The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1861-03-29

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On Tuesday the 18th, Judge DOUGLAS
addressed the Senate, in a speech of two
hours duration, in support Of the resolution
he had previously offered, calling upon the
Administration to define its policy toward
the seeding States. The telegraph gave
US q brief abstract Of his remarks, but in
the New York papers we find more
lengthy report, which we copy:
Mr.. Douglas said it was important to the
peace ofathe country that the resolution
should be answered, as in both sections the
Inaugural is construed as indicative of a
war policy. If the apprehension is allowed
into the conviction that the Administra~
tion mediate war policy, to reduce the
seeding States by military force, he feared
we would have the issue precipitated upon
us in shorter time than we imagine. He
did not believe the policy is war. This con-
struction is disputed on the Democratic
side, while the Republicans remain mute,
silent, neither asserting nor dissenting rom
his Interpretation. In this state of the case
for the purpose of quieting the apprehension
of the country that the Administration does
not mediate war, and secondly, that be has
no means Of prosecuting war, even if Mr..
Lincoln desired to do so, he (Douglas)had
brought in his resolution for the purpose
of obtaining information important t6 be
known. An attempt was made to prevent
its consideration. 1t was suggested that
discussion, if not improper, would be ioju-
rious. But what bad effects could result if
it was necessary to have the information de-
sired? If the policy of the administration
be peace, it will relieve existing apprehen
sions, restore confidence, and cause rejoicing
throughout the length and breadth OF the
land, if, on the contrary, the policy be var,
it is due to the people of the country that
the fact should be known. He repeated
that Mr.. Lincoln does not mediate war.
Certain he was that, under existing laws,
the President cannot, consistently with bis
oath, do any thing to produce collision
between the seeding States and the Fed
eral government. In the first place, hehas
no power, under the existing laws to col
lect the revenue on shipboard, as suggested
by partisan newspapers. The law stands
just as it did when jackson called on Con-
gress for additional Legislation to collect the
revenues at the port of Charleston. He
had no power to order a collection any
where else than those places designated by
law. Congress passed law we'll known to
tie country on the Force bill. 1t was
passed in March, 1888, and expired at
the end of the next session, by ex-
press limitation. What was and is true as
to Charleston, is true as to all the other
ports of the seeded States. There was,
therefore, no danger of collision, unless, as
Senators suppose, the President is going to
violate the laws and do that which is for
hidden. With regard to blockading, there
was no more authority to blockade New
Orleans, Charleston, or any other of the
ports in the seeding States, than New
York or Chicago. They had been told the
President was going to enforce the laws in
the seeded States. How? By calling
out the militia and the Army and Navy !?
But the President could not employ them
without the authority of law. These and
the preceding points MIR. Douglas proceed
ed to argue. What cause was there for the
apprehension that the President is going to
pursuea war policy unless he shall call Con
gress together for that purpose? He took
it for granted the means for making war, or
to collect the revenue, or retake and possess
the forts, or enforce the laws within the Sc
ceding States, will not be conferred by Con-
gress. He came to this conclusion from the
fact that the Presidents political friends
had the power to cothe him with those
means for the last six weeks, and they de-
clined doing so.
Mr.Fessenden inquired was there single
day during the last Congress when the Re-
publicans had majority.
the question in bis own way, and repeated
that the Republicans had the power to pass
such measures through both Houses. He
believed they had the majority in conse-
quence of the absence of Messrs. Pugh aud
Salisbury, and thetwo Senators from Texas
would not have voted against them. One
of them so stated. The House had the
power to pass force bill, but postponed it
from time to time till the President elect
reached here, and then put it to sleep at
once and never allowed it to breathe the
breath of life. The Senate found no diff
Guilty in passing law authorizing the Post
master General to suspend the mails when
INSTRUCTED in the seeding states. If it be
the policy of the administration to use the
war power to collect the revenue, blockade
the ports, and recapture the forts and exc
cute the laws in the seeding states, why
not say sos He (Douglas) had taken bis
position as Union man and friend of peace;
and if he had given wrong Interpretation
to the inaugural, why not let US have the
Presidents answer? Why were the Re-
publicans thus sensitive if be did not give a
correct Interpretation OF the inaugural? No
Senator had ventured to deny bis interpre-
tatiOn. No one had ventured to say the
Presidents policy was not peace. He ven
tured to say that no one was authorized to
contradict him on these points. Why did
the Republicans remain SILENT Business
is partially suspended; commerce destroy
ed; bankruptcy staring us in the face. One
word from the White House would save
many from ruin. One word from the White
House would gladd IN every part OF the land.