The independent. (Harrisonburg, La.) 1853-18??, 1861-04-17

the usage Of the parliament Of Great Britain:
sConeseaa~'ay By lawgrast tssshs psikei-'
pal officers in each of,he executive depart
ments." seat upon the floor Of either hous"
with the privilege Of discussing any measures
appertaining to his department.
Here is thoroughly bold innovation upon
representative republican government. The
high executive officers of the nation. the
creatures Of the President, his friends
his dependents and hangers on, ever
ready to do his bidding on pain Of forfeiting
their offices. are to have "sedts upon the
floor of either House with the privilege Of
discussing any measures appertaining to his
department" The measures appertaining"
to tho departments. are sure to be the meas
urcs of the President himself or to receive
his sanction. He j. thus Indirectly clothed
with legislative swell as executive powers.
lie originates measures, recommends them,
and by his cabinet ministers with seats on
the floor of either House = he isinvcstel with
direct inauence1in the Legislative. branch Of
government, which, coupled with the large
power, arising from position and patronage
will enable him, 70 an immense extent, to
control tho action Of the representatives Of
the people. This is obviously the tendency
and effect Of this new feature introduced into
the government of the Ccnfederacy by the
sages Of montgomery whatever may be said
to the contrary. cit j. mere evasion to say
that it is introduced merely to enable the
Heads of Department to explain their mea-
sures. The cabinet officers become by this
English custom, heretofore unknown in any
system of American government, Senators
and Representatives, not deriving their prvi-
leges as such from the people, but enjoying
their preroga,ives by appointment and
courtesy conferred By the servants Of the
people. Perhaps it may be said that they
have not the right Of voting. The right OF
voting i. not expressly given; neither is it
expressly withheld; and it is not quite clear
that they might not claim The right Of voting
as incidental to the right Of discussing. But
concede that they have no rig'ltto vote, still
they have seats in both houses Of Congress
They arc alternately Senators and members
Of The Lower House. Each secretary may
when his own measures are under consi dera-
ton, take his seat in the Senate, participate
in debate as long as he thinks proper, then
withdraw and betake himself to the halt o.
.ii,bs Horse ii Representative aaa jotn I'm sf,l
debate there also ad Abitum. This right te
a seat in both Houses compensates the wan'
of vote. aud this privilege Of debating il
both Houses, gives him 10 all intents and
purposes, as much Influence in support Of lis
own measures, which. he will always be anx
ious to carry. as any member Of either branch
of Congress; and. with his outside power and
appliances, a great deal more.
1 But there is redeeming rule in the En-
glish system in regard to the right acc.reet
TO Ministers to support their measures in tn
parliament, which seems 10 have been ca
ItireIy excluded by the law giyers OF The Con
isderacy. II ministry fail to carry it
measures through, the failure is fatal TO i
longer continuance in Office. When
! measure Of tile ministry falls through nth
British House Of Commons, it is asignai 70
! ministers 10 resign their Offices and Civ
place to the Inauguration Of different poll
cy. But, BY the Montgomery Constitutions
] the heads Of departments might fail in on
!, set Of bad measures and, without losing thei
! Offices, introduce verse set the next da,
! and be heard in the advocacy Of them.
/ N4We can view this str.ng innovation upo
u American Constitutional law, in no othe
I Light than IS AN. insidious tilching Of rowe
! from the people 10 increase the power Of q
few. Weshall point out another instance
i Iii. sort in The Montgomery Constitati!c
after while, e u.s.
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{ Tie Alexandria paper. record the deaf