New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-02-01
Ccut.nued mom ptnh PAGE.

IL Y
,ey At lie abou. prohibition protection. The pego
at the Territory have already The rght grah'ea 70
tbem on The statute-bOob Of determining the qneson
for themselyes. Yoo have on yo9r slae posse on
xh,eh Aey say makes nine points OF the law; we nave
oa ours the aidiiy Of the surface unia'or1oIe - al
forms Of agricultural labor and therefore unproptlous
Slavery Let abide Gy n [es now " 4
a., "A And here let quote remark made to me
xersonsly oD this subject by one OF the gentlemen on
The opposte tide of the Committee. lie OF eeted TO
sbs ,frpnoson because he said it put US boz In fae
,o;,,.ns should be censured at home f. II voting 10
sdmi, Slave State, while he should NEE with similar
treatment for consenting 20 admit anoh Free State
Now il seemed 10 me- on the contrary that the very
ev.n nature of this chance was Actly that which
would Justify both Of US IN our resp scve action. YET
confess thould be very unwilh ~ TO enter into the
prUposioa unless we can all ag5 ee to regard II as Pu
ing to rest for ever troubes of dissenso
have DO desire TO vote for IL ii it be not acceptable TO
abe other side, But even II they shoold reject II,
think che oerought at leo 1t to eX,ngush every iare
NopTsint a,Uut the exclusion OF sIaFenoIders from
tn Territories and ev0fy preense shI tue 70
grant protection god cause f9r the present Voel
coute Tne dissolution of the ChiOn Woulc scfs'eiy
tend 20 pake more slaves IN the leriHoles OF tne
q'nit.d S,aes 1 very much doubt whether 1t will
eularge the number where. lie that as may, IL
he ,hSnybt betts,r to let New Mexico remain in its
preYeps cendi,ion even though II be sllveholdlng
Territory bsysI all present power OF change by Con-
gees am etnsent. On all other accounts, excepting
as at ettleont of strifes should regard this rs the
MOST sovisS lie course. But in either event see no
obj ciioa e expurgng FROM its satnte book under the
authority expressly reserved 20 Congress- Of that por
ten of txo well described by my friend OF Ohio.
cannot imagine that any calm, Tght-minded man, OF
either petty could bect to it. In permitting is con-
tinuanee Tor a moment only condemn ourselves
But now comes a further claim in this connection we
cab a, not oily to guarantee slavery Wriln our
own Territories but must royiie Tor 1t III hoe OF
DOR ne hhoJs before we get them When IN Commit
tee, Iresollect that two distinguished gentlemen de-
eite6 TO consult with Us any more from me moment
we refused TO enter into this matter. believe that
tlis 4 entered by them the JOURNALS. L
conf il appeared to be mewbat singular that me
ntetlts at Cancellation tkould ceDe inst at tins
poi and that we should be driven 10 na separation
of ,h States because did not like 10 declare in the
Constitution that we meditaed ut any aud a tunes an
encroachment upon foreign States and that TO that end
We were making preliminary rule OF arrangements
about their institutions without the smallest regard TO
the disposition convenience OF those who may be
citizens at the time. In my simplicity had Imagined
IL was fundamental prncit OF all negotiations 10 LEI
the Teope Of other countries speak for themselves IN
regard 10 their affairs. had supposed they might
have word TO say about material que s;ion as the
introduction Of Slavery. All these considerations APP
pear 20 have been overlooked and told that the
Union must be dissolved If we refuse 10 put IN toe
Constitution pledge that we will protect Slavery IN
IL States of Sonora or Coshuila or Chihuahua, or
N.w-Leun-when We get themI la order to COM
prebend how t'is proceeding will look TO strangers
let me suppose that the British Parliament were to
entertain the question what sort OF organic law
thew stould enact respecting the labor TO be
emnloyed in the gold region of America south
of The forty-Dinth parallel, hereafter TO be acquired
EhOuld not we REGARD IL rs pretty COuNsh
sort of presumption But if we should be further in-
formed that Scotland had become fixed ~ ts determine
alton TO break up the Union, because Great Britain de-
ened to consider this su0Jeei what would lnen oe our
amaLementl Yet little difference between this
picture and that Which we present Ourselves when we
faso QUAR-. hing about the way shall dispose of our
neixhbors property time when there is particu
lar prospect of getting il ct all Have not we got
difficult problems enough &c solve within our present
enormous geographical limits 10 save the necessity
Of pulzGng brains with others that are without
''Territory hereafter TO be acquired, even
amid all the painful realities Of the immediate
struqple lie il not, ark You, Mr.. Speaker, an ao-
straction more extraordinary than all the rest The
third aid last Of the auses OF grievance s perhaps the
most angular of ALL II attaches itself TO no act OF
ccmmirson of OMISSION whatever, but Is mere aP-
prebention of what may be done hereafter. II il said
that the party which has now succeeded in the popular
election has Increased in numbers with great raDdity,
and that il shows itself go animated by hostility
10 Slavery az render all reliance upon Its
present profession Ct moderation utterly lnsory.
