The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-08-02

right OF wrong, but OF practical policy Can the North
who to do sop The rebelious colonies ana The English
government both thought themselves right in l776 and
eo N some respees were right The grievances OF the
fathers at tho hands OF ths British but they
have undoubtedly AZ strong desire escape from their
connection with the North as the original thirteen States
had to throw of the British yoke If the federal govern
mont has reason to believe that at slight expenditure of
blood and money Il bring back the seeded States
20 tho tuon and do II such manner AZ TO
make ttom prosperous and contened members right
to undertake tho war but unless has well grounded
peetaons of this vigorous prosecution OF the con
test IL both d bunder and crime.
Mr. Lincoln talks vaguely OF suppressing theTcbelon.
The constitution gives him the right, and Congress- he
expects will give him the But he really seems to
have no more idea OF tho interests Of the whole country
OF which he s still the nominal headshan MIR Grow tho
Speaker OF the House Of Representatives., who in an sx
iravagan outburst OF pseudo patiosm declared that
no nag alien TO the sources Of the Mississippi will ever
loaf permanently over tts mouth Till its waters are Grim
soned IN human gore and not one foot OF American soil
can be wrencbed from tho jurisdiction Of the United States
until u II baptized In Gre ana blood" the President
and his advisers orssce bloody struggle before they
suyugae The south they bad much better let 1t go at
once and not played again larger scale the foolish
part England play in their War Of Independence Mr.
Lincoln recommends Congress- to provide the means for
making this contest short and decisive one those
consisting in 100000 and 400 600 900 dollars
He ought TO bs far better aware than he of tho
temper and resources Of the North and may assume
relies upon its Willingness and ability satisfy these
enormous acquisitions. But must confess that the
historical parallel which he draws tn rather cal
Norherncrs whose patriotism does not conduct them to
an absolute surrender OF all their worldly goods.
He observes that debt Of six hundred million dol
lara IL less por head than the debt C
ntioniss when we came out Of the struggle" 0mnous
reference for the patriots who parted with their money
and goods FOR the paper OF the Confederation got from
their ungracful country only iorteth part of ts nomi
nal value Mr.. Lincoln says, g surely each has
strong q motive now TO preserve our liberties az
each had then to establish them The Liberties of
the North are much safer now than they would be after
desperate war, in which some successful soldier would
TO the top dictator, and during the continuance
OF which the arbitrary measures already exceptionally
employed would become general and for the South
its liberties will certainly not be strengthened by
quest II IL terrible prospect for the North which the
President holds out They may raise the four hundred
thousand soldiers but the eighty millions sterling will
we fear overask the energies and devotion Of the people
Mr. Lincoln is more successful in detailing the steps
tho has taken since his accession to Office than in fore
shadowing his future policy He assumed his functions
under circumstances of peculiar difficulty The culpabe
neglect of his predecessor had allowed which
might have been easily and legitmateiy crushed in its
commencement to assume proportions which made
cvil war or disruption of the Union table. The
President utterly destitute OF tho TO yindi
cate his authority stay the march of secession The
policy of inactivity was for him necessity, after the
fall ct FORK Sumter, an energetic one No blame
the President for calling ON the different States for troops
for the dcfcucc of Washington and very
sure eau be passed upon any of his acts the
bly, OF Congress Tue suspension Of the habeas corpus
act rendered necessary in Maryland by the of
the secession,ss i'll that State; and Congress will
doubt indemnity tho President for this and other ncces
sIry acts 0verstepping his legal powers
Bat IL not about tho past that the world is anxious.
Our all for the future the President pro.
pose TO conquer the South at any COST II looks very
much as If chat WAS his purpose. But such
crusade requires some better justification than the
mere right accorded by the letter Of law and the
President seems 10 feel 80, for large portion Of his
message il devoted to the attempt TO prove that
the old constitution is better than the OF the
South and that Is very shabby for the latter go
the Union without paying it's portion OF the federal debt
may be quite true that each regiment OF the federal
army could supply "a President Cabinet, Congress
and Court '---Wha&pVer that
this astounding development Of political capacity
rey due to the peculiar government Of the United States
but al! these advantages might DO still preserved n the
South were allowed to take its The cousttu
ton o the southern Confederation Ia certainly open to
the reproach that il moi exactly like tho old one
Mr. Lincoln would do well not TO tx attention upon the
differences Whatever may have been The perversty and
guilt Of tue South in secodpg IL is undeHble that their
constitution they have sgnally improved upon this
old by providing for all the defects which the expert
Of its working had disclosed II may be true that thero
large minores of unionists the seeding states
but there large mn0rties Of oyaiss in the re.
