The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1861-12-13

IahhIudy anu OHIiiantfy he mas served tue
country, from time far back in our history,
when few Of the now living had been born, and
henceforward continually, | cannot but think
we are still his debtors. | submit, therefore,
for your consderation-wha further mark oil
recognition is due TO him and TO ourselves as a
grateful people. With the retirement Of Gem
eral Scott came the Executive duty OF appoint
ng in his stead general-In-chiei Of the army
1t is fortunate circumstance that neither in
council or country was there so far as known
any difference ofopinion as 10 the proper per-
son to be selected. The retiring chief repeat
edly expressed his judgment in favor Of General
Mcclellan for the position, and in this the na
tion seemed 10 give a unanimous concurrence.
The designation OF General Mcclellan Is, there
fore, in considerable degree the selection of
The country, as we'll as of the Executive, and
hence there IS better reason to hope khe will be
given him The confidence and cordial support
thus BY .ar implication promised and without
which he cannot with so full efficiency serve
the country. ii has been said that one bad
General is better shan two good ones, and the
saving is true If taken 10 mean no more than
that an army is better directed by single mind
though inferior, than by two superior ones at
variance and cross purposes with each other,
and the same IS true in all Join! operations,
wherein those engaged can have none but a
common end in view, and can differ only as TO
the choice of means In stoIm at sea, no one
on board can wish the ship 10 sink, and vet,
notiunfrequenfly all go down together because
TOO many will direct, and no single mind can
be allowed 10 control Vt.
Every day continues to develop that the in
surrecion IS largely, if not exclusively, a war
upon The first principles Of popular government,
the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence
Of this is found III The most grave and maturely
considered public documents, as well as in the
general tone of the insurgents. To those docu-
ments, we find the abridgement of the existing
right of suffrage and the denial to the people of
all right to participate in the selection of public
officers, except The legislature, boldly advoca-
ted with labored arguments 10 prove that large
control oil the people IN the government is the
source Of all political evil. Monarchy itself is
sometimes hinted at as possible refuge from
the power of the people. In the present posi-
lion, could scarcely be justified were | to omit
raising a warning voice against this approach
Of returning despotism.
1t is not needed, nor fitting, here, that gen.
eral argument should be made in favor OF pop
nIar institutions, but there is one point, with
it's connection, not so hackneyed as most others
10 which | ask brief attention. It is the ef-
fort to place capital on an equal footing with,
if not above labor, in the structure of govern
ment. II is presumed that labor is available
only in connection with capital that nobody
laboIs unless somebody else owning capital,
somehow, by the use of it, induces him 10 la
bor. This assumed, il is Eext considered wheth-
Pr il is best that capital shall hire laborers, and
thus induce them to work by their own consent,
or buY them and drive them to it without their
consent. Having proceeded so far, it is natu-
rally concluded that all la1orers are either hired
laboTers or what we call slaves and further,
II is assumed that whoever is once hired labor
e lsd@ sb@fe b h6 sRetii RELATION between capf
tai and labor as assumed, nor is there any such
thing as free man being fixed for life in the
condition OF hired laborer.
Both these assumptions are false, and all in
ferences from them are groundiess. Labor IS
prior % and independent Of capital. Capita! is
only the fruits of labor, and could never have
existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is
the superior Of capital, and deserves much the
higher consideration. Capital has its rights,
which are as worthy Of protection as any other
rights nor IS 1t denied that there is, and prob
d
capital producing mutual benefits. The error
is 10 assuming that the whole laboring commu-
nifty exists within that relation. A lew men
own capital and that few would labor them
selves, and with :heir capital hire or buy an-
other few TO labor for them. A large majority
belong TO neither class; neither work for others
nor having others working for them. In most
OF the southern states majority of The people
Anll
while IN the northern a large ma iority are nei-
ther hrers nor hired. Men,wth their families,
wives, sons and daughters, work for themselves
on their farms, in their houses and in their
shops, taking the whole product 10 themselves,
and asking no iaVoTs of capital on the one hand
aor OF hired laborers on The other 1t is not
forgotten that considerable number of persons
mingle their own labor with capital, that is
they labor with their own hands and also buy
or hire others TO labor for them.
No principle stated is disturbed by the exis-
tence OF this class. Again, as has already been
salc, there is not, OF necessity, any such thing
as the free hired laborer being fixed TO that con-
dItlon for life. Many independent men everv-
where IN these States a lew years back IN their
lives were hired laborers. The prudent penni-
less beginner in the world lahors for wages
awhile, saves surplus with which 10 buy tools
or land Tor himself then labors on his own ac-
count another while, and at length hires anolh-
er new beginner to help hlm. This is the lust
and generous and prosperous system. which
opens the way 10 all--gives hope TO all and
consequent energy and progress 10 all. No men
hVlng are more worthy 10 be trusted than those
who toll up from poverty, none less inclined TO
take or touch aught which they have not hon.
sstly earned. Let them beware OF surrender
ing political power which they already pos
sess, and which, If surrendered, will surely be