The national Republican., 1861-01-14
GOVERNOR Stewards SPEECH.

-~N--'
was too much the topic Of conversation yester.
day, upon the principle that the Sabbath does
not exist in revolutionary times.
The general tone of the speech was concilia.
tory, and the effect Of IL upon the numerous per.
sons here from Virginia and Maryland has been
so unmistakably good, that it may be safely pre-.
sumed as u both of those States, and especially
as 20 Maryland, that they will accept ii as the
basis of accord.
The greater portion Of Governor Stewards
speech, which our limits preclude us from pub.
fishing, is devoted to a statement of the reasons
sarily old and familiar, but all made new and
striking, by the rhetorical skill Of the speaker.
This part of the speech, read as it will be by
every reading man, woman, and child, through.
out the broad country, will everywhere rekindle
national sympathies, and SO tend to restore that
old American patriotism which has carried US
through so many difficulties, and which will yet
carry us through this greatest difficulty, which
is now upon US.
Upon practical measures, Governor Seward
expressed himself briefly, but very explicitly;
and to present his views in his own words, we
copy here that part Of his speech.
Gov. Seward said:
$50 far as the abstract question whether, by
the Constitution of the United States, the bond.
man, who is made such by the laws Of State,
is still man. or only property, answer that,
within that State, its laws on that subject are
supreme that when he has escaped from that
State into another, the Constitution regards
him as a bondman who may not, by any law or
regulation of that State, be discharged from his
SERVICE but shall be delivered up, on claim, to
the party to whom his service is due. While
prudence and justice would combine in per.
suading you to modify the acts of Congress on
that subject so as not to oblige private persons
to assist in their execution, and to protect free.
men from being, by abuse of the laws, carried
into slavery, agree that all laws Of the States,
whether free States or slave States, which re.
late to this class of persons, or any others re
Gently coming from or resident in other States,
and which laws contravene the Constitution of
the United States, or any law Of Congress
passed in conformity thereto, ought to be re-
pealed.
Secondly Experience in public affairs has
confirmed my opinion, that domestic slavery,
existing in any State, is wisely left by the Con
stitu,ion of the United States exclusively to
the care, management and disposition Of that
State; and if it were in my power, would not
alter the Constitution in that respect. If mis-.
apprehension of my position needs so strong
remedy, am willing to vote for an amend
ment OF the Constitution, declaring that it shall
not by any future amendment be 30 altered az
to confer on Congress power to abolish or in.
tertere with slavery in any State.
Thirdly. While think that Congress has
exclusive and sovereign authority to legislate
on all subjects whatever, in the common terri.
tories OF the United States; and while | GER
tainly shall never, directly or indirectly, give
my vote to establish or sanction slavery in such
territories, or anywhere else in the world, yet
the question, what constitutional laws shall at
any time be passed in regard to the territories,
on practical grounds. l voted for enabling
acts in the cases of Oregon, Minnesota, and
Kansas, without being able to secure in them
such provisions as would have preferred and
yet voted wisely. So now l am well satisfied
that, under existing circumstances q happy
and satisfactory solution Of the difficulties in
the remaining territories would be obtained by
similar laws, providing for their organization,
if such organization were otherwise practicable.
If, therefore, Kansas were admitted as State,
under the Wyandotte Constitution, as think
she ought to be, and if the organic laws Of all
the other territories could be repealed, could
vote to authorize the organization and admis-
sion Of two new States which should include
them, reserving the right to effect subdivisions
Of them whenever necessary, into several con-
venient States; but / do not find that such
reservations could be constitutionally made.
Without them, the ulterior embarrassments
J which would result from the hasty incorpora.
ton of States of such vast extent and various
interests and character would outweigh all the
immediate advantages Of such a measure. But
if the measure were practicable, l should prefer
different COURSE namely: when the eccentric
movements OF secession and disunion shall have
ended, in whatever form that end may come,
and the angry exctements of the hour shall
have subsded, and calmness once more shall
have resumed its accustomed sway over the
public mind, then, and not until then-one,
two, or three years hence-I should cheerfuly
advise a Convention of the people, to be as
sembled in pursuance of the Constitution, to
consider and decide whether any and what
amendments of the organic national law ought
to be made. A Republican nOw-as have
|, heretofore been a member of other parties ex.
isting in my day. nevertheless hold and
cherish, as / have always done, the principle
that this Government exists in its present form
only by the consent Of the governed, and that
it is as necessary as it is wise to resort to the
people for revisions Of the organic law, when
the troubles and dangers of the State certainly
transcend the powers delegated by it to the
public authorities. Nor ought the suggestion
to excite surprise. Government in any form
, is machine this is the most complex one that
, the mind of man has ever invented, or the hand
of man has ever framed. Perfect as it is,
+ it ought to be expected that it will, at least as
, often as once in a century, require some modi.
, fcatou to adapt it to the changes Of society
and alterations of empire.
"Fourthly. hold myself ready now, as always
! heretofore, to vote for any properly. y.guarded
laws which shall be deemed necessary to pre-
vent mutual invasions of States by citizens Of