Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-03-30
EXTRACT
IRON THE SPEECH OF
Hon. John J. Crittenden.
Before the Legislature of Kentucky, Tues
dnn Nnrch 26fh 1861.

tAy, -AUfCft -cN<ef -O~N-
What is the policy for the General Govern
ment to pursue? Now, Mr.. President, with
out undertaking to say what the exact policy
under circumstances so singular as the present
hour presents US With will only undertake
TO saw that they ought not to pursue course
of forcible coercion. Not the policy of coer-
cion. saw. Our object and desire is to bring
them back into terms of former Union and
fellowship. That is the object of our private
affections, as well as that of our public policy.
To attempt by coercion-by arms-t0 force
them back into the Union at the point OF the
bayonet-to shed their blood-is no way to
win their affections. Let them go in peace
with their experiment This government is
not bound to patronize revolution against itself
therefore, 1 say, let its policy be the policy
of forbearance and of peace. Let them make
this experiment under all the advantages that
peace can give them. We all hope, for their
own good and their own welfare, that their ex-
pertinent will fail of success-.hat when the
increased expenses of government formed of
few States and the thousand Inconvenience
that attend its disruption from the great body
to which it belonged-lke tearing off an arm
from the human system-when they have come
to experience all the pains and inconveniences,
all the troubles and all the pests that attend,
and must inevitably attend this extraordinary
movement-they will begin to look back to the
great mansion of their tribe-the grand Union
of this great republic-they will wish to return
to their brethren, no longer to try these hazard
dous experiments of making governments sep
arate from this government. These are truly
hazardous experiments. think they will fail.
hope SO only because that will have the effect
of bringing them back into this Union. 1t will
have the desirable effect of restoring our lost
brethren to US. am, therefore, for the peace
ol,a flarf, ttu ofr yincr
the experiment Do not excite them by
or bloodshed. They have been sufficiently
misled by other causes. Add to those causes
the irritation that the sight of blood will ne
cessarily create, and we can have no possible
hope of reconciliation-them to US or we to
them.
Let US rather trust to peace. Let US trust
to their experience-thei inconvenience of their
errors. They will come back. We will invite
them back-not receive them as offenders or
as criminals; we will receive them as brethren
who have fallen into error-who have been
deluded; but who, discovering their errors,
| manfully returned to US, who magnanimously
| received them and rejoice over them. l want
| the General Government to pursue this policy
| of peace and forbearance. What shall the
| separate States do? Those slaveholding States
| still adhering to the Union ought to be more
| particularly forbearing.
But what shall old Kentucky do? Our af
| fections are all clustered upon her. Her peace,
her honor, her glory, her interest are ours.
Her character is ours, and proud heritage it
| is. love her with all my heart. am one
of the oldest of her children. 1 have been
one of the most favored of her children, and
with heartfelt gratitude do / acknowledge it
with all my hearts devotion do acknowledge
it / can never repay the obligations which
feel owe to her. What shall Kentucky do
our country-our magnanimous old State
what shall she do in this great crisis-this trial
of our nations faith? Shall We follow the Sc
cessionists-shall we join in the experimental
government of the South, or shall we adhere to
the tried government of the Union under
which we live-under which our fathers lived
and died? ] call upon you to bear witness, as
candid, truthful men-do you know. of any
wrong that the government has ever done you?
Can you name any instance of wrong suffered
on account of your connection with the great
Union of which you are part? Kentucky
herself came into existence under the Consti-
tution-and under the Union that she still
clinSs to. Under Its protection she has grown
from handful of pioneers and few hunters
to the noble State that she now is-in every
passage of her history maintaining her charac-
| ter for honor and fidelity-for devotion to
| truth, devotion to country-seeking at what
| ever distance, at whatever sacrifice, every bat
| tie field upon which the honor and the interest
| of her country were to be combatted for. That
| is old Kentucky. Fearing none-feeling her.
| self in influence and power irresistible in the
| right cause, irresistible in defence of herself,
she has gone on and prospered. Where is the
man of Kentucky that fears that anybody will
| come here to take away our rights from US.
| Our selfpossession and character is founded
upon this conscious ability to defend ourselves
that there is none so bold as to attack US,
| we being in the right, they in the wrong.
Now what, l ask again, is Kentucky to do?
This is the question upon which many of us,
| fellOw-citizens, differ in opinion / came not
| here to-day to reproach any one for his opin-
ion, ] came to argue the matter with my fell
low-citizeDs and to present my views of the
subject as one of the people of Kentucky. We
should counsel together on such occasions.
No man should be entirely given up to his
opinion in such matters. He should listen
| with respect to the arguments of all. 1t is the
good of the country that is at stake, and the
opinions of all should be heard and determined
upon calmly and dispassionately. If we differ,
it is only about the means of advancing the in
terests of that country.
What viii we gain by going off with this Sc
cession movement-this experimental govern
ment? Is it not hazardous experiment? Can
seven States well bear all the expense that
| must arise out of the maintenance of armies of
| navies, the expenses of a state of government
| like our own with like expenses? They must
have President. They will probably not give
him less salary than we give our President.
They must have Congress. They will not
give their Congressman less than we give ours.
They must have all the retinue, all the differ
ent departments of government and they will
not place them, ! think, at less cost than we
can. The army and the navy, the expense of
which our legislators frequently complain with
out being able to diminish, that they must
have also. How can these seven States defray
the expenses Is it our interest to Join this
experimental governmental give up the
grand heritage which we enjoy under the es-
| tablished Constitution made by the men most
venerated by us, under which we have lived
| government which has been thought through
out the world to be a masterpiece of human
| wisdom-shall we who have grown and -four
| ished under it and regarded it as the most
firmly established government in the world if its
| principles are properly respected-shall we quit
| that and go into the secession ranks, fall into
the footsteps of the revolutionary gov
eminent? 1t would not be wise I can see
nothing that we are to gain by it. What will
| Won gain? What is such a change to gain
| for any citizen? What evil is Kentucky to dis
burthen herself off What is the danger that
now threatens her? Does she escape it by this
revolution? Are these States any stronger by
going out of the Unione 1 see nothing that is
to be gained. see no remedy in dissolution
of the Union. The Union, on the contrary,
| seems TO me to be the shield and arm of our
defence. Kentucky retains in the Union all
her physical powers that she could possibly
have in the new Confederacy-all her means
of physical resistance are Just equal in the
Union to what they would be out of the Union
In addition to this. she possesses claims by
law and by the Constitution which all the
world sees, knows, can read and understand,
With these immunities and rights, with the
laws and the Constitution, does she not have
L additional nnxerS To the rahrsioal r,ou-a.. a..