The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1861-02-08

Virginia I'm the House.
About the most sensible and significant
speeches of the present session of Congress
were delivered in the House on Monday and
Tuesday by Messrs. M1LLsoN and CLBMENs
Of Virginia. The Importance attaching to
their words arises from the position occupied
by their State in the present condition Of
affairs, and not little to the standing and
experience Of the gentlemen themselves.
Mr.. MILLsoN, who spoke on Monday,
represents the second or Norfolk district.
He is an able lawyer, and has been men,
Der of Congress twelve years, having been
elected six times in succession. Deprecating
the rashness of South Carolina in "precipi-
tating revolution he said: '''''
These men seemed not to comprehend the
evils Of dissolution. He did not expect
statesmen OF the present day to attain to
the wisdom of the authors of the Constitu-
ton, but he did expect that they would at
least aspire to the capacity Of comprehend
ing the result which must follow from their
action at this time. He had been asked,
shall Virginia submit to Lincoln? Submit
to Lincoln? Certainly. What though the
people of Virginia gave their vote against
Lincoln; what though Virginia, through her
representatives here, may give her vote
against the passage of law enacted by
Congress, it is still Virginia that says the
laws shall be obeyed. 1t is still Virginia
that says her will is potential, and that
whoever receives majority OF the electoral
votes shall be the President. 10 submitting
to Lincoln, am submitting to the sover-
eign will Of Virginia. He had seen no
other cause assigned for secession than the
passage of Personal Liberty Bills.
He stood here States rights man of the
strictest sect, and regarded the constitution
as compact between States. lie even be-
lleved that violation of the constitution
by some of the parties to it, justified the
other parties 10 refusing to comply with its
remaining obligations; but he denied that
the Legislature of State was one OF the
parties to the compact, aud if the assump-
ton of unconstitutional power on the part
Of Legislature was to be regarded as an
infraction of the Constitution, dscharging
any of the parties from their reciprocal OBJ
legations, then the like assumption of un-
constitutional power by President,
Governor, a State, or Federal Judge,
Postmaster, or a Collector of Customs,
should also be so regarded.
1t would seem that some gentlemen sup
posed there were no other rights of State
than those that involved her own destruc-
tion-the right to sacrifice her interest, the
right to lay heavy burdens on her people,
the right to expose herself to extreme peril,
the right to throw away all her rights. He
would defend all those rights OF his State if
she chose to exercise them. He would
defend her right to commit suicide if she
we're tired Of prosperity and renown and
life itself. But the rights of Virginia,
which he was most eager to maintain, were
those connected with her welfare and her
safety, her commerce, her industry, her
peace, her consideration at home and
abroad, the comfort and happiness and lives
of her citizens-in short, all those ines
Unable blessings and benefits which the
constitution secured her, and of which she
was now or had lately been 10 the actual
enjoyment These were the rights of his
State which he would have her maintain
against all corners. These were the rights
which some men wanted her to throw away,
only to show her right to do so.
He would not dilate on the fact that South
Carolina had withdrawn from the Union,
and that the act had been justified here.
He would not advert to the manner or mode
OF secession. He, as a State rights man,
confessed, however, that the course pursued
by South Carolina was not the course he
would have seeding state to adopt. She
had not withdrawn from Congress, for she
never had been member OF Congress. She
had not dissolved her connection with the
federal government, for she was never part
OF the federal government. gre -r.tsge
| 4
He did not ask that the constitution should
be altered; for he maintained that what was
asked now was already in the constitution;
but they wanted some stipulation made to
end forever the controversy. They did not
ask this as suppliants. There was nothing
practical to contend for. IF the North did
not want slaveryin the territories, it was
not there; and could not be got there. No
southern man would bring his slaves into
territories, either south or north of New
Mexico. But no one could tell what would
be the temper and spirit Of the majority in
some future time. They might exercise
their power insultingly for the purpose of
tramplipg on the sensibilities of the southern
people. The South had a right to be pro.
tected against that danger. ao3
He could not conceive what just ground
could be urged against the insertion Of such
plain stipulations in the constitution as
would forever put to rest this agitated
question. He could rot penetrate the dis
NAL future. Whether this great govern
ment was to be preserved or destroyed
whether this Union was to be maintained
or dissolved whether peace was again to
spread her wings over the nation, or wheth.
er it was to be exposed to all the horrors
of a desolating civil war, be could not di>
vine. He knew how strong were the 10
ducements to peace. He knew that the