Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-09-08

! in his last message, that the uprising of The
South was but Q rebellion fomented by the
ambition of q handful of agitators. If ii were
| so, II, in fact, the mass of the white popula.
| ton of the South were Indifferent TO the in-
| dependence of the Confederate States. a few
reverses on the field of battle, added to the
enormous lnss-s which such occasions,
would suffice to provoke in the South u re-
action the heels of which peace would be
undoubtedly made. But whatever confidence
we may have in the loyalty of President Lin
coin. we find il impossible to consider his ar
| sertion "a we'll founded. Doub less the arm.
ed rising of the South has been aided and en-
cOuraged by leaders; but it is never other
wise in any undertakings to which nations
commit themselves. And what the leadei g.
whom Mr.. Lincoln eliminates, has done in
this instance corresponds exactly with the
public sentiment, with the opinions and pas
sions OF the immense maj ,rity of the inhabi-
tants of that portion of the United States
Ali the private letters received In Europe
depict the South as having but one thought
that of a separation, and as desiring it
with a feverish energy, which cannot bear
These letters assert the determination every
where in the South to maintain at every cost
| the rupture which has separated those States
from their former brethren of the North. 1t
is reason why hostilities are not too near "a
termination, however deplorable they may
be-
The correspondence from the North is not
less significant than that IRON the South, in the
sense that it reveals, among the people of the
North, a sentiment which explains and, to a
certain extent. gives grounds for and justi6es
by reaction the determination of the South.
All the letters from the North bear witness
to the wish, in that portion OF the Union, to
treat the Southern States as MIR. Lincoln in-
tends, that is to say rebels, who must be
forced to surrender at discretion They wish
to suhjugate them, Intending, 40 doubt, to
show themselves clement after they shall
have submitted But every one who knows
the American race. and VINO has had OPP
| portuniiy of observing it, at the South
especially, will agree that nothing more is
needed to exasparate the South and drive it
to extremes. The South may be vanquished
on the battlefield; it has just been [alluding
to Garnett's defeat]; it will be again; we
would not wish, however, to guarantee that
it will not have its turn. But vanquished
though it may belt will never submit to
the North; it will accept no mercy from it.
Toe capitals of Virginia and South Carolina
may fall tomorrow into the hands of tie
North, and be garrisoned by militia from
New York and Boston; the South will not
be put down for all that. When proud aud
energetic nation has taken determination
to be Independent there is no way 10 make it
bow it's head unless recourse b. bad to those
atrocious systematised seventies witch E IS
tern despots have successfully employed to-
wards populations without moral force, but
which civilized Governments repudiate, and
to which the Washington Government will
| never seriously appeal. Hence it
is that the question, stated "a it has been by
President Lincoln, is incapable of solution.
comparison is then drawn betw cen the
Drerant cause of Quarrel and cOnduct of hOt n
sections, and the events which drove the
thirteen colonies into revoluti i The
writer then continues:
Alter three or four years of hostil ties, it
is probable it will have to end by the recog-
milton OF the independence of the South.
Only there will have been slain some $50 or
200 900 men; desolation will be sown
broadcast; the impoverished contributors
will be overwhelmed by taxes; the North
will be indebted several hundred of millions
and an abyss of hatred will be dug between
the two s, ctiOns of the former Union.
repeat that the situations L have just com
pared are not precisely alike. The North
has not yet given the South the legitimate
subjects of Complaint which the sllonies had
in IVA against their mistress. But that diff
ference matters little, from the moment the
passion for independence took possession of
The South. A little after the
4th OF July. 1776. the United States found a
powerful ally in the Cabinet of Versailles,
and it may be asserted that without that aux
Hilary their attempt at independence, how
ever determined it might have been on their
part, would have miscarried Fur
thermore, who can say that if the present con-
test is much prolonged the South would not
find likewise some powerful ally in the great
b lieve that the statesmen who govern Eng
land would be content to recognize, for an
indefinite period, the blockade established
by the North at Southern ports, through
which Cotton flows towards the European
ma, kets; blockade which is one of the prin-
cipal features of The sys EN- OF warfare adopt
ed against the South? Ii may be doubted
that they would respect it long, even though
the condition of effectiveness were perfectly
fulfilled. The more effective it will be, the
less will Great Britain bear it; for i: would
infallibly cut off the means of supply from
the most important of her industrial branch
es, that which gives her exports a value of
more than a billion of francs We shall see
it 10 four or five months, when the stock of
Cotton at present stored in the warehouses
of England will draw near exhaustion. Now,
then, if England declared to the Washington
Government that she ceased 10 recognize the
blockade of the Southern ports, and (which
would be the only means of giving force to
the declaratfon-she were to add, that if the
North did not raise the blockade of its own
accord, she would send a fleet to put an end
to it, whist consequences would follow?
(The article concludes with wishes for
speedy settlement and pacification.l
from the Paris Journal des Debats, OF August I
THE PRIvATEERING Observation-Disclosures INTER-
vENTIoN.
People were astonished, after the Congress
of Paris, when the suppression OF lawful and
regularly authorized privateering by letters
of marque was voted by the European Pow
ers, that the proposal made to the United
States to agree in that vote had not been
favorably received in America. 1t is the
contrary which would have surprised u.s.
The reason for it is apparent in the compari-
son we have Just made between the navy of
the United States and those of the two prin-
cipal European Naval Powers. Without en-
tering deeply into the question. aud exam
lining only the political side which must have
inspired the determination of the American
Government. it is impossible not to discern
that the cOmmonest prudence dictated it
The Republic of the United States, il will be
admitted, may have to dread two Powers on
the sea-France and England--especially
England-bOih, in different degree, very
superior to her. She is not ignoront that her
immense ocean commerce, more vulnerable
than her territory, would have no reason to
expect any consideration, and would see itself
prey all the world over to the relentless
pursuit of the cruisers of the royal British
navy, five or six times more numerous than
theirs, powerless for protection, insufficient
for reprisals- What coald she do in such
situation foreseen and inevitable? Should
she allow herself to be crushed and ruined,
or attempt to equalze as much as possible
the chances of war by returning blow for
blow, damage for damage! Letters of mar
que being the only regular means of public
law, long in existence, was it supposable that
the American Government would sacrifice
that supreme safeguard Internationally; we
mean without having obtained what justice
requires, and what civilization demands the
absolute respect of the commerce of the bel
ligerents by vessels of,war, as well as by
privateers ? Without that addition to the
vote of the Congress of Paris, one is tempted
to suspect the sincerity and disinterestedness
of the Power that pretends to rule the seas,
e Q "a :.