The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1861-08-08


present condition of affairs. 1t is not verbatim
report, but undoubtedly fairly presents the senti-
ments expressed by the ex-Vice President. We
give tn, speech as a South side view Of the great
ssue before the country.
The resolution approving of the acts of the
President was taken up.
Mr.. Breckenridge, of Kentucky spoke in oppo
stiOn to the resolution. He said, under ordinary
circumstances he might content himself
simply with vote. but row he thought it required
by resolution to declare the acts of the President
approved. The re solution, on its face, seems to
admit that the acts of the President were not per
formed in accordance with the Cor stitution and
the laws. If that were the case. ther he would
be glad to have some reason assigned showing the
! power of Congress to indemnify the President for
a breach of the Constitution. lie denied that one
/ branch of the government can indemnify public
officers in another branch for violations of the
Constitutio and laws. The powers conferred on
the government by the people of the States al G
the measure of its authority. These powers are
confded in different departments. and their boun-
dares are determined. The President has rights
and powers conferred, and the Legislative De-
partmen. its powers, and the Judicial Department
its powers, and he denied that either can encroach
on the other, or indemnify the other for usurpa-
tons OF the power confded by the Constitution.
Congress has no more right to make constitutional
the unconstitutional acts of the President than the
President to make valid the acts of the Supreme
Co,,vt Oh, IL a..
Supreme Court to make valid an act of the exec
utive encroaching on the judicial power. The
resolution substantially declares that Congress NAV
add to the Constitution or take from it in a man.
ner not provided by that instrument; that bare
majority can, by resolution make that constitu-
tional which is unconstitutional by the same au-
I thority so in whatever view the power granted
by this resolution is utterly subversiye Of the Con
stitution 1t might be well to ask if the Presi-
dent has assumed powers not conferred. He
should confine himself to the acts enumerated in
the resolution, acts which he declared to be u ur-
pations eli the part of the executive: and so fer
from approving the acts, thought this high olI-
Ger should be sebuked by both Houses of Con
gress- The President has Just established block
AIDES. Where is the clause in the Constitution
which authorizes it? The la Congress refused
to confer authority, and by what authority did the
President do it when they refused7 The Consti-
tuition declares that Congress alone have power to
declare war, vet tho President has made war In
the last session the Senator from Illinois Douglas
delivered a speech on the 18th of March, which
Ie would read. He then read an extract from
Mr. Dcuglps' speech. declaring that the President
had no right TO make blockade at Charleston or
New Orleans, more than at Chicago.
He also read from speech of Daniel W ebstcr
delivered in 1880. declaring that Cen Jackson
had no right to blockade Charleston He said he
approved these sentiments uttered by these emf
nent statesmen, who were formerly reg rded a.
sound, and thought the time would again come
when it would not be thonsht reason to maintain
them. The resolution Trvcee to approve the
act of the Presii, mt cnsting men for three and
live years. By what authority of the Constitution
and laws has he done this7 The power is not in
the Constitution nor granted by law Therefore
it must be Illegal and unconstitutional. Again
the Prcsiden. by his own will, has added immense
ly to the army. whereas, the Constitution says
Congress alone have the power to raise armies
He has also added to the navy against the warran,
OF the Constitution. These acts are not defended
on ,egal or constitutional grounds. and he pro
nounced them usupations. This resolution goe,
on to recite thit the President has suspended tn,
writ OF lalbcas corpus and proposes to ratlfy and
, make that valid. We have great deal of talk
about rshts-thc rights of States the ghts o
individuals, and some of them have been said to
be shadowy and imaginary, but the right of ever,
citizen to he arrested only by war; mt of law and
his right to have his body brought before Judi
ciil authority. in order that the grounds os thai
arrest may be determined on, is a real right
There can be no dispute about that. IL is ia,
right Of rights to all-heh, low, rich or poor. Il
i especially the right Of that class which his Ex
cellcncy. the President calls plain people Ii il :
right, the respect for which is a measure Of pro
gress and civilization. 1t is a right which ha,
been struggled for fought for guarded by laws ane
backed VI a. constitutions To have ma ntane,
it by arms, have suffered for il, then to have i
established on foundations so mmutable that In,
authority of the sovereign could not shake it, il
the chief glory of the British people, from whom
we derive it. In England the Legislative power
J. cannot suspend that right But the trans Allan
o tic freemen seem to be eager approve and rati
e fy acts which European monarch dare not per
: form. II ne. ds no legal argument To show tina
II the President can not suspend the writ Of habea
r. corpus | content myself with referring to tb.
Q fact that il is clarscd among the legislative pow
. ers by the Constitution. And that article confer
ring powers on the President touches not th
# question. ! nav add that upon no occasion ha
Il it ever been asserted in Congress. so far as rec
: olect, that this power exists OF the part of h
Executive. On occasion Mr.. Jefferson
/ thought the time had arrived when the wri
= might he suspended, but he did not undertake Il
{, do it himself. and did not even recommend it. II
v submitted it to Congress, and ia the long debate
e which followed there not the least intimatio
e that the power belonged to the Executive. the
II point to the Constitution and ask Senators fror
a hat clausa tbex dayl, ,ba r~I, h., e;