The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1861-09-12
Sohn Quincy Adams.
EIWM NEUEMUy zNWUEuss
VERY AND EMANCIPATION AS AFFECTED

or SLAN ERf AND EMANCl"AllON As ArFECIhD
BY WAR.
In 1e42( April IA, John Quincy Adams made
in the House of Representatives speech on APP
pretended war with Great Britain and with
Mexico, whereof the following extract will now
be read with lively interest:
said that as far as | could understand the
resolutions proposed by the gentleman from
Ohio (Mr. Gid dings) there were some of them
for which was ready to vote, and some which
| must vote against and / will now tell this
House, my constituents aud the world of
mankind that the resolution against which l
would have voted was that in which he declares
that what are called the Slave states have the
exclusive tight If consultation on the subject
OF Slavery For that resolution never would
vote; because ] believe that it is not just and
does not contain constitutional doctrine ! be-
lieYe that so long as the Slave States are able
to sustain their lnstitution without going abroad
or calling upon other parts of the Union to aid
them or to act on the subject, so .ong viii con
sent never to interfere But if they come to the
Free States and say to them you must help us
to keep down our slaves, you must aid us in
an instruction and civil war, then l say
that with that call comes full and plenary
power to this House and to the Senate over the
whole subject 1t is war power. say it is
war power and when yonr country is actual
ly III war, whether it be Il war OF invasion or a
war Ol lIouFiPcblOl, OcIBTcSS HAS INC power W
carry on the war, and must carry il on accord
ing to the laws of war; and by the laws Of war
an invaded country has all its laws aud munici-
pal institutions swept by the board and martial
law takes the place of them. This power in
Congress has prehaps never been called into
exercise under the present Constitution OF the
United States. But when the laws Of war are
III force what, | ask, is one o; these laws II
is this that when country Is invaded, and
Al
commanders Of both armies hdge po@er 10 eHlGa-
cipate all the Sloges IN the ihUaded iorg. Nor
is this mere theoretic statement. The history
OF South America shows that The doctrine has
been carried into execution within the last thu
ty years Slavery was abolished in Columbia,
first by the Spanish General Morilie and second.
ly by the American General Bolivar. 1t was
abolished by virtue Of military command Civ
en- at the head of the army, and its abolition
continues to be law 10 this day. 1t was abolish
ed by the laws of war, and not by Municipal en-
actments. The power was exercised by militia
nv commanders, under Instructions, Of course,
from their respective Governments. Congress
Is now about passing grant to refund to Gen.
Jackson the amount Of certain fine imped up
on him by a Judge under the laws Of the state
OF Louisiana. You are going 10 refund nlin tie
money with interest; and this you are gong TO
do because the imposition Of The fine was unjust.
And why unjust? Because General Jackson
was acting under the laws ot war, ana because
the moment you place military commander in
a district which is the Iheater OF war, The laws
Of war apply to that district. have CORES
pondence between Gen. Jackson and the Gov
ernor of Georgia, during Seminole compaign,
in which Gen. jackson asserts the principle that
he, as Governor of State within his (Gen.
Jacksons) military division, has no right to
give q military order while he (Gen. Jackson)
was in the field. The Governor contests the
the power of Gen. Jackson, and said all he
could for State rights but Gen. Jackson had
given an order, and that order was carried into
effect, while the order of the Governor was
suppressed. Gen. jackson had the right OF
the question:
/ might furnish thousand proofs to show
that the pretensions Of gentlemen to the sane
tity of their municipal institutions, under state
Of actual invasion and Of actual war, whether
servile, civil, or foreign, are wholly u1founded,
and that the laws of war do, i'll all such cases,
take the precedence. l lay this down as the
law of nations. | say that the military author
ity takes, for the time the place OF all all NUM-
cipa institutions, Slavery among the rest. IN
der the state of things, so far from its beng
true that the States where Slavery exists have
the exclusive management Of the subject, not
onLu the President Of the United States. bit the
commander Of the army, has Poeoer to order the
vai5ersaL emancipation Of the SLAVES.
/ have given more in detail principle which
have assertained OH this floor before now, and
of which have no more doubt, than that you,
Sir, occupy that chair. | give it in its develop
aent, in order that any gentleman, from any
part Of the Union, may deny the truth Of this
position. if he thinks proper, and may maintain
his denial, not by Indignation, not by passion
and fury, but by sound and sober reasoning
from the laws Of nations and the laws OF war
If my position can be answered and refuted,
shall receive the refutation with pleasure.
shall be Glad to listen to reason, aside, as say
from indignation and passion If, by the force
of reasoning my understanding can be conxinc-
ed / here pledge myself to recant what have
asserted
Let my position be answered let me be told.
let my constituents be told let the people OF