Keowee courier. [volume] (Pickens Court House, S.C.) 1849-current, 1861-02-23

Article 5, provides that the Congress may,
by vote of two.thirds, at any time, alter or
amend the Constitution of the Confederacy.
And article 6, that Congress shall have power
to admit other States.
Lincoln's Opinion and Movements
WAsHINGToN, February 14.-Lincoln, in
speech at Columbus, is represented to have
said: If the varying and repeatedly shifting
OF the present scenes are without precedent,
which could enable me to Judge by the past,
it seemed fitting that before speaking upon
the difficulties Of the country, [ should have
gained "A view of the whole field. To be sure,
after ALL [ might be at liberty to modify or
change my policy ms future events might make
such changes necessary. | have not main
tancd silence from any want of real anxiety,
and it is good thing that it is no more than
anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong
1t is consoling circumstance that when VIC
look about us, to find there is nothing that re-
ally hurts anybody. We entertain different
views upon questions, but nobody is suffering
anything This isa most consoling circum-
stance, aud from it, judge that all we want
is time, patience and reliance on God, who
has never forsnkcn this people
On the arrival of the train at Indianapolis,
Monday afternoon, nearly 10000 persons were
congregated to greet Mr.. Lincoln He spoke
from the balcony of the Bates House, from
manuscript prepared at Springfield, as fol-
lows
Fellow-Citizcns of the State of Indiana :
am here to thank you much for this nmgni-
fccnt welcome, and still more for the very
generous support given by your State to that
political cause which | think is the true and
just cause of the whole country and the
whole world. Solomon says, "Thcre is a
time to keep silence )" and when men wran-
gle by the mouth with no certainty that they
mean the same thing while using the same
word, it perhaps were as well if they would
keep silence The words coercion and
invasion" are much used in these days,
and often with some temper and hot blood
Let us make sure, if we can, that we don't
.misundcrstand the meaning of those who use
them Let us get the exact definitions of
these words, not from dictionaries, but from
the men themselves, who certainly dcprccate
the things they would represent by the use of
the words. What, then, is coercion 2"-
What is " invasion 2" Would the marching
of an army into South Carolina, without the
consent of her people, and with hostile intent
towards them be invasion certainly think
it would be " coercion, also, if the South
Carolinians were forced to submit. Buff the
United States should merely hold and retakc
its own forts and other property, and collect
the duties on foreign iInportations, or even
withhold the mails from places where they
were habitually violated, would any or ali
these things be invasion - or coercion p
Do our profcssed lovers of the Union, but who
spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion
and invasion, understand that such things as
these on the part of the United States would
be coercion or invasion of State? If So
their idea of means to preserve the object OF
their great affection would seem to be exceed
ingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills
of the hmocopathist would be much too large
for it to swallow. In their view the Union
as family relation, would seem to be no reg
ular marriage, but rather sort of " free love-
arrangement, to be maintained on passona
attraction. BY the way, in what consists the
special sacredness of a State speak no
of the position assigned to State liz the
| Union by the Constitution, for that by the
bond we all recognize. That position, how
ever, State cannot carry out Of the Unior
with it, speak of that assumed primary
right of State to rule all which is less thar
itself, and to ruin all which is larger than it
self If State and county, in given case
should be equal in extent Of territory anc
equal in number of inhabitants, in what, as
matter of principle, is the State better thar
the county? Would an exchange of name
be an exchange of rights? Upon principle
on what rightful principle may State, bein,
no more than onc-fiftieth part of the natlol
in soil and population, break up the natioi
| nd lu lae och
division of itself in the most arbitrary way
What mysterious right to play tyrant is con