Columbia Democrat and Bloomsburg general advertiser. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1850-1866, 1861-03-09


change to be proper land in every case and
cxigency my best discretion will be cxer-
cised according 10 circumstances actually
existing, and with view and hope Of q
peaceful solution of the National troubles,
and the restoration of fraternl syinps-
thies and affections. That there are per-
sons in one section or another who seek to
destroy the Union at all events, and are
glad OF any pretcxt to do it, l will neither
affirm or deny; but if there be such,
need address no word, to those, however,
who really love the Union. May l not
speak before entering upon SO grave
matter as the destruction Of our national
fabric, all its benefits, its memories, and
hopes would it not be wise to ascertain
precisely what are due will you hazard
so desperate step while there is any
possibility that any portion of the ills yoa
fly from have no real existence will you,
while the certain ills you fly to are creator
than all the real ones you fly from will
YOU risk the commission Of so fearful
mistake All profess to be content in ths
Union if all constitutional rights can be
maintained. Is it true, then, that any
right plainly written in the Constitution
has been denied think not. Happily
the human mind is SO constituted that no
party can reach to the audacity of doing
this. Think if you can of single i'll
stance in which plainly written provision
of the Constitution has ever been deniod-
If by the mere force of numbers majori-
ty should deprive a minority Of any clear
y written Constitutional right it might, in
a moral point of view, justify reyolutioni
it certainly would if such right were
vital one. But such is not our case. All
the vital rights Of minorities and of indi-
vduals are so plainly assured to them, by
affrmations and negst;ons, guarantees aud
prohibitions in the Constitution, that con-
troverses never arise concerning them (;
but no organic law can be framed with q
provision specifically applicable to every
question which may occur in practical
administration No foresight can antiei-
pate, nor any document of reasonable
length, contain express provisions for all
possible questions. Shall fugitives from
labor be surrendered by national or State
authority The Constitution docs not
expressly say. May Congress prohibit
slavery in the territories? The Cons.i,u.
ton does not expressly say! Must Con-
grcss protect slavery in the tcrritoriea
The Constitution does not expressly say.
From. questions of this class spring oil our
Constitutional controversies, and wo di-
vide upon them into majorities and minor
tiles. If the minority will not aoquicsce,
the majority must,or the government muat
c,ase.
There is no other alternative for con-
tinuing the government but aequescence .
on the ono side or the other. If a miuor-
ity in such case will secede rather than
acquiescc, they make a precedent which in
turn will divide or ruin them, for minor.
ity of their own will sccede from them
whenever majority refuses to be con-
trolled by such minority. For instance,
why may not any portion Of new cou-
federacy year or two hence, arbitrarily
ovOo1o- again, precisely portions Of tho
present Union now claim to secedc from
it. All who cherish disunon sentiments
are now being educated To the exact tem.
per of doing this. Is there such perfect
identity of interests among the States to
compose new Union as to produce hsr.
mony only, and prevent renewed soces.
sion! Plainly the central idea of seees.
sion is the essence of anarchy, a msjority
held i'll restraint by constitutional checks
and limitations and always changing oasi.
ly with the deliberate changes OF popular
opinions and sentiments is tho only true
sovereignty of free people. Whoever re-.
jects it, does of necessity fly to anarchy or
to deSpotism. Unanimity is impossible.
The rule of minority as a warrant ar
rangnment is wholly inadmissablc. 50
that rejecting the majority principle, ao-
archy and dcspotism in some form, is all
that is left. l do not forget the position
assumed by some that constitutional oue,.
tions arc to be decided by the Supreme
Court, nor do | deny that such decisions
must be binding in any case upon the
parties to suit as to the object of that
suit while they are also entitled to vory
high respect and consideration in all par.
allel cases BY all other Departments of the
government and while it is obviously
possible that such decision may be erro.
neous in any given ease, still the evil eff.
feet following it, being limited to that par.
tlcular case, with the chance that it may
be orerruled and mover become a precs-
dent for others, and better be borne than
could the evils of a different practice.
At the same time the candid citizen
must confess that if the policy of the gov.
ornment upon vital questions affecting the
whole people is to be irrevooably fixed BY
decisions of the Supreme Court, the In
stant they are made in ordinary litigation
between parties in personal actions, tho
people will have ceased to be their own
rulers, having to that extent practically
resigned their government into the hands
OF that eminent tribunal; nor is there ia
TINS view any assault upon tho Court o.
the Judges; it is duty from which they
may not shrink to decide cases properly
brought before them and it is no fault Of
theirs If others seek to turn their decisions