Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-01-03
The Standard,
For the Standard.
UNION OR DISUN1ON2
MuRFREEsBoRo', N. c.
Dec. 10th, 1860.


At time like this thick with so baleiul portents
of disaster, not alone to the general prosperity OF
the country but especially to the welfare and SAFETY
of the South it becomes evident duty OF patriot
ism and faithful citizenship to withhold no cohuiou
ton of counsel suggestion which may PoSsloiy
prove advantageous towards either more adequate
understanding of the real perils that surround us
or better ascertainment Of the needed remedies to
the distempers of the times. | beg ofyou therefore,
the indulgent favor to allow me- through the columns
of the first political journal of the Commonwealth
of which am an adopted but trust loyal citlzen
to adduce sundry considerations which seem very
strangely to have been forgotten by public speakers
and writer's for the press just now, ou: wnlen are
nevertheless indispensable factors in any practicable
solution of the vexed problem Of the hour. The
merit of originality merit at best equIVocal, ana
the value of which is particularly to be suspected
in discussions of grave moments not claimed lot
all of the views herewith presented: they possess
rather the authority of pubcists of acknowledged
wisdom and conspicuous virtue, and are iortned Oy
impregnable historic presidents.
That the welfare of the people is the highest
law" is principle so automatic in the theory OF
popular government that | shall not attempt 10
question it. But that it should be adopted as
premise of the disunion argument, appears in the
last degree fallacious. Whenever government,
whether monarchical or republican, becomes oppres
sve and intolerable and redress lies beyond leStl-
mate and constitutional remedies, it is the inherent
and indeeasible right of the people to overthrow IT.
and it substantially matters little whether the prac-
tical assertion of that be denominated "seces
sion" or revolution" Whenever the issue is ex-
plicity and clearly made between the ignominious
surrender of Southern rights through adhesion to
tyrannical and hostile central government, and the
effective maintenance of them by resort to revo-
lutionnry resistance, loyal Southron will evince
the slightest hestancy in the utterance OF his de-
cision Submission would then be infatuaton, if it
did not indeed deserve the brand of treason.
The inquiry, however, may be here appropriately
interpoSed, whether revolution or secession on the
part of the Southern States of the Confederacy is
now thus imperiously called for. Attempts at revo
luton have in the main failed so signally, even in
the event of apparent triumph, to render the ex-
pertinent in the now in contemplation at least
extremely hazardous if not utterly chimerical
consolidated military despotism is the final result OF
French revolution; and it was with no small slgnh-
canoe that Lafayette replied to Condorcet, who ex
pressed his surprise at seeing him enter the room
in the uniform of private of the National Guards
of Paris of which he had so recently been the COM
mandcr Il was tired of obeying and wished to
command and therefore | laid down my generals
commission and took muSket on my shoulder. ~
The well-ngh constant lesson of history is one
eloquent of the bitter disappointment of hopes for
the popular liberties through revolutionary out
breaks. The success of the american War of In
dependence is exception marked as to be per-
petually memorable That, however, was resist
ance of foreign tyranny, and not revolt against
domestic government founded upon the original
acquiescence of the governed But waving the
burden of historical monltioa, what can be gained
to the South by revolutionary separation of the
States of the Union which, should it succeed even,
would necessarily bring down the line beyond
which no fugitive slave law 60 from the Canada
boundary to, the Northern frontier Of the new
Southern Confederation? Despite all the Personal
Liberty Bills" of multiplying Northern States, the
runaway slave is now legally reclaimable so far
the Federal Constitution and the Acts of Congress
have any efficacy, in every one of the eighteen nom
slavehoding States and in several of them practi-
cally so. 1t is only by high-handed violence and
manifest outrage of law that single slave is lost
to his owner in any one of them. How, then, is
this grievance to be amended through voluntary
remuneration by the South of all claim of comfy
and constitutional right for the rendition cffugtiyes
from service?
Another consideration practically perhaps more
weighty than that Just touched upon III y here be
mentioned. The proposed Southern Confederacy
depends principally in the anticipation Of its proec
tors upon supposed certainty in the command of the
supply of cotton to the world In the nearly exclusive
possession of this great staple of the manufacturing
interest it is argued that the South has solid and
inalIenable condition of prosperity and wealth.
Here, at least Is something to rely upon. Let US
for moment examine the grounds of this imagined
monopoly of the cotton supply Cotton, it is con-
fessed is King; but is it absolutely certain that the
present cotton States Of the Union constitute its on
ly possible kingdom? The permanency of repub-
can institutions has always been strongly doubted
by British statesmen; and the doubt would be i'm
mensely fortified by the accomplished fact Of South
ern secession. But the calamity to the cause of
popular government in the vitality impaired il not
totally lost confidence OF the world, will fall with
especial weight upon the new attempt at cstab-
lishment of liberal principles. Doleul indeed would
be the omens which would attend the institution of
the new COnfederacy. The failure of the great
American Republic after of less than aSingle
century, would offer small promise of the pcrma-
nency OF Union formed of seeding and revolu-
tionary States. Uncertain and precarious in its
government as the new Republic would manifestlv
be; liable to continual revolutions to foreign wars
and to intestine tumults, and ject consequently
to frequent Interruptions in its agriculture with
out peace or permanency for years to come if ever
the current Of British opinion would speedily arrive
at the conviction, logical and irresistible of an in
slant and vital necessity to provide for toe produc
ton of cotton from within their own dominions The
policy dictated by this conviction once theoretically
adopted, the Southern Confederacy would be ulunr-
ed into inevitable ruin. That prompt steps will be
taken IN this direction is evident from the fact that
the most important material interest of Great Ri.
tain will necessitate them
The heart of John Bull is not quite so sentiment
tally philanthroPic upon the matter of slavery as
the crafty antagonism of the British Cabinet to the
great industrial institution of the South would seem
70 Indicate Notwithstanding the rawlings of George
Thompson, VIM. Lloyd Garrison. and other Eng
ilSh abo!itionists, and the pettng of Sumner and
Seward, and MIS- Stowe by the English 4tistocracy,
the days OF Wherefore and West India emancipa
ton are now bravely over with and there is at this
time every indication of the re-establishment of
slavery under the sPecious form of Coolie appren-
ucesnlp, on the most magnificent scale the world
mas ever known, in every province of that greedy
Bile. w r 0ii'"
Inc secession Of the South would precipitate the
qua auoptlon oil tins measure 1t is said to have
been demonstrated that cotton of good Quality can
De produced in Australia by Coolie labor, at less
than half the price now PAID for the American
article. If so, the investment of any required
T amount OF capital to effect this object will be will
Ingly made by the English government. So long as
the supply seemed certain nnder nor,nanont Anaeri