Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-04-06

taken nrSOncrS aTB uOJ 10 De hung Is traitors.
are to be held as prisoners of war. This is one of
the important questions which will grow out of the
decision of the question which now agitetes the
country. Hence, sir. holding these opinions whilst
have loved, and do love, the common Governs
ment under whose Constitution / was horn
while will adhere TO it with fidelity and 90.
operate in measures to restore it to its pure oric
nal principles, hold that the ultimate action of nv
State is my actionher destiny is my destiny; that
VIII share 1t with her, and that in going with her
lido not feel that am traitor to any other Gov
eminent; do not feel that owe that divine ale
glance which viii cause me to run the hazard OF
being hung by one authority or the other, ae-
corning as each may get possession of my person.
Mr. Speaker, believe that the Federal Govern
ment was intended for confederacy of States, anu,
in the language of the Constitution, went into oPer
alton between the States ratfying the same. we
can get along with this common government as
contederacy. We cannot get along with II as Gun
solidated popular government we nave FarIoas III
terests at stake We are, in many respects,
people. We have the Puritans IN new EnelSnu,
and we have almost different race IN many parts
Of the South. We have German element SO seat
tered over of the Northwestern oeaIes tnat
nearly controls them. The States are possibly cap
able of being united in a cOnfederacy for q few
and limited purposes but that is all. Why, If it
were as the Administration hods--f majority Of
the non-slaveholding States, for example, putting
aside the limitations of the Constitution being the
final iudee of their own powers, if they by forming
themselves into a goyernm ent, control us, what
kind Of government is thsI It is the most extra
ordinary nonresident despotism that ever existed
among men. Not only is it despotism, but an
alien. nonresident despotsm. When it assumes
party forEn; when political sectional
PARTY, uniting in themselves all THE powers
of government; mhen they take the Execu-
tive chair the Senate and the House of Representa-
tives when they reform, to use their own Ian
guage, the purposes of the Federal and judicial
tribunals-here you have President House of
Representatives, and Senate, all elected on Sec
tiona grounds-it is an alien government the worst
that ever cursed the werld. 81
Mr.. Speaker, / have thrown out these remarks
not for the purpose Of going deliberately into this
discussion, but as indicating some of the causes
which have led to our present diticulties-some of
the questions which will up for discussion if
they are not soon settled.
1t may be said there are inconvenience in both
modes of construction. 1t may be that the Gov
ernment will not be strong under either form as
we could wish 1t to be. But, SIR, we cannot make
stronger government than the one have Indicated,
for confederacy of States, of almost various races
| covering great continent, and embracing many
millions of people. If there be some danger, to ny
off into parts it would be better than it should
all tend to popular consolidated popular despot-
ism The one preserves municipal constitutional lib
erty-the other is a sure road to political death.
Mr. Speaker, the theory have indicated, upon
the part of the predominant party carried out into
practice has brought sectional party into power,
and has broken this Union. Kentucky wants to
| play her part In restoring it.
Now, sir, shall trouble you with brief but
true statement of the efforts which were made at
the last session of Congress ito adjust existing diff
cutes, and prevent separation of the States then
united, well as bring back those which had left
the Union. 1t was agreed, Mr.. Speaker, that the
Union could only be preserved by the incorporation
Of substantial guarantees In the Constitution of fu-
ture peace and security. Accordingly, upon the
motion of Senator frCm Kentucky, committee
of thirteen Senators was raised to consider and
agree upon some plan of adjustment. That COM
mittee was composed of the ablest men in the Sem
ate of the United States representing all parts of
the confederacy, and all parties in the copfederaey.
Both of the Senators from Kentucky were MEM
bers of that committee-one because he was author
of the resolutions and from his general merits
the other because Of his prominent connection with
certain measures of adjustment, and from his
distinguished public services. That commit
tee was in session ten twelve dsys. They re-
ported to the Senate thrt they had been able
to agree on no single proposition. The picked men
of the Union-the representatives of the States
selected out of select body and set apart TO confer
in wisdom and patriotism, after two weeks' con-
tnued effort reported that they had been una bic to
agree on no single proposition. About the time that
committee was raised the honored Senator from
Kentucky introduced what are known as the Crit
tenden resolutions. They were referred to that
committee. You all know what they were. The
country is familiar with them. Nearly all of them
are regarded as simply declaratory of the rights
guaranteed by the EXISTING Constitution. The pro-
visions they contain in regard to slavery in the
District of Columbia, the interstate slave trade,
the interference of Congress with slavery in the
States, and in the srseDals and forts and certain
other propositions recognized as being part of
the Constitution and decaratory of il. The leading
provisions of the resolutions, about which contro
versy arose. was touching the question of slavery
in the Territories. Kentucky had declared, in every
form, that her people had an equal right with any
other people to remove into the Territories, and to
l. IL.
