Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1861-01-17

the subjects of State action; nor to various pro-
positions concerning the fugitive slave law, be-
cause they relate only to legislative action; moi
to the question concerning the right OF soJourr
and transit with slave property; nor to the sew
eral schemes of constitutional amendment which
demand more for the South than the plan ol
Mr.. Ciittenden have said that, in my opin-
ion, no thorough and satisfactory amendments
will be proposed to the States by Congress; and
have taken the plan which comedies most tc
Northern States, and which presents the least
that suppose any portion Of the South would
accent. And now, sir, tell you that the Repub'
| licans in Congress- and fear In the whole coun
try, never will adopt it. They will not recog-
nze in any form, directly or indirectly, property
in slaves They will outlaw, from the protec-
tion of the common Government, property to
the value of four thousand millions Of dollars,
and which is interwoven with the very structure
of society in nearly half the States Of the Union.
They intend that the South shall never have
any portion in the territory Of the Union. Their
fixed policy is to WELD the Federal Government
for anti.slavery purposes, and to crush all OPP
position by arms. am not mistaken as to the
purposes Of the resolute and controlling spirits
OF their organ ,tion at this capital.
At an early day 10 the session number Of
gentlemen, fearing that no suitable guarantee
could be proposed by Congress, began TO look to
the States and the people. The Republicans
having controlicf .ht Inorthern State our frienGs
thehe were, of course, unable to move. An ear.
nest effort was made here to secure O convention
of all the southern States. The plan could not
command the requisite support, and was lost in
the rapid progress of events. Next, more
hopeful movement was set on foot, looking to
an immediate conference of the border slave
holding States (embracing Tennessee and North
Carolina,) with the view to unite their coun-
sells and avert the danger of civil war. But
here, also, the obstacles proved nsurmounta-
BILE, and the time for such action has passed
Each OF these States, therefore, must decide for
itself the attitude II will occupy in THE emer-
gency.
The immediate question now presented Is.
peace or war. Whether the right of State or
States to dissolve their connection with the
Federal system be a reserved right, or one
growing out of the Constitution, or the right OF
revolution, the great fact lies before US that the
act has been done; and we are aot permitted to
doubt that in few weeks seven or eight States,
containing larger population than the thirteen
colonies at the epoch of the Revolution, will
have withdrawn from the Uuiou; and declared
| their independence. Under whatever name,
disguised, a COLI .ion OF arms with them will be
war.
The dominant party here, rejecting avery
thing, proposing nothing, are pursuing policy
which, under the name of "enforcing the laws''
and "punishing traitors" threatens to plunge
the country into all the calamities Of civil war.
The Federal Union cannot be preserved by
arms. The attempt would unite the southern
States in resistance, while in the North great
multitude of true and loyal men never would
consent to SIZED the blood of our people in the
name and under the authority Of o violated
compact. A FERROUS collision upon existing is.
sues would destroy whatever hope may yet re.
main of preserving or restoring the Union
| An attempt to hold it together by the bayonet
would exceed anything yet recorded in the an
mails of human madness and folly. It would
bring on war Of unexampled ferocity ln which
every vital principle of the Union would die
appear forever.
If the South should succeed In maintaining
| her independence, the teuds and animosities
engendered by the contest between the sections
would be transmitted to succeeding generations,
while, if she should be subjugated, the govern
ment wouli become in form and in fact consoli.
dated, and would soon reach the'usual historical
termination in military despotism. But her sub.
iugation is impossible, without determination
and that is impossible.
Aud yet the danger Of civil war 10 imminent
unless it shall be arrested by prompt and ener-
getic action. If, before the passions of men be
come aroused, and series OF untoward events
drift us into strife, Kentucky and the other bor
der States shall calmly and firmly present
united front against it, believe it may be ar
rested. Fifteen States are potent to prevent
war. This, too, would strengthen all the true
men in the northern States who resist the afro
cious policy. Upon this question let US annihi
late party The force party believe that Ken
lucky and other southern States are seriously
divided on this subject Unless this can be
quickly shown to be delusion, it may become
the parent of brood of woes.
The wisdom OF the Legislature will doubtless
provide whatever is neadful; yet, at a time
lke.this, it becomes the duty, as it is the right
| of every man to express his opinions and, as
one citizen of the Commonwealth, / give my
voice for State convention. II is only by the
direct action of the several States in their soy.
ereign capacity that anything effectual can now
be done; and, for one, desire that Kentucky
may have an opportunity 10 determine, in the
most solemn manner, her judgement of her
rights and her attitude In the present condition
| of affairs.
She has not been an inactive nor inglorious
member of the contederacy; she is in the pres
ence Oh great ana startnng events, ana IL IS not
her nature to sit in listless apathy, borne along
by rapid currents, without the power to direct
her course. Let her have the opportunity,
through her chosen representatives, Of deciding
upon the prospect of reuniting all the States in
constitutional Union, or, il that shall be i'm
possible, let her be in position to determine
her own destiny.
This letter has grown longer than intended,
although have adhered pretty closely to my
original purpose, rather to present facts, and
my Impressions from them, from this standpoint,
than to enter upon elaborate discussion. Ineed
not say to you, my dear sir, that have uttered
nothing in an obtrusive spirit, but rather re-
luctantly and sorrowfully. My suggestions in
regard to the action of Kentucky, are offered
in the spirit of loyalty to the State love and
will ever obey. They are clearly right, or very
wrong. If right, the pleasure will be mine to
have said timely word; if wrong, will know
bow to bear without murmur, all the conse--
quences Of an honest but terrible mistake.
Very sincerely, your friend,
JOHN G. BRECKINRIDGE.
Hon. B. MAeoFFIN, Governor of Kentucky.
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