The case, then, stands thas-we are 10 dissolve the
Union rot about reality, but from fear. What
can this be 20 The chiyarous State of South Caro-
lima frightened The brave Ancient Dominion
stricken with panic! The vigorous State OF Georgia
In difmay And all for what Not on account of the
Chicago PLATFORM the only authorized exposition Of The
policy Of The successful party No tho 90 S ron tbe
aiarmino Eneuag Of particular individuals Mr.. such
one had said go and 20 in speech; another gentle
man an editor had written and sol his Newspaper;
Nr Senator Seward had spoken somewhere Of al IT.
renrassible conflict and of invasion designed at some
time or other upon Slavery 80, by way VI proving m
a fale prophet and themselves wise remOnstrants,
supr4 se the aggrieved parties propose no longer
10 attempt to repress the "contiict, but rather
10 invite invaiiOn in good earnest by beginning
il themselves. SO Mr.. Lincoln, our President elect Is
charged with having said in Illinois, time ago,
that crisis would be reached and passed. And he
had been 60 bold quote the wods OF an authority
before whose name all Christian nations bow: AhOuse
divided against itsef cannot stand" WhereupOn the
eomUainsnts proceed dsprove the propositions by
imuediaieiy bringing on criris, and instead OF waiting
FOR the house fall by setting vigorously to work TO
mil d, wR about our A all this from fearlet
ibee preolCoDs should be verified hereafter. II has
been further alleged q grievance, that, by the ad-
mission of new Free States the time may come when
Their number will exceed three-quarters of the
xhole then they will have it in their power to adop,
amendments of the Constitution peasure then there
IL reafon TO fear ta they will invade the domestic In
Attentions of the States. OF course the Republicans
will at once initiate plan Of emancipation, and 1t Is
In full view of this impending danger that the Slave
holding States prefer 10 avoid 1t by dissolviug the
Union II is difficult at all times TO reason about |
imaginary dangers. think it is Mr.. Jefferson who |
remarked that "much Of the life of every man is |
"ouLled with the apprehension OF things that never
"come 10 pass" But surely we have no ra- |
tional cause 10 anti ipae the admission Of twenty
seven more States within any moderate calcula-
tion Of time. Yet 1t viii require no less 10
furnish the necessary proportion Out5lde OF the
Slave States TO incorporate amendments into the Con-
sttutiOn. II is, moreover, somewhat surprising TO
ind that even the suggesOn Of the possibility Of the
proposal Of such amendment ia any should have
been made in such quarter Surely, there some
tbiUgs which, Tor ITS own security, if for other
soD il may fairly be presumed that one of the |
States would ever originate, and of the most essen
tia would be any idea Of direct interference with the
internal economy Of O sister State. | confess Mr. |
- H.. H. Ill L. -.