Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1861-02-25

long hour and half urges the passage of the
substGHce Of this bill which burdens the people
with addiuonal taxation 70 pay for runaway
slaves, II by chance they shonld be aided in any
county In the State. This is stretching comfy
to very great length. We do no such thing
Tor our own cltizens, who are In their persons
and properly compelled to support the burdens
Of the State. N ffIttt nN
Butt is claimed to be measure Of pacifica-
ton, and ought to be passed to save the Union.
The other side of the House see the embarrassed
condition of our country. The treasury is rob-
6ed-government property solep, our navy and
forts surrendered to the enemies Of the nation.
They see q confederaoy formed within the Un-
ion deiying the maiesty and justice Of the law,
BY armed force And to save the Union, they
bring forward this miserable imposition upon the
people Of Ohio.
IL wastad In speech but two days ago, that
"S0u'hern statesmen understand IL. They were
educated for the forum and senate Ours for the
intrigues Of the caucus aud ward meeting"
endorse the latter pr Of the quotation, II The
stateemsnship Of the Democracy OF this House
Tor the last three days was the standard OF
Northern statesmanship. Lt1
He quoted Senators Douglas and Pugh, con-
tradicting the charge that the North refused TO
render up fugitives from service, and vindicattd
|
peal OF the fugitive Slave Law OF 1859 by read
ing the resolutions Of the Democratic Legisla-
ture OF 1851. 5arr re.---
Me- HITCHCOCK said that having the honor
OF representing q constituency feeling deep
interest In questions like the one now pending,
be hoped 70 be excused in occupying more time
than was ordinarily his won't upon subjects com
Ing before the House Tor its consideration. In
so doing, he would follow the example of those
who had preceded him, and not alone confne
himself closely to the one bill before the House,
but speak generally to all bills of kindred char,
acter now pending.
Constantly and persistently has this "irre-
possible conflict" been forced upon US, and the
charge OF "abolitionsm, F." dae;re for amalgana
tion, and love of the negro, as applied to those
acting with him, has been iterated and reiterat-
ed In our ears, yet he had contented himself ilh
silent vote, given conscientiously in view OF
right Of justice, Of fidelity to the constitution
and his oath to sustain that instrument. Again
the fight Is upon US, and we are led to inquire,
where is all this to end7 Have we not done
enough2 We have refused TO pass laws for the
more perfect protection Of the free people of the
State Have passed q law, most odious in ils
features, to prevent the amalgamation Of the
white with the black race, because, foresooth,
some gentlemen, Of over earnest patriotism,
thought that it would tend to con,illate our
Southern brethren. Aud now we are asked to
60 still further down and seek for something
more to do, for this same purpose. We nut
repeal our statutes for the prevention Of kid
mapping, especially the 81 section of the act of
1857, and also pass laws imposing heavy PEN
alties upon any one who shall in any way
aid the Ioor, hunted fugitive. The actof '57
neither was In opposition to the constitution,
nj fha toiff 81, Ia AZ Or 70 Ia tt
only imposes penalties, were too severe, for an
attempt to reduce free men to slavery, and in do
ing 90, 1t Is In strict subordnation TO
that constitution and that law. II to
Congress-, as Il is claimed, belongs
the right Of legislating for the return Of fugf-
tives, then In Congress rests the sole right, and
the attempt to pass this bill and others Of like
nature 10 volunteering Legislation, meddling
with that which we have no business, and for
| which we will receive no thanks. But we are
told that we must do something, or our South
ern brethren will keep going away until the Un
ION is broken up, the constitution overthrow
and the government destroyed Ii it must be
so, then let It come, and let the responsibility
rest upon them so madly bent upon pulling
down this proud fabric built by our fathers al
such cost Of blood and Of toll. If they can
stand It, 80 can we. Not that we would under
/
means. Rather let IL be perpetusted, going
on 10 accomplish all its high destiny; its flag
under which has been achieved 80 much Of
honor and of good, without one star stricken
from its ample folds, still float over us In pride
and beacon of hope to the oppressed of every
nation.
In the result of the election Of 1860, call II
pretext, occasion, or by any other name, ia where
the present difficulties arise, or rather where
| they get their force to distract the country
Where there is much acrimony and bitterness
of feeling between the different sections OF the
country, which has been increased by misrepre.
sentation for personal and party ends, and from
his arises the present condition of things -
Hence are no administrative acts Of the party
succeeding in the election of which there can
be any complaint. Strange 1t Is that the slave
interests of the South, which has controlled
and heralded the policy OF the government al
most, and now having achieved victory, we
are called on to give the fruits OF that VIC ory
Tue yspquished debating terms 10 the victor;
yea more, traitors debating terms TO the gov
} ernment against which they are plotting and
acting treason. Having taken possession ofthe
forts, arsenals and other property Of the govern.
ment. they demand OF that government the IN.
conditional surrender of other like property,
and yet we are to legislate carefully else ae in
jure the feelings or disturb the equanimity Of
these occupying this position. We must COM
promise, give guarantees and yield up, what
Our manhood. Must ask what legislation will
, suit them, must haste TO grant 1t. Must do
more than this, must refrain from saying aught
against the institution Of slavery; must consid-
er 1t q benevolent, christian, divine instituI
tion. We beg to demur. We do not, cannot,
tpiH not admire the institution. We will dis
charge all our constitutional duties relating to
the subject, but farther than this cannot 60
The country 10 in difficulty. How shall these
difficulties be settled2 We are told to COM
promise. What have We to conceded And Il
there Il aught we can do, where is the evidence
Of its settling our troubles7 Propositions which
our neighbors send would never be agreed 4
BY the North, and any proposed settlement which
4 would not afterwards be suetained by the peo-
pie Of gil sections would only conplicate diff
cultes. As he understood the desire Of ths
South, tho recognition 10 some form In the Con
stitution Of the right Of property in man is
what ts aimed at. This never can be consented
10 by the North. The farther extension and re-
construction Of slavory would not be assented
to as compromise 1t did seem to him tLert
was little hope In compromise, certainly nevei
In the passage Of measures like that before us
Want Of frmDess and decision, resolute deter
minatoh to do and 10 yield what was right 4
ell parties and all sections was what was mos
needed. And only could there be hope In reso-
lutely standing BY and sustaining the Union
under the Constitution as IL 10. Then let Ut
take this position, maintaining and enforcing tb,
laws In all sections and upon all parties, trust
ing in God and 10 returning sense Of right, o.
Justice, and Of interest, for solution Of alof op,
difficulties
Mi. ANDREWS rose to question of priv
ilege, and read statement from an Indisnap-