New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-02-08
RUXyNG OFF HEnELLEON.

/ words upon the subject. There IL not the slight
est objection to arguing and re-arguing it to the
hearts content Of everybody.
Tire case is q simple one. The SlsyeholdDg
| States are in full revolution, and demand that
ve should bur them OF from their revolt. The
price they ask is rather vaguely stated perhaps
though not very. live do not yet know no" nucn
they viii exact we at least know how Mite VIII
answer their purpose. We know what 100
some weIl.meaning persons say they are WILING
| 10 give them. For instance, that mfuehtiai
new Spaper, The Albany Er'aiHg Journal ni'hei'"
cassed as Republican, offers the Crttendt Com
promise, and would possibly even 90 Iuf'ner 'HaN
that If Il were practicable. Mr. Charles FRANCIS
| Adam, tells ma that he is ready to grant con-
.ti,n.ional amendment iorblddIDg emancipation IN
INV State until that State asks for IT. lie mas
/ further offered TO quiet the Territorial question
bv admitting all the country south OF ~ ~ as
a State. with or without Slavery. The Commit
! foo of which Mr.. Corwin is Chairman, in behalf
of himself and some other Republicans, propose
substantially the same thing with some additions
calculated 10 restrict the Freedom of the Press.
These are the easy lessons in compromising,
adapted to beginners, which are proposed on our
side. The Republicans, as general thing, have
offered nothing beyond these propositions III Con-
gress.
Now, will they dol Do Republican cOmPro-
mi,ers think they viii do Mr.. Adams answers
for himself, in his minority report that he has
NOT the slightest evidence that they viii. very
few hopeful people on one side and the other
doubtingly think perhaps they may. But how ia
il with the hard, practical scnae of capable men
generality They know they Will not do, and say
thew will not, and that il is idle and Preposter-
Gus to suppose they viii. So says Humphrey
Marshall of Kentucky on one eide Of the line; 70
saws Thomas Ewing Of Ohio on tho other. WHAT
then must you give
Let the Union men Of Virginia who have just
carried that State against The Secessionists ans
yer, They demand as the least that VIII con-
tent them: the recognition and protection o.
slave property; its right Of transit through the
Free States; and the establishment and protec-
tien Of Slavery in all the territory south Of 80
30, whether tho people want 1t or not. The
Secessioulsts proper, headed by Messrs. Mason
and Hunter, demand good deal more. What
that more ia is set forth, or Unlimited, in Mr.
Hunters recent speech In the Senate. The price,
then, which must be paid to stop the revolt IS
price which the Douglas Democracy have hith-
erto, in hsrd.fOught party contests Refused to
pay; it is q price which the Republican party
wac expressly established TO prevent being paid
And. apart from Mr.. Thurlow Weed, We do not
know Of any prominent Republican who i, now
willing 10 pay it.
We need not stop to ask whether re vii now
make the lower offers we have referred TO- be-.
cause we know they viii not BE- accepted
Whether We might consent to make them under
any circumstances, viii receive ct least partial
answer in ths reply TO the question; Shall We
give what is demanded o. the lowest figure Of
the shareholders
Now let US see. What DO We compromi'e
FORT What do we gain BY compromising We
retain portion Of the Slave States in the Union;
perhaps we retain them all. We preserve an
undivided nationality before the world, by sue
cumbing before the world TO the dictation Of the
Shareholders. We nominslly preserve the Union.
This is what we gain by compromising.
But what DO we lose by il The answer is
plain, clear, and comprehensive. II We compro-
mise we have neither Government, nor a Union,
nor Republican party. The Government will
have been demorsred by having been defed,
insulted, and Inundated With impunty. Its flag
has been fred upon, it's revenue vessels seized,
the contents of ts arsenals appropriated its fcri
cations captured, lie coin robbed, its Custom.
Houses, Mints, Post-0fices, ard other public
buildings cleared Of their lawful occupants, and
taken by revolutionary mObs. For the Govern.
ment b. Weld 70 these oHtrages without Furnishing
on offender, without striking blow IN defense
Of its authority or its honor, is TO abdicate its
functions and voluntarily submit 70 disgrace. To
adopt a line Of public policy with a view Of
avoiding, the duty Of acton in such an emergency
!. 10 show 20 the world that We have no Gov
ernment deserving anybOdys respect or conf
derce II il 20 demmalize, humlliate, .aba'e, and
destroy all public authority. 1t is TIE resource
/ and suggestion If c0wardiCe Alone showing, by
its recommendations, It's total uniisness Tor rule.
! A Government. that refuses even TO struggle for
! the preservation Of its legitimate authority,
| but ipsleriously compounds with those who defy
! 10, and tramps upon it, deserves only the con-
! tempt Of unbkiud. But, for a Constitutional
Government. based on the will Of the people,
! whose administrators are but their servants, to
act thus is ~ encourage insubordnatlon, stmu-
late rebellion, and let loose The widest anarchy.
But what is that Union worth which is pre-
served BY the sscriico demanded by The Slave
slatcsl Yield, and you may restcre II. Bnt
what /. il when restorcd' A mere rope of