Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1861-02-22


that this was acquired by the common blood
and treasure of the South as we'll as the
North; and that we were, as we would be,
entitled to our just proportion ? Would not
the North reply that we withdrew yolunta-
rily from the government, and that we thus
forfeited all claim to any portion Of our hith-
erto common territory? | deny, sir,
that this ought to be their claim; but, judg
ing from the past and the present, can
come to no other conclusion. Then here is
an issue between the sections. Will the
South yield without a struggle, and sur
render all this vast extent of country, about
which she las said so much ?
But, it it may be said, that to deny the
South its just proportion Of the Territories,
is SO manifestly wrong that no people would
be guilty Of such an act. The answer is,
the government will be destroyed on the
ground Of the unfaithfulness of those who
would make the denial land because of their
utter disregard of our constitutional rights
II lis said that all this can be settled by trea-
ty after the separation, and fair division
would be the result If this be true, could
we not much more easily adjust it new while
we are one people, living under common
government If we cannot adjust it now,
the chances are certainly against it then g
1t would be e singular proposition, indeed,
that great nation should separate upon
given point of dispute, III order to settle am
lcably that very point The South would
want to extend slavery into that portion
lying west of u.s. and would take military
possession-the only mode left. The North
might contest that right. A conflict may
thus begin on our frontier, which weird
end in general war between the sections
But we will suppose we have passed these
two points IN peace; ore We then clear of all
difficulties ? fear not. Another difficult
ty is presented i'll the division ofthe Army,
the Navy, and the munitions of war The
public property in this District, being in
Southern territory, would Of right belong
to the South But would the North con-
cede that right? We must bear in mind,
sir, that we break up the government be-
cause the North h:s denied the people of
the South their constitutional rights, and
upon the hypothesis that she will deny them
in future. Then we must not only treat
them as a hostile people, but as unjust
and aggressive This being true, they
would certainly claim at least part, if not
the whole, Of the public property Of this
District The South would never submit
to this. The result. ! fear. would be, that
upon this sacred spot, selected 81 the
Father Of his Country as its capital, would
be fought the first great Battle, which would
end its existence This city, hallowed by
bis name, and these streets, n,ade sacred by
ais touch, and so constructed by him as to
protect his countrymen from foreign enc
my, will be the theates Of great war,
which must end In their Instruction. war
in which the decp-mouthed cannon's roar
will startle the very ashes Of the patriot as
they sweetly repose beneath the green sod
|of his own Mount Vernon
The evils which must follow dissolution
fof this Government are past comprehension.
| No human mind can conceive or compre-
bend them. 1t would, | fear, be the end
Of constitutional liberty. Insugurate the
system Of disintegration; set the example,
and all our subsequent governments will be
but "ropes of sand,'' to be broken by ev-
cry breeze of passion or prejudice For the
slightest cause Of offence, either real or i'm
aginary, any State would retire at pleasure,
and resume her sovereignty. There will
be more Republics than two. New Eng
lad would either set up for herself or be
required to dos SO. The middle north States
would form another; the great Northwest
another: the States of the Pacific slope an
other; Texas possibly would, in time, re-
sumo har independence. 1t is not beyond
conjecture that in few years the "cotton
States would form one Republic, and the
remainder Of the Southern States another
This is not pleasant state of things to con-
template. But think it the part of wis
dom and discretion to view this great ques-
ton In all its aspects. We already find it
painfully true that in the last few years the
recognition of difference Of interest in the
southern States has become too common
We have heard southern statesmen dividing
the South into 'tcotton States" and "border
States" Yes, even now. before we have
made an effort at forming Southern Con-
federacy, we observe this feeling manifest
ing itself The Governor Of South Carroll
ma has recommended to his people that, un-
der the new government Of his State, she
shall pass law prohibiting the border States
from bringing their slaves into South Caro-
lima. But If we should succeed in forming
a southern confederacy ,wonld not questions
soon arise to disturb our harmony? The
tariff, protection, direct tax, the African
slave trade, would, fear, become elements
of discord.
Bnt, sir, evils greater than these present
themselves to us We Of the border States
are very differently situated from our breth
rem of the cotton States. We Wilt be con-
nectcd geographically with this hostile Re-
public, or Republics. for two thousand miles.
We must suffer all the loss by escape ofslave
property, and bear the brunt and burden Of
all wars which must, in course of time, en-
sue. They would make coralmcn cause With
US; butt. from their geographical position
and sparseness Of white population. but few,
comparatively, could leave their homes to
fight in distant country. Our States must
be the battlefelds, land our border the scenes
of blood and carnage. BUTT may be said,
there Will be ne war; that we can adjust all
matters by treaty. If the North is so ia
natical on the subject Of slavery that we
cannot live in common Government with