The weekly pioneer and Democrat., 1861-01-25

the Government de fado. Texas was. q
government de fado, not recognized by
Mexico, when we annexed her and Mexico
was government de tdc4o, not recognized by
Spain, when Texas revolted. The laws Of
nations recognize governments de fdcto where
they exercise and maintain undivided sway,
leaving the question of their authority de
jurs to be determined by the people interest
ed in the government. Now, as q man who
loves the Union, and desires to see it main
tanned forever, and to see the laws enforced,
and rebellion put down, and insurrection
suppressed, and order maintained, desire
to know of my Union-loving friends on the
other side of the Chamber how they intend
to enforce the laws in the seeding States,
except by making war, conquering them
first, and administering the laws in them
afterwards. s.
In my opinion, we have reached point
where disunion is inevitable, unless some
compromise, founded upon mutual conces-
sion, can be made. Iprefer compromise to
war. prefer concession to dissolution of
the Union. When avow myself in favor
of compromise, I do not mean that one side
should give up all that it has claimed, nor
that the other side should give up every
thing for which it has cantended. Nor do l
ask any man to come to my standard but
simply say will meet every one half way
who is willing to preserve the peace of the
country, and save the Union from disrup-
ton upon principles of compromise and
concession. ..-.t.i M.
In my judgment, no system of compro-
mise can be effectual and permanent which
does not Danish the slavery question from
the halls of Congress and the arena of
federal politics by irrepealable constitutional
provision. We have tried compromises by
law, compromises by act of Congress and
now we are engaged in the small business
of elimination and recrimination, as to who
is responsible for not having lived up to
them in good faith, and for having broken
faith. l want whatever compromise is
agreed to-, placed beyond the reach of
party politics and partisan policy, by being
every man who holds Office will be bound by
his oath to support it. fl'of
SENATOR CRITTENDEN, OF KENTUCKY.
On the 7th of January, Hon. JOHN j.
CRlrrENDEN, of Kentucky, addressed the
Senate in support of his resolutions, to
take the sense of the people on the amend
ments to the Constitution, proposed by him,
known as the CRIrTENDEN amendment"
Speaking of the proposition to submit the
question to the people. he said
1t may be objected to as not mode
recognized by the constitution. Well, sir,
it is not forbidden by the constitution, nor
does it conflict with any principle of the
constitution, and it aims at nothing but
what is entitled to influence here. That
influence will be weighed by the Senate
properly and justly. 1t is simply an appeal
to the people to aid us, their representa-
tives, by giving us their judgment and OPT
nion upon the subject. That judgment and
opinion will not be humiliatlng to us. II
they should condescend to pronounce their
judgment and give their opinion, there is no
humiliation ia ObeyiDg the voice of great
nation, whose representatives we are, and
whose servants we are proud to call our
selves. Their sentiments and their opinions
will be our safest guide upon this question,
surrounded as it is by so many difficulties,
and disabled as We are by our own distrac-
tions and divisions in Congress from acting
upon it without some power to control and
to govern individual opinion.
THE PROPOSITION OF SETTLEMENT,
The first remedy proposed consists in q
new article to be added to the Constitution,
and which proposes Tor its object to settle
the question Of territory, and the question
of slavery in respect to territory; and to
settle that-how Simply to provide that
all the territory north Of 36 deg. 80 min.
shall be free from slavery; that on tie south
| slavery shall be recognized and protected, as
it now exists by the laws existing there for
its protection, and to continue so until that
territory, or any suitable proportion of it.,
shall be formed into state and admitted
into the Union. Then they are to be ad.
mitted with such provision as they may
choose to make in their constitution in re-
spect to slavery-excluding it or admitting
it. This is all. To the north all is given;
to the south it is only provided that things
shall remain as they are until the territory
becomes state, and then it is to adopt
this institution of slavery or not, according
to the wish Of the people that are interested
in the new state. 1t seems to me there is
something very just and very fair on the
face of this proposition.
We are a great nation, composed now of
thirty-three states. Fifteen Of these have
this peculiar institution of slavery the
Others have excluded it, each acting accord
ing to its own free choice under the consti.
tuition. Slavery existed in these and more
states when the constitution was formed.
The constitution took things as they were,
and left them as they were, to the exclusive
jurisdiction of the several states. Those
who had the institution of slavery were
left to the sole dominion over it those who
were without it were left to the free and
full course of their own will and of their
own wisdom upon the subject, on the one
side to continue to exclude it, on the other
side to continue to retain it. This was the
broad, general, reciprocal justice, which the
constitution did to all sections of the coun>
try. 80 a'
Now, sir, ask the same standard and
the same measure of justice. Let as take
things as they are; that is the object. To
the north of 36e 80 slavery has been exclu.
ded. I say, therefore, slavery is excluded.
To the south, slavery exists as matter of
fact. I ask you to recognize it. That was
the principle upon which the trainers of our
constitution went, recognizing the status
existing at the time, adopting that, accept.
ing that as a basis. This is what under
stand in respect to all the States. This is
all now that ask; all that this proposition
is. There are south of that line, the Indian
territory, and the Territory of New Mexi>
CO.; that is all. Of the Indian territory
need say nothing that is appropriated to
others, and upon the terms of that appro-
priation it rests. By those terms, however,
slavery may be recognized as existing there;
for the fact is, it does exist. So in all New