The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-01-14
THIRTY-SlXTH CONGRESS---SECOND SESSION
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SENATE.

penueu--hIr. L. CAMERUS moved that the rule
be so suspended THE VICE-PRESIDENT said
the consent thereto of the Senate must be unani-
mous.-Mr. TO0MBS objected, and the Sergeant
alarms proceeded to clear the floor of the Senate
Chamber of all but those entitled to its privileges
under the 48th rule of the Senate. Those unau.
thorized persons who had been excluded from the
floor stationed themselves in the passages and un-
der the same rule, the VICE-PRESIDE ENT ordered
the passages to be cleared, which was accordingly
done.--The journal was then read.-Ater some
private business Mr.. DOUGLAS presented reso-
LUTON relative to an appointment as an officer of
the Smithsonian Institute iu the place of the Hon.
Jas. a. Pearce which would be vacated on the Sd
of March, l86l.-Mr. DOOLlTTLE offered a
joint resolution to enable Capt. PauldiDg, of the
United States Navy, to accept of a vote of thanks,
sword of honor and grant OF land from the re.
public of Nicaragua. SEWARD addressed
the Senate as follows
Mr. Presideet-Congress adjourned last summer amid
auspices of national abundance contenment tranquility
and happiness 1t was reassembed this winter in the
presence OF arrangement of business and disturbance of
public well private credit and in face of sed
tious combinations to overthrow the Union The alarm
is appang for Union is not the body than liberty
is the soul of the nation The American citizen has been
accustomed to believe the Republic immortal. He
shrinks from the sight of conyulsions indicative
sudden death The report of our condition has gone
the seas, and we who have long and with much com
pacency studied the endless agations of society
Old World believe ourselves exempt from such disturb
ances, now in our turn to be falling into
tuous and disastrous revolution.
know how difficult it is to decide and so many and
SO various counsels what ought be and
be done Certainly however, it time for every sena
tor tor to & declare himself therefore following example of
noDle senator from tennessee Mr. Johnson),
my my aaierenGe to the unon in its integrity and with all
| Its parts, with my friends, wi.h nv party. with my
determine in every event. whether of peace of war;
with every consequence of honor dshonor, life
death Although lament the OCCASION hail with cheer
fulness the duty of lifting up my voice among distracted
Debates for my whole country and its nestimabe union
Hitherto the exhibitions of spirit and resolution here
elsewhere have been chiefly made the side of disunon
do not regret this. Disunon is unexpected un
natural that it must plainly reveal itself before its pres
ence be realized like best ALSO the courage that
rises slowly under the pressure of provocaton If
1t be Christian duty to forgive to the stranger
eny times offences, it is the highest patriotism to
endure without complaint the passionate aywsrdness of
political brethren SO long as there is hope that they may
| come to a better mind.
think tits easy to pronounce what measures
duct will not save the Union. agree with honorab
| Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Cngman that
euogiums will not save it, Yet think that as prayer
brings us nearer to God, though it Him
wards there healing saving virtue in every
word of devotion to the Union that is spoken and in
every sigh that its danger draws forth. know at least
that like virtue 1t derives strength from every rever
en act that is committed and basphemous
by mutual examinations concerning respective share
of responsibility for the present evils He whose consc
ence acquits him will naturally be slow accuse others
whose cooperation he needs History only adjust
| the great account.
continuance of the debate on the constitutional DOW
er of Congress over the subject of slavery in the Terrific
ries will the Union The opinions of parties and
sections on that question have become dogmatca and
is this circumstance that has produced the existing allie
nation. truce, at least during the debate Union
is essential to reconciliation The Union cannot be saved
by proving that secession is illegal
Persons bent that fearful step will long
enough forms of law to be disodged, and loyal
do not need such narrow ground to stand upon fear
that little will be gained from discussing the right
of the Federal Government to seeding States
| obedience. If disunion is to go on, this question will
give place to the more practical one whether many
ding States will have right to the remaining
| members to acquesce r a dissolution
dread, as in my nnermost soul abhor, civil war
do not know what the Union would be worth if saved
by the use of the sword Yet for all this do agree
with those who with desire to avert the great calamity
advise conventional or unopposed separation, with
view to what they call reconstruction 1t is enounh for
first that in this Dlan, destruction
strucon and secondly that the strength vase in
which the hopes of the nation held consists chiefly in
its remaining unbroken.
Congressional compromises likely to save the
i Union know indeed that tradition favors this form
of remedy But is essential its success any case
that there be found preponderatng of citizens
can intervene, strike down. cashing weapons, and com
l pei an accommodation Moderate concessions are not
customary asked by force with its guns in battery;
liberal concessions apt to be given by oppos
ing force not less confident of its right own
strength think ALSO that there is prevailing con-
vction that legislative compromises which sacrifice
honestly cherished principles while they anticipate
ture eXlgencies, even II they do not assume extra
evils than they are certain to produce ultimately
Indeed, Mr.. President, think it will be wise to dis
card two prevalent ideas prejudices, namely-First
secondly that it is to be by cunning and
insecure compact of pacifcaon If remember rightly
said something like this here SO long ago 1850, and
! afterwards in 1854.
