The national Republican., 1861-03-08
VIRGINIA POLITICIANS.


spirit Of resistance which will not tamely sub.
NIT to see that policy carried into effect to.
wards the seeding States. We are clearly of
the opinion that the Convention should prompt
" and explicitly define the position of the State
on this subject of coercion, and make it known
to Lincoln and his administration that any EN-.
ployment of force against the seeding Stats
Wilt be met by Virginians with instant and de-
termined resistance. Let such formal and sol.
emn declaration be unanimously made by the
Convention to-day, in the name Of the people and
the Commonwealth, and we feel sure it will ex.
ert the desired effect upon the Cabinet councils
at Washington. Let this declaration, too, be
coupled with the earnest request, on the part
Of the State, that instead of hol ling, occupy.
ing, and possessing the property and places be,
longing to the Government within the limits OF
the seeding States, the Federal Government
should forthwith give them all up, as the only
hope Of preserving peace, preventing civil war,
and reconstructing the Union.
ain conclusion, we express the earnest hope
that President Lincoln and his advisers will
perceive the impracticability and folly Of at.
tenn pting to carry out the coercive policy indi.
Gated in the inaugural, and that they will forth.
with abandon it, and forthwith announce to the
country that it has been abandoned. For, let
it be distinctly understood at Washington, tha
upon the abandonment Of that unwise and in
sane policy depends the adherence Of Virginia
and the other border States to the Union, and,
conseq uently, the hope Of reconstruction Of
the Union and the prevention Of civil war;"
Considerate men do not make threats, with.
out looking we'll to the end. Ifthreats accom-.
plish the object, that is one thing. But if they
fail to accomplish the object, there then re,
mains the alternative of enforcing them, or Of
backing down from them. That alternative
may strike the people of Virginia much more
seriously than it does the excitable and eccen'
uric editors of the Whig.
Virginia is an important State in territory,
population, position, and moral weight, and
her wishes are entitled to the most respectful
consideration from those who at any time ad.
minister the National Government. Nor is it
unsuitable that she should express her wishes
in great crisis like the present one. But the
language of menace is as unbecoming to her.
as it is impossible to be submitted 10 by the
Administration. Virginia is entitled to be con.
suited, but is not entitled to dictate the policy
of this country, and will not be permitted to do
so. She is the equal, but not the superior, of
her sister States.
From all the information we can get, and it
is by no means inconsderable, we believe that
the people Of Virginia reprobate this language
of the Richmond Whig as heartily as the
country will. They are proud Of the honor of
their State, and most sensitively averse to hav-
ing it rashly committed to course which can
not be persisted in without civil war, or with
drawn from without the imputation Of cowardice.
A wise man will always keep himself, as far forth
as he can, the master Of his own future, and, at
any rate, will not needessly entangle himself
with threats and promises And what is wise
for individuals is wise for States.
Nor is it by any means certain that the peo-
pie of Virginia will not sustain all that degree
of coercion which President Lincoln proposes.
There is no reason for their opposition to it,
and no sufficient evidence that they are opposed
to it as q matter of fact.
The distinguishing characteristic Of Southern
politicians, is their cowardice upon all questions
which can be supposed, by any possibility, te
involve the sectional rights, interests, or pre-
iudces, of the South. 1t is this cowardice
which made them so unanimous in sustaining
the repeal of the Missouri compromise, all the
outrages in Kansas which followed that meas
ure, and the Lecompton swindle by which il
was crowned. And, notwithstanding all this
unanmity of the Southern politicians, it is a
least doubtful if majority of the people of the
South ever really concurred in the policy which
these politicians sustained.
The Legislature of Virginia was unanimoul
against coercion. The Convention now sitting
there, may, by possibility, be equally unani
, nous against it. But this unanimity prove
too much, and therefore proves nothing. Unan
!, imous votes are always suspicious votes.
Virginia was not opposed to the coercion o
South Carolina in 1882, and is probably still
!, less opposed to the same degree of coercion
r against the same State in 1861. The nullfca
= ton of Mr.. Calhoun was upon grievance, be
E lieved to be grievance by nearly the who'll
people of Virginia, whereas, now, there is not
t man ofsense in the State, who pretends that Sout
, Carolina is suffering any grievance at all. Vii
f ginans have some complaints Of their own, bu
f they know well that South Carolina has nont
n And what is more, they feel that the action c
8 South Carolina has been hasty and wanton, a
4 respects their own interests. They are in n
r alliance, or sympathy, which is likely to attrat
them to the defence Of that turbulent littl
State against the consequences of its ow
'. egotism.
= Why should the people of Virginia prefe
that the revenue at Charleston be collected b
President Davis, rather than by President Lii
I coin?
. Undoubtedly, Virginia is interested in tn
condition ofthe Gulf States. So are the Nortl