Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-05-24

NJ
majcraty for the Union. But this viii avail
nothing; the eastern seotioDao of the State
win more than cOuuterbalance the western,
no matter how great the unanimity 1t may
exhibit, or how heavy the vote. The polit-
ical leaders have 70 determined, and the
ordinance Of Secession must be ratified.
Letter frsm tho aouth-Opinions Of Sub.
%etantial ~CiiizensAmoney Pollcy Of seces.
aionfnfs.
A feIow.c citizen has handed us a letter from
gentleman Of character and responsibility
In Mississippi, written in answer to the
Question whether Il is the 'staunch, trust.
worthy, good citizens of that State who
are secessionists, or whether the feeling is
confined to political leaders, and those who
have nothing to lose"
The letter is a private one, from one friend
80 another, and not designed for publica-
tiop but as It is temperate in its language,
end, TO ell appearance, written in a spirit
Of tIuthfulness, and as it presents a state of
facts different from the pictures that prevail
among us, Of the condition of the public
mind at the South, the gentleman by whom
il was received felt DESTROYS to see it in
print end we see no reason to refuse to com.
ply with his wishes IL that regard.
The letter begins by stating that in the
State of Mississippi, +" it is the stdaneh trust
lcoytbu, good citizens who are the Secession
lists, and not the political leaders, nor yet
those pho have nothing to lose. 1t has been,
most emphatically, a property and respecta-
bilits movement from the beginning and in
this State it was away ahead Of the poll
ticians, who were thrust aside, and new
men averse to politics, who never held Office
in their lives, and who never wished to do
so, were everywhere placed in the lead"
The letter continues;
tTmmediately on the election of Lincoln all
former divisions ceased among our people,
ard we had but two parties-the immediate
and unconditional Secessionists-and the
co cperationists who were for Secession, but
desired previous concert and cooperation
with all the slave. holding States. Two thirds
of our people belonged TO the first, and one
third to the last of these divisions. That a
dissolution of the Union must take place,
was q Truth apparent to and recognized by
al and the only difference was as to the
mode Of bringing it about. The considera.
items that produced this conclusion need
hardly be recited. We found ourselves con-
quel ed by an enemy, bitter and relentless,
whose sole principle of action, whose sole
object indeed, was to harrass, cripple, impair
and VI ims'ely destroy that property in
which our prosperity depends, and in which
our feelings are bound up. By the very form
of its organization, this enemy assumed that
no Southern man could approve or sustain
if. 1t put forth no principles Of public policy
concerning the general welfare, but il sim
ply declared a warfare by one section upon
The interests of the other, and took
such q position of hostility and
eeparation-that no man could blink so
hard as not TO see that il rendered o collision
OF aims necessary in a short period. How
SoS1o @o=~@nsaY "a tA0 IAnion conNinue
arrayed against the other on a principle Of
hatred and hostility to its interests without
euch 8 result2 By their success in the cleo
ton, hostile rule was to be inaugurated over
ms. and il we submitted to il for one hour
we accepted our fate-we bowed to a for
eien dominion-and consented to a govern
meDt that was bound by its inclinations and
its pledges to destroy that interest in which
all our prosperity depends. 1t was as COM
pletely a foreign dominion as would be a
state of colonial vassalsge to European
power-for we were to have no voice il the
choice of rulers-we were excluded from all
share in the administration Of public affairs
and, worst of all, the Government instead Of
seeking to protect our lives and liberties and
property, would have been one inaugurated
expressly for our ruin and having no other
object aspiration or hopel
The anti-slaVery idea had shown in every
form that it would not be bound by law OF
constitution-but was to be a law TO itself
would realize its purpose at whatever hazard,
It has long been my deliberate conviction
that when it should become the controlling
sentiment of the nation, the Union would
oAord NJ 1anCar 0ur ipfaraate ora pom FOR
vast 10 allow Of our yielding to it. uttered
these sentiments in public speech before the
election, and / have not hesitated to carry
them out. As a stright out, unconditional
immediate Secessionists, l received over two.
thirds of the votes Of this county, as q candi
date for the Convention, against a Oo-opera
ZIONIST, and an independent Sscessionist
I drew our ordinance Of Secession, and cor
daily aided to carry it through-and am a
deeply committed TO the whole movement a
any man alive. And now, after all that ha
occurred, and with the sad prospect of
furious civil strife before us, | cordially ap
prove it all, and will sacrifice every thing tc
sustain il. There is absolutely no Union
sentiment in this region. TIL quondam Co
operationists now say that Ws WeTe right ant
they were wrong, and there is no Uoice AM
where for reconstruction on any terms. l
we are conquered by arms, we can then b.
ruled as conquered and subjected provinces
but not I'LL then.
Gtd knows l take no pleasure in this stat
of things. He permits il for some wise pur
pose, and ! therefore speak oft more in sor
o than in niger. Isee the wild aud furiou
fanaticism that seems to actuate the North
ern people, and deeply lament ii. They will
be met with the cool courage of men VIII,
feel that their all, of property and happines
In this world is staked upon the struggle.
Upon the presumption that this letter ex
presses the deliberate sentiments of the trust
worthy and good citizens of one Of the Sc
coded States; and that this State is a type c
the whole in this respect, it can not be othei
wise than a subject of profound regret tina
through the unwise policy of those upo
whonth active operations of Secession hay
deVolved, the movement has been made
assume the character of a conspiracy to brin
about q forcible revolution-to overtime
the Constitutional Government, and to ere
anew ruling power upon a basis, and throug
the use of means not contemplated by Il
Constitution.
We have never ceased to hold that amor
the native and ihalienable rights with whiC
men are endowed are those Of "ife, liber
and the pursuit Of happiness" nor to der
that whenever any government Becomes
in the deliberate opinion Of its subjects
obstructive of these ends, it is the right
the people 70 alter or abolish II, and to inst
tute a new government, laying its foundatiC
on such principles, and organizing its pOwe
IN such form as seem most likely to effe
their safety and happiness" These are do
thnes which the peOple of the North hSv 4
often accepted, to permit them to be light
departed from and however strong the