The national Republican., 1861-01-19

convince me, that whatever Of high hope las
think there ISL there may be in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution is impossible. If
they we're all landed there in day, they would
perish in the next ten days; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then2 Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings? Is 1t quite
certain that this betters their condition. l
think l would not hold one in slavery at any
rate; yet the point is not clear enough to de.
nounce people upon. What next? Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals2 My own feelings will not admit Of
this and if mine would, we well know that
those of the great mass Of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice ard
sound judgment, is not the sole question, if,
indeed, it is any part Of it. A universal feel.
ing, whether well or i'll founded, cannot be
safely disregarded. We cannot then, make
them equals. 1t does seem to me that sys.
tens Of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed but for that tardiness in this respect,
will not undertake to judge our brethren of the
South.
rights, i acknowledge them, not grudgingly
any legislation for the reclaiming Of their fug.
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one."-Speech at Ottotoa, Ill.,, Aug.
q, 1858.
Has anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this very institu.
ton of slavery2 What is it that we hold most
dear amongst US? Our own liberty and pros.
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity save and except this institution
of slavery If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavery-by spreading it out, and making it
bigger
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as a wrong."-Speech at Alton, Oct.
Is, 1858.
al suppose most of US know it Of myself)
believe that the people of the Southern States
are entitled to Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is constitutional, l agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it. and
that not that we like the institution Of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes 1T at least, profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do yield sup.
port to a fugitive slave law? Because l do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar.
antics that right, can be supported without
it."--Speech at Alton, Oct 10, S5S.
"The real issue in this controversy-the one
pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
the part Of one class that looks upon the insti.
tuition Of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong.
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
of slavery in this country as a wrong is the
| af L. no, 1nol
upon it as being a moral, social, and political
wrong and while they contemplate it as such
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among US, and the difficulties Of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet having due regard for these, they desire
a policy in regard to it that looks to its not cre
ating any more danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong
and one of the methods Of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be man among US who
does not think that the institution of slavery il
wrong in any of the aspects Of which have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to bt
with us. And if there be man amongst vi
who is so impatient of it as wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ms, and thu
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in sat
tional obligations thrown about it, that man il
misplaced if he is on our platform. ."-Speech a
alton, Oct. 10, 1858.
A FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH.
"We the Republicans, and others, formin,
the opposition of the country, intend to stanc
by our guns TO be patient and firm, and in tn,
long run to beat you. When we do beat you
you perhaps want to know what we will d.
with you. l will tell you, so far as am au
thorized to speak for the opposition, what W.
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We meal
to leave you alone, and in no way interfer
with your institution to abide by every com
promise Of the Constitution and, in a word
coming back to the original proposition, t
treat you as far as degenerated men (if we hav
degenerated) may, according to the example
of those noble Washington, Jefferson
and Madison. We mean to remember that yo
are as good as we are; that there is no d
ference between US, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recognise ant
bear in mind, always, that you have as goo
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or a
we claim to have, and to treat you accord
ingly.-Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. II, 1859.
DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON platform
Resolved, That we, the Democracy of tn
Union, in Convention assembled, hereby d.
clare our alfirmance of the resolutions unan
mously adopted and declared as platform
principles by the Democratic Convention a
Cincinnati, in the year 1855, believing tbs
DemOcratic princ cinlps are unclanppabla