Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-01-29

stances. cur whole community has been startled
| by the deliberate declaration of well-knovn
and eminent statesman among us, few nights
since. in the State Capitol, that Tennessee Is III
no earthly DANGER that she. at least has given M
offence to the North; that her geographical loca.
ton of itself viii secure her against attack; being
barricaded all sides by other States; and lastly
that if an army of Black Republicans were ACTUALLY
TO undertake 10 march in this direction the rifle
of Kentucky would assuredly stay the tide of inva
i sion. Morse than all, on the same occasion was
Lincoln indicated against the charges preferred
against him, and Seward commended. A Tennessee
| audience was told that in the Judgment of tia
| sneaker the appointment of Seward to the Office q
Secretary of State was most fauora6ls duqtrrf
Now as / entertain widely different views both Il
Lincoln and his designated Secretary of State, AMI
as think know the latter as well "a any man tho
has never been on terms of personal intimacy witt
him. shall undertake to assert that more sinistg
Indication for the South than the appointment e
Mr. Seward to the highest Office in Mr.. Lincoln,
cabinet could not well be imagined. A more sui
tie and dexterous political manager than he is, has
never lived In all matters of party policy and ar
rangement, he is VIGOROUSLY INSCRIPTIONS. So
dangerous was it judged ten years ago, by major,
ity of the National Senate to entrust him with the
administration of federal patronage that combine
ton was publicly set On foot in that body, and car
ried most faithfully to vote down the nomination
| of every whose designation for Office could be
traced to this dangerous The great leading
object of his life public man has been to UNDER
mine and to crush the system of domestic slavery ex
listing in the South. Often and ever has he avowed
this in the most deliberate speeches ever uttered
| by him. This man had the boldness and malignity
to recommend to that honest and patriotic President
General Taylor) whose confidence he had succeed
ed in winning, to send official order to cur regu-
| lar troops in Mexico, in the summer of 1850, whilst
the compromise struggle was in progress directing
| them to drive off our Texas fellow-ctiZens who
| were there, in obedience to the commands of their
| own State government by force of arms. He had
| the efrontery even to avow this bloody project
| in the National Senate where he received such al
rebuke from the lips of the heroic and magnanimous
Chief of Ashland, made his coward limbs to trem
bic, and that wizardike vsage of his to grow paei
with consternationN And yet 10 be told that
his appointment is afavorabe augury And this too,
| after he had delivered his long expected harangue
in the Senate and refused to the South all the safe
guards which she has earnestly demanded Mr..
Seward being thus formally Vouched for here, IN
the bosom of the slaveholding South at a conjunc-
ture fearful, feel bound to lay before my coun-
| trymen, the authentic evidences of who VIM. H.
Seward is in regard to our imperriled interests;
what his aims and purposes are; and what the means
which he proposes to employ hereafter for their
complishment.
shall not dwell upon minor points. will even
pass by without comment his various legislative
devices in the State of New York. before he came
to the United States Senate for the awakening of
unkind sectional relations between the North and
| the South shall begin with the celebrated Cleve-
/ land Speech, delivered in 1913 in support of Gen
! Taylors nomination to the Presidency. His biosra
ply, written under his revision, declares the
fact that he favored General Taylor, and aided in
having him nominated over Mr.. Clay, because the
| previous course of the candidate warranted the
belief that he would veto act of Congress estab
fishing governments which excluded slavery in our
newly acquired Mexican Territy." Now read the
following extracts from this Cleveland Speech:
" The second principle of American citizenship is,
that our democratic system must be preserved and
perfected. That system is founded in the natural
equality of ell men-not alone all american men,
nor alone all loe men, but all MEN of every count
try, Cline and complexion, equal-not made
equal by human laws, but born equal 1t results
from this that every man permanently residing in a
community IS a member Of the State, obliged to
submit to its rule, and therefore entitled equally
with every other man to participate in its govern
ment If it be monarchy, he has right to keep
q musket to defend himself when the government |
becomes intolerable. If it be democracy where |
consent is substituted for force, he has right to
ballot for the same purpose; and each should be |
placed in his hands (he being resden) when he is
able to speed the bullet or cast the ballot with dis
erection. Whatever institutions or laws we kave |
existing among which deny this principle are |
wreng, and ought to be corrected"
80 What, then y you cay, can nothing be done for
freedom because the public conscience is merit
Yes, much can be done-e7erything can be DONE
Slavery can be limited to its present bounds, it can
be ameliorated, itcan be and must be abolished and
you and can and must do it. The task is as simple
and easy as its contamination will be beneicent and
simple rule of action, viz: to do everywhere and
every occasion what can, and not to neglect or
refuse to do what we can at any time, because at
that precise time and On that particular occasion we
cannot do more. Circumstances determine posi-
bilities. When have done our best to shape
them and make them propitous We NAV rest salts
fed that superior Wisdom has determined their form
as they exist, and will be satisfied with US if we
then do all the good that circumstances leave in
power. But must begin deeper and lower than
IN the composition and combination of factions
and parties Wherein do the strength and security
of slavery lie! You answer that they lie in the
stution Of the United States, and the constitution
and laws of all slayehslding States. Not at all.
