Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1861-03-07


secede again, precisely as portions of the pres
ent Union now claim to secede from IL All
who cherish disunion sentiments are now being
educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is
there such perfect identity of interest among
the states composing new Union, as TO pro-
duce harmony only, and prevent renewed seces-
sion is the essence of anarchy.
majority, held in restraint by constitutions
al checks and limitations, and always changing
easily with deliberate changes of popular opin-
ion sentiment, is the only true sovereign of a
free people. Whoever rejects it, does of neees-
sity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity
is impossible. The rule of minority as per-
manent arrangement is wholly inadmissable,
while, by rejecting the majority principle, an
archy or despotism in some form is all that is
left.
do not forget the position assumed by some,
that constitutional questions are to be decided
by the supreme court; nor do deny that such
decisions must be binding in any case upon the
parties to suit, as to the object of that suit (;
while they are also entitled to very high respect
and consideration in all parallel cases, by all
other departments of the government And
while it is obviously possible that such decision
may be erroneous in any given case, still the
evil effect following it being limited to that par
ticular case, with the chance that it may be over
ruled and never become a precedent for other
cases, this can better be borne than could the
evils OF different practice AT the same time
the candid citizen must confess that if the policy
of the government upon the vital questions af-
fecting the whole people is to be irreyocaby
fixed by the decisions of the supreme court
the instant they are made in ordinary litigation
between parties in personal actions, the people
will have ceased to be their own masters, hay
ing to that extent practically resigned their gov
I'M bp nf fhat frih
nal.
Nor is there in this view any assault upon
the court OF the judges. 1t is a duty from
which they may not shrink to decide cases prop
erly brought before them, and it is no fault of
theirs if Others seek to warp their decisions to
political purposes. One section of our country
believes slavery is right and ought to be ex-
tended, while the other believes it is wrong and
ought not to be extended. This is the only
substantial dispute.
The fugitive slave clause of the constitution,
and the law for the suppression of the foreign
slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps,
as any law can ever be in community where
the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup
ports the law itself. The great body Of the
people abide by the legal obligations in both
cases, and few break over in each. This |
think cannot be perfectly cured, and ii would be
worse in both cases after the separation of the
sections than before. The foreign slave trade,
now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimate
ly revived without restriction in one section
while fugitive slaves, now only partially surren-
dered, would not b. surrendered at all by the
other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We
cannot remove our respective sections from each
other, nor build an impossible wall between
them. A husband and wife may de divorced
| and Df tbn o,,1 tl,a
reach of each other, but the different parts Of
our country cannot do this. They cannot but
remain face to face and intercourse, either
amicable or hostile, must continue between
them. Is it possible, then, to make that inter-
course more advantageous more satisfactory
after separation than beforeP Can aliens make
treaties more easily than friends can make laws;
Can treaties be more faithfully enforced be-
tween aliens than laws can among friends
Suppose you go TO war, you cannot fight al.
ways, and when, after much loss on both sides
and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the
identical questions as to terms of intercourse
are again upon you.
This country with its institutions, belongs tc
the people who inhabitit. Whenever they shall
grow weary of the existing government, they
can exercise their constitutional right of amen.
ding, or their revolutionary right to dismembel
or overthrow it. | am aware of the fact that
many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirou:
of having the national constitution amended
! While ! make no recommendation of amend
ment, fully recognize the ample authority Of
the people over the whole subject, TO be exer.
csed in either of the modes prescribed in the
instrument itself; and should, under existing
circumstances, favor rather than oppose fail
opportunity being afforded 10 the people to act
upon it. l will venture TO add that to me the
as it allows amendments to originate with the
people themselves, instead of only permitting
them to take or reject propositions originated
by others not especially chosen for the purpose
and which might not be precisely such as they
would wish either to accept or refuse.
understand that proposed amendment tc
the constitution-which amendment, however
have not seen-has passed Congress, to the
effect that the federal government shall never
interfere with the domestic institutions of the
states, including that of persons held TO service
| To avoid misconstructon of what have said
l depart from my purpose not to speak of par
ticular amendments, SO far as to say, that hold
ing such provision to be now implied consti
tutional law, have no objection to its being
made express and irrevocabe.
The chief magistrate derives all his authorit,
from the people, and they have conferred none
| upon Nlm 10 III tHe terms lot inc separation o.
the states. The people themselves can do this
il they choose, but the executive as such has
nothing to do with it. His duty is to admins
ter the present government as it came to hi,
hands, and to transmit it, unmpaired by him
to his successor.
Why should there not be patient confidence
in the ultimate justice OF the people? Is there
any better or any equal hope in the world p
In our present differences, is either party with
out faith of being in the right? Ifthe Amigh
ty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth ant
justice, be on your side, men of the North, Of
on yours, men of the South, that truth and
that justice will surely prevail, by the judgment
of this great tribural-the American people,
In the government under which we live, thi
same people have wisely given their public ser
wants but little power for mischief, and have
with equal wisdom provided for the return O
that little to their own hand at very short inter
walls. While the people maintain their virtue
and vigilance, no administration by any extrem,
wickedness or folly can very seriously injur
the government in the short space of fou
years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly
and well upon the whole subject. Nothing
valuable can be lost by taking time If Their,
be an object to hurry any of you in hot hast,
to step which you would never take deliberate
~, that object will be frustrated by taking time
but no good object can be frustrated by it,
Such Of you as are now dissatisfied still hav,
-