Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-01-17

Of whatever kind, including slaves, and to have it
protected By the common Government This right
iskustsined by highly sespeGtable class Of epin-
iou 10 the Northern Staies, and has been affirmed
by the highest judicial tribunal know TO the Con-
stuton- Il does not fsll within tAe senpe or this
letter to argue the question. | treat 1t as set
tied right, upoH which the argument has been ex-
hsustes.
Mr. Critisuden's Territorial amendment offers. so
far as Southern States aad their shave property
are concerned to yield this right in three-iourths
Of the existing terrtoryto save il in the reaiaing
fourth TIE cit Gems Of the Northern States ard
their properly TO re protect in all the tersifo
~; tae ciizsns of the Southern States with their
property in ose-foarh Of IL Prohibition Of slave
prsperiy no til OF IS deg so min recognition and
pr1tecti2n soaih of that lin--and the rule to sp-
ply 70 all territory hereafter acqured-this is the
principle Of the proposed amendment And the
last named feature is vial. If the Territorial
question be seitled at all il should be eetlsd
for all time, and locked up 10 The Constitution
Otherwise, there ean be hope Of exemption
from ineessass anti-savery agitation and the esun-
try would SION b. thrown again into the midst Of
D. liticll and fsancial cOnvalsiors The Sostheru
States rot afford u be shut off from ali possibili-
ty of expansion toward the tropics By the hostile
action Of the Federal GsVernme1t.
l am sure that this plan af adjustment has been
offered, not as the full measure Of our rights but
as PATRIOTS Concession, with the hope of obtain
ing promptly security aud peacs. La view Of the
kn5w'eige we have Of the pregre Of poiticsl anti
ssvery opinion and Of the manner in which the Fede-
raj Governn ent may be employed by hostile infu-
ences. il falls far short Of wbstwoud be required in
forming an original scheme Of government, or even
in reconstructing the old one After the experience
we have had Of ths practical working of the system
find it difficult to cherish we'll grounded hope Of
permanent security except By The Introduction Of
some e,ement which would give the South the power
of selfprotectiop
| cannot suppose thas Ksniusky would consider
her rights ctsrests aud honor safe under any set
Element less Thorough than this proposed by Mr..
Crittender. Any attempt to emascnlate by exslu-
ding from its scoops after acquired territory, by
failing to recognize and protect slave properly south
Of the line by language clear and explicit as thst
employed TO prohibit north Of the line, or By veil
ing its provisions in ambiguous phrases, could only
result in new agitstiOns and commissions. believe
| that Kentucky wants thorough settlement or none
and one that any plain and honest miad can under
stand
have not referred to the personal liberty bills
Of the Northern States beranse they the subjects
of State action to various propositions coDcsrn-
ing the Fugitive Slave Law, because they relate
only TO legislative action nor to the question con-
cerniog the right Of soourn aud ransit with slave
property nor TO several schemes Of constitutional
! ameRdmept which demand more for the South than
the plan of Mr.. CrtteBden. have said that, in
| my opinion, no thorough and satisfactory ameEd-
nents will be proposed 10 the States by Congress;
! asd have taken the plan which comedies much TO
the Northern States, aGd which presents the least
that suppose any portion Of the South would &C.
eept And now, sir, | tell you thstthe Republicans
1 In Congress- and | fear in the country, will
adopt it. They will not recognize in any form,
directly or indirectly, property in slaves. They
will outlaR from the protection Of the common Gov
1 eminent property to the value Of four thousand
millions Of dollars, and which is interviewer with
the very structure CT society in nearly half the
| States Of the Unicn. They intend that the South
shs never have any portion 10 the territory Of the
Union. Their fixed policy is - WELD the Federal
Government for aut-slavery purposes and TO crush
ell opposition by arms. 1 sm not mistaken as to
the purpose of the rssoluts and coatroing spirits
| of that organization at this capital
| At an early day 10 the session, number Of gen.
tlemen, fearing that suitable guarantees could be
proposed by Congress began to look tse States sad
| people The Republicans having control Of the
Northern States, friends there we're, of course
| unable to move Aa esrbes: effort was made here
TO secure Convention of sll the Southern States.
The plan cou,d not command the requisite support
and was lost in the rapid progress Of events Next,
| o more hopeful movement was set en- foot, looking
to an immediate conference of the border slsveLold
| ing States, embracing Tennessee and North Care
lima with the view to unite tae counsels and avert
the danger Of civil But here, aisc, the ebsta-
cles proved insuT mountable and the time for such
action has passed. Each Of these States therefore
must decide fo= itself the attitude it will occupy il
this emergency.
