Juliet signal. [volume] (Juliet [i.e. Joliet], Ill.) 1844-1???, 1861-03-12

against the authority of the United States.
are insurrectionary or revolutionary, ac-
cording to circumstances. / therefore con-
sider, that in view Of the Constitution and
laws, the Union Is unbroken, and TO the
extent of my ability shall take care as the
Constitution itself expressly enjoins on me,
that the laws Of the Union be faithfully
executed IN all the States. Doing this, /
deem it to be only simple duty on my
part, and l shall perform il so far as prae
ticable, unless the people snail withhold
the requisite means, or in some authorita>
tive manner direct the contrary.
i trust this Will not be regarded rs n
menace: but on ~ as the declared purpose
of the Union, that IL will constitutionalIy
defend and maintain Itself In doing this
there need be no bloodshed or violence.
and there shall be none, unless il bo forced
upon the national authority.
The power conided TO me will be used 10
hold. pccupg and poesezz ARE property and
places belonging to the Government: 10
collect duties on imports but Seyond what
may be necessary for these objects. there
will be no Invasion, no using Of force against
or among people anywhere. Where hos
tility TO the United States in any interior
locality shall be so great and 50 universal
as to prevent competent resident citizens
from holding federal Offices, there will be
no attempt 10 force obnoxious strangers
among the people for that object. While
the strict legal right may exist ir the Gov
eminent to enforce the exercises of these
Offices, the attempt 10 do so would be 50 IT.
ritating, and sOaearly imprac,ieallc withal
that / deem 1t better to forego for the time
the uses Of such Offices. The mails. unless
repealed will continue to be furnished 10
all Parts of the Union. So far as possible.
the people everywhere shall have that
sense of security which is most favorable 10
calm thought and reflection.
The course here indicated will he IL
lowed, unless current events and exreri-
ence shall show a modification or change
to be proper, and in every case and exicen.
cy my best discretion will be exercised nc
cording 10 the circumstances actually
existing, and with view and hope of a
peaceful solution Of the national trouble
the restoration of the fraternal sympathy
and affection.
That there are persons in one section or
another who seek to destroy the Union at
all events, and are glad of any pretext 10
do 1t, will neither affirm or denv. Ifthere
be such need address no words 70 them.
To those who really love the Union, NAV |
not speak before entering upon so grave a
matter as the destruction Of our national
fabric, with all its benefits. its memories.
Its hoHesr Would it not be wise n ascer-
tain previously why we do so? Will Won
hazard so desperate step while there is
any possibility that any portion Of the ills
you fly from have no real existence? VIII
You, while the certain ills you fee to are
greater than all the real ones you fly from2
Will you risk the commission of so fearful
q mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union, if
all constitutional rights can be maintained
Is 1t true, then, that any right plainly writ
ten IN the Constitution, has been denied =?
l think not. Happily the human mind is
so constituted that no party can reach to
the audacity of doing this. Think, if YOU
can, OF single instance in which a plainly
written provision of the Constitution has
ever been denied. If, BY the mere force
OF numbers, majority shall deprive n mi
nority ofany clearly written constitutional
right, IN moral point of view it would
justify revolution. 1t certainly would if
such right was n vital one: but such is
not our case. The vital rights of MINORS
ties and of individuals are so plainly as
sured to them by affirmations and legisla-
tive guarantees, and prohibitions in the
Constitution, that controversies never arise
concerning them. But no organic law can
ever be framed with provision specially
applicable to every question which NAV
occur III practical administration. No fore
sight can anticipate, nor any document of
reasonable length contain, ex press proyis-
ions for all possible questions.
Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered
to national or State authorities? The Con-
stlution does not expressly say. Must
Congress protect slavery in the territories {?
The Constitution does not expressly saw
From questions Of this class spring ali our
constitutional controversies, and we divide
upon them into majOTities and minori,ies.
If the minority will not acquiesce. the ma
jority must, or the Government must cease
There is no alternative for continuing the
Government but to acquiesce, on the one,
side or the other. If the minority. inpueL
a case, will secede rather than acouiesce.
they make precedent which will in turn
ruin and divide them, for a minority o;
their own will secede from them whenever
a majority refuses to be controlled by such
a minority. For instance, why NAV no.
any portion Of a new CCnfederacv. year
or two hence, arbitrarily secede again pre-
cisely rs portions Of the present Union now
claim to secede from it? All who cherish
! disuniOn sentiments are now being edu-
Gated to the exact temper of doing this. Is
there such perfect identity Of interests
among the States to compose new Union
so as to produce harmony only. and tn rre
vent new secession? Plainly the central
| idea OF secession is the essence of anarchy.
A majority held in restraint By cons,itu-
tional checks and Limitations, and ALWAYS
changing easily with deliberate changes oi
| popular opinions and sentiments. Is the on.
| ly true sovereign Of free people. Whoevo,
| rejects il, does OF necessity ay 10 anarchy
and despotism. Unanimity is impossible
The rule of the minority, as a permanent
argument, is wholly inadmissable so that,
rejecting the majority principle, anarchy
or despotism, In some form. is all that il
| left.
! do not forget the position assumed By
some, that constitutional objections are to
be decided by tho Supreme Cosrt: nor do
| deny that such decisions must be binding
in any case, to the parties to a suit as
the object of that suit. While thew are
also entitled to a very high respect anC
consideration in all parallel cases by al
other departments of the Government. and
while it is obviously possible that such de-
cisions may be erroneous in any given case
still the evil effect following it, being linn
tied 10 that particular case, with the chance
that it may be 0yerrul0d and never become
a precedent for other cases, can better b.
bOEne than could the evils of a differen
practice. At the same time, the candid
citizen must confess that if the rolcy of ths
Government upon the vital question affect.
ing the whole people is to be irreyocably
fixed by the decision of the Supreme Court
the instant they are made in ordinary liti-
CATION between parties in personal action s
the people will have ceased to be their OWE
rulers, unless to that extent. practically
they resign their government into the