Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1861-01-02

yvu with an earnest request Tor puoncauoh az your
earliest convenience, letter from W. f. Leak, Esq,
written to ourselves and others in reply to certain
interrogatcrtts, =
The letter Is eminently conservative IN its char.
acter, and We ask for it place in all the papers Of
She State, religious as we'll as political
?. ". srANslLL,
r S. MCDONALD, and Others
SA,tp, ". D. tssery:
RockISGHAx, Dec. ), 1860
GENTLEMEN: Your letter asking my views upon
the present disturbed condition Of cur country, and
calling Cor an expression Of opinion ss to the right
Of secession, has been received and woald have re-
ceved an earlier response but for indispensable bu-
siness engagements.
You have been pleased to state, that in making
this call upon me "you have not been actuated
rem any the remotest Intention of party charac-
ter, for that rs politicians You were in equal num-
bers the supporters Of Breckenridge and Bell; but
that your sole motive was to have the opinions of
man in whom you had confidence, and of one whom
you ALWAYS found ready to give his views, when
respectfully solicited regardless alike either of their
popularity or their supposed bearing upon the party
to which, through life, he has been ardently at
tached" =, =.
Thanking yon gentlemen, for the compliment
which you have so kindly expressed, and saying
soothing about its being merited or otherwise pro-
coed at once to the task assigned me.
In the first place, allow me to say, that you need
not have disclamed the character of partzans. for
Know each Of you too well for a single moment to
suppose that either of you are for "ddling" while
the citadel itself is consuming.
No; in your estimation, as in my own. the crisis
smperatirety demands that all former political dis
tinctions should be merged and country rise supe-
rior to party. This I know to be your motto, is
mine, and should be inscribed upon every banner
will reverse the order Of your interrogatories,
and take up in the first place the right of State to
withdraw Tor secede) from our present Contederacy
Secession, then in my estimation, 10 not revclu-
ton with which has SO frequently been COMPOUNDED;
but that it may lead to revolution technically
and practically considered there can be no doubt
Secession. in one of its aspects is Of higher origin,
OF more dignfed descent, and of nobler BIRTH than
what we commonly understand by the word "revolt;"
for i: owes its only origin to the deliberately ex-
pressed will of the people in Convention nssembled
whereas revolution may, and frequently does spring
from desire for individual aggrandzement; from
mere impulse without any previous concert of action,
and frequently without any authoritative promul-
CATION of the principles calling 1t forth.
In revolution, the citizen subjects his neck to the
halter should he fail in the resistance given to the
constituted authorities of State but in secession,
IS We shall attempt to show obedience given to the
can be evinced by the citizen well as becomes
his most sacred duty, and is the only proper safe
guard thrown round him by his State for the pre-
servation Of civil liberty.
1t is in Convention, and in Contention alone that
sosereignity in popular government can speak;
and when it speaks both allegiance as well as obed-
fence are co-extensive with the domain.
No acts of Legislature or decision of the highest
courts, can release the humblest citizen of State
from the obligation he has come under to the Govern
mept Of the United States; and that for the
that the obligation sought to be thrown off was itself
imposed by the people of his State, acting in its
highest (recognzed) sorereign character, through
Convention; and as such, the power to release must
be equal to the imposing power.
Resistance then, to the constituted authorities of
The Federal Government under any mandate short
Of State sovereignty would be treason.
We maintain, them that secession is q right
eessariy attaching to sovereignty in any and under
epcry form of government, whether popular,
archica despotc; and if right in this need not
70 to the Federal any other Constitution for its
origin; for sovereignty, while it may and always
should have written chart, prescribing its rule of
action. yet per Sc knows other limitation than
the simple expression Of its own WILL made known
in its teny and this way according to the nature
Of our institutions, can only be through a Conren-
ton Of the people.
You will then perceive that we 20 not to the
in order to fortify the position TAKEN and to make it
SO plain lin estimation) that there need be no
cavil, wiU 90 to that instrument for its express
recognition; and if we succeed in this, there must
be an end of the question.
The 10th article of the Federal Constitution ex-
pressly states the powers mot delegated to the L.
States by the constitution nor prohibited by it to
the States reserred to the States to the peo
pie" These xre its express words:
Now, when We CAREFULLY look over that instru-
ment, can find no prorision for common arbter,
who is to decide these rsserred powers by the
States.
take it, them that here ron have an express
recognition Of sovereignty IN its most unqualified,
and, as far the Union is concerned, in its most
Objectionable form; for the absence Of an "umpre
constitutional admission that each party to the
compact is to judge for itself
Again: to fortfy the position taken still further
we would observe that the Federal Constitution ex
pressly declares that +" treason" may be committed
against State for in the ID section of the 4th ar
tice you will find these words: IS person charged
in any State with treason, felony, or other crime,
who shall flee from justice and be found in another
State, shall, on demand Of the Executive authority
Of the State from which he fed be delivered up to be
removed to having jurisdietion of the crime
Now if treason be (as it isl the highest crime of a
civil nature of which man may be guilty.-if it be
las it is) an attempt to overthrow the Government
Of the State to which the offender owes allegiance
can you not perceive if the State, as soreregn, has
not tho powsr to interpose and release her citizens
from their prospective obligations, that you then
have presented you two socereigns with dinided
allegiance in which the citizen might honestly doubt
to whom his allegiance was due, whether to the fed
eral or State authority and in this doubt and hon.
est perplexity he might innocsntly subject himself
to the hslter fhc obeyed either, and was caught
by the other, strapgulation by the rope was the
penalty.
No. gentlemen; the Federal Constitution cannot
be-made, tairy interpreted, to involve such an ab
surdity. Our fathers knew as much about sorereign
ty with its rights and about allegiance, as acorrela
tive duty, as the modern fanatcal Interpreters We
now have: and although they left socsreignty pro-
per where they found It in the Stotes yet they re-
cognized the Obligation under which they care, as
strong enough to attain the end in view, which was