Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-03-09
MIR. Lin coins inaugural.

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Mr.. Lin coins Inaugural.
Our readers will find this document in our paper
of to-day On all sides we hear the question, Whdt
do you think Of the Inaugural Wehave read it with
the utmost attention-we have formed an opinion
upon it, and we intend to express that opiEion.-
We shall do this fearlessly and firmly.
Our opinions in relation to the Chicago platform,
Abraham Lincoln, and the black Republican party
are well known. We are as hostile to Mr.. Lincoln
and to the sectional party that elected him as any
reasonable man in the South. We will never sub
init to the administration of the government on the
principles of that party far they relate to slave
ry in the Territories; but while say this for the
hundredth time we also hold that justice should be
done even to Mr.. Lincoln and his party and that he
who would deliberately fan the the flame Of section
al strife instead of doing all he to put out the
fires Of discord which threaten to consume the tenn
pie of the Union is guilty of an INCAPABLE crime.
We want peace, not war. We want Union not dis
union. We want justice for the South, but we must
do justice to the North. We long for light not
darkness. We believe that the Union can be pre-
served, and we are willing to bear and forbear-to
watch and wait-to labor in fraternal spirit to
my offers us the olive branch we will not reject it.
When he approaches pointing to his oath, yet in
spirit of amty, We will not rush upon him with
the sword. When he pleads for the Union we will
point to the Constitutions and if both of should
then pause, we would then go with him to the foun-
tain of all power, the people of the States and seek
there, and establish there, if possible new founda
tons for equality and brotherhood.
So far as coercion is concerned Mr.. Lincoln occu-
pies the very ground occupied by Mr.. Buchanan
We have compared the Inaugural in this respect
with Mr.. Buchanans message, and the fact is so.-
We cannot, as an honest man, denounce in Mr. Lin
coin what we approved in Mr. Buchanan. The man
had Just taken oath to support the Constitution
and to enforce the laws What was he to do? Was
he to say the cotton States, you out of
the Union? Who gave him that authority? Has
Congress said it? No. Have the American people
said it. No. The mails are still furnished to these
States, and Mr.. Lincoln says he will continue to
furnish them unless they are repealed. But he
says he must execute the laws, and in the next
breath he virtually omits the cotton States Mr..
Buchanan omitted South Carolina, for the simple
reason that he has no officers in those States and
localities" where competent resident citizens will
not cannot hold the Offices There will be no at
tempt to force obnoxious strangers" on the people.
But he says he will collect the in the cotton
States How? He must do it, if at all, at the Gus
tom Houses, for he has no authority to do so on
shipboard The law provides only for the collection
Of the revenue at the Custom Houses. Congress
has made other provision What then? Why
he can do nothing in this respect Mr.. Buchanan
could do nothing in this respect in uthCarolna,
yet he said as Mr. Lincoln says that the laws must
DE enforced.
If Mr. Lincoln were mad enough to attempt to
subugate the Southern States even if he dis
posed to do so-as his Inaugural shows he is not
he has no army at his command He might spare
thousand troops from TIE forts and frontiers, but
what could these do against the armies of the fifteen
slaveholding States? Then he has no money. The
Treasury is empty. Then he has no authority for
raising troops, even if he had money to pay them
with The force bill so-called, was defeated in
the House of Representatives. What then? He is
poweress. He is not only powerless at present, but
the tone of his Inaugural shows that he is alarmed
in view of the calamities that impend Will he be
stronger in future? We do not believe he will
His party is already demoralized and in addition to
this, the great body of the Northern people will
never consent to an aggressive war on the South
II the seven cotton States had remained in the Union
both branches of Congress would have been against
Mr.. Lincoln by large majorlties, and the Senate
could have dictated all his important appointments.
| Gut they abandoned the Union-abandoned it sell
fshly and for no sufficient cause and left at the
mercy as they say, of dominant sectional party.
Shall we go out simply because they did? We
| trust not Have we of the middle States no self
respect-no will of our own We think we have
some will of our own for are still in the Union.
| Mr. Lincoln will have no more power to enforce
the laws in the Confederate States than the late
| President had and We all know that Mr.. Buchanan
| enforced no law in South-Carona after that State
assumed to secede and the only coercion he attempt
ed was in the shape of letters and newspapers which
heshowered from his mail batteries over that State
Mr. Lincoln is inclined to favor Convention Of
all the States We think the condition of the coun-
try and the progress of events will compel him to
assemble Congress at an early day. If he should
do that Convention of all the States could be call
ed, and such body, we make no doubt would be
able to reconstruct the Union on an enduring basis.
Failing do that however it could at least provide
| for peaceable separation of the States.
We do not propose to comment further on this
document 1t is before readers, and each one Of
them will read and study it carefully for himself
We approve portions of it, and we disapprove
other portions. 1T is not acar message. 1t is
not, strictly speaking, black Republican mes
sage; for while he recognizes slavery in the States
as perpetual, and as never to be interered with in
any way by the abolitoniss, he deliberately refrains
from pressing the main principle in his PLATFORM &c
wit the exclusion of the South from all the Terrific
res of the Union. 1t is not unriendly to the South
1t deprecates war; and bloodshed and it pleads fol