Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1861-12-06

tuting the counties Of Accomac and
Northampton and known as the Eastern
Shore OF Virginia, together with some
contiguous parts Of Maryland, have laid
down their arms, and the people there
have renewed their allegiance to and ac-
csp'ed the protection Of the old Hag.--
This leaves no armed force north of the
Potomac or east Of the Chesapeake.
Also. we have obtained a footinp AT
each Of the isolated points on the South.
ern coasts Of Hatteras, Port Royal. Tybee
Island, near Savannah, and Ship Island.
and wo likewise have some general ao-
counts Of ofpopular movements IN behalf Of
the Union in North Carolina and Tennes-
see. These things demonstrate that the
cause of the Union is advancing steadily
southwaFd. t1. -. -s-s
GEN. SCOTT.
Since your last adjournment, Lieuten.
ant Gen. Scott has retired from the head
Of the army. During his long life the
nation has not been unmindful Of his
merit; yet on calling to mind how faith
fully, ably and brilliantly he has served
the country, from time far back in our
history, when few Of the now living had
been born, and thenceforward continual
ly, cannot but think that we are still his
debtor, submit, therefore, for your
consideration what further mark Of recog-
milton is due to him and ourselves as
grateful people.
GEN. MCCLELLAN.
With the retirement of Gen. Scott
came the executive duty Of appointing in
his place Genera-in- Chief Of the army.
1t is fortunate circumstance that neither
in council nor country was there, so far
as know, any difference Of opinion as TO
the proper person to be selected The
retiring chief repeatedly expressed his
judgment in favor OF General Mcclellan
for the position, and in this the nation
seemed to give a unanimous concurrence.
The designation Of Gen. Mcclellan is
therefore in considerable degree the
selection Of the country as well as Of the
the Executive, and hence there is better
reason to hope there will be given him the
confidence and cordial support thus by
fair implication promised, and without
which he cannot with so full efficiency
serve the country. 1t has been said that
one bad General is better than two good
ones, aud the saying is true, if taken 10
mean no more than that an army is better
directed by single mind though inferior,
than by two superior ones at variance
and cross purposes, and the same is true
in all joint operations wherein those en-
gagged can have none but a common end
in view, and can differ only as 10 the
choice Of means. 10 storm al sea no
one on board can wish the ships to sink,
and yet not unlrequenQy all go down to-
gether because too many will direct, and
nc single mind can be allowed TO control.
1t continues 10 develope that the insurrec-
lion is largely if not exclusively war
upon the first principles of popular gov
ernment and the rights OF the people,
Conclusive evidence Of this is found in
the most grave and maturely considered
public documents, as well as in the gen.
eral tone Of the insurgents. In these
documents we find the abridgment of the
existing right of suffrage and the denis
to the people Of all right to participate ia
the selection Of public officers, except the
Legislative body, advocated with labored
Arguments to pfove that large control Of
} the government in the people is tht
source of all political evil. Monarchy
: itself is sometimes hinted at as possibl,
refuge from the error Of the people. In
my present position could scarcely be
justified, were / TO omit raising a warn
ing voice against this appearance of re
turning despotism.
CAPITAL AND LABOR.
II is not needed, nor fitting here, tha
q general argument should be made il
favor Of popular institutions, but there i.
one point, with its connections, not sc
backneyed as most others, to which asl
brief attention. 1T is the effort 10 plac,
capital on an equal footing with, if no
, above, labor, in the construction OF gov
ernment. 1t is assumed that labor is avail
able only in connection with capital; tha
I nobody labors unless somebody else, own
ing capital, somehow by the use Of it
induces them TO labor. This assumed, i
, is next considered whether il is best tha
capital shall hire laborers, and thus induc,
them 10 work By their own consent, o
levy them and drive them to it withou
their consent. Having proceeded so ia
it is naturally concluded that all laborer
are either hired laborers or what we cal
slaves, and further, il is assumed tina
whoever is once hired laborer is fixed il
that condition for life.
Now there is no such relation between
capital and labor as assumed. nor is ther
any such thing as freeman being 6xeC
for life in the condition of hired laborer
Both Of these assumptions are false, anC
all inferences from them are groundless
Labor is prior 10 and independent of cap
ital. Capital is only the fruit of labor
and could never have existed if labor ha,
, not first existed. Labor is the superio
! Of capital, and deserves much the highe
i consideration. Capital has its right
l. which are as worthy Of protection as an
other rights. Nor is it denied that lher
: iS. and probably always will be relatio
between labor and capital producing mu
l. tual benefits. The error is in assuming
, that the whole labor of community exist
within that relation. A few men ow
capital, and that few avoid labor, and wit
their capital hire or buy few to labo
Q for them. A large majority belong I
: neither class, neither work for others, no
g have others working for them. In mos
OF the Southern States majority Of tn