The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1861-02-14
Listen to Jefferson.

The Boston Post says we cannot con.
ceive how humane men can Wow in any
other light than tha, Of utter horror. the
talk. thank God, only yet heard among
the Abolitionists, about coercing sovereign
States and refusing what is termed back
ing down. which means denial Of an
concession on the part Of the Republicans
This is the tone Of the New York Tribune
and the fsndish spirit shows itself here in
the var talk in our Senate Whs; have
the fifteen slave States done. worthy Of war
for about century or aimee! On the Az
grsssioHs OF Great Britain tho c,iyinal
States stood shoulder 10 shoulder with
Massachusetts In II common cause. Have
they. in the smallest degree, attempted 10
come here and WAR upon our domestic in
stitutions? Have they fallen short of thsir
Constitutional duties? What have lhsy
done, ss States. but benefited US? Do
We not owe II TO rho Inagnigcsnt present.
as we'll as TO sacred memories OF the pass,
10 rs-eXamine our position and see if, as IL
the point Of constitutional right. we DO moi
in The wrong. before We enter on the terri
ole field of war? 1t is q solemn Truth Ma,
these fifteen Stare States ask 6m the riqkis
,chich tie Constitution guaranteed TO them,
and which from 1890 to 1920 wore reccg.
nized as theirs in the Legislative. Ex.cu
I've and judicial branches Of the govern.
ment; and as such are projected by the
general government aud enjoyed BY ths
citizens of these States. Who can doubt
that had such a wrviched piece Of policy
az was laid down at Chicago, been alto m pl.
cd to bo applied to the Territory Of LOUIS
lana. as the Republicans now propose to
apply. thsrs would have been then a rsvo.
luton? No one. surely. No such unoon.
stitutional creed WAS then broached, and
shareholders. with their property. wen
fresl y into that Territory. Whas said JEFF
ferson to John Holmes, of Maine. when
the proposition of 1890 was mads TO de
part from this policy? Here i: is OF the
date Of l82O:--
"Of enc thing am certain, tha; rs the
passage oi slaves from one State 10 snoth
er. would not make slave Of ii single hu
man being who would not be SO, withou
II, SO their diffusion over greater surface
would make them individually happier
and proportionally facilitate the acoom
plishmen. OF their emancipation, by divi
ding the burden on greater number o
coadJu.ois. An abstinence, too. from thi.
act Of power; would remove the jealousy
ozcited by the Undertaking of Congress tt
regulate tie conditions of men composing
State. This certainly is tho exclusive
right Of every State which nothing in the
Constitution has taken from them and Civ.
en- to the genersI government. Could
Congress. for example. say TIA; .he non,
freemen of Connecticut shall be freanen
or that they shall not emigrats into an,
other State?
regret that | am uow 10 dio in tho be
lief that the useless sacrifices of thsmsclye.
BY the generation OF l776. to acquire self
government and happiness to their coun
ny. Is 10 be thrown away by the unwis,
and un ~orlhy passions of their sons, ans
that my only consolation is 10 be that
live not to weep over it. If they woulc
but dispassionalely weigh the blessing
they vii! throw away, agains: an abstrac
principle more likely to be effected 6y un
ion than secession. they would pause be
fore they would perpstrate this act Of sui
eide on themselves. and Of treason agains
the hopes of tho world. To yourself, Al
the faithful advocate Of the Union. | ten.
der the Offering Of my high esteem and re
spsct.