The Smoky Hill and Republican union. [volume] (Junction City, Kan.) 1861-1864, 1861-12-26

of this Rebellion? We answer: Those,
e thus far, who have expressed the most
decided wish to see the cause of the war,
S Slavery, extinguished, are Democrats. A
f writer in the New York World, who has
, been close observer ofpassing events, says
f 81 will venture political prediction
touching matter now engaging the attcn.
ton Of the ablest minds in the country.
1t is that the inevitable negro, and what
shall be done with him, will be more
fiercely discussed during the present session
of Congress than ever before and further,
that the proposition to crown our victories
with emancipatory DEGREES will cone from
the Dem ocratic side Of the House; that
the proposition will prevail finally, in effect,
and that the Democracy will thereupon
resume their ancient estate, with all the
powers, digni:ies AID emoluments there
unto appertaining. These are the visible
signs of the times And 1 think such of
US as live four years will live long enough
to see their verifcation."
Here is an extract from speech recently
delivered by Colonel Cochrane to his troops
near Washington City. Colonel Cochrane
is one of the Tanany leaders of the New
York Democracy:
| "Suppose the munitions of war arc within
our reach, would we not be guilty Of shame
full neglect if we availed not ourselves of
the opportunity to use them? Suppose the
enemy's slaves were arrayed against you,
would you, from any squeamishness, refrain
| from pointing against them the hostile gun,
and prostrating them in death? No; that
is your object and purport; and if you
would seize their property, open their ports,
and even destroy their lives, ask you
whether you would not use their slaves
Whether you aeould not arm their slaccs,
and carry them IN Jattalions against their
masters? Take property wherever
you may find it. Take the slave and be.
stow him upon the STAKEHOLDER, if you
please. Do to them as they would do to
US. Raise up party of interest against
the absent stakeholder, distract their coun-
sells, and # this should not be sufficient,
take tie slace by the hand, put musIet IN
Il, and IN Gods name bid him strike for
the liberty Of the human race. Now, is
this emanci patton Is this abolitionism
| do not regard it as either. 1t no more
partakes of abolitionism than spaniel
partakes of the nature of lion Aboli-
tionism is to free the slaves. 1t is to make
war upon the South for that purpose. 1t
is to place them above their masters in the |
social scale. 1t is to assert the great ab-
stract principle of equality among men,
But to take the slave and make him an
implement of war in overcoming your
enemy, that is military scheme. It is
military necessity, and the commander who
does not this, or something equivalent to it,
is unworthy Of the position he holds, and
equally unworthy Of your confidence"
The following letter from that old Dem
ocratic politician, formerly editor of the
Albany -4ryus, and chief wire-worker Of
the Albany Regency, may be regarded as
another shadow Of coming events:
"NEw York, Nov. 20, 1861.
Ny DEAR SIR-Your eloquent and
significant speech to the Chasseurs, with its
endorsement by the Secretary of War, has
produced a marked sensation in all quar-
ters. l am glad that your positions on this
subject are such as they are, and that YOU
have taken them without ambiguity or hes
itation. AS the middle ground between
extreme action on the one side-the sur
render of escaped or captured slaves to their
owners, rebel or loyal-and extreme action I
On the other--the abolition declaration of
emancipation-it will meet with general !,
approval, If rightly understood, excepting
In abolition quarters.
:'The distinction is nice one, but, as {
think, obvious. Fremont avows the Shib. i
boleth of abolitionism, and ignores the right
Of property in slaves. You recognize it,
and seize the slave as any other rebel
and convert it to public uses, b
precisely as you would rebel munitions or i.
implements of war, and turn it against the
enemy, or hand it over to loyal or Union v
citizens. u
"You disclaim and repudiate abolition. b
ism. Fremont proclaims emancipation as r
primal object and result of the war, and
captured slaves, instead of being used as
material of war, are to be let loose upon U
tree or slave communities, as they may L
prefer. You capture them as you would
ship, fort, an SO-pounder, or musket, Il
Ind, as military necessity, deprive the $,
enemy OF a material of war, and apply i. to n
he uses of the captors. In this Ii ght it
becomes an element of strength, not only u
q the conduct of the war, but in the en- o
orcement of the laws and vindication of SC
he Constitution over the designs of treason ii
md rehe1liop II Tho obol;.;e. D. !,