Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1861-03-07

Resolved, That who we make no objection TO the |
consideration and of propositions TO amend the
country before and since the adoption OF the constitution
aud consider Its wonderful growth nnd prosperity main
ly believe, owing TO the wisdom Of the provisions
Of that instrument and the mighty minds, the farseoing
satemanshp, the hcfcueen labor and the purity Of pur
ION il should undergo no change without the full thor
ough deliberate, unimpassioned aud grave nsideraon
Of the people Of the uaed sa,es and oi such tribunals
Since that time, as therein proposed, the
subjects in those resolutions referred to have
been considered, discussed and voted on in
Congress, in the Peace Conference, in State
Legislatures and conventions. This has been
done to considerable extent, certainly, in
the spirit commended in those resolutions,
and to all appearances we have gained much
and have good reason to hope for much more
Discussion has everywhere overthrown the
odious Crittendcn proposition, and even Mr.
Crittenden, who, as we are told, and with
out contradiction as yet, acted at the request
of Mr.. Breckinridge, has abandoned them.
| That this result should be denounced by
such Breckenridge secessionists as Tyler,
Hunter and Mason, and hailed with joy by
such men as Crittenden and Bell, is notsu
prising.
Upon the questions that have arisen and
that may hereafter arise out of these discus
sions, sincere men may and will differ. Re-
publicans will not always agree with each
other. The same may be said of the sincere
men Of all parties The meaning of the
minority report Of January 22d is that we
should not hastily decide on any proposition
and that whatever should be determined
upon in due form by the people, under the
constitution, should be submitted to, as the
supreme law of the land.
never could comprehend how any Re-
publican, Douglas Democrat or Bell man
: could, consistently, vote for the Crittendcn
, proposition. A Breckenridge Democrat
could very consistently do it.
t As to the article in the report of the Peace
Q Conference, or Of the Congress committee
: of thirty-three, or of Mr.. Adams, in regard
: to territories, can comprehend how Repub
lcans may vote one way or the other with
IS out losing the confidence of their party fol
n that cause.
Q cannot say now whether will vote 70
$ any of these propositions, but l can say tha
d think in the end the slave powor woul'
o not gain anything, practically, by incorpo
b rating the Peace Conference into the Con
# stitution. On the ecentrary, think twoul'
; lose by it. If this were done l cannot SO
It how the friends Of Slavery could keep up tn
:, agitation of the Slavery question as the
!; have done heretofore.
If Had the old Missouri Compromise been
y part of the Constitution, it would not hav
J. boen repealed. Had the rule as to invo
- untary servitude in the District Of Columbi
r, been in the constitution the pro-slaver
u party could not have deceived their peopl
= az they have done on that subject. 1t th
&c constitution had forbidden the acquisition {
,c territory except by treaty and a vote Of foul
Is fifths of the Senate in favor Of it, SLAYER
h would now have beena much weaker powt
d than it is. Let us insist upon freedom {
e speech and freedom of the press, and upo
e an appeal to right reason upon all question
e of politics, morals and religion, and if ou
d people are capable of selfgovernment W
s. shall triumph, and the triumph shall IT
1t dound to the honor of our country, and th
IS advantage of the cause so valiantly, SO ably
and so disinterestsdly advocated by our re,
;. olutionary fathors. WRIT.
,