Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1861-01-24

,ardinal principles Of free govern
nent, solemnly declaring that gov
were instituted among men
10 secure their rights "to life, liberty
and the pursuits of happiness; de.
irving their just powers from the
Of the governed; that when
ever any form Of government be-
comes destructive of these ends, it
is the right of the people to alter
or abolish it, and to institute new
government, laying its foundations
on such principles, and organizing
its power 10. such form, as to them
shall seem most likely to effect their
safety and happiness.
But when a long train
Of abuses and usurpations, pursuing
invariably the same object, evinces a
design to reduce them under absolute
despotism, it is their right. it is their
duty, to throw off such government,
and to provide new guards for their
future security"
Recognizing these great prlncl-
pies. the people of Tennessee lncor'
porated in their declaration Of rights,
is fundamental article Of the Con-
stitulion of the State, That gov.
ernmeut being instituted for the
common benefit, the doctrine of nom
resistance against arbitrary power
and oppression is absurd, slavish,
and destructive of the good and hap
piness of mankind.
Whatever line of policy may be
adopted by the people Of Tennessee
with regard to the present Federal
relations Of the State, | am sure
THAT the swords of her brave and
gallant sons will never be drawn fol
the purpose Of coercing, suhjugatirg
or holding as a conquered province,
any one of her sister States, whose
people may declare their indepen
dencs OF the Federal Government
for the purpose of being relieved
from ga long train of abuses anC
usurpations." To admit the RICH
or policy of coercion, would be IN
true to the example Of our fathers
land the glorious memories OF th'
past, destructive of those great anc
fundamental principles Of civil liber
ty. purchased with their blood; de
} structive of State sovereignty ant
equality; tending TO Capitalization
and thus subject the rights of thu
; minority to the despotism Of an IN
/, restrained m jority.
3 Widely as We may differ Will
, some Of our sister Southern State
as to the wisdom Of their policy; de
? sirous as we may be that whateve
!, action taken in this emergency
b should be taken by the South as
D unit; hopeful as we may be Of find
0 ing some remedy for our grievance
T consistent with the perpetuity G
s the present Cenfederacy, the ques
= .iou, at last. is one which each mem
l. Der of that Confederacy must DE-
It termine for ITSELF and any attemE
l. upon the part of the others 10 hol(
IS by means of a military force, an u
y willing sovereignty as a member
l. common Union, must inevitabl
II lead to the worst form of internecin
It var, and if successful, result in th
J. establishment Of a new and total
,fI different Government from the on
70 established by the Constitution
If the Constitutional Union being
Union of consent and net of force,
II peace, md not Of blood-compose
q ofsovereignties, free, and POLITICAL
q equal But the new and coerciv
II Government, while it would "deriv
Y. lis powers to govern portion {
J. the States '.from the consent Of til
< governed" would derive the powe
e, by which it governed the remainde
]. from the cannon and the sword, an
y not from their consents Union, nj
p of equals, but of the yictors and tb
IL vanquished, pinned together by th
n bayonet and CONCEALED in blood.
b | devoutly trust that msrcifl
r Providence may avert such a calan
n ity, and believe that there is no rel
n peetable portion Of our people, what
ever may be their differences {
q opinion upon other questions, VII
j. are so blind to reason, or so lost t
o patriotism and every sentiment {
r. civil liberty, as to give countenanc
n to policy SO fatal in its results, an
l. so revolving to every sentiment
!, humanity.
J. While | sincerely trust that Ter
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