Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-06-22

Greet attempt to equalize the rights Of the two
great sections of the Union upon the most difficult
of all national questions and ferocious purpose to
array those two great sections in deadly and end
less hostility! All Mr.. Seward, that neither the
logic, the rhetoric, the morality the patriotism
which was sought at our common Alma Hdter, and
your high position has been dearly won if it has
been reached or must be maintained by such means
as thesei
You make distinction between the Abolition
lsts and your great Republican party-a distine-
ton somewhat NICE and less appropriate to astates-
man than to one Z whom those old Romans you
speak so much about allowed to be called only
qrdHadFidn, by which they mean the grade below
the sophistss You are not an Ahoiitionisf ycu say
but only great Republican-the difference being
precisely this to-wit: that the Aboliti0nists win not
allow Of any slavery, while the great Republicans
viii not allow Of dRy more. They, with Mr.. Sum-
neF at their head, will attack it everywhere; you
at the head of the great Republicans, will attack iE
everywhere, except in the present Slave States.
That is to say, you make this iutin1ason merely 40
far as the forms Of lao concerned and the pow
ers OF Congress are involved. Mr.. Sumner will
oppose it at all hazards; but for you not being
an Abolitionist the greatest political hazard you
will have is only the dissolution Of the Unicn May
ask the favor Of You, sir, if you fit to assaI
me again, that you would have the goodness to put
yourself in an attitude more respectable than this2
Hereis great nation thoroughly and dangerously
excited, and here Is one of its most conspicuous
statesmen processing to lead public opinion, and in
the act of doing So he places himself in position
absolutely childish, pretending thereby 70 Justify
the boundless perfdy of his principles, and the
terminabe mischief of his conduct. Can yost con
csiue sir that eeen ConuaoRs1eas, lohich beeDe that
their existence is treatsaed, trhich hare IN their
hands, and guarantees as old as the coUatTy. and as
firm as common blood and common glory can adlcs
Oaths eompacts and constitutions, ,oiH permit sixssa
other C61lmonloedlS 10 degrade and destroy them on
such distinction as this: Even supposing that they
wrong in this and that they ought to consent to
be hemmed in and repFessed with irresistible
and perpetually sugEoentng force of this sort, con-
concerning which the only question is-how soon
viii death ensue Still did ven ever hear of any
such thing happening ia this world Of ours Did
any fifteen States ever permit any sixteen States TO
smother them in this deectable way, and upon such
precious distinctions this, upon the face of our
earthls What the times demand. Mr.. Seward, are
statesmen-not grammarians. What the country
needs in the leaders of parties not essaysts and
trihers with the stern passions which aoat but
true men-honest, If they can be competent,
at least to deal in sincerity with the real perils of
our condition.
II cannot be denied. however. that very great
change has manifested itself in public opnien, both
at the North and at the South, within these thirty
FIVE years: change which has been constantly
progressing in opposite directions Of the two quar-
tiers, and which has been influenced by great va
riety OF causes. The questisns which the Ameri-
can people must now settle, is no less than this
are they DESTROYS and they capable, in the new
posture Of affairs and Of opinion OF continuing any
longer united and great people? This question,
as view it, is wholly independent Of any con-
sheraton touching the nature of slavery; and il is
the evil passions of men, and not the essential
ture of slavery at sl by which the people ara bur I
ried forward to the ruin of their country. Let
slavery be what itmay, il affords rational ground
of itself for the separation of the States and civil
war, and every good, wise, and patriotic man, let
his opinions about slavery be what they may ought
to be ready to crush every political party which
intimates that it does And such is my faith in ha
ma n nature, in the destiny of my country, and.
above ALL in the oTerruing providence of God, that
/ confidently trust way will be found to hurl
from power, and cover with public indignation
cry party that shall dare to wag tongue against
great national safeguards of our independence our
freedom, and our progress.
