Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1861-12-07

the two people is present aud serious ca.
lhmty, en- though it were certain utterly
to vansh 10y Christmas. 1t has served TO
buoy mp the hopes ard animate the exer.
tion' Of the rebels through months ofseverc
privation aud eXhausting struggle it is
their soace and sheet anchor to day. Da.
Wis. new message shows this--for even he
could hardly choose to excite hopes that
he knew few days must dissipatc. He
spenks Of the arrest Of Slidell aud Mason as
morally certain to produce rupture be.
tween the U. S. and Great Britain.
Should the rebel hopes of decisive aid thus
excited be speedily and utterly blasted.
the revuison must 10 profoundly dcpross.
ing.
Every loyal American must hope that
our Government, while 1t ScrupulousIy
avoids even the appearance Of fear or on.
mnuly concession, Will be careful TO give
Great Britain no just cause of cumplninf,
whether by word or by deed. If the con.
fict OF nnthori les and precedents with re.
gard TO the &C Of Com. Wilkes in arrests ing
Messrs. Mason aud Slidell be such as to
justify even II reasonable doubt Of The com.
formity Of that proceeding to the Law of Ma.
tionS, let our EmbusSadur be authorized to
propose to submit the whole matter to the
arbitration of mutually friendly power,
cacll party agreeing to abide The decision
implicitly. Let US show ourselves more
anxious 10 do right than 10 secure odvan.
tagc, and convince The civilized world that
the reign Of Manifest De. tiny and Filibus.
ierlsm In our National Councils has passed
away for ever.
But, let this cloud be ever so promptly
and thorougly disipated, there will sill re-
main the old irritalion--thc reciprocal ar
raignmuts for wrongs meditoied or actual.
y committed. ] take up late Saturday
Heretr-;he ablest and most influential Of
| he LONDON weekles--and read column af
ter column os fierce dintribes against, "thc
'rJnstice OF their meauiug our newspa.
perS, the insoleuce Of their Ministers" etc
etc. II asserts that Gov. Seward 'seems
to represent in the coarsest form the de-
feCtS and peLudices of his countrymeun
He is further uccused of having "blusterrd
against the unoffendng Government and
people of England" The Reric,0 sogely
observes that "the Government of Washing.
ton ought TO take care that i'll will or i'll.
breeding is not allowed TO exagernte itself
| into practical Outrage. Issue after issue of
his ublo aud Influential sheet speaks of he
wanton hostility aud measureleSs malignity
Of the American press" as though every
| one of our journals did nothing from week
10 week but asSail and defame G eat Brit.
ain. That American journalism has no
other thought Or purpose hut the conquest
or nnncxItioa of Canadn, Nova Scotia. etc. +,
has been ilerated and reiterated by leading
British presses as If it were not only uotori
GUS but uuqueSloned Yet we who read
and see hundreds OF our journals where our
London contemporaries see less than half "a
dozen. .ifany know that it is utterly mistaken
That, "uh the exception Of u sing lie noisy
aud unhappily conspicuous bnt neither
powerful Or heartily loyal n 7. journal
here has been vey little uttered through
our press which he most scnsive Briton
need vince at Yet THE Times (London)
caunot print Mr.. Charles Francs Adams
pacific and fraernal speech at the Lord
Mayors state dinner without Oppendimg the
scarcely civil comment that
"Mr. Adams speech was so highly compi
mentary that we could wish America could
spenk TO Us by the mouth Of her Minister. and
lmeyer nt all in that common TO her Press
and her Secretary OF State"
Common TO her Press" says The Times,
though the writer who makes the broad aud
nomeutuous assertion probably never saw
a dozen different American journals, and
cannot quote three that have used offensive
or irrallg language toward Great BriIaia.
But snch language is common to TIE "
Y HerGM aud The Times sees fit habitu.
ally to quote that journal as though it were
the whule American Press This answer S
iIs purpose of exciting British perjudice a
ganSt the Union cause, which the truth
would sadly dsconcert.
| But Mr. William l.. Yancey-one OF
the unrecognzed envoys Of the Coniederates
undertook at u rival public dinner. the
task which Mr. Adams shnnned at The
lord Mayors, of giving the British public
aEateuent of the grounds of difference and
afnntion between the Secessionists and the
Union. Hear him
"I feel how unbecoming il would be in me Il
in,rude upon such an occasion as the present
any merely partisan views Of the causes whiel
have broken up the late Federal Union. NJ
mater what they may have been, one thing i
clcar, and that is that the contest now going oI
is ppon the part of the people OF the Conieder
ate States for the right to govern themselves
aud to resist suhjugation from the North
; (Henr hear) They occupy territory as larg'
as England France, Spain, and Austria togeth
: er--lhey are ten millions in number-ihey aT'
I chhAy producers Of important raw materials
and buyers Of every species, of all kind Of manu-
; lactured goods. their pursuits, soil climate
, and productions are totally dfftrenr from thost
of the North They think it their interest e
, buy where they can buy cheapest and to sci
: where they can sell dearest. In oil this th
North differs, talO cleo from them. and nos
makes war upon US to enforce, the supremac
Z OF their mistaken ideas and selfish interests
J. (Hear, here, aud cheers.)
q LIN other words: Mr. Yancey woul'
make the British believe thai the Southern
Rebellion was made in the interest not
a Slavery bnt of Free Trade-the Soul
i breaking OF from the Union because IN
: North insist on overriding her in enaciin
Il aud unfolding a Protective Tariff tn
v simple, recorded, nndenlable fact thu
when The Cotton States seeded, there ha
been no Tariff in existence since lSA6 whlc
they hnd not themselves dictated and SUI