Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-07-24
The object os the War.

The object % the War.
Professedly the Republican leaders declare that
he object of the war is to preserve the Govern
ment and vindicAte the honor of the flag. Such
is the idea which has animated and directed the
conservative sentiment Of the North in the efforts
and sacrifices that il has made to defeat the at
tempt Of portion of the States to divide the
Union The object of this class not to war
against, but to vindicate the Constitution. to
maintain the constitutional rights and institutions
Of all the States which that instrument guaran-
tees. But there is another sentiment in the North
which has long been growing and strengthening,
which will not be satisfied unless the liberation of
the slaves shall follow the successful march of
This feeling has not yet been generally and for
mally expressed by those who entertain it, and
who have for years looked hopefully forward for
the time, which now seems to them near at hand.
when slavery should cease by violence; when the
liberation Of the slave should follow the tread of
victorious armies. That such scheme will soon
De openly proclaimed, we have not doubt-just
IS soon as the antislavery party believe that the
country is ready to entertain it. Already We have
indications that vigorous effort will be made to
turn the war into = crusade against slavery, and
demand its abolition rs a condition Of its termin-
alton. We have already presented our readers
with some extracts from the anti slavery press, in
confirmation of the views have presented.
We have still further evidence of this kind to
show the drift Of the anti-slavery sentiment-the
channel into which they hope to turn the war
which is being waged to maintain the integrity of
the Government, to which we invite the careful
consideration of the reader.
The Boston atlas, the organ of the Massachu
sets Republicans of the progressive, Governor
Andrew stamp. is quite out-spokcn on the subject
In its issue of July 3, it cOntroverts the theories
respecting the war, of writer in another Boston
paper, and reasons follows:
"Thus far our ancient, dogmatical, we'll mean
ing, but somewhat slow Republican We dare
say he knows a good many things, but there are
some things which he has vet to learn. He as
sumes, throughout his article, that those Repub
lcans who desire that slavery shall be abolished
during this war OF afterwards, desire something
Illegal and unconstitutional. We tell him that
John Quincy Adams maintained distinctly in
1893. 1886, and in 1912, that in time of war and
rebellion, the President, Congress, or the Com
mander ofthe Army, had full, unlimited, unques-
toned power to decree the emancipation of the
slaves. five have the power, why should we not
make use of itf Why not make thorough work
Why not clay the axe to the rOOtI' Why moi
pillow deepf" Why not sseut to the quick2
Why not "exterminate the scurce of the woe?'
Do we suppose that chose who come after" will
thank us for leaving our work half donef Is the
job we are now engaged inso pleasant that we
shall do wrong to our children five do not leave
them n chance to perform similar one ten, TWEEN
ty, or thirty years hencef
IL is an indefinite idea, lis it-that slavery
is to be Immediately affected by the result of The
present war; an idea which we must ''dIsmiss from
our minds!" We tell our ancient friend that sla
very is already abolished over large spaces, and
md can never be reestablished there unless tim
ID conservatives step in to re establish it. While
he has been musing. the fire of abolition has beer
burning. in spite of him. BY and by, he will wake
up and 20 round searching for the conhagration
ike the old fellow in the Comic Almanac, who
with his nIght-cap on fire went round the house
saying, Pears to me there's COMPOUNDED smell
of burnt rags somewhere"
This is tolerably emphatic, but we do not
doubt that it fairly indicates the spirit ofadvanced
RepubIicanism in New England, and perhaps
throughout the North. If the opinions of that
party could be thoroughly canvassed. we believe
thar majority of those who voted for LINCOLN
would coincide with the views expressed by the
Boston paper. In n subsequent number the
editor returns to the subject with great earnest
ness We make another brief extract:
I'VE admit that il is an open question hotc ia,
we shall make this war Of slavery. Voluntarily
we have done but little in this direction thus far
but events have done for us what we have beer
TOO cowardly to undertake. Four or FIVE hun
bred slaves emancipated themselves and run t.
Fortress Monroe, and General Butler not know
ing what else to do, and having no instructions
throws over thorn patched and ragged garment
called 'contraband.' This will do pretty well du.
ring the summer months, when the negro needs
but a small amount of clothing, but when the
frosts come, and there is no work, the rebel mas
tiers having fed, what is to be done? The flu
gitives will be numbered by thousands or tens of
thousands; no ragged garment like that which
Butler has thrown over them, can shelter them
then"
Another advocate of the emancipation of the
slaves within the reach Of our army. is ex Cover
nor boutwell, of Massachusetts,. In his Fourth
of July speech, at Lowell, he used the following
language:
ut marches logically, philOsophically and in
evitably towards the emancipation of this people
the four million slaves) and the citizens at the
ballot-box, or statesman administering the gov
eminent Of this country, or General who guides
its armies who does not admit that as an ineyita-
bic result of this contest msunderstands the force
of events, and is doomed to disappointment and
disgrace
In speaking of the growing disposition in the
Republican party to make this an anti-s slavery
war, the North Western Methodist Advocate, pub
lished at Chicago, says:
There is an evident feelings among all Iowa.
classes in favor of an early termination of tn,
present war, and Nth Il the termination of Ameri
can slarery. 1t has been at once our sin and ou
punishment, and only can we hope for permanent
peace when we put it from Heretofore al
have conceded the difficulty of abrogating tn,
system 1t had become so interviewer with ever
part of the Government-with its politics, its leg
isletion, its judiciary, its commerce and manufac
lures, that its removal seemed impossible, bu
Hou IRE are brought face 10 face tcifh the opportu
Rity. This rebellion furnishes the justification
md suggests the mode.
"The proposal to remand the slaves at Fortres,
Monroe would create national storm of indigna
ton A more fearful storm would follow a pro
posal TO sell them. In this state of the case it il
said the General Government desires the mind o
the people We answer for ourself, and thou
sands more of the Northwest let the SLAVES ~
each seeded State be declared free from the date
The passage of the secession ordinance. We care
not whether il shall be done by Congressional au
thority, by Presidential proclamation, or the de
cree of Brigadler General If need be. declare
martial law in each seeded State, and under 4
all slares free. Ho'c, matters not The loya
States demand this, and they will enforce the de
mand The loyal citizens of seeded States car
be compensated. ard the claims of masters in tn,
loyal border States purchased, and thus freedom
may be consummated. The people did not ente
this war with any such purpose; they only meant
to enforce Law and order; they now mean to re-
raoue the cause of the present hostiities. IL ,cas
not began for this; but heHcorth this is TO be 'ca
6etsceeH freedom and slGrery. The country car
- - -. -. ...iI.. LII .Ln.n aud LII L.