The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-12-12

SO say the Jacobin philosophers of the New
York Tribune In yesterdays number Robes
pierre Greeley & Co. make the following
announcement -
This war is one Of IDEAS The idea Of slavery is ngh
ing against tho idea of freedom. the loyal States
there Is PARTY which refuses to adopt tho idea Of free
dom; but this party win be oyerborne by the rushing
current OF provjdenhl events Tho idea of freedom
predominant and shape the issues OF tho revolution
If this war be war of ideas, then let the
aboiitionists fight for their idea, and let all
others stand back. Why should those who do
not believe in the one idea of Greeley, CARR
son and their little clique take up arms to pro-
pagate it, particularly as the idea is at variance
with the whole theory of our constitution, and
with the principles and practice of the govern
ment for upwards Of eighty years? To wage
war for emancipation is to wage war against
the Union and the constitution, and is as much
treason as war for secession. 1t would be equal
ly iustiliable to inaugurate religious war in the
Union-awar, for instance, to extirpate 'popery
and prelacy," and to establish national Protes-
tant church Of the Puritan sect of Beccher and
Cheever, the prohibition in the constitution to
the contrary notwithstanding; for is not the
constitution Gan agreement with death and a
covenant with hellg' Happily, written con-
stitution cuts off all chance Of anarchists or fire.
brand zealots from converting war for ''the
integrity of the Union" into war of fanaticism
political or religious. If it is legitimate to
wage war against negro slavery, protected as
it is by the constitution, it would be equally
just for 'the men of no property to wage war
81 oil ind If md aka
equal division Of the spoils, according to the
Fourierite agraran ideas Of the Tribune philo-
sophers, who hold that "all property is rob-
berry, This would be equally war of social
ideas; and if they should be successful in the
abolition crusade who can tell what
other war Of ideas they may set on
foot. 1t is only by first acknowledging
the independence Of the Southern States that
the North could legitimately wage against them
a war Of emancipation. But we do not war
against them as foreign nation, but as insur
gents and we must therefore deal with them
and with the loyal citizens of the South accord
ing to the bond At the time Of the formation
Of the Union the North took the South "for
better, for worse, till death us do part" know
ing that slavery was one Of its institutions, and
guaranteeing its security forever. II is now too
late in the day to discover that negro slavery is
sin, crime, "the sum Of all villanies." A
war upon such an issue would be q war not for
the constitution and the Union, but against them.
If the war be not for these it is criminal war,
like that which the iineal ancestors Of the pre-
sent abolition Puritans once waged in England
for the shape Of the coat and The cut Of the hair.
AS for the threat Of "overbearing" the con-
sentative elements Of the North, who believe
in the Union and the constitution, and Of fore
ing them, as if by "a rushing current" into
revolution by which a government our fathers
knew not will be constructed out Of the ruins
of the old, this, no doubt, is the audacious
calculation Of the traitors at the North. Blu,
there is wide difference between plotting the
overthrow of a government and carrying the
scheme into successful execution. IF old honest
Abe Lincoln will only now draw the fangs OF
the disunion abolition snake at the North, as he
did the teeth Of the secession viper among us
ne will save himself and the country much
trouble and danger hereafter, and the moral et-
feet at the South, as well as at the North would
be greater in favor Of the Union than the cap
ture Of Richmond, Charleston and Savannah.