Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1861-05-03
I cannot expect you to come

the subject upon this right Of revolution. J
could show from the law O fnations, the inter.
national law, that these States, being sovereign,
have the right to withdraw from the Confedc-
racy, and that if any other Government III tue
world made war upon them it would have to
do 1t according to the established usages OF
war, and if their people in the conflict were
overcome, they would have to be treated as
prisoners of war, and not US traitors. But the
explanation of the gentleman from Frederick,
| am very happy to say relieves, Inc from
the necessity Of celebrating that argument. !
will not, therefore, follow it further, although
I am prepared to do it, and TO establish the
view | take BY the most approved authorities
upon international law. Here, Mr.. Chairman,
! rest the argument, and want gentlemen
who shall attempt to reply, as | have said be.
fore, to meet it in the SAINT spirit in which |
have attempted to deliver it; by calm, fair, de-
liberate reason and argument, not by sneerS
and epithets.
The gentleman from Kanawha, in his elo.
uucnt speech, did not come out openly and de.
ny this right. lie suggested, however, one
difficulty to Its exercise, which | will nols;e
here. Another gentleman, the gentleman from
Monongalia, and others who have spoken here,
have thrown out the same objection: that these
Southern States, Virginia included, ought not
to sccede, because Of the difficulty which will
spring up from the navigation Of the M!ssls-
Sippi river. With great respect to that gen.
tleman, and with entire Difference and respect
to other gentlemen here, | say, that that is no
longer an open question. 1t is settled by well
established principles Of international law that
these Southern States cannot, under any cir
cuInstances, close the navigation Of tho Mis-
sissippi. But tho inhabitants Of the States
living above them upon its naVigable waters
may pass up and down without interruption.
Here is my authority. | have not time to read
it, but here it is. 1t is a principle for which
your government has contcnded from its toun-
dalion-and it is now IN established principle
OF the world. They would not have the right,
even il they had the hardihood; and If they were
foolish enough to attempt TO exercise it, it would
bring upon them the condemnation Of the
whole world. | will read one single authority
upon tho subject 1.-The right OF navigating,
for commercial purposes, 4 river which flows
through the Territories Of different States, is
common to oil the natiohs inhabiting the diff
ferent parts OF its banks; but this right of in
nocent passage being what the text writer's
call IN imperfect right, its exercise Is nccessa.
rlly modified by the safety and convenience Of
the State affected by il, and can only oc etlec.
tually secured by mutual convention regnla.
ting the mode Of its exercise" [Whcaton'S In
ternational Law, page 2j3.l Thus it is 4 mat,
ter which under this rule must bo regulated
by treaty, which is done nil over the world
and which M nation would be justified in set.
ting at naught.
That is a great and well settled principle
Well, sir, what other argument? The gen.
tleman FROM Monongalia brought forward here
one argument against the exercise Of this
right which l was extremely surprised to hear.
| alludc to it with the kindest feelings and the
most perfect respect. assure that gentleman
that | lncan nothing unkind or diScUurteous
when | call that argument against the right Of
secession 10 which | shall refer rs the pict-
yuae argument, as the argument Of dollars aud
cents. The gentleman says that Florida cost
millions of dollars, that Texas cost millions Of
dollars, that Louisiana cost millions OF dollars,
and asks whether we shall now permit them to
seccde after having paid this large amount OF
money for them; thus measuring this great
principle Of American liberty, To which Uy
friend has advertcd, and making it suhservicEt
to the miserable, Picayune argument Of dollars
and cents. Why, sir, if you intend to test
that argument by dollars and cents, go TO the
Federal Government 1t Washington, and make
your officers there give you the amount Of
what you have received from the public lands
which you acquired under these treaties, and
you will find that you have been paid an hun
dred fold the price you gave. That is the way
to meet that argument. By the treaties under
which these territories came in, your whole
country guaranteed to them the same sover-
eighty, tho same equality, and put them, in
every respect, upon precisely the same footing
rs tho other States. And yet they are to be
kept in because of The love of the almighty
dollar, which is crushing and running our
whole country. And the same argument, |
suppose, will justify the North for keeping IN
Virginia and the other States. | scout this
argument. With perfect respect, | sag to the
gentleman that it is unworthy the consldrra-
ton of any Virginian, TO measure sovereignty,
10 measure the great question Of selt.govern-
mcnt, and the great eternal principles OF civil
liberty, by dollars and cents. repeat, sir, It
is such An argument as should not te used
upon this floor.
Now, Mir. Chairman, | have finished whit |
proposed to say upon that branch Of the sub
iect. | could elaborate it further, but | will
let it stand as | have made it. And | will now,
if | can hold out, give one or TWO reasons why,
in my Judgment, Virginia ought at this time,
ought to-day, to resort to the exercise Of this
right. 7 dissent from the gentleman from Au.
gusta in his declaration, which lie made in his
elaborate speech, that slavery is stronger to-
day than it had ever been. 1t is stronger with
its friends-it is stronger in the States wharc
it exists; but everywhere else it has infinitely
more enemies to-day than it ever had. The
whole world is against you the whole civil
lied world, including three.fourths Of your
own country-including every power OF Eu-
rope, except Spain, and every power upon this
continent, except Brazil-is against you. And
with these facts staring the gentleman III the
face, he gets up and prOclaims that slavery Is
stronger to day than ever. If that were so, how
can he reconcile il with the history Of our own
government? That government is seventy.tive
years old. In its beginning, slavery existed in
nearly every State; and If slavery is stronger
to day than ever before, how happens it that
YOUR government is for the first time in the
lands OF the enemies of slavery? How did it
get there? Now, sir, the war upon slavery
was begun in 1890. it has been wag.d
against US for seventy or seventy.five years
and ultimately it will triumph against ns, IN
less we resist. This, sir, is n molnentons,
pregnant fact. It adnonishcs US in tones that
cannot be mistaken, that unless We are true
to ourselves, true to our little ones, true TO our
fircsidcs, true TO our blessed old mother Com
monwcaith, VIC will be crushed out and crush.
ed forever. Sir. so help me Gud, | will die on
her soil before I will give way. This war was
inauguratcd. I believe, some time in the ycar
1859. In 1890 petitions were sent from Phil
aGelphia and New York 10 Congress asking
them to abolish slavery. Ny friend from Bed,
ford. (Mr. GoGGIS,) read n debate which occur
red upon tho presentation OF that petition
signed among others, by DR.. franklin. a man
who had helped to make the Constitution. III
1872 petitions came again. In 1871 they came
In 1906 they came. In 1917 they came again.
In 1919. So We had tho war upon the Mis-
souri, question. In 1927 petitions came again.
In 1881 they came again. In 1885 the war