The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1861-05-24


| troops under my command to aid the authori-
| ties of Maryland in suppressing threatened
slave insurrectiOn. Fortunately for us all, the
| rumOr of such an outbreak was without sub
stantial foundation. Assuming, as your Ex-
| cellency does. in your dispatch, that was car
| rying on military operations in an enemy's
! country when war Fentrdnce was to be
waged, my act might be matter of discus
| sion. An0 in that view, acting in the light OF
| Baltimore murders, and the apparent hostile
| position of Maryland, your Excellency might,
without mature reflection, have come to the
| conclusion Of disapprobation expressed in your
dispatch. But the facts, especially as now
aided by their results, will entirely justify my
act, and reinstate me in your Excellency's
! good opinion. .pza..l.sl +. r 's.r
True, Handed on the soil OfMaryland against
| the formal protest of its Governor and of the
| corporate authorities OF Annapolis, but without
| any armed opposition on their part, and eX-
pectnng opposition only from insurgents as
| sembled in riOtOus contempt of the laws OF this
| State, Before my letter, and at the time Of
| landing, by personal interview, l had informed
| Governor Hicks that soldiers of the Union, uu-
| der my command, were armed only against the
| insurgents and disturbers of the peace OF Mary.
| land and of the United States. received from
| Governor Hicks assurances of the loyalty of
| the State in the Union, assurances which sub
sequent events have fully justified. The Mayor
| of Annapolis also informed me that the city au-
| thOrities would in no wise oppose me, but that
was in great danger from the excited and
riOtous mObs of Baltimore pouring down upon
me, and in numbers beyond the control of the
police. l assured both the Governor and the
Mayor that had no fear of q Baltimore or
other mob, ard that, supported by the au-
| thOritieS of the State and City should repress
| all hostile demonstrations against the laws of
| Maryland and the United States, and that lwOuld
| protect both myself and the city of Annapolis
frav Iicnr c1x yhafc IN
| the morning following my landing l was in
| formed that the city of Annapolis and environs
| were in danger from an instruction of the
| slave population, in defiance of the laws of the
| State. What was to do? had promised to
put down white mob and to preserve and en-.
force the laws against that. Ought to allow
| black one any preference in breach OF the
| laws? understood that was armed against
all infractiOns of the laws, whether by white or
| black, and upon that understanding l acted,
| certainly with prOmptness and efficiency. And
| your EXcellencys shadow of disapprobation,
arising from misunderstanding of the facts, has
caused all the regret have for that action. The
| question seemed to me to be neither military or
| political, and was not to be SO treated. 1t
was simply question of good faith and honesty
| of purpose. The benign effect of my course
was instantly seen. The good but timld people
of Annapolis, who had fed from their houses at
our approach, Immediately returned business
order prevailed in the city; confidence took
the place OF distrust, friendship of enmity,
brOtherly kindness of sectional hate, and
believe to-day there is no city in the Union
more loyal than the city of Annapolis. think,
therefore, l may safely point to the results for
my Justification. The vote of the neighbOring
county of w ashingtOn, few days since, for its
delegate to the Legislature. wherein 1000 out
OF 5000 votes were thrown for delegate favor
able to the Union, is among the many happy
fruits OF tirmness of purpose, efficiency OF action
and integrity of mission. l believe, indeed,
that it will not require personal interchange
OF views, as suggested in your dispatch, to
bring our minds in accordance simple state.
ment of the facts will suffice.
But am to act hereafter, it may be, in an
enemy's country, among servile population,
when the question may arise, as it has not yet
arisen, as well in moral and Christian, as in
| political point of view, What shall | do
Will your Excellency bear with me moment
| while this question is discussed?
appreciate fully your Excellency's sugges-
ton as to the inherent weakness of the rebels,
arising from the prepOnderance of their servile
population. The question then is, in what
manner shall we take advantage of that weak
ness! BY allowing, and, of course, armng,
that population to ri.e upon the defenceless
women and children of the c0untrs, carrying
| rapine, arson and murder-all the horrors of
| San Domingo, million times magnifed,--
among those whom we hope to reunite with
US as brethren, many of whom are already so,
and all who are worth preserving, will be when
| this horrible madness shall have passed away
or be threshed out of them? Would your Elk,
| cellencY advise the troops under my command
| to make war in person upon the defenceless
| women and children of any part of the Union
| accompanied with brutalities too horrible to
be named? Yon will say, "God forbid!' Ii
we may not do so in person, shall We arm
oh 1Oo havv
| stralnt, exercise no control, and who, when
| once they have tasted blood, may turn the
very arms we put in their hands against our
| selves, as part of the expressing white race?
The reading of history SO familiar to your
Excellency, will tell you the very bitterest
cause of complaint which our fathers had
against Great Britain in the war of the RevO.
luton, was the arming by the British Ministry
| of the red man with the t0mahawk and scalp
ing knife against the women and children of
the colonies, SO that the phrase, May we not
use all the means which God and nature have
| put in our power to subjugate the colonies 2"
has passed into legend OF infamy against the
leader OF that Ministry who used it in Parlia.
ment. Shall history teach us in vain? Gould
we justify ourselves TO ourselves? Although
| with arms in our hands amid the savage wild.
ness of camp and field, we may have bIunted
many of the finer moral sensibilities in letting
loose four millions of worse than savages upon
| tuC uOMc6 duu ucdItuS VI tuc OOutLs Cdu we
be justified to the Christian community of
Massachusetts, Would such q course be con.
sonant with the teachings of our holy relig ZION?
have a very decided opinion upon the sub.
ject, and if any one desires, as know your
Excellency does not, this unhappy contest to
be prosecuted in that manner, some instru-
ment other than myself must be found to carry
it on. l may not discuss the political bearings
of this topic. When went from under the
shadow OF my root-tree, l left all politics be-
hind me, to be resumed only when every part
of the Union is loyal to the flag, and the po-
tency of the Government through the ballot
box is established
Passing the moral and Christian view. let US
examine the subject as military question.
Is not that State subjugated which requires the
bayOnets of those armed in opposition to its
rulers, to preserve it from the horrors of a SER
vile war As the least experienced of mill.
tary men, would have no doubt of the entire
subjugation of State brought to that cond-
ton. When, therefore. unless am better ad.
vised, any community in the United States,
who have met me in honorable warfare, or
even in the prosecution of a rebellous war in
| an honorable manner, shall call upon me for
protection against the nameless horrors of q