Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1861-07-10

upon the subject, and if any, what, is sub /
mitted entirely to the better judgement
of Congress. The forbearance of this Cow
ernment had been so extraordinary and
so long continued rs to lead some foreign
nations to shape their actions as If they
supposed the early destruction OF our Ma
tional Unicn was probable. While this,
on discovery, gave the Executive some
concern, he is now happy to say that the
sovereignty and rights Of the United
States are now everywhere practically re-
srected by foreign powers, and general
sympathy with the country is manifested
throughout the world. The Reports Of the
Secretary of the Treasury, War and the
Navy, will give the information in detail
deemed necessary and convenient for your
deliberation and action, while the Execu.
tive, and all the departments, will stand
ready to supply omissions, or to COM
municate new facts considered important
for YOU to know. IL is now recommended
that you give the legal means for maxim
this contest she 1T and decisive one-that
Won place ut the control of the Govern
ment for the work, at least four hundred
thousand men and four hundred millions
of dollars. That number of men is about
one -teuth OF those OF proper ages within
the regions where apparently all are wills
ing TO engage, and the sum is less than a
twenty-thlrd part of the money value
owned by the men who seem ready to de-
vote .he whole. A debt OF six hundred
millions of dollars now is less sum per
head than was the debt of our revolution
when we came out of that struggle, and
the money value IN the country now bears
even Il greater proportion to what it was
then than does the population. Surely
each man has as strong motive now 10
preserve our liberties rs each had then to
esrat lish them.
A right result at this time will be worth
more TO the world than ten times the
men and ten times the money. The evi>
dence reaching us from the country leaves
no doubt that the material for the work Is
abundant, and that it needs only the hand
/ of legislation TO give it legal sanction, and
the land of the Executive to give it prac-
tical shape and efficiency. One Of the
greatest perpIcXties of the Government is
/ to avoid receiving troops faster than pro-
yided for them. In word, the people
will save their Government, il the Gov
ernment itself will do its Iart only indit'
/ iorently well. 1t might seem, at frs
! thought, to he OF little difference whether
the present movement at the South be
called secession or rebellion, the movers
! however, well understood the difference
At the beginning; they knew they could
never raise their treason to any respccta
bic magnitude by any name which implies
Il violation of law. They knew their peo
'lple possessed as much moral sense, a!
much of devotion to law and order, and a,
much pride in and reverence for the his
tory and government of their common
country as any other civilized an patri
otic people. They knew they could make
no advancement directly in the teeth o
, those strong and noble sentiments. Ac-
| cordingly they commenced by an insiGi
, ous debauchiug Of the public mird. They
, invited an ingenious sophsm, which, j
! conceded, was followed by perfectly logi
cal steps through all the incidents to tn,
complete destruction Of the Union. TIL,
l sophism itself is that any State of tn,
Union may, consistently with the Nation
pGa6aniyar PA therqfG(2}IEe lq%iUl!H tS an an
without the consent OF the Union, or q
any other State. The little disguise tina
e the supposed right is to be exercised onl,
g for Il just cause, because they them e,ve
: arc to be sole judges Of its Justice, is to-
r thin to merit any notice. With rebellion
thus sugar. coated, they have been drug
: ging The public mind of their section 70
r more than thirty years, and until at lcngtl
, they have brought many good men to
5 willingness to take up arms against tn
: Government the day after some assem-
! blage of men have enacted the iarcica
pretence of taking their State out of the
Union, who could have tecn brought tt
no such thing the day before. This .oph
ism derives much, perhaps tie whole, o
its currency from the assumption tha
; there is some omnipotent and sacred SUI
premacy pertaining to a State to eacl
State Of our Federal Union. Our State.
) have neither mOle nor less power thar
that reserved to them in the Union by the
Constitution, no one of them ever having
been State out of the Union The ori
ginal ones passed into the Union even
before they cast of their British colonial
dependence, and the new ones each came
into the Union directly from a condition
OF dependence, excepting Texas. and even
! i'o'>"'i 80 10 ''i'l'Ol ~ inexperienced
was never designated State. The new
ones only took the designation oe States
on coming into the Union, while that
name was first adopted for the old ones
in, and 10y the ColoEics were declared to
he free and independent States. But e, en-
then the object plainly was, not to declare
their independence Of one ANOTHER, or of
the Union; but directly the contrary, MS
their mutual pledge and their mutual nc
ton before, at the time and afterwards
has abundantly shown the express plight.
ing OF faith by each and all Of the ori .inal
thirteen. In the Articles of Confedera,
tion, two years later, that the Union shall
oe perpetual, is most conclusive, having
never been States, either in substance or
in name, outside of the Union; whence
this magical omnipotence OF State rights.
asserting a claim OF power to lawfully de.
stroy the Union itself? Much is said
about the sovereignty OF the States, but
tp nAt -, Al