The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1861-01-05

the one hand we have the Republicans insist
! ing that Congress should prohibit the intro.
duc,ion Of slaves into Territories already free:
and, on the other the representatives of the
South contending for the right to settle in
any part Of the common domain, and there
to hold their property in slaves, a recognized
by the slavc-holding States, on an equality
with other species Of property recognized by
the laws ofoiher States. The general scope
| of this demand is perhaps defined in the fol-
lowing proposition, said to have been SUBJ
mitted to the Senate Committee Of Thirteen
by Mr.. Davis. of Mississippi:
" That it shall be declared by amendment
Of the Constitution that property in slaves,
recognized as such by the local law of any
ofthe States of the Union. sha stand on the
same footing in all constitutional and Federal
relations as any other species of property so
recognized and, like other property, shall
not he subject to be Invested or impaired by
the local law Of any other State. either in
escape thereto or by the transit or soiourn of
the owner therein. And in no case Whatever
shall such property be hjcct to be Invested or
impaired by any legislative act of the United
States, or any Of the Territories thereof"
This proposition, it will be seen. so far as
relates to the Territories. does not propose
any affirmative legislation on the part of
Congress, but simply restraints both Congress
and Territorial Legislature from dlvesting
the Shareholder Of his property in slaves.
Can it be that differences such as these,
relating to question admitted on all hands
to be entirely speculative, shall be permitted
to rend the country in twain? Should it not
rather be the patriotic rivalry Of each party
to take the precedence in proposing basis of
rationa. accommodation, and if none can be
reached by the mutual adoption of juste
m'l'eu. each might safely give to the other q
blank sheet Of paper and sevcrally agree to
abide by what the other party would write
upon it, within the limits of the Constitution,
as exponnded by the Supreme Judiciary of
| the land.
But, in any alternative, there is no demand
for precipilate action under this head At
the last session Of Congress Mr.. Toombs
voted for the following resolution, introduced
in the Senate by Mr.. C:ngman:
Rcso'red. That the er,sfins condition of
the Territories ofMe United Stutes does not re-
q"'rc the Intervention Of Congress for lie pro-
tetf'on Of property IN siuues.
When, at a subsequent stage of the pro-
ceedlngs, had on the passage of Mr.. Davis
resolutions, II was proposed to rescind this
declaration, because it related to a qucstio
of fact and was therefore ont of place in a
programme o: principles, Mr.. Hunter fully
and frankly endorsed its sentiment cons idcr.
ed as rule Of present policy. To this effect
he spoke as follows on the 25th May last :
" desire to say, in regard to that reso-
linton that accord in sentiment trith il, but
do not believe this is the place to put it. 1t
is declaration in regard to a question Of
fact. 1t is declaration of principle. For
this reason | have voted against all amend.
ncntS that were calculated to impair the
declaration of principles which was presented
by my friend from Mississippi on this occa-
sion. |, therefore, voted aga inst this resolu-
ton before, and shall do so again"
1t being admitted, then, that The existing
condition Of the Territories does not call for
" the protection of property in slaves, what
means the persistent urgency Of this claim
at the present time, when the relations of
this question have undergone no change
whatever Shall there be for benrance on
this head in the interest of party but none
in the interest Of country!
And equally may it be said to the Re
pnblicans, why insist on right to exclude
slave property from the Territories, when bv
so doing yon wound the Scnsihliiies, and, as
is verify believed by the parties concerned.
impair the rights of Shareholders under the
Constitution Of the United States e. Is such
an abstinence from the exercise of n disputed
power too great sacrifice to the cause of
fraternity VIII any substantial interest of
the North be compromised by such a conces-
SOU II is not pretended. And finally, ad
dressing both parties, we would ask. may
not this contr0verted topic be safely re,ega-
ted to the decision Of the later day, if there lie
no wisdom adequate TO the emergencies Of
the quo slion at the present time, when it
presents Itself IN the aspect ola theory rather
than OF practical fact, calling for immediate
and positive legislation
With reference TO the general demands of
the crisis that is now upon us, we have fully
to endorse the suhjolncd reflections of q
Southern religious contemporary:
{ Ii ever there was a crisis in the history
OF the country when existing and impending
evils called for wiser precautions and more
conciating counsels than the present, We
cannot recall it. Heretofore, when the pub.
lie mind has been greatly excited, the qnes.
ton at issue had its chief relation to some
material interest and to the political measures
by which it would be hlndered or promoted
But now there is an aggressive principle at
work, which ovcrrides all mere material in
tcrests and entering into the domain OF what
is called moral sense "a rule of action I'm
certain and capricions-and which makes sad
havoc with Scripture. with experience, with
covenants, and with civil and social relations:
and hence it is the most difficult of all to
arrest, control, or su5due. The history of
fanaticism IN all ages of the world, in al it's
varied FORMS furnishes innumerable illnstra.
I tons of this remark. 1t runs its course like
fever TIL it burns out. leaving its victim
either to perish or to recover by slow pro.
cess under letter regimen and healthier
atmosphere. Heretofore, when great crisis
has arisen. there have arisen at the same
time the men who were endowed with quail
ties indispensable 10 the exigency of the &C.
casion: men of broad and comprehensive
views, who, leaving the beaten road of poll
tics, could adapt their positions TO the cincr.
gency OF the moment, and turn to profitable
account change of circumstances and vicissi-
tudcs ofopinion, making them their auxili-
aries in reaching the most remote conse-
qnences of transaction, and who, by com.
binlng the present, the past and the future
and by conceding with dignity and defend
ing with firmness, have succeeded in staying
the elements of discord and in harmonizng
conflicting views. But fanatcism is utterly
reckless of consequences. 1t never makes
/ anV concessions and tho mona vo,, ,>,.,o.. a..