Delaware State journal and statesman., 1861-10-22
THE GREAT QUESTION

The great business of this country being tn
ut down the present slayebolding rebellion, the
uestion, How to put II down is always in
rider for discussion, aud cannot he kept out Of
ight and hearing by any agreement Nhltev'r.
yheA We are told that We mus, yield to The Al
and to its method cf carrying On
he war, we readily assent. We must yield to it;
We do cheerfuly, cordially and earnestly support
Ill its measures for carrying on she war. Il
should have all the money and all the men il
wants, and it should not be embarrassed by un-
friendly and captious criticism. but when we
are told that the Administration has definitely
once for all, against the policy of
making use Of the negroes, free and slave, as q
weapon of war, we answer, first, by denying the
and, second that even If it's present
policy tends that way, there is no certainty aud
no probability that it is SO welded to its theories
or so embarrassed by its acts that its policy |
cannot be changed. Almost every man says he |
is ready for emancipation in case the war cannot
be brought to successful end withnutit Ii the |
Republic Slavery has got to go TO the wall, they
say. let Slavery go. They refuse, however, to
admit the emergency. Probably tho Alminis.
tration now does the same. Very well tho
question is one of opinion and fact We dOn't
deny that possibly the rebellion may be crushed
without freeing the negroes. But We are and
always have been for a short wnr. The present
condition of affairs doubtless has its charms for
contractors and adventures but the people,
especially the business community, prefer a Goa
dilion of peace, and will demand that the rebels
shall be put down as speedily and as efectually
as possible. If emancipation is the speediest
and mist effectual way, the people will sooner or
later find it out There ia nothing inthe history
or the present position Of the Administration
which leads us to suppose that its modification
of Gen FremOnt's proclamation is anything more
than an Indication of its policy towards Ken
lucky perhaps its temporary policy there II
is obliged to deal with questions as they arise,
aud the events Of week or day may induce or
compel a sudden and absolute change OF ground
Some new aspect of the contest, ZONE new dis e
aster, perhaps, may precipitate upon us the
question of emancipation for immediate solution ;
and THE N. y. Herald may be compelled to
change front upon it again as suddenly as it has
done within the last two months. The history ot
this war, on the part of both Government and
people, is little more than a record Of the dis
coyery of mistakes and the ratification Of bluud-
ers. Nobody is to blame The press which
supposed that the rebellion was a mere continu .
alton of the system of bullying by which the
South bad always won its victories, and the
statesmen who ianced it could be queliei by
patiently waiting thirty, sixly or ninety days,
were equally honest, bat have been proved equal
ly mistaken.
Among the most pernicous bluuders which
have embarrassed our waTlike operations, la,
been the bunder of undertaking the strength OF
the ebels AS o matter t course we have over
rated the strength of tho Confederate States; we
have regarded slaves as nn element Of weakne. n
assuming the ruth of the Old adage, $50 many
slaves, SO mauy enemies" and forgetting tha
they eau never be the enemies of their master.
until they nre treated as friends by US ; that II
best, in their present position, they are bu
neutrals, and as such, an element of ncithei
weakness nor strength to the enemy aud that,
from the moment Of our refusal to recognize then
as allies, or the desperate necessities of the re-
bellion compes, the Confederate Government Il
appeal to them for help, Slavery becomes al
element of positive and terrible strength
by q table prepared tor the American Alma
nae of 1861, by Mr.. KOnuedy, the Superintend
eut Of the Census, it appears that the free popu
lation of all the States, not including the Dis
trct Of Columbia or the Territories, was, il
1860, ~ $50, 070. OF this number, the Ere,
states had is 93l 800; the Slave states, S,4iS.
71l. The eLtre slave population was 3,y0V,-
T6J. Counting the slaves us neutral, the RELATIVE
strength OF the two sections, without estimating
the difference as to the means aud appliances .
war, is represented by their Tree populations re
specively, Y q; as Is $40 to 10 Addinl
the slaves to the free population of the South
either as laborers, supporting the whites, or ai
combatants (and they ure already acting in tn
former capacity, and sooner later will be il
both), anu the relative proportions as Is S-l
to II 40. Adding the slaves to the population
of the North, and the proportions are - g. 10 I
40.
Mr.. Hickman's proportion seemed simple AM
feasible. Eighteen millions can overpower eigb
millions. 1t was based on the supposition o
the neutrality of the slaves. This a deluso
now, and will prove Il greater and more fearful
delusion as the war proceeds 1t is Roir practi-
caly eighteen millions to twelve millions Bu
we may better MIR. Hickman formula, aud max
it twenty-five millions to eight millions, or theI
abOuis, ii We please. To one complexion or Tia
other it must come ut last. However anxiou
our Government may be to protect the Unio
men of the Border States, without requiring any
thing Of them in return except that they sha
I allow our troops to guard their farms, hen
} rOosts, and slave-pens, jeff. Davis will allow II
neutrality in his doninions. This war will up
: turn the foundations OF Southern society an
every man, woman, and child must take part, o
, one eide or the other. The four millions q
irrepressible Africans must work and fight O
q one side or the other; and, ii not all9wed
work and fight for us they will work and fgl
4 against us.
! Now let us look nt some further deduction
( from Mr.. Kennedys tables. Slaves between til
! ages of fifteen aud sixty are regarded as abb!
bodied, for working or fighting There were,
III looui uetMeeu NHese hBtH3 olOtf@D lnhle slufe
r In 1850, calculating the Increase in the san
/ proportion Us the increase of the whole slave pol
Il ulatioD, there were l0l9, ,2S. Every one Of the.
men is now ut work, supporting the famili,
d of the rebel soldiers, or performing the exhaus
q ing labor of the ttnches and the drudgery of Il
i, camp, which Northern 'mudsills," in our armie
ii have to do for themselves. In Maryland. the
10 Hre % 600 of these able-boded male slave
+ There were in Virginia, in 1850, l2l ,5GI abl
bodied male slaves; to day there are ll6 OO
Z. and ID 900 able-bodied free cOlOred men-l4U
y 600 men helping support the Rebel armies,
i, not actually helping to constitute the Reb
N armies. Suppose We permit them to work f.
+ usy or supposug We should welcome the
e within our lines, instead Of sending them bac
to report of our flag that it is the emblem OF Of
preston, and of cur eagle that for the poor su'
e his bones are bones OF brnss and his feathe
II are iron? How long, in such case, woul
?. Deauregard faunt the rattlesnake flag in sg
v Of the White House? There nre 63, ,322 Of ii
e sime class in Kentucky 80, ,35S in Tennessee,
/. and in both States, 4 100 able bodied free colo
ed men. Total, in both States, l26, COO Wha
Allies or enemies? Every one Of them is Uni,
man, and, If we choose to have him 30, Il fight
for the, Union. North Carolina has rs 900 Of Il
same class. beside 5000 free colored men
South Carolina, lOi 900 of both classes
Georgia, l5,00O Alabama, Ill 800; Mssi
e sppi, $4,000; Louisiana, 0lOO; and Mis-
e souri,, 27,150 These figures, compiled wi
h care, show the strength of this class in the Boz
II der Atlantic, ard Gulf States. On which sid
u at each point Of landing shall this immense for
? frht and work 2-Trikune.