Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-04-10
A London Journals View of President
LincOln's COuFse-What VIII He Doe
The London Econo,,list of late date saws

LincOin's COurBe-What VIII He Dos
The London Economist of late date, says:
1t will require the greatest prudence on
the part Of the Administration if il is to keep
the Northern slave States in the Union, as It
evidently desires and intends to do. The
extreme Republican and Anti-slavery party
are already denouncing Mr.. Lincoln's Ad-
ministration for this desire and intention.
1t is their wish-and we are far from saying
it might not be the wisest policy of the
North-to seize the present occasion for
wiping out the blot of slavery altogether,
and founding Union that should be devoted
wholly to the interests of political freedom.
Nor could we regret the result.
But it must be remembered that there are
higher interests at stake than any merely
ambitious attachments to the traditions Of
American greatness, in the attempt to retain
the slave States, or q large portion of them.
The first enterprise of the Southern Fedora
tion, once fairly ahoat would be war with
Mexico for the spread of slavery southwark.
This would be the greatest calamity that the
anti slavery cause had yet suffered, and
could not but end in the renewal of the
slave trade between England and the South.
1t may well be argued, then, by the Repub-
lican leaders, that to restore the Union-if
that were still possible without ignominious
compromise-or, if that be hopeless, to keep
in the Northern Union an overwhelming
superiority of force, SO as to exercise a
powerful check on Southern ambition, is O
policy worthy some temporary sacrifice.
And it is certain that if the stream of Sc
cession could now be effectually checked,
and the remaining States secured to the
North, the Southern Confederation would be,
comparatively speaking, weak, poor and
helpless; not so populous as Piedmont be-
fore its recent accession of territory-con-
tanning less than 5000, 600 inhabitants alto It.
gether, and nearly half of these slaves.
The revenue of the seven Gulf States in
the year preceding Secession was not from
all sources and for all purposes including
school revenues, so much as $4,000, 900, and
we all know how little in the way Of an eff
fective standing army-to say nothing of Gn
army of $4,000 men, for which the Southern
Confederation, it is reported, has passed a
bill-can be done with such revenue as
that-including, as it does land sales, which
cen not bo PeTraanentv and are never q safe
source of revenue in depressed times.
On the other hand, the two Northern
tiers of slave State namely: North Carolina
Tennessee and Arkansas which would border
the Southern Confederation, and Virginia
Kentucky and Missouri, which would border
the free States, without counting Maryland
and Delaware, have together population oi
above 6,500,000, of whom barely 100000
are slaves, SO that they are clearly not un-
likely to modify their institutions in the di-
rection of the Northern wishes, if the Union
could be retained or confirmed. Of these,
the two States in which by far the greatest
proportion of slaves to the total population
is found, are Virginia and North Carolina
where the proportion is about one, in three
| But OF these, Virginia, being border State
and having worked out soil, is never likely
| to Join the South, il she refrain now.
But if all these States can be retained, tht
North would not lose a sixth part of it
| total population, and not a ninth part of it
| free population by Secession; and would, i
governed by a strong Administration, b.
able, as an externalpo power, to check far NOR
| effectually the ambitious and aggressive
designs Of the small Southern Confederation
than they have ever been able to do hitherto
with divided Representative Chamber ant
thoroughly Southern Senate and Executives
We think, therefore, that it is worth Mr.
Lincoln's while, even in the interests of tn
great cause which the Republican Party ha
adopted-to retain the remaining slave State
v in the Union, if he can do so without an.
sacrifice of principle to the South. In thi
respect his Inaugural Address is as satisfac
tory as his previous speeches. He ha
always declared his resolve to abide by tn
Chicago platform, and to hold to the right Q
Congress to rule in the Territories. He add
distinctly enough in his Address, that thong
the Supreme Court in the United States ha
absolute power TO declare the meaning 9
the Constitution, it is idle to assert that tn
Congress has not, in constitutional way
the power to alter that Constitution-an as
sertion which no doubt points to constitu
tional steps for restoring the power of Cor
gIess in the Territories, in case the Dire
Scott decision be not overruled by the sam
Court in future.