Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-10-08
ProtootOHate Of Mexico BIZ European Pow
n.n-n,n. nI..-.. nn..,-a..

DOCNEluos
England, France and Spain propose-or
certain things officially and unoficially said
in England, France and Spain indicate that
those powers have it in contemplation--to
establish a protectorate in Mexico, with q
view to promote civil order in that country,
now in q state of chronic, and, to all appear
ance, permanent anarchy. There will be, in
the United States, an attempt to get up an
excitement upon this subject which, if sue
cessful, may lead our Government to do
something foolish in the premises, provided
England, France ..and Spain shall be so
unwise as to attempt an enterprise which
can be nothing else than a source of expense
and dissatisfaction to themselves.
1t is probably as much for the benefit Of
the United States and its citizens that order
be restored and preserved in Mexico, as it is
for the benefit of England, France and Spain
and their citizens. Our Government, on one
occasion, made itself uncomfortable about
Mexican anarchy, and Mr.. Buchanan and
the leaders and journals of his party were
| quite anxious to try their hands at the pro-
tectorate business but fortunately things at
| bone we're not ripe for the undertaking, and
it was pushed aside by matters of more
pressing character. 1t would undoubtedly
be of advantage to several citizens of the
United States, having business relations with
| Mexico, if reign of law were restored or
inaugurated there, as it would be to citizens
Of England, France and Spain; and if this is
Il sufficient reason for the establishment of q
protectorate by one nation-our own, for
exampe--it is not easy to see why it is not
also q sufficient reason for its establishment
by others.
The ground upon which the measure is
urged in Great Britain, and probably in the
other European States, is entirely mercsn-
tile. British subjects have invested their
capital in Mexican trade, in the course of
which they have become large creditors OF
the Mexican Government. Amid the
struggles of parties in that country, the
operations of trade have been impeded, the
Government has lost the power to preserve
social order OF to meet its own obligations,
and the life and property Of foreign residents
are no longer safe. This is the substance of
the complaint which British merchants lay
before the ministry; and then, identify ing
their interests with those of the Govern
ment, they claim that it is the duty of the
latter to interpose to protect its citizens and
their property, and seize upon the sources OF
Mexican revenue, in order to recover sums Of
money due to themselves:
'tWe humbiy submit to your Lordship that
any nation inviting foreigners, by formal
treaty, TO settle within its territory, on the
guarantee of personal protection, and failing
to afford that protection, puts itself in the
position of defaulting party to solemn
contract, and leaves it, consequently, open
to the other party to that contract, tc
take measures to repair the default.
"Great Britain has, indeed, on another
ground a special right of Intervention. The
revenues Of the customs of the Mexican
ports are mortgaged to her subjects; but the
produce Of them is unlawfully withheld
She hasa right to .foreciose the NOR tgoge, and
take possession Of these custom houses, aRtI tLI
claims Of her subjects are sad$fed!i
If it is a part of the business Of Govern
ments to act as general police and collect
ing agency for their subjects all over tht
world then the British mercantile view o
the case is correct; and, as it is substantially
the same with that taken officially by our owl
Government only few years ago, we do no
know that we have much right to conten,
against it. If it is just in one instance it i
equally so in another; and we had bette
not put ourselves to trouble on account o
the movement.
But we have a right TO be suspicious. I
is o mark of acuteness, foresight, statesman
ship, to be suspicious. We have certail
standing, national suspicious, which it
always pleasant and proftable--or profitable
and therefore pleasant--to play upon. On
Of these is, that European nations, out {
jealousy of our greatness, and hatred to thos
republican institutions under which we ar
enjoying so high degree of peace, procrea
ton and prosperity, are anxious to gain
, foothold upon this continent with view
the compression of our political stature, an
the final destruction of our liberties. Th
is a point upon which argument is out c
place. 1t is just as easy to prove that Euro
pean nations are thus burning with SUI
pressed jealousy and hatred against US, 6
that they are not; while, if it were to b
| pIOhSu tudI 'hSJ olo nut 'hS SANNN "ON'N >
to tear up by the roots one Of our finest topic
for lofty defamation and indignant ell
quence.
But we have-or think we have--this su
picion embalmed in doctrines dictna s.
pisahorua, descended to US from patriot
men of the Revolutionary period conside
ably more sacred-on proper occasions-tha
the Constitution and which, at all even
and hazards, we are bound to carry out Il
"Monros Doctrine" Barely to think
abandoning the Monroe doctrine would
terrible to advise its disregard would
treason of the blackest character. We, {
of US, they who know what lis and they wi
do not, hold to it, and especially the latte
and we ourselves, personally, would be b
last to advise, even in the present terrib
condition of our country, that it be depart'
from, even though adhesion to it should
the occasion of war at once with every n
= tion upon the old continent But what
n the Monroe doctripe2
4 Upon this point authorities differ. The
., is a very wide, nay, very fundamental d
4. agreement. With some it is one thing, a.
with others, "quite the reverse" The VI
- gar, common, party-newspaper, flibusterii
idea of the Monroe doctrine we give in I