Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-01-26
The aforreII TnriG Bill.

1t appears that the Republicans in Con-
eress, with such assistance as they can get
from Democratic members who represent
iron and coal, and from the financial distress
Of the Government, are about to take advaut.
age of the secession of some of the Southern
members to pass the Morrell Tariff Bill. We
expressed our opinion on that last Springs
while twas before Congress, regarding it a.
greater evil than any to which the country
was exposed from the extension of slavery in
the Territories, although that subject ex-
hausts the energies of both South and North.
Our objections are radical, going against
the whole principle of protection as fallacy,
and its operation as load upon the pros
perity of the North; for it is upon the
North, as the great consumer of imported
goods, that the burden comes; not upon the
South, whose laborers aud poor whites con-
sumo next to none. The principle of pro-
tection-as we have arged before; we can
only refer to it now--is virtually admitted
TO be false by those who seek protection on
their own commodities. What is the prin-
ciple Of protection 1t is that by building
up our own manufactures, the articles will,
on the average, be furnished nearly or quite
as cheap, and home market will be created
for our agricultural productions. This, in
brief is the principle.
But there is no stickler for free trade like
your manufacturer, in every thing except
that which be has to sell. The New England
manufacturers insist on free wool; sacri-
fcing, according to their theory, their own
wool growers. They were the primejmovers
of the reciprocity with Canada, by which the
products of the rich and cheap lands of
Canada are brought iuto New England free,
and now furnish the greater part of her
breadstuffs.
Every thing which a manufacturer uses or
consumes, he insists on having free. He
don't believe in any principle of protection.
All be wants is, that every thing which he
uses shall be free, and that anybody who
has the same article to sell which he has,
shall be taxed twenty-five or thirty per cent.
on it. And he can not help this. A large
portion of the materials which manufacturers
use are imported. If these are taxed
twenty five per cent, then duty o.
twenty-five per cent. on the manufac.
tured article just puts the home manu-
faeturer on a par with the foreign
manufacture in the home market; and the
tax of twenty FIVE per cent. on his raw ma,
terials utterly excludes the home manufac
turer from foreign markets, where he comes
in competition with goods made from free
materials.
Thus the manufacturer must be a free
trader in every thing but his own com
modify. When you put the protective prin
pie in its real shape, nobody will pre-
tend that it is any principle at all. l
is nothing but a fraud nor do we believe
that on the average, it has ever benefited
the manufacturers. The ups and downs o
manufacturers profits, it is notorious, hav,
usually reversed the pretended beneficial op
erations Of protective tariff.
But we regard this bill as particularly un
timely now. 1t contains the features ofpro
tection in an exaggerated form-free trad
in materials, and high protection on manu-
EaOtuIes. Whatever the right of Secession
is, at present Secession is a fact; and tbs
rebel States are negotiating with European
Governments for treaties Of commerce, offer
ing them free trade. To increase our tariff
at this time, increases the bonus they have To
offer for foreign alliances, and gives them an
advantage over the North.
Should Secession and Southern Oonfed-
eraey be established, the North could not
afford to give the South this advantage. Be-
sides, do We want TO continue the oppressive