The Immediate qus=tior rev presented is, pescG
or war. Whether the right # STATE States tt
dissolve connection With the Federal system be q
reserved right, or gr0vi GU; of the C1us'itu-
ton, The ris h of revolution the greet fact Ii IS
before u. thst the act has been done: and arr
not perciIted to doubt inst in few weeks seve1 o.
eight stes, containing larg,r p1rulation thar
the thirteen COOLies ut The eFech ct the Revolu'lo
| will we Sihdrs IN from the Union ard declared
| their Independence Undsr hateyer name disguis-
ed a collision Of arms with hem nd be wsr.
The dominant parry here, rfj-c.ing every ihiDg
! proposi-g nothing, are pursuing policy which,
uGder n name OF ''snfoTe,ng lac laws" rad 'rul
| ishing raitors" threatens o plunge the ecu try
into all he calsmi'Ies Of civil var
The F deral Uuion eaaaet be preserved by
arm. The attempt would unite the Southern
! States 10 resistance while in The North a great
ml t.tuie Of true and loyal men never you'd CO.'S
| sc t to shed the blood people in the rams
| aud uoder he authority OF a violated compact A
serious collision up xistIng issues would des rcy
wha,evsr hope m.y yea remain Of preserving or
restoring tn Ubioa IA attempt to held il tcgttbeT
ny the blyonet would exeee any thing yet recorded
! in the annals of human madness and folly. 1t
| would tr rg en- a W.T. # unex snpled ferocity, in
which every vital princip of tn Uni would dis
appear forever Ii the S)uh should succeed in
Maintaining her iniepeEd snoes the feudS and ami
mosiiies eueendered By he contest between the
sections would be trsHem tied to succeeding geHer
stious, while il she should be subjugated, the Gov
ernmsnl would become in form and in fact c5nsoli-
| dated and would soon reach the usual historical
termination in a military despotism. But her sub
| question is impossible without extermiuati0n-and
| that is i'm possible.
And yet the danger Of civil war is immin Mt, IN
less 1t shall be srrested By prompt and eaergetic
ton If, before the passions Of men become Grous-
ed and series ofuntoWArd events drift into s'rie,
| nd he harh at Sha mi
and firmly present united trent against il, l be-
lieve it may be arrested. Fifteen States potent
| to prevent war. This, tcO, would strengthen all
the true men in the Northern States who resist the
atrocous policy Upon this question let Us ami
| hilste party. The force party believe that Ken
lucky and other Southern States seriously div-
| ded on this subject. Unless this be quickly
| shown to bs delusion, it may become the parent
/ Of brood Of woes
The wisdom ofthe Legislature will, doubtless, pro-
vide whatever is needfui; yet at time like this it
becomes the duty as it is the right, Of every man
| to express his opinions, and enc citizen Of the
Common wealth, give my voice fer State Conven-
tor 1t is only by the direct action Of the several
States, in their sovereign capacity that anything
| efectual can now be done; and, for one, l desire
| ;hst Kentucky may have sn opportunity TO ceer-
! mine, in the most solemn manner, her judgment of
her rights and her attitude in the present condition
of affairs She has not been an inactive nor inglo-
reus member Of the Confederacy; she is in the pres
of great and startling events, and s not her
nature sit in stless tpalby, borne along By rap
id currents without the power to direct her course
Let her have the opportunity, through her chosen
representatives, Of deciding upon the prospect Of
reuniiing all the States in Constitutional Uniou;
or, if that shall be inn ossibie, let her be
| in a position to determine her own destiny,
| This letter has grown longer than intended, a.
though have adhered pretty closely to my origin
al purpose rather present facts, and my impress
sions of them, from this standpoint, than to enter
upon elsbOra discussion. l need net say 10 you,
my dear sir, that have uttered uothing in OBJ
trusve spirit but rather reluctantly and sorrow
! fully My suggestions in regard to the action Of
Kentucky are offered in spirit Of loyalty to the
| State love and will ever obey. They are clearly
right, or very wrong II right, the pleasure will
DE mine to have said timely word if wrong, |
will know how to bear without murmur all the
consequences Of an honest but terrible mistake.
! Very sincerely, ysur friend,
JOHN G. DRECKINRIDGE
| Hon. Z. MAeoFFIS, Governor Of Kentucky.
%NoTE-The langusge OF Mr.. Crendens resolution this
point be liable to misconsrueton but know intend
Il