Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1861-01-19
EDWARDS SPEECH.

We are told that this is a statesmanliRe effort,
and reflects great credit upon both the head and
the heart Of the Senator from New York. We
have transferred to our columns q portion of the
conclusion Of the speech containing the gist Of tho
matter. His Qualification Of the Union, and his
prediction Of the terrible results of its dissolution
We omit, as they would not be particularly interes-
hing to our readers. His proposed adjustment is
what the people feel the most interested in; and
While the sliding scale Of compromise is not put SO
low as in Douglas plan of adjustment, il is far too
low for anti-slavery Republicans, unless they feel
IL necessary in the present circumstance to con-
quer their prejudices in favor of freedom, and do
with alscrity the work Of Standardization
The first proposition which Mr.. Seward makes
is in relation to the rendition Of fugitive slaves.
It will be seen he regards the Constitution as fully
recognizing the Southern claim Of property in
man, and that il requires that fugitive slaves must
be delivered up; ard he holds that all personal
liberty bills which contravene either the Constitu-
Iiou or the Laws of Congress, fought to be repeal
ed" In that fought to be repealed" there is CON
siderable work laid gu. for several State Legisla,
lures, for although their personal liberty laws may
not contravene the Constitution, they some OF them
certainly conflict with the fugitive slave law of
80.
Secondly; lie is willing to vote for on amend
ment to the Constitution that shall forever probib-
II that document being after amended 30 as to
confer upon Congress power to abolish or inter
fsre with slavery in any State" The absence Of
this power is now inferrentially deduced from the
present construction Of the Constitution, but there
IL nothing in the instrument itself which furbids
it being amended SO as to give to Congress that
power, but Mr.. Seward is williDg-if it will pro-
pi.iate the South-to declare in the bond of Union,
that Congress shall in nowise, now, honcefor;h or
ever, abolish or interfere with slavery in any
State.
His thirdly brings up the Territorial question
OF slavery, in the discussion Of which Mr.. Seward
advances the democratic idea that "it is wise to
resort to the people for revisions of The organic
law when The troubles and dangers of the State
certainly transcend the powers delegated by it to
the pubic" and 10 this we fully agree with him;
but does he not strangely forget tina. he has just
before minated a willingness to amend the Cons.
iitution 10 one Of its parts 80 that no future
amendment could ever change it. If one article,
o. one section of an article may thus be e~ternally
fossilized. why may not more than one; and what
becomes Of the democratic principle requiring it's
reference to the people for revision and aiterationH
And if any part is to BE m ,de as interchangeable as
the laws Of the Modes and Persians, why should
IL not be some portion that protects the rights of
man, instead of ihat which secures the perpetuity
of slavery!
In Mr.. Seward's proposed plan for the treatment
OF the territories, he is willing after Kansas is
-adnitted-to throw all the territories into two
great States, admit them into the Union, and give
authority to subdivide them at the pro-
Per time into several States. If we understand
this proposition, it would put an end to the ques-
hon Of territorial slavery, throwing the institution
if is existed there-into State relations, and ena-
bling the citizens CT the new States to retain or
abolish ii as suited their own pleasure. Although
Ar. Seward says be does not think such a move
msa, "could be constitutionally made" yet he
proposes that it be made. And whyl Does the
North demand i2 Not at oil. 1t is a sop that be
thiuks might appease the Cerebus of slavery, and
the end sanctifying The means, i, will do to violate
the Constitution in such an emergency.
The importance which has heretofore been given
in political circles to the ut;erances OF Mr.. Seward
10 certainly not lessened by a knowledge of the
fact that he has been assigned the leading position
in Mr.. Lincoln's Cabinet and that his language
may justly be taken as the fureshadowing Of the
views and policy of the President elect; and The
great men Of his party will probably defend him,
right or wrong.
We can only account for his lowering of the Re
publican standard-which was already low enough
before the November election-by Il knowledge of
the existing circumstances which threaten a disso-
luton of the Union, and applying to himself bis
own words uttered in the speech we have been
considering;--"We must be content to lead when
we can, and to tollo,0 when we cannot lead"