Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1861-09-21
UOzissa.ilA Of glsvgi;..;llsa' Frouout ana


CozaaeasIaR of slavss.-.Gea. FronSut and
nlf. binc0iu,
EDS LhAbER The present Importance |
Of the subjects indicated BY the above head
Ing, must excuse my asking space for their |
discussion. On the 9th Of August last, the
President approved An Act TO oOnhsca's
property used for insurrecLiOnHry pur
poses" The Arst section provides merely
that the property fused or employed in
aiding. sbettlBg or promoting such insur-
rection, or resistance to the laws" &c.
shall be liable to seizure and oonascAtiOn
The I'd and 50 provide the means Of such
oonasoation. The 4th declares that any
person claimed to be held 10 labor, &o.,
who shall BY his owner, So, Z" be required,
or permitted" "tO take up arms against
the United States" or TO work, or 70 be
employed in or upon any fort navy yard,
dock, srmOry, ship, sntrenehment or in
any military or naval service" Sc, the
person who claims such labor "shall for
felt his slain to such person so held to la
bOr," So,
1t will be seen that although this act
keeps up the important distinction between
persons and things yet its scope and pur-
pose, as applied to either, are SO absurdly
limited, that It can have no practical sp
plicStiOn. For It is the persons only who
are actually engaged, and tie things alone
which are actually employed, in the insur.
rectiOn, that can be eonhsestedi and by
the ordinary rules Of war, slaves SO taken,
and property 50 seized, always belonged to
the eaPtOrs, and needed the aid Of no act Of
Congress for their conascatiOn.
It certainly will not be claimed that reb
els whose slaves and property are taken
from them in battle, are to have more
lenient rule applied to them than beliger
ents in honorable warfare. There are no
rules of Judicial construction that can ex-
tend the scope of this act beyond this. 1t
Is thus seen that the text Of this law de-
serves no comment save sarcasm and ridi-
eule.
A few days since General Fremont, law
fully In command as the chief Of military
department invaded by formidable armies,
and infested with armed violence, declared
that within Gel tain specific limits, all with
in the lines Of his army, martial law should
exist. The purposes to be the better ac-
oomplished by this declaration were the
defeat Of the approaching armies and The
suppression Of the internal blood and viO-
Isnos. With logical reference to these
ends, Gen. Fremont declared, not that the
few slaves, if any, and the little private
property, brought BY these rebels into ac-
tual war, should DO liable to eonhscation !;
but their property is declared eonfsested
70 the public use, and their SIaVss, # day they
haVs are hereby declared free men," No mat
ter where the slaves might be, or how en-
.p'oyed no matter what the situation OF
the property, the status Of the owner deoid-
ed the fate Of his slaves and property. The
effect of this proclamation upon the eoun
try was more potent than if Gen. Fremont
hsd defeated the rebels in pitched battle
1t struck blow fully upon great prin
ciple, the throbbings of which produce rev
olutions, and lead TO thousand battles -
Il struck the educated perception and IN
taught Instinct Of high and low alike; and
a universal acclaim went up, as all recog
aized one brave, true, sagaoious man, with
the power and courage to say, under any
circumstances, that slave shall be free
who disregarded the sanctions that have
hedged the institution around, and made
it the one inviOlsble thing, that under NO
circumstances was to be approached
save with reverence; who thus rudely re-
duced it to the level Of common things, and
subordinsted it to the interests of the couu.
try and humanity. That proclamation in
spired more terror in rebel hearts than the
battle array Of our whole army, for it re-
vesled the gulf that will finally swallow up
the rebellion. It reduced the vauntiDg,
armed traitor, to disarmed, skulking
coward. It received the unqualified ap-
probation of every leading journal but one
in the loyal States. The Louisville Jour-
nal opposed it. not on the ground that it
manumitted q rebels slaves, but solely for
the reason that Gen. Fremont proclaimed
martial laW-that pOihl conceded, the rest
followed logically. With few exceptions,
su leading loyal men approved of it, Mr.
Holt perhaps being the most notable exeep-
: tion, while the masses of the people a.
once recognised it as q stroke Of Provi-
dence almost. r..1
Unfortunately this policy of Gen. FIRE.
mont does not meet the views of the Pres
ident and his advisers. A correspondence
took place between these just now two most
conspicuous men in he nation. Mr.. Lin
coin in effect required Gen. Fremont to
retract-step back, and recall SO much Of
his proclamation as related to the confs-
! cation of rebel property and the emsnci-
patton Of slaves. Gen. Fremont refuses,
and in q becoming manner says to the
President if the proclamation does not
suit him to change it himself ThiJ the
President assures the General he does
most chesrfullyi" and accordingly he
orders that the proclamation in its ObnOz-
ious parts shall be construed to conform to
the letter, and no policy, Of the above
named act of Congress.
When Major Anderson, without author
ity, advanced from Font MOultrie to Fort
Sumpter, Mr.. Buchanan would not order
him back, and hence an immense step was