The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1861-03-08

no other terms was it possible to unite these
several independent Commonweaths in com
mon Confederacy. 1t lay in the very nature
Of the case, that the Constitution in these cir
cumslances should know no North and no South,
no-slayehodng and no non-slaveholding States
that It should be perfectly neutral and Indlff-
erent to these distinctions, extending over them
simply the shield os its common protection.-
Bnt the complaint of the South now is, that the
original spirit of the Constitution in this view
Is no longer practically regarded on the part of
the North, but that on the contrary a system of
thinking has organized itself here, and gradual
~ gained the ascendancy, which holds slavery
to be simply tolerated by tine Constitution,
while it pretends to make it at the same time
party against the fair political equality OF the
Southern States, and an organ for undermining
secretly the very pillars OF their peculiar social
system. Such Is heir complaint aud we must
shut our eyes TO the truth not to see that the
complaint is only too well supported by facts
In the circumstances, who will say that We
ought not TO own the reasonableness an d pro-
prIety Of the call which is made upon us TO
settle the difficulties which have now beset Us in
the way of concession and compromise = or that
We should hesitate for a moment to do this on
the basis which is profFered TO Us for this pur-
pose, by Virginia ard her associate border
States 1t should bp no objection to such an
arrang pment, that it calls for some new adjust
men? ot the Constitution. That does not m-
Tiy any change in the spirit Of the Constitution
II IS merely The way in which suitable form
and expression is BE- given to this spirit, in or
der 10 InSure its preservation more truly than
before
This, it seems to me, is the only course Of Wis
dom ia the case ofthose first alternatives, COM
promise or division. Let there be by all means
compromise, sincere, tnll, and fairly satistac-
tory to the States which stlIl adhere to the
Union IA the South. But suppose THIS refused,
and the nation unhappily driven to the ex-
! tremity OF DIVISION, ve are then at once con-
trontpd with another issue Shall the Sepera-
tl0n be peaceful, with mutual consent aud com
mon settlement of terms, or shall it proceed
through violence and blood, ~ the way of al
tempted coercion and consequent civil war ?
In the name OF all that is sacred in humaoity
and religion, leG Us not hesitate about the an
fs9gf with which this most solemn question is
| taebe met. II ne will not consent to respect
heaconstltoiioEal rights and reasonable de-
/ .nanSSAoi our brethren IN tie South-if we shut
e+VftA suf4&y n0NESSlLl Cl a 2titfdi SrGdf dtIuI
l8con u assthe penalty and price OF refusing
% sarreadeT basely what they conceived II
fss their proper, asesss % Tnidk 81 Cofn lgfiina
'heni 10 TeTnaTn with US still, ia spite Of thelI
purpose and wish.
On this subject it is ofthe utmost Importance
that the mind II the people generally, and above
all n1w that the mind OF the people of Penn
syIvanla, should be distinctly determined. and
! proclaimed abroad as It were on the four winds
! oi heaven, before the time shall have come for
! theory 10 pass into actual work and deed -
I Er hear 1t said at times, that we must maintain
! the attitude Of uhbending 2 authority and now
( T., IN order to open the way Tor peaceful ne
. goila'on, that absolute submission to the exIs-
/ tlng government mast be insisted upon as a
| sIne gun non Of all settlement OF our present
! d'ihculirs and that 10 give up openly before
I hand the idea Of enforcing such submission. If
! need be, IN the way ofoutward power, is 10 fact
but to encourage the spirit OF secession and
treason. All tins might sound well enough for
| Ordinary circumstances and times. But when
VIII men Learn TO make tull earnest with the
lact, that We are IN altogether extraordinary
times, IN the thfoeS, in truth, OF great politi-
cal revolution, winch must end IN the dissolu-
ton orFtn the separation and new birth of orr
hatoua existence itself, and It can be no better.
therefore, than political pedantry to think of
gong through with ii by ordinary maxims and
roles. Let US, IN the name of common sense,
be done with speculations and distractions here.
and set ourselves to deal with facts in .beIr own
character of facts. Let US not be children in
this Tremendous drama of real lite, but let us
act as reasonable and full grown men. Does
a n hr1 II.
iorce, under any circumstances, in this contrn-
VeFsy wlth the South, can ever bring back any
part OF II to ITS true place again IN the Union
or that the talk OF coercion can ever carry with
1t the least weight there IN favor of reconcilla
ton and peace And in The event especially
OF general secession embracing all the slave
holding States, the event OF which as an imn,-
nent possibility am now speaking, must not |
every Imagination of this sort become still /
more, | might almost say, infinitely insane g.
Can any threat of coercion operate with the
weight OF feather, 10 prevent such States
as Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri and \
Tennessee, from throwing themselves into the {
arms OF the new Confederacy, il such course
seem necessary to MAINTAIN their rights Nav,
II IS TINS very threat, or rather the backward
ness which is shown TO disown it, the studied
reserve with which 1t seems to be held as sort
II rod behind the back, to be used hereafter as |
occasion may require, instead OF being flung a.
way at once as 1t should be-this it is. 7 saw
As much almost as anything else Just now,
which goes to iTrtate and inhame the mind oCI
hese States, and 10 make it difficult to bring our
regulations with them to an amicable and
peaceful result.
"fhe Constitution" says Andrew jackson.
'cannOt be maintained, nor the Union pre-
erVed, IN opposition TO the public feeling, by
he mere exertion Of the coerciye powers con-
lded 10 the General Government Tba ,o,,