The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1861-02-01

North Carolina. 679,965 328,377 zoos, 342
Missouri. .....!, OS5, $50 1868 l,20l, 209
Kentucky...... 933,707 225,902 1,l59,6O9
Tennessee...... S59,528 287,0l2 I,l40,640
Texas. ........ 4l5,999 1886 600, 952
Virginia. .l,097,373 495,856 1858, 200
Total ....5 ,4O3,S72 l,746,757 7,l5O,73O
Add six states
above $500, 2S7, 647 2,24O,O76 5,692,6ll
Total. .7,69l,5l9 3,9s6,s33 l2,S43,3H
This leaves Maryland and Delaware
slave states-out. We have not the result
of the census of 1860, in these states. But
in 1850, the white population of Maryland
was 4l7,943 free colored, 74,723; slave,
90,36S total, 583034. The population
of the state is now about 100000, which
would give the seeding states-for we con-
slider it certain that Maryland will follow
Virginia into a southern confederacy-a
total population of l3,493,34l. Of this
amount, 4,O76,S33 are African slaves. Del
aware will, in all probability adhere to the
northern states.
- Some of the radicals at the North,
have expressed great hopes, in most cases
couched in the sarcastic form of fears, that
one of the effects of the revolution at the
South, will be general slave insurrection,
and that thereby the subjugation of the
seeding states will be comparatively an
easy task. The n. Y. Tribune of the 18th,
on this point, says:
We wish to say, however, that we place no
great confidence in the often repeated prophesy
of negro Instruction as consequence OF the
rebellion in the South. No doubt the slaves
form a dangerous element in the population,
though this danger is much alleviated by the
constant escape of the boldest and ablest
among them to the North. But, as class, the
Southern negroes are entirely broken to their
position, and the most turbulent instincts have
been so thoroughly educated out of them, while
the watch over them is SO carefully maintained
that the probability of any general, or OF any
very perOus conspiracy among them, is small
indeed In the Southern system they are more
a source of weakness than of positive danger;
and their presence in the population may safely
be taken as diminishing by full one-third its
effective military force.
In South Carolina, and other Southern
States, a great portion of the labor attend
ant upon the military operations, such as
throwing up Notifications, etc., is performed
by negro slaves. 81 it not probable, that
in case of war, instead of weakening, they
would increase the military power of the
seeding states? Negro slaves, in the rev.
olution, did not weaken the patriotic cause,
although the English in many instances,
promised them freedom, if they would join
the royal forces.
Among the many communications,
speeches, and essays, which have been eli
cited from Priest and Layman, on the SUBJ
ject of our present troubles, we have seen
nothing more forcible than the following
letter from Hon. JOHN L. O'SULL1vAN, late
United States Charge at Lisbon
To the Republican Press at the North;
The question is now at last before you
in its true aspect. 1t is no longer a small
rebellion lit is pity it ever wore that ap.
parent aspecD but a large revolution you
have to deal with. The whole group of the
cotton States is as good as gone. Virginia
and the rest of the border States says
"Our rights in the Territories, together
with few minor points of adjustment, or
else qUe too, go aUith the South" and, in the
mean time, " no COERCION"
You nave, therefore, to choose between
these three alternatives:
l. Reconciliation, by an acceptable COM
promise (such as Crittenden's
2. Peaceable separation.
3. Civil war, with the object of coercing
the south into submission.
1t is of no use to disguise the civil war
under the phrases enforcement of The laws
and protection of the public property. This
is mere matter Of words. They are the
same thing. The southern theory is, that
they are de jure out of the Union by the
act of secession. Whether they are so or
not, they are so at least de fdcto by the act
of revolution-if you prefer that name for
it. Their theory-a theory which they at
least carry out with great deal of practi-
cal pluck-is, that the forts and arsenals
were ceded to the Federal Government only
for Federal purposes--that is to say, for the
defense of the States where they exist,
not or that of standing as Federal
strongholds against the States themselves;
and that the Federal purposes having now
lapsed (dejure or de facto, just as you please
the Federal Government has neither reason
nor right to hold them, and that they be.
long more reasonably and rightfuly to the
States which have now set up for them
selves. 1t is, therefore, at least debatable
whether they are now Federal public pro-
perty:' and, at any rate, to attempt to
recover them involves civl Uar, with fleets
and armies to besiege, and then to hold
them ; the same applying to the idea of
naval blockades.
1t may or it may not be right and proper