New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-02-02
Ktw-England on the Crisis.
FROM WASHINGTON.
THE CHANCES OF A COMPROMISE.

md heard everywhere that we are going to have
"a sempromise But who is 10 make it, or what
a is to be, is involved in mystery. 1t is as
v,sue 40 the broken echoes Of the invasion of
Ais CITY. of which we hear 50 much. Many
Republicans fear there viii be compromise,
and MANY of the BOrder-State people hope there
viii be one. And the reports that are 90 often
heard that oOe is about 10 be born, are the off
spring, imagine, to q great extent, of those
hopes and fears.
But the difficulties of reaching an sccomnOda
Zion do not seem TO lessen with the lapse Of time.
10 ANYTHING, | should say that discussion and de-
liberation oDly the more clearly reveal the points
If difference between the eOntendng parties. 1t
rosld seem that every suggestion and every com
AipstiOn possible for a compromise had at one
time and another, and by one person and another,
since Congress met, been fully considered and
presented Yet DOne thus far meets with gen.
sral favor.
There are three propositions already born Of
fAe conflict, which have very distinct proportions,
and each of which has numerous advocates:
/. There is Mr.. Adamss proposition. This
afoposes to furnish O constitutional guaranty that
Ae Federal Government will never hereafter
interfere with Slavery in the States, aud to pass
legislative act allowing all territory south
Of $50 so to come in as State, with or with
cut Slavery, as the Territory may choose.
III. What is known as the DOrder-State propo-
alton. This is to prohibit Slavery north OF 81
30; and below that hDe, to stipulate that neither
Congress nor the Territorial authorities shall ever
introduee or exclude Slavery but leave it TO fight
its own way, under the protection of the Federal
Courts; or, on the other hand, to be discouraged
by the Executive Government, or encouraged,
just according to the proelyitieS Of the Executive
for the time being. This plan also fayOrs incl !
dental points in aid of Slavery.
,a ILL., The main proposition of the shareholders,
supported by Mr. Crittenden, and which covers
81 their Claims This is to establish Slavery by
sssosstitutional guaranty in all the existing terri.
s1fsYy south of go 80, and al that may be here
liszssr acquired. Also, to allow the transit of
sSsayes through the Free States, and to distinctly
1sxeeesnise them as property by the Constitution.
AZ OF these three propositions, the shareholders
reject the FIRST two as wholly insufficient. TOOmbs
land Davis before they left, declared themselves
willing 70 accept the third, or Mr.. Crittenden's,
Dat they would take no less. This was Just
what the National Democratic Convention split
aDon. The Southern wing demanded the pro-
SECTION Of Slavery in the Territories, from their
Douglss eonfederates, who refused TO grant it. 1t
10 what Virginia claimed then, and what she claims
asw. Only then, the Slave States insisted that
IA Should be incorporated into the party plat
fern, while now they insist upon having it go
into the Constitution.
~ in no WAN NJ
opncession measure consists in the arbitrary claim
fss constitutional guarantees set up by the slave
Aelders, and do not zee how it is to be over
come. In the frat place, those guarantees can
not be afforded except by vote of two-thirds
Of Congress, ard in the next, by the ratification
sf three.fourths of the States. So far as this
psnt is concerned, do not Bee, therefore, but
we must set it down as wholly out of the ques-
1isn
The question, then, remains, viii the border
Ehye States rein up their Secession gailsp with
cut those guarantees / answer, Perhaps 80.
If they could have legislative act on cOnceding
aho claim Of the Breckenridge platform, now
Known az the Crittenden resolutions, think they
would. They might even be content with some
tang less, say to the extent Of abridging the
proposition 30 as only TO make it refer to exist
ing territory.
But-and here comes the main difficulty in re-
gard TO any compromise-suppose the Border
States to be content with the whole or even o
part Of the Crittenden resolutions, put into
merely legislative form, there would still exist
this great difficulty viz: Tie Gay States wW
$40. aceede to any such arrangement Then would
come the question, What viii yoa do with them :
The answer is plain. Their ports must be shut,
and they must be made TO obey the laws. But
oil these Border States have already passed reso-
ktions In their Legislatures against this very |
tting, only using q different phraseology. The |
moment therefore, the Border Slave State, |
sbould be called on to sustain the Federal Gov. |
eminent IN the execution Of the laws in the Sc. !
s-.s.os States, their instant reply would be-: |
20. you cannot coerce State You must not |
.. coerce o State. II you attempt it, we shall |
- leave you and go with the oppressed members |
g Of the Union. In o word, we shall secede"
We are thus brought at once to the practical |
Aeiiowness Of every arrangement that would not |
BE satisfactory 10 the Calf States; and such an
engagement, think anybody may see, is at |
skesent impracticeble.
sssls some experiment is quite possible. II
any should be hit upon that would divide the
slave States and set them 10 quarreling
snong themselves, why to that extent the plan
might do some good Meantime, tho wretched