Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1861-01-18
For the Enquirer.
LETTER FROM EX-PRESIDENT TYLER
To nv FellsW- Citizens:


To my FellsW-CitiZe1s'
Ihavc been often urged to give my views to the
public OIL the present great crisis OF American
affairs. have abstaincd from doing 80 ior
reasons entirely satisfactory 10 Eiyseli-onc OF
tic most controlling OF which was, that could
not regard with becoming composure the disso.
luton OF thu; Conlcdrracy i'll tho sclvlce OF
which So great portion OF my life had been
passed, and which had been accustomed 10
contemplate in Il spirit Of the lru"st devotion
Nor did believe that any thing that could
say would produce tic slightest effect upon the
public mind My public life had long since
terminated, and the shadow which, sooner Or
later, falls OF ul men, and shuts them out from
sight had settled upon me. 10 The younger
athlete, who were in charge Of the pubic trusts
and enjoyed It's confidence, was well inclined
to leave the task OF adjusting existing dlllcu!,
ties, in the hope and trust that Union so full
OF glnrieS and so copiOus in blessings, would
survive the trials which threatened l.: In the
meantime the high toned and gallant State Of
South Carolina, one OF the Old Thirteen, has
seen cause to withdraw from the Union, and it
is said that her example Is to be followed uIi-
less sectional differences arc adjusted, by the
cotton States first, and, sooner or later, by all
the Slavehoding States. In view oil this state
IF things, and seeing also that all cllOrts at ad-
iustment have so far failed, no longer With
! hold the expression Of my opinions on tie lead
ing topics Of the day.
Thc cnQur: winch presents itsc!l, IN ad-
vance OF ali others, is as 10 the effects which
follow upon the Withdrawal! OF SO many States
from the Union us those constituting an entire
section Of the country In what condition
does that withdrawal leave the remaining
States and even the government itself! This
! enquiry is Of the greatest interest anu should
therefore be made with all possible delibcratioa.
II can do no less than resolve itself into the
question rs TO the nature and character Of the
government itself If it bc a consolidated
government, ard the States merely its provln-
ccS, then those provinces or States or by
whatever other name they may bc called can
make no resistance to its authority, however
lespot:c, which would not be considered re.
/ bellious and reasonable The States would
occupy the same position, and noEe other, 10
the government of the United States that each
county Or town occupies 10 the government oil
!. State. The uprising Of q county against the
State would Inc unqualified rebellion md all
concerned in it would bc guilty Of high treason.
These are the inevitable results which ii'isc
out Of consolidated government. No matter
what the magnitude Of the evil complained nf,
no redress is left but out and out rebellion,
and each and all engaged in such rebellion
have entered into it with hal;crS round their
necks, to be used, unless the rebellion prove
successful, by the consolidated government at
! its will and pleasure 1t is idle, in this view
! Of the question, to attempt TO draw distinction
! between Il State in rebellion md any portion vi
the people Of that State. The reasoning ap-
plies quite as forcibly TO the whole community
as to part of it No organized condition OF
the community can justify or excuse the revolt,
aad war may be made on all alike. Nor will it
! do 10 aticlapt distinction between Il Govern
ment like ours where powers arc granted and
powers reserved. and An absolute despotism.-
The same supreme domination would exist in
the enforcement Of the granted powers, rs where
nothing had been reserved and all sI;cn.-
Whatever the obstruction intcrposcd the au-
! thori,y would he given to remove 1T! by in
dividuas, they might be put ID the sword-ii
ty State, it might be crushed. j. there no
suf!cning down tic aspcrity Of these conclu-
si0ns? | am asked. see no mode CT doing SO.
Again, NAV be asked, does not the COnsI!u-
ton provide within itself some mode by which
grievances, when 100 heavy 10 DC borne, :Aay
Uc rcdrcssrd? The Constitution profrsScs 10
30 so; but what chance is there Of the remedies
being available against an immuvable ssc-
tioHdl majority? Even now, an appeal 10 that
tnCde OF redress has been made in vain -
E"rrr cxpedent has been rcsorted TO- TO obtain
constitutional arucrdineT. in redress ri grirvar.
ces, through the action Of Congress; but ;heTc
stands that sectional majority, imHovubic or
fixed, or oi:ly moving TO make matters worse
by suggesting the mere prctcncc OF amendments
which pass away in the moment Of utterancr.
No, if the Government be consolidated
TO The extent CT its powers, it is SUI
premc, and resistance 10 its mandates is
treason. But, 1t is asked, cannot tic
Supreme Court, the sworn interpreter Of
the Constitution, give redress for violated .htS
That august tribunal should ever be cnntlGd
10 all respect; but in sectional conflict, SUCH
MS that which exists, It's decisions, however
suiclnny delivered, carry no force along with
them. Who, Of the Northern scctona! party
acknowledges the binding force Of its decision
recently pronounced in the bred Scott case?-
Ths venerable men who compose that Court,
nrc of advanced age-as they drop of the stage
or actions. Mr.. Lincoln will take care TO sup
ready 20 reverse their decisions, and liOcl; al
;hcln a.; of nc binding authority. No, if
The Government be consolidated enc, i!
its edic,s uttered bY sectional majority,
are to he regarded as supreme, then those edictS
are the rlccrecs Of fate, and submission Of States
and ucoplc is all that is left. FROM being &C D.
sdc:cd the rroudcst and nobitst structure Of
human liberty, it degcnerates INTO the viicSt
instrument Of tyranny ard oppression. AS
indispensab!y necessary TO arrive at the above
conclusions az to the nature OF Inc government,
its advocates contend that it arose out ol the
popular will, and not frcH! separate State action
1t is only necessary 10 say that that position
was entirely ovcr.ruled, rs long ago as 1900.
by the decided voice Of the American people,
aud only momentarily revived by Gen. Jack
sons proclamation, (apaper which contraoicted
all tic expressed opinions oil his previous ana
subsequent llfe,) avowcGly written by one who
still fingered among tue ruins and fragments Of
untiquatcd ideas. 1t is contradicted by the
name given the Government in baptism. The
Federal Government it was called then, and ~
the Federal Government it is known to the
world and any dictionary will tell US that the
name pertains only 10 u lcague-to compact
or political partnership among States. The
Federal Legislature Is kho"h as " o0hgTto',
term only used to indicate an nsselnbiagc Of
loycrcicrs; and that Federal Legislature Is
composed, especially in the Senate of the re.
representatives. Of States equal in rights, ard
equal in power. There, the smallest State has
a voice as potential as the largest When the
urliclcs Of consideration ceased 20 exist, they
were succeeded oy the present confederation
an Improvement, as it was thought, upon the
old one. But abstain from going any further
into this subject. find tho whclc argument
already perfected in the preamble to tine reso-
utions recently adopted ~ the people of botc
tourt, drawn 10y as clear a Judicial intellect as
is to bc found either in the State Of Virginia
or out Of it. In that preamble Judge Allen
presents synopsis Of the history Of the origin
Of our institutions, so briefly, yet so lucltlr,
AS to have concluded the argument It chal'
lences an answer from any quarter. | wish It