New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-02-07

legislatc in regard to slaves anywhere where 1t
nOw has exclusive jurisdiction, without the coz
sent OF tie States which had made tie cession to
the United States of such places. The reverse
of this il now actually the case, Congress having
tie exclusive right Of Jurisdiction in oil such
places II the United States is to continue to be
a government, and not ceremony, it is not
only maniicstly proper that it should hold on TO
that right of jurisdiction, but rather than part
with it, or submit to any dictatiOn from the
South as to its exercise, the better way might be
to use its power at once, aud pnt the question
beyond further cayil by abolishiDg Slavery in all
those place..
The second article proposes tie line Of Sc 80
os the dividing line in tie Territories in regard
to Slavery, bcing essential! the same as that Of
the Crittenden Compromise. On this POINT,
eighteen States out OF tbirty-three had their say
OILY three months ago, and they reversed the
rurport of this article, and declared that Con
gress shall pass laws to prohibit Slavery in any
Territory Of the United States where there is
the least Danger Of its being established. We
don't think any of them baye changed their
minds on that subject, or are likely to do so.
The Convection of Washington had better take
INTO ferious consideration where the Fourteen
are Which give the least Indication Of reversing
their decision.
A. ticle is rs absurd as it is unneces-
sary. 1t proposes that the laws shall be made
effcctual for the suppression of the African
slgve.tradc. The Constitution does already all
that it can ON that point By prohibiting the trat-
fc, aud Constitutional prosiso that the Consti-
fulton shall be obcyed would be a ludicrous
bluEder, were il not intended as an arrant cheat,
Intended to cozen fools into the belief that there
was some gire to 50 much take in this game OF
Compromising.
The next article prohibil, Congress from inter-
fering with the domestic sIaye-trade On the
question whether Congress had this right of
interference, there was, twenty years and more
ago, q memorable struggle; and the fruits Of
battle for Freedom should never be lost. This
rigl. of suppressng the interstate traffic may
be If immense consequence in the event OF the
creation of two COnicderaces with some Slave
States still remaining in The Northern United
States Ii is, at any rate, one OF the powers
whereby the Federal Government has the power
to cripple Slavery, and it should never part with
IT, Rather let us say if there is any doubt on
the subject, that Congress shall have the power,
aud secure il by on amendment to the COnsti
tuition.
The next article denies to Congress the right
to NEEDLE with Slavery in the States. 1t has
never been pretended by anybody, except John
Quincy Adams, that Congress has any such right,
and he assumed only that it might he exercised
in case Of a scrvile insurrection. That certainly
is n right it ought not to part with, unless we,
at the same time, amend the Constitutional pro.
vision which makes it the duty of the Federal
Government to suppress domestic violence, by eX-
ceptng any attempt on the part OF the slaves 10
recover their freedom by force. According To the
Democratic doctrine of the right Of the majority
10 rule. the condition of white aud black ought
this moment to be reversed in the Empire OF
South Carolina. The President elect, we are
ante sure, would nevertheless recognize 1t rs his
duty to go to the aid Of any Of the citizens OF
that State who should demand il, in case OF
seryilc nsurrection. But should the slaves IN
the mean time get possession Of the arms and forts
now in the hands of their masters, they might
prove a very formidable foe, with whom it would
be- wiser TO treat than 70 fight. Here is case
of by no means impossible occurrence where " is
Of tho last importance that the right in question
should remain where it IL.
The sixth aud last article, like thIt in relation
TO the foreign slayc-trade, means nothing. II
proposes thut no territory shall be acquired
without the consent Of three-fOurths OF the
Senate 1t would BE- as easy to say aud would
mean just a. much ard just as little to say, that
territory shall be acquired by trenty. In either
case it would require but very small ingenuity to
escape such provision.
Such arg the amendments provided for by the
Border-State Committee. Two of them mean
nothing and the rest viii have no chance with
the people Of the North unless they are exactly
reversed. We trust the New-iOrk delegation
will clearly set before the Conference the certain
result Of any such Compromise.