The national Republican., 1861-02-08

run, its sudden execution is impossible. II
they were all landed there in day, they would
perish in the next ten days and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then2 Free them all, and
keep them among us as underings? Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition. l
think would not hold one in slavery at any
rate yet the point is not clear enough to de.
nounce people upon. What next2 Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals2 My own feelings will not admit Of
this; and if mine would, we well know that
those of the great mass of white people will not
Whether this feeling accords with justice ard
sound Judgment, is not the sole question, II,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel.
ing, whether well or i'll founded, cannot be
safely dsregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. 1t does seem to me that sys.
tens Of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed but for that tardiness in this respect,
will not undertake to judge our brethren of the
South.
rights, l acknowledge them not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly; and l would give them
any legislation for the reclaimng of their fug.
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one."-Speech at OttoDd, Ill.,, Aug.
HAS anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this very insttu.
ton of slavery? What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us2 Our own liberty and pros.
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery? Ii this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition Of things by enlarging
slavery-by spreading it out, and making it
bigger?
You may have wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as a wrong."-Speech at Alton, Oct.
10, 1858.
"I suppose most of US II know it of myself)
believe that the people of the Southern States
are entitled to Congressional fugitive slave
law. As the right is constitutional, | agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the institution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes at least profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do yield sup
port to fugitive slave law? Because ! do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar
antics that right, can be supported without
"The real issue in this controversy-the one
pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
the part OF one class that looks upon the insti
tuition of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as wrong
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
| Of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it as being moral social, and political
wrong; and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among US, and the difficulties of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it,
Yet having due regard for these, they desire
policy in regard to it that looks to its not ere.
atlng any more danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong |;
and one of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be man among us who
does not think that the institution of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects Of which | have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with us. And if there be a man amongst us
who is so impatient Of it as wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ms, and the
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in sat
isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu
tional obligations thrown about it, that man i,
misplaced if he is on our platform. ."-Speech a
alton, Oct. Is, 1858.
FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH.
"We the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of the country, intend to stand
by our guns to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you: When we do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what we will do
with you. l will tell you, so far as am au.
thorized to speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you
4. Il.
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution to abide by every com
promise Of the Constitution; and, in u word
coming back to the original proposition, tc
treat you as far as degenerated men (ifwe have
degenerated) may, according to the examples
of those noble fathers Washington, Jefferson
and Madison. We mean to remember that you
are as good as we are that there is no diff
ference between u.s. other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recognise and
bear in mind, always, that you have as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
We claim to have, and to treat you accord
iugly-Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. II, 1859.
DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM
Resolved, That we, the Democracy of tn
Union, in Convention assembled, hereby dc
clare our afirmance of the resolutions unan
mously adopted and declared as platform q
principles by the Democratic Convention a
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing tha
Democratic principles are unchangeable il
their nature, when applied to the same subjec
matter; and we recommend as the only furthe
resolutions the following:
Resoloed, That it is the duty of the Unite
. States to afford ample and complete protectio
10 all its citizens, whether at home or abroad
and whether native or foreign.
Resolved That one Of the necessities Of tn
ave in a military commercial and posta