The Manchester journal. [volume] (Manchester, Vt.) 1861-current, 1861-12-10

SaaF n tie Ftt'els. The lnien exists paig
az wesbs a ihe Causauiion. ard - soon
a. llsr Cosllgtioa i brokea fhe agricsed
pasy has lhe un3ouhscd righ, tor oluiion.
Uarfaiion q power aad disregard q cen
s,i,mioaa rights a. ihe part If ihe legis-
latise braaeh " q government tends ine-
saaliy Ike disregard 80 other branches
f 81 governments, ihe law and Constitutional
obligations cease 70 BE- regarded anywhere.
The eiyil powers Of the government give
place 10 the military as more powerful,
while tic military IN turn becomes subject
to some great leading mind which such
times are sure 10 produce end aisis mon.
archy.
/ Uroa tie subject Of emancipation, how
ever, We entertain views different from
,hose maintained BY the Standard. In our
sies Congress bias the constitutional right
10 conascate OF declare free the slaves of
tbs rebels. il is a clear principl Of tie
common law Of England and all civilized
nations that the traitor loses all right Of
protection from the government which he
seeks 70 injare or destroy; his property
aud every interest which he holds yalua-
bic Is subject TO be taken from him. In
deprsing him Of lis property The law has
two Objects in view, first the punishment
Of bis crime, and secondly the abridgment
Of his power 10 ijure the government on
either Of these grounds we beliye itwould
be lawful to confscate the slaves Of rebels.
| IL remains 10 enquire whether such a
course is expedient And in this eonnec-
ton il may be well TO consider the vast
ness and the intricacy ofthe results which
must necessarily follow such a proceeding.
The utmost prudence and sagacity should
be used in dealing with this subject; for
there is danger less the public mind, heat
&c and blinded by the great troubles which
aiilict the nation, should precipitate meas
ures which may only augment our SORROWS,
and which greater forethought and less
hasty action might have avoided. The
results Of hasty and immature councils was
exemplifed in the battle of Manassas, let
Us avoid any such occurrence in our po-
litcal action.
The Standard urges the emancipation
Of the slaves on the ground that slave la
Dor, by providing the rebels with food,
building their intrenchments and fighting
their battles, is their main stay and the
chief source Of their power. This view is
doubtless true in measure and well wor-
thy Of consideration. On the other hand
il may be well to inquire what effect the
liberation Of four million of slaves would
have upon the free labor of the northern
states. Might not the vast influx Of in
gnorant and impoverished laborers tend to
dishonor or cripple free intelligent labor
which is the chief source of our national
prosperity and power? What too would
be its effect upon society at the South?-
Would il tend to increase or TO diminish
the patriotism of loyal Shareholders
What would be its effect upon public
opinion at the North? Would il tend to
disturb and to weaken that wonderful
unanimiiy and harmony Of thought and ac-
lion which is indeed the great bulwark Of
our strength and the certainty Of our sue
cess! We are frank to say that we do
not believe that the public exegicncies, as
vet, require the emancipation of the slaves.
Let tho efforts Of the government be I'M
ceasing TO reduce the rebellion and to re-
store the supremacy Of the laws.
II fugitives escape TO our armies, as they |
doubtless will in numbers, let them in no
event be returned TO bondage. II they are
willing 10 lend their aid in the good cause
Of the Union, give them the opportunity
whether i be in mental capacities as SER
wants Of our troops, or on the more exalt-
ed position Of soldiers in arms. There is
no danger that the negro who assists 81
putting down the rebellion viii ever again
unwillingly be returned TO bondage.
These in our vie@ are the only meas
ure in regard TO slavery which it is yet
expedient for the government to take
The circumstances OF the future may de-
mand further and more violent action.