The Supreme Court of the United States had, in
familiar to you all, affirmed and endorsed the
opinion of Kentucky, and in spirit of patriotic
concession which has been ratified by his own State,
the distinguished gentleman 10 whom refer pro-
posed to make equitable division of that Terrific
~. Il say equitable. 1t is generous and inequita
BILE division 1t was proposed to surrender to the
Northern States, by express Constitutional proVis-
ions, four-tfth. Not one Republican Senator would
vote for any one of that series of resolutions
neither for the Territorial proposition nor for those
declarstory of the provisions Of the present Const
tuition. One by oDR these propositIonS received
their unbroken negative vote. They rejected them
in committees, they rejected them in the Senate,
they rejected them in the House of Representatives.
they rejected every other form of proposition that
was brought before either House of Congress ex-
cept one and that was a proposition by the late
Senator from New York. now Secretary of State,
declaring that the Constitution should not be so
amended as 10 interfere with involuntary servitude
in the States, and there are bpt few Republicans
who claim that Congress has that power now, under
the Constitution. Nobody supposes that the sggres-
siVe purposes which they have in view on African
slavery are to be carried out by Immediately abOl-
ishng slavery IN the States. No. 1t isto be accom-
pished by circuitsus but net less fatal meanH
have said, sir, that the representatives OF tie
dominant party in this country not only rejected the
resolutions of my distinguished friend, (Mr. Crtten-
den) but rejected all other propositions of ADJUST
ment except the one to which l have just alluded.
lOu hear II said that they have manifested
desire TO accord the rights Of the South by the pas
sage of certain bills for the organization of the Ter
ritories Of Colorado and Nevada, because these
bills passed without the prohibition of African
slavery within those Territories. DO pot deslre
that there shall be any misunderstanding in regard
to that matter, and will briefly state the facts At
the last session Of Congress the Republicans in the
House sent bill to the Senate repeating the Terri
torial law OF New Mexico recognizing slavery, but
II was defeated in the Senate At this session, how
ever, they were anxious to have the Territories or
ganiZed. They had quite a population there. most
of it from the North. They knew well that the In
coming Administration would have the appointment
of all the judicial officers. They knew that it was
an underlying principle of their party that the nor
NAL condition of the Territories is that of freedom,
and that neither Congress Eor the Territorial
Legislature could give legal exisrepee to Rlayery In
the Territories.
Hence, anxious to have the Territories organized
knowing that the patronage and appointment of Off
GERS would be In the hands of President who eld
this principle, and who would appoint judges who
would decide in accordance with this principle; be-
ing unable also, to incorporate proviso into the
k4s; feeling sure that they ran no hazard. they
sgresc to suspeqd for the time being, the incorpo-
ration Of the principle Of prohibition into the bills
because they could not get them in; determined to
t$Ee tbs advantage Of securing the appQlntment OF
all the officers In the Territories, with the perfect
certainty that no slave could be taken there and
protected there. Hence it is delusiol-idle mock
ry-to say that there is any purpose in the Repubs
ah party, as indicated In the passage Of the bills
70 70 recognize or protect this species of property
ID any territory belonging to the United States.
sIr, mere were resolutions presented to the last
0Sussess ey very highly respectable body which
-. eheI Washington, called the FsSce Congress
Ina may add THAI these propositions were rejected in
~ 1o . oy overwhelming votes am told it
hestaI ItaI me Peace Conference resolutions are
s to,5 i y eas resolutions Of Coy. Crittenden.
oabt ~ - supposed IN Hsny quarters that they
SusnL 70 Pc entirely satisfactory to the Southern
-" s' Iey are more clear and explicit than