Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1861-01-18

ments, has taken so strong a E.old upon the
people of large sections of the country, that
wild excitement RACES upon the subject.
Within the last year-as is legal habit
once IN tour years-the people, in the usu-
al constitutional way, without force or VIC
lence; with no armed bands; with no hos
tile or wicked intent; with no serried ranks
or ghtterlng bayonets, elected a President
OF the United States. The choice of the
people, as shown in the selection made by
the Electors, Is peaceable, quiet citizen,
undenlably eligible to the Office. His opin-
IONS upon questions of public policy are pre-
clsely such as have been entertained by
those who have held the high Office and
discharged Its duties before him Beliey-
ing that human slavery is in antagonism to
that common liberty sought to be main
tanned and established under our common
Constitution, he is opposed to its extern
sion into the Free Territories of the United
otates. While he consents to the fact of
tne existence of slavery in many of the
otates' and avows that there is no right
III the Free States, or in the General Gov
eminent, to any interference, directly or
indirectly, with slavery in the Slave States,
ne IS opposed to its extension unauthorized
oy Jaw. The multitude of people by whose
SURFACES ne has been elected, entertain
tne same views There is nothing uncon-
stltunonal In entertaining such views, or
III III, expressing or ayowing such opinious.-
lhere IS no pretence by any considerable
NUMBER OF people anywhere, that there can
be any legal interference with slavery in
the Slave States, except by the people of
the States themselves The right or pow
er OF interfering with slavery by force is
almost universally denied.
Yet on account of the result of such an
election, interfering with the rights of no
people, or class of people, either in or out
of The slave States; taking away the rights
of no State, nor of the people of any state,
and on account Of opinions and principles
precisely such IS were entertained by
Washington and Jefferson and Madison,
and all the early Presidents and States
men, both in the slaveholding and non
slaveholding states, violence isinyoked and
armed men, making actual war upon the
nation, threaten the dissolution of this I'm
ION and the destruction of this government.
The Constitution of the United States
makes no man slave. 1t makes slaves of
no class of men. The great leading idea
of the government, that underlies all, over
shadows all, permeates all, is civil and re-
Ggious liberty. The idea that slavery IN
der such a Constitution goes travelling in
to the free territories, without any local
law IN those territories authorizing or tol.
Grating it, is both absurd and wicked
Men are not universally recognized as prop
erty, or as the subjects of property. The
fact that class of men are held as slaves
under the laws of any given state,
does not make them slaves out of the jul
risdiction of that state, unless it can be 'e-
ultimately assumed that the laws of slave
state follow the slave outside Of that state,
and are in actual force beyond its limits
Because the people of the free states enter
tain views opposed to slaveey extension,
and because they have elected president
Of the same faith, war is threatened, and
devastation and blood.
A variety of excuses are made for she
threatening attitude assumed towards the
Government and Union. The extreme
southern states complain of the Personal
Liberty Bills, and demand their immediate
and unconditional repeal.
In the slave states farthest south, from
which slave has scarcely ever escaped,
there is the most apparent excitement on
this subject. Further complaints are made
because of the difficulty of enforcing the
Fugitive Slave Law in the North. Odious
as that law is, it has been enforced III al
most every state where the attempt has
been made. Whether right Or wrong, this
is the fact That people should object to
an odions, and, as they believe, unconsti-
tutional law, which calls upon them to as
sist in reducing men to slavery, is not re-
markable. A change in its oppressive fea-
lures would, just to the extent of the
change, do away with hostility to it.
Personal Liberty Laws are found, Or
should be found, upon the statutes of ev-
cry state. They ought to be there All
states have them, both north and south,
VARYING in their character and provisions,
yet still personal liberty laws. The high
est duty of the legislature of any civilized
state, is to provide by every constitutional
means for the protection of the ri hts of
person of the citizen. So law for the pro-
lection and preservation of the liberty of
the people, cannot be too stringent if it is
within the Constitution. The states new
er surrendered the right to protect the
person of citizens, Every living human
being has right to a legal test to the
question, whether he Is a freeman or a
slave. While it cannot be consented that
laws looking to the protection of liberty
should be repealed, yet all such laws sho'd
| conform to the Constitution of the United
States. If on close examination and scru-
tiny, you are satisfied that any of the pro-
visions of our personal liberty laws are in
conflict with the Constitution, it will be
your duty, as your pleasure, to SO change
them that they shall conform to that Con-
stitution. But no fear, no favor, no hope
of reward, no demand, no threat, should
ever induce or drive free people to break
down the walls of their protection We
love the Constitution and the Union of
these States. We will make sacrifices of
feeling to appease and concilate our
brethren, but re piU make no more sacyi-
fees Of principle. While this government
ut,nds and we consnnt tn 1.-Two uD1or -