Pomeroy weekly telegraph. [volume] (Pomeroy, Meigs County, Ohio) 1860-1866, 1861-09-13

marked than the forbearance of tk,
Government towards slavery. While i
has from the beginning seemed certain
that, if the South persist in war, SLAYER,
must inevitably perish in its progress
the Government has carefully avoided
everything which looked towards hos
tility against the institution itself
The constitutional rights of ths slave.
holder have been as scrupulously regar-
ded, and as carefully protected, as if he
had not repudiated the Constitution,
and was not making war upon the Gov
ernment which gives him this protection
This course of things is to be changed
Hereafter slavery well not be allowed
to stand in the way of a vigorous pros
ecution Of the war. If slaves are en-
ployed against the Government, thei
masters will thereby lose all claim to
their services The fact of their being
so employed will suffice to set them free
1t is impossible to avoid seeing that
this proclamation Of Gen. Frem ont,
carrying into effect the law of Congress,
will be understood at the South to have
much broader application. The rebels
will denounce it as wholesale emanci-
patton, and the slaves will thus be
taught to regard it in the same light
Fremont's name, it will be remembered,
was widely connected in their minds, in
1856, with the expectation of immediate
freedom, and this act will revive all the
passions and aspirations which were
then aroused. 1t is useless to specu-
late upon the tremendous results to
which such an impression may give rise.
But it is very clear that Fremonts
proclamation is, up to this time, by far
the most important event of the war.
The following from the Boston Courier,
the toughest of the old conservative
papers in New England, is good evil
dence ef the soundness of public opin-
ion:
To certain extent, this manifesto is
a new phase in the development of de-
plorable events in this country. 1t Is
only such, hooever, In appearance, not in
fact; since martial law exists at other
points, and this proclamation differs
from others only, in making known more
in detail the specific purposes of the
commander of the military district
These consist in promising protection
to well-disposed citizens; in subjecting
Rebels in arms, and others rendering
aid to the enemy, to military trial and
and, in accordance with the
ate act of Congress, in providing for
the confscation Of the property of the
Rebels, including the liberation of their
negroes. 1t will be observed, that this
process applies only to slaves in peculiar
cases and is confined to Missouri-in
this, as in all other respect, the author
ty of the Government to be exercised |
for the safeguard of whatever belongs to
Deaceable and loyal citizens. The Cen
eral also promises to sustain the legal
and to see that there is no in
terruption to the ordinary administra-
ton of the law, or of the peaceable pur
suits of life, SO far as he has power,
which we trust is ample to prevent it.
We doubt not that multitudes in our
own quiet part of the country will be
startled at the unusual tenor Of this
but, we must say, zoe are
unable to see ho,c 1t could be any longer
tcoided in Missouri, and that State ap-
,ears to us the most suitable Of all for
he exercise Of stringent measures
The recital of the proclamation fur
lishes the ground for the proceedings
The condition of utter lawlessness in
which it is found demands such remedy
IS will meet the exigeney; and if, as we
lave been led to believe, two thirds or
more of the people of Missouri are for
he Union, and exposed to the outrages
If the rest, organized aud armed for
heir oppression and destruction, Mis-
ouri is the very State upon which the
est may well be applied to determine
whether the Government, in support of
he we'll disposed majority, or the law
ess and rebellious minority, is the
strongest.
The New York World says:
When Gen. Fremont instituted mar
ial law in Missouri, he did not do so
lamby -pamby thing as to proclaim
hat some act Of Congress, hitherto in
operative, was to be in force; bat that
le, the commander Of the Department
If the West, was to dictate the law in
lis discretion, and adapt it to his own
Judgment of what the exigency re-
Iuired Martial law sets aside and sus
,ends civil enactments except SO far as
he military commander sees fit to re-
ain them. The propriety of his regu
ations depends on their suitableness to
he circumstances and their conformity
o the principles of natural eq lity.--
All ingenious stretches Of interpreta
ion, therefore, by which particular acts
If Congress are made to cover all the
provisions embodied in proclamation
If martial law, are preposterous. Mar
ial law, from its very nature, tran
sends congressional enactments; while
t continues in force the word Of the
,fficcr who proclaims it is law, and there
s no other. If particular civil enact
nents are enforced, and the ordinary |
tribunals retain some or all of their
'unctions, it is merely because he wills
t. Attempts, like one made by morn
ng Journal yesterday, to deduce Gen.
fremonts proclamation from the con6s
,ation act of the recent session, only
end to weaken confidence in Fremont's
discretion and good Judgment, by max
ns it appear that he is incapable of un-
lerstanding plain statute.
Although the martial law here pro-
claimed is in force only in the State of
Missouri, the effect of the proclamation
will Immediately extend far beyond the
limits of Gen Fremont's command. 1t
will cut several gordiau knots which
imd men have been in vain trying to
lntie; and, among other things, it will
,;,,. ,,,++o,s 70 n ori.;, :, Ko,tuoIr