Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1861-03-09

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not a government pr oper but an association Of
States in the nature of contract merely, can il as a
contract DO peaceably revoked by less that all the
parties who made III One party to a contract may
violate it or break it, so to speak, but does it no,
require oil to lawfully recind i:H Descending from
these general principles, wo find the proposition
that in a legal contemplation Of the case, Union IS
perpetual, confirmed by the history Of the Union
itself. The Union is much older than the Consti-
tuition. 1t was formed in fact by the articles Of
association in IVA. 1t was matured and continu-
ed by the Declaration of Independence in l776.
It was further matured and the faith Of all the
then thirteen States, expressly plighted and en-
gagged that it should be perpetual by the articles
of confederation in 1878; and finally, in 1887, one
of the declared objects for ordaining and estab-
fishing the constitution was to form a more perfect
Union. If by one or by q part of the States, Sc
cession BIO lawfully possible, the Union is less
than before, the constitution having lost the vital
element of perpetuity. 1t follows from these
views that no State, upon its own nero motion,
can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves
and ordinances to that feet are legally void, and
that acts Of violence within my State or States
against the authority Of the United States arc in
surrectionary or revolutionary, according to cir
cumstances.
l therefore consider that in view Of the Consti-
ton and laws, the Union is unbrok en- and to the
extent of my ability l shall take care, as toe Con-
%stitution itself expressly enjoins on me, that the
laws u the Union be faithfully executed in all the
States. Doing this ! deem to be e simple duty on
my part, and ] shall perform it SO far as practical
bic, unless my rightful masters, the American peo-
pie, shall withhold the requisite means or in some
authoritative manner direct the contrary. | trust
this will not be regarded as q menace, but only as
the declared purpose Of the Union that it will con-
stitutionally defend itself. In doing this thee need
be no bloOdshed or violence, and there shall be
none unless it be forced upon the national author
ity. The power confded to me will be used to
hold, occupy and possess the property and places
belonging to the government, to collect duties and
mposts; but beyond wha; may DO necessary for
these objects, there will be no invasion, no using
of force against or among the people anywhere.
Where hostility to the United States, in any inte-
rior locality, shall be SO great and so universal rs
to prevent competent resident Citizens from hold
ing federal Offices, there will be no attempt to force
obnoxious strangers among the people that object.
While the strict legal right may exist in the Gov
eminent to enforce the exercise of these Offices, the
attempt to do so would DO so irritating and so
nearly impracticabhe withal, that / deem it better
to forego for a time the uses of such offices. The
mails, unless repealed, will continue to be furnish.
ed in all points Of the Union; and SO far as rossi-
BILE, the people everywhere shall have that sense
of perfect security which is most favorable to
calm thoughts and reflection. The course here in
n IL L. Gll---l 1
expsrisnce should show q usodi6casion or change
to ha proper and iuseyerg ease sor ~exigency my
boss discretion will DO exercised according to
circumstances actually existing, and with a view
and a hope Of q peaceful solution of the national
troubles, and the restoration Of the fraternal sym
pathies and affections.
WHAT THE CONSTITUTION DOES NOT SAY.
No foresight can anticipate, nor any document
of reasonable length contain ex press provisions
for all possible questions. Shall f~ugitives from
labor be surrendered by National or State authori.
"? The Constitution does not expressly say. May
Congress prohibit Slavery in the TerritoriesH The
Constitution does not expressly say. Must Con-
gress protect slavery in the Territories2 The Con-
stitution does not expressly say. From questions
of this class spring all our constitutional contro-
versies and we divide upon them into majorities
and minorities. If the minority will not acqui-
esce, the majority must, or the Government must
cease. There is no other alternative for continuing
the Government but acquiescence on the one side
or the other.
THE SUPREME COURT,
/ DO not forget the position assumed by some,
that constitutional questions are to be decided by
the Supreme Court, nor do | deny that such de-
cisions must DO binding in any case upon the par
ties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while
they are also entitled to very high respect and cor
sideration in all parallel cases by all other depart
ments Of the Government, and while it is obvious
ly possible that such decision may be erroneous in
any given case; still, the evil effect following it
being limited TO that particular case, with the
chance that it may be oyerruled and never become
q precedent for other cases, can better be borne
than the evils of a different practice. At the same
time, the candid citizen must confess that if the
policy Of TIE government, upon vital questions aE-
fecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed
by the decision of tho Supreme Court, the instant
they are made in ordinary litigation between par
ties in personal actions, the people will have cea-
sed to be their own rulers, having to that extent,
pructlchiy TeSlRueu tnelr government 1910 the
hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in
this view any assault upon the Court or the JuJg-
es. 1t is a duty from which they may not shrink
to decide cases properly brought before them, and
it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their
decisions to political purposes. One section of our
country believes slavery is right and ought to be
extended, while the other believes il is wrong and
ought not TO be extended, This is the only sub
stantial dispute; for the fugitive slave clause of
the Constitution and the laws for the suppression
Of the ioreign slave-trade are each as we'll inforced,
perhaps, as any law can ever be in o community
whes the moral sense Of the people imperfectly
supports the law itself. Would the great body of
the people abide by the dry legal obligation in
both cases, after the separation of the sections,
more than befOreH The foreign slaye-trade, now
imperiectly suppressed, would be ultimately revi-
we'd without restriction in one section; while fugi-
tive slaves. now only partially surrendered, would