Daily national Democrat., 1861-07-23
The Message and ''the Main Pointr in
the Chicago Platform.

lect of this Government is "to elevate the
condition of men, TO lift artificial weights
froin all shoulders, to clear the paths of lou-
dabe pun suits for all, to afford all an unfet-
tered start and fair chance in life, yielding to
the partial and temporary departures, from
necessity" We said that it would be difficult
to show that the language we have quoted
does not embrace the negro slave. Had the
sentence been written by one who holds that
this Government was framed for willie men
alone, we could then readily interpret it. as
the Appeal does, to mean merely praise OF
American INSTITUTIONAL mere congratula-
tory reminder to American citizens of the
blessings of civil and religious liberty which
are enjoyed uader our system The Appeal
appears astonished that we could see any
"anti-slavery homily" in 1t, and asks: "would
the DEMOCRAT have had him say that the
leading object Of our Government is to ele-
vhte the condition Of all men "crcept niggcrs"
We frankly say, Yes We should have been
better satisfied that the message was free
We have no objection to the elevation of the
mental, spiritual or physical condition of the
negro, but we most emphatically declare that
we do not want his social or political condi-
ton elevated at all 1t is well known to
every reading man that the President has in
sisted in public speeches made as late as 1858,
that the Declaration of Independence does In
clude negroes, when it declares "That all men
are created equal" etc We do not intend to
elaborate this lhreadbare subject. The ne"
gro is not the equal Of the white man, and
neither parties, nor party Presidents can
ever make him 3d. 1t is because the Presi
dent has repeatedly shown us that, when he
speaks of the relations Of our Government
to call men," he means both black and white
men, that we were compelled to think he
chose the somewhat ambiguous language we
have quoted, to quiet the apprehcnsions Of
such red hot Aboitionists as feared that the
anti-slavery victory of November 1860 was
to be lost in the grand work of restoring or
der to American Republic and contentment
among its citizens. If the President had no
thought Of slaves when he spoke q afford
ing "dU an unfettcred start and fair chance
in life" why did he finish the sentance with
the words; yielding TO the partial and tenn
porary departures, from necessity DO not
all white men have an unfettered start and
fair chance in life, without partial or tempo
rary departures? The President must have
added those words to show that he acknow-
lodged the existence Of slavery as present
necessity, but he calls it partial aud tempo.
rary departure from the rule laid down for
all, If the Declaration of Independence in
cludes black men among those who are ere
ated equal, then the Presidents message in
cludes black men among those whose condi-
ton should he elevated. When the Presi
dent unsays his affirmation of the former
proposition, his message will contain no anti
slavery homily. "Praise of American insti-
tutons' and ultra anti-slaveryism go side by
side in the portions of the message under con-
sideration and the "authority of the People,
and the rights of men" are the two seperate
and distinct terms used to cover the two sep
crate and distinct grounds But the Appeal
says that if our construction is u correct one,
yet the President sufficiently pledges himself
not to war against State or individual rights,
when he says;
"The executive deems it proper to say
that he WILDE guided by the Constitution
and the laws; and that he will probably have
no different understanding of the powers
and duties of the Federal Government rela-
tive to the rights of the States and the peo-
pie, under the Constitution, than was eX-
pressed in his Inaugural Address
Tie Erecutiye, then, will probably not go
beyond tie Chicago PLATFORM, which he SO
fully re-en dorsed in his Inaugural. This is
the pledge O which the President gives lest
there be some uneasness in the minds of can
did men as to what is to be the course of
the Government towards the Southern States,
after the rebellion shall have been suppress
ed" The pledge will not prevent the con-
sentative masses Of the North frosh electing
Congressman, who will be portion Of "the
Government, and who will "probably" have
different understanding of the powers and
duties of the Federal Government from
those who subscribe to the following:
IKE EIGurH Resolution OF THE Chicago
PLArgoRNI. That the normal condition OF all
the territory of the United States Is that of
freedom: That as our Republican fathers,
when they abolished slavery in all our ma
tional territory ordained that mo person
should be deprived of life, liberty or proper
ty, without due process of law" it becomes
our duty, by legislation, whenever such leg
slaton is necessary, to maintain this provi-
sion of the Constitution against all attempts
to violate it; and ere deny the authority Of
Congress, of7ewitoridl Legislature, or Of any
adiOiduaiS to giye legal existence to Sldpery
IN any Territory ofHe United States.
The President will receive the unanimous
support of Union Democratic Senators and
members of Congress in all measurs for the
suppression of rebellion. Every Democrat
knows that were Old Hickory now alive, his
name would be terror to the reasonable
enemies of the Nation, ond they will rejoice
to see President Lincoln do all that jackson
would do were he alive and occupying the
Presidential Chair. Union Democrats will
not however, vote for Congressional prohi-
bition or abolition Of slavery in the terrific
rcs They see now that the Chicago plat
form is to,be adhered to, to the very letter,and
thev beleye that n Union of thirty four