Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-01-26

while paipably Unjust, marks the growing hostllt,
of people with whom ne terms can be kent yher
they interfere with their fxed and cherished par
pose Of destroying the rights Of elayeholding States
But We are told that the fugitive slave law hal
not been sought to be executed in good faith Thi:
ID untrue In point Of fact In ninety-nins cases ou
Of hundred, slaves are secreted or carried beyond
the resch of the law This sw, like all others. i.
-powerless for good when opposed. defed and repu
dated by those among whom 1t is to be executed.
But proceed. In every contest upon prelimi
nary questions the South has been forced TO recede
For the admission Of Missouri she gave rp her In
terest in most Of the Territorial domain. For tbs
Fugitive Slave Law, she permitted her interests h
be sacrificed, by tho admission Of California and
the abolition of the slave trade in the District Of
Columbia. And when supposed 10 have Gained an
sdvsntageia the passage of the Kansas bill it was
wrested from her by the petsnt agencies Of Emf
grant Aid Societies and Shapes rifles w q can but
perceive from the history Of this slavery contest
that the final extinction of slavery is the object to
be astsined and if the Union is 20 be continued as
II is the overthrow of slavery becomes only ques-
ton of time rs5 s. ss.s-ss = -fag -.
The abolitiOniss while agreeing in the objecttO be
attained, have differed as to the manner of efctng
5it Tho small but morehonest portion Of this party,
insist On masking Q direct war upon slavery in the
States, while the other the Black Repubiean party,
apprecisting the danger of alarming It's victims have
adopted the more polite butless honestolan of har-
RAISING the slave irterest,-depreciaeing its value
BY constant emitting off its outer defences,
and finally so belsaguerBg it in its sirongkolds by
means OF free States, as to starye it into sebmis-
sion. The poliey-of Black 2epulicaaisrn, in short
is to be found in the advice given to The youthful
Highway man, Tt is to 'fake nothing by buster,
when 1t can be got by insinustions." - &c "
MIR. Lincoln and his political bandits, very fraLk-
" admit that Congress has no power to ebolish
slavery in the States, and they viii very graciousIy
yieldt that section all Of its Constitutional rights
they only reserying the privilege of determining
what these rights are. e : q :
The Black Republican party was organized upon
one single idea, and that is hostility to Southern
slavery, upon this it has fought its way to power,
and aspires to rule the country upon the priaoiple
that slavery is wrong. The men who compose it,
seek not to establish free States around the slave
but such States have part to perform in destroy
ing the interests Of their neighbors These men
do not appeal to the master by agreement and
reason, but they would reach the passions of the
slave by promises of freedom and protection.
The principles ofthe Republican party sedulous-
ly inculcaed by the PRESS the pulpit in tho school
room and halls of Legislation, have been more
authoritatyely set forth in its national conventions
that Of 1856 which nominated Fremont adopted
the following creed
= ResolUtd, That with our Republican fathers, we
hold it to be q selfevident truth that all men are
endowed with the inalenable rights of life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary
object and ulterfor designs of Federal Govern
ment were to secure these rights to dpersons with
IN its exclusive jurisdiction; that Republican
fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our
national territory ordained that no person should
be deprived Of life liberty without due process of
law, it becomes duty to msintain this provision
of the Constitution against all attempts to violate
it for the purpose Of establishing slavery in any
IT, - IT,
ton prohibiting its existence extension therein.
That we deny the authority Of Congress, or Ter
riorial Legislature, CT any individual association
Of individuals to give legal existence to slavery in
any Territory of the United States while the present
constitution shall be maintained
RssOlUed, That the Constitution confers upon Con.
gress sovereign power over the territories of the
United States, fortheir government and that in the
exercise Of this power il is both the right and the
duty of Congress to prOhibi. in the Territories
twin relics of barbarism-poly gamy and slavery
d The Chicago Platform of 1860 declares as fellows:
9Th. That the new dogma that the Constitution of
lis own orcs carries slavery irto any or a the ter
ritories of the United States is dangerous poti-
cal heresy, at with explicit provisions of that
instrument itself, with contemporanous exposition,
and With legislative and judicial precedent is revo
lutionary in itstenaeney and subversve Of the peace
and harmony Of the country. II -.s.
