The weekly pioneer and Democrat., 1861-01-25

the people from sending anything in foreign
bottoms. We might prevent the people
from using anything which was not
manufactured among themselves, and thus
you would lose your most valuable customers
Would the customs bear half the expense of
the blockade? No, sir. But blockade,
to be efftctual, must be blockade to that
which is going out as well as that which is
coming in. Is it to be supposed that
England would allow this, when the
existence of so many of her people depends
upon cotton2 1t is not to be supposed for
one moment. And there are other Powers
that would prevent such blockade, in
addition to those which can be raised by the
section it is thus attempted to coerce.
say it is idle to think of coercion. You may
intlict evils by civil war; but will you
inflict more than you receive in return
Will you be benefited by the operation
l think not. But suppose you could
succeed, and that you had conquered the
south, how then would you exercise the
powers of the government Would you
apply the doctrine that there can be no
property in slaves in that community of
100000 whites and 100000 slaves.
Would you repeat the experiment of the
British in Jamaica? Would you stand and
see cultivated fields return to the bush?
Would the great interests of civilization and
humanity permit such result? Would
your own interests permit it? 1t is not to
be supposed that such thing would be per-
mtted. What, then, would be the result?
They would have to recognise and maintain
this social system, and to recognise property
in slaves. If you recognise it as property,
you must restore our fugitives. land if
you recognise it you must protect it. And
if you protect it in all these states, you
must protect it wherever the government
has exclusive jurisdiction. What, then,
would become of the policy of exclusion?
Would yon shut up the negroes and allow
all the white men to move away? The result
would be the negroes would accumulate,
until you gave the negroes the best part of
the continent, and the white man must take
the rest. Can this be tolerated? No, sir,
not for a moment. And if this would be
the result, after q bloody and harrassing
war, why not do it without these calamities?
Why not do it without the dreadful incOn-
sistency which would be charged upon you?
Why, then, create civil war without any
benefit or use to any one?
THE CONCLUSION.
l stand here to plead for peace, not be.
cause my state has any reasons to fear more
than another, but because the interest of all
mankind is for peace. In the name of civil
lizatiOn and humanity, in the name of thirty
millions, whose lives, honor and happiness
depend upon the events of such civil war,
in the name Of the great American expert
ment which was founded by Providence in
the wilderness, and which insist has not
yet failed, shall appeal to the American
people to prevent the etfusOn of blood. 1t
is said that the very smell of blood stlrs the
animal passions OF men. Give US time for
the play OF reason. Let us see, after the
states nave secured in themselves their old
organization and their old system-let us see
If we cannot bring together once more our
scattered divisions, if we cannot close up our
broken ranks, and cannot find some plan of
And when those columns come
mastering in from the distant north and the
farther south, from the rising to the setting
sun, to take their part in that grand review,
there will 60 up a shout that will shake the
heavens, and which shall proclaim to the ends
OF the earth that we are united once more. |
brothers in war, brothers in peace, ready to
take our place in front of that grand march
of human progress, and able ami willing to
play in that game of nations where the prizes
are wealth and empire, and where victory
may crown our name with deathless and
eternal fame. (There was slight applause
in the galleries as Mr.. Hunter closely
SENATOR SEWARD, OF NEW YORK.
Probably the most important speech of
the session, is that delivered by Senator
SEWARD, on Saturday last. We select from
bis speech extracts showing his views, and
also what remedies be proposes:
HOW THE DANGER AROSE.
Disconnected citizens have obtained politi
cal power In certain states, and they are
using this authority to overthrow the
Federal Government. They deude them
selves with belief that the state power they
have acquired enables them to discharge
themselves OF allegiance to the whole Re-
public. The honorable Senator from
Illinois (Mr. Douglas) says we have right
to coerce state, but we cannot. The
President says that no State has right to
secede, but we have no constitutional power
to make war against State. The dilemma
results from an assumption that those who,
In such case, act against the Federal Gov
ernment, act lawfully as State; although
manitestly they have perverted the power of
the state to an unconstitutional purpose. A
class of politicians in New England set up
this theory and attempted to practice upon
1T IN our war with Great Britain. MIR.
Jefferson did not hesitate to say that states
must be kept within their constitutional
sphere by lmpulsion, if they could not be beld
there by attraction. Secession was then
held to be inadmissible in the face of a pub
lic enemy. But if it is untenable in one
case, 1T is necessarily so in all others. l
fully admit the originality, the sovereignty
and independence of the several states
within their sphere. But l hold the fed
eral government equally original, sovereign
and independent within its sphere. And
the government of the state can no more
aosolve the people residing within its limits
from Its allegiance to the Union, than the
government of the Union can absolve them
from allegiance to the state. The Consti-
luton OF the United States, and the laws
made In pursuance thereof, are the supreme
law OF the land, paramount to all legislation
OF the states, whether made under the con.
stltution, or by even their organic conven,
lions. The Union can be dissolved, not by
secession, with or without armed force, but
only by the voluntary consent of the people
OF the United States, collected in the man
ner prescribed by the Constitution OF the
United States.
Congress, in the present case, ought not