, 1861-09-16

WAOEt fE1FiEE Ul Ah11I 10 N4l4&ucH uAu DRGU EN- |
plosed in hostile service againet the Government
Of The Ulited Slater, contrary to the provisions Of
this act.
Approved, August 6. 1851.
1t will be seen that while Gen. Fremont,
after declaring Martial Law, announces in
terms the freedom Of the slaves of all mas !
tiers who take part against the authority Of /
the United States, the President, ooersook- !
snQ Ae fact that Martial Latc ooe'Tides, as !:
1atlitd4y necessity, tie zams Of Congress as
sreu as tic zatns Of the State in aohieh It is
declared, narrows the General down to the |
liberation Of slaves that have borne arms
against the Government, or have been
employed upon some naval or military
work against the authority Of the United
States. We quote Fremonts language in
the Proclamation, that it may be contrast
ed with the law which the President re-
afIirms:
t'The property. real and personal Of all persona
in .hc State OF Missouri who eha1l take up aras
against the United states or who ehall be directly
proven to haye taken psrt with tieir enemies Ia
the field, is declared to be conhscated to the pub
hereby declared free men.
The difference is essential The law
| frees the slaves who have been engaged IN
| disloyal pursuits; the Proclamation frees
| the slaves of masters who are in rebellion
| against the Government By the law, the
! slaves Of Gen. Price ard Ex-Governor
jackson, if kept at home raising corn for
the rebels, must continue to wear their
shackles. By the Proclamation, the slave
Of the lowest and meanest Of the Missouri
rebels, the moment his master commltst the
overt act, becomes 8 free mRn. The dis
tinction is obvious
Our position is well known. There is
no Constitution, there is no law, for
rebels. They disown and defy both, and
can claim the protection Of neither. For
them MILITARY NECESSITY is the only rule
which need OF ought to be consulted and
until this ground is assumed and the battle
is fought On it, we are condemned to defeat
and djgrace THIS view, we believe, is
that which the people long ago adopted; !;
and they, with rs, will believe that the
: | uaS AQu1141ktCN ~ A1AAA<A
in this matter which no efforts can re-
trieve. Men will ask, and properly too,
Why Is there this extraordinary tender
ness when the question Of Slavery
, the tap-root of this wicked rebellion
. ! is touched, and such notorious disregard
Of the rights assuming that the Constitu'
, ! ton shields rebels) Of white men? Secre.
tary Seward telegraphs to Tom, Dick OF
, Harry, arrest this man or that and send
him to Fort Lafayette; and it is done
There is no law for it. The Constitution
forbids it !; but not day passes in which
some prisoner is not shut up without trial
without even warrant. The people ap
prove, because they recognize the necessi
ty tor each Of these acts; but they wan
= the same rigor carried into all operation.
=, | OF The GovernmeDt-in matters Whicl
- touch tie liberty Of the slave as well as tn
y most precious privileges Of the white man
Gen. Dix orders he arrest Of half tn
members Of the Maryland Legislature
and the whole country cries Amen
The property ofrebels is every day confis
u Gated without legal inquiry, and alway
upon er.TaTtc statements; and there is n
complaint among loyal men, no comp;:ne
tions on the part Of the Adminlstra
t tor, no appealing on the part Of the Pres
d ident to acts Of Congress already out {
is date. Not a bit Of it! But lay q fnge
s upon negro property, offer to interfe1
e with that "sacred relation" between reb
d master and loyal slave, and here COM
70 the Constitution and the law to witho
all acrilegious hands. We see Meth
good sense nor good policy in this delicaf
toward the man-sellers and women-whi
pcrs who have commenced this unho
war; and We shall be only too glad if Il
- Presidents action is moi the cause Of pr
:. found and widespread dissatisfactio
- among the men upon whom, for the su
~ cessful termination Of this war, and Il
=. support OF this now imperilled Cover
mint, we must depend?