The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1861-07-18
KenOSha, Thursday, July Is, 1861
The Crime Of AboIitionism.

The CRIME Of AboIitiOnism.
There is class of politicians here at the
North who, to say the very least, have the most
singular views of consistency. They are in ia
vor of the prosecution of the war to the last ex-
tremity, against the secessionsts aud rebels, and
in favor of using all the force of the Govern
ment to bring them back to their allegiance and
loyalty; and yet if a word is said about pruning
or treating the real cause of the civil war that
has beeen forced upon the country, they ex-
hibit sensitiveness that is remarkable. The
cry of abotionist is raised, and Immediately
they seem incapable of cool reasoning.
1t is universally admitted that slavery Is the
sole cause of this war. Nobody believes that
without that bone of contention, the idea of Sc
cession and disunion would ever have been en-
tertaned by State. All other political differ
ences between the people OF the different States
can be easily and amicably adjusted, and might
have been for generations to come. But slave
ry, like foul and loathsome cancer upon the
human body, eats its way silently and surely TO
the vitals of the body polite Of Republican
Government, however carefully and closely it
may be covered up and concealed from the pub
lie eye. 1t is an institution that is altogether
bad, without one redeeming trait. All history
proves this and all forms of christian morality
declare it. 1t corrupts and debases wherever
and whatever it touches. The masters, the
slaves and the non. slaveholding whites in the
community where it exists, all feel its curse
the slaves, themselves, the least of all. What
but the curse of slavery could ever have turned
five million loyal and patriotic citizens into
traitors and rebels to the most benefcent form
of government the world ever saw All adj
nit thes things-the evils and worthlessness
of slavery and that it is the sole cause of the
present war. And yet if a word Is said about
interfering with the past status of the institu-
ton, as a consequence of the war, the cry OF
abolitionism is raised, as though holy ground
was being trodden upon.
For our part, though we were never an abo-
htionist in the political sense of that term, yet
we wish to see the institution of slavery shorn
Of great share eff its prestige and power by
this war, if it ever gets back into the Union at
all. The war is expected to cost $500, 600
a sum equal to the value of all the slaves in the
country, nearly, and besides this enormous
sum, we can hardly calculate loss less than
10000 men as the result Of the war! With such
facts staring us in the face would it be the part
OF wise men to bring back, on its old footing the
prime cause of this expenditure of life and
tragedy to enact the same tragedy in the next
century or sooner?
We do not think this is war against sla-
lovers of that institution should not hope to
have it turned into crusade for its benefit or
preservation. Slavery has brought on the war
and it must take the chances. fit conquers
it will Of course dictate is own terms for its
own benefit If it is defeated, as it will be, 1t
must submit to our terms. And we claim that
those terms should be such as to forever prevent
another such war as the present. 1t must come
into the reconstructed Union as private and
local institution, with political power what
ever, and with no chance of ever getting into
Congress. 1t must never be nationalized again.
The "lrrepressible conflict must now be fought
out and settled forever.
In the House of Representatives, the other
day, Mr.. Lovejoy introduced a resolution de-
claring that it is not the duty of the United
States soldiers in this war to catch and return
slaves. So sensitive were our Congress
men on the subject of slavery and so fearful OF
being called abolitionsts, that fifty, f0e of them
voted against that resolution, virtually declaring
that it 10aS the duty Of our army to capture fu-
gitive slaves and return them to their masters.
This is what we call being more nice than wise.
1t IS true that the war on our part is to pre-
serve Union intact, the Government in its pris
time vigor ard proven but it is equally true that
it will have influences, incidental and unsought
for, that must be wisely and rightly directed.
Among these more especially is the influence
that will be incidentally exerted upon the in.
stitution OF slavery. Even if the Northern ar
my could have been kept entirely out of the
slave States, that influence would have been
felt The slaves see the gathering of armies, and
they hear what they are for. They know thai
their masters are engaged in war with abol
tonists-men who wish to set them free. This
they learn from their own masters In the most
secluded neighborhoods of the South, where
slaves have never before heard the word liner
ty' they are now being taught the sound and
slgnihcation. They are being taught that the
people OF this nation are at war, and that thew
themselves are, more or less, the cause of this
war. They learn from their masters that the
Mort hern people are fighting against slavery
and they will yet learn that the people fighting
against slavery are the most numerous and
strongest, and snaly that they are victorious
on every battle field. This KNOWLEDGE will
not be barren of results, however much we NAV
affect to overlook it. Thus the shareholders are
educating their slaves, themselves, in that know.
ledge that forces them to a contemplation Of
their servile condition, and begets the longing
for liberty that dies not out in one generation.
be who studies the history of the times cannot
iail TO see and appreciate such facts, and once
seen and appreciated, they effectually preclude
the idea that This war can be without its effects
upon lavery.
Illinois s. Wisconsin TFOops.-Tbe Chi.
cago Ir76an' in speaking of the departure of our