The present danger discoses itself in this form Dis
contened citizens have obtained political power in
tain States and they using this authority to over
throw the Federal Government They deude themselves
with belief that the State power they have acquired en-
abcs them to discharge themselves of allegiance
| whole Republic.
The honorable Senator from Illinois (Mr Douglas, saws
we have right to coerce State but cannot. The
President says that State has right secede
have Constitutional power against State
The dilemma results from assumption who
in such case, against the Federal Government act
lawfully State, although maniestly they have per-
verted the power of the State to unconstitutional pur
pose. class of politicians in New England up this
theory and attempted to practice upon it in our war with
Britain Mr. jefferson did hesitate
States must be kept within their Constitutional sphere
tion. Secession then held to be admissible in the
face of public enemy.
But if it untenabe in one case it is necessarily so in
all Others fully admit the originality the sover-
eighty, and the independence of the States
within their sphere. But hold the Federal Government
be equally original sovereign and independent within
its sphere. And the Government of the State can no
more absove the people residing within its limits from
allegiance to the Union, than the Government the
| Union absolye them from allegiance the State.
The Constitution of the United States and the laws
in pursuance thereof the supreme law of the land
paramount to all legislation of the States whether
under the Constitution or by even their organic
tions. The Union be dissolved by secession with
without armed force but only by the voluntary
sent of the people of the United States collected the
States.
Congress, in the present case ought be impas-
sve 1t ought il it to redress any zeal grievances
of the offended States and then ought to supply the
President with all the means necessary to maintain the
Union in the full exhibition and discreet exercise
authority Beyond this, with the proper activity the
part of the Executive, the responsibility of saving
competent to discharge it.
propose, therefore, with great Difference to address
myself the country upon the subject ask
ing hearing, less from the people within what are
called the seeding than from those who reside within
adherng States.
Union is old, fixed settled habit of the American
people resulting from convictions of its necessity, and
therefore not likely to be hastily discarded The early
States while existing as colonies were combined though
impertecty, through common alegaace to the British
, Crown. When that allegiance ceased, go
presumptuous as to suppose political existence compat
BILE with disunon and therefore, the day that
y as they
and in peace, from l776 until 7S7 only convinced them
of the necessity of converting that loose Conederacy
, more perfect and perpetual Union
They acted with a GOODNESS very different from the in
temperate conduct of those who side threaten
and those who or the other rahy defy dsunion They
considered the continuance of the Union subject
pretending nothing less than the safety
all the parts of which the country composed and the
fate of an empire in respects the most interesting
IN the world enter upon the subject of continuing the
Union now, deeply impressed with the same generous
and loyal conviction. How could it be otherwise when
only thirteen the country is now composed of
thrythree parts and the empire embraces instead If
only four millions, no less than thirty millions of in
The founders of the Constitution regarded
the, Union national or American interest On
the contrary they confessed with deep sensblty that it
seemed to them to have been reserved for the people
this country to decide whether societies of really
capable of establishing good government upon reflection
and choice or whether they are forever destined to de-
pend for their political constitutions accident and force
They feared therefore, that their failure to continue and
perfect the Union would be misfortune to the nations
How much more SIR would its overthrow be calam-
ity mankind
Some form of government indispensable
where. Whatever form have every individual citi-
and every State must cede to natural rights
f to invest the Government with the requisite power The
simple question: therefore, for to decide, while
laying aside all pique passion and prejudice is whether
conduce to the interests Of the people of this
country to remain for the general purposes OF peace and
war, commerce inland and foreign postal communica-
tions at home and abroad the disposition
public domain colonization the organization and adms
sion of States, and generally the enlargement of
empire, nation under present Constituto
it would be to divide themselves into separate Conedera
!. ces States
Our country remains it was in 17S7-composed
y wellconneced and fertile region lying within the
perate zone with climates and soils hardly various
than those of France of Italy. This slight diversity
J, quckens and ampes manufacture and commerce Our
rivers and valleys, improved by furnish
system of highways unequaed in the world The differ
en forms of labor if slavery not perverted pur-
poses Of political ambition need constitute element
L Of strife in the Confederacy.
Notwithstanding recent vehement expressions and man
estaons of intolerance in quarters produced by
intense partisan excitement in fact homogene-
GUS people, chiefly of stock, with accesons well
simulated We have, practically only one language,
religion one system of government and manners and
toms common to all. Why, then, shall not remain
hencefortn as hitherto, people? The first obj ec
every human society is safety security for which if
need be, they WILL and they must sacrifice every other
This security is of two kinds one, exemption from for
eign aggression and influence the other exemption from
| domestic tyranny and sediton.
. Foreign wars come from either violations of treaties
e self almost perfect shield against such wars The
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