New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-11-25
THE EMANCIPATION QUESTION.
OLD DEMOCRATS ALL RIGHT.
Croswell and Dickinson with John Cochrane.

NsW-f0RR, NOV. ~, IDOL
NY DEAR SlR: Your eloquent and signitcan
speech to the CbasseuTs, with its Endorsement by the
Secretary of War. has produced marked sensation
in all quarters. am glad that your positions on tbiS
subject are such as they are and that you have taxed
them without ambiguity or hesitation. AS tie mid
die ground between extreme action on the one side
the surrender of escaped or captured slaves TO their
owners, rebel or loyal-and extreme action on the
other-the abolition declaration of emancipation-it
will meet with general approval, yrighly under
stood, excepting In Abolition quarters.
The distinction is nice one bat, as think, OBJ
vious. Fremont ayows the Shibboleth of Abolition.
ism, and ignores the right OF property in slaves You
recognize it, and seize the slave as any other rebel
property and convert it TO public uses, precisely as
Won would rebel munitions or implements of war.
and turn il against the enemy, or hand it over TO
10y or Union citizens.
You dsclaim and repudate Abolitionism. Ere
mont proclaims Emancipation ss primal object and
reeult of the war and captured slaves, instead OF
being nsed as material of war, are to be let loose
upon free or slave communities, they may prefer
You capture them as you would ship. FORT an
SO-pounder or musket, and as a military necessity,
deprive the enemy of material Of war, and apply 1t
to the uses of the captors. Ia this light it becomes
an element Of strength not only in the conduct OF tie
war; but in the enforcement OF the laws and vluded-
ZION of the Constitution the desig Of treason
and rebellion. In the Abolition Fremont sense 1t
becomes an element of weakness and division, and
Interrupts a vigorous and united prosecution OF the
war.
The fret great duty Is to put down this causeess
and most hantious Rebellion; the next, to restore
the Union 10 its indiyisbiity. OF the full perform
ance Of the FIRST and much sooner than many, myself
included, thought practicable, baye now no doubt
The second will not be without lis difficulties. III we
r, establish the Constitution, after repressln9. and
Furnishing the Secession violation OF it, aud require
implicit obedience to its prov sions no extended quts
ton Of difference and irritation ariss that viii
produce serious agitation and conflict. But, if we
seek 10 accomplish the frst great purpose-the sup
preston of the Rebellion-by Abolition means and
positions. we shall retard that much-desred cOnsum
nation and probably Illustrate the second material
purpose Of the war, at least lay the foundation OF
future dissensions, acrmones and alterations. The
TRIBUNE and The EUeaiug Post endeavor to convey
the impression that You go further IN tue Ao'iinoh
direction than Fremont. To my view, your positions
are antagonisiical to Fremont and they constitute
the div riding limo between the Administration aud the
Union feeling of the country on the one side, and
Abotonism and Secession both looking to the per
manent di.utegration of the Union on the other.
But loyalty and the energies of the Government will
prevail.
Tie effective ability and vigOr with which Score.
tary Cameron has conducted bis branch of our
great service, under the difficulties which environ a
Government unsccustomed TO war, and especially
civil war has won for him the admiration Of the
country and position OF high favor with the people.
EDWIN CROSWELL.
Col JoHs CocHKAsE.
T.. S.-Mr. Dickinson, who is now in my Office,
allows me to say that he fully eoncurs in this Wow
Of the question.