Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1861-02-19

mands, not stopping to inquire the cause or wan
of cause for the existing difficulties, but come
forward in a prompt and patriotic manner to ap
ply the remedy, and thns preserve the life OF the
Constitution and the Unon--a Union which
despite the assaults of foes within and foes with
out, has gone on in its rapid strides to glory ane
grandeur unprecedented in the history OF nations
Sirs, the world looks to this Republic as the on
lly living and, so far, successful experiment O
j free government. Greece, Rome, Poland
France, have all failed and passed away. pray
that this, our own free happy country, may moi
4 share the direful fate of all others, and thus
prove the tyrant's maxim that s'man is not ca
pable of self government"
It is ssid all the States should 60 out with q
view to reconstruction. Iprefer that the remain
ing States should adjust all questions of dispute,
and the States now out will soon return. Recon
struct Reconstruct As well try to reconstruct
the shattered vase or to tie up Niagara in hand
kerchief, and put it inyour pocket or reconstruct
the earth after it shall have been consumed by
! fire, as to attempt to reconstruct this Governmet
after it shall have been divided by Mason and
Dixon's line Tear down to build up; go out to
come in destroy to preserve; shatter to recon-
struct, eis theories beyond MY comprehension
Sir, they are mere delusions or fascinating argu-
ments to get US out of the Union. That being
accomplished, we will be answered as the Cotton
States now answer Virginia's appeal: "We are
outforever; we want no guarantees we will new
or come back"
Let the friends of adjustment and Union stand
firm, and all our troubles will yet be settled.
not here, then let the conventions of the remain
slave States present fair basis of settlement to
the people of the North. 1t would, I am sure,
be accepted; and peace would once more reign
supreme in our land. Let the people, North and
South, have control of the question, and 1T aoill
be settled. Sir, we are now brought to consider
| if there is any plan by which these unhappy diff
ferences can be adinsted. confess can see
none which better commends itself to all sections
than that offered by the venerable Senator from
Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden. think both sec
| tions can come to this proposition without any
sacrifice of practical question, and | shall en-
deavor to show this. 1t provides, first, that the
Constitution shall be so amended that slavery
can never be fnterfered with in the States.
shall not stop to discuss this branch of the ques-
ton, as large majority of the Republicans, as
am informed, are willing to vote for it, and of
course, all southern men and northern Democrats
I will. The next is it proposes to divide the Ter
ritories by the line of 36 deg. 80 nin-all north
to be free; all south, slavery should be protect
ed.
| By the decision of the Supreme Court, the
South has right to carry slaves into all the Ter
ritories, and have them protected. The South
is willing to give up the right to carry slaves
north of 36 deg. 80 min., if you gentlemen of the
Republican party will agree to protect slavery
south of that line. True, slavery never would
60 north of that line; but the South surrenders
the right to take them there. 1t is equally true
that slavery will never need protection south. of
that line in any of our territory. Then, the
South agrees to yield the right to carry slaves
where, by the laws of nature, slavery never can
go; and she asks you, in turn, to agree to pro-
| tect slavery where it never will need it. Then
the surrender of principle is mutual. The surren-
der of any practical useful right, is made by nei-
ther. For by your Chicago platform, you only
propose to prohibit slavery swhere necessary; )"
and, as it can never be necessary, you do not e.
ven violate your party platform, about which you
have said so much. Mr.. Breckinridge said, in
December 1859, 'the territorial question is near
/ ly fought out-yes, fough out" Since then,
Kansas has been admitted which, Isthink, de-
termines all that is practical in regard to the
Territories. Kansas is free State. You have
got the flesh and the marrow of the Territories,
will you not divide the bone2 Or willyou break
up the Government rather than agree to protect
SLAYER where it will never be required? Will
you not come to this fair and equitable division
of an abstraction, and give peace to the country
think the Judgment of the people, north as we'll
as south, will say you ought to do it.
| The Orittenden amendment, then, proposes to
incorporate it into the Constitution, that slavery
shall not be abolished in this District in the forts
dock yards, navy yards, &c. You ofthe Rspub-
lican party say you have no idea of interfering
with slavery in these places, but they are matters
too insignificant for constitutional amendment,
and that you are willing to bass resolutions ex-
pressive of your feelings on this subject to
the South. But, sirs, the South have fears on
these points, and she only asks you now to place
| it beyond your power to do what you say you
have no idea of doing, by inserting such an a.
mendment in the Constitution. When you can
giveus this, and not violate your party creed
as you state it, will you do it9 Ought you not to
do it2 Is it asking too much, that you shall put
| it beyond your power to do that which you say
you have no idea of doing9 Surely not Then,
gentlemen, come forward in spirit of brotherly
love and give these guarantees to the South
The distinguished gentleman from Ohio Mr..
Sherman] said if this Government was broken up,
! it would be divided into more than two Govern
ments; that the man was now living who would
| be the Napoleon Of some military despotism in
this country. If this be true, ask the gentle
man, who now sits before me, when that awful
period arrives, and his neighbors and friends ap-
peal to him to know if that state of things could
have been avoided, what will be his answer9-
| dis duSW0T Will Uo, w Z COulQ nave avoid
ed them if it had not been for the Chicago plat
form. But we had to stick to the platform, and
in sticking to the platform we lost the Govern
ment.n Yes, stand to the platform, while the
pillars of the Government are giving way beneath
US. Destroy the Government, and what becomes
of you and your party platform9 Your platform
will fall with your country; while you may rise
to be the Napoleon Of despotism." No par
ties then; no platforms then. No, gentlemen,
no; let us not contemplate such scenes as these,
but avert the terrible calamity it is too late.
We can do it; we ought to do it; we must do it.
If | only had the power, would say, you shall
/ do 1T.
| In 1850 when the country was convulsed from
center to circumference on this very question,
Mr.. Webster, rising to the dignity and impor-
tance of the crisis voted against the Wilmot pro-
] viso. He said he was the author of that meas
i ure, but that he would never exercise it when il
would have no practical effect, but only wound
and insult his southern brethren. Gan you not
do as he did THAT man of patriot heart, whose
mind so far scared above his peers, that where
others halted, weary in there flight, she stopped
to touch the loftest thoughta" Will you, like the
sage of Marshfeld come to the rescue of your
country, and save it from total destructon9 On
/ will you, under the name of executing the
laws"
"Let slip the dogs of war;"
If you fail to do the former, but do the latter,
I have no threats, no prophecies, to make l on
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