Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1861-01-25

them from allegiance to the State The Con
stitdtidn Of the United States, and the laws
made in pursuance thereof, are the supreme
law of the land, paramount to all legislation of
the Staies. whether made under the Constitu-
ton, or by even their organic conventions
The Union can be dissolved, not by secession,
with or without armed force, but only BY the
voluntary consent of the people of the United
States, collected in the manner pres cribed by
the Constitution of the United States.
Congress in the present case ought not to
be impassive. 1t ought, if it can. to redress
any real grievances Of the offended States. and
then it ought to supply the President with all
the means necessary to maintain the Union in
the fall exhibition and discreet exercise of its
authority. Beyond this, with the proper ac-
tivity on the part of the executive, the respon-
sibility of saving the Union belongs to the
people, and they are abufdaHtly competent to
discharge it.
propose, there fore, with great Difference, to
address myself to the country upon the momen-
tous subject, asking a hearing, not less from
the people within What are called the seeding,
than from those who reside within the adher-
ing States.
Union is an old, fixed settled habit of the
American people, resulting from convictions
Of its necessity, and therefore not likely to be
hastily discarded. The early States, while ex-
isting as colonies, we're combined, though i'm
perfectly, through common allegiance to the
British Crown. When that allegiance ceased,
no one was so presumptous as to suppose po-
litical existence compatible with disunion ;
and, therefore, on the same day that they de-
Clared themselves independent, thoy proclaimed
! themselves also confederated States. Expe-
fience ID war and in peace, from 17T6 until
| 1887, only convinced them of the necessity of
converting that loose Confederacy irto a more
perfect and perpetual Union. They acted
with cooIpss very different from the intemper-
ate conduct of those who now on one side
threaten, and those who the other rashly
defy disunion. They considered the continu-
ance of the Union as a subject comprehending
nothing less than the safety and welfare of ali
/ the parts of which the country was composed,
and the fate OF an empire in many respects the
most interesting in the world l enter upon
! the subject of continuing the Union now, deep
| ly impressed with the same generous and loyal
conviction. How could it b. otherwise, when,
instead of only thirteen, the country is now
composed of thirty three parts, and the empire
embraces, instead of only four millions, no less
than thirty millions of inhabitants.
The founders of the Constitution moreover
regarded the Union as no mere national or
American interest. On the contrary they con-
frssed with deep scnsibiity that it seemed to
them to have been reserved sfor the people of
This country to decide whether societies of men
are really capable of establishing good govern
mcnt upon reflection and choice, or whether
they are forever destined to depend for their
political constitutions on accident and force
They feared therefore, that their failure to con
tinuc and perfect the Union, would be mis-
fortune to the nations How much more, sir.
would its overthrow now be calamity to
mankind
Some form of government is indispensable
here as elsewhere. Whatever form we have,
every individual citizen and every State must
cedc to it some natural rights t. invest the
Government with the requisite power. The
simple question therefore. for us now to decide
while laying aside ;ll pique, passion and preju-
dice is whether it conduces more to the inter
est Of the people of this country to remain for
the general purposes Of peace AMI war, com
merce inland and foreign, postal communica-
tions, at home and abroad, the care and dispo-
stion of the public domain, colonization, the
organization and admission of new States, and
generally, the enlargement of empire, one ma
tion under our present Constitution, than it
would be to divide themselves into separate
Confederacies or States.
Our country remains now as as it was in
lT67-cOmposed not of detached and distant
Territories, but of one whole well connected
and fertile region lying within the temperate
zone with climates and soils hardly more va
| riotis than those of France or Italy. This
Sight diversity quickens and ampliies manu-
acture and commerce. Our rivers and val
/ Ieys, as improved by art, furnish US a system
Of highways unequalled in the world. The
different forms of labor, if slavery were not
perverted to purposes Of political ambition
need not constitute an element of strife in this
Confederacy.
Notwithstanding recent vehement express
sions and manifestations of intolerance in some
quarters, produced by intense partisan excite
ment, we are, in fact, a homogeneous people
chiefly of one Stock with accession, well assim
Hated. We have, practically, only one Ian
guage, one region, one system of government
and manners and customs common to all. Why
then, shall we not remain henceEorth as hither
I to. one people?
The first object of every human society il
safety or security, for which, if need be, they
will, and they must sacrifice every other Thi
security is of two kinds one, exemption
from foreign aggression and influence; tn
other, exemption from domestic tyranny ant
sedition.
Foreign wars come from either violations 0
treaties or domestic violence. The Uniol
has, thus far, proved itself almost a perfee
shield against such wars. The United States
continually enlarging their diplomatic &C
quaintance, have new treaties with France
the Netherlands, Great Britain, Sweden
Prussia, Spain, Russia, Denmark, Mexico
Brazil. Austria, Turkey, Chill, Siam, Muscat
Venezuela, Peru, Greece, Sardinia, Ecuador
Hanover, Portugal, New Granada, Hesse Gas
sci, Wurtemburg, China, Bavaria, Saxony
Nassau, Switzerland, Meckenburg, Schwerir
f Guatemala, Hiawaain Islands. San Salvador
BOrneo, Costa Rica, Bremen, the Argentin
Confederation, Loo Choo, Japan, Brunswicb
Persia, Baden, Belgium and Paraguay. NeV
l ertheless, the United States within their er
I tire existence under the Federal Constitution
: have had fragrant wars with only four State
e two of which were insignificant Powers, o
i the coast of Barbary and have had dire
b hostilties, amounting to reprisals, against Oh
f y two or three more and are now at peac
| with the whole world
s If the Union should be divided into onl
n two Confederacies, each of them would nee
n to make as many treatiesas we have now
c and Of course, would be liable to give
+ many causes of war as we do now. But v
T. know, from the sad experience of other n
i tions, that disintegration once begun, newt
it bly, continues until even the greatest empil
y crumbles into many parts Each confeder
:, tion that shall ultimately arise out of the ru
10 Of the TIni0n will boyo paoorcitifv for mai