Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1861-05-08

OF the Constitution, upon which the eX-
treme claims of hostile patties or sections
rest but to accept the actual and rotor
ious posture Of the whole affair-and havo
ing pointed out in the nature Of our sys.
tenn of government. the ground and char
acter Of the real difficulty to state the
principles on which alone as it app ears to
US, the integrity Of the Union between
slave States and free States can be presery.
ed.
7. There sre three possible results to
! the matter, namely: all the Territories
may become free States, or all may be-
come slave States, or some may become
one and some may become the other
No one who has grain OF common sense,
can suppose il TO be possible for either OF
the first two results to occur, by any
peaceful means, or chat the general gov
ernment can throw its influence syste-
m0tically in favor Of feither, without break
ing up the confederacy- that extensive
combinations OF States on either side to
secure either result, can terminate other
wise than i'll war. 1t follows, therefore,
that the practca' enforcement of the dog
ma on which Mr.. Lincoln comes into
pC wer, namely, that there shall be no
more slavery in the territories, is impossi-
ble otherwise than by dissolution of tho
, Union, and the subsequent conquest Of
one portion Of the country by the other.
But Mr.. Lincoln and hls party, if they are
insane enough to push their dogma to
that terrible issue, will--to say nothing
Of their other perils-probably find them
selves arrested as soon as they show that
they are in earnest, by counter reVolu-
tion at the North, which will crush the
disbOl:cal conspiracy. Admitting that
tue Congress of the United States has ao-
solute power over the National Territories
admitting that the Northern States had
the permanent control of both Houses Of
Congress; we have not the least idea,
that a congress and 4 national admins
tration in this, or any other free country,
would encounter the peril, and heap on
themselves the degradation of attempting
to rob numerous States and many millions
of people, all subject to the same govern
ment and all portions of the same nation
with themselves, of their total share in an
imperial inheritance. Such ideas may be
made etfectual in the organization of par
lies, aud may assume prominence in pop
ulsr movements but wheu it becomes
necessary to give them legal form and va
lidity, to enforce them at the point OF the
bayonet, TO risk counter revolution in
support of them, TO establish them upon
the ruins of society, and cover either the
triumph or the failure of the attempt with
the detestatloL of mankind, their evasion,
in some way or other, is one of those un>
controllable necessities irresponsible pow
err before which human passions bow in
reVerent awe. In ike manner, the oppO.
site extreme opinion and claim, is in its
nature equally incapable of being realized.
Admitting it to be true, that Oy the Con.
stitution of the United States, every Fed
eral Territory is dedicated to slavery, un>
til on becoming a State, the people abol,
ish it 10y sovereign act; and admitting
that the Supreme Cour. has the power TO
establish, beyond reversion, this sense of
the Constitution, and that it mas done so
in a case regularly before it, and demand
ing for its decision the settlement OF this
point still the practical enforcement of
! the thing, is both morally and politically
impossible. We have not the least idea,
! that congress composed exclusively of
Southern men, could be gathered by pop,
ular election, that would entertain a
/ llOpOslllOll ~ lOO llNt cbhlts hNdhtI Lildil
themselves, of their share of common
| inheritance, upon any plea that can be
, imagined ; we do not believe the ninori-
! ty Of any slave State would enforce such a
proposition; we do not believe that any
| Southern gentleman would execute such
scheme. Moreover, the political impos,
sibility is complete; and the actual state
of the country as presented Icy the relative
number and power OF the tree and slave
States, and as exhibited by tt, state of
! opinion everywhere-the notion OF estab-
! fishing slavery in all the national Terrific.
rieS as of constitutional right, has about
| the same practical value rs the notion Of
securing all those Territories for slavery,
| by secession. Now, let it be borne in
mind, that we have taken these claims
and the demands or the one side and the
other, as being founded on truths that are
undeniable, and rights that are unques-
! tionable and have pointed out the i'm
possibility of any just, practical, or peace
! iul result, in the direction indicated on
either side. How immeasurably is that
conclusion strengthened, when it is con-
sidered that there is not truth asserted,
a principle laid down, or a claim advanced
/ on elJEef 81 z, JHdJ is HOI Neuelnenlly re-
pudiated by about half the population of
! the nation Well may we assert the
complete impossibility both of excluding
slavery from all the Territories, and of
Establishing it in them all and denounce
the wickedness of all parties who persist
in such endeavors. Those Territories, if
the nation survives, must necessarily be,
and ought to be, partly slave ana partly
free. Political necessity demands it, pub
lie justice requires it, all true statesman
ship points 70 that result, the undisturbed
force events would terminate in that
issue, and all attempts to prevent it aIe
founded in considerations forbidden alike
by wisdom, by equity, and by patriotism /;
and will end in crime, and misery. and
dishonor, precisely in the degree that
they are successful If tn, country shall
be destroyed, the chief importance Of the
questions on which our ruin is brought
about, will afterwards be, that oil men
may see how scaudalous were the pre-
texts upon which the noblest product
| Of human civilization was made Isolate