We must not forget, sir, that the posture of the
North and the posture of the South is by no means
the same. The South has slaves--the North has
none. The South, therefore, Is liable to pressure
from the North to which the North is not liable from
the South and under that pressure the South may
not only be expected to do, but may be obliged to
do, what she would gladly avoid if she were fairly
and justly treated. Nsr must We allow ourselves
to forget that this not the original posture Of
afAirs-not the condition of things under which the
Confederation, and afterwards the Federal Consti-
tuition were formed-not the condition out of which
the Union grew. Originally, slavery national
10 this country-to the intent that il formed no OBJ
stace to any united and national movement, impulse
or aet-amongst colonies and afterwards amongst
States, every one of which held slaves. have no
remark to make, sir, upon your fsyorite apothegm
that slavery is logical, freedom national nor any
upon your argument if it is allowable to apply such
term to neoherent assertions that it is beyond the
power of municipal law to create slavery. 1t IS
enough that slavery. if it exists at ALL must have
place to exist in and that long it does exist in
country of laws there must be laws about it. The
peril now is not over your apothegm aboutyour
speculations the nature of the law but it about
the places in which slavery may exist and about
the laws which shall affect 1t therein. The North
having changed her position with respect to slaves
ry aud at the same time having changed her Opin-
ions feels herself entitled to demand that the South
shall be cOerced, one way other, to follow her
example, in beth respects and feels herself entitled
further, to use the,pOwers of the National Govern
ment to elect this object Thereupon sheproceeds to
organize parties, TO consolidate power, to exert
her numerical msjority, to assume authority,
to shape the legislation of Congress and the policy
Of the Federal Government IN a manner wholly re-
CARELESS of the rights and interests of the South,
and absolutely incompatible with its independence
If not its existence. This Is, IN effect, contest
for supremacy at the North for safety at the South
1t is a mere accident that slavery should be the
immediate subject Of the conflict; an extremely
dangerous accident indeed, from the nature Of that
institution But the very conception itself upon
which the North enters upon the contest is Of itself
a revolution. 1t is q revolution which, carried into
effect upon any subject whatever, defeats not only
the possibility of the Union, but defeats even its
very ect And carried into effect with refereRce
to slavery, it makes civil war the only refuge of
the South, from peris which are greater than ciVh
war ITSELF ! ask you, sir. calmly, which DO you
consider best for us-to fight the North Of once, or
to fight both the North and slaves after while.
Now, sir, il is for the North to say whether she
values her supremacy over the South at such rate
as this, and whether, making slavery the pretext
she will pursue it INTO blood. uttered but the SIM
pie truth when told Mr.. Sumner she will find
million of armed men ready to receive her, re-
peated only the plainest lesson Of history when
added that her own soil will be deeply polluted
with blood as ours. / said what supposed could
neither be misunderstood or denied, while Ideclsr-
ed that the equality of physical force sufficient
to leave 10 issue dependent wholly upon Gods gift
of great captain. | uttered only what many mil
lions will endorse, and no one that know of will
deny, when said that every one of US deplored
from the bottom Of our heart contest so frightfn
but that not one of US looks towards il with I'M
manly apprehension. Sir, it was ignoble in you TO
call these threats. They are solid arguments; ar
gunlents Of that description which every good man
will carefully consider, every wise man ponder
deeply, every brave man admit to be just, every
sane man see to be conclusive against the counsel
you give and the end you purpose.
1t is not possible for US to separate ourselves
completely from immense and durable influences
which surround as, think see in your Grafton
the general completion Of that state OF opinion Wnicn
is so peculiar to New York politics, and which has
been so manifest throughout your whole politleai
| career. However this might effect our estimate OF
you as a man, il undoubtedly gives distictness 70
your position as representative Of opinion, ana,
therefore, greater Significance 70 what you utter,
In like manner it may be possible that the curren
| of INV own thoughts may receive peculiar tnge
from the stste of opinion which has always existed
ink entuey land with which have been in contact
frp, NV ehdhood and thus some additional value
nav attach to what say. Sir, passed that child
bond around the knees Of the old officers and sol
diers of the Revolution, who had won the indepen-
| dence of their country and then conquered from
he savage this fair and noble portion Of it. did
/ not know then that these were peculiar men, but
have learned that well enough since. The sons and
daughters Of these men were the Plsymates Of my
earlierIyears as they have been the friends and
! eompanions of my subsequent life. i expect to
mingIe INV dust with theirs; hope their children
| and mine will lay me in an honored grave; and my
childrep's children already stand before me side BY
/ aide with theirs. have differed often-sometines
aerceIy-witf1 these men; have differed with them
about many aspects of this very question OF dornes-
ii. sIaevry. But sir, what is slavery to me, COM
pared with the lives. the fortunes the honor, the
l N2