Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1861-01-24
tain to produce ultimately even greater


tain to produce ultimately even greater
dangers - ap Cg Soc l.sl
Indeed. Mr. President. / think it will be
wise to discard two prevalent ideas or pref
udiccs. namely: First. that the Union is
10 be saved by. some body in particular;
and secondly. that II is to be saved by
some cunning and insincere compact of,
paci6cation. II remember rightly said
something like this here so long ago as 1850.
and afterwards in 1854. e1 E .noilsd
CHARACTER OF THE PRESENT CRISIS.
The present danger discloses itself in
this form: Discontented citizens have OBJ
tanned political power in certain States,
and they are using this authority to over
throw the Federal Government. They de-
lude themselves with the belief that the
State power they have acquired enables
them to discharge themselves from allegi-
ance to the whole Republic. h. j
CONFLICTING VIEWS.
The honorable Senator from Illinois
(Mr. Douglass says we have right to
coerce State but we cannot. The Pres
ident says that no State has right to Sc
ceie. but we have no constitutional power
to make war against State. The dilcma
results from al assumption that those who,
in such case act against the Federal Gov
ernment. act lawfully as State. although
manifestly they have perverted the power
OF the State to an unconstitutional pur-
pose. A class Of politicians in New Eng
land set up this theory and attempted to
practice upon it il our war with Great
Britain. Mr.. Jefferson did not hesitate to
say that States must be kept within their
constitutional sphere. by impulsion if they
could not be held there by attraction. Sc
ccssion was held to be inadmissable in the
face Of public enemy. ig
SECESSION CoNsTITUTIoNALLy IMPOSSIBLE.
But If it is untenable in one case. it is
necessarily so in all others. i fully admit
the originality, the sovreignity and inde-
pendence Of the several States within their
sphere; but l hold the Federal Govern
mcnt to be equally original. sovereign and
Independent within its sphere. and the
Government Of the State can no more ab.
solve the people residing in its limits from
allegiance to the Union, than the Govern
ment of the Union can absolve them from
allegiance to the State. -.. 49,.
The Constitution Of the United States,
and the laws made pursuant thereof. are
the supreme law OF the land, paramount to
all legislation of the States. whether made
under the Constitution or. by even their
organic Conventions. The Union can be
dissolved. but only by the voluntary con-
sent of the people Of the United States.
collected in the manner prescribed by the
Constitution Of the United States.
DUTY OF CoNGREss.
Congress. in the present case, ought no:
to be impassive; il ought. lift can. redress
any real grievance Of the offended States,
and then it ought to supply the President
with all the means necessary to maintain
the Union in the full exhibition and dis
Greet exercise Of its authority.
THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE PEOPLE.
Beyond this. with the proper activity on
the part Of the Executive. the responsible
ty OF saving the Union belongs to the
people. and they are abundantly compe-
tent to discharge it. Ipropose. therefore.
with great diffidcnce, to address myself to
the country upon the momentous subject;
asking q hearing. not less from the people
within what are called the seeding. than
from those who reside within the adhering
States. Union is an old. fixed, settled,
habit of the American people. resulting
from convictions Of its necessity. and
therefore not likely to be hastily discard
cd.
LESSON FROM HISTORY.
The early States while existing as Col
onies. were combined. though imperfectly,
through common allegiance to the Brit
ish crown. When that allegiance ceased.
no one was SO presumptious as to suppose
political existence compatible with dis
union. and. therefore, they declared them
selves independent. they declared them
selves also confederated States. Expert
ence in war and in peace, from 1776 to
1871. only convinced them OF the neccssi-
| ty of converting that loose confederacy in
to more perfect, and perpetual Union.
MODERATION OF OUR ANCESTORS.
They acted with coolness very differ
ent from the intemperatc conduct of those
who now on one side threaten, and those
who rashly defy disunion. They consid-
cred the continuance Of the Union as a
subject comprehending nothing less than
the safety and welfare of all parts of which
the country was composed. and the fate
Of an empire the most interesting in the
world.
DISSOLUTION SUICIDAL.
/ enter upon this subject OF continuing
the Union now. deeply impressed with the
same generous and loyal conviction. How
could it be otherwise. when instead of on
ly thirteen. the country is now composed
of thirty three parts, and the empire en-
braces instead of only four millions. no
less than thirty millions of inhabitants?
The founders of the Constitution. moreover,
regarded the Union as no mere national or
American interest. On the contrary, they
confessed with deep sensibility that it
seemed to them to have been reserved for
the people of this country to decide wheth-
er societies of men are really capable of
establishing good governments upon re-
Election and choice. or whether they are
forever destined to depend for their roliti-
cal constitutions on accident and force.
They feared, therefore, that their failure
to continne and perfect the Union would
be misfortune to the nations. How much
more. sir. would its overthrow new be
calamity to mankind?
Some form Of Government is indispen-
s.h1o bo~o &c ol,ouhoro yNboto,-o~ Co..