The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1861-12-18
THE il. WA n-plAKrNG An IN PowER. y III

holy trust?1 Ohio Statesman. sa. I'd.
THE WAR-MAKING POWER
2 The abolition republican press as
sumes that Congress can emancipat,
the slaves as an exercise of the a'war'
making power Somuch is said about
this 'powerIthat it is well to inquire
what it is, and whether it really giYSs
the general government any authority
in the civil war? - ei'i a.'.a -'5', @ ..'l =
sgr The constitution expressly grants t.
the Congress thepower to declare war
1t also provides for the suppression q
insufrection and the repulsion Of inva.
sion. These three powers are essenti
ally distinct, and carry with them diff
ferent necessities and different iabili
ties. Thus it is undoubtedly discre-
tionary with Congress whether they
will declare war or not, and, when de.
clared, for what purpose they shall
pursue it,, and what use they shall
make of the advantages they acquire
in it.. AS incident to this power, they
may make what peace they please, Of
may impose any terms they have pow.
cr to enforce upon the enemy. Il
they conquer his country, they may a
bolish particular laws, or overthrow
his government and erect another o.
any form they may select, in its place
The law of victor and vanquished, the
law of superior force, alone would linn
it the action. This is the war>makine
power, and it will, if applicable to the
rebellion, justify the extreme position
of the abolitionists. But the question
at once arises, is it applicable?
In answering this we must have a
clear idea of what the rebellion is. 1t
is simply armed resistance to existing
institutions. The government, there
fore, in repressins it, only perform a
work of restoration. And in this con-
nection it will be evident that Congress
has not here, as in case of war, q dis
cretion as to whether they will or will
not act. They must suppress insur-
rection, because they are absolutely
bound to enforce all laws of the land
and maintain the authority of the gov
ernment over all citizens. Nor for the
same reason can they make what peace
they please with rebels, as they can
with a foreign enemy. Nor can they
impose upon rebels any different gov
ernment from that which is recognized
by the constitution, because that Would
be to change the institutions of the en-
tire country, instead Of forcing men to
obey those which actually exist. Yet,
as we have seen, under the war making
power, they could do all these things
to a conquered nation, "But why may
they not do to them to South Carolina,
or Georgia." asks the Abolitionists. =
i".Are they not in arms against 2the
government, and does not that lconsti-
tute war, and therefore an opportunity
to exercise the war-making power to
its utmost extent2" We reply that
South Carolina and Georgia are States
of the Union, in which loyal men have
vested rights, as well as rebels, and
that therefore, whatever destroys or
limpairs the constitutional sovereignty
of those States is an assault upon those
rights. To illustrate this: Congress, If
it should conquer Mexico, might under
the yar-makipg power, force her to
submit to a despotic autocracyyaThey
might impose upon her the government
Of Louis Napoleon, or Of Bomba., But
q citizen, Of Illinois may beaa citizen Of
3