Smyrna times. [volume] (Smyrna, Del.) 1854-1987, 1861-09-12
The War and Slavery.

The proclamation of Gen. Fremont, though
the first appeal TO the law dissolvug, in case
OF treason, the tie between master and slave,
only states the inevitable results Of the rebel
war, no matter what legal provisions Congress
may have made. Inter GrmG silent LegeS.-
Slavery is founded upon forne, and the moment
this Is removed the subject is, for the time,
tree. return of pea ce may leave local laws
unchanged, which may lie the master TO
recover bis slave within the domain Of such
laws. But in the total dslocation and disrup-
ton OF society, invaded and overrun by con-
quering host. vast number of owners will for
ever disappear, leaving no claimant for the tenn
porarily enfranchised slave. Others will be
too weak to enforce their legal rights. Slaves
will be scattered that indenlifcation will often
become impossible, so that the previous condi-
ton OF society can never be restored. Every
where will be visible the effect of the war in
those that have fed, us well as in the freed that
remain behind, in working partial eXtinguish-
ment and fatal blow TO the system. The les
son taught will never be forgotten. The slave,
to be valuable. must be machine in which the
thought of freedom or change of condition must
never enter No spectacle must be allowed TO
awaken a sentiment which is universal in the
human heart. If it does, and takes firm hold,
the system disappears, because it is no longer
worth the maintenance.
Such a spectacle the South not only invites
and Displays but il is throwing away the pow
er to resist it's effects. Wherever the armies
OF the Government march, the master is too
much engrossed in his own safety to look after
anything else. But it is not the temporary
suspension OF his power that he has most to fear.
The moment a territory is reHched where the
slave population greatly predominates. the
slave will not only assert his own liberty, but
will turn upon his master. This is history
without exception or qualification. The war,
# prosecuted, necessarily involves the destruc-
ton OF the institution, whether we will it or
not. We could not march an Army if we would
through South Carolina and Mississippi, and
not infIct a fatal blow upon it. The result
alike transcends our power and that OF the reb
els The moment hostilities were commenced
causes were set at work. the consequences Of
which neither party could thereafter control.
Such are the convictions at the South of all
minds not demented by the doctrines and fam
cies efthe EXTREMIST school, With prophetic
instinct they proclaimed that secession and war
were Abolition in its most dreaded forms
They were powerless to resist the frenzy, and
submissively cast their lot with those Of their
neighbors. There are hosts Of such men al
the South, who see in the approach ola North
ern army both their salvation and their ruin.
Their only hope is in peace which shall siay
the onward tide. There is no doubt that Gen.
Fremonts proclamation will move them more
deeply than any event that has taken place
during The war. 1t arrests profound attention
IN Kentucky, and will produce decided action
IN that State, in favor, we have no doubt, Of the
Government. The proclamation may be con.
demned. but its results, which are only the no.
/ zE
things to be avoided. The feeling, we believe,
will spread with electric speed. Recent event.
an1 the rapidly accumulating power of the
North cannot long leave the contest doubtful
even to Southern minds, and when they see
that with or without law, Gen. Fremont's pro-
clamation, with a continuance OF hos.iities
must be realized, they will have an incentive
to peace, never before acknowledged or even
felL-N. Y. Times.