The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1861-01-04
From the n. Y. Independent
Has an American Citizen Right to
Love Liberty
ny HORACE oRrrLY.

This is the great and grave question that
underlies our current politics. As it is de-
cidcd, it Is powerfully intimatcd, the Union
will stand or fall. 1t behooves us, then, to
look the whole matter squarely in the face
and decide, each for himself, what Principle
and Conscience require him do with reference
TO the various schemes Of compromise and
cancellation which have been and will be
presented.
All men love Lberty-for themselves. No
human being gifted with. ordinary human
faculties ever imagineds that enslayement
would be good for him. Hence few or none
ever supposed or contended that Slavery is or
would be desirable condition for their own
children, kindred, lineage, or race. There
is no merit in claiming and upholding Free
dom us the birth.risht and true condition OF
ourselves and those whom we esteem our
brethren, our equals for il is morally im.
possible that any should do otherwise.
But with regard 10 Others, who have but
slender hold on our sympathies, and whom
we regard as our interiors in capacity and
merit, the case is radically different. Some
Hald these to be equally entitled with them
selves to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness, relative weakness ratherapIeal.
ing to our generosity and love OF justice than
Us proilering us opportunity to cxalt or ag-
grandize ourselves ut their expense; while
others regard the weak as the natural prey OF
the strong-their cOnveniences, their seryi-
tors, their hewcrs of wood and drawers of
water-the natural ministrants TO their
Incidence, toys Of their lust and tools Of their
ambition.
The question more Immediately pressing on
the American People is not, which of these
views is rightg but, .IIave those who bold
the former any right to ayow and act on their
conviction? Admit tnat men do and must
differ as to the rightiulness Of slayeholding,
have its contelnners an equal right with its
champions to act as they think and vote as
they leel?
Every authentic utterance Of Pro-,layery
sentiment quietly assumes m indubitable the
impcrtinence and bad faith Of Anti Slavery
action in the Free States. Governors and
even Presidents Messages, Yanccy haran.
gues, Southern speeches in Congress, hold up
the fact that the North openly condemns
Slavery and rcssts its extension, as the mas
ter grievance of the South. Mr.. Lincoln Is
repudiated as President-elect by the Cotton
States, not from apprehension as to what he
will do. but from repugnance to what he is,
The objectionable oiTense of the North in his
election is her conviction therein embodied
that Slavery is essentially, radically wrong.
II were easy to quote from Gov. Gist OF South
Carolina, Gov, Brown Of Georgia, Senator
TOombs, Senator Hammond, ETC., etc., IN
proof OF thisayerment, but 1t cannot be neccs-
sary. Look over dozen Southern datribes
against the North for her alleged delinquency
in the matter of returning fugitive Slaves.
and you must be struck by the uniformity OF
their assumptions that the North regards
Slavery as unjust and perncious, when she
has no business to hold any such opinion
of it.
Before we can determine, then, whether a
concilliatiOn of the North and the South is
practicable, we must understand whether the
South does or does not concede to the North
the right to regard Slavery as wrong. No
party in the Free States deems il ground
OF Secession that the Slave States seek to ex-
tend Slavery; We do not question the sincerl-
ty OF the Southern proicssion-novel though
it be-that Slavery is the natural condition
OF the Negro and blessing alike to white
and black; nobody is amazed or indignant
that the South should act in consistency with
that professions; we only demanded that we,
too. shall he allowed TO have convictions,
and to act as those convictions require.
We of the Free States framed our Plat
form, nominated our candidates, and went
to the people on the issue thus made up. We
were united and successful our adyersaries
were distracted and beaten. Hence, they
say, You succeeded through our divisions y
What il we did? II was not cur business to
harmonic them. Nor is it certain that we
should have been beaten had they been
united. In 1856, we carried the State OF
New York for Fremont by $4,000 plurality,
but the separate vote for Buchanan and I'll
more would. IL combined, have beaten ours
by il,OO0. This year. oil the anti-Republi-
can factions " fused against Lincoln, yet
they were beaten by nearly 5O,O0O.-Nearly
or quite every free State but New Jersey.
Oregon and California, have given Lincoln
q clear majority over oil tho adverse votes
combined and the States that have thus
voted choose one hundred and sixsy-ninc