Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1861-03-16

san oOstlnacy, because they will not ADOPT
THIS plan to pacate the slave power, now
intent on destroying the government. Mr.
Speaker, believe the people of the free
states, when they fairly understand these
propositions, will spurn them as an insult.
Now, sir, what are the circumstances under
which these amendments to the Constitution
and other propositions of compromise are
proposed Abraham Lincoln and Hanni.
bal Hnmin have been lawfully elected
President and Vice President, upon plat
form opposed 10 many if not all of these
propositions Of compromise. Other par
ties went into the canvass with their candi.
dates aud platforms, and the verdict of the
people was invoked in relation 10 them.
The verdict has been rendered fuirly, with.
out fraud, and without connivaUce in favor
of the principle that our Territories are for
ever to remain free What is the prOpos-
tion Before the verdict is rendered into
Judgment, propositions comes up for q
new trial to set it aside
We find republican lawyers standing
here to advocate the rights of their clients,
willing TO set aside that verdict before it is
rendered into judgment. Why must it be
done Because it is said, if that verdict
is rendered into judgment, then a certain
number of the slaveholding States will
break mp this government, Does not every
one see, if we grant them what they desire
we will sap The very foundation of the gov
ernment2 1t will invite similar rebellion in
| relation to any interest that may feel dis
turbed by the result of an election. There
are other interests in this country, besides
those of slavery, which may feel aggrieved
at the result of an election and if we en-
courage The idea that the verdict Of the
people may be set aside, we cannot fix
where it shall terminate. We are entitled
to our judgment, and we intend to have it,
by the help of Almighty God, and the
strong arms Of the people of all sections.
We are appealed to, sir, MS pnrtisans. 1t
is said that we are Indifferent to the actual
condition of The country. My colleague
from Ohio Mr. Cox made a very able ar
gument against the right of state to Sc,
cede; but like other northern democrats, he
is opposed TO secession, but objects to coer
ciOu in order TO prevent it, They are like
the man who, when asked whether he approx
ed the Maine liquor law, said that he did,
but be was very much opposed to its execu-
ton. Laughter.
Mr.. Cox. Will the gentleman yield to
me2
Mr.. HrTCHINs. cannot Just now.
Mr.. Cox. The gentleman misrepresents
me.
Mr.. HuTcHINs. The Democratic party,
Mr.. Speaker, are attempting to make capi-
tai out of this controversy. | have no
doubt my colleague from the Columbus dis.
trict Mr., Cox is in favor of the Union,
provided he can preserve it aud destroy
the Republican party. am not quite
sure he is heartily in favor of it, if the re.
publican party is TO remain in power. Why
do Judge him thus 2 find him upon every
occasion active and instant, in season aud
ont Of season, in hunting fucts and furnish.
log southern men with material 10 prejudice
the already excited public mind of the
south. lie appears to have implicit faith
in compromises He said, in bis speech
the other day. that Sacrifice and compro.
mise are words Of honorable import the
one gave US Calvary, the other the ConSti-
tution." The genteman's rhetoric is we'll;
but in its practical application to The sub,
ject in controversy it is meaningless. Pat.
riotiSm and craftsmanship gave US tie Con.
s;tution, slightly marred by compromise
hut let it stand. The word compromise
has been too much deSecrated, of late, in
our political history, to be talismanic now
to save the Union.
am not surprised that he should use
the word sacrifice as connected with com.
promise, after his announcement, that he
was willing to vote for the Crittenden pro
position, because it involved a sacrifce of
his political professions
Before the election he was for popular
sovereignty, and objected to even a legisla.
tive slave code for the territories but now |
lie declares a readiness to vote for con.
stitulional slave code 1t is not, therefore.
strange that he should regard sacrifice as
better word to use, in connection with these
than compromise and | |
think, Mr.. Speaker, that Sacrifice" accu
rajely defines most of these propositions
which go under the nomenclature of com. |
promise and the question really is, shall
the people of the free states sacrifice prin. |
ciples which, in their Judgment, are essen
tal to the welfare Of the Republic, to pla,
cato those who are plotting its overthrow ? |
Others may, but will NEVER knowingly
do it.
Mr.. Speaker, the Crttenden plan
which is msnamed promise-wonld no |
more be final settlement Of the slavery |
question. than the different compromises
heretofore adopted have been. What slave
holders demand, is supremacy in the govern,
mcnt nothing short of this will satisfy
them. What most alarms them, at this |
time, is the growing power of the free
states, as shown by the recent census. If |
nv colleague from the Columbus district
wishes at once to reach the root of the
difficulty, he must sacrifice still further his |
political principles ; and, as he appears to
he in sacrificing meod, would suggest
what, for time at least, would restore
peace to the country and coax the cotton
states TO lay down the weapons of their re. |
belliou. The power Of the free states, he
will remember, is the chief difficulty. Let
him, then, destroy their freg,sehool system,
put down free speech /; silence the press
and pulpit put censorship upon their
literature dry up the source of their
power; paralyEe the energies of their pros.