Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1861-01-24
A Convention and Its Powers.

A Convention Its Powers.
We think that the progress of events is gradually
bringing all parties to the conviction that State Con-
vention ought to be called and that at distant day.
Virginia and Tennessee have already acted although
their Legislatures were called together long after the
meeting of our General Assembly, which has been in
session two months and has done nothing. Why even
Missouri has acted.
Of course in our position we receive batch OF letters
every morning. and nearly every letter open contains
some reference to the subject such remark this
What is the Legislature doing? Why don't they
call Convention? Do stir them up!' etc, etc.
Beyond doubt, the people want a convention; but
there appear to be difficulties in the way. Some inter
posed doubt, factiousy, others having weight with
many honest and intelligent members Of the Legislature
The bill first introduced contemplated restricted
Convention to be called by the action of majority Of
both Houses. The Convention bills now before both
Houses require the concurrence of twothirds and call
an unrestricted Convention, although the intent in call
ing such Convention is plainly intmated in the pream
be which makes reference to the present condition Of
our Federal Relations. We have been, and would
be- desirous 20 have the action of the Convention and
of course the attention Of the people in choosing dele
gates to such Convention confined to the sing issue Of
our Federal Relations. This is said to be legally in
practicable. The Convention, when called, represents
the sovereignty of the people, and cannot be restricted
by any legislative enactment although honesty and good
faith would dictate that body called and elected for
the consideration of specific question: and of the
ton which might be deemed necessary to take in order
to carry out any decision Of such question might be
arrived at, should not abuse its powers by taking cog
nzance of matters not desired contemplated either
by the Legislature in passing the BILL the people in
electing delegates
1t is feared by many that the Convention, when call
ed instead of devotiDg itself singy to the questions Of
Union and Secession together with their cOgnae issues
may wander of to the alteration abrogation, amend
ment change Of our State Constitution, or important
provisions thereof affecting the basis, both of taxation
and Of representation which course, if within the
limit of its powers, would certainly be an abuse Of
those powers. We have assurances from the West that
there will be effort to turn this Convention to
tona account, to abuse the powers vested in it
With these assurances we must try to be content. We
had better trust each other at home than by wrangng
put ourselves at the mercy of our enemies abroad.
But even supposng that the Legislature could legally
restrict Convention, and that bill calling restricted
Convention could be got through the Legislature.
question whether would be advisable to put too many
restrictions upon it. 1t will be easily understood that
changed circumstances might call for changes in
the organic law Such changes well as the necessity
for them will readily suggest themselves to every reader
We wish now to make few candid remarks upon
the subject Of taxation. During the canvass of last
summer we stated plainly position upon the ques
ton of ad vdoe taxation of the change of the
stitution so as to make slaves taxable as property
Zoo,
Others in opposition to such change, that the whole
question had been considered and settled in 1885, since
which time debts had been contracted that basis
We cOntended that it would be unjust after such debts
had been contracted upon basis to alter the Con-
sttution make them payable another and different
basis whereby burdens might be shifted from those who
did contract them to those who did not We also contend
ed tnasmuch the g1eatexpendure the State had
been internal constructed mainly for the
development of real estate it would be wrong to change
the Constitution to shift the burden of such expen
dures to the shoulders of class of property compare
lively ttef at all benefited by the works constructed
Our opinions these subjects are unchanged but it
to that state Of things might arise to which
the above reasoning would not apply. Weaude to any
debt contracted taxation rendered necessary by the
action of the Convention in decreeng secession or tax
ing other and positive steps for the protection of
the State. Inasmuch as this would be an expenditure
rendered necessary at least much for the protection
of slave property Of any other property perhaps
so, we think that all shareholders would cheerfuly sub
NIT to bearing their full more than their full share Of
all the burdens of the State so incurred and we think
that it would be within the scope not only of the powers
but of the duties Ct the Convention to make provision
to this effect.
We offer these suggestions because they appear to US
reasonable and fair and ask fair and reasonable consd
GRAFTON of them. Our proposition is, that present debts
and taxes being contracted levied upon the existing
Constitutional basis and under the understanding that
such basis should not be disturbed ought to be so left
but that in future all the debts and expenditures in the
nature OF war debt rendered necessary by movements
arising out of Federal Relations ought to be placed
upon the ad UaOre basis as far as practicable, due
reference being had to the best interests of the State
The Feeling throughout the state.-one Hundred
Guns at GreenvIle.
We had supposed that we had already alluded among
other indications of public feeling to the following fact
which was communicated to us by valued friend