The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-06-24

generals lay down their arms and submit the
questions at issue to the arbitration of the peo-
pie, or their representatives to the United
States Congress, or to convention OF
the people of all the States. BY adopt
ing this course they may save their necks
from the halter, and the country from the e6a-
sion of blooo. But If they will persist in settling
the question by the arbitrament Of the sword,
then they must perish by the sword. The In
tegrity Of the Union must be maintained at all
hazards. But General Scott, secure within his
intrencbments at Washington, as was the Duke
of Wellington within his famous lines of Torres
Vedras, will 1un no risk.
War Preparations In Cana da-English
and American Neutrality Contrasted,
1t will be seen, by the advicss received by
the ADglo-Saxon and Bremen, that England Is
about to pour large reinforcements Of troops
into Canada. The Great Eastern is to leave for
Quebec On the oath inst, and the Golden Fleece
on the 4th Of July, with several regiments and
munitions of war. This means something more
than neutrality. The force already in the
Provinces is sufficient for all merely preventive
intended, the Canadian government is perfectly
we'll able to maintain the police of the from.
tier. 1t is admitted in the London Herald that
the relations of the two countries are far from
being of an amicable character. England is pre-
pairing to avail herself of the opportunities of
interference which the fluctuations of the con-
test in this country may present.
"a Al, %1,c@x &oJ %our vSo bor ~
that critical period when che was threatened
with the loss of her North American colonies
Let those who would contrast the conduct of
| the two governments, under circumstances pre-
cisely analogous, read the brief narrative which
| we give in another column of the Canadian in
sur1ecion of 1888. In the origin of that revolt
there is much in which we might trace SINH.
lariy to the causes that led to the secession Of the
cotton States. There were in both cases serious
grievances; but they were founded to some OK.
tent on prejudices exasperated by political de-
magogues, and they were equally suscep.
tible of constitutional remedy. 1t is not our
purpose, however, to enter into a discussion Of
| has long since passed its Judgment upon it. The
! only present interest arising out of the strug-
gle dates from the point at which the friendly
| relations of this country with England were
placed in peril by the conduct of the Canadian
rebels and their sympathizers on this side of the
border.
From the moment when it became mani
fest that it was the object of indiscreet
persons here to create difficulties between the
two countries, the conduct of our government
was such as instantly to put an end to any
doubts as to its good faith that the course Of
the former might have inspired. The most
stringent measures were adopted to prevent
our people giving aid or countenance to the
Insurgents, and, in regard to the privateers they
had organized on the st. Lawrence end on the
lakes, it was distinctly intimated to them that
| we would acknowledge no right on the part Of
| an unrecognized Power to fit out armed vessels
| against nation with which we were at peace,
but would treat them as pirates and enemies to
| the community of nations.
1t should be recollected that we did all this,
having the most powerful inducements to pur-
sue contrary policy. Our political sym.
pathies were with the rebels and our CONNER
cial interests were also identical with theirs
one of the objects of the movement being the
establishment of free trade with the United
acknowledged by Lord Durham in his report,
there could be no doubt Of success.
| When the additional fact is taken into con-
sideration that there was strong party in the
British Parliament who viewed separation as
many of the Northern disunionists regarded
secession, tic abnegaion and disinterestedness
Of our government stand out in strong contrast
to that of English statesmen at toe present day,
| The language used in the House of Commons In
the discussions on this question has q singular
! apbositeness to the events nov trans.
| piriDg. Then, as now, It was argued that
] it would be impossible to subdue pro-
vinces in which more than four fifths of the in
the people of Canada ct the present moment
among the most loyal and attached subjects Of
| the British crown. Among the opinions offered
| in opposition to separation, that of Lord John
| Russell was not the least emphatic. He said
| that, however plausible the peaceful separa-
! ton of colony from parent State might
| appear in the abstract, it could only end in the
total destruction of social order and happiness"
| The London Tines, echohg this sentiment,
| declared that although the colonial value
of the Canadas was of but little Importance
the honor and integrity Of the State demand
! ed that there should be no separation"
If these opinions were correct in regard to
| dependencies which, 1t was commended, enjoyed
neither selfgovernment nora share Of imperial
representation, they apply with far more force
to the slave States, which, OF the time Of their
secession, acted with party in majorities in
both houses Of Congress. They are singuIarly
| at variance, it must be owned, with the doc
trines lately uttered by the same parties. So