Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-10-29

never too late to begin. and might accept with little
sTuple say policy tending to the extrpation of this
infamous institution.
That in fact win probably be the feeling on which
the policy is based, if it is adopted at ALL The
Unionsts will hold that while the country is con,
vulsed and the whole fabric Of Government disor-
ganized, the opportunity might well be taken TO
Iexpei this noxious and ever threatening element
from the heart Of the nation. They win desiEe, at
any rate to establish the doctrine of free soil and IN
remove the blemish of slavery from the American
Union, whatever form that Union may take The
public too, IL this country, would reocs to see an
end Of slayeholding and 50 far the North might
gam. IL is impossible, however, to blink he fact
that the adoption of this doctrine would make any
pacific agreement with the South utterly imoracti-
cable. would divide the great body of Unionists
among themselves, and might deplOrably aggravate
IN all probability, the horrors of ths unfortunate
war.
| Even if we should sssume-vhich Womb ro. he
ecrrect-that the whole of the Republican partv
desired the abolition Of slavery thas party vyould
not represent onehalf Of the American people
perhaps not much more than one-half of the people
OF ths North. The Democratic party, which If it
had been everywhere united, could have carried
even the last Presidential election against Mr. Lin
con IS willing and anxious to concede to the slave
StAtes all the guarantees they cap demand for the
security OF their institutions, condition only of
their returning to the body Of the Union ANY
poNcy, therefore, which would extinguish this |
chance of reconciliation would be viewed by this /
numerous and influential party with unqualified /
hostility, and President Lincoln would fad himself
confronted in his prosecution Of the war by strong
constitutional opposition, that bis enemies would
be exasperated and his OwR supporters weakened
at one and the same moment. The South, after the
proclamation Of abolition, would fight with the
ferceness of despair. and il is but too probable
that seryile insurrectOn might be added to the
calamities of war. Who. indeed could expect that
the liberation Of three millions of slaves-a pro-
blem on which all but fanatics have ever looked with
something like bewiderment- could be solved
without terrible cOnyulsions in the heat OF inter-
necine conflict? The adoption of so extrems res /
oiution would indeed give the North a watch G
word universally inteliigibe and it would induce
very many to bid them God speed in the enterprise
IN which they were bound. Perhaps indeed. It 2
= ould have tie usual effect of all thorough going
e3olutous in lnvigorating the policy Of the Gov
'rnment; but il would certainly split the North it,
elt into two camps it would inspire the South with
edoubled animosity, and it would expose the slave
population to consequences which nobody can fore
ell Notwithstanding these obvious considerations.
'e are far from thinking that the ultimate adoption
the doctrine is impossible. It WILL doubtless be
rged strongly, and perhaps successfully, on the 4.
Government if the strife goes ; but although we :
re ready with our uncOmprCmising appreciation of :
ne principle itself, we hardly persuade our :
elves that its sudden enforcement in the midst of
Tar would be likely to produce any such teTmina- :
rogress universally desire.