Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1861-12-11

MNlRniN hN hHt tfINUi lhN tNuuiN ifoh
,lIWn hi Hrh Ih our hul5iy WHOM iun
Jiheurw tyine hal boon born. und
fbrUargtUah continually I Clunui lui
think we hie Htill hi debtors ! submit
therefore. Tor your confederation, what
mflhet mnrk OF recognition ia due 90 him
and 10 ourselves, as grateful people.
with The retirement ot Gen Scott, came
tho executive duty oi appointing in HE
stead 0cnetaln Chief of the army II
isa fortunate circumstance that neither
in council or county was there, 20 Gi as
| know, any difference Of opinion NJ 10
Tho proper person TO bo selected The
retiring Chief repeatedly expressed his
judgment in favor Of Gen Mcclellan for
the position, and in this the nation
dccrecd 10 give A unanimous concurrence.
Tho designation of Gen. McClelland is
therefore in q considerable degree the Sc.
lection Of the country as well as of the
Executive and hence there is better ren
soE to hcpo that there will be given him
the confidence and cordial support thus,
10y fair implication, promised, aud with.
out which he cannot with so full efficiency
serve the country. IL has been said that
one bad general is better than two good
ones, and the saying is true, il taken -
mean no more than that our army is bet.
ter diected by a single mind, though in.
ferior, than by two superior ones at vari-
ance and cross purposes with each other.
And the same is true in all joint obseva-
tions wherein those engaged can have n0re
but common end in view aud can differ
only rs TO the choice of means.
In storm at sea, no one on board can
wish the ship to sink, and yet not unfre-
euently, all 60 down together, because
too many will direct and no single mind
will be allowed to control.
II continues TO develUpe that the insur-
rection is lar yely, if not exclusively, a war
upon the first principles of popular gov
ernment-the rights of the people. Cons
elusive evidence of this is found in the |
most grave and mNturely considered pub,
lie documents as well as in the general !
tone Of the insurgents.
In these documents we find the acll |
nowledgement of the existing right of suf. |
trage, and the denial of the people OF all
right to participate in the selection of
public officers, except the Legislature, |
boldly advocated, with labored arguments
TO prove that large control of the people |
in Government is the source of all polilis
cal trouble.
Monarchy itself is sometimes limited al
rs possible refuge from the power of the
people. In my present position | could
scarcely be justified were | TO omit raising
4 warning voice against this approach of
returning despotism.
1t is not needed nor fitting here that
general argument should be made here in
favor of liberal institutions. But there is
lne point with its connections not so
lackneyed as most others, to which | ask
l brief attention. II is the effort to place
,apital on 40 equal footing with, if not
lbove, labor, in the structure of the Gov
Having proceeded so far it is naturally
concluded that all laborers are either hir>
ID laborers or what we call slaves. And
ur.her, it is assumed that whoever is
nee hired laborer is fixed i'll that con-
lition for life. Now there is no such re
alton between capital and labor, as as.
umed, nor is there any such thing us
rec man being fixed for life in the condi,
ion of hired laborer.
1t is assumed that labor il available on.
y in connection with capital; that nobody
abors unless somebody else owning cap
al, somehow by the use Oft, induces him
10 labor This assumed, it is next consd.
cred whether it is best that capital should
bire laboters, and thus induce them 10
york by their own consent, or buy them
Ind drive them, to it without their con- ,
ent.
Both these assumptions are false, and
ii differences from them are groundless.
labor is prior 20 and Independent of cap.
tai. Capital is only the fruit of labor aud
ould never have existed if labor had not
rst existed. Labor is the superior OF
apital, and deserves much the higher =
Capital has Its rights, which
re as worthy of protection as any other
lights Nor is it denied that there is and
probably always will be relation tetween
abor and capital, producing mutual ben !
fits. The error is in assuming, that the
Whole labor of the community exists with>
n that relation. !
A few men own capital, and that few ,
void labor themselves, and with their
apiLal hire or buy another few TO labor
or them. large majority belong to l
either class-neither work for others nor
AVE others working for them. t
In most of the Southern States a major
ty Of the whole people, of all colors, are t
leither slaves nor masters, while in the
Northern a large majority are neither hir.
d nor hirers
Men with their families, wives, sons and
aughters work for themselves on their J
lrms, in their houses and in their shops,
liking the whole product to themselves, |
nd asking no favors of capital on the
ne hand, nor of hired slaves or laborers ,
n the other. II is not forgotten that
number of persons mingle =,
leir own labor with their capital-that Il
/, they labor with their own hands, and
so buy or hire others to labor for them (: C
ut this is only mixed and not distinct %
lass. No principle stated is disturbed by
he existence Of this mixed class.
Again, as has already been said, there is !:
OF, OF necessity, any such thing as a free II
ired laborer being fixed to that condition y
lie. Many independent men, everyS S
here in these States, few years back in e
heir lives, were hired laborers.
"A