The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-02-26

Ths.Et n. pressihle Csnascr Among Repab-
"-rr, Respecting MIR. Lincoln's Cabinet,
"o ne Policy or His Administrations.
~ mpaien between the two factions into
when he iepublican party Ia divided, seems to
rast nvgha g good earnest, with decided adj
ventage "a the part Of Mr.. Seward and the
| maze conservative leaders Fessenden, Hale,
sun4rr. Greeley, Doolittle and, possibly,
| Cbasr will threw their weight into the oppo-
site scale; bat the impression prevails thatthey
will be thrown overheard, and that not one
| coeTcionist will be offered place in the in
coming government Chase ought to be kept
cut, as a turbulent spirit, who would paralyze
the action Of his colleagues by his personal am
bition. Ii is probable that the completion Of
the Cabinet has been purposely postponed,
until the present time, partly by . desire on
the part of Mr.. Lincoln to gain time to feel the
pulse of the country, and perhaps, also, through
the secret agency of Mr.. Seward, who has,
meanwhile, been marking out the course he in
While the President elect has remained, at his
home in Springfield in profound ignorance of
the bearings of parties, and has cherished the
absurd hope that the Chicago platform might
prove an ample guide for his future conduct,
his sagacious, farsighted Secretary of State has
| sounded az with plummet, the most hidden
depths Of popular sentiment, and has conceived
of line of policy, worthy of his experience,
by which he hopes to unite in one national
party all Of the conservative and Union ele-
ments in the Northern, and in the border slave
| States.
1t has been evident, since the middle OF
| November last, from the tone Of the or
ticles which began at that time to appear in the
Albany Evening Journal and from the speeches
subsequently delivered by Mr. Seward, in the
Senate of the United States, that both himself
and Mr.. Weed had become persuaded that
there was no immediate prospect Of satisfying
the demands Of the cotton States; but that
hopes for the future, and efforts at concilia-
| ton, must be directed to the border slavehold-
| ing and non slaveholding members of the con
| federacy, in which the Union element strongly
! prevails. When peace in these shall have been
| consolidated chance might exist, after the
lapse of lone, two, or three years." of such
| reaction in the seeding States, as should pave
| the way for reunion, and the reconstruction Of
the republic on more solid foundations than
had existed before. Hence it has been. that
Mr. Seward has so carefully fostered the Peace
Conferences. and has intimated belief that
out of their proceedings might spring the germ
of settlement, in the course of time, of our
national difficulties He sees that the balance
Of power in the country. is held by Virginia,
Maryland, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri on
the one hand, and New York, Pennsylvania and
New Jersey on the other, and that any platform
upon which these eight States may agree, will
inevitably be adopted by the masses Of the
people. and be paramount in its control over
coming events. The Chicago platform is obso-
lete, and its consignment to oblivion has in
volvcd the destruction Of the republican party.
The democratic party has been waiting for its
corp dc grace for over three months. Mr..
Seward sees, in this favorable conjuncture of
events, amidst the wranglings Of fossils and
disorganizers, the fairest prospect OF taxing
| the initiative in such a Union compromise
movement, as the Southern border States can
| rally TO; which can command the support of
fve-sixths of the people Of the North; and
hold the future destinies of the nation in its
hand.
Under such circumstances, MIR. Lincoln has
been most anxiously expected at Washington.
The South, for the first time in seventy years is
divided. The border States are rs DESTROYS of
remaining within the Union. as the seeding
States have shown themselves to Withdraw
from it. The Peace Conferences have brought
their proceedings down to a point where Mr..
Seward finds it out of his competence to act or
advise alone, and where the word of the
incoming President himself is needed to sustain
the fabric which his Premier has with such
paiIsstaking created. lie finds himself bcsct
with circumstances, and every effort is being
made to surround him with men who will
compel him to undo what has been DONE The
Fcssenden school Of Massachusetts, abolitionists
press hard upon him. They tell him that il is
his boundcn duty 10 "Yindicate the dignity OF
the American ilag'-that is to deluge the land
in blood. IL they can, they will drive Mr..
Seward. Mr.. Cameron, and all conservative
men from his counsels. Failing in this, they
will seek to compel him to renew the error Of
Mr.. Pierce by putting in his Cabinet such man
as Chase of Ohio, from whose grasping selfish
ness and energetic doggedncss they may hope
that the coun-els Of the Premier will at least
be paraly2ed. 1t is from these elements that
Mr.. Lincoln has TO choose--w whether, in fact,
! he will cling to the Chicago platform: perish
| himself and ruin the nation; or whether by
associating to Mr.. Seward individuals of
similar stamp. be will avert further disaster, and
| pave the way for the adoption Of amendments
to the constitution which shall satisfy the
South, and effect reconstruction Of the Union.
Mr.. Lincoln, by following the counscls of Mr..
Seward and adopting the suggestions of the
Peace Conferences. will End himself in similar
position TO that Of Mr.. Pierce in 1852, with the
balance Of power in the North in his hands.
Mr. Pierce made the cad mistake however of