New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-10-17
TEX LONDON TIMES ON TIER UNION
AND sLAYEAY.

IN open one. Unquestionably, there are I'D.
especially in times of National peril,
in an unwritten constitution, like the British,
under which it has been smartly said that Par
lament has power to do anything bat make
man woman. But that persons whose good
or i'll fortune it was to be born under such
constitution should seem unable to comprehend
the existence Of any other, is a circumstance
of which we think we Americans bave a valid
right to complain.
Tie London Times, in its leader of the 3Oth
ult. copied into our last, speculates widely and
wildly on Gen. Fremont's Proclamation and its
modification BIZ President Lincoln. It's main
object is to repress British sympathy for the
National cause by inducing belief that its
supporters are, Ike the rebels, deyotecs Of
Slavery. That the Republicans should have
unanimously opposed the extension of Slavery,
while but small portion of them demanded its
abolition, is TO The Timrs proof of insincerlty
or Inconsistency. The vital fact that we had
right, as constituent members Of Federal
Republic, to prescribe regulations FOR the conf
mon territories of that Republic, while we bad
no right TO make or modify the fundamental
laws of States other than our own respectively,
has been a thousand times set forth, ye. The
Times refuses to see it. In defiance Of the
Federal Constitution, it proceeds throughout on
the ASSUMPTION that we Of the North have just
the same right TO abolish Slavery in South
Carolina as to seek TO exclude it from New
Mexico; and, because we do not, it declares
that
"Che North Ia, now lost the chance o. establishing high
moral superiority BY declaration sEanst Slavery. TLs.
zround Nigh; have been taken with infinite e'odi at
er period but after the tenderness with Which the South
ard It's institutions have been treated tie present
eLt il "a too lsts 70 ssse negro emancipation the real
object Of the war or 20 claim the merit Of 20 oAy principle
Of action Nobody could shut his eyes t. the fact that this
principle was suppressed long It was thotgh possible
thai the usurgen could be brought back syes and
to the great American Union aud that It's reserved
TO- moment when expected to ubse5e ae open lions
of the campaign"
We beg The Times to understand. once
for all, that Negro Emancipation j, not, and
never was {" the real object of the war" and
that it has never been so represented except
by the open or secret enemies Of The National
cause intent on doing il deadly injury. The
North and the loyal States had never any right
TO make war on the South for that "object;'
good faith, good neighbOrhood, and our con-
stitutonal obligations, peremptOrily forbade it.
And though we thereby forfeit all claim to
/" infinite credit" with The Times, we welcome
and prize its testimony TO the truth that I" the
- South and its Institutions, ZIP to the present
moment. have been treated with tenderness" "
by our Federal rulers and by the defenders d
the National cause. They have been SO treated,
not that we liked, or approved, or wished to
uphold Slavery, but simply because, in the
language Of The Times, :" it was thought pos
+" siblo that the insurgeat States could be
brought back, slaves and all, 10 the great
" American Uuon,7 and, while this expecta-
ton was cherished, there was very natural
and prevalent Discrimination to provoke the
implacable resentment even Of rebel masters.
But the duty Of indicating and unfolding
the National authority is, by the great BODY
of loyal Americans, held paramount TO any
4" tenderness toward Slavery. Rebels in arms
against the authority of the Union, openly
seeking the forcible disruption and downfall Of
the Nation, have forfeited by rebellion the
rights guaranteed them by tue Federal Constl-
tuition. They cannot be permitted to strike at
the heart of the Republic and at the same
time demand of that Republic the lulfllmsnt Of
onerous Constitutional shpulatiOns. This Is
not specially orr doctrine: The World The
Herald, and other sclfappointed eIpOsitors Of
American conservatism, while they denounce
Emancipation to-day as radical, pestent peril
GUS warn the slayeholding traitors that they
must desist forthwith from their rebellion or
lose their hold upon their negroes. The rebels
having forfeited by treason their constitutional
privileges, the only remaining question is one
Of policy, or rather, timclineis. Not all Amer
lean journal that even pretends to be loyal ill.,
Inmates that We should sacrifice the integrity
Of the Union to the preservation OF slavery.
And it il tacitly assumed On all sides that
,rhep all other means shall haze FAILED, it will
be expedient and proper to save the Republic
by proclaiming Emancipation.
Our difference with the sell-styled cOnseTya-
tiyes ia matter of days rather than Of
measures. We hold that Slavery, in the line
Of treason, perfdy, and outrage, has already
filed up the measure of its iniquities, aud
should be placed under the ban of the ReIub-
lie. We esteem a black Unionist above a
White traitor, aud think tho Government
should do likewise. Seeing that the Rebellion
is only strong with the strength of Slavery
that it is not only confined to the slavcholding
States, but substantially to the considerably