The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1861-08-08
English OpiTlou OrtIro Presidents Mes
tA hf snges

Lincoln. We quote:
President Lincolns Message sets at rest.
with the simplicity Of an interchangeable resolve,
many idle rumors Of a compromise be tween the
so-called State rights Of rebeIliors minority,
and the fundamental principle, of a national
Union and national soyerei gnty which Wash
ington bequeathed to the y,eople of the United
States, as 'sacredly OF hgatory on ALL as the
main pillar in the ed'fce ofreal independence,
as the support of tranquility at home, and of
peace abroad OF safety Of property, of liberty it
self. Is that good fabric Of self-ruling freedom
to remain one nation, or TO be split up into as
many mutual destructive tyrannies as the ter
rorism of the rapacious minontes may estao- |
lish by virtue of pretended right OF secession!
Mr. Lincoln shows that the malignant fallacy
of the rebel leaders means nothing more or less |
than the complete destruction OF the national
Union. This was, in fact, the very fallacy
against which Washington warn
ed his falloW-etizens in his farewell message -
And If the national Union of thirty -four, instead
of thirteen States, is now assailed by q fatal
combination of internal enames, so much more
heinous is the sophsm. The Message of the
President plainly treats the war-which a,
league of parricides has inyoked--as a struggle
for national existence.
eff the national Government was unable to
strike the first blow it is now in position to
eipn powers with an inhexibe purpose to main
tain the Union undminished and unimpaired.
To make the contest short and decisive the
President asks for legal means to take advan-
tage Of the rrepressble patriotism of the people,
and to turn to the best account those lavish of.
ferings of blood and treasure which almost per-
pick the discretion Of the Executive. How faith.
fully Mr.. Lincoln treads in the footsteps of the
Founder of the Republic, his argument against
the pretended sovereignty of the several States
bears witness. 1t is the corollary of the EN-
phatic and large declarations of Washington
himself The very idea, said Washington, 'of
the power and the right OF the people to estab,
lish government pre2upposes the duty of all in
dividuals to obey the established government
Nothing less than an explicit and authentic
act of the whole people could change the Con
stitution which at any time exists. The States,
says Mr. Lincoln, have their status in the I'M
ion, and they have no other legal status The
Union rave each Of them whatever independ-
ence and liberty it has The plea of State SOW
ereignty, that is of disruption Of the Union, is
sheer rebellion. If it be principle, il is the
principle of dsintegration, upon which no gov
eminent can possibly endure > If it be right
it is the right Of minority to repudiate its OBJ
legations, and of every State in turn to secede
from all the rest. 1t is the negation not only
Of all national law, honor and duty, but of all
national life.
" 1t seems impossible that this plain unvar-
nished speech of the Republican President
should not sink deep into the hearts and con-
science of people possessed Of any moral sense,
of any reverence for the memo,y Of the great
founder of their liberties Of any hopes or inter
ests beyond the passions or the appetites OF the
hour, And President Lincoln bears proud and
solemn witness that in truth the plain people
know well that this is essentially peoples
contest. The secession oligarchy deliberately
press out of view the rights Of men and the au.
thority of the people Their elections are
held in military camps, their state papers are
eloquent on the rights Of mnorites. On the side
of the Union the struggle is felt to be one for
maintaining form and substance of govern
eminent, under which the condition of the peo
pie has been elevated and improved beyond ex
ample in the world. And this s how the larg
est army of volunteers ever known, and com
prisng regiments Ofwhich every common soldier
is man of high culture and attachments, has
rushed to the standard of the Union. If some
officers in the land and sea services have desert
ed their colors they were the creatures of favor
or of fortune OF the common soldiers and sail
ors not enc has failed for moment in loyalty
even in the face Of treacherous commanders
With such support as this President Lincoln i.
prepared to prove that those who can fairly
carry an election can also suppress a rebellion
There is not free people, or people aspiring
to freedom throughout the world--much less /,
there people with Anglo-Saxon blood in it,
veins-that is not concerned in the momentous
crisis, which the President of the United States
describes, in the simplest words, as great
lesson of peace, teaching men that what they
cannot take by an election neither can they
take by war No lesson it should be remem
bered in England, can be more conservative, il
the best and only true sense, than this.
The American civil war, then,is question
of extending the area Of slavery of reviving the
slave trade; but it is more than all this for The
New World and fer the Old it is a question
indeed, of peace safety and prosperity say, O.
national existence, to that American Unior
which the genius and goodness of Washing
ton created for an example. Bat for all free peO
pie 1t is a question Of uphOLding the eternal prin
ciptes Of liberty, morality and justice. War fol-
such cause though it be civil war, may per-
haps without impiety be called.
Goods most perfect instrument
In working out pure intent"
"The real aim of the secessionists
is not to vindioate any great principle, but to
create new Confederacyi in which those South
ern politicians who used to sit in high places
may still retain their power. The cause of Sc
cesslon is not that any Constitutional right has
been violated, but that the Southern oligarchy
has been forever overhrown. The gross treach-
cry of the members Of Mr. Buchanans Cabinet,
has for the time enabled this dissatisfied oligar-
chy to organize a formidable rebellion; but il
is the conviction of the North that if the real
opinions of the South could be ascertained, the
majority of the South would declare against &C.
cession and in favor of the Union. Iftherefore,
Mr.. Lincoln and his Cabinet are correct in their
views, it is obvious that the success Of the war
depends, not upon conquering or occupying the
Southern States, but upon removing the incubus
which overawes the citizens of these States by
an imposing display of military power. Itmay
be that the antcipations of the North are mis-
taken but in the mean time it must be admit
ted that the measures which have been taken
by the Government at Washington are well
adapted for the purpose of defeating the South
ern army in the field, and enabling the Union
party in the South to assert their power.
" If the Union is restored it can only be by
force of arms; and to that end the two essen
tials are an experienced commander at the head
of numerous and well appointed army. AL.
though the reasonable conduct of so MANY
Southern officers of the United States might
have served as some apology for the War Sec
rotary if he had distrusted any officers from the
South, still 1t is to the credit Of Mr.. Lincoln's
Administration that they should have retained
zen. scott, Nlrginian, at the head of the
Federal army. To those who have ever seen
that noble and gallant old man, 1t can be no
matter of surprise that he should exercise a re-
markable influence over both officers and men ;
and those who have watched his military career,
and observe his capacities as scientific soldier
can have no difficulty in understanding why
Mr.. Lincoln and his Cabinet should place un-
bounded confidence in his military judgment,
and should allow him to conduct the war in
whatever way he thinks best"
-s s
Flight of Wise from G;auiey---Reparted
Death Of JenlCins.
Correspondence of the Cincinnati Gazette