Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-01-17


feeling All felt that within his hand he held the
existence of his party. Some Of us saw trembling |
upon his lips the destiny Of the nation The |
eager ears of listening thousands greedily caught
his u,erances and hei7 hearts beat proudly at the
triumph of party or chilled 10 iciness as they be-
held Che writhing agonies Of he expiring Repub |
lie. Aged men win turn from the perusal Of his
speech, mourning that they should have lived to
the genius Of cur Constitution destroyed by the
fierce fres OF Fanaticism. Theyouth Of the South, |
at least will rejoice that the struggle has CINE in
their day.
Notwithstanding the bitter auti-slavery a1tece-
dents of Mr.. Seward, it hoped, believed, pray
ed for By thousands, that fully approaching the
over-awing magnitude of the occasion, the great
ness Of his own power, he would gladly rush to
the rescue of his country, and trampe ia the very
dust, Il need be, the PrOudest monuments of bis
party But, alas, how bitter The disappointment
He will consent to no concession which surreHders
''prineple." y
To DENY that the speech is marked by distinguish
ed ability, would be to deny that it is Mr. SEWABDs
production Undisturbed by the tempests that are
raging around him. be thinks the present time for
deliberate action, and seems fully determined that
the Federal Union stall be preserved at all hazards
he does not tolerate the idea Of peaceabe secession
but locks upon war as the only alternative He
says:
Iknow how difficult i. is TO decide, amid so many
and so various counses, what ought to be and even
what can be done. Certainly, however, it is time
for every Senator to declare himself therefore,
following the example of the noble Senator from
Tennessee, Mr.. johnson svow my adherence 10
the Union in its integrity and with all its parts
with my friends, with my party, with my State,
with nv countrv, or without either, as they may
determine, in every event, whether of peace or of
war with every Consequence Of honor or dishonor,
of life or death Although lament the occasion, |
hail with cheerfulness the duty Of lifting up my
voico among distracted debates, for my whole coun
try and its iDestimable Union.
The Union cannot be saved by proving that Rs
cee on is illegal or unconstitutional. Persons
be- on that fearful step will not stand long enough
OF orms Of law to be dislodged, and loyal men do
Eot need such marrow ground to stand upon
/ fear that little more will be gained from dis
cue. ing the rights of the Federal Government to
coo re seeding States inta obedience If disuniOn
is 10 90 on, this question will give place TO the
more practical enc, whether many seeding States
have right TO coerce the remaining members 10
acquiesce in dissolution.
dread, as in my Utmost soul l abbor civil war.
lido not know what the Union would be WORTH If
saved by the use Of The sword Yet, for all this
do not agree with those who, with desire to avert
the great calsmity, advise conventional or unoP-
posed separation, with a view to what they call a
rec0ns ructiOn; and secondly, that the strength o:
the in which the hopes Of the nation are held
consists chiefly in its remaining unbroken.
The territorial question has been perhaps the most
fru ful theme of contention between the South and
the Black Republicans The Southern people hsve
insisted that the territories, purchased by the blood
and treasure of the North and South belongs equally
to the people Of each, and that the followers of
LINCOLN, who regard the negro the equal Of the
white man, have no right 20 exclude from the Terri
tories those people of the South who will not
to 90 there snd associate with the free negro. The
people of the South, high and low, rich and poor
believe that there is difference between the white
and black races; they believe that slavery is moral
", socially and politically right. With these views
Che citizens OF the Southern States have most
nestly hoped that this territorial question might be
forever settled by the adoption of satisfactory cOnsti
tutional amendments A large majority we're will
ing to give up to the North three-fourths Of
r;tory provided we could have guaranteed to US
our rights in the remaining fourth. The masses of
our people have determined, irrevocs5ly deter
mined, that they would yield thus much, as pro-
posed by Mr. CRITTENDEN, and tLsa they would
yield no further. Hence, it was sincerely hoped,
by expeetsut thousands, thas Mr.. SEWARD would
come forward aud lake the proposition of Mr.. CRIT
TEsDEN a basis Of adjustment. Such were DOOM
ed to The most painful disappointment. He tells
them:
continuance Of the debate on the constitutional
power Of Congress over the subject Of slavery 10
the Territories, will not save the Union. The opn-
ions of parties and sections that question have
become dogmacsl, and it is this circumstance that
has produced the existing alienation. truce, at
least during the debate the Union, is essential to
reconciliation.
Congressional compromises are not likely to save
the Union. | know, indeed, that tradition fsvors
this form Of remedy. But it is essential TO its
cess any case that there be preponderating mass
Of citizens far neutral on the issues that separate
parties that they can intervene, strike down clash
ing weapons and compel an accommodation. Mod |
crate concessions are not customary asked by |
force with its guns in battery; liberal con-
cessens apt 10 be given by opposing force not |
less confident Of its right AMI its own strength
think, also, that there is prevailing conviction |
that legislative compromises will sacrifice honestly
cherished principles, while they anticipate future |
exigencies, if they do not assume extra consti-
tutional powers, and are less TO imminent
evils than they certain to produce ultimately |
even greater dangers.
Indeed, Mr.. President think it will be wise to |
discard Two prevalent ideas or prejudces namely |
first, that the Union is to be saved by anybody in
particular; and secondly, that it is TO be saved BY
some cunning and insincere compact of pacifcstion
He goes to the fsrtbest extreme Of federalism, in
denying State Rights, and maintaining the suprcm-
acy Cf the Central power. According 10 his notion
the creators Of the Federal Government the States,
are in subjectioa to the creature. He says:
l fully admit the originality, the sovereign
ty and independence OF the several Ststes within
their sphere; but | hold the Federal Govern
meni 20 be equally original sovereign and indie
pendent in its sphere, and the Government of the
State can more sbsolve the people residing in its
lim from allegiance TO the Union than the Govern
men % the Union can absolve them from alegi-
ane, % the State.
T.. Constitution of the United States and the
laws ASIDE pursuant thereof are the law of the
land paramount to all legislation of the States
Whether made under the Constitution or by even
then organic Conventions.
In speaking of his own individual position, he
displays his msgnsnImity in the following Ian
eusge:
Ibsve such faith in this Republican system of
ours that there is nc political good which l desire
that am not content to seek through its peaceful
forms of Administrations without invoking revslu-
tionary action. If others shall invoke that form Of
action to oppose and overthrow the Government,
they sasll not far as it depends on me, have ;he
excuse that obstlnetely lett myself 10 DC mlsun-
derstood. In such case | eau afford TO meet pre-
JUDGE with Cancellation, exsotiOn with concession
srhich suTendcrs principle, and violence with the
right hand of peace
MagnanimousMr. SEWARD, you cannot have forget
ten that the South has already met the prejudice
of your GDDINGs and LovEJoIs with Cancellation;
they have met your territorial Iexactiops with con-
eessions of territory and Surrender of prineple;
they have met the vioeucs of your invaders Of our
soil zith the right hand of peace. But all, all, all
has been in vain You have refused through long
Years 10 listen to our entreaes hear our warning
voice We have patiently, if not quietly submitted
to your continued vituperstions Of our social AID
moral system. Politically I'VE have made cur task
Of bricks when The straw was furnished to us and /