Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1861-09-27
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The following remarks Of the Now Yolk
World on the subject Of the difference b.
tween Gen. Fremont aud the Governmeut,
so nearly express our own visws, that We
give them prominence and commend them
to the thoughtful consideration Of ouy read
ers. It is painful for us, who have 20 az
den.ly supported and 50 long admired the
Commander Of The Western Division, to
speak in terms Of dissent from bis acts; bus
tho vital importance Of having oms Exscp-
tive Chief at time like this, and the i'm.
possibility Of supeTseding the one constitu.
tionally chosen by the people, forbids the
thought Of any body bnt President Lincoln
acting 10 that capacity now. We think
Gen. Fremont committed q grave error In
assuming 10 commit the Government 10
Ipolicy so important as that involved In his
proclamations, without consultation, and
the merits Of this question are in no way
affected by the real character Of that policy.
Whether it proved TO be good or bad, bis
assumptuion was equally uuanswerable,--
The World says: IA
General Fremont seems desirous TO have
It known to the country that bis late procla-
tion was bis own independent sct, and that
he differs with the President as "a the sE-
pediency of that part of 1t which relates to
slaves of rebel masters. immediately ON
the publication of the proclamation, doubts
arose whether the War Department had
been consulted. It evidently trauscended
the act of Congress confscatiDg the proper
ty Of rebels 10 certain cases, and it was
known that it was with some reluctance that
the President had signed even the act
The proclamation seemed likewise out Of
harmony with Secretary Cameron's letter
to General Butler. But, on the other hand,
the forfeitures it declared were not moro
severe than martial law would authorize,
and it might have been presumed that, 10
matter which touched southern sensitive
ness so closely, and which was of so much
real importance, Gen. Fremont would not
act without consulting the government at
Washington. The doubts occasioned by
the conflicting consideration have been
cleared by the publication of President Lin
coins letter. 1t is now made certain not
only that the proclamation was issued on
Gen. Fremonts sole responsibility, but that
he wishes it known that he is in advance
Of the administration in his views Of tho
bearing of the war on slavery.
The President has treated Gen. Fremont
with tho utmost delicacy and consideration.
He wrote to him private, expressing the
wish that be would modify the objections
bic part Of the proclamation; which Gen.
Fremont might have done without having
it known to the public that he had acted en-
tireIy without authority in its original is
sue. But he preferred not to modify il ex-
cept in obedience TO an open order Of the
President, which was Immediately given in
the letter now published. President Lin
coin approves of Gen. Fremont's institution
of martial law in Missouri, conceding that
he is the best Judge Of its necessity. Tho
President requires no change in the proc
lamation except that it shall be construed
as to conform with aud not transcend the
act of Congress. This action Of the Presi-
dent is undoubtedly wise. Congress will
be in session again 10 lest than three months
and if tho representatives of the people
deem it wise that the slaves of all the reb-
els shall be emancipated, they can pass an
act to that effect. Meanwhile, it is more
prudent for the President, in matter of so
much difficulty, not to transcend the author
ity actually conferred. Gen. Fremont is
no doubt right in supposng that martial law
would authorize the measure objected 70;
but the President, as commander-in-chief Of
the army, has full power to decide under
what restrictions martial law shall be eyer
csed and il he chooses to act in strict con-
formiiy to the expressed will of Congress in
all matters touching slavery, he stands on
safe ground. So large question is better
trusted to the assembled wisdom Of the ma
ton than to any one man.
Gen. Fremonts proclamation, as II stood,
conforms to natural equity, it declares no
punishment which the rebels do not richly
deserve. But if the Missouri rebels deserve
to lose their slaves equal justice requires
that the nearly unanimous rebel slavehold-
ers of the eleven seeded states should for
felt theirs too; which opens questions 30
large and presents problems so difficult that
it is no wonder that Mr.. Lincoln prefers to
keep within the safe limits prescribed by
the Legislative action of Congress. That
body intend TO confer on him the most am
pie authority forputting down the rebellion.
They voted mon, moro than he asked for;
money, more than he asked for; and if they
had been of the opinion that the general
emancipation of the slaves of rebel masters
was an eligible war measure, they would
have voted authority for this also, As they
have not done so, Mr.. Lincoln is wise IN
not transeending, under cover Of martial
law, the constitutional authority actually
/, conferred by Congress. -.
A whole Hsa,tery spakea.