The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-05-21

Mr.. Secretary SEWARD proclaims to the world,
in language not to be mistaken, the determination
to treat pirates all persons who engage in pri-
watering under letters of marque from the South
ern Confederacy. In a proclamation covering a
declaration equally resolute and equally ominous,
the British Government, at the commencement of
the War of Independence, announced its intention
to do exactly the same thing. We need not say
that the threat was never carried out in a single
instance during the whole period of the Revolu-
tionary contest, nor during the war of 1872: and
we are quite certain that the menace will fall as
harmless now as it did then. Every man who
sprang to arms in defence of the liberties of the
old thirteen Colonies was, according to the strict
letter of the statute guilty of treason against the
mother country. WASHINGTON, IN the, parliament
tary nomenclature Of that day, was a rebel of the
deepest dye. PATRICK HENRY was a rebel
CHARLES CARROLL was rebel. JEFFERSON, PACA
MARION, SUMTER, PINCKNEY, Otis, WARREN,
FRANKLIN, the two ADAMsEs, all the signers of the
Declaration of l776, and all that great host Of
patriots who, in the Cabinet and in the field, la
bored and fought against Great Britain, were
rebels. In official documents. quite as chOicely
and deliberately worded the State paper recently
made public by Mr.. SEWARD, they were admo1ished
of the penalties which the law attached TO treason
and foredoomed to die the death Of traitors
whenever and wherever caught. Well, some of
them, quite number of them indeed, acerc caught
from time to time; but the services of the Provost
Marshal, so far as hanging was concerned, were
quietly dispensed with. History records, how
ever, that, on one occasion, it proposed to
cute certain prisoners but history also states that
WAsHINGToN-who was at first simply recognized
as 'Mr. WASHINGTON" and next as General
'.WAsHNGToN" and finally as ellis Excellency''
--cooly intimated to the British commander-in-
chief that if American prisoners though taken
with arms in their hands, were put to DEATH he
should Immediately realiae by turning over for
prompt execution equal number of the British
After that, there was nothing more said about the
NATTER and neither on sea or land were the vol
unteer rebels the privateer rebels, when taken
prisoners, dealt with in any other manner than is
customary under the rules of war when waged
between belligerent nations Mr.. SEwARp's threat
Is, for similar reason, an idle one. He knows
full we'll that be dare not ,ererpta it I"
the war which Is now impending between the |
Federal Government and the Southern Confed-
eracy, no matter what the theory of the former'I
may be, in the practical operations that must
speedily ensue the latter will be treated as Il bel
lgerent power. The time will then have arrived
for casting aside all shams Mr. LINCOLN will
scarcely venture any more to talk of suppressing
"unawful combinations" and although in the
Presidential messages and State papers the eight
millions of people who have thrown off their al
legiance to the old UNION may be stigmatsed as
rebels and traitors and Mr.. SEWARD, in his official
correspondence with our ministers abroad and
with the representatives of foreign Powers at
Washington, may still adhere to old formularies,
and the customary language of diplomacy, it may
be taken for granted that none of the ''rebels''
will be executed for high treason and none of the
privaeersmen will be hung at the yard arm as
pirates. In whatever light the European Powers
may be disposed to regard the employment of
prvateers, it is part of the American system of
maritime warfare, an the right of II belgerent
to grant letters of marque authorizing private YES
sells to fight with enemies, without becoming liable
to charge of piracy, has never been disputed
Mr.. MARCY, in his letter to Count SARTIGEs under |
date of July 28th, l956-extracts from which |
were published in the Exchange of yesterday
declares that "the right TO resort to prvaeers, is
"as clear as the right to use public armed |
''shIps, and as incontestable any other right |
"appertaining to belligerents." He quotes from
a French work 'of much repute," to show, that
'privateers are bona fdc war vessels manned by vo
Iunteers." In a subsequent portion of his letter.
after referring to the fact that 'the United States
'if forced to vindicate their rights by arms, are
content to rely in military operations on land
upon volunteer troops"-he says: "most GER
tainly no better reason can be given for surren-
'dering the right to resort to privateers than for
foregoing the right to receive the services of
"voluneers." Now the right which the Colonial
Congress claimed and exercised, and which less
than five years ago Mr.. MARCY so ably vindica-
ted, is exactly the one which, under parallel
governs the action of the Southern
Conederacy at this time; and what is equally re-
law authorizing the granting of
et'ers OF marque, which has recently been adopt
ID by the Confederate Congress- is almost literal
transcript of the United States law upon the sub
ect, even to that provision of the Bill which has
'een denounced more vehemently than any other {
1t the North--the granting ola bounty of twenty
i've dollars Tor each prisoner taken. OF infinite
y greater'lmportance however, to the cause of
he Southern Confederacy, is the fact that Lord
John RUSSELL has announced to Parliament that
he British Government acknowledges the riqAt of
he Southern Cotederdcy to issue letters Of marquee
nd that it twill not recognize the blockade of
the Southern ports unless it be made effective" {
hat the policy of the other European powers on
hese questions will be in accordance with that of
'ngand, we have every reason to believe. With G
nese obstacles removed, the recognition Of the
dependence of the Confederate States is but a r
ues ton of time :