The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1861-06-21

Union was trembling in the balance. Henry
Clay, like another Chatham, had come forth
from his retirement. Webster was there in
the undecayed grandeur of his great facul-
ties, Calhoun just verging to his grave.
Benton, Berrien, Cass, Seward, Douglas,
and galaxy OF majestic names, such as few
delberative bodies have ever boosted.
In this discussion, Mr.. Douglas first fully
enunciated the leading political dogma Of
his life, the doctrine of popular sovereignty,
and advocated the wisdom of Withdrawing
thesubject of negro slavery from Congress.
1t was literally a battle of the giants. 1t is
sufficient praise to say that his speeches
were second to those of no other in power,
and that the final basis of adjustment was
his proposition.
Mr.. Douglas returned from the tasking
labors of this session to find the city OF
Chicago in phrenzy of excitement-him-
self denounced as traitor by solemn act
of the City Council, and mass meeting
called to indorse the incendiary proceedings
OF the city government. He stepped for
ward upon the stand and gave notice to the
angry multitude, that he should speak in
defence of the Compromise measures and of
his own conduct on the next evening. He
did so, and addressed the largest audience
ever at that time convened in that city,
closing with the memorable words which
were incorporated in the resolutions passed
by the meeting:
For my part, am prepared to maintain and
preserve inviOlate the Constitution, as it is,
| with all its compromises, to stand or fall by
the American Union, clinging with the tenacity
OF life to all its glorious memories of the past,
| and its precious hopes for the future.
He welded the fierce Democratic at
will. The assemblage endorsed the Compro-
mise measures and Mr.. Douglas, and repu-
dated the City Council. The events of
this gathering are referred to, because they
illustrate his power over the masses and
his heroic moral and personal courage in
the vindication of his principles and him
SELF
A notice of the life of Mr.. Douglas
would be incomplete without reference to
the so-called Kansas-N ebraska Act
Whatever may be said at this day of The
principles enunciated by that act, it will
not be denied that they were inevitable de-
auctions from the Compromise measures Of
1850. The part which he filled in connec-
ton with this measure of Territoralspolicy,
brought into most shining relief all his
most splendid abilities. He took the bur.
then of the whole battle. To use his own
words, it was his own "peculiar business"
l may safely challenge contradiction when l
state that the entire history of deliberative
assemblies furnishes but three occasions
where the same various and stupendous
qualities of mind are displayed.
| Tn ifc orrapizatiop Of in &c foru
logic-its glowing eloquence-its quick re-
torts-it irrepressible elasticity, and more
than all, in its moral aspects of courage and
daring, bis speech of March Sd, 1854 has
rarely been equalled, never surpassed. The
whole phalaDx of his adversaries went
backward,
Sand vanquished Senates trembled while
they praised"
Let US follow now in his luminous track,
down to the LIST day of December, 1857,
when the illogical consequences of the
Kansas. Nebraska Act offered themselves
to Congress in the Lecompton Constitution.
How bravely, how defantly he met the is
sue. 1t was my good fortune to be present
in the Senate Chamber upon this memora-
able occasion. l see him now as he stood
upon that day of his fame. [ see him now
in the midst of his Democratic peers of the
Senate, recusant of the principles for which
they had fought at his side-averted--
gry--criminating combating. l see him
as the missiles of his adversaries fall hurtess
from the "thick bosses of his buckler,'-
with the fierce strength of Mirabeau, and
the lordly eloquence of Webster, be hurls
himself upon the argument and, enwrapped
in his royal egotism-sustained by his pa
triotic cOnvictions-in the midst of threats
of executive prescription, hear his trumpet
voice conclude:
have no professions to make upon any of
these points. l intend to perform my duty in
accordance with my own convictions. Mel.
| Their the frOwns of power nor the influence of
patronage will change my action. or drive me
from my principles, l stand firmly, immova-
bly, upon those great principles of self govern
ment and state sovereignty upon which the
campaign was fought and the election won. l
stand by the time honored principles of the
| Democratic party, illustrated by Jefferson and
| JacksOn-those principles of state rights, of
state sovereignty, of strict construction, on
which the great Democratic party has ever
stood. l will stand by the Constitution Of the
United States. with all its compromises, and
| perform all my obligations under it. l will
stand by the American Union as it exists under
the Constitution. If, standing firmly by my
principles, l shall be driven into private life, it
is fate that has no terrors for me. | prefer
| private life. preserving my own selfrespect
and manhood, to abject and servile submission
to executive will. If the alternative be private
life or servile obedience to the executive will,
l am prepared to retire. Official position has,
no charms for me when deprived of that free
dom of thought and action which becomes a
gentleman and a Senator.
The campaign of 1860 which resulted in
the elevation of Mr.. Lincoln is fresh in our
minds. shall not advert to it except to
remark, that although l will not deny in
him the human feeling of revenge or the
human quality of ambition, the best in.
formed assert that the Presidential canvass
was undertaken and conducted without ex-
pectation of the Presidency-soley from
the patriotic desire to avert his own predic.
ton when he learned that the Charleston
Convention had been broken up and the
| Democratic Dartv diemamhprad. UThnv