The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1861-01-19


Ma. PaEsIp.k !: Conc iess ssiourned last ,s,n
Yer Spid the 1nspices Of nsyionnl abundasee.
1bntsbtment, sranquility1nd Happiness. Ittas
reassembled this winter in the presence of de.
rangement of business, and disturbance of pub
tic, as well as private credit, and in the face of
seditious combinations to overthrow the Union.
GRAVE CAUSE FOR APPREHENSION.
The alarm is appalling, for the Union is not
more the body than liberty is the soul of the ma.
ton. The American citizen has been sccustom-
ed TO believe this Republic immortal He shrinks
from the sight Of commissions indicative of its
sudden death. The report Of our condition has
gone over the seas, and we who have so long,
and with SO much complacency, studied the end
less agitations OF society in the Old World, be-
lieving ourselves exempt from such distur Dances,
now in our turn seem to be falling into momen-
tous and disastrous revolution.
THE PRESENT TINE FOR DELIBERATE ACTION.
know how difficult it is to decide mid so
many and so various counses, as to what ought
to be done, and even what can be DONE Ger
tainly, however, it is time for every Senator to
declare himself. l, therefore, following the ex
ample of the noble Senator from Tennessee (Mr.
JohnsOn,) avow my adherence to the Union in
its integrity and in all its parts.
With my friends. with my party, with my
State, with my country, or without either, as
they may determine; in every event, whether of
peace or of war; with every consequence of
honor or dishonor, of lite or death; aith ough |
lament the occasion, hail with cheerfulness the
duty of lifting up my voice among distract ed de
bates tor my whole country and its inestilnable
Union.
DISUNION RAMPANT. .rl r..
Hitherto the exhibitions of spirit and resolu-
ton, here as elsewhere, have been chiefly on the
side of disunion. l do not regret this Dsu-
Mon is so unexpected and so unnatural, that it
must plainly reveal itself before its presence can
be realized.
like best also the courage that rises slowly
under the pressure of severe provocation. If it
be a Christian duty to forgive a stranger even
seventy times seven Offences it is the highest
patriotism to endure, without complaint, the
passionate waywardness Of political brethren, so
long as there is hope that they may come to a
better end. .... ... J.. ..
WHAT WILL NOT SAVE THE UNION.
think it is easy to pronounce what measures
or conduct will not save the Union l agree
with the honorable Senator from South Carroll
lima, (Mr. Clingman,) that mere eulogiums will
not save it, yet think as prayer brings US near
er to God, though it cannot move Him towards
US, so there is healing and saving virtue in every
word of devotion to the Union that is spok en-,
and in every sigh that its danger draws forth. l
know at least that like virtue i: derives strength
from every irreverent act that is committed, and
every blasphemous phrase that is uttered against
it. The Union cannot be saved by mutual Grim
nations concerning our respective share of the
responsibility tor the present evils He whose
conscience acquts him will naturally be slow to
accuse those whose cooperation he needs. His
tory can only adjust the great account.
UsELEssNEss OF DISCUSSING THEORIES.
A continuance of the debate on the consttu-
tionul power of Congress over the subject of
Slavery in the Territories will not save the
Union. The opinions of parties and sections on
that question have become dogmatical, and it is
this circumstance that has produced the existing
alienation. A truce, at least during the debate
on the Union, is essential to reconciliation.
The Union cannot be saved by proving that
secession is Illegal or unconstitutional. Persons
bent on fearful step will not stand long enough
on forms OF law to be dislodged, and loyal men
d. not need such narrow ground to stand upon
fear that little more will be gained from dis
cussing the right of the Federal Government tc
coerce IA seeding State into obedience. Ii dis
union is to go on, this question will give place tc
the more practical ope, whether many seeding
States have a right to coerce the remaining
members to acquiesce in dissolution.
IMPRoBABILITY OF PEACEFUL SECESSION AND SUB
sEQUENT RECONSTRUCTION.
dread, as in my innermost soul abhor, civi
war. / do not know what the Union would bt
worth, if saved by the use of the sword. Ye
for all this, do not agree with those who, witt
II desire to avert that great calamity, advise
conventional or Lnopposed separation, with
view to what they call reconstruction. 1t il
enough for me, first, that in this plan, destruc
hatp nd IL,
that the strength of the vase in which the nope:
of the nation held, consists chiefly in its re
manning unbroken.
COMPROMISES OF NO AVAIL Now-CONGRESSIoNAI
COMPROMISES NOT LIKELY TO SAVE THE UNION.
know, indeed, that tradition tavors this form
of remedy, but Is essential to Its success in all,
case that there be found prepondcrating mas
OF citizens SO far neutral on the issue which sep
arGtes parties, that they can intervene, strike
down ciashnS weapons, and compel an aCcomo
datlon. Moderate concessions are not Customa
rily asked by force with guns in their battery
nor are liberal concessions apt to be given by al
opposing force not less confident of its owl
right and its own strength. | think, also, thai
there is prevailing conviction that Legislative
compromises which sacrifice honestly cherished
principles, while they anticipate future exigen
cies, even if they do not assume extra constitu
evils than they are certain to produce ultimately
even greater dangers.
Indeed, Mr.. President think it will be wse
to discard Two prevalent ideas prejudices
namely: First that the Union is to be saved
10y somebody i'll particular; and secondly tina
1t ls To be saved 10y some cunning and Insecure
compact of pacifcatlon. If remember rightly
said something like this here so long ago "a,
$50, and afterwards in 1854.
CHARACTER OF THE PRESENT CRISIS.
The present danger discloses itself in thi:
| form: Disconnected citizens have obtained pc
litical power in certain States and they are using
this authority to overthrow the Federal Govern
ment. They delude themselves with the belle
that the State power they have acquired ena
| bles them to discharge themselves from ale
| glance to the whole Republic
CONFLICTING VIEWS.
The honorable Senator from Illinois (Mr
| Douglas) says we have u right to coerce Il State
but we cannot The President says that no State
has right to secede but we have no constitu
| tional power to make war against a State. The
dilemma results from an assumption that those
who, in such a case, act against the Federal Gov
| eminent, act lawfully as Il State, although mani
testify they have perverted the power OF the
State to an unconstitutional purpose A elias:
of politicians in New Eng land set up this theory
uninterrupted to practice uponit in our war with
Great Britain. Mr. Jefferson did not hesitate to
say that States must be kept within their eonst
tutionnl sphere, by compulsion if they could not
be held there by attraction Secession was held
to be inadmissable in the face of public euemy
SECESSION CoNsTITUTIoNALLY IMPOSSIBLE
But if It is untenable in one case IL is neces
sarily SO in all Others. | fully admit the origin
allty, the sovereignty and independence OF the
several States within their sphere; but | hold
the Federal Government to be equally original
sovereign and independent within its sphere, and
the Government of the State can no more alb.
solve the people residing in its limits from allie
glance to the Union than the Government of the
Union can absolve them from allegiance to the
States.
The Constitution of the United States and the
laws made pursuant thereof, are the supreme
law of tue Land, paramount to all legislation OF
the States, whether made under the Constitution
or by even their organic Conventions. The
Union can be dissolved but only by the volun.
tary consent of the people Of the United States
COLLECTED in the manner prescribed by the
Constitution of the United States
THE DUTY OF CONGRESS.