Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1861-01-12
CONGRESSIONAL.


even around their own fresides.
Mr.. Harlan further discussed the claims asserted
by the South, and said that he considered that
the resolutions of Mr.. Crittenden comprised a
Congressional slave code like all others He
would be happy to find the plan Of Mr.. Crittenden
less objectionable than he supposed. but the SEN
ator from Virginia (Mr. Hunter) had already pro-
Tor the purpose OF making increased demands Of
the North. IL the war should come, II would be
brief II would cost less to keep war in the
South than the sum lost by the Northern mer-
chants in consequence Of this panic.
After brief executive session, the Senate adj
journed.
HousE.-At the close Of our report
On motion Of Mr.. Sherman the House went
into Committee Of the Whole, and took under
consideration the bill making appropriations for
the civil expenditures Of the Government for the
year ending June 30, 1850; which bill was passed.
The Committee then took up the navy appro-
priation bill, and after It's reading the Committee
rose and the House adjourned.
SATURDAY, January 10.
SENATE.-After few private bills were taken
up and disposed of, and memorials presented and
referred, the order of the day-ths Presidents
late special message-came up, when
Mr.. Seward being entitled to the floor, said that
Congress adjourned at midsummer under aus
pices Of tranquility, contentment, and happiness,
aud had reassembled amid very different circum.
stances, which he described at length, with the
circumstances Of violence, disunionism, q 60 now
prevalent, and so rapidly tending to momentous
1t Is time for every Senator to ask himself what
shall be done. He declared his adherence to the
Union in all its integrity and all its parts. He
was for the Union in every event Of peace or war.
He lamented the occasion, but cheerfully lifted
up his voice-even amid existing circumstances
for his whole country and the Union. Disunion
was so unexpected and unnatural that Il must re-
veal itself in all it's hideousness soon.
He was for forbeaTance SO long as hope might
remain Of quiet solution of the troubles. Ii
was easier to determine what would not, than
rh1N Ill
gathered strength from every effort against its in
tegrity Debate upon the constitutional powers
Of Congress with reference to slavery in the ter
ritories will not save the Union. truce to that
debate was necessary to save 1t.
Nor could proving secession unconstituti onal,
save 1t. Nor was anything to be gained by dis
cussing the right to coerce. II dlsunion goes on,
that question will be swallowed up in that Of the
Of seeding States TO the rest to acqui
escet their action. Destruction comes before re-
construction; and the value Of the vase in which
tue hopes OF the Union kept, consists Of its being
He thought there is a prevailing belief that le-
gislative compromises which sacrificed principles
are less sure to dangers than to generate them
He did not believe that any body could save the
Union by an insincere compact. Discontinued
citizens had obtained political power in several
States, and are using II to overthrow the Govern
ment, assuming power TO discharge themselves
Aent o'ne'' ITO" 'hsif aies,ence to the Govern
Certain politicians Of New England had essayed
to act upon the theory Of the disuhions Of this
time, and 1t was held that they were acting un-
lawfully. The General Government was equally
original with the States government, and the
latter could not absolve any from allegiance to
the former, which could not be dissolved except
by joint and free action Of all It's original prom
ises The Government should furnish the Ex-
ecutive with all necessary means to preserve the
Unioni and that functionary should those
means discreetly. Then the remaining respon-
sibility rested wholly on the people at large
In the earlier days Of the Republic the doctrine
prevailed that the Union comprehended the en-
tirety and welfare Of the whole country He de.
scribed the difficulties Of the formation of the
Government, and described the fears Of the times
that IL would not be formed; and held that greater
fears are involved in the idea that 1t may be de-
stroyed.
As in 17s6, our country now consists Of well
connected single whole, and the slight diversity
OF It's character, instead Of being for disso-
luton, was rather great bond of continued
union, industrially, &c, as he explained In detail
We Were yet homogeneous people, chiefly Of
one stock Why not then remain one people,
The first necessity was security from foreign or
domestic violence, and the Union had proved a
perfect shield against both. He enumerated the
nations with which we had treaties Of amity and
commerce through the Union, and asked whether
any proposed new Confederacies were prepared to
keep mp diplomatic relations with those nations,
He described the wars Of this Government and
held that II divided into two confederacies we
were liable to have twice az many wars and
troubles as we have SO far had; why and how, he
explained.
The Federal Government, he held was fsr less
liable to get into trouble with other nations than
two separate North American confederacies,
which would be compelled to take what treaties
they could get-not such az their necessities and
just rights required. The imperturbability of the
seaefat ooysfnment had often prevented war un-
federacy could not accomplish that purpose
he explained with power and effect the In herent
weakness OF separate or sectional Confederacies
ana the dangers Of collisions between them; and
held that II the present Confectionery be broken
up, IL would be best that the frapmentorv
Confederacies arise out Of 1t should be as nearly
equal az possibe-as means Of at least tem pora-
rily preventing collisions between them
There were but two remedies TO prevent wars
between such fragmentary governments. One
me European balance Of power system among
themselves-the power Of the sword; and the
other, the interference Of European Powers with
sword In hand settling our quarrels on the invita-.
ton Of this or that side.
Fit were possible for such confederacies to be
exempt rom sach contingencies, he held that
their establishment would soon abolish universal
sunerage, and that they would exist only bv the
. ala OF standing armies. The only coDfederacy
tnat Is or ever was otherwise selfsustai ny was
our present.one. Canada approaches a state of
eoniederacy, but leans, not unwillingly, on Great
The United States are successful in being self
governments, only through the admission of new
states, that weakened the relative power of any
one OF the MEMBERSHIPS He argued that
throughout broken Confederacy and that its
several parts would soon present the spectacle OF
eeking, by groveling means, to out-bid each
otner Tor the favor or countenance Of foreign gov
ernments- o.
Here the tremendous pressure of the crowd In
the northwest gallery caused so great confusion
as to render Mr. Sewsrd almost inaudi BILE 10 those
immediately surrounding him; and, on motion.
The presiding officer directed that gallery 10 be
cieared-and Mr.. 8. suspended his remarks TO
allow that to be done
HoUsz.--Mr. Clark, Of Missouri read tele-
gram from 50 Louis, Mo-, stating that the Post
once, Sub Treasury, aud Custom House i'm that
CITY had been taken possession Of by U g. troops
and offered resolution calling upon the Secretary
OF War for information upon the subject OBJ
jected to. W"
bills, fe
The speaker presented TO the House the resi- -na.
non OF the Mississippi delegation-Hon Otho r.
singleton, William Barksdale, John J. McRae
Reuben Davis, and Lucius @. c. Lamar
Mr. Jones, Of Ga. moved 10 strike from the roll
Mississippi delegations. ~-
Mr. Spinner I'D IL their designations removed
them from the United States Congress-
Mr.; Burnett said they had already ceased to be
members Of this body
On molten Of Mr.. Sherman the House went into
Committee Of the hole (Mr Collar In the chair,
nm than fa IT. . a -