Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1861-01-23

!; ty OF saving the Union belongs to the peo
a plh, and they are abundantly cumpetent II
}, discharge-it. ,- 30 f.--.-fr7 r-es
] L propose. therefore. with great defer
ence. to address myself to the country upor
the mOmentuous subject, asking hearing
not less from the people within what ar,
called the seeding. than from those WHIT
reside within the adhering States. ---
Union is an old. fixed. settled habit o
the American people. resulting from cenvic
2 tions of its necessity. and therefore no
likely te be hastily discarded. The early
2 States while existing as colonies. vert
= combined, though imperfectly. though ;
common allegiance to the British Crown
When that allegiance ceased, no one wa.
/ 50 presumptuous as to suppose political ex
Z isten:e compatiblcwith disuhion; and, there
fore, on the same day that they declared
themselves independent, they proclaimed
themselves also confederated States. Ex
perience in VIZ and in peace, from l776
until l7S7, only convinced them of the
q necessity of converting that loose Confed
eracy into a more perfect and perpetual
Union. They acted with eoolness very
differen. from the Incorporate conduct O.
those who now on one side threaten, and
these who on the other rashly defy disunion
They consider the continuance of the Union
as subject comprehending nothing les:
than the safety and welfare of all the parts
, of which the country was compased, and
the fate of an empire in many respects
the most interesting in the world. | enter
upon the subject of continuing the UniOr
now, deeply impressed with thesame gener-
Gus and loyal conviction. How could il
be otherwise, whe.i, instead of only thirteen,
the country is now composed of thirty
three parts. and the empire embraces, in
stead of only four millions, no less thar
thirty millions of inhabitants. -.a
The founders of the Constitution more.
over regarded the Union as no mere nation
al or American interest On the contrary
they confessed with deep sensibility that
it seemed to them to have been reserv-
ed for the people of this country to decide
whether societies Of men are really capable
of establishing good government upon re-
fectiOn and choice, or whether they are
forever destined to depend for their politi-
cal constitutions on accident and force.
They feared, therefore, that their failure to
cOntidue and perfect the Union would be
a misfortune to the nations. How much
more, sir, wonld its overthrow now be a
calamity tomankind f----, s.-
Some form of government is indispensi-
bic here as elsewhere Whatever form we
hasesz-every- individual citizen and every
State must cede to it some natural rights,
to invest the Government with the requi-
site power. The simple question, therefore,
for us now to decide, while laying aside
all pique, passion and prejudice is: wheth-
er it cOnduees more to the interests of the
people of this country to remain FIR the
general purpose of peace and war, COM
merce inland and foreign, postal communi-
cations at home abroad. the care and dis
position of the public domain, colonization
the organization and admission of new
States, and, generally. the enlargement f
empire, one nation under our present Con-
stitution, than It would be to divide them
selves into separate Confederacies or States.
Our country remains now as it was in
not of detached and
distant territories but of one whole we'll
region lying within the temper
ate zone with climates and soil hardly
more various than these of France or of
Italy. This slight diversity quickens and
lmplifies manufactures and commerce.
Dur rivers and valleys. as improved by art I
furnish us system of highways unequalcd
in the world. The different forms of labor
t slavery were not perverted to purposes
If political ambition need not constitute /
IN element of strife in the Confederacy.
Notwithstanding recent vehement express
,ions and manifestations of intolerance in
;ome quarters, produced by intense parti-
,an excitement, we are, in fact homo
yeneous people. chiefly of one stock. with
well dssimilated We have,
practically. only one language, ono religion,
me system of Government, and manners
md customs common to all Why, then.
hall we not remain henceforth as hitherto,
me people? +
The first object of every human society
S safety or security. for which, if need be-
hey viii and must, sacrifice every other
his security is of two kinds; one, exemp-
ion from foreign aggression and influence; !
he other, exemption from domestic tyranny
nd sedition. Il
Foreign wars come from either violation
treaties or domestic violence. The Union
as, thus far. proved itself an almost per-
,ct shield against such wars. The United $
tates. continually enlarging their diploma
&c acquaintance, have now treaties with
rance, the Netherlands, Great Britain,
yeden, Prussia. Spain, Russia. Denmark, I,
Iexico, Brazil, Austria, Turkey, Chill,
lam. Muscat. Venezuela, Peru, Greece,
ardina, Ecuador. Hanover, Portugal, New
Iranada, Hesse Cassel, Wurtemburg, Chi ,.
a. Bavaria. Saxony. Nassau, Switzerland, !
Iecklenburg. Schwerin, Guatemala. the
Hawaiian Islands, San Salvador, BOrneo, :
osta Rica, Peru, Bremen, the Argentine i
OnleueTdllOl, LOU ShOos U SHohS Ii uuS- IL.
ick, Persia. Baden, Belgium, and 9aragu- =
'. Nevertheless. the United States, with
their entire existence under the Federal e.
constitution, have had fragrant wars with a
nly four States, two of which were insig- 81
ifcaut Powers, on the coast of Barbary; II
I'd have had dircte hostilities. amounting P
reprisals, agains only two or three more; s.
nd are now at peace with the whole world q, a
the Union should be divided into only l
70 Ccufederacies, each of them would {;
ed to make as many treaties as we now C
I'VE; and, of course, would be liable To- o
We as many causes of war as We do now. u
ut We know, from the sad experience of Al
her nations that disintegratiOn once be- y
IN. inevitably continues until even the C
'eatest empire crumbles into many parts. ol
ach Confederation that shall ultimately L
Sc out of the Uuion, will have necessity for u