The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-06-10
BALTIMORE.
MONDAY, JUNE 10, 1861.

The Hon. CAssIUs NJ. CLAY, with more effront-
cry than prudence, has been the first to couch, IN
England, a lance in defence of the war policy of
the Federal Government, and it is butdue to the
truth of history to acknowledge that in challenge
ing the London Times TO passage Of arms, he
has been roughly handled. Secretary SEWARD
has Jared no better. By one of the English Jour
mails, his instructions to Mr.. DAYTON are charac-
terized as ''impertinent," and by another, as
IA message, if not of defance certainly one which
''sounds very like an insult" His vain-glorous
announcement "that there will be here only one
'nation and one government and that "there
"will be the same Republic, the same constitu-
''tional UNION that have already survived a dozen
Irrational changes and changes of government in
"almost every other country" is treated with
contemptuous incredulity; and his supercilious
declaration that ait is high time for statesmen in
europe TO dismiss from their minds the thought
that dissolution of this UNION is possible either
"peaceably or by force" is pointedly pronounced
to be IAN inhibition issued in a high strain of
'tprerogative to which none of the anquated des-
'spotsms of Europe could for moment aspire"
Nor does the war policy Of the Administration
meet with any greater favor. 'The errand of the
New England battalions to Washington, - is
found to bear very striking resemblance s'to the
"errand of General GAGE regiments to Concord
and elsewhere. Mr.. SEWARD is Significantly re-
minded that GEORGE III was quite as confident of
reducing the rebellious colonies to obedience as
the Federal Government appears to be, at this
time, of subjugating the South; that in 1870 he
expressed his determination Ito keep the empire
CENTRE, and never 10 acknowledge the indepen-
''dence of America" and that he refused to admit
"any one to his councils who would not sign a
"declaration against that independence which he
twas forced to admit himself three years after
"wards. But we do think" adds the Times,
sarcastcally, "that his own experience might
teach Mr.. SEWARD a little more charity and toIe-
"ration fer the doubts and difficulties Of European
Statesmen. Let him remember his own upcer-
"taintes till within the last two or three weeks:
'nor let him altogether forget that if we have not
'the same confidence that he has, neither have we
1.-THE same unerrng MENTOR TO guide us. The
voice OF the American people is, after all, only
''the voice Of a local divinity, whose oracles do
"not pass current on this side of the Atlantic
"Mr. SEWARD may believe and tremble we are
mot disposed either TO do the one or the other.u
Mr. LINDSAY, NJ. p, who was recently in this
country, in speech made by him to his constitu
en;s at Sunderland, stated that from what he saw
during his travels on this continent, he was conf
dent "a separation between the North and South
'was only question of time' He thought that
the policy OF England ought to be one of strict
non-intervenon; "but, as Lord JOHN RUSSELL had
made one step, by acknowledging the Southern
''Contederacy as a belligerent, he felt that when
1.-THE pr per time arrived, it would be desirable
'lhat he should take another step in advance and
''acknowedge the Southern Confederacy as an in
dependent power" We might multiply quota
uons al ah'''tum from the columns of the English
Journals, and from the speeches made and the no.
tees of resolutions about to be offered bv MEM
bers of both Houses of Parliament, as further evil
dence in proof of the manifest tendency of the
popular mind in England towards speedy recog-
milton of the independence of the Southern Con-
federacy, and of the complete accord which exists
between the people and the Government upon this
important question. That the French Emperor
entertains sentiments in harmony with those ey-
pressed by the English ministry, few persons
Will doubt who have read the reply of
NJ THoUvENEL to Mr.. FAULKNER, in which the
former stated "that the practice and usage OF
1.-THE present century had fully established the
fright of de facto Governments to recognition |
'when proper case was made out for the deci-
"sion of foreign Powers.' What constitutes a
proper case Mr.. THoUvENEL did not say; but the
London Post, the organ OF Lord Palmerston, after
quoting the language of NJ. THoUvENEL, on the
occasion referred TO, cites the cases of Greece and
Turkey, and Holland and Belgium, as applicable |
'to nations which had been united in a comnact |
more close than any federative compact" and |
adds, that "the recognition of the thirteen North |
American colonies by France, and the recopni-
mon OF Mexico and the South American Pro- |
'Vlnces, furnish rule which the Government of |
MT. LINCOLN cannot afford to disregard" The
remarkable declaration Is also made, that whilst
NJ nasty decision Will be pronounced either by
france or England, ''no one, at the present time.
can doodt, or question:, the de taco indepeaduee of
me southern States" The policy of our Govern
ment- has, IN this respect been less cautious ard
clrcumsspect than that of any other. We have
promptly recognized, one after another, the long
series OF military chiefs that have attained tempo
iarliy 10 power In Mexico and in the various petty
spanish American Republics to the South. We |
were the first to hasten to recoenize tbe o,ouorn
lnen' Vi LOUIS PHILIPPE, of LAMARTINE, under the
hepuolc, and of LOUIS NAPOLEON, under the EN-
pure. We have even taken especial pains to he AMONG
the foremost, and showed quite as ardent a sym
pathy Tor the cause of the Greeks as for that Of the
Texans what right, then, has Mr.. SEWARD to |
menace France and England with the biob die. |
pleasure OF the present Federal Government for
taking, as their rule of action as regards the Con-
federate States certain well established precedents
which, even while they amply Justify the course
that England has already adopted and France is
about to follow, fall very far short of the prece-
dents which the government of United States has
Itself SO frequently set up as guide to Others?
The lofty assumptions of Mr.. SEWARD, over which
the Northern journals have exulled, are regarded
elsewhere rather as signs Of weakness than as
evidences of conscious power. ''No wise man,
says the London Times, "begins difficult and |
dangerous war with language like this. The |
language OF confident eXultation is, as we know |
pecomlng In those who take their armor off. but |
very unbecoming in those who are putting their
''armor on" If further proof were needed that
conceal the anxiety and alarm of the Administers
lion, it might be readily found in the eagerness
WIN which Mr.. SEWARD has FASTENED to abandon the
Oh privateering in accordance with the agree
nent previously entered upon between the parties
TO the convention at Paris, and which, if it had
peen sanctioned By the United States at that time
would have efectuay prevented the granting o
Letters OF Marque by the Southern Confederacv
Ills acceptance of the proposition has come too
ia'e' Ihe object he had in view was too trans
parent 10 deceive the wary statesmen of Europe
ana the recognition of the Confederate States az
oelligerent power, by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, not oulv
frustrated Mr. sEwARDs project, but gave to the
South all the privileges of bellperent with re-
spect to prizes when carried into neu,ro, nor,,
From this brief statement of facts it is perfectl
evident that Mr.. SEWARD has signally failed 70
ndoctrinate the Cabinets of Europe with his pecu-
lar views. f ia