Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-03-06
Lincola's Inaugural Address.


sident before he enters upon the execution OF
bis Office. de not consider it necessary at
present for me to discuss those matters of ad
ministration about which there is no especial
anxiety or excitement. The apprehension
seems to exist among the people of the
Southern States that by the accession OF
Republican administration their property
and their peace and personal security are TO
be endangered. There has never been any
reasonable cause for such apprehension in
deed. the most ample evidence to the con-
trary has all the while existed aud been open
to their inspection. 1t is found In nearly all
the published speeches of him who now adj
dresses you. l do but quote from one of
those speeches when declare that have no
purpose directly or indirectly to interfere
with the Institution of slavery in the States
where it exists. l believe have no lawful
right to do so, and have no inclination to
do so. Those who nominated and elected me
did so with the full knowledge that l had
made this and many similar declarations and
had never recanted them; and more than this,
they placed in the platform for my accept
ance, as law to themselves and to me, the
clear and emphatic resolution, which / now
read:
" Re.olced, That the maintenance inviolate
of the rights of the States. and especially the
right of each State to order and control its
own domestic institutions according to its
own Judgment exclusively, is essential to the
balance of power on which the perfection and
endurance of our political fabric depend, and
we denounce the lawless invasion by an arm
ed force OF the Government of any State or
Territory, no matter under what pretext, as
among the gravest of crimes"
now reiterate these sentiments, and in do
ing SO, only press upon the public attention
the most conclusive evidence of which the
case is susceptible, that the property, peace,
and security oil no section are to be in any
wise endangered by the now incoming ad-
ministration. l add, too, that all the protec-
ton which consistently with the Constitution
and the laws can be given, will be cheerfully
given to all the States when lawfully de-
manded for whatever cause, as cheerfully to
one section as to another. There is much
controversy about the delivering of fugitives
from service or labor. The clause now road
is as plainly written in the Constitution as
any other of its provisions "No person
held to service or labor in one State, under
the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall,
in consequence of any law or regulation
therein, be disc harged from such service or
labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim, to
the party to whom snch service or labor may
be due" 1t is scarcely questioned that this
provision was intended. by those who made
it, for the reclaiming of what we call fugi.
tive slaves, and the intention of the law
given is the law all members of Congress
swear their support tO-the whole Constitu-
tion-tO this provision as much as to any
other To the proposition, then, that
slaves, whose cases come within the terms of
this clause and shall be delivered up, their
oaths are unanimous. Now if they would
make the effort in good temper, could they
not with equal unanimity frame and pass a
L., If binln 20 thoS
unanimous oath. There is some difference of
opinion whether this clause should be en-
forced by National or State authority, but
surely that difference is not very material
one; If the slave is to be surrendered it can
be of but little consequence to him or to
others by which authority it is done, and
should any one in any case be content that
his oath shall be unkept in meraly unsub-
stantial controversy as to how it shall be
done? Again In any law upon this subject,
ought not all the safe guards of liberty
known in civilized and humane jurisprudence
be introduced, so that a freeman may not.
in any case, be surrendered as slave? And
might it not be we'll, at the same time, to
provide by law for the enforcement of that
clause in the Constitution which guarantees
that the citizens of each State shall be en-
titled to all the privileges and immunities of
citizans in the several Statesf L take the OIL
cial oath to day with no mental reservations,
and no purpose to cOnstrue the Constitution
and laws by any hypocritical rules, and while
do not choose now to specify particular acts
of Congress as proper to be enforced, do
suggest that it will be much safer for all in
official and private stations to conform to,
and abide by, all those acts which stand un-
repealed. than to violate any Of them, trust
ing to find impunity in having them hetd to
be unconstitutional.
1t ia seventy two years since the first in
auguration of a President under our national
Constitution; during that period, fifteen diff
ferent and greatly distinguished citizens have,
it succession, administered the Executive
branch of the Government; they have con-
Quoted it through many perils; and general
ly with great success. Yet with all this
scope for precedent, now enter upon the
same task for the brief constitutional term of
four years, under great and peculiar difficult
ty. The disruption of tho Federal Union,
heretofore only menaced, is now formidably
attempted. hold that in contemplation of
universal law and the Constitution the Union
of the States is perpetual. Perpetuity is i'm
piled if not expressed in the fundamental law
of all national governments. 1t is safe to as
sert that the government never had pro-
vision in its organic law for its own termi-
nation and if it continues to execute all the
ton the Union will endure forever, it being
impossible to destroy it except by some ac
ton not provided for in the instrument ITSELF
Again, if the United States be not Govern.
ment proper, but an association of Sta ties in
the nature of contract merely, can it as a
contract be peaceably unmade unless by all
the parties who made it? One party to q con-
tract may violate or break it, so to speak.
but does it not require all to lawfully rescind
it. Descending from these general principles
we fiud the proposition that in legal contem-
plation the Union is perpetual confirmed by
the history of the Union itself. The Union
is much older than the Constitution. 1t was
formed in fact by the Articles of Association
in IVA. 1t was matured and continued by
the Declaration of Independence in 1776. 1t
was further matured, on the faith of all the
then thirteen States. expressly plighted
and engaged, that it should be perpetual by
the articles of confederation in ITS; and
finally, in 1887, one of the declared objects
for ordaining and establishing the Constitu-
ton was to form a more perfect Union by
one or by part only Of the States. If it be
lawfully possible that the Union is less than
before the Constitution, having lost the vital
element of perpetuity, it follows, from these
views, that no State, upon its own mere mo-
ton, can lawfully get out of the Union; that
resolutions and ordinances to that effect are
legally void, aud that acts of violence within
any State or States against the authority of
the United States are insurrectionary or
revolutionary, according to circumstances.
l therefore consider that, in view of the con-
stitution and the laws, the Union is unbro-
ken; and to the extent of my ability shall
take care Gas the constitution itself enjoins
upon mel that the laws of the Unicu be
faithfully executed in all the States. Doing
this, 1 deem it to be only a simple duty on
my part, and 1 shall perform it, so far as
practicable, unless my rightful masters-the
American people-shall withhold the re-
quisitte means or in some authoritative man
ner direct the contrary. l trust this will not
be considered as a menace, bat only as de-
clared purpose of the Union that it will
constitutionally defend and maintain itself
il doing this. There need be no bloud
shed or violence, and there shall be none,
unless it be forced upon the national au-
n Il