Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1861-01-30
THE RAFTsMAN's JOURNAL,
THE CASE FAIRLY STATED.

q contest ike thlS which now agltateS the
country, he must not be found taking sides
against his country; though, unfortunately
for all, it mattered not upon which side man
arrayed himself. the crime of treason was sure
to be charged against him. He, however,
would avoid no responsibility of that sort he
would speak openly and frankly seeking neith-
er to avoid censure or to elicit commendation,
and as far as he alluded to facts, would ad-
vance nothing but What was strengthened by
truth. If jury of twelve honest men-hav-
ing no motives to subserve but the interests
OF the country-could be found to try the
pending issues, he could submit the cause to
them without argument and have prompt and
unanimous verdict on all the questions. Un-
fortunately, however, they would not get
disinterested jury in that House and the peo-
pie were silly enough to trust their cause and
appeal to the justice of this tribunal for the
settlement of question of the gravest impor-
tance to themselves and posterity. Tie in
terests of thirty millions of people were invol-
we'd in this quarrel; and here they had 236
members, who, we are told, would not or could
not interfere to stay this tide of revolution,
because they had been elected without ref
erencc to the present issues, and that, there
fore, there was no hope for this free people.
Had i. come to this, that these gentlemen
whom he saw around him, could not meet the
question in spirit of patriotism Could their
constituents see them, before they threw off
terward come into that hall, with stiffening
of the backbone, ready to compromise nothing
or conciliate nothing, they would scorn the
hazard of intrusting in such hands their glori-
Gus and priceless treasures of peace and liber-
ty. They were told that they, forsooth, held
the destinies of the country in their hands;
as we'll might 800 hackmen of New York city,
in Convention assembled. assert that they held
these destinies in their hands. He protested
against the idea that if they did not now de-
eide the issues which distracted the country,
the country must go to ruin, and public liber-
ty would be overthrown. He demanded de-
lay for the men, women and children of the
country. If they did not adjourn the quarrel
to the people, on that floor it could never be
settled, and they would be responsible for
whatever evils might follow. Before he would
see them overturn the temple OF liberty, and
crush out the last hopes of the people and
bury them beneath the ruins, he would move
an adjournment of the quarrel from them to
the people. Revolution, safd Mr.. Etheridge,
is threatening to subvert the institutions of the
country-a revolution the most unauthorized,
the most unjustifiable and objectionable that
the world has ever looked upon-a revolution
of the most fearful consequences to the whole
land and yet they calmly looked on at the
impending ruin the precipitators threatened.
He would meet the issue raised by these pre-
cipitators fairly and frankly, and show the
madness and folly of attempting to subvcit
the Government under which both sections
had derived so many blessings. Itisa remark
able fact that this revolution is not carried on
with reference to anything in the past, but
solely with reference to some dangers TO be
apprehended in the future. He would make
one exception-the personal liberty bills which
existed in some of the Northern States. That
was one cause of complaint. There was op-
position to the execution of the fugitive
slave law. That was another. They charge
that il was intended to exclude African Sla-
very from the Territories. That was another.
That the respective sections were not homoge-
neous, and hated each other, and that some of
the Free States were for negro equality. As
to the first count in the Indictment he confess
ed that personal liberty bills did exist. That
was the only charge that could be sustained.
The balance of the allegations were made
with reference to things which never happen
ed, and which never could have happened,
had the seeding States remained in the MON,
and had their Representatives not staid at
home. Then it was due to truth to say that
the personal liberty bills would soon be swept
off the statute books of all the Free States, as
they had been in Iowa, Indiana, Illinois, Ohio,
Pennsylvania and New Jersey. To be sure,
one was still retained in Vermont, where, he
was assured, a fugitive slave had not been
seen for forty years, and which was as mac
cessible to slave as was the Kingdom OF
then, the South had never appealed to the
North to repeal these personal liberty bills /;
| and though he lived within days ride of
three Free States, he had never known OF
slave escaping from his District. He had
| known of one passing through the District of
his friend from Kentucky into Illinois, where
| he was arrested by the people and returned to
| the owner. And yet it was said the North
would not execute the fugitive slave law. But
| what was the facta The present Executive.
| in his last message, says, ssThe fugitive slave
| law has been executed in every contested case
| that had arisen." And they knew it was so.
| But if it were not, would that be an excuse
| for dssolving the Union Would they have
| law and order, would they respect the Consti-
| tuition, and live in feeling OF brotherhood with
| their fellow countrymen2 They would do
| nothing of the kind. Tennessee and Ken
| lucky are border States, and they would have
/ to bear the burden of the battle and protect
| the States all down to the Gulf, from whence
! slave had to travel over six hundred miles
| to find sanctuary in Free State. Then there
| was no fault with the fugitive slave law, which
a United States Commissioner, appointed to
| carry out that law, resident of the present
Kingdom of South Carolina, had assured him
| was as stringent as human ingenuity could
make it. He knew the Northern people were
/ opposed to the slave trade. They always had
been and always would be. They knew moth
| ing whatever of Slavery except what they
| heard from others; and yet the strongest pro-
| slavery man South was the Yankee who went
| down there and married a widow with planta-
| tion well stocked with negroes. But they
could no more hope to make the Northern
people pro- slavery than they could expect a
| hungry politician to run away from fat office.
| He did not believe they wished to abolish
| slavery, as had been asserted; and standing
there, before that crowded audience, he avow-
/ ed that there was not man in the House who