The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-01-13


harmony to the antagonistic sections, while re-
voluticn rushes on like a torrent suggests the
| picture Of man waiting on the bank Of the
| Mississippi till its waters flowed of, in order
to allow him to pass over. The river will con-
| tinue to flow, and the revolution will con-
tinue to roll on. Louis Philippe and
his responsible minister, feeling secure in
| the fortified stropgholds in and around Paris,
and relying upon the strength OF their mighty
army and navy adopted the waiting policy in
IS4S They would make no concessions till
the revolution was successful They then Offer
| cd more than would have satisfied tine people
! at first; but they were answered in tones of
thunder, at is too late" So, we fear, will it
be with the new President elect and bis Pre-
mier They will be sorry they had made con-
cessicus when it was too late Mr. Seward makes
q powerful argument in favor of the Union,
and points out the horrors of civil and border
war; but he proposes nothing to save the one
or prevent the other. His own speech, there
fore, is the most complete condemnation Of the
lame and impotent conclusion at which he ar
rives. Without sacrifice, or loss, or danger, or
dishonor to the Northern States, he could have
presented bill which would have been adopt
ed by both houses, and would have settled
the whole question. He has done nothing of
the kind, and hope seems to have hidden fare
well TO Congress.
In this impending crisis, on whose solution
| the future veal or woe of the country de-
| pends two men-Abraham Lincoln and Will
| liam ii. Seward-hold its destiny in their
hands, as the Duke of Wellington and Sir
Kingdom Of Great Britain and Irelend'' in the
year 1929, when civil war was looming sp in
such formidable proportions as to appal even
"the hero Of hundred fights" whose intrepid
| firmness in danger gained for him the soubri-
quet Of s'the Iron Duke" History has been
defined to be PHILOSOPHY teaching by ex-
ample !" but this lesson from the modern
history Of our own Anglo-Saxon race in the
mother country is instructive in an eminent
degree.
The bold and brave way in which the peril
was met in Old England did more to immortal
ze the victor of Waterloo than all the battles
he ever won, and it is also the broad pedestal
on which rests the lasting fame of Sir Robert
| Peel his colleague at the head Of the govern
ment Happy would it be for Lincoln and Sew
ard, and happy for the country, If they only
solved the difficulty now before them in the
Same heroic manner. The loss Of one-third of
the British empire was then at stake; the loss
of one third of the United States now trembles
in the balance-with justice and peace in one
scale, and the dread alternative of civil war in
The other.
For centuries the people of Ireland had been
wronged by England, and one great element of
injustice was that the Catholics, who constitut-
ed the great bulk of the population, were treat
ed as slaves and pariahs, their religion banned
and none who professed it permitted to repre-
sent the country in Parliament or hold any of.
nss. H. a. 49, 1000, 49, ~--.--.ss1sr.i
attempt of Ireland two years before to throw
Off the British yoke by revolution, the Irish
Parliament was induced, by brides in money.
in titles and in Offices, to commit telo de Sc, and
vote the humiliation of its own Independent ex-
istence. The Catholic bishops and Catholic lay
men Of influence were quoted and persuaded
to connive at the abolition of the Irish Lcgisla-
turc, and the establishment of Legislative union
with England. by the promise Of the enancipa-
ton Of their creed from the int0lerant restric-
tons placed upon it. But when Ireland was
secured in the union, and her limited indepen-
dence absorbed by the sister country the pro-
mise was forgotten, faith was broken, and it
was necessary for years to keep down the in
dignant people from rising in rebellion by
means Of instruction acts, disarming acts, and
other coercion laws. A systematic agitation,
which kept within the law, and professcd only
to influence public opinion in legitimate way
was set on foot in favor of Catholic emancipa-
lion, and became at last most formidable. II
was backed by the wing party in Parliament,
who claimed equal rights for Catholics, but was
opposed to the uttermost by the tory party, who
insisted on protestant ascendancy in church
and State as part and parcel of the revolution
of 1888. In the front ranks Of this latter party
were the Duke Of Wellington and Sir Robert
Peel. A general election Of members of Par
lament was held on this issue, and the result
was the triumph of the tories. The distinguished
Canine, who had been pgime Minister, and
lad proposed Catholic emancipation In Par
lament, was defeated by the party Of Peel and
Wellington, both of whom had refused TO take
Office in his Cabinet because he was known to
be favorable TO that measure, and according
to constitutional usage he was compelled to
resign, and shortly after died of "a broken
heart" In England, in modern times, the
sovereign is supposed to have no party predi-
lections, and has no power; the responsible
adviser Of the Crown is the real ruler for the
time being. The King, obeying the indications
of the popular will, summoned to his councils
the Duke of Wellington, who, in view Of the
storm that threatened the country, associated
with himself in the Cabinet Sir Robert Peel,
as his most trusty friend. Sir Robert was pru-
dent, and in some respects bis genius rcscm-
bled that Of Mr.. Seward. He was cold, calcu-