Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-04-19
The Radical AboiitionIsts fer Peace...
Characteristic Speech from Wendell Phil
from the Boston Transcript.
WENDELL PHILLIPS ZOE PEACE.

We publish the following communication from =
correspondent at New Bedford, as it contains an ex
preston of the opinion of the most eloquent of the
extreme AboltiOnists, on the present aspect of pO
litcal affairs:
New BEDFORD, April 10.
Mr.. Editor Wendell Phillips delivered lecture
before our lyceum, last evening, intensely political
in Its character. in the course of which he took
casion to comment on the news just received from
Charleston. send you specimen of his brilliant
and erratc ideas, in his own language. The lect-
ure was interrupted by frequent Kisses:
The telegraph is said TO report tonight that the
guns firing either out of Fort Sumter into il
| that to-morrows breeze when it sweeps from the
North. will bring to US the echo of the first Lex
ington battle of the revolution. Well what
shall we say of such an hour Ny own feeling is a
double one. 1t is like the triumph of sadness-re-
joicing and sorrow. l cannot indeed congratulate
you enough the sublime spectacle of twenty mil
| lions of people educated in a twelve month up to
beng willing that their idolzed Union should risk
battle. should risk dissolution in order at any risk
| to put down this rebellion of slave States.
Butt am sorry that gun should be fired at Fort
| Sumter or that gun should be fired from it for
this reason. The administration at Washington
does not know its time. Here q series of States
girdng the Gulf who think that their peculiar in
situations require that they should have separate
Government. They have right TO decide that
question without appealing to you me. A large
body of people sufficient to make nation, have
come to the conclusion that they will have Gov
eminent of certain form. Who denies them the
right? Standing with the principles of 20 behind
US, who can deny them the right? What is matter
of few millions of dollars or few forts 1t is
mere drop in the bucket of the great national ques
ton. 1t is theirs, just much maintain,
on the principles of '76, that Abraham Lincoln has
no right to soldier in Fort Sumter.
But the question comes secondly, Suppose we
had right to interfere, what Is the good of t?''
You may punish South Carolina for going out of
the Union. That does not bring her in. You may
subdue her by hundreds OF thousands OF armies,
but that does not make her State. There is no
longer Union. 1t is nothing but boys play Mr..
Jefferson Davis is angry and Mr.. Abraham Lincoln
is mad and they agree to fight, One, tive, or three
Years hence if the of the afternoon is correct
we shall have gone through war, spent millions,
required the death of hundred thousand men, and
be exactly then where are now-two nations;
little more angry, little poorer, and great deal
wiser, aud that will be the only difference. We
NAV Just as well settle it now as then.
You cannot 90 through Massachusetts, and re-
cruit men to lombard Charleston and New Orleans
The Northern mind will not bear it. You can never
make such war popular. The first onset may be
borne. The telegraph may bring us the news that An
derson has bombarded Charleston, and you may re-
joice. But the sober second thought of Massachu-
sets will be, Wasteful, unchrstisn, guiltyw The
North never will endorse such war. Instead of
conquerng Charleston, you create Charleston in
New England. You stir up sympathy for the
South.
Therefore it seems to me that the Inauguration of
is not only violation of principle, but it Is
violation of expediency.
To be for disuniOn in Boston is TO be an Adolf
ZIONIST To be against disunion is to be an Adolf
ZIONIST to-day in the streets of Charleston. Now
that very state of things shows that the civiliza
tions of the two cities utterly antagonistic.
What is the use of trying to join them! Is Abra-
ham Lincoln capable of making fire and powder lie
down together in peace? If he can, let him send
his army to Fort Sumter and occupy it.
But understand me, believe in the Union exact
ly as you do the future This is my propositions:
AGO out. gentlemen you welcome to your en-
pire take Fit" Let them try the experiment of
cheating with one hand and idlcness with the other
If you cannoRade South Carolina, you cannonade
her into the sympathy OF the world. do not know
noto but what majority there is on my side but
know this. that is the telegraph speaks true to-
night that the guns are echoing around Fort Sum-
ter-that majority is against u.s. for 1t will convert
every man into secessionist- Besides, there is
other fearful element in the problem. There is an
other terrible consideration. We can then no long
er extend to the black race at the South our best
sympathy and our best aid
We stand to night at the beginning of epoch
which may have the peace or the ruin of genera
ton in its bosom. lnaugurate war, we know not
where il will end. We are in no condition to fight
The South is poor and we rich. The poor man
can do twice the injury TO the rich man that the
rich can do to the poor. Your wealth rides safely
on the bosom of the ocean. All New England has
It's millions ahoat The North whitens every sea
with its wealth. The South has no commerce, but
she buy the priyateers of every race to prey
yours. 1t is dangerous strife when wealth quar-
refs with poverty.
Driven to despair, the Southern States may be
poor and bankrupt, but the poorest man be
pirate, and as long as New England's tonnage is
third of that of the civilized world the South can
punish New England more than New England can
punish her. We provoke strife in which we are
defenceess. IT, on the contrary, we hold ourselves
to the strife of ideas-if manifest that strength
which despises insult and bides its hour, we are
sure to conquer in the end.
i distrust those guns at Fort Sumter. / do not
believe that Abraham Lincoln means war. lido not
believe in the madness of the Cabinet. Nothing but
madness can provoke warkwith the Gulf States Ny |
spcon is this: that the Administration dares not