9Th. That the Normal condition Of the terri
tory CT the United States is that of freedom that
as our republican fathers when they had abolished
slavery in all national territory, ordained that
"no person should be deprived of life, liberty or
property, without due process of law" it becomes
our duty by legislation, whenever such legislation
is necessary to maintain this provision of the Con-
sttution against all attempts 10 violate it aud we
derry the authority of Congress, of tefritoria!
legislature, of any individuals to give legal ex-
istence to slavery in any territory of the United
States.
Thus it viii be seen that the platform Of Black
Republication IA 1856, asserts:
ls That the negro is politically the equal of the
white in all the territory of the United States.
I'd. That no power exists either in the local or
general government to establish slavery in such
Territory, but that such acts are null and void
Sd. Thst it is the right and duty of Congress to
dedicate the whsle territory OF the nation to the
uses Of the free States the utter exclusion of the
slsVe-holding States of the Confederaey. "a - --
The Chicago platform, after asserting the ssme
propositions, adds to the catalogue the revolving de-
claraton that the decision of the Supreme Court is
h dang srous /" political heresy," and at vsr with
the Constitution itself Thus i win be seen that
the platform of Lincoln, and on which he stands to-
day, by peT7erting the plain meaning Of our Declar
alton Of independence, turns that sacred chart of
freedom againet the South, and would degrade its
people before the world, by teaching an equality
with q servile race. The practices of the Fathers
are lIlFOheu 10 prove tnSb no negro can De Save
in any territory of the nation and this falsely as
sumed practice, is mado to nullify Supreme
Court decision as well as Congressional or
Territorial legislation. 1 ask sir, if the
people OF the South would not be false to the
emory Of their fathers to the claims of their pos
erity, to the holy principles of freedom weud they
not deserve to be slaves themselves, if they should
agree to submit to the rule of party guided and
directed by such principles those have referred
to? These principles take away the last vesiige of
hope for the South-tbey drive her from the terri
tory of the nation which she helped to obtsin--they
drive her from the doors of Congress whose bust
dduy it is to protect herthey drive her from
the temple of justice where ber grievances should
be redressed. In short, she is left hopeless in a
Union that is to be converted into engine of in
justice and oppression. p
Eut the inquiryis made, does Mr.. Lincoln endorse
these principles? certainly he does; not merely by
the acceptance of o nomination as their champion,
but by long and consistent services in the party
that enuncisted them. Since his election Mr.. Lin
coin said: .rrrs ..-..-
''Durng the last six years 1 have placed my views
on all pubic questions fully aud frequently on
record, that those desiring learn them by SIM
ply referring to them. If my past assertions obtain
no Credit present ones will be treated no better"
These views and opinions were placed before the
public during the late canvass, after having been
revised and endorsed by the author In of these
speeches he Gays: l. 81 ..T..-.. ...e....f-
What do say is, that man is good enough to
govern another man, without the Others consent
say this is the leading principle, the SHEET AN
CHOIR of American Republication. Our Declaration
of Independence says: a- 3. a--. ..ss- r.
''We hold these truths to be sef-evdent, that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed by
their Creator with certain inalienable rights that
among these are life, LIBERTY, and the pursuit of
happiness. That to secure these rights Govern
ments are instituted among men, DERIVING THEIR
JUST POWERS FROM THE CONSENT oFSrHE GOVERNED"
/ have quoted so much at this time merely to
show that according to ancient faith, the pow
ers of Government are derived from the consent Of
the governed Now, the relation of master and
slave is pro tants total violation Of this principle.
The master not only governs the slave without his
consent, bat he governs him by set Of rules alto
gether different from those which he prescribes for
himself. Allcv ALL the governed an EQUAL
VOICE IN THE GOVERNMENT; and that, and
that only, is self-government."
In his speech at Springfield, Illinois, in June,
1885, when nominated for the United States Senate,
he saiG: See debates between Lincoln and Douglas,
page l. 9 ..s...
We are now far into the fifth year since policy
was initiated with the avowed object and conf