Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1861-12-04

These things oenonSEnte buht 1uS SNuSS
of the Union is advancing steadily south
Ford since Vonu last adjournment Lieut.
Cen. Scott has retired from the head Of
the army. During his long life the nation
has not been unmindful Of his merit, yet
on calling to mind how faithfully, ably and
brilliantly he has served the country from
Il time far back in our history, when few
of the now living had heen born, and thence
forward continually, l cannot but think
that we are still his debtor.
Isub,nit, therefore, for your eonsidera-
ton what further mark of recognition is
due to him and yourselves as grateful
people. With the retirement of General
Scott came the executive duty Of appoint
ing in his stead General-in-Ohi OF the
-army. It is q fortunate circumstance that
neither In council nor country was there,
so far as know, any difference of opinion
as to the proper person TO be selected
The retiring Chief repeatedly expressed
his Judgment in favor of Gen. Mcclellan
for the position, and in this the nation
seemed to give an unanimous concurrence.
The designation of Gen. Mcclellan is,
therefore, in a considerable degree, the Sc
lection of the country, as well as of the
Executive, and hence there is better reason
to hope there will be given him the con-
iidence and cordial support thus by fair
implication promised, and without which
he cannot with so full efficiency serve the
country.
Ii has been said that one bad General is
better than two good ones, and that saying
is true if taken to mean no more than
that an army is better directed by single
man, thouEhinferior, than by two superior
ones at variance and cFOss-pnrposes, and
the same is true in all joint operations
wherein those engaged can have none
hut common end in view and can diff
fer only rs to the choice of means.
In a storm at sea, no one on board can
wish the ship to sink, and yet not
unfrequently all go down together,
becouse too many will direct and no sim
gle mind eau be allowed 10 control.
II continues to develope that the insur-
rectiou is largely, if not extensively war
upon the first principle of popular govern
meut-the rights of the people. Conclu-
sive evidence of this is found in the most
grave and matprely considered public doc
umenIs, as well as in the general tone of
| the insurgents.
In these documents we find the abridge-
ment OF the existing right Of suffrage, and
the denial to the people of all right to par
ticipate in the select on of public officers,
except the legislative body, advocated with
Iabored argument to prove that large con-
troll OF the government in the people IS the
source of all political evil. Monarchy it
self is sometimes limited at as possible
refuge from the power of the people,
In my present position 1 could scarcely
| be Unsuitable were 10 omit raising warn
| ing voice against this approach of return
| ing despousm. Il Is not needed nor fitting
| here that a general argument should be
made in favor of popular institutions, but
there is one point with its connections not
SO hackueyed us most others to which 1
ask brief attention;::it is the effort to place
capital on an equal footing with, 1t not
above labor in the structure OF the govern"
meuti it is assumed that labor is available
only in connection with capital, that no
body lAbors unless somebody else owning
capital some how BY the use of it Induces
him 10 labor
This assumed, it is next. considered
whether it is best that capital shall hire
laborers and induce them to work by their
own consent or buy them and drive them
to it without their consent. Having pro.
ceeded so far, it is naturally eoniuded that
all Iaborers are either hired lIbOrers or
what we call slaves. And further, it is
assumed that whoever is once hired Ia
| borer, is fixed 10 the condition for life.
Now there is no such relation between
| capital and labor as assumed, nor is there
/
tor life in the condition Of hired lab0rer.
Both OF these assumptions are false and
all differences from them are groundless.
Labor is prior TO and independent Of capt.
tail Capital is only the fruit of labor and
| could never have existed il labor had not
6rst existed Labor is the superior of
| capital aud deserves much the higher con-
sideration.
Capital has its rights, which are as Wor-
thy Of protection as any other rights. Nor
| is it denied that there is and probably al
ways will be relation between labor and
capital, producing mutual benefits. The
| error is in assuming that the whole labor
of Cammunity exists within that relation.
a few men own capital, and that few avoid
labor, aud with their capital hire or buy a
| few TO labor for them. A large majority
belong to neither class-neither work for
others nor have others work for them.
/ In most Of the Southern States a ma
jority of the whole people Of all cOlOrs are
neither slaves nor masters, while 10 the
| Northern large majority are neither hirers
| nor hired Men with their families, wives,
sons and daughters work for themselves on
tleir farms, in their houses and in their
| shops, taking the whole product to them
selves, and asking no favors of capital on
the one hand, nor of hired labor or slaves
| on the other. It is not forgotten that n
considerable number Of persons miugle
their own labor with capital, that is, they
labor with their own hands, and also buy
or hire Others to labor for them. But this
/ is only mixed and not d distinct class
| No priuciple stated is disturbed by the ex-
istence of this mixed class.
! Again, as has already been said, there
1 is not of necessity any such thing as the
free hired laborer being fixed for that con-
dition for life. Many Independent meu,
! everywhere in these States, few years
back in their lives, were hired laborers.
The prudent, penniiess beggar in the world
labors for wages awhile, and saves SUR