Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-05-01

against us, we cannot have it after they shall
have waHtonly imbrued their unholy hands in
the innocent blood of our people, from no
worthier motive than a desire to destroy our
equality and subvert our liberties
Therefore, 1 respectfully recommend the
perfecting of an Ordinance by the General
Assembly, formally declaring the independence
renouncing its authority, and re-assuming each
and every function, belonging to a separate
sovereignty; and that said ordinance, when it
shall have been thus perfected by the Legisla-
ture, shall, at the earliest practicable time be
submitted to vote of the people, to be by
them adopted or rejected. =.
When the people of the State shall formal
~ declare their connection with the remaining
States of the Union dissolved, it will be mat
ter OF the highest expediency-I might almost
say OF unavoidable political necessity-that
we shall at the same time, or as soon thereafter
as may be, connect ourselves with those with
whom common interest, common sympa-
thy, and common destiny identify US, for
veal or for woe. That each of the Southern
States, as they throw off their connection with
the Federal Government, should take an indie
pendent position in the contest, without that
concert of action which can alone be secured
by political unity, is proposition which sui ely
no one will assent to, who anticipates the dam
gers of the hour, and the necessity for per-
feet harmony in the work of our general de-
fence.
Such political Union with the people of
the Confederate States is rendered essential,
by the fact that we have made no provision
for arrning, organizing, provisioning, and en-
bodying our military forces, while the Gov
eminent of the Confederate States, foresee-
ing this invasion, has had an eye to the
1f @I 81 IL
prepared generously to lend us its as
sistance in this unprovoked and cruel
struggle. If we accept that assistance, we
should do it in spirit of mutual trust and
confidence, prepared to share its burdens
equally, while avail ourselves of it's advan-
tages. Government thus perfectly organi-
zed, can more thoroughly command the re-
sources and aggregate the revenues of the
country than isolated States, fighting without
unity, and moving without a common and res
ponsible head. These resources, being thus
concentrated, because it is natural intuition to
rally around such a Government in such an
emergency, for self-preservation and defence,
can be discussed with more efficiency, and
with less cost to the people than when the rev.
enues, necessary to support the war, are scat
tered by divided counsels and not controlled
by a common bureau. The same may be said
with regard to military operations Unity of
movement, to secure unity of purpose in at
tack or defence, is absolutely necessary to sue
cess. The people of the whole South, thus
united by firm political compact, moving I'M
der the direction of one Government, and ami
mated by the sense of common perils and by
a unanimous determination to maintain their
their rights, liberties and institutions, are in
vincible, and must speedily conquer an honor
able peace. The war must necessarily be pro-
tracted or brief in proportion to the Union
among themselves.
1, therefore, further recommend that you
perfect an ordinance, with a view to our admis-
sion as member of the Southern Confedera-
cy, (Which, it is evident, must soon embrace
the entire slaveholding States of the South
to be submitted in like manner and at the same
time, but separately, for adoption or rejection
by the people; so that they may have the op-
portunity to approve the former and reject the
latter, or adopt both, as in their wisdom may
seem most consistent with the future welfare
of the State. However fully satisfied the Ex-
ecutive and Legislature may be, as to the ur
gent necessity for the speedy adoption of both
these proposition, it is our duty to furnish the
amplest means for fair and full expression of
the popular will.
In the opening of revolution, fraught with
such consequences, and the close of which no
one can foresee, it is a matter of the highest
that we determine, as speedily as pos
sible, our future political relations, delaying
only long enough to reach the will and voice
of the people. Under existing circumstances,
l can see no propriety for encumberiDg the
people of the State with the election of dele
gates, to do that which it is in your power to
enable them to do directly for themselves. The
most direct as well as the highest act of sover-
eighty, according to our theory, is that by
which the people vote, not merely for men,
but for measures submitted for their approval
or rejection. Since it is only the voice of the
people that is to be heard, there is no reason
why they may not as readily and effectively
express themselves upon an ordinance framed
and submitted to them by the Legislature, as
if submitted to them by Convention The
Southern States, all of whom are now engaged
in resistance to the encroachment of Abolition
power, will necessarily encounter embarrass-
ments, arising from want of unity of action,
until such time as they shall all be united I'M
der common government.
The mode of action suggested, in addition to
the advantage of its being the speediest of all
others, will be attended with less expense to
the State, which is of far greater importance
now than at any former period of our history,
owing to the general embarrassment of the peo-
pie, which must continue at least during these
troubles, and to the heavy appropriations that
you will have necessarily to make, to defray the
expense of our defences-
II, however, it should deemed advisable that
a convention, representing the sovereignty of
the people, should be called by the General
Assembly, in preference to submitting an Or
dinance of independence directly to them,
though deem the latter measure more expedi-
ent, under the circumstances, l am not prepar-
ed tn say that harmony and unanimity will not
thus be effected. The Senators and Representa-
tiyes, coming, as they do, directly from their
constituents, are the best judges of this meas
ure 1t cannot be regarded other than a ques-
rion of detail, inasmuch as a very large majority
of the people regard themselves as being for
ever absolved from all obedience to Govern
ment that has developed the coolest and most
deliberate purpose to inaugurate a civil and
sanguinary war among them.
deem it proper to remark in this connection
that the Constitution of the Confederate States,
while it retains all that is valuable of the Con-
stitution of the former United States, is an i'm
prOyement in many essential points upon that
instrument, as conceded by those even who
were unfriendly to the mode and manner in
which it originated.
They only additional matter to which shall
call your attention-and first in Importance,
is the necessity of such legislation as will put
the State upon a war footing Immediately. ]
will not insult your intelligence or question
your patriotism so far as to resort to argument
to prove the necessity of this measure, but con-
tent myself by recommending the passage of a
law regulating the raising and thorough Or
ganization of an efficient volunteer force for
immediate service, in any emergency which
may arise, and a thorough and perfect organi-
ZatiOn of the militia so that in case of necessity
the whole force of the State can be speedily
brought into action.
In my message to your extra session in jan
uary last, laid before you the report of the
Keeper of Public Arms, showing the number,
character and condition of the arms of the
State, to which l refer you for information on
that subject. Since that report was made, 1
have ordered and received at the arsenal, four
teen hundred rifed muskets. If upon this
subject further or more accurate information is
desired, it shall be laid before you by the re-