The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-08-02
British Optpton on the Presidents Mes
sage and tho War.


Presidents Message They are amazed that it
should cali upon Congress for 100000 men
and $500 100000 and say, that although such
appeals have been too often addressed by
| monarchs to their subjects where dynastic rights
were at stake, they never believed they could
be heard with patience in All assembly OF
republicans. They remind VA that the sum
asked for on loan by the Secretary Of the Trea-
sury is nearly equal TO that which the wars of
William LII. and of the Spanish succession en-
tailed on England, and at which the politicians of
those days stood aghast; more than three times
~ much IA our whole annual revenue few
years ago, and two-thirds of the expenses in
Cured by the whole War Of independence.
What will they say when they learn that Con-
gress has appropriated FIVE handred millions of
dollars, and authorized an army Of FIVE hundred
thousand mene They TOOK forward with serious
apprehension to the enormous burden of taxa
ton involved in this financial scheme, and
thirty-tour States, but by those only that still
remain loyal to the Union, the productive
powers of which residue will be seriously i'm
paired by the subtraction of 30 many able
bodied men AZ those required for the army from
the ordinary pursuits of life. They seem to
think the manner in which the people of the
North will respond to the government pro-
granme very uncertain, and wonder whether
the passionate desire to preserve the integrity
of the Union will be supported by the patient
selfsacrifce that can alone reconcile CONNER
cial people to the prospect of war prices and
diminished wealth. The music may be cheerful,
but will Americans be willing to pay the piper?
This appears to be the question that British pub
licists are trying to solve.
Overlooking the severity Of the structures
upon the Message itself the tone of the English
press towards this country is meant to be calm
respect for our patriotism, and an acknowledge
mcnt of our unity of motive and determination
to put down the rebellion, couIAed with the adj
mission that if the South can be conquered, the
present administration, backed by the blood
and treasure of the North will do it, but family
hazarding the conjecture that this last will be
impossible. Three millions of men, and those
men AngloISaxons, are not, we are told, to be
easily conquered, and if they ever are con-
quered, the result will infaliibly be subject
States, not in, but under the Union,
Why not subdue three millions of men
There is no practical difficulty about it, The
British put down eight millions in Ireland, and
hundred and fifty millions In India. Only
eleven States are in actual rebellion, and, in
GLIDING Kentucky, Missouri and Maryland, we
have twenty-three millions of people to oppose
them We are as strong as France was at the
time Of the Revolution, and stronger. as we'll as
richer, than England at any period of her his
tory. The battle of Bull run, which will doubt
less make the British more firmly welded than
ever to their own opinions upon this war, and
add fuel to the fire Of their ferceness, alone
showed that where an equal number of North
erners and Southernefs are brought face to
face in combat the former are sure Of triumph,
inst as with fairly balanced forces the English,
are over the French. The reports Of that
engagement were at first SO mOnstrously
exaggerated that it appeared to be great de-
feat; but every day has lessened the appearance
of the disaster; and when we are furnished with
the official details in full it will in all proba.
biiity prove to have been much less calamitous
than we even now suppose. The heroic charge
Of the Fire Zouaves upon the rebel cavalry
on that occasion showed the pluck and stamina
Of our men, and the causes of the retreat were
of a character which in future can easily be
guarded against 10y the substitution of able
generals for such useless commanders as
Patterson.
Ii is said that we are not only capable Of
impracticable one, but of Tinting ourselves
and charging posterity for the gratif
cation of our martial ardor. II this
be the case, let US ask what has
made England great but going to war for an
idea? And what, too, has made France great
but going to war for an idea? We are pictured
as dashing young nation, flush of money, with
its wild oats still to SOW, and as making war for
the novelty and excitement of the thing. But
this last as we all know TO our COST is very far
from being the fact War with us has become a
matter Of vital, of painful necessity, and those
""o 'HiAiN uAApio ofy "tC amply III buOIauCc vi
the subject.
1t is the failing of English journalists to look
upon the present contest in the light of dy-
nastic war; whereas the case is entirely different
1t can ofny be compared with the suppression
Of the rebellion in Ireland and Of the mutiny in
| India, and tic history of every great nation
| shows that it has at one time been compelled to
make war upon its own people in order
to compel their obedience. The Londor
! Times, perhaps, takes the fairest view o.
the contest, because it regards it az a constitu
tioual question, ~ it really is, while the Other
| journals are influenced by various prejudice.
and interests. Some are anti-siavcry, and lool
| upon the war as = grand attempt to abo.sf
slavery; and Others are in the cotton interest
and, as matter Of course, want the South tt
! be lot alone, and IN their arguments are con
stansly putting forward the doctrine OF Stat.
sovereignty. But a vast amount Of Ignorance
! Of the true nature and causes Of the presen