Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1861-05-31
Letter frem Ex-Governor C. S. Morehead, Of
Kentucky.
THE DUTY or FORMER UNION MEN.

GENTLEMEN: In your paper of the 23d inst.
you copy the extract of letter from the Frank
fort Yeoman, In which is contained the follow
ing paragraph: 81 saw Governor Morehead to-
day. lust returned from the South. He is the
most ultra Southern rights man have SEEN"
And you add: "Governor Morehead, we be-
lieye. is now at his home in this vicinity, and
can speak for himself" Although the state
ment in the above paragraph may be consid-
cred by some charge sufficiently grave to re-
quire an answer, l am constrained to admit
that am and have all my life been Southern
rights man. 1 have labored honestly and faith
fully 10 secure the enjoyment of those rights
against the fanatical aggressions of those who
have madIy brought the country to its present
deplorable condition. Had the wise and mod
crate and just propositions of our venerable
and distinguished Senator, Mr.. Crittenden,
been promptly accepted by the North, there
are but few who can doubt that we would now
have been a united and happy people. They
were, however, almost unanimously repudiated
by the Black Republican party. Still the low
ers of the Union did not despair. Seven
slaveholding States withdrew from the Union
and formed a government of their own. Ken
lucky, ever loyal and devoted to the stars and
stripes, with unparalleled unanimity of senti-
ment, declared herself opposed to coercion.
My own opinions and feelings were thoroughly
in accordance with hers, and SO publicly ex-
pressed in the most emphatic terms in an adj
dress to the members of the Legislature.
After this, l was unanimously elected as dele
gate to the Peace Conference, where | exerted
whatever power or influence | could bring to
bear for the settlement of the distracting ques-
tons which were conyulsing and dividing the
country. Ny course in that Convention was
the occasion of another address before the
members of the Legislature, the substance of
which was published and laid before the peo-
pie of Kentucky. The resolutions of the
Peace Conference, distasteful as some of them
were to many Southern men, were more
so to the Black Republicans in power. These
resolutions, though the very best that we could
obtain, but not by any means what we desired
them to be, fell still-born. Congress would not
even take them up for consideration. Still we
were assured that there was a deep and con-
stantly increasing feeling of conservatism in
the North, which would override all the Black
Republican influence, and give US every guar
anty necessary to our security and safety. We
took an appeal from the politicians at Washing
ton to the people of the North, and trusted TO
the conservative element to do US justice.
South Carolina was at that time bringing all
her batteries to bear on Fort Sumter, and ma
king the most vigorous preparations for an as
sault. This was perfectly well understood IN
Congress. A bill was introduced in the House
to give the President the power to call out the
militia and volunteers, without limitation in
number, to suppress the instruction and exc
cute the laws. 1t was well understood that
the passage of this bill would have been the
signal for the breaking up of the Peace Con-
ference without action. 1t was accordingly in
definitely postponed. Mr.. Lincoln came into
power Immediately after this refusal OF Con-
gress to pass any law for coercion, or for the
collection of the revenue in the seeded States.
1t was understood that he was in favor of with
drawing the troops from Fort Sumter to pre-
serve the peace of the country. He knew
well that any attemptto succor that fort would
inevitably lead to collision, and result in ru-
nous and devastating civil war.
l am informed and believe that Cabinet
order was made to evacuate the Fort, but that
letters from the radical wing of the party pour
ed in from the North, and the Cabinet again
assembled and the order was changed or mod
flied. He then Immediately commenced his
warlike preparations. He believed that the Or
der TO withdraw the troops would disarm his
party in the North, and on the other hand that
a collision at Sumpter would unite the entire
North. To prevent the conservatives
in the North from triumphing over his
divided party, he and his Cabinet were willing
to inaugurate fratricidal war, bringing desc
lation and ruin on both sections. l am not
now defending South Carolina or her action.
Having withdrawn from the Union either by
secession or revolution, and meaning to main
tein her action at all hazards, she of course
would not allow Sumpter to remain in the
hands of her enemies. Her great fault, and
what we have complained OF, was the original
act of secession. Her Interior action seemed
to be necessary consequence of that. But
whether that Interior action was right or wrong
agree with you, Messrs. Editors, most cor
daily in the condemnation and reprobation of
the proclamation of the 18th of April last, to
which it gave rise. If you will pardon me for
using your language-''the policy announced
in the proclamation deserves the unqualified
condemnation of every American citizen. 1t
is unworthy not merely of a statesman but of
a man. 1t is policy utterly hairbrained and
ruinous. If Mr.. Lincoln contemplated this
policy in the inaugural address, he is guilty
dissembler; if he has conceived it under the
excitement raised by the seizure of Fort Sum-
ter, he is guilty hOtspur. In either case he
is miserably unfit for the exalted position in
which the enemies of the country have placed
him." But this proclamation had something
like the semblance of law to authorize it. The
act of Congress of the 2Sth OfFebruary, 1896,
authorizes him to call out the militia of the
States when the execution of the laws is OBJ
stIucted by combinations too powerful to be
suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial
proceedings. The use of the militia is how
ever limited to three months, and cannot
extend beyond thirty days after the commence
ment of the next session of Congress. If
nothing else, this shows that the law has placed
this whole subject in the hands of Congress,
and that the President can only act, where it
IL NOT or has NOT haau in tho pOuap of Con
gress TO act. 1t is known that these combina-
tons existed during nearly the whole period
the last Congress was in session, yet not one
step was taken looking to coercive policy.
How far he has the power to attempt TO sup
press combinations which were in existence
when Congress was in session, and which have
still continued, it is unnecessary now to dis
cuss. Another proclamation was issued on
the 18th of April, in which, after reciting that
letters of marque were threatened by the Sc
eeding States, he deems it advisable to set on
foot blockade of the ports in the States
in pursuance of the laws of the Uni
ted States and the LaW Of nations in such case
provided, and concludes by declaring such
privateers pirates.
If there be resemblance of authority for
this movement by the most latitudinarian con-
struction of the powers of a constitutional
President l have been unable to perceive it.
1t is gross and palpable violation of the Con-
stitution and wanton usurpation of power.
In the time of South Carolina notification, it
was said by the friends of President Jackson
md the papers in his interest, that he would
put it down by bloekading the port of Charles
on, and Mr.. Webster, in alluding to those re-
ports in his speech at Worcester Mass, said:
THE President has no authority to blockade
the President has no authority to
employ military force, till he shall be duly re-
Iuired so to do by law and by the civil authori-
les" The fame of Mr.. Webster has in no
been enhanced by his unanswerable
argument against notification, yet as consti-
utional lawyer he proclaimed that the Presi-
lent had no authority to blockade Charleston,
md he aided in passing the force bill, limited
o two years, to enable him to do it The law
e h. u