Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-01-01


written 10 Ourselves and others in reply to certain
interrdF stories.
tfc letter is eminently conservative in its char
actersand we ask for it place in all the papers OF
the State, religious we'll as political.
Respectfully,
P ". STANSILL,
R. S. MCDONALD, and others.
10 DR.. p w. StaasilI E. s. -RcDo"atd, 0'n0' H.
Shau, W. D. JSSery:
Rocx1NGHAN, Dec. 3, 1860.
Gxy-.rxsS; Your letter asking my views upon
the nrsent disturbed condition OF our country, ana
calling fer an expression of opinion as to the right
Of secessrcn has been received, and would nave re-
eeived an earlier response out lot fRusspesaoe ou
sSAess engagements.
Won have been pleased to state, that in making
shs call upon me- "you have not been actlated
from any the remotest iateSIea OF a party charac-
ter. for that as politicians you were in equal num-
beers the supporters of Btcckinridge and Bell; but
that your sole motive was to have the opinions of
.nan in whom you had confidence and of one whom
YOU always found ready to give his views, when
respectfully solicited regardless alike either OF their
popularity their supposed bsaring upon the party
to which, ttrcugh life, he has been ardenty at
tached."
Thanking YOU, gentlemen, for the compliment
which you have so kindly expressed, and saying
nothing about its being merted or otherwise, pro-
Heed>at to the task assigned me.
la the first place, allow me to say, that you need
not have dscaimed the character of partizans, for
I know each of you too we'll for sing lie moment to
suppose that either of you are for "fdding" while
the citadel itself is consuming.
No; in your estimation as in my own, the crisis
iperetireiy demands that all former political dis
tinctions should be merged and country rise supe-
ror to party. This know to be your motto, is
mine, and should be inscribed upon every banner.
Twill reverse the order of your interrOgatories,
IL, EreE A. &c toto IN
withdraw (or Secede) from our present Confederacy.
Secession, then, in my estimation, is not revolu-
ton with which has frequently been confounded;
but that it may lead to revolution, even technically
and practically considered there can be no doubt
Secession in OF Its aspects Is OF higher origin,
of more dgnified descent and Of nober birtts than
what We commonly understand by the word revolt;
for it owes its only origin to the deliberately
pressed will of the people in Convention assembled:
whereas revolution may, and frequently does spring
from desire for individual ACKNOWLEDGEMENT; from
mere impulse without any previous concert action,
and frequently without any authoritative promul-
cation of the principles calling 1t forth
In revolution, the citizen subjects his neck to the
halter should he fail in the resistance given to the
constituted authorities of State but in secession,
shall attempt to show, obedience given to the
mandates of secession is the highest loyalty that
can be evinced by the citizen, as we'll as becomes
his most sacred duty, and is the only proper safe
servation of civil liberty.
1t is in Convention and in Contention alone, that
sorereignity in popular government can speak;
and when it speaks both allegiance as we'll as obed-
fence are co-extensive with the domain
No acts of Legislature or decision of the highest
courts, release the humblest citizen of State
from the obligation he has come under to the Govern
ment of the United States and that for the reason
that the obligation sought to be thrown off was itself
imposed by the people of his State acting in its
highest (recognized) sovereign character through
Contention; and such, the pOWer to release must
be equal to the imposing power.
Resistance, them to the constituted authorities of
the Federal Government under any mandate short
Of State sovereignty, would be treason.
We maintain, then, that secession is a right ne
cessdrty attaching to sovereignty in any and under
eU0ry form of government whether popular, mon-
archica or despotic and if right in this need not
go to the Federal any other Constitution for its
origin; for sovereignty, while it may and always
shOnu, have written chart, prescribing its rule of
action, yet per Sc knows no other limitation than
the simple expression of its own will made known
in its OUn cGy and this way according the nature
of our institutions, only be through a Conren-
ton of the people
You will then perceive that we 90 not to the
Federal Constitution for the right in question; but
in order to fortify the position taken and to make it
so plain Tin our estimation) that there need be no
cavi We 'oiU go to that instrument for its express
recognition; and if we succeed in this there must
be an end of the question.
The 10th article of the Federal Constitution ex-
presSly states, the powers mot delegated to the L.
States by the constitution nor prohibited by it to
the States, reserre to the States OF to the peo-
pie. These are its express words.
Now, when We carefully look over that instru-
ment, We can find no precision for common arbitcr,
who to decide as to these reserred powers by the
States
take it, then, that here you have an express
recognition of sovereignty IN its most unqualified
and, as far as the Union is concerned in its most
objectionable form; for the absence of an umpire"
IS constitutional admission that each party to the
compact is to judge for itself
again to fortfy the position taken still further
we would observe, that the Federal Constitution ex
pressly declares that treason may be committed
against State for in the I'd section of the 4th ar
tice you will find these words: A person charged
in any State with treason felony, or other crime,
who shall flee from justice and be found in another
State, SHALL on demand of the Executive authority
OF the State from which he fed be delivered up to be
removed the having jurisdiction of the crime"
Now, II treason be (as it s) the highest crime of
civil nature of which man may be guiltv,-if it be
las 1t is) an attempt to overthrow the Government
OF the State to which the offender owes allegiance
can you not perceive If the State, as sovereign, has
not the pocer to nterpOSe and release her citizens
from their Prospectire obligations, that you then
nave presented you two SOcereigRs with divided
allegiance, in which the ctzenmight honestly doubt
to whom his allegiance was due whether to the fed
eral or State authority: and in this doubt and hon
est perPlexity he might innocently subject himself
to the halter; for ifhe obeyed either and was caught
by the other, strangulation by the rope was the
penalty.
No, gentlemen; the Federal Constitution cannot
be made, furry interpreted to involve such an alb
surdity. Our fathers knew as much about souereign-
ty with its rights, and about allegiance, as a correla
tive duty, as the modern fanatca interpreters we
now have; and although they left sovereignty pro-
per where they found it. in the States yet they re-
eognized the obligation under which they came, as
strong enough to attain the end in view, which was
to provide for the common defence and general well
fare of the whole from aggressions without as we'll
as within; and yet at the same time they were so
guarded and circumspect in the language they en-
ployed. that it would be undertaking their ntelli-
gence well as the grossCst insult to their memo