The Evansville daily journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1848-1862, 1861-10-15

enemies. In crisis like the present. luke
warm friends, or friends who will be or
friends only by virtue of certain concessions
to their interests or prejudices, are more
embarrassing than open enemies, and do
more to weaken our forces than if arrayed
in open hostility against us. If these States
are for the Union they will insist on no
conditions incompatible with the preser-
walton of the Union they will make sacri-
hces for the Union, as we'll as the other
loyal States, and there is no reason nor
justice in Massachusetts,, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania and the great States
northwest of the Ohio, pouring out. their
blood and treasure for the qualification of
the slavehOlding pretensions1 of Maryland,
Kentucky or Missouri. The citizens of these
States who own slaves, are as much bound,
if the preservation of the Union requires it,
to give up their property in slaves, as we
at the farther North are to pour out our
blood and treasure to put down 81 rebellion
which threatens alike them and us. If they
love their few slaves more than they do the
Union, let them go out of the Union. We
are stronger to fight the battles Of the Union
without them, than we are with them.
EMANCIPATION. p
Under this head, Mr.. BroWnson says:
Whether the time for this important mea-
sure has come or not, it is for the Presi-
dent as Commander-in-C Chief of our armies,
to determine. But, in our judgment, no
single measure could be adopted by the gov
eminent that would more effectually aid its
military operations, do more to weaken the
rebel forces, and to strengthen our own
Four millions of people in the slave States,
feeling that the suppression of the rebellion
and the triumph of the Union secures to
them and their children forever the status of
| free citizens, are more than hundred thou
sand men taken from the forces of the enc
my, and twice that number added to our
own for they would not only compel the
rebels to keep large force, that might 9TH
erwise be employed, at home, to protect
| their own wives and children, but would
deprive them of the greater portion of that
| labor by which they now subsist their ar
mics. Now slavery is to them source OF
strength I; it would then be to them source
of weakness. Its abolition would, in our
| Judgment, be striking the enemy at his
most vulnerable point, precisely where we
| can best sunder the sineWs of his strength,
and deal him the most fatal blow. .af
Moreover, it would not only bring to the
assistance of the federal arms the co-opera-
ton of the whole colored race in rhe Union,
but would secure US, what we now lack, the
sympathy and the moral aid of the whole
civilized world, and remove all danger oil
our coming into conflict with either France
or England. The war would be seen then
likely to effect result with which English
men and Frenchmen could sympatkize, and
instead of wishing for the success of the
Southern Confederacy, they would wish
| with all their hearts for the success of the
federal arms. 1t would do more than this
1t would bring to the aid of our volunteer
force from one hundred to two hundred
thousand brave and stalwart volunteers
| from the free States, aye, and even many
| from the slave States themselves who will
not, and cannot be induced to volunteer
their services in a war which, even if sue
cessful, promises to leave the institution oil
slavery not only existing, but more firmly
established than ever. Everybody knows
that slavery is al the bottom of the contro-
Versy, and that The real object of the south
| ern leaders is not simply to protect slavery
| against abolition movements where il ex-
lists.
The writer proceeds to show, by argu-
ments familiar 10 our readers, that free and
slave labor can never be harmonized in the
same nation, that there must always be an
! irrepressibe conflict between them, aud that,
| however homogeneous in race or charac-
ter, habits or manners, may be the people
of country in the outset, they separate
and grow gradually into two distinct peoples,
with almost entirely different ideas, habits
and CUSTOMS if one half of them in the one
section adopt the slave system, and the other
half in the other, the free labor system.
This the writer illustrates by the history
] - - IL
then shows that the a0hole country must
necessarily come under the control of the
one system or the other, that the universal
control of slavery was the sole object of the
rebellion, and will be its inevitable result,
unless it be suppressed-that emancipation
| is practicable, and would benefit the whole
country, North and South He then adds:
The proposition, then, involves no wrong,
no injustice. no injury to the white popula-
ton of the Southern States while it would
be an act of justice, though tardy justice, to
| the negro race so long held in bondage, and
forced to forego all their own rights and
| interests for the pride, wealth and pleasure
of their white masters.
1t seems to us, then, highly important, in
every possible view of the case, that the
federal government should avail itself of the
opportunity given it by the southern rebel
! lion to perform TINS act OF justice to the
| negro race; to assirniIate the labor system
Of the South to that of the North to remove
great moral and political wrong; and to
wipe out the foul stain of slavery, which
has hitherto sulIied the otherwise bright
escutcheon of our Republic. We are no
fanatics on the subject of slavery, as is well
known to our readers, and we make no ex-
traordinary pretensions to modern philan-
thropy: but we cannot help fearing that if
the government lets slip the present oppor-
tunity of doing justice to the negro race,
and of placing our republic throughout in
harmony with modern civilization, God,
who is especially the God of the poor and
oppressed, will never give victory to our
arms, or suffer us to succeed in our efforts to
sunnress rebellion. and restore peace and