Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1861-03-08
THE INAUGURAL OF PRESIDENT
LINCOLN.

Frem the Cincinnati Hnqrirerl
The inaugural Of President Lineoln appears
in our columns this mcrning. We are inclined
to think, from its clumsy and awkward con
structioD Of sentences and want OF literary ex-
eeilsnce, that It is a laborsd eomp0sition. We
ses traces Of The author Of the ally and sense
less speeches from Springfield to Wsshington.--
IN the IN haste which introduced, almost n tne
commencement OF the address, an aiiusion TO
an extract fram the Chicago platform Of the
Republican party, which good judgment and
correct policy would have carefully excluded
from It. Il shows that Mr.. Lincoin's thoughts
are upon bis party and bis party ereed--how
the former may be preserved and the latter
carried out-whsn he thus brings them so
prominently in the foreground.
The general character Of the message is not
conceived In a happy spirit, neither is It ap-
propriate or iudieious. The discussion OF the
abstract right OF secession is preposierols and
IDLE for Il Ia with stern facts and realities that
we have now to deal, rather than with meta
phFsical disputes.
The friends Of eomproniss and Union win
fad little or nothing to rejoice over in the mes
saVe. II speaks the views not Of The conssrv-
alive Republicans, but Of the radieals--of the
Chase and Greeley stamp, who are opposed to
ali compromise. There Is, Il is true, faint
approval Of a national convention to amend the
Constitution; but be says nothing Of what bis
friends would do In that body to bring sbsut
medication. There Is shorter way to amend
ihe Constitution than that Of convention
much shortsy-but be approves the longer
method. The fact that be advocates no gem
sral principles Of compromise OF paeifcation,
a measure which is imperatively demanded at
the present time, is most disheartsning, espe-
cialiy TO the friends OF the Union Ia the border
slave States, who have relied upon the hope
that be would take some tangible ground which
they could maintain at home against the
sscessionists-
He indicates very decidedly his sentiments
70 be for coercion Of the South. It is plainly
intimsted that be viii consider it his duty to
collect the revenue in the seeding States, en-
force the laws there, and hold, occupy and pos
sess the forts and property belonging to the
General Government in those States The wis
dom OF a policy Is to be judged BY it's fruits.
We religiously believe that il this progra mme
is carried out, 1t viii drive every border slave
State from the Uuion, bring on sanguinary
civil war with all the Southern States, from
Delaware to Texas. It will destroy the Union
permanently, beyond any prospect Of recon-
struction Il will infict upon the country ca
lamities and miseries which will make our era
memorable in history, and from which hu-
manity will stand aghast.
Nothing is more certain than that will be
the effect Of Nc Lincoln's force programme.
Its impolicy, madness and blindness cannot be
too strongly condemned. We trust that the
Hcurrent Of events and experience'' TO which
be alludes viii induce him to abandon the idea
of coercion, for otherwise the nation viii be
plunged into irretrlevabls ruin. Sagaeious
men Of all parties long since made up their
minds that coercion is not to be thought Of
that it is no remedy for, but would be an ag-
gravstion Of all our ills.
We fear the message will have very un-
happy effect In the South, and tend to widen
the chasm which separates it from the North,
and render a solution OF our difficulties more
difficult; that it will tend, in fact, to srscipi-
tate the crisis. We have the most painful evil
dencs in this inaugural that Mr.. Lincoln is
not a statesman; that he has not the least con-
ception OF that character, and that the des-
TIMES Of our country, at this critical period In
its history and fortunes, have been committed
to one incompetent to hold them. It is evident
that we must rely upCa Mr.. Lincoln having
good advisers, or the most terrible disasters
will oveTtake us.