The national Republican., 1861-01-26

convince me, that whatever Of high hope (as I
think there ISL there may be in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution is impossible. If
they we're all landed there in day, they would
perish in the next ten days and there are not
surplus shipping aud surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then? Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlingsP Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition.
think l would not hold one in slavery at any
rate; vet the point is not clear enough to de-
nounce people upon. What next2 Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
EQUALS? My own feelings will not admit of
this and if mine would, we we'll know that
those of the great mass Of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice and
sound judgment, is not the sole question, #,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel,
ing, whether well or i'll founded, cannot be
safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. 1t does seem to me that sys.
tens Of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed /; but for that hardness in this respect, !
will not undertake to judge our brethren of the
South.
"N hen they remind us of their constitutional
rights, acknowledge them, not grudgingy,
but fully and fairly; and l would give them
any legislation for the reclaiming Of their fugi
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one."-Speech at Otto,ca, Ill.,, aug
2l, 1858.
Has anything ever threatened the existence
Of this Union, save and except this very institu
ton of slavery2 What is it that we hold most
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavery-by spreading it out and making it
bigger9
You may have wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way Of treating what
you regard as a wrong."-Speech at Alton, Oct.
Is, 1858.
"I suppose most of us Il know it of myself
believe that the people Of the Southern States
are entitled to Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is constitutional, l agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the institution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
for that job at ALL Why, then, do yield sup
port to fugitive slave law? Because do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar
antics that right, can be supported without
it."-iSpeech at Alton, Oct. Is, S5S.
"The real issue in this controversy-the one
pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
the part Of one class that looks upon the insti.
tuition of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as wrong.
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
Of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it as beih y a moral, social, and political
wrong; and while they contemplate it as such
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among US, and the difficulties of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet having due regard for these, they desire
policy in regard to it that looks td9ls not Gre
ating any more danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, be treated as wrong
and one of the methods Of treating it as q
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be o man among US who
does not think that the institution of slavery il
wrong in any Of the aspects Of which have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to bt
| with us. And if there be man amongst u!
who is so impatient Of it as a wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among MS, and th'
difficulty of getting rid Of it suddenly in a sat
isfactory way, and to disregard the consttu
tional obligations thrown about it, that man il
misplaced if he is on our platform. m."-Speech a
Alton, Oct Is, 1858.
| FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH.
awe the .Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of the country, intend to stant
by our guns to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When we do beat you
you perhaps want to know what we will dc
with you. l will tell you, so far as l am au
thorzed to speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We NEAR
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution; to abide by every com
promise Of the Constitution and, in word
coming back to the original proposition, t.
treat you as far as degenerated men (ifwe hav'
degenerated) may, according to the example
of those noble Washington, Jefferson
| and Madison. We mean to remember that yol
are as good as we are; that there is no dif
ference between US, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recognise anC
bear in mind, always, that you have as goot
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or al
we claim to have, and to treat Jou accord
ingly.-Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. II, 1859.
DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM
Resolred, That we, the Democracy of tn
| Union, in Convention assembled, hereby dc
clare our afirmance of the resolutions unan
mously adopted and declared as a platform c
principles by the Democratic Convention a
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing tha
Democratic principles are Interchangeable i
their nature, when applied to the same subec
matter; and we recommend as the only furthe
resolutions the following:
Resolved That it is the duty of the Unite
States to afford ample and complete protectio
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroaG
and whether native or foreign.
ResOlred That one of the necessities of tn