The Potter journal. [volume] (Coudersport, Pa.) 1857-1872, 1861-02-14

with OF without slavery, as us couStltutiou
may determine.
We confess to considerable surprise
that Mr.. Hale should assent to these
propositions as a whole, or to any of them
in fact, except the 2nd and the 9th. Ev-
cry que of the others is a gross insult to
the people Of the free States, and not a
single reason can be given foT asserting
to them that does not imply a willingness
TO strengthen aud pcrpetuaie American
Slavery, and give a new lease Of power
to the hateful slavery oligarchy that has
ruled us with a rod of iron for So many
years. This oligarchy was thought by
the people to be no longer endurable. and
SO they undertook to put IN end to it by
electlng "a President who would represent
freedom instead of slavery. and BIZ elect
ing a Congress of like principles. But
some of the members Of Congress thus
elected seem inclined to pass under the
yoke of the Slave Power and abandon
their constituents <Mr. Hale begins his
work of pacifying the border slave hold
ers by acting as tEeir mouth piece in
urging the people of tic free States to
abandon their principles. ard repeal all
their Personal Liberty Bills. We should
like to know what Congress has to do
with State legislation. We think 1t had
better attend to its own bushes, and let
the several State Legislatures attend to
theirs. If any Of them do repeal their
Personal Liberty Bills, they will be de-
spised By all true men, for all time to
come. These Personal Liberty Bills
were passed TO prerent kidnapping, and
we still think it is of far more Importance
that We put an entire stop TO kidnapping
than that we give a particle Of aid in the
return of fugitive slaves. Applying the
humane maxim Of the common law to
this question, we hold that it is better
that m~inety-nine persons held as slaves
should escape, than that one free man
should be returned to slavery"
Aud we hold further, that it is the sol
emn duty of every free State, to see that
none Of its citizens, no matter how poor
or desp;sed, shall be deprived Of Lis lib,
erty, and this duty nno be performed
IN the absence of stringent Personal Lib
erty Bills. Instead, therefore of coward
" repeating those that we have, we ought
Instantly to pass them where there are
none.
TO the Ind proposition, not knowing
what amendments it is proposed to make
to the Fugitive Slave bill, we a n-say but
little. Mr.. Lincoln, in his Ottowa speech
on the 2lst of August, 1858, laid down
the principle which ought to govern the
formation of a Fugitive Slave bill. He
said:
"And I would give them (the slave
holders any legislation tor the reclaim
ing Of their fugltives, which should not,
in its suingcncy, be more likely to carry
a free man into slavery than our ordinary
criminal laws are to hang an innocent
one"
Adop. that principle and it will secure
il jury trial to every person claimed as a
fugitive IN the county 'cheye he IS J6und,
for a jury trial in any Slave State would
be a miserable mockery. If the Border
States will consent to amend the Fugitive
Slave bill on this principle, their prcposi
ton might be fairly termed a compromise,
but as they have been made, they simply
mean concession to Slavery.
The 3rd proposition is simply an in
suit. 1t has no bearing upon any issue
ever likely to arise. The 4th PROPOSE
tion is an attempt to keep the Capitol of
the Nation, torerer under the direct in
fuence of slavery. Mr.. Hale in assent
ing to this, agrees that slavery shall be
strengthened in al the States by the in
%luence which lis continued existence in
Washington would thus give it. 1t is
saying to the world that we find
slavery worthy of Bling fo,tcr>d and
strengthened in the heart Of the Nation.
We protest against the adoption Of any
such measure az that.
TO the It'll proposition of the Border
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