Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-01-23
Letter from a Charleston,an.

0ooie, LSq-l iIOH q Ondflestou L0efcndDt,
writer of letter which We before published,
from that city.1-Eds. Gin. Gazette.
CHARLESTON. S. c., Jan. II.
DEAR SIR: wish it were in my power to
write such an account of our political status,
as would be worthy of publication. l wish
I could address myself to the reflective fac
ulty of the human mind, so as to influence
the conduct of politicians, North and South
but despair of producing any effect. for
the reason that the people, North and South,
seem to view the agency of our Government,
at Washington, in such totally different
aspect, that can see no hope of any adjust
ment.
1t is very evident that just now, it is con-
venient for the North and West to consider
the Central Government" (as you call itl
at Washington, a consolidated Govern
ment. while it is equally convenient for us to
consider it as the mere agent of the States,
and revOcable at will. The people of the
South generally, adopt this latter opinion,
and therefore deny the right of the Govern
ment to coerce a sovereign State.
If you will read '-Elliot's debates" you
will find this very question to have been the
most perplexing of all those presented TO the
trainers of the Constitution.
1t was so perplexing that it never was set
tied; distinct proposition was made, to give
the States the right of resistance to the Fed
eral authority. 1t was rejected. Another
proposition was made, to confer upon the
Federal authority, the power to coerce
State. 1t was also distinctly refused. do
not revert to these debates for any other pur-
pose, than to show there may very honestly
be two opinions on this point. You may re-
member, there were two parties at that peri
cd of our history, who differed most materi-
ally, on one fundamental idea, as to the char
acter OF the Government about to be formed;
one party was for a strong, or consolidated
Union, and the other for limiting the powers
of the Federal arm to certain things, which
should be distinctly specified. One thing
could not be agreed upon, and that was the
precise boundary between Federal and State
authority.
We have reached that very point, and the
crisis which was apprehended by our Fathers
has come upon us. There is now a conflict
between the Federal aud State authorities.
South Carolina has repealed the ordinance
passed ia 1883. accepting the Constitution OF
the United States, and has thrown herself up
on her sovereignty.
She has asked the Government to restore
to her those forts, which were ceded only for
our own protection, and to withdraw United
States soldiers from our Territory. The
officer, in obedience to his in
struetions, refuses to do so. He occupies
position where he can control our commerce.;
batter down our other forts, and even bonn
bard the city if it pleases his superiors to di-
rect him.
Can you wonder if cur Governor should
consider his position as one indicative OF
hostile intentions towards us ? or that bis
communications with our enemies should be
strictly watched?
Now, my dear friend, no man can be more
thoroughly convinced than myself that South
Carolina alone could never maintain her
right to separate secession: not but what the
logic Is good enough, but the ''logic OF
kings" the .uItinla ratio regun," is still better,
for such is the logic which governs the world
AlasI no abstract right 10 govern ourselves
will avail us anything, unless we have the
power to maintain our position. We tried
this experiment. in part, in 1882, but it failed.
because no other State sustained us. We
now try it again, and if the other Southern
States, or a reasonable share of them, do not
come to the rescue, it will fail again, because
we cannot by ourselves maintain separate
nationality. l know how ridiculous it must
seem to you to see small nation OF 100000
white people setting up to be an independent
gov 1rnment, and going through all the cere-
moDial of sovereign power, assuming po-
sition among the nations of the earth. But
you may rest assured our leading men did
this with the assurance that all the Cotton
States would follow our example, and II this
assurance fails u.s. then indeed have we made
a mistake-a blunder-which, in the language
of Talleyrand, 81 is worse than crime"
But if Georgia, and Florida. and Alabama,
and Mississippi unite with US, and Louisiana
and Arkansas follow soon after. and then the
Border Slave States make common cause
with US, do you not perceive that it is no
longer ridiculous, but the movement assumes
a gravity and dignity which will compel
your respect.
Do not suppose that undervalue the cOur-
age and endurance of the people OF the North
and West. l know the strength of your sec
ton, and that if You put it forth you can do
us infinite mischief. But can you subdue US
if We are united in determining not to live
under the same Government with you? Are
you not beginning to be convinced that there
Is a radical difference of opinion between
the two sections which forbids any harmony
between them?
We have three thousand millions of dollars
worth of species of property which you do
not recognize as property. We are determ-
ined on extending the area OF Slavery,
and you are just as determined that 1t shall
not be extended. You feel conscientious
scruple about being responsible in any way
for the institution of Slavery, and why not
break loose from it altogether? II is distaste-
full to yon; you cannot tolerate it, and will
strive to bring it to a termination IN every
way which you reckon to be legal and con-
stitutional, and there are thousands and
thousands among you who will not scruple
to use their best efforts to abolish it. by all
and every means, whether legal and consti-
tutional or not.
Now, The Southern people whether wisely
or not, remains to be seen,) have determined
to live under a government oftheir own. They
will not interfere with you. They are willing
to assume their just share of the burthens
and obligations OF the old Government; but
they have determined, with an unauimity
which is very wonderful, that our strife shall
end-peaceably, if possible, but if war must
come, they will meet it as they can. Now,
state of war cannot last forever.
Peace must come, sooner or later; and what
reasonable ground of hope can there be, that
after years, or even months of fratricidal
war, we will love each other, and tolerate
each other any mere than nOw2
| do not wonder at the intense astonish-
ment which you must feel at the settled de-
termination of our people to bre ak up the
Union. II has been OF such great benefit
has wrought such wonderful prosperity, aud
has given US such a sense of security against
all foreign powers, as well as domestic insur-
rections, that its destruction must appear to
the Northern mind, an act of simple madness.
You may rest assured this determination
would never have become so universal, with
out the must profound conviction that our
Institution would not be safe under the gov
eminent of party, which has SO unmistaka
bly, avowed hostility to Slavery
1t is not necessary now to go into an ex-
animation of the proofs which have satisfied
the Southern mind 1t is convinced, and it
is acting on that convention. We may be
mistaken; we my be taking the very steps
to insure the destruction of the very prop
erty which We are trying to save. But we
are honest in our convictions, and we will
strive to act upon them.
OF what value is an Union, which has to
be maintained by bayonets? Why should we
not nnrarr nnrselves IL Iua ara dissai isfad