They lie in the errnnanns sentiment of tho Ameriran
people. Constitutions and laws can no more rise
above the virtue of the people than the impd stream
climb above its native spring. Inculcate, then,
the lovo Of freedom and the equal rights of man,
under the paternal reef; see to 1t that they are
taught in the schools and in the churches reform
your own code--extend cordial welcome to the
fugitive who lays his weary limbs at your door,
and defend him as you would your paternal gods;
correct your own error, that slavery has any con-
sttutional guaranty which may not De released and
ought not to be rellnqushed. Say to slavery, when
it shows its bond and demands the pound of flesh
that if it draws drop of blood its lite shall pay
the forfeit
The following extract from the Biography refer
red to- will be seen. in small compass. to show
Mr.. SeYard's attitude in regard TO the Fugitive
Slave Law of 1850 now existing:
1.-THE fugitiVe-saFe law. which was proposed as
condition of the admission of California met with
a determined opponent in Mr.. Seward, from the
first. He clearly foresaw the impolIcy, well
as the cruelty of the contemplated measure.
He argued with less humanity than good faith,
that no public exigency required new law on the
subject-thatithe bill in question was unconstitu
tional as it was repugnant to every just sentiment
and that the principles and habits of the northern
people would place every obstacle in the way of its
execution Admitting the justice of these views,
the cOmpromisers demanded that they should be
set aside lest the determination Of the Shareholders
should Lead to dissolution Of the Union. Mr.. Sew
ard was incapable of yielding to such unworthy
terrors. He constantly passed them by, as too triV
al for serious notice. At the same time, he urgent
ly pointed out the danger of quailing before the
threats of the South Knowing the disposition en-
gendered by slavery, he insisted that any craven
trucking the part of the free States, would lead
unbounded aggPessionS by the slave power in the
future"
Speaking in the National Senate in 1885, upon this
subject he thus expressed himself in regard to that
clause of the Federal Constitution which relates to
fugitives from service:
This is from the Constitution of the United States
in 49, and the parties were the Republican States
of this Union The law of nations disayows such {
compacts the law of nature, written on the hearts
and consciences OF freemen, repudates them. Arm
ed power could not enforce Them because there is :
no public conscience to sustain them. ! know that
there are laws of various sorts which regulate the
conduct of men. There constitutions and stat
utes, codes mercantile and codes civil but when
are legisating for States, especially when we
founding States, all these laws must be brought to
the standard Of the laws of God and be tried
by that standard, and must stand or fall by it"
Touching emancipation in the District of Colum- j
bia in argument made in the United States SEN 4
ate, in 1850 he said c
If could understand mysterious paradox (
myself never should be able to explain to the ap-
prehension of the people whom represent, how it 4;
was that absolute and express power to egislate
in all cases the District of Columbia was en-
barrassed and defeated by an impolitIc condition
not to legslate for the abolition of slavery in this
District. Sir shall vote for the measure, and am
willing to appropriate any means necessary to car
ry it into effect. I.
81 think it wrong to hold men in bondge at any c
time and under any circumstances. think it right
and lust therefore, to abolish slavery when have
the power at any time, at all times, under any cir
cumstances. Now, sir far the objection rests Il
upon the time when this measure Is proposed, beg
leave to say that the present time is not the right
tima then thare nust he or there must have BEEN :;