The Lansing state Republican. [volume] (Lansing, Mich.) 1855-1874, 1861-07-10

yheu it was believed that disregardng the sin
lie Law would tend TO preserve It? But it was
rot believed that this question was presented.-l
Il was not believed thai any law was violated,
,or the Drovision of the constitution that the
privilege of the writ of ha6eas corpus shall not
he susnended except in cases of rebellion or in
vasiop. When the public safety does require il.
II Was decided that we have a case of rebellion,
and the public safety does require the qualified
suspension of the privilege OF the writ which was
authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that
Congress, and not the Executive, Is vested with
this power; but the constitution itself is silent
as to which or who shall exercise the pOwerand
as the provision was plainly made for danger
Gus emergency, it cannot be believed that the
trainers Ofthe instrument intended that In every
case the danger should run its coarse until Con-
gress should be called together, the very assem-
bling of which might be prevented as was IN
tended in this case by the rebellion. No more
extended argument is now afforded as an oPln-
ion Of some length will probably be presented
by the Attorney General.
Whether there shall be any legislation on the
subject, and if so, what is submitted entirely to
the better judgement of Congress. The for
bearance of this government has been so extra
ordinary, so long continued as to lead some
foreign nations to shape their actions as if they
supposed the early destruction of our national
onion was probable. While this, on discove-
ry gave the Executive some concern, he Is nov
happy to say that the sovereignty and rights OF
the United States are now practically respected
by foreign powers, and general sympathy with
the government is manifested throughout the
world The Reports of the Secretaries OF the
Treasury, War, and Navy will give the inform
alton in detail deemed necessary and convenient
for YOUR action, while the Executive depart
ment will stand ready to supply omissions or to
communicates facts considered important
tor you to know.
1t is now recommended that you give the legal
means for making this contest a short and decl-
sive one; that you place at the control OF gov,
eminent for the work at least 100000 men and
S4OO, OOO.O 900. That number of en is about
one tenth of those Of proper ages within the
regions where apparently all are willing to en-
gage and the sum is less than twenty-thrd
part Of the money value owned by the men who
seem ready To devote their whole. n debt oil
sou, OOO,UOU now is a less sum per head than
was the debt of our revolution when we came
out Of that struggle, and the money Value III
the country bears ever greater proportion
surely cacn man has is strong motive now
10 preserve our liberties as each had then to es-
laDiish them. A right result at this time will
| he worth more TO the world than ten times the
men and ten times the money. The evidence
reaching from the country leaves no doubt that
the material Tor the work is abundant, and that
| II needs only the hand OF legislation to give II
sanction, and the hand Of tie Executive 10 give
1t practical shape aud efficiency. One OF the
greatest perp.exities OF the government Is t.
Old receiving troops faster than Al can provict
Tor them. In u word, the people viii save the
government ii the government do It's part Only
,uditierentiy well.
IL might seem at first thought to be oil Ltlit
difference whether the pfc,en; movement at thu
south be called secession or rebellion. The mo
.ers, however, well understand the diierence.-
They knew ut the beginning that they coulC
never raise their treason to any respeciabl,
magnitude by any name which implies Il viola
ilun of law. They knew their people possessed
DIS much devOtedness to law and order, as mucl
pride and reverence ~ the history and govern
ueLt Of their common country, as any O'he
civlsed and patriotic people. They knew the,
could make no advancement directly in the teeti
of these strong and noble sentiments. They &C
cordlugly commenced by an insidious debauch
ing Of tie pubic mind. They invented an in
genous sOphisln, which, if conceded, was follow
Ell by perfectly logical steps through all the III
cldenls Of the complete destruction Ofthe Union
| m, ~~ti.~.. i'eaIf - that any Sia,a nf TN
Cuion may, consistently with the nations con
sutullou, and therefore lawfully and peacefully
withdraw from the Union, without the consen
of the Union or of any other State. The littl,
dlsgu.s sc that the supposed right is to be exer
clsed only tor just cause, themselves to b.
The sole Judges OF It's justice, Is too thin to mer
II any notice. With rebellion thus sugar-coat
ed, they have been drugglng the minds of thei
section for more than thirty years, until lat length
they have brought many good men to Il willing
ness to take up arms against the government
the day after some aSsemblage of men have Ell
acted the tarcica sen, ence of taking their State
out of the Union, who could have been brought
to no such thing the day before this sophism
derives much, perhaps the whole OF its curren
cy from the assumption that there is some ON
npotent aud sacred supremacy pertaining Il
each Stale OF our Federal Union. Our States
nave neither more nor less power than that re
served to them in the Union by the consiitu
| ZION, 10 one Of them ever having been Stat,
out Of the Union. The original ones passe,
INTO the Union, even before they cast off the
British colonial dependence, and new ones canlt
INTO the Union directly from "a state of depend
ence, excepting Texas, aud even Texas, in it:
temporary independence, was never designated
as State; the new ones, only were desi .nateG
as States on coming into the Union, while thu
name was first adopted by the old ones, in anC
by the Declaration Of Independence. Therein
the United Colonies were declared free and in
dependent States; but even then the Object
plainly was not to declare their independents,
Of one another of the Union, but directly the
contrary, as their mutua pledge and their mu
tual action before at the time, and afterward
abundantly show. The express plighting o
faith by each and all of the original thirteen
States in the articles OF confederation two year.
later, that the Union shall be preserved, j:
most conclusive, having never been States either
10 substance or name outside the Union.
| Whence this magical omnipOtence of States
rights asserting claim of power to lawfully
destroy the Union itself? Much is said about
the sovereignty Of the States, but the word
even Is not IN the national constitution, nor, a:
Is believed, in any Of the State constitutions
What is sovereignty? With particula,
sense OF the term, would it be far wrong TO de.
clare 1t a political community without political
superior! Tested by this, no one of our States
except Texas, was sovereignty, and even Tex
Us gave up the character on coming Tito the