Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-02-20

tnere with single exception, IN all tins, except
proposals more efectually to secure certain rights
which are already conferred by the Constitution,
or else matters too trivial for rational men to make
a moments difficulty about? The exception to
which refer is the maintenance of slavery in the
District of Columbia, so long as Virginia and
Maryland object to its abolition there But in
the first place. no actual change is here proposed;
slavery has existed in the District ever since our
existence as nation. And, secondly, if, by re-
fusing to continue it there we cause the secession
of the States between which it les will it be-
come free? OF what use, even if it were free and
were in possession, would it be to us? Do we
propose, we of the North, in case of disruption of
the Union, to conduct our Government and as
semble our Congress within the limits of a for
eign country?
/ shall be reminded, however and properly
reminded, that it is not in any of these minor
points that the true difficulty lies. The question
of slavery in the Territories, that is the demand,
we are told, which can never be granted.
One among the thousand politicians of the day
to whom, if we are to judge him from his recent
eiiorss, may justly be accorded to the seldom
earned title of Statesman, the Senator from whom
have already quoted, gentleman who will not
be suspected of pro-slavery prOclivities, has re
Gently set this matter in its true light He .'has
followed this thing" he says, ''in good faith, with
zeal aud energy" and, as a result of his inquiries,
the conclusion of his sober thought, he declares
that the question OF slavery in the Territories has
ceasei to be a practical question
Mr. Seward speaks the simple truth; but he
proclaims the inevitable conclusion which every
sane man must deluce from the fact, that in all
the twelve years during which slavery has been
permitted and protected in the Territories of the
United States, the owners OF twenty-four slaves
only saw fit to avail themselves of the privilege.
The question has become a mere abstraction.
1t exists not in the actual world but only in those
hot houses of the imagination called party creeds.
A Power greater than ours has interviewed. Soil,
climate, circumstances-.he influences of God
have already decided the matter The efforts of
man are impOtent alike to confirm, as to reverse
the decision.
braced in the various proposed compromises of
the day. Ii is quite certiin that some one OF the
compromises, some combination of them Il
assume not to determine its exact provisions
will satisfy ami retain in the Union the border
slave States. 1t Is equally certain that the news
of compromise accepted by them, when it
reaches the seeding States will be hailed BY
those who may be now, against hope struggling
there for the Union, as they would hail the glori-
Gus sun, breaking out after weary tempest
Cheered by the glad conviction that portion of
the South has declared for that Union, that States
with institutions like their own have decided still
to cast their lot within it, may we not hope much
from their exertions?
But even If these, for the time, should fail,
how great will have been our gainl Nearly half
the South perhaps still have retained within the
Coinederacy. Theprospect that calm reflection and
actual experience of their true condition as dis
severed States may, in the end, gradually bring
in the remainder. Meanwhile the certainty that
our seat of Government is preserved, that the
tomb of Washington will never stand on a for
eign, not to say enemy's soil and that, if Il
few stars have dropped out, our flag retains, none
the less, its Identity and will still be known
the world as the ensign that represents the power
and greatness of the United States of America
But all these results and thousand more-the
blessed security of peace, Of hearth and home in
violate-depend upon contingency; they may be
secured, or they may be lost forever according as
We now consent, or now refuse to compromise.
If Faction stand out and refuse, will she sue
ceed in her work of destruction! The answer
shall be given by one, who, next to the President
elect, will probably have the best opportunity tC
verify his own words. Hear what William II
Seward said, from his place in the Senate, on the
last day of last month: He said, that, in lieu Of
that territorial question which had ceased to be
practical one, ''comes up great and vital and
fearful questionable question of Union or of dis
solution of the Union; the question of country OIL
no country; the question of hope, the question o.
greatness the question of sinking forever under
the contempt of mankind" He said, (and
earnestly pray your attention TO such a sentiment
coming from such man, )-he said, that, before
the Union can be saved, partisan interests ant
platforms and all men who cling to them are tC
pass away and disappear. He said, that, when j
shall be fully discovered that the Union is in dan
ger, Through faction or even impracticabity,
and when there shall arise the whirwind of popu
lar Indignation that will be excited at the discov
cry, then "you and | and everybody who shall
oppose resist stand in the way of the preservation
OF the Union will appear but as moths in a sum
mer eve"
Is that plain speech? 1t is plain and faithful
ard truthful speech. 1t is speech such as tn,
crisis demands. 1t honors the speaker. And M
man save Abraham Lincoln himself could hav,
uttered it with more authority than William ii
Seward.
This plain sp fech declares, that there stand il
| the way of the preservation of the Union, no
principles, not practical questions, but partisan
interests, but platforms and their uphoders
but factious and impracticable men, And thi
| plain speech predicts, that whenever the people
shall discover that that Union which, from theil
cradles they have loved, is in danger their indig
nation viii arise, like mighty storm; and these
interests, these platforms, all these factiOus ant
impracticable men will perish, like ephemeral in
sects, before it.
do not understand Mr.. Seward as declaring
1
one platform, of factious and impracticabe mer
belonging to any one single party. j understand
/ him as declaring it of all interests and all plat
forms and all men, be they found where they will
that now are or that may hereafter become, OBJ
stacles to the preservation of the Union.
"All factous are impracticabe men," Who
the factious and the impracticableg Do an,
ask, "Is it /? Is it II" Ii they honest il
the inquiry, their consciences may readily answe
it. If any Republican there be, who thinks an
acts with view to maintln political power an,
J his party creed first, and to preserve the Unol
afterwards; If any Democrat there be, who think
and acts with view to regain political power ant
reinstate his party creed first and to preserve tn
Union afterwards, that Republican, that Demo
crat, is the man. Through him and through
such as he, il is, that, in these days of gloom, OF
fenses come. Wo to him. 1t were better 70
him that milestone were hanged about his neck
and he were cast in the sea
l In conclusion, suffer me very briefly to grou
together the issues have made, in their connec
ton with the present state of things, its pers an
its exgences.
/ Thus we stand Six Slave States, declaring
themselves out of the Union, have elected Pres
ident and Vice President of Southern Conied
eracy Two more seem ready TO join that Con
federacy. Seven Border and Middle States com
prise the remainder. Virginia their leader Ina
declared, condtionally, for the Union. If a com
promise, substantially embodying the provision
Il have already pissed in review, is adopted, sh
elects to remain in our present Confederacy.
such a compromise is rejected, she elects to cas-
her lot with the South She has expressly dc
clared this; and no man who knows her, doubt
that she will keep her word. The rest, beyon
: question: will follow her lead
When, therefore, we finally decide, i'm the Peac
Convention or elsewhere, that there shall he n
compromise, decide, also, that the Souther
Confederacy shall consist, not of six or eigf
States, but of fifteen. We decide further, tina
the present seat of government of the Unite
States of America shall be within the limits c
that Southern ConfedeIacy; and that we of til
North must select another, elsewhere
We have then only one other decision to make
namely, whether shall regard this new Cor
federacy as in war an enemy, or in peace a freaC
For that nation of ten millions of men of Anglo
Saxon blood, smIrting under the factious an
E imPracticabe spirit which rejects all comprOmis,
e and thus knit together by sentiment and by poli
cal bonds, will assert, by the sword ii necessary