The Athens post. [volume] (Athens, Tenn.) 1848-1917, 1861-07-12
Al at least l0o. 600 me, and s4OO, Ooo. 600

sal at least 4O0O0O men and $4OO, 600, 600.
That number Of men is about one tenth
of the available force within the willing
region, and that sum is about q twenty
third Of the wealth Of the men who seem
willing to devote the whole Of their
wealth. Legislative sanction IL only nee
essary for material, for The work is abund-
ant The greatest Government perplex-
ity is the avoidance of receiving men faa.
ter than IL is prepared for them. The
people will save their Government it
Government will but do its duty. While
there is perceptibly bat little difference
between secession and revolution, they
know they can never raise their treason
to responsibility by name implying a
violation of law. They could only adj
vance indirectly. In the teeth Of the
noble sentiments of the people, they
commenced their insidious debauch upon
public sentiment, and invented ingeni-
Gus sophism of which, if considered logi-
cally, and followed in all its incidents to
the destruction of the Union. Sophism
is the legal and peaceful withdrawal
without the Unions consent, and thus
sugar-cooting rebelion The public mind
has been drugged during thirty years,
and good men are in arms against Gov
| from the assumption that there is some
omnipotent supremacy pertaining to a
State. States have neither more nor less
than reserved power-no one OF them
being State out of the Union. The
original States passed into Union before
casting OIL British colonial dependence,
and new ones came in from conditional
| dependence. Even Texas, during her
temporary independence, was never de-
signated as a State. The words 'sover-
eign State" are not in the Constitution,
nor, as is believed, in any of the State
constitutions.
Here follows an elaborate argument on
the right of secession. 1t has never
been demonstrated whether the people
OF every State, except South Carolina,
are in favor of the Union. Our adverse
ries have adopted some declarations Of
independence, in which the words "all
men are created free and equal" are
omitted. Their Constitution, instead of
1--WE, the people," has 1--WE the deputies
ofthe sovereign and independent States"
Why ignore the rights of the people?-
This is essentially peoples contest.
am happy to believe plain common peo-
pie understand and appreciate this. 1t
is noteworthy, that while, IN the nations
trial, officers have resigned, no common
soldier or sailor has deserted his flag.
1t remains TO be demonstrated. that
those who can fairly carry on an election,
can also repress rebellion that ballots
are the rightful and peaceful successors
OF bullets, and that when ballots have
fairly and constitutionally decided, there
can be no successful appeal back to bull
lets-no appeal except to ballots them.
selves at succeeding elections. Such will
be lesson of peace, teaching men that
what they cannot take by an election
they cannot take by war.
Lest there be uneasiness regarding the
course Of Government towards the South
ern States, after the suppression of the
rebellion, it is proper to say, that it will
be guided by the Constitution and the
laws. The Executive desires to admins
ter the Government as it was administer
ed by the Government-makers Loya
citizens everywhere have the right tc
claim this. 1t is not perceived that there
is any coercion, subiugating or conquer
ing in these terms. The Constitution
guarantees each State a representative
form of Government. If State with
draws, it may change the form to prevent
its going out. as indispensable to main
tanning tHc guarantee.
1t is with the deepest regret the Elk
ecutive has been compelled to employ
the war po,r~r of a defensive Govern
ment, but it was forced upon him. He
could but perform his duty or surrender
the Government. No compromise If
this case would answer. Net that com
promises are not often proper, but nt
popular Government can long survive
marked precedent that those who carry
an election can only save the country 10y
, giving up the main point upon which
, tho people carried the election. The peo
pie themselves, and not their servants
can reverse their decision.
AS a private citizen, the Executiv,
could not consent for the institutions t.
, perish, much less to betray so vast, 81
sacred trust as free people had conf
ded in him. lie had no moral right t,
shrink, nor count the chances of his owl
life in what might follow. In full view
of the great responsibility, he has don,
,, what he deemed his duty; and you now
! according to your own judgment will d'
!, yours. He hopes your views and action
will so accord with his own as to assure
faithful citizens they shall not be disturb
ed in their rights, and that speedy res
, toration of peace may be proclaimed =
Having thus chosen our course, witt
pure motives and purpose, let us rene,
, our trust, and go forward without fear
! and with manly hearts.