bellious colonies-s circumstances which, American
judgment lessons in degree tho guilt Of the British gov
ernment in trying TO retain its authority thsu
fact, ali this kind Of argument idle trifng No ono out
the Southern legal right uf the
United States to reduce the secedps to
obedience tngiIshmen generally would hear with great
satisfaction that the attempt had been made If they could
think there WAS chance Of its success short and
comparatively bioodess campaign But neither the Pres
dent his most ssngline friends to believe
that tho supremacy OF the United States can be recsiab-
shsd except after bloody aud savage contest The best
friends of the United States those who hope with Vs.
that this disaster may be avered by peaceabc arrange
,Reut.
From the london Star July 1871
The Presidents Message to the federal Congress- en-.
braces history, au argument aud declaration. Al.
though the former anus at vndcstion OF tho consist
ency Of the federal Executive throughout these troubles
and assumes 10 reconcile the earlier policy acquiesence
with tho subsequent vigorous arshang OF force SUP.
press the government IL will scarcely sue.
coed in modifying the conclusions OF foreign observers re-
spectng the Of the last four months Nv the bonn
barmen, Of Fort sumter, says Mr. Lincoln tie assaants
forced upon the Union the distinct issIie-imne.
date dissolution blood; and he recalls the
statement IN his inaugural address, that tY0u
the secessons's) can have no conflict with
out being yourselves the aggressors" On this ground
the military action Of the federal Executive Immediately
following the fall ~ sumter justified and an attempt
made prove part settled policy to be resortod to
only on such contingency ~ this But such reasoning
will blind no beyond the atmosphere Of those furious
passions which now rage on the North American con.
tn0p 90 the principle contended for by the Unionists
and represented by Mr. Lincoln the secessoaiss long
fore their attack on Fort sumter had psrperated fragrant
acts Of aggression In seizng al the forts, arseuaia
drkyards custom houses and the Ike within the seeded
States and all the property connected with them aud in
holding th nopen hostility against the Union
sionists had aeady made themselves completely Gag
before capturing them. This he condition of things
in March whom the new Executive entered upon Office
States were ID earnest II President Lincoln and Mr.
Seward did nt perceive il they have proved themselves
singusrS deficient in pcrspioscity They did nothngab.
soutey nothingto oppose that Open hostility TO their
government which, Mt Iincon says, WAS At that time
cxhbNed by the South aud il the Cabinet really enter.
tanned hopes o bringing back the seceders by friendly
means the public opinion Of the North did nQ share
them On the contrary. Che feeling that prevailed was,
"Iet them go"
There s opslsng in the resort Of force to compel sub.
mission and allegiance 70 government utterly opposed
TO the feelings OF freedomso subyersye OF tho only
grounds which free State eau stand that Mr. Lincoln
insttnctvely feels compelled TO attempt Justification
even when neither party " the strife jot about IT,
Abroad " course these arguments have boon examined
and according TO the quarter in which they may be con
sdered, will they be accepted rejected The worship
ers Of government authority will applaud they who look
upou the viii OF the people paramount will condemn
1t is folly in Mr. Lincoln 10 talk Of the
people of the Confederate States as ga few dscor
tentod men" His call Cor an army Of 400 900
meu and a treasury Of $500 900 900 10 conquer them
gives the lie " chat phrase; for a. Is known
to oppose military resistance to great army Al little
beilsvs that they had not sufficient REASON
for taking tbs step they have done-whether the real
the put forth matters not Three millions
Of do nat deliberately change their government and m
bark an drdnotS da,loeroMs and erhausing earpriss
from carce Whatever their reasons ne broad princi
pie Of popular sovereignty they had right 10 DO ,ohat they
DID, and to hear Me- Lincoln quoting the constitution Of
the United states made eighty since and elaborate.
~ reasoning az to the intentions Of a founcrs against
the right OF secession reminds of the high tory
trnes among ourselves under which the settlement made
by one generation tn its interest bed TO bind all
future seaera'oss whether for their interest or not
If the saugaiaary speech of Mr. Grow Of pcunsylvanis