Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1861-02-22
Party Plots.

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Party Plots.
Private reports FROM Washington state that
Mr.. Seward has already planned, and even
freely discusses in private conversation, a
course which he has marked out for the inconi-
ing Administration He seems to have made
out his calculations and arrangements without
consulting the nominal head of that Admins
tration, being strongly impressed with the con-
viction that the position, influence and superior
talents, information and experience Of the Sc
cretary of State, must necessarily render the
President elect only an exponent Of the policy
of Wm II. Seward.
We can we'll imagine Mr.. Seward assuming
an air less magnificent, perhaps, but to the
full extent as calmly seEpassessed, as that OF
the great old monarchial snob Of French legti-
macy.
We intend no unfairnesS to Mr.. Seward in
this comparison. If there is similarity be-
tween the positions Of the grand monarch and
the party leader, there is also marked con-
trast between the king Of courtiers and the
prince Of politicians very favorable TO the lat
ter Louis XIV raised his little body on his
high hecled shoes, tossed his nose in the air,
swelled like turlcy-cock, md actually utter
cd in 7s0r3s the now proverbial sentiment -
81 am Franco these people here are but my
children" Thackeray is right. Louis NV was
a Snob
Now, Mr.. Seward is not snob. Ills man.
ncrs as we'll as his policy are the offspring of
more polished and mere potent civilization
than that which directed either the Court or
the Cabinet Of the French legitimist. Mr.. Sew
ward could scarcely he induced to pronounce
the cords III am chief Of the Republican
party; the President Of the United States is
merely my lieutenant" Mr.. Seward is inca
pable Of such breach Of social decorum and
political tact. But he is equally guitless of
mock modeSty. lie docs not find it necessary
to clamor about the patent fact that Mr.. Lin
coins official superiority in no manner changes
his partisan relation of follower to his great
party leader; but Mr.. Seward quietly and UNI
ostcntaciousy takes this fact for granted, and
coolly acts upon the assumption.
So much for Mr. Stewards position
Report is equally definite as to his policy
This policy, now imputed to Mr.. Seward, is
one of rare astutcness. His whole present
aim is to build up powerful alliance in the
border States OF the South He seeks con-
ference and explanation especially with lead
ing Wings Of the South, his political associates
of ten years ago. lie represents 10 them that
he regards further governmental pressure in
connection with the slavery question, as unne.
cesSary; that he is satisfied, for his own part
that anti.slavery at the South is already sufi-
GENTLY advanced to work out, unaided, the
task of emancipation; he is entirely willing to
agree to disagree with Southern Wings on this
assumption, to unite with them in excluding
the slavery question altogether from the delb'
erations both Of Congress and Of the Executive
Cabinet; that he especially desires this in Or
der to direct the unembarrassed efforts of the
new Administration to the perfection OF 4 great
financial and commercial policy, which shall
include the leading features CT the American
system high tariff, settled policy Of inter-
nal improvements, a liberal management of
the public lands, perhaps a radical change in
the fiscal agencies of the Federal Govern
ment.
This is doubtless tempting bait to certain
class of Wing leaders Of the Southern border.
1t could not indeed tempt men who are tho
roughly determined to maintain Southern
rights, or who entertain strong and jealous at
tachments to the institution of slavery. In
Virginia, and, we trust in the other border
States, large and influential number Of Wings
may be safely placed in the latter category
But it would be an afectaton to pretend that
with number Of leading Wings in this State,
boasting much talent and moro political expe-
ricnce, the task Of satisfying them on the ques'
ton of slavery, especially when that question
becomes identified with the doctrines Of States
rights, will not be a difficult one. With this
class, as we have said, Mr.. Stewards bait CAN
not fail to prove tempting one.
Mr. Seward offers to these gentlemen the
prospect Of speedy inauguration and firm es.
Enlistment of 4 grand policy of commercial
and financial adjustment which they have
been accustomed to regard with lifelong reve-
renee as high consurn,naton OF governmental
expectancy. He further tenders for their &C
ceptance high offices Of trust and ernolument,
and indicates his willingness to place at
the disposal Of their recommendation all the
Southern portion Of Executive patronage. Hc
also tenders disposition of the slavery ques
ton, sufficiently plausible to secure the acqui-
escence, if not the entire satisfaction Of gentle
men somewhat over-anxious to be satisfied
Now mark how apparently simple and really
insinuatng is the sole 9uid pro quo, which
Mr. Seward demands: Merely that his South
ern co ndjutors shall prudent7y employ all
their tact anil nt3tiress to aoithhoH the South
era States from hat species ef action ehich he
ant they rrersss to regard as '.prccipit0te'-
that they ocN 3c'ay State action IL tie border
States .ior sore, ttc0 or hsee gears, at the
end Of schich perioG, NJ Semara wiN co-ope-
rate aoih them TO secure the assemblage Of u
National Generation Of all the States Of tie
Union, jnlly empowered to adjust all 9ues
tions Of Interstate grieednees.
Now, in this scheme Of reported arrange
ment, leaving Mr.. Stewards Southern coadju-
tors free to act with him without directly or
ostensibly endorsing the anti.savery dognas
of his party, and leaving Mr.. Seward still at
liberty, after due notice to his Southern friends
to resort again to governmental anti-slavery
pressure whenever, in his opinion, it shall again
become necessary for the work Of the "ulti-