Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-03-24
COMMUNICATION.


SIR roget that L have NOT the honor 70 esysy
your personal acquaintance as the report Of these
to whom YOU axe best known has induced me to en-
terrain high respect both for your chafacser -
intellect. II was therefore with no small suIpI1-s
and modification that this moment reao :.
editorial notice Of political letter on :.
which Won are reported having deciareu tnAI 80
recognized the constitutional amendment, fspoh.sn
from the Committee of Thirty-three m Cengress ~
Mr. Corvin as of such nature, TN. 4 .ne SAM
should be hereafter duly raflned, = "oule a'lore
fIl cnr;tv TO the South against future antisayery
Can il be that you really entertain such
- :,;rn "a the one ascribed TO your What Is the
character of this boosted amendment itsimpy pro
ses I'd nrohbit Congress from iegislating hereafter
E ,s 3rstructiou Of slavery in the States where it
AZ -asent exists sincerely hope that you have
ever entertained any doubt in regard to the mean
~, and extent of the Constitution, 1t bow stands
IN regard to this imortant matter You are aware
that no leading statesman Of the Black Republican
faction has ever been known to assert the existence
Of such a power of legislation on the part Of the
Federal Government. The authority to legislate on
the subject of slavery in the States is expressly
pudiated both by the Buffalo and Chicago platforms
II is notorious that Mr.. Lincoln, Mr.. Seward and
| others have yielded their assent to this consttu
/ tionaI amendment of Mr.. Corwin, alone upon the
ground that its adoption will have no effect what
ever in changing the character of the Constitution
1t would seem, therefore, that the bringing forward
of such amendment might rather have the effect
of drawing into question rights and immunitles
against dangers at present lurking in the bosom Of
the Constitution.
But suppose, for the sake of argument,Ithat the
Constitution Is not altogether 50 clear 10 regard e
this important point as 1t has been heretofore heic
70 be and suppose an amendment of that instru
ment to be adopted inhibiting Congressional legsa
ton in the States and superadding thereto CLAUSE
prohibiting any future amendment of the Constitu
ton, of nature to invest Congress with the power
of legislation in the manner specified still. seems
Il uafa mn.
sition in regard to future encroachments upon her
alayeholding rights than she nav does. 1t would
be still possible for the Constitution to he thereafter
so modified in ono Of the modes of amendment pro
Vded for by ITSELF as to strike out or altogether
to dispense with, this needed prohibitory clause
itself and by so doing place the slavehoding States
of the South In the same asssailable position now
occupied by them, 80 that whenever the free States
of the North should have so multiplied beth IN
the number of them and in their general increase o.
population as to attain that complete ascendanoy IL
the councils Of the Republic, which has been SC
long apprehended by the South, nothing would be
easier than by the process already described. to
bring about such change in the fundamental Law
as would make the continued existence OF slavery
in any part of the Unien, well nigh impossible.
1t seems to me, with due Difference to the judg
ments of Others that those who rely upon such q
prohibtory clause as that above referred to, as ar
eectual shield against Abolition hostility have fail
ed TO give due weight to the consideration that the
I
ernpept is that which recognizes the WpitteA ppn
stituticn under which that Government nay have
been brought into existence as subject both TO alter
alton and extinction, @. the pleasure of those By
whom it has been framed, and for the promotion o.
whose happiness alone it has been set on foot Thu
great principle has been alike asserted in our Ma
tional Decarationof independence, and in the Bill Of
flights pretixed TO our own Constitution. under
sake to assent, and imprudent will be the man who
shall venture e. geingsZ TIE re- asfEpafan, that ne
government which may have originated with the
people, uaallep4ble and iadafeasible, but that any
written Constitution which Should be placed by it
own provisions entiPelyIbeyopd the reach OF amend
ment, or modification In any essential particular
would be, the lawyers say 4i0ad hoo, grossly an
ti>Republican in its character, and mere rRonstr
horrendu7n in government Take away the power
of amendment altogether from any written Consti
tuition, snd tbs whole instrument, however solemn
ly and deliberately adopted ky Fessen Of lts PePHg
would become nullty; take this power away In
part only and thus far it would Of necessity become
inyala. Now if these propositions are of nature to
defy contradiction. Of what value would be an
amendment Of the FEDORA cORsttHtiaH, prOhibiEoFy
of legislation on the part Of Congress- Hat naH
authorized, though coupled with provision affirm
ing that no future amendment on this subject
should ever take place? Surely you viii agree
With me, vp0a further consideration that the South
wiz neTeF be justified in considering her situation
4
tionsI amendments SO warmly urged Hpol The
attention of Congress at its late session, by Mr..
Cristenden and Others, shall have been conceded BY
the North, and especially tfRE Gne which was In
tended to provide for the equality OF rights On the
part of the saveholding and of the nonslaYeholdng
States in the common territory of the Union.
4 1t seems to me now to be quite certain that no
suea concessions those above specified will ever
be granted. hrlasOlH End his constitutional advs-
ers have only two alternatives nov before them; it
hiatt Vpffh Mn
recognize the Southern Republic, or make war upon
the seeded States for the recspture of the forts
| the collection Of the revenue. ! confess that am
for peace aad Rspesea to the shedding of blood in
in conclusion, to atand by the South, n her present.
Hor,ent Of danger and tFibqlation; to 9pppse with
| sl ycIF power the aceuFsed policy Of coercion,
and give ysUr high sanction, at the earliest possible
moment, TO that act OF recognition which no eircRns
stances likely to arise hereafter can possibly pres
vent.
Be not aissuaded from this course / beseech you
by the absurd and indigested notion, prevalent in
certain quarters, that the Federal Government pos
sesses no constitutional power to recognise the
| seeded States, as separate and independent ma
ton. Even Mr.. Calhoun, with all his strict notions
Of the limited powers of the Federal Government
is known to have uniformly asserted, thatthe treaty
making power was vested in that Government as
fully and adequately, as in any other civilized
Government existing, and / am satisfied that no
other leading statesman has been known to deny
the truth of this proposition. It appears to me
that the absolute necessity of the case, in order to
avoid the borrora of civil war and to prevent the
establishment of relations of permanent unkindness,
between the two sections Of the Union, should be
allowed to have the effect of removing all fastdious
scruples in regard to the question of constitutional
power. Salas reipablicae, saprena ler.
JAMES MADISON.
Gigantic Frauds
Three gigantic frauds have been made public this
this year? The first and greatest Of these was the