Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-03-30
people that have entitled themselves to this

uDertF-
This has been the fruit of this Constitution
and this Union by which l advise you to stand
firm. Stand true to ii, say, until some great
political necessity drives YOU from that post.
What are we now to do? A portion of our
countrymen are specializing on distant conse-
ouenccs They are resolving that we will quit
our place of safety and go into an experiment
Join the new revolutionary government-and
they say that Virginia and other States will
follow. Then they say there viii be no war,
and then we will be in a better condition to
reconstruct This is all fallacy, from begin
ming to end. Can we trust our speculation
upon causes that are so dependent one upon
another-upon contingencies that lie in the
future? Can we come to distant conclusions
of that sorts No. The safe way is to do that
duty which is nearest to you. Do that first.
You can see that. We have not the gift. of
prediction This argument of speculation,
founded upon distant contin gencies, founded
upon differences and differences from inferences
as to what may follow from the complication
of causes, that is least of all to be relied upon.
There is no safe logic in it. Every man can
see and understand the duty that is next to
him, and should not attempt to confound his
conviction by endeavoring to comprehend OBJ
jects beyond his reach.
What is our nearest duty? You have been
States. 1t has never done you wrong, never
despoiled you of your property, never taken
from you minute of your freedom or your
liberty during your whole life time. Are you
to abandon that upon a contingency; are you
to go abroad for an experiment.; is that the
next and wisest step to be taken? Is not the
most immediate duty to stand fast in your
fidelity to that tried government until some
necessity shall force you from it? When that
necessity comes it will need no argument
Necessity requires no speculation-no argu-
ment When that great political necessity
comes which alone would justify us in sunder-
ing this glorious Union it will speak for itself.
1t will speak for itself in language not be mis-
understood. We need not wrangle or debate
or quarrel about it. 1t will tell all with its
imperious tongue. 1t will wave US to obedi-
ence Conform to it we must. Is that the
case now? Mol Why then be in a hurry to
abandon this good government which has
sheltered us so long? Why commit ourselves
to the cold and inclement skies of an untried
country, an untried winter? Is that wise? Is
that the prudence of great nation? Excite
ment, animation, and impetuosity may prompt
us and some may be lured by the very danger
of the experiment, but that is not the part OF
wisdom-that is not the part of that wisdom
that ought to govern you and to govern
communicated wisdom which is of deliber-
ate rejecting mind. You are to divest your
selves of these passions when you come to
decide such question. Let me ask you, was
ever such question submitted to people be-
fore? Here are thirty millions of people, con-
stituting the greatest, the freest, and the most
powerful nation on the face OF the earth Is
She to fall down in a day? Are we hastily to
90 off-to fly from all the greatness we have
inherited and acquired and madly, wildly seek
in the wilderness experimental government
and substitute it for the better one we now
enjoy?
The moment we are divided, what are we
Before all the nations of the earth our great
ness is given up Is there any one of you, any
one whose heart swells with pride and love of
country, that would not mourn over the slight
est diminution of the greatness of his country's
power. We experienced the haughtiness and
superciliousness of naughty nations prince
when we were but a feeble colony, l might say
involved in revolution. Now your flag carries
respect and fear and love over sea and over
land; it is everywhere hailed with the pro-
foundest respect. When you are compelled to
blow from its folds seven of the stars that now
adorn it-when this waning constellation shall
show its diminished head-what will become OF
that respect, founded in fear as well as in love?
What will become of that respect with which it
was Udleu uuutT pcdCSlul OOfSiHAiSHs'
When you go abroad now, and when to the
question to what you are, you answer you
are an American, you are treated instantly
with more respect than even the proud English
man. OF all names it is that by which man
would prefer to travel In Europe. 1t is your
country's name that gives you this stamp, this
great power. 1t is that great country whose
name never fails to prove a shadow of protec-
ton over you. Do you not believe now that
foreign nations are triumphing in the division
and ACKNOWLEDGMENT of this great government?
They feared its example. They feared its
liberty; but now they look to you not with
good government founded on liberty and on
principles which may be to them dangerous
example. They look to you to cite you as an
evidence that all popular government is a de-
fusion. "Men are not capable of governing
themselves" they say sneeringly, land the
people of the United States are showing it
They live in a country that reveres power.
They had all sway and all dominion, yet you see
by a party controversy and the little exaspera-
tons that spring out of it, this great govern
ment is in an instant exploded under the mad
ness of party. In six months that proud
empire, reaching to the skies-stretchlng Its
arms over the world has fallen to the ground.
They are an evidence that man requires kings
and despotisms to govern him-that he canno5
now cited as an example of the impotency, the
incapacity of mankind for selfgovernment to
show that your boosted liberty is nothing but
the exhalation of fancies, having no power, no
strength, no capacities. These are the COZ
sequences that will accrue from dissolution Of
the Union.
Let us strive then to bring the seceders back
and reform them. Here is a government
formed, all its laws and institutions perfect
The house is complete and furnished Those
who have left us have but to step in and take
possession of the mansion of their fathers. By
standing fast by the Union, and showing the
seceders that there is no probability that we
will unite with them, and if the other loyal
slaveholding States will show the same disap-
probation of their course, will that not have
the effect of checking the career of this revo-
luton? Won't its tendency be 20 make them
think of returning to their brethren who are
endeavoring to persuade them back by tokens
of love and affection? When they see we will not
follow, won't they return to u.s.
That is our best policy if We want to effect
the reunion of the seeded States. 1t is not
our policy to increase the evil by joining them
Will it be more difficult for them to come back
alone than if six others joined them? Won't
that put father from us all hopes of reunion?
1t seems to me that every view, every argu-
ment is capable of demonstration that the
course of wisdom and policy for US is to stand
by the Union. 1t is better for us for the future,
better for the future of the country. By show
ing to our erring brethren of the South thatwe
will not go with them-by showing them our
fixed opinion that their experiment must prove
failure, and that they can expect nothing like
encouragement from us-will that not have a
tendency to bring them back?. think it will.
Upon an occasion not unlike the present, ten
years ago, Mr.. Clay stood near the spot which
l now occupy. The circumstances Of the times
were not then altogether unlike what they are
now. He stood here in 1850. In 1S4S the
storm was gathering as it has now gathered.
Great aPprehensions were entertained in the
country that it would terminate in disunion,