St. Paul weekly Minnesotian. (St. Paul) 1860-1861, 1861-01-11
Cassfus M. Clay On the Secession
Question.

A letter from Casslus NJ. Clay, dated at
White Hall, Ky, Dec Is, 1860, was read
at Republican Union meeting in Indian
apolis the other day. Mr. Clay says:
The threatened dissolution of the Gov
eminent Of the United States Of America,
takes no rejecting man by surprise.
| He says the cause Of this threat is Meth
er the personal liberty bills of the North.
nor the refusal Of the Republican party to
permit slavery to 60 into the erritories,
nor the election Of Abraham Lincoln to
the Presidency. He says:
The South knows that Mr.. Lincoln is
Kentuckian by birth, and has Kentucky
born vile, and numerous slaveholding re-
latives--that he is an old Henry Clay
Whig-a conservative by temperament,
antecedents and avowals, and that all the
Constitutional rights of the South will be
by him thoroughly protected. In fact, the
leading minds 10 the secession movement
now absndon this ground Of offence
What, then, is the cause Of the disunion
move2 1t is simply desire to rule or ru-
in-the old passion III the hearts OF our
humanity, which we are told is as old as
the race, and antecedent to it in the devils
of old.
Now, what shall the Republicans dos
They can have peace by acquiescing in
all the demands of the slave power; but
it is peace at the expense of their equality
10 the government, and the loss of their
Liberty! There may be some who, like
Esop's fat dog, will accept the terms; but
|, who, like his wolf, have not only seen
the marks of, out felt the collar, will part
company here We can have peace by
allowing the government to 90 into DISCO
luton. Mr.. Lincoln can say in his inaugu
raj, whether issued from Washington or
New York: "All those States which
stand by the Union, come up and take
the cath Of allegiance to tile Constitution
of the United States of America, and the
laws made in pursuance thereof, and
those States which choose may peaceably
file off to whatever new afiinities may at
tract them" But look at our plains, our
mountains, our rivers, our seas, and say
how long would such peace last. And
lastly, we can have peace by standing on
the constitution, land the laws Of our
tathers) as it was, IS, and shall be, and ma
king others do the samoa peace which
will secure us safety at home, and respect
Abroad peace which will continue the
grandest development of civilization which
the world has ever seen and which,
trust, the Providence of God designs shall
be heightened out into the far centuries,
when the sword shall be turned into the
pruning hook, and the lion and the lamb
shall lie down tOGether forever |
But suppose TIE time has come when
the justice of God shall be no longer with
held, and the madness of slavery shall
seek out its own destruction by dissolu-
t,on Of the Union--peaceable or forcible-
what then? Shall we give up all as losti Not |
at al. God rules still. Ii the Cotton |
States go--they so to ruin sooner or later |
The grain-growing States may stand by us
give up their slaves-double at once |
their whole property by the advance of
real estate--hy immigration and capital |
from the free States and foreign nations /; |
or, il they prefer, keep their slaves with
the same---or greater security in the future !
than in the past--subjecting their system
to our economical laws, and advancing civ |
izalion, till such times as we shall become |
a homogeneous nation and all Wi, still be |
well. But if double madness and folly |
shall send them of with the Cotton States |
still would the Federal Union stand, |
with twenty millions of free hearts and
hands to defend it at home and abroad
against world in arms.
10 such case we would seek by friendly |
negotiation with England, the Union of the
Canadas, which would more than compen-
safe US for the loss Of the South, and in
turn we would stand the ally of England
in her contests with foreign Despotislns
and the two carry on the progress and civ
ilization of the nations in that Union of
Sympathy, and race, and freedom, which
only now slavery forbids.
have thus hurricdly, my friends, given
you my thoughts rs they arise, without
fear or conceaiment. Some have said that
l ought to be silent.
Having just recovered partly from
long period Of pecuniary embarrassment,
brought on by my devotion to politics.
with family which now especially de-
Dands all my care-with prospects Of
place perhaps, which for quarter of cen
tury my principles have made impossible
Il am invoked in the language Of prudence
to be silent. Standing in the vanguard of
y great and dangerous movement am
told that leaders of revolutions rarely sur-
vive them. | may fall. by the hands Of
violence--may be driven into exile-and
suffer poverty and die in obscurity What
shall say What shall do listen
| hear the voice Of conscience---the voice
Of God-of the great dead 1.-The man
dies but his memory lives" ''Give ME
liberty or give me DEATH
Well. then, 1 think old Ben. Wade's
speech in the Senate, is the ,rue ground.
Let rs stand with and by him to the end
Il The Constitution-the Union and Laws
they must be preserved" With old
John Adams, " living or dying, stand by
the declaration
Your friend, c. VI. CLAY.