The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-08-29
Foreign Misconccption OF American
Affairs.

1
Affairs.
The organs Of public opinion In England and
France display, in their daily discussions Of our
national difficulties, lack Of information and
an amount of erroneous reasoning which would
be really astonishing If it were not a chronic
disability with them. Thus they talk of the war
in which we are engaged as of thing that our
government might have avoided and the RENE
| dy which seems to them the only efficient one is
| submission to the rebellion. In both respects
they are entirely at fault. So far as the present
administration is concerned, it had ne alterna-
tive but to accept the gage Of battle thrown
down by the rebels, unless, indeed it proved
itself as reasonable as the Montgomery cabal,
and assented to seeing the American republic
shattered into half dozen or more Earring,
discordant and mutually hostile fragments.
And this reflection needs to be impressed upon
some of our own citizens nearly as much as
| upon foreigners. 1t is not unusual to hear Anne
rcans expressing regret that compromises were
not or are not made and all the demands of the
rebels acceded to, even though such compro-
misses were the Acknowledgement Of the republic.
Some Of those who talk 80 are but ill-disguised
traitors, while others do not see the conclusion
to which their proposition would necessarily
lead. Ask any of the latter class whether he is
willing to see the United States reduced from
the position of first class to that of
several third, fourth or tenth rate Powers, and
he will give you an indignant negative. Others,
| again, would like to see peace patched up on
| any terms, however humliating or destructive
to the country, in the hope that revival Of
business will follow, and that they, at least,
may become prosperous, no matter what fate
befalls the nation. Their motto is. "After us
the deluge." In most instances this class is
composed Of men who have been doing business
on credit and without capital, and who have
seen their airy palaces tumble to pieces at the
| first mutterings of the storm Such as these may
coincide with those foreign presses which think
that the war should have been avoided by the
J government at any sacrifice, and that peace,
even on the most humiliating terms is our true
policy.
| Fortunately neither the people of the United
| States, nor, we venture to say, the people Of
France or England, entertain such narrow, selfish
views. They can rise above the petty cares
Of the hour and see beyond them what the con-
aict really means 1t means the success or fail
ure of republican institutions--the existence or
downfall of the government established at such
immense sacrfces-the renewal of our career
of prosperity, temporarily interrupted by this
wicked rebellion, or the lapsing into the lowest
depths Of national adversty-the establishment
| Of internal peace on solid and enduring basis,
or the perpetuation of system of border war
fare as barbarous and sanguinary as that which
has exterminated the Indian tribes.
| And yet foreign presses coolly and with ap-
parent earnestness blame the government for
| not having acceded to the demands of armed
rebellion for not having admitted the principle
Of secession, which renders all idea of perma-
nency in national affairs impossible, and recon-
mend us even now to buy peace upon any
terms. But do they know what all this means?
If the two sections could ever come to an ami
cable agreement as to the distribution Of debts,
| assets and territory, what chance would there be
of arranging as to the navigation of our great
rivers and bays? None whatever. Even if a
plan were adopted and agreed to, giving to all
| sections equal rights and powers in the nsviga
ton of the Mississippi, Chesapeake Bay and the
! Gulf of Mexico, how long is it supposable that
that treaty Of amity would be observed? Not a
| year-perhaps not month. If we were not
embroiled by fugitive slave cases, we would be
sure to be by revenue laws, or by that mutual
jealousy which would inevitably follow a divi
sion of territory. And what them We
| would have to renew the struggle,
and the struggle would then become
really one of subjugation. What then would
prevent the thieving and traitorous politicians of
Florida selling ont that peninsula to Spain?
| What would prevent the retrocession of Lou
isiana to France or of the Old Dominion to Eng
land? Absolutely nothing.
| Do timid men at home, who pray for peace on
any terms or do philosophic journalists abroad
who calmly advise us to submit to rebellion
realize that these are some Of the inevitable
| consequences that would flow from such
| policy? Instead Of peace, we would have per-
! petual war; instead Of prosperity, we would
have national ruin and bankruptcy, and instead
| OF great, strong, benefcent national govern
| ment, we would have brawling. faithless, petty,
contemplate despotisms. an relief from which
| we might well welcome the protectorates of
| Spain, England and France. The American
people are not yet disposed to embrace such
! evils.
] USE MADE OF Our TROUBLES ABROAD-A HINT
FOR THE MANCHESTER MEN.-The English liberals
are not allowed to remain long in doubt as to
the uses to which the aristocracy Of that coun-
try mean to turn our present misfortunes
when we see," says their leading organ, "that