The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-06-15


orA Perts.
Tho dispatches of Lord Lyons to Lsrd
John Russell, although worded with q
caxdousness which shows the writer's ankle
ty 10 appear neutral, betray bias in
favor of the South, and are strongly sug-
gestive Of his having privately communi-
Gated with the British government In o tone
much more antagonistio to Northern interests.
Such communications will of course be con-
sidsred confidential, and we shall have no OPP
portunity Of pronounoing judgment upon
them. We must therefore be content to judge
him only by those dispatches which have been
given to the public; and these, we are bound to
say, do not tend to exalt our opinion of him as
q diplomat, or convey to us the impression
that be has made himself acquainted with the
constitution of the United States From one
professionally schooled in diplomacy it might
have been reasonably expected that more
knowledge of both national and international
law would have been shown than Lord Lyons
has proved himself the master of.
1t would seem that he was exceedingly
anxious to ascertain precisely the intentions OF
our government relative to what he terms the
blockade" of the Southern ports. Writing to
the British Foreign Office, he says-speaking of
AN interview he had with Mr.. Sewara-"I re
ferred him to the notifications of blockades
made by Great Britain during The late war with
Russia, and pointed out to him the care ana
precision with which every particular vas
stated in them. L asked whetaer ii was
n cis,ifa
each Southern port 81 soon % the
actaal blockade Of it should commence
Now, Lord Lyons ought to have kno wn better
than to have referred to sucs q precedent, sno
to have asked such q question. lie ought TO
have known that the case Of the United States
and the rebels was Of an entirely diGerent
character to that Of Eogland and Russia during
the late war. Whereas that was foreign war
fare, this is domestic insurrection; and herein
lies the important difference. Strictly speak
ing, there is no blockade of the Southern ports.
They are simply closed by command Of the
federal government, in consequence OF ths re
bellion, and in order the better and more
speedily to subdue that rebellion.
This Is no new doctrine; it has existed ever
SINGS governments were founded. 1t is simply
the right which belongs to every nation in thu
world to declare its own ports Of entry. IL
closing the Southern ports we only exercise for
.he time being the right of action which enables
us to regulate our OWE internal affairs. There
are good harbors in nearly all countries from
which foreign shipping is excluded. Lord Lyons
liz, perhaps, not aware that simple declsra
ton TO the effect that the Southern ports Of the
United States are closed is sufficient for all
legal purposes in preventing the entry Of TO
reign vessels without our having single man
ofwar cruising along the coast. The ships-0f
war that guard the ports of the rebel States
are stationed there to prevent the egress OF
piratical and other craft 1t is not supposed
that foreign vessels, knowing of the closing Of
those ports would violate law and order by
hazardirg the attempt to pass in. With re-
spect to the formal notification of this act OF
tho federal government, it is probable that
Mr.. Seward is taking measures to make it
| known to foreign nations.
| 1. the case of another Irish rebellion and it
being deemed prudent by Great Britain to
| ;lose some of the Irish ports, who would ven
lure to question the right of the British govern.
uent to 60 so? Such closing would not be
a blockade slthough maintained by naval
forces. Lord Lyons, no doubt, will quite
agree with Us in this. Now, let US ask him If
we have not just as much right to close any or
all of Cur Southern ports as England has
the right 10 close any or all of her Irish ports
under circumstances of war. There is an exact
IL L. ~ IL
constitute, bona Jfde, blockade.
A question has been raised, and with some
how Of fairness, to the effect that the Presl
dent Of the United States has no legal
right under the constitution to Gloss
Ally Of the ports of the Union without having
previously been invested with authority so to
do by Congress. This is nominally the case,
but we are suddenly plunged into the midst o.
war, AID therefore the time sanctions the act,
aud the proceedings Of the President in this
matter will receive the sanction of Congress
when it meets on the Fourth Of July. Any OBJ.
lection Of this kind, founded on q technicality,
therefore falls to the ground.
II Lord Lyons wants instances in support Of
the right which nations reserve to themselves il
opening their ports to foreign shipping, let him
refer to tie treaties which the Western Power
have raaae with China and Japan, by which he
will perceive that only certain ports were de
clared open to them, while from all others Of
these countries they were rigidly excluded
The same invariable rule of right applies to
the United States, and IL asserting it there is
no wanton blow struck at foreign commerce.
for although our Southern ports are closed, our
Northern ports remain open to the world, It
was the business of Lord Lyons to have known
more about the meaning Of blockade before
'asking (Mr. SewardD with persistence" for
definite information respecting the mode in
which it was be carried into effect. And it
argues little discrimination on the nart OF the