The Athens post. [volume] (Athens, Tenn.) 1848-1917, 1861-05-31
VOL. XXIII---NO. j69..
British Opinion
IFrOm the London Globe. Ny 50

| IRON the London Globe, n y 81
Much British property is alreaff ahoat
lin American bottoms, and under the
Federal flag. Some of it and i,likely
to remain, till landed, no far from tho
ports out Of which the esseis of war of
the disunited States ma b sent. to run
any considerable risk A atch larger
amount is, or shortly viil within their
immediate'rnnge. Apd eve . y now
loading in the ports of bosl belIieerents,
must go to sea, if az IA the faco of
what underwriters call nNts rAk The
expected profit on many ve.rture l. al
ready absorbed. or neasls SO. by the cost
Of insuring against thls..risir Anu ~
need hardly be sara fhAs, amidst the
"higgling Of the market" preparatory 10
fixing the price OF such risk, there is q
good deal of earnest discussion of what it
is likely TO be. A man asked to accept
bills against the consignment of cotton
now being put into an American vessel
at New Orleans, looks to have it insured
against all risks, and is not particular
about the premium, because he does not
pay it. But the drawer of the bills pro.
badly sees in that premium large and
wholly unforeseen item on the debit side
Of his account Of the transaction. Say the
cotton is already British property, and an
anxious curiosity is excited to know how
far, and under what circumstances it will
receive the protection Of the British Gov.
ernment. If. sailing under the flag Of
the seeding States, the vessel leaves the
Gulf of Mexico only to fall into the hands
of privatecr bearing the Federal colors,
and is taken thence to New York, and
condemned, will the Foreign Office inter-
vene, and call upon the Government at
Washington TO respect the rule that
free bottom makes free goods ?" Or let
the capture be made under letter of
marque from President Davis, will our
Government recognize the existence of
the new Confederacy, and its right to levy
war. Here the merchant finds himselfin
the domain of the jurist; and, if we are
not mistaken, the jurist, when appealed
to, will be disposed to say that he cannot
answer without consulting the politician.
Putting aside all question Of the formal
recognition Of the seeded States, do they
or do they not, in fact, constitute poll
teal power, capable Of levying war, and
entitled to be so regarded? Precedent is
decidedly in their favor. Their case is
not analogous to that Of Smith 0'Brien
in his cabbage garden. They hold, and
for some time held, exclusive and hostile
possession Of a large territory. They ex-
ercise, within it, all the usual powers, and
confer upon its inhabitants all the ordih-
ary benefits of settled Governments
They are not even charged with "nat re-
bellion." Nor does Mr.. Lincoln hold d
position emitting him to make such n
charge, or powers adapted to administer
a corresponding punishment. When the
thirteen States resisted the Authority of
Great Britain, we termed them rebels,
and tried to suppress the 'rebllion."--
But, the suppression being resisted with
effect, at once became a war; and though
we did not change our way OF talking, we
changed our tactics, and ut once conceded
to "the enemy" all immunities OF an or
dnary belligorent. And s0e can hardly re-
fuse 10 recognise he sgnifcance Of a similar
state Of things Jetteeen The United and the Con-
feieratc States.