a declaration OF war against the Northern
States by the European Power to recognize
the separate Confedaracy of the South; and
the second is, that it is from Great Britain
at least, as much as from any other power,
that such a recognition of Southern indie
pendence is apprehended.
Now; even if European Power thought
proper to acknowledge this Southern Con-
federation, there is nothing 10 indicate that
it would take any step more directly hostile
to the Northern government and it must
be assumed, therefore, that the Northern
Government itself would take the initiative
against the European Power which should
so interfere in an American quarrel
In order to arrive at the quarter from
which, in the second place, the United
States Government apprehends such an act
of interference, we have only to look to the
character OF the detenees which it is recon.
mending to the Legislatures of the different
Northern States. Mr.. Seward states that
the most obvious precaution against this
danger) is to put in condition of complete
defeRce all the ports, barbors, sea coasts
and lakes" The ports and the sea coasts,
it is we'll known, would be assailable by
every maritime Power. but the lakes are
the boundary between the United States and
British North America, and assailable only
by Great Britain. Very possibly Great
Britain may not be the only Power at
whose hands recognition of the South is
thought possible by Mr.. Lincoln and Mr.
Seward but Great Britain is assuredly
the power against whom there is distinc.
tive precaution here taken.
Now we must say that the American
government, in our judgement, never took
step more uncal'ed for or more unwise.--
We deeply regret the lamentable contest to
which they find themselves committed and
we have looked throughout more in sorrow
for America than in anger at our own
LOSSES, upon the contest for authority which
is now waging. But with all this sympa.
thy, and with the utmost interest both pc
cuniary and moral, in the American civil
war, we have firmly refrained from pro-
nouncing any judgement between the belig
erents If we thought we could arrest
bloodshed ard terminate the war, we would
most gladly offer our friendly mediation.
But from the very commencement of the
hostilites, we were convinced that the very
scope and 6erceness of the hostilities were
such that European mediation would rather
intensity than allay. We have therefore, at
once as nation and a government, resolved
to take no part whatever, and to pronounce
no opinion whatever, in the question. Mr..
Seward, therefore, altogether miscalculates
the intentions of the British government and
the British people, if he thinks that any de-
sign exists unless it be among few for
ward and uninhuential members of ParIia
ment), to recognise the South. Such a
resolution Of neutrality upon our part, is
recommended on grounds both of policy and
justice. The only incentive Of either this
country or France to take an opposite
course would be to re.establish the supply
of cotton. But we believe that such by
pothesis is altogether delusive, and that,
while the Northern government continued
its blockade, there would be no more ex-
port of cotton from recognized than an
unrecognized southern confederacy. 1t
would also be at present altogether prema.
ture to recognize body OF States which
cannot be said to have yet demonstrated
their capacity to maintain their own indie.
pendence. If the prediction Of the North
should be realized, and their armies should
before spring, "march right over" the south
erners, what would become Of British or
French recognition
We think, therefore, that Mr.. Lincoln
aud Mr.. Seward are providing against q
danger which can barely be said to exist,
and that 10 doing so they are wasting upon
useless objects at once men, money and MAJ
terrell, which it should be their aim to
concentrate upon their real and immediate
enemies. The Washington Cabinet are
themselves deliberately allowing the South~