Port Tobacco times, and Charles County advertiser. (Port Tobacco, Md.) 1845-1898, 1861-07-04

! sBut we arc told, and we hear it repeated
everywhere, that we must find out whether
we have got a government. Have we a
government ? is the question, and we are
told we must test that question hy using the
military power to put down all discontentcd
spirits. Sir, this question, have we gov
ernmcnt? has been propounded by every
tyrant who has tried to keep his feet on the
nccks of the people since the world began.
When the barons demanded Magma Charta
from King John at Runneymede, he ex-
claimed, have we government ? and call
ed for his army to put down the disconten-
ted barons. When Charles [. attempted to
collect the ships money in violation of the
constitution of England, and in disregard of
the rights of the people, and was resisted
mcnt? We cannot treat with rebels put
down the traitors: we must show that we
have government When James II. was
driven from the throne of England for tramp
ling on the liberties Of the people, he called
for his army, and exclaimed, let us show
that we have government" When George
III. called upon his army to put down re-
bellion in America, Lord North cried out
Justify, mo compromise with traitors: let
US demonstrate that we have government
, When, in 1913, the people rose upon their
tyrants all over Europe and demanded guar
antees for their rights, every crowned head
exclaimed, have we a government? and
appealed to the army to vindicate their au-
thority and enforce the laws.
''Sir, the history of the world does not
fail to condem the folly, weakness, and
wickedness of that government which drew
its sword upon its own people when they
demanded guarantees for their rights. This
cry that we must have government, is
merely following the example of the besotted
bourbon, who never learned anything by
misfortune, never forgave an injury, never
forgot an aHront. Must we demonstrate
that we have got government, and coerce
obedience without reference to the justice
or the injustice of the complaints? Sir,
whenever ten million people proclaim to you
with one unanimous voice, that they appre-
hend their rights, their fresides, and their
fan,ilr a!s...s-ss- ~,sr.ssa; rs sliszo
wise governmental to listen to the appeal, and
to remove the apprehension. History does
not record an example where any human
government has been strong enough h to crush
ten millions of people into subjection when
they believed their rights and liberties were
imperilled, without first converting the gov
ernment itself into despotism, and Destroy
ing the last vestige of freedom"
These were the sentiments Of the Demo-
cratic party, of the Constitutional Union
party, and of a large majority Of the Repub
lican presses and party, only sig weeks ago
They were mine; I voted them repeatedly
along with every Democrat and Union man
in the House | have seen nothing to
change, much to confirm them since, es-
pecially in the secession, within the last
thirty days, Of Virginia, Arkansas, North
Carolina and Tennessee, taking with them
four millions and a half of people, immense
wealth, inexhaustiblc resources, five hun
dred thousand fighting men, and the graves
Of Washing gton and Jackson. shall vote
them again.
Waving the question of the doubtful le-
gality Of the first proclamation ofApril 18th,
calling out the militia for three months, un-
der the act Of 1875, will yet vote to pay
them, because they had no motive but sup
posed duty and patriotism to move them;
and moreover, they will have rendered the
entire service demanded of them before Con-
grcss shall meet. But the audacious usur-
patton Of President Lincoln, for which he
deserves impeachment in daring against the
very letter of the Constitution, and without
the shadow Of law, to ''raise and support
armies" and to ''provide and maintain a
navy" for three Or five years by mere execu-
tive proclamation, [ will not vote to sustain
or ratify-ncver. Millions for defence not
a man or dollar for aggressive and often
sive war.
The war has had many motives for its
commencement; it can have but one result,
whether it lasts one or fifty years-fnal,
eternal separation, disanion. As for con-
quest and subjugation of the South, 1 will
not impeach the intelligence Of any man
among you by assuming that you dream of
it as at any time or in any way possible.
Remember the warning of Lord Chatham
to the British Parliament "My Lords,
you cannot conquer America" A public
debt of hundreds of millions, weighing us
and our posterity down for generations, we
cannot escape. Fortunate shall we be if we
escape with our liberties Indeed it is no
longer so much a question Of war with the
South as whether we ourselves are to have
constitutions and republican form of govern
ment hereafter in the North and West.
In brief: am for the Constitution first,
and at all hazards; for whatever can now be
saved of the Union next; for peace always,
as essential to the preservation of either
But whatever any may think of the war,
one thing, at least, every lover of liberty
ought to demand inexorably: that it shall
be carried On strictly subject to the Consti-
tuition.
The peace policy was tried it arrested
secession, and promised restoration of the
Union. The policy of war is now upon
trial in twenty days it has driven four mil
lions and half of people out Of the Union