The weekly Lancaster gazette. (Lancaster, Ohio) 1860-1863, 1861-01-24

HhhI boCoSSlOu ID iDeSdl OF unCOnBtlJut1On-
al. Persons bent On fearful step will not
stand long enough on forms of law to be
dislodged, and loyal men do not need such
narrow ground to stand upon.
fear that little more will be gained
from discussing the right of the Federal
Government to coerce seeding State it,
to obedience. II disunion is to 90 on,
this Question will give place to tho more
piactical one, whether many seeding
States have right to coerce the remain.
ing members to acquiesce in dissolu.
lion.
tMPRoBAbILITY OF PEACEFUL SECESSION AND
SUBSEQUENT RECONSTRUCTION.
dread, as in my innermost soul I alb.
hor, civil war, l do no. know what the
Union would be worth. if saved by the use
Of the sword; yet for all this. l do not a.
gree with those who, with desire to
avert the great calamity, advise conven.
'ional or uuopposed separation, with a
view to what they call a reconstruction -
1t is enough for me; first, that in this
plan, destruction goes before recoustruc.
tloh; and, secondly, that the strength OF
the vase in which the hopes Of the nation
are held, consists chiefly in its remaining
unbroken.
COMPROMISES OF NO AVAIL Now-coNGREs-
sioNAL COMPROMISES NOT LIKELY TO SAVE
THE UNION.
l Know. indeed, that tradition favors
this form Of remedy. but it is essential to
its success in any case that there be found
a prepondera,ing mass Of citizens SO far
neutral On. the issue which separate par.
ties, that they can intervene. strike down
clasbing weapons, and compel an accom-.
moda,ioH: Moderate concessions are not
customarily asked by force with guns in
their battery, nor are liberia! concessions
apt to be given BY an opposing force not
less confident Of lis own right and It's own
strength. think, also. that there is a
prevailing conviction tina, legislative com.
promises which sacrifice honestly cherish.
cd principles. while they anticipate future
exigetcies, even iflbey do not assume ex-
ira powers, are less sure to avert immi.
neut evils than they are certain to produce
ultimately even greater dangers.
Indeed, Mr.. President, | think it will
be wise to discard two prevalent ideas or
prejudices, namely: First, that the Union
is TO be saved by somebody in particular;
and secondly, that 1t is to be saved by
some cunning and insiucere compact of
paciicstion. If rem ember rightly, said
something like this here so long ago as
1850, and afterwards in 1854.
CHARACTER OF THE PRESENT CRISIS.
The present danger dlscloses itself in
this form: Discontinued citizens have OBJ.
tanned political power in certain States,
and they are using this authority 10 over
throw the Federal Government They de-
lude themselves with the belief that the
State power they have acquired enables
them to discharge themselves from allegi.
ahce 10 the whole Republic.
CONFLICTING vIRws.
The honorable Senator from Illinois
(Mr. Douglas) says we have a right to
coerce State but we cannot. The Pres,
ident says that no State has right TO Sc.
cede, but we have no constitutional power
10 make war against State. The dilemma
results from an assumption that those who,
in such a case. act against the Federal
Government. act lawfully as State, al
though manifestly they have perverted
the power Of the State to an uncopstitu-
tionsl purpose. A class Of politicians in
New England sci up this theory aud at.
tempted to practice upon it in our war
with Great Britain. Mr.. Jefferson did not
hesitate to say that States must be kept
within their constitutional sphere, by i'm.
pulsion if they could not be held there by
attraction. Secession was held to be in
admissib in the face of public enemy.
SECESSION coNsTITUTI0NALLY IMPOSSIBLE.
But If il is untenAblG in one case 1T Is
necessarily SO in all others. l fully ad-
nit the originality, the sovereignty and
independence of the several States within
their sphere; but hold the Federal Gov
ernrent to be equally original, sovereign
and independent within its sphere, and
the Government Of the State can no more
absolve the people residing in its limits
from allegiance to the Union, than the
Government Of the Union can absolye'
them from allegiance to the State.
The Constitution of the Uni'ed States,
and the laws made pursuant thereof. are
the supreme law of the land, paramount
10 all Legislation Of the States, whether
made under the Consultation or by even
their organic Conventions. The Union
cah DO dissolved, but only by the voIunta.
~ consent Of the people of the United
States, collected in the manner prescribed
by the Constitution of the United States.
DUTY OF CONGRESS.
Congress, in the present case, ought not
10 be impassive, it ought, if il can, redress
any real grievances Of the offended States.
and then it ought TO supply the President
with all The means necessary to maintain
the Union in the full exhibition and dis.
Greet exercise of lis authority.
THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE PEOPLE.
Beyond this, with the. proper activity
on She part of the Executive, the respon.
sihility Of saving the Onion Belongsto to the
people. anu they are abuudanty compc-
tent to discharge it. l propose, therefore,
with great diffdence. TO address myself to
the country upon The momentous subject;
asking hearing, not less from the people
within what are called the seeding. than