New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-01-17
STAND FIRM!

The question having dDt" Dcch ldlsoui VIC u0O"'
it proper to say again what we have said before,
and we wish to be understood as saying 1t au-
thOritatively, that President LINCOLN is not IN
favor of making concessions to the Slave Power,
either pretended concessions or real concessions,
nor in favor of any measures looking to the
humiliation of Freedom and of the Free States,
no matter in what pretenses they may be dis
guised nor by what seductons they may be com
mended. lie believes, with the great body Of the
independent Freemen of the country, Democrats,
Bell men, and Republicans, that the first duty to
be done is to ascertain whether we have Gov
eminent or not, and whether the Union is mere
delusion of the imagination to be dissolved at the
first touch of actual hostility, great and vital
Power, as competent to assert itself and defend
itself against domestic seditiOn as against foreign
foes. We have reason to know that he perceyes
and feels clearly that this is the predominant
question of the time, towering above every other.
Indeed, of what avail is any compromise or any
arrangement whatever until ii be first established
that the Union of the States and the Federal
Government are something real and living, and
not precariOus sham, built of nothing more sub
stantal than parchment and red tape, and exist.
ing at the mercy of sneakng traitors like Floyd,
or noisy ones like Tcombsi
| No Compromises, then No deusiye and de-
luding Concessions! No surrender Of Principle
| No cowardly reversal of the Great Verdict of the
sixth Of November Let us have the question Of
questions settled now and for all time There can
never be another opportunity good as the present
Let us know once for all whether the Slave Power
is really stronger than the Union. Let us have it
! can be successfully introduced in this country as
| means of carrying an election after it has been
fairly lost at the polls. 1t will be time enough to
talk of redressing grievances Of long standing and
of minor consequence after this startling novelty
has been disposed Of Let us first vindicate the
majesty and assert the power of Law in generals
| amendments of particular laws can be considered
| afterward
What, then, will the Republicans do, are we
asked We answer that they will do the duty
indicated by the exigencies of the crisis. And
we are not aware that this duty has been any
where better expressed than in the platform laid
down by the Constitutional Union Convention
which nominated Bell and Everett at Baltimore
in May last, in the following words:
Resoed That It both the part Of patriotism and Of ddty
recognize political principle other than COysrUrIoS
THE COUNTRY, UsIOS or THE STATES ESYORCE
LAWS and that representatives, Of the Conu
tioDs Union Of the country In National Convention
bed hereby pledge ourselves to maintain protect and de-
fend separately and unitedy these great principles Of public
liberty and national safety, against oil enemies ut home and
abroad believing that thereby peace may be
70 the country hts Of the people and Of the
established and the Government again placed in that condition
justice fraternity and equality which under the example and
Constitution Of fathers has soemny bound every citizen Of
the United States sintan perfect union establish
Justice domestic tranquility provide for the de-
fense promote the general welfare and the blessings Of
liberty to ourselves and Jour posterity.'
This is safe ground to stand on. Away, then,
with the idea of tinkering the Fugitive Slave law,
or of legerdeman with New.MexicO, or of CON-
bning Carsons Valley, Utah, Pixies Peak, and
Dakota, in a single incOnguOus State These
are nostrums not suited to the disease to be
cured. They are not even respectable pallia.
tiyes The only adequate remedy is to be found
in the Constitution of the country, the Union of
the States, and above ALL in the Enforcement of
the Laws