New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-02-20
THE paErsxrs FOR REBELLION

Those who look with favor on the Cotton Re.
belion, and insist that the Government should
virtually succumb to il, are invited to consider
these facts:
/. There is not to-day law affecting Slavery
on the statute-book Of the Union which was not
demanded by the Slave Power aud voted for by
n majority Of is adherents The Missouri Com.
promise Of 1920 was carried by The votes Of
nearly every Member Of Congress from Slave
States, eked out by an eighth Of the votes from
the Free States. The Fugitive Slave Act OF 1893
was just what the slaveholding interest saw fit
at that time to make il. In 1850, that interest
demanded q more stringent act, and carried 1t.
The Nebraska act Of 1851 received most Of the
votes of the Slave States, with those Of the Pro.
Slavery Members from Free Stste,. We have
talked about passing acts to restrict Slavery, but
never passed any; that the laws Of the United
States, as they stand to-day, are just what The
slayeholdiag interest has chosen to make them.
III. Nor dOes any one hope or expect 10 change
them essentially, provided the Slave States see
fit 10 behave themselves. We know that there viii
be on anti-Republican majority in the next
House, as there has uniformly been in the Senate
anu VIII Dt HfIthiltI III bAAVu IN aii'h'- W
stand. The Republicans have never yet had
power to pass an act OF Congress, and are not
likely 10 pass one unless through the secession Of
Slave States. II is morally certain that, il Sc
cession be repudsted, the Slave States can pre-
vent any legislation adverse to thoir supposed 10.
terests. at least for some years te come.
III. The Federal Judiciary is also fixed in the
;rko-o.t &c Claynry Tho Sunr,me Ranch u al.
most entirely Pro.Slavery, and would inevitably
remain SO throughout Mr.. Lincolns term. Seces-
sion, should it succeed In forcing the Southern
judges to resign, may give rs a preponderance
on that Bench; otherwise, we musa defer TO
Slayehol1ing jurisprudence for an indefinite
period. All the real or imaginary danger TO
Slavery from this quarter is therefore the pro.
duct of rebellion.
w. The Republicans have elected President
and Vice-President, who will be constrained 70
execute such laws as Congress has enacted or
may enact, as construed and spilled ly the afore.
said Supreme Court. So much we have won,
and that is all; for whatever we may gain be-
yond these points, we shall be indebted 70 seCc'.
zion.
v. I II W luis tlHc, IL" t"ity, H"'Hb NNi'.S"
General Election, were ever required 70 surrender
their principles as condition precedent to their
taking and welding the power thus confded to
them by the People. To charge a party with
making professions only to ride thereon into
power with readiness to abandon or ignore
them thereafter, ha, hitherto been deemed the
gravest impeachment Of it's integrity and honesty;
never Ill now was such course commended as
patriotism.
vi. Those who urge us to abandon our prnci-
iies in order to secure the Federal Offices allege
that we may thereby win back the Seeding
States; but they say jig. ne contrary Of this
Not single State which has gone through tho
performance Of seeding has offered TO come back
if we would acquesce in the Extension Of Slave
~; on tho contrary JEFF. Dayiss and A. II.
Stephens recent maniiestoes expressly scout the
suggestion. They treat the Cotton Rebellion as
a legal and final procedure-one TO be On no ac-
count recanted. Reconstruction" is banshed
from their vocabulary; they have gone out of the
Union to stay, and will in no case be tempted
to return. We may choose between peace and
war; but We can do nothing that will reconcile
them 10 the Union. We have right TO presume
that they mean what they say.
VII. While we cannot coax them back, we
shsll, by>enteriug on tue path Of Compromise