Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1861-01-15
THE CRISIS OF THE UNION.
GREAT SPEECH OF
Wm. II. Seward Of N, Y
Delivered in the U. .. senate, Saturday,
January I2th, 1861.

ance OF public rs well as private creulS anu |
Ia the face of seditous combinations TO over |
throw the Union. The alarm is appalling;
for Union is not more the body than Liberty |
Is the soul of the nation. The American |
citizen has been accustomed to believe the /
Republic immortal. He shrinks from the
sight of convusions indicative Of its sudden
death. The report of cur condition has gone
over the seas, and we who have so long and
with so much complacency studied the end
less agitations Of society in the Old World,
believing ourselves exempt from such dis
tlrbances, now, in, our turn, seem to be lall-
ing into a momentous and disastrous revolu-
ton
know how difficult it is to decide, amid
so many and so various counsels, what ought
To be and even what ca6 be done. Certainly,
however, it is time for every Senator to de-
clare himself. |, therefore, following the ex-
ample OF the noble Senator from Tennessee,
(Mr Johnson) avow my adherence to the
Union in its integrity and with all its parts,
with my friends with my party, with my
State, with my country, or without either, as
they may determine, in every event. whether
of peace or OF war, with every consequence
of honor or dishonor, of lie or death. AL
though | lament the occasion, | hail with
cheerfulness the duty Of lifting up my voice
among distracted debates for my whole coun-
try and its inestimable Union.
Hitherto the exhibitions of spirit and reso-
luton here, as elsewhere, have been chiefly
made on the side of disunion. | do not re-
gret this. Disunion is so unexpected and un-
natural that it must plainly reveal itself be-
fore its presence can be realized. | like best,
also, the courage that rises slowly under the
pressure OF severe provOcation. If 1t be a
Christian duty to forgive to the stranger even
seventy times seven otfenses, it Is the highest
patriotism to endure without complaint the
passionate waywardness Of political brethren
so long as there is hope that they may come
to better mind.
l think it is easy to pronounce what mea-
sures or conduct will not save the Union. l
agree with the honorable Sen tor from North
Carolina Mr.. Clingman) that mere eulogl-
ums will not save it. Yet | think that as
prayer brings US nearer to God, though it
cannot move him toward us, so there is heal
ing and saving virtue in every word of devo-
ton to the Union that is spozen, and in ev-
ery sigh that its danger draws forth. know,
at least that, like virtue, 1t derives strength
from every irreverent act that is committed
and every blasphemOus phrase that is uttered
against it.
The Union cannot be saved by mutual
ordinations concerning our respective share
of responsibility for the present evils. he
whose conscience aequits him viii naturally
| be slow to accuse others whose cooperation
he needs. History only can adjust the great
account.
A continuance of the debate on the constl-
tutionaI power of Congress over the subject
! Of slavery in the Territories will not save the
Union. The opinions of parties and sections
! on that question have become dogmatical,
and it is this circumstance that has produced
I the existing alienation. A truce, at least du-
ring the debate on the Union, Is essential to
reconciliation.
The Union cannot be saved by proving
that secession is illegal or unconstitutional
Persons bent on that fearful step will not
| stand long enough on forms oflaw to be dis
lodged; and loyal men do not need such mar
row ground to stand upon.
I fear that little more will be gained from
discussing the right of the Federal Govern
ment to coerce seeding States into obedience.
If disunion is to go on, this question will
give place to the more practical one, whether
| many saeadinr Stataa have a light TO conTea
| the remaining members to acqulese IN a DIS
| solution.
dread, as in my innermost soul ! abhor,
civil war. l do not know what the Union
woull be worth if saved by the use OF the
/ sword. Yet, for all this, do not agree with
those who, with desire to avert that great
| calamity, advise a conventional or unop'
posed separation witha view to what they cal
| a reconstruction. 1t is enough for me, first
that in this plan, destruction goes before re-
construction and secondly, that the strength
Of the vase in which the hopes OF the natoI
IRE held consists chiefly in its remaining un'
1roken.
Congressional compromises are not likely
o save the Union. know, Indeed, tina
tradition favors this form of remedy. But
j essential to its success, in any case tina
here be found preponderating mass 0
itizens. so far neutral on the issue whicl
separates parties, that they can intervene
s.rike down clashing weapons, and compe
An accommodation. Moderate concession
are not customarily asked by a force with 1t
guns in battery, nor are liberal concession
ant to be given by an opposing force not les
confident of its own right and its oW
strength. think, also, that there IS a pre-
vailing conviction that legislative cOmprc
nses which sacrifice honestly cherished prin
ciples, while they do not assume extra cor
stitutional powers, are less sure to avert I'M
minent evils than they are certain to preduc
ultimately even greater dangers
Indeed, Mr.. President I think it will b
wise to discard two prevalent ideas or PREY
dices, namely, first, that the Union IS to
saved by somebody in particulari and SCI
: ondly. that it is to be saved by some cur
ning aud. .insincere compact of pacihcation.-
If / remember rightly, l said something liz
this here 20 long ago as 1850, and afterwarC
in 1854.
The present danger discloses itself in tn
{ form. Disconnected citizens have obtaine
political power in certain States, and the
, are using this authority to overthrow the Fe'
Z eral Government. They delude themselv'
: with the belief that the State powerthey ha7
acquired enables them to discharge then
selves of allegiance to the whole Republi
The honorable Senator from Illinois NJ
: Douplas) says we have right to coerce
Stafe.-Dub we Cslull0bs 4 lO L ANoLNASAA-
that no State has right to secede but
have no constitutional power to make W.
c AGAINST State. The dilemma results fro
r an assumption that those who, in such cas-
act against the Federal Government, act Law
! fully as State; although maAifestly the
4 have perverted the power of the State to
T unconstitutional purpose. A class Of polii
clans in New England set up this theory az
: attempted to practice upon it in our w
i with Great Britain. Mr.. Jefferson did n
= hesitate to say that States must be kept wit
!; in their constitutional sphere by impulsion,
thew could not be held there by attraction
7 Secession was then held to be inadmissiole
: the face of a public enemy. But II 1t IS u
; tenable in one case, it is unnecessarily SO
Is ali others. fully admit the originality, t
y sovereignty and the independence of the Sc
T eral States within their sphere But he
y the Federal Government to be equally orig
IS nal sovereign and independent within