The weekly north Iowa times. [volume] (McGregor, Iowa) 1857-1867, 1861-07-10

tuition is, that the privilege of the writ Of ha-
bras corpus shall not be suspended, except ii
cases OF rebellion or invasion, the public safet,
requires it. 1t was decided that we have case
OF rebellion, and the public safety does require
the qualified suspension of the writ, which was
authorized to be made. Now, it is insisted
tEat Congress, and not the Executive, is vested
with this power. But the constitution itself Ii
silent as to which or who is to exercise the
power, and, as the provision was plainly made
for dangerous emergency, it cannot be be
lieved that the trainers of the instrument in
tended thct in every case, the danger should
run its course until Congress should be called
together, the very assembling of which might
be prevented, as was intended in thi. case, by
the rebellion. No more extended argument is
now afforded, as an opinion at some length will
probably be presented by the Attorney Gene
raj. Whether there shall be any legislation on
the subject, and, if so, what, is submitted en-
tirely to the better Judgement of Congress.
The forbearance of this gov crnmcnt has been
40 extraordinary and so long continued as to
lead some foreign nations to shape their actions
as if they supposed the early destruction of our
National Union was probable. While this
on discovery gave the Executive some con.
cern, he is now happy to say that the sover-
eighty and rights of the United States arc now
practically respected by foreign powers, and a
general sympathy with the government is man.
ilestcd throughout the world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasu.
ry, War, and Navy, will give the information
in detail deemed necessary and convenient for
your action, while the Executive and Derart
ments will stand ready to supply omissions, or
to communicate new facts deemed important
for you to know.
1t is now recommended that you give the
legal means for making this contest short and
decisive one; that you place at the control of
the government, for the work, at least 400 900
men and $400,000,O0O That number of men
is about onetenth of those of proper ages
within the regions where, apparently, all are
willing to engage. and the sum is less than a
twenty third part of the money value owened
by the men who seem ready to devote their
whole. A debt of $500, DOC. 900 now is a less
sum per head than was the debt of our Revolu-
ton when We came out of that struggle, and
the money value in the country bears even a
greater prop rtion. Surely each man has as
strong motive now to preserve our liberties
as each had then to establish them. A right
result at this time will be worth more to the
world than ten times the men and ten times
the money.
The evidence reaching us from the country
leaves 20 doubt that the material for the work
is abundant. that it needs only the hand OF
legislation to give it sanction, and the hand of
the Executive to give it practical shape and
efficiency. One Of the greatnst perplcxities OF
the government is to avoid receiving troops
faster than it can provide for them. In word
the people will save the country if the govern
ment will do its part only indifsrently well.
1t might seem. at first thought, to be of lit
tie difference whether the present movement
q q nat M oil
The movers. however, well understand the
difference. They knew at the beginning that
they could never raise their treason to any re.
spectacle magnitude by any name that implies
violation of law. They knew their people pos.
sessed as much devotion to law and order-as
much pride in and reverence for the history
and government of their common country-as
any other civilized and patriotic people. They
knew they could make no advancement di.
rectly in the teeth of these strong and noble
sentiments. They accordingly commenced by
an insidions aebauching of the public mind
They invented an ingenious sophism, which, il
conceded, is followed by perfectly logical steps
through all the incidents of the complete de
struction of the Union. The sophi.m itself is,
that any State Of the Urion may, consistently
with the nation's constitution, and therefore
lawfully and peacefully, Withdraw from the
any other State. A little disguise, that the
supposed right is to be exercised only for just
cause, themselves to be sole judges OF its jus
tice, is too thin to merit any notice. " it'll
rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been
drugging the minds of the people of their sec.
ton Tor more than thirty years, until, at length
they have brought many good men to a will
lnSness to take up arms against the govern
ment, the day after some assembase of mel
have enacted the farcical act Of taking their
State out OF the Union, who could have been
brought TO no such thing the day before. This
sophism derives mu,h, perhaps the whole, OF
its currency from the assumption that there is
some omnlpotcnt and sacred supremacy per.
tanning to each State Of our Federal Union.-
Our States have neither more nor less power
than that reserved to them in the Union by the
constitution, no one of them ever having been
a State out Of the Union. The original ones
yassed into the Union even before they cast
off their British dependence, and the new ones
came into the Union directly from condition
| of dependence, excepting Texas, and even
Texas, in its temporary independence, wa
never designated as a State. The new ones
only were designated States on coming into the
Union, while that name was only first adopted
for the old ones in and by the Declaration 0
| Independence. Therein the United Colone.
were declared free and independent states
but even then the object plainly was not to de
clare tt cir independence of one another in the
Union, but directly the contrary, as their mu
| tual pledge and mutual action, before, at the
time, and afterwards, abundantly show. The
lighting of faith by each and all of tho orig
inal thirteen States in the articles of contede
ration, TIVE years later, that the Union shall b.
| perpetual, is most conclusive.
HAVING a,tb.r in c,,h
stance or in name, outside the Union, whenc,
this magical 0mnipotence of States rights, as
serting claim ofpower to lawfully destroy tn
| Union ITSELF
| Much is said about the sovereignty of tn,
States, but the word even is not in the nationa
constitution, nor, it is believed, in any of tb,
State constitutions. Whit is a sovcregnt,
in the particular sense of the term? Would i
be far wrong to declare it a political communi
ty without a political superior? Tested b.
this no one of our States, except Texas, was
sovereignty. and even Texas gave up the char
actei on coming into the Union, by which ac
she acknowledged the constitution OF the
United States, and laws and treaties Of tn
United States made in pursuance of the const
tuition, to be for her supreme law.
The States have their Status in the Union
and they have no other legal status. Ii the,
p'Cah iiom enI's ehCy ouiy uo ~ aEa'lios Id" "
revolution. The Union, End not themselve
separately. procured their Independence ane
liberty BY conquest or purchase. The Uniol
gave each Of them whatever of independents,
and liberty it has. The Union is older THAI
any Of the States, and, in fact, it created then
as States. Originally some dependent Colo
MES made the Union, and, in return, the Uniol
threw off their old dependence for them, am
made the States what they are. Not one c
them ever had State constitution independen
of the Union. Of course it is not forgotte
that all the new States formed their cOnstitu
ton before they entered the Union, neverthe
less dependent on and preparatory to coming
into the Union.
Unquestionably the States have powers an
! rights reserved to them by the national cOnst
tuition, but among these surely are not include,
a.! conceivable powers, however mischicvou
or destructive, but at most such only as wer
| known in The world at the time rs govern
mental powers, and certainly power to destro