Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-04-06

and in this Legislature he delivered an address
The storm had then passed by but he spoke to
them with prophets ire and with patriots
concern of the character of the Constitution of
their country and the value of this Union. He said,
L have been asked, when would consent to give
up this Union? L answer, neyerl neverl neverl
and warn you, my countrymen, now il, things
seem to tend, this country should be divided into
Union and Disunionist party, l here now no matter
who compose that party. declare myself member
OF the Union party. Whether it be Wing a
Democrat that belongs to the party of the Union,
there subscribe my me-there unite my heart
and hand with that party" How would he answer
the question, What shall we do? Shall we quit
this Union now, and &C off upon the experiment of
our brethren of the South? What would he an
swer who then answered as have stated?
l say then it would be wisdom in US never to con-
slider the question of dissolution. 1t is not ques
ton to be debated it is not question to be settled
upon politics or arguments. You know the fruit
of that tree is good Stand under it. feed upon its
rich fruits you have done, until you see better
one at distance, until some great necessity is
upon us-until necessity like that by which our
parents were driven from Eden shall drive you from
1T. Then go; it will be time then. and that neces-
sity will be your Justification. There is another
authority still more venerable than that of the IL
lustrious man whom [ have mentioned mean
Gen. Washington. Do you believe he was a wise
man? What did he tell you of the value of this
it?-not merely argumentative devotion, ready to
argue yourselves in out of it on occasion; he
told you to have Nn immovabe attachment to the
Union-never to think of abandoning it; stick to
it, fight for it; fight in it; if your rights dis
turbed maintain them, if that desperate extremity
should come; but that desperate extremity is not
to be apprehended. 1t may occur for short time
Wrong and oppression may be practised for a short
time. Bad rulers may Cypress you as they have
oppressed others. You may have a mischevous
President and an ignorant and injurious Congress
All this may occur, but all this, in the wisdom of
the Constitution is swallowed up in the general
good That same Constitution, which, through the
infirmity of human nature, necessarily subjects you
to those evils, gives you the power of redreSSiDg
them at short intervals of time, and he who cannot
for the perpetual good, bear such evils for short
time does not deserve to be member of a good
government You have the opportunity of redeem
ing that government by frequent elections of
ton Of a mal-administration it is your fault. You
have the remedy, and it is your fault if you do not
apply it.
Gentlemen. the government is in bad and dam
gerous condition. Whether it shall fall to pieces
and become the scott of the world; whether our
ruins all that shall remain to tell story is
the question now to be determined. ! believe in
the people more than l believe in governments. |
believe in the people more than / believe in Pres
dents in Senators, in Houses of Representatives
do not say that to flater multudes. l say it be-
cause believe in the intelligence of the people l
believe in the public virtue Of the people, whatever
may be said to the contrary. Though in many
things many people act little unworthy of the dig
nifty of freemen, STILL when | look at the majestic
body of the people, find that there is a wisdom,
generosity, and public virtue that will not allow
this country to be tramped under foot go down
to rnins. They will extend their hands from the
North to the South and from the South to the
North in fraternal sympathes. / do not believe
they will fight upon any cause that yet exists. |
believe they will not permit their rulers to maintain
any petty platforms to destroy great country.
The Chicago PLATFORM thing no bigger than my
hand-to be set up, like an idol of old, and wor-
shipped, and great country like ours, with all its
millions, sacrificed upon its atars-the people will
not allow that to be DONE They not platform
makers. Their country and their God is what they
are for. They are our feow-citizens and they will
This may be superstition, but have it,
and it comforts and soaces me. You are portion
of that grea. body, and will you do your part?
My friends, these remarks are desultory. / have
not pretended to sketch the sad history of these
events or to relate them in their detail. have not
attempted to discuss all the probable consequences
of abandoning standing by the government of
this Union. have simply satisfied myself by say
ing that to Join the new government would be MOTH
ing but speculation. TO stand fast where you are
is to perform the duty which is nearest you, and
within your clear conviction. That is the course |
have recommended. What have you done? Are
you not pledged to this course? What has old
Kentucky's course been? You sent some years ago
piece of Kentucky marble to be wrought up into
the structure of that magnificent monument to the
Father of his Country; now unfinished in the city
of Washington. That was your tribute to the pa
triotism and the great of that unequalled man.
What did you cause to be inscribed upon it? Let
me remind you. Upon the stone is engraved these
words: Kentucky was the first State to enter
the Union after the adoption of the present Consti
tuition and she will be the last to leave it,. This
is the testimony engrayen by your own order. 1t
is engraven upon the marble. 1t stands part Of
the great monument to the memory of Washington,
where all the world may see it. While Washington
is adored as the founder of his country-in that
holy keeping is this monument of recorded rock in
which you say you will be the last to leave.
Now Mr.. Speaker and gentlemen, when you have
examined in every material point of view in the
view of every material interest, this question as to
the policy and course Kentucky ought to pursue
when you have found them all, let me say that
think your Judgment will find it satisfactory not to
remove from the Union But suppose you did not
arrive at that satisfactory conclusion is there not
something in the stability which marks the manhood
of old Kentucky? Here she stands upon her own
native ground; here she stands by that flag under
which she has often fought and stands by that Union
that she has sworn to maintain. Is there not seni
ment that you feel in your heart that, however pol
cians may reason policy ought not to sway this mat
ter There Is a great deal even IN doing wrong when
you do it in pursuance of a sense of fidelity and
honor-a sense of patriotism. Which of you if your
child is to read the history of this PERIOD if it be
sad fate that our country is to perish, and
he is left to read only the mournfu history of its
fall, how would you rather it would stand in that
hstory-that Kentucky in the tumult of this'revou-
ton led away, led away from her colors and her
Constitution, and joined in the sad experiment of
Southern Cotton State Republic THAT she sun
dered herself from the parent Government which
was broken into fragments, and helped to form little
governments which soon consumed each other ?-or
that old Kentucky was left when the land had been
swept by secession and revolution and nothing was
left of the Union, Kentucky alone was seen stand
ing upon the field which revolution had conquered
ctopdipo oil q uncOnnupred old