Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-04-24
.The difference"

nentS 70 advance either partlZan purposes OF per
sonal interests. The Journal, of yesterday,
teens with malignant misrepI RESERVATIONS OF the
position of the Sentinel, and the Democracy OF
indianapolis. A citizens meeting was called on
Saturday evening to take into consideration the
state of the country, which was composed OF
members of all parties. according to the report OF
the Journal, yet the same paper is fun OF hlthy
abuse of Democrats. denouncing them as " TO-
ries, /" etraitors,' &c. The object OF the Journal
can be plainly seen. Its record is against civil
wsr-the blood and horror of coercion. No
paper in the Union has more decidedly depreca-
ted the state of affairs which is now precpitated
upon the country than the Journal. 1t has
neither the manliness or courage to stand by the
position which, but few weeks ago, it reitera-
ted day after day, as the true policy of the coun
try, and which it pledged itself to stand
by. because it was right, no matter
who might differ with it. Let US test the journal
by it own record Here it is: off the enforce
ment of the Constitution leads TO civil war, we
shall be better off 10 let the Constitution be
broken. and save b!oodshed." Has any South
Carolina secessonist ever said more than this, or
uttered more reasonable sentiments, If such they
be? The people of the cOnfederated States only
ask to be 'slet alone" The Journal says rather
than civil war and TO save bloodshed "let the
Constitution be broken" Do the people of the
South claim more than the Journal expressed its
willingness to concede? We give another senti-
ment from the Republican organ: 1.-The separa-
ton of the whole confederacy into independent
nations would be harmless beside it (civil war;
We can not endure the thought of it." We chal-
lenge the Journal to find single Democratic pa
per in the North, which, in deprecating the ''war
of relatives" has expressed itself as strongly
against the resort to civil strife to settle the poti
cal difficulties of the country. Rat0r than civil
war, says the Journal, it prefers the separa
ton of all the States into independent ma
tons And why? We quote the language
of the Journal in response: "Of what value will
our Union be that needs links of bayonets and
bullets to hold it together?" And thea to give
still stronger expression to its sentiments, the
Journal adds: "What better off shall we be
with South Carolina in the Union than out of it,
|. she is to tester with the wounds inflicted by
our hands, chafe with the memory of defelt and
'evengel" And what Was the response Of the
Journal? Reid: at any State WILL go from
Is let it 60 The price of retain ng it, if it is to
De paid in blood is far greater than the worth OF
{ when we have got it," If the Journal was
honest in these expressions, its position now is
both mem and cowardiy. 1t can take either
born Of the dilemma it pleases. We can not re
rain from quoting one more sentiment from the
reacherous Republican organ: at is better to
preserve lives, and all of friendness we can with
our seeding relations, than to presrUe the Con
sfitufion at the cost Of irar-" Yes, willing to
break up the Union rather than make enemies OF
our seeding relations. That was the sentiment of
the Republican organ.
The Journal, instigated by business jealousies
and partisan malignities, seeks to misrepresent
and injure the Sentinel by taking an undue ad
vantage of an intense excitement in the public
mind, at the sacrifice OF its deliberately avowel
opinions as to the true policy Of the Government,
its integrity and honor. We are willing to abide
the "sober. second thought of the people," We
know that we have at heart the best interests of
the country, and we are confident that time will
indicate our position. The public will respect
the man that manfully adheres to his convictions,
and while they may like the treason. they win de
spise the press, which, for the purpose of pander
ing to the excitement of the hour, will prove
faithless to its own deliberately expressed sent-
ments. We annex the record of the Journal, on
secession and concession" so that the public
may see its inconsistency and treachery.
The question Of the consttutionality of seces-
sion is not the main question. No rational man
can resist the argument against secession as Il
proceeding, but any rational man
may hesitate before deciding tina; the Constitution
shall be preserved at the expense of civil war
There are higher considerations than the integrity
OF the Constitution, and they enter into the case
when we are called to decide upon compelling a
State to submit to il by force. Secession is revo
luton, and the first act of it lifts the whole case
above all questions of forms and laws. We are
to decide then, not 'twhat is legal and constitu-
tiOna?" but ",chat is beSt?" 1t may be best to
follow the Constitution to the last and enforce it
will not be best. In the present case it seems
clear to us that if the enforcement of the Const-
tuition lends to civil war, shall be better of to
let the Constitution be broken and save blood
she'd. All history proves that no war is so reent-
less and cruel a war of relatives. And war
between relatives so irritable, high spirited and
courageous rs the Americans. will certainly be
the most cruel ever known England never
fought the French so murderously as she
Enerl1 xrl,a oil
tered Prince Rupert. And Americans never
fought Englishmen with the ferocity which
they will fight each other when General Scott
shall encounter JEFF. Davis. We can imagine no
eca equal to an American cicil ,car. The separa-
fioa Of the ciote coRjederacy into Independent ma
tons icould be harmless beside IT, We cannot en-
dure the thought oft. The min question there
fore is. not the constutionality of secession bat
the blood and horror of coercion Will coercion
produce civil war; To our mind, il is beyond
question. But this is not the only reason why Sc
cession, if it is resolved upon, should not be
checked By force. Ii coercion means ANYTHING,
it means to preserve the Union of rchot raLae
,oiH an Union be that needs links of bgy0nets and
bullets 10 hold Il together What better of .hal
we be with South Carolina I'm the Union than out
OF II, if she IS to tester with the wounds inh:c.e
by our hands, chale with the memory of defeat
and degradation, and seek for the first opportu
nay tiCfShSC. 10 ~ lititiil Btttcf OH Win n
member in it than away from il. who has 10 be
watched perpetually to keep him from firing the
house? We say no. Common sense and hu
mainly say no, II any State WILL 90 from as.
let 60 The price OF retaining it, If it is to he
pait in blood. is far greater than the worth of it,
when we have got it. We are therefore clearly
of the opinion that any attempt to restrain by
force the secession OF any State or combination
OF States, from the Union, would be unwise and
calamitous to the last degree. 1t is better to
preserve lives, and all of friendliness we can
with our seeding relations, than to preserve the
constitution at the cost of war. OF course.
peaceible secession implies the adjustment OF
some very complicated and delicate questions of
debts. common property, and future intercourse,
but II is better to settle them by a commission
than by campaign.
CARo.-It will be seen by the special dis
patches of the Chicago Times, that Cairo has
been selected point dagpui by the Government
in its military operations, in the Mississippi
I Il