Delaware State journal and statesman. [volume] (Wilmington, Del.) 1855-1870, 1861-02-26

kingdoms and empires would break u lance to
win the smile Of her approval; and, quitting her
rec estate, it would be In her option to hecolne
he bride Of the world rather than, as now, the |
miserable mistress Of the North" Il
This opinion seemed then almost absurd, hut
recent Indications have rendered it the common
opinion Of the country; and as, therefore, they d
nave no repugnance to slavery ia accordance q
With their interests, so also can they have none
10 the extension OF it.. They will submit to amy
terms OF intercourse with the Slave Republi, in
consideration Of it's markets md its prolucte.
An increase Of slaves will increase the market
md supply. They will pocket their philanthropy
md the profits together. And so solicitude as to
the feeling Of foreign States upon this subject is
yrdtuitous; and so il is that our snppression of The
sldUe trade is warranted By no necessity 10 Tespes
the sentiment Of foreign States. We may nbuceate
ourselves il we will, defer to others If we will,
but every such act is a confession Of a weakness,
the less excusahle that it does not exist, and we
but industriousy provoke the contempt of States
We are DESTROYS to propitiate. Is il that we de-
base our great movement by letting it down to
the end Of getting slaves? We do not propose
to reopen the slave trade we merely propose to
take no action on the subject | truly thiuk we
want more slaves. We want them to the proper
cultivation of our soil, to the just development |
Of our resources and to the proper constitution |
of society. Even in this State think we want
them; Of 100000 acres of land, less than
1000, 600 are in cultivation. We have no seAmsu
for our commerce, il we had it, and no operatives
for the arts; but it is not for that now oppose
restrictions on the slave trade. oppose them
from the wish to emanciphte our institution. /
regard The SLAVE trade as The test Of its ntegrify n
that Be right then slavgyis right, but not wifdout;
and have been too clear in my perceptions Of
the claims of that great instituton--too assured
Lee l.a fail .F 4
WINGED the one presents the conditions of social
order, too convinced the other does not, and too
convinced, therefore, that the one must stand
while the other falls, to abate my efforts or pre-
termit the means by which it may be brought to
recognition and establishment.
Believing, them that this is test of slavery,
and that the institution cannot be right if the
trade be not. regard the constitutional prohibi.
ton as great calamity. II the trade be only
wrong in policy, it would be enough to leave lis
exclusion to the several States that would feel
the evils of that policy; but it is only upon the
suppOsition that il is wrong in principle, wrong
radically, and therefore never to be rendered
proper by any change Of circumstances which
may make it to our interest, that it is becoming
in The General Government to take Organic ae.
tiOn to arrest. The action of the COnfcderacy
is, then, a declaration Of that fact, and it were
vain to sustain the institution in the face of such
admissions TO It's prejudice.
II will be said that at the outset Of our career
il were wise to exhibit Difference to the moral
sentiment of the world the obligation is an per-
feet to respect the moral sentiment of the world
against the institution. The world ~ JUST as
instant to assert that slavery itself is wrong, and
if we foregO the slave trade in consideration OF
the moral feeling Of the world, then why not
slavery also 1t were madness now to blink the
question. We are entering al last upon darinq
innovation upon heSOeiai constitutions Of fk4 1rorli
We are erecting n nationality upon union oil
races, where other nations have but one ",
caRnet dodge The issue zoe cannot disguise The issue
ipe cannot safely change our front in the face Of
Uigiiani adversary. Every attempt to do so
every refusal to assist ourselves, every intellect
n ual or political evasion, is point against us
. We may postpone the crisis by DISCUSSES, but tn
4 slave republic must forego its nature and ii
: destiny, or it must meet the ISSUE and our as
y sertion Of ourselves will not be easier for adms
a sions made against MS. And is it not in fac
from a sense Of weakness that there is such a,l
n mission Is there man who votes for thi
n measure but from misgivings as to slavery, m
a, aa 10 the prOpriety of its extension? Therefor
is there not the feeling that the finger Of scor
i will he pointed ut him without; aud is he VIII
40 doubts the institution, or he who has no hipbq
I, standard Of the right than what the world ma
he say about H. the proper man to build the struC
~, ture of a slave Republic. The members OF th
Convention are elected to important posts in ii
, grand drama Of human history. Such oppo
% tunity but seldom comes Of moulding the destin
9, Of men and nations If they shall rise 10 ii
~ occasion, they shall realize their work and 4
G. ii, they will leave secord that will never
10 eiiaced; but if they shall motif they sba
~ shrink from truth, for reason that it is unhonoi
US ed II they shall cling 10 error, for reason that
is approved, and so let down their ohnraote
III and act some other part than that before ther
ar they will leave n record which their successo
w. will be anxious to eilace-names which pOster
70 will be delighted to honor.
ne Opinions, when merely true, move slowll
u but when approved, acquire procliyily. Tho
q rs to the right of slavery have been true, mere
ny so far, but they came rapidly TO elimination.
~, iu was the single advocate of the slave trade
ny 1858; il is Row The question Of The time Maj
eu Of us remember when we beard slavery first 4
eu clared to be Of the normal constitution Of sooct
20 few now will dare to dsaliirm it, Those opinio
ua now roll on; they are now not only true but a
o. coming to be trusted; they have moved tue slrn
ltl ture Of the State, and men who will not take Il
" impulse and advance must perish in the truck
'el their advancement. The members of your Co
lst vention may mHdirect the moyement-they m,
's- impede the movement--they may so divert il N
another revolution may be Hseessary hut if niece
II sariy that other revolution comes slavery W
= stand serene, erect, aoft unquestiOned us to
ny rights or its integrity at some points within Il
OF present limits of the Southern States, and il
re' only for present actors to determine whetll
icy they will contribute or be crushed to that resu
We, hope you will pardon this communication !;
" is too long, but have not had time to make
'he shorter. hope also you will find it consiste
~ with your views to urge the policy have 81
Is deavored 10 advance. II tie clause be carried il
" Me permanent Government, our iphoie movement
Us, Us defeated 1t will aholitionize the Border Sin
n'e States-it will brand our institution. Slave
III" cannot share n government with democracy -
I'- cannot bear brand upon it, thence another
~ potutiOn. II may be painful, but toe must make
i've The Constitution cannot be changed without.
,hs The Border States, discharged OF slavery, v
yer oppose it. They are to he Included by the Gu
IN cessiOn they will be sufficient to defeat it,
ing is doubtful If dHothr movement DM he so peacef,
rs. hut no matter, no power but the Convention c
ear avert the necessity. The clause need not nee
nus sarily be carried into the permanent G0yernme
req hut | fear twill be. The belief that il is ayr
er- able to popular feeling will continue. Tile ptj
70 lar mind cannot now be vorked up 10 the fdsi
ne iispeliAg he belief; the same men who have nj
We pared the provisional will prepare the permant
l lne constitution; the same influences will aft
ey them. IL will be difficult to reverse their iud
uu' ment in the Conventions of the several Stat
a,e The egort lcH at least distract u.s. and so is 10
,el- feared This fatal action may be contaminated;
lon that it may not is the most earnest wish n
mes can entertain.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
As L. W. sPRATT
e is -..s..--
)re-