St. Charles City Republican intelligencer. [volume] (St. Charles City [Charles City], Iowa) 1857-1861, 1861-03-14

istration their property and thcirpcace
and personal security are to be en-
dangcrcd, while there has never been
any reasonable cause for such appre-
hensiOn.
Indeed, the most ample evidence to
the contrary has all the while existed,
and been open to their inspection 1t
is found in nearly all the published
speeches of him who now addresses
you. | do but quote from one of those
speeches, when declare that | have
no purpose, directly or Indirectly, to
interfere with the institution of slave
~ where it exists.
believe | have no right to do so,
and | have no inclination to do so.
Those who nominated and elected me,
did so with the full knowledge that
had made this and many similar dec
| laratiOns, and had never recalled them,
and more than this, they placed in the
Platform for my acceptance as law
to themselves and to me, clear and
emphatic resolution, which lnow read.
Resolre" That the maintenance inviolatc OF
the rights of the States, and especially the
right of each State to order and control its
own domestic institutions according to its own
| Judgment exclusively, is essential to that bal.
ance of power on which the perfection and
endurance of our political fabric depends, and
we denounce the lawlcss invasion, by an armed
force, of the government of any State or Ter.
ritory, no matter under what prctcXt as
among the greatest of crimes.
| now reiterate those sentiments,
and in doing SO | only press upon the
public attention the most conclusive
evidence of which the case is suscepti-
bic, that the prosperity, peace and Sc
curity of no section are to be in any
wise endangered by the incoming Adj
ministration | add to that all the
protection which consistently with the
Constitution and the laws can be Civ
en-, will be cheerfully given to all the
States when la wfully demanded--for
whatever cause-as chcerfully to one
section as to another. There is much
controversy about the delivery Of fu-
gitiveS from service or labor. The
clause | now read is as plainly writ
ten in the Constitution as any other Of
its provisions
No person held to service or labor. in one
state, under the laws thereof, and escaping
into another. shall in consequence of any law
or regulation therein, be discharged from such
service or labor, but shall be delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service or la
Dor may be due"
1t was intended, by those who made
it, for the retaining of what We call
| fugitive slaves, and the intention of
the law givcr is the law. All mem
bers of Congress swear their support
to the whole Constitution to this pro-
vision as much as to any other. To
the proposition, then, that slaves
whose cases come within the terms OF
this clause, and shall be delivered
| up their oatlls are unanimous. Now,
if they would make the effort in good
temper, could they not, with nearly
equal unanimity, frame and pass law
by means of which to keep good that
unanimous oath ? There is some diff,
ference Of opinion whether this clause
should be enforced by National or
State authority but surely that diff
ference is not very material one.
If the slave is to be surrendered, it
can be of but little consequence to
him or to others, by which authority
it is done and should any one in any
case be content that his oath shall be
unkcpt, on merely unsubstantial
controversy as to how it shall be kept,
Again, in any law upon this subject
ought not all the safeguards of Libcr
ty known in civilized and human iuris
prudence to be introduced, SO that &
freeman may not be III any way sur
rendered as slave
And might it not be well at the
same time to provide by law for the
enforcement of that clause in the Con
stitution which guarantees that tho
citizens of each State shall be entitled
to all the privileges and immunities
of citizens Of the several States.
take the official oath to-day with M
mental reservations, and with no pur
pose to construc the constitution o
laws by any hypocritical rules, an,
while do not choose now to specif,
the particular acts of Congress az
proper to be enforced, | do suggcs
that it will be much safer for all, boil
in official and private stations, to con
form to and abide by all those acts
which stand unrcpcaled, than to vic
late any Of them, trusting to find i'm
punity in having them held unconsti
tutional.
1t is seventy-two years since tn
first inauguration of a President, NJ
der our National Constitution. Dr
ring that period, fifteen different am
greatly distinguished citizens have il
, succession administered the Exccutiv
branch of the Government They have
conducted it through many perils, anl
generally with great success. 1c
, with all this scope for precedent,
now enter upon the same task, for tn
brief constitutional term of four year
under great and peculiar difficulties
Disruption of the Federal Union, here
tofore only mcnaccd, is now formida
bly, attempted. | hold that, in contcm
: plation of the Universal Law and O
the Constitution, the Union of thes
States is perpetual.
Perpetuity is implied, if not express
ed, in the fundamental law of all Ma
!, tional Governments. 1t is safe to as
sert that no Government proper eve
had provision in its own organic Law
for its own termination. Continue I,
execute all the express provisions 0
our National Constitution, and the Tn
ion will endure forever, it being impos
sible to destroy it, except by some ac
ton not provided for in the instrumcn
itself. Again. if the United States b,
not a government proper, but an asso
, citation of States in the nature of
, contract merely, can it, as a contract
be peaccably unmade by less than al
the parties who made it? One part,
to contract may violate it-brcak il
so to speak but does it not rcquir
all to lawfully rescind Descendin;