Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1861-03-06

Il
affirmative, then by every law, human an
divine, we snail be justified in ,0reSti'4g
from Spain. if we possess the power; an
this upon the very same principle tha
would justify an individual in tearing dow
. the burning house of his neighbor. if ther
were no other means of preventing tn
fla Ses from destroying his own home. Tn
der such circumstances, we on ht neither t
count the cost nor regard the odds whicl
Spain might enlist against US. We forbea
to enter into the question whether the pres
ent condition of the Island would justif,
such a measure. We should. however. b
recreant to our duty. be unworthy of Ou
gallant forefa theirs, and commit base trea
son against our pOsterity, should We permi
Cuba to be Africanized, and become a sec
ond ST. Domingo, with all its attendan
horrors to the white race, and suffer tht
flames to extend to our own neighborin!
shores. seriously to endanger, or actually
to consume, the fair fabric of our Union
We hear that the course and current o.
events are rapidly tending towards such a
catastrophe"
Mr.. Speaker. suppose that, under the
advice of the 0stend manifesto, during the
administration of President Buchanan, the
island of Cuba had been .'wrested from
Spain" at a cost of S2O0,000,000, and
twenty thousand lives. for, according to
the manifesto, I'VE ought neither to count
the cost, nor regard the odds which Spain
might enlist against us" and had been ad-
mitted into the Union on an equal footing
with the original States, and she, too,
should join in this recession stampede, and
should resume her sovereignty, and again
attach herself to Spain. What would
President Buchanan say to this? Why, he
would probably say "She had no right to
secede; but the Government has no power
to prevent it" Would not the nation and
the world prize highly such craftsmanship?
Well, sir. this is the craftsmanship of
President Buchanan, as exhibited to US in
his annual message. Secession is revolu-
ton, and nothing but revolution; and it
may be defended, if the causes are sufi-
eient 70 justify it in the judgment of the
civilized world. will not, therefore, en-
large upon that point. regard it as too
clear to admit of further argument or con-
trOversy.
Mr.. Speaker, 1 therefore conclude that
we have Government worthy of perserv-
alton. But | repeat that. if one or more
of the stars in our constellation have a
right to shoot off at will, independent of
the central sun-the Constitution of the
United States-then our Government can
no inspire cOn6aence at home or command
respect abroad; and we need not rack our
brains, and screw up our consciences to
the sticking point of compromise. for it
cannot be compromised into reSpectability.
With these brief remarks upon that
point, now come to the consideration of
the alleged causes for the overthrow of this
Government, and whether or not they are
sufficient 1t is very difficult to get at the
exact causes of complaint When we look
to the ordinances of secession and the man
ifestoes of the seeding States. the INSULT
ciencies of the causes for the revolution
which they have inaugurated must strike
e .ery one.
One of the alleged causes of complaint
is the action of several of the northern
States in the passage of personal liberty
bills. Now. let me remark here, for it is
true, that large majority of what are
now termed personal liberty bills. were en-
acted more than ten years ago, before the
passage of the fugitive slave law, and be-
fore James Buchanan was inaugurated
President of the United States. So far as
any of those laws violate any provision of
the Constitution of the United States, they
are null and void. Have the southern
States which are now complaining made
any efforts to induce the Legislatures of
the northern States to repeal those laws?
Have they sent commissioners or agents
with view to test their constitutionality?
Not at all. When any State north does to
a State south, as South Carolina did to
when she sought in peace
able way to institute an amicable suit in /
the United States court within the State |
Of South Carolina, to test the constitution !
atty of a certain law of South Carolina,
operating oppressively upon the citizens of
then admit that the south ]
srn States will have just cause of COM
plant. But the northern States never
nave iDterpOsed, and L trust they never
will interpOse, any obstacles to testing the /
,onstitutionality of any of their laws. 1t
las not been shown thus far in this debate. /
and do not believe it will be shown in ,
is continuance. that a single slave has
been helped away by means of any of
hese personal liberty bills. If, then, these
avs are a good cause for dissolution of
The Union, that same cause existed, with .
IS much force as it does to-day, when James
Buchanan was elected President
know, Mr.. Speaker, that a certain kind
IF property held in the southern States is
liabl- to appropriate to itself the limbs
which God Almighty gave it. and some
times to run away. 1t has been the case
.ver since slavery was introduced into the
country; it ever will be the case so long as
.he love of liberty has a lodgment in the
human breast. Slaves run away-or, to
lse the more constitutional phraseology
which We find in modern southern lexicons,
hey ''secede," they resume their sover-
'ignty;" and all of them that l have ever
seen are opposed to ''c,ercion." Well. it
sometimes happens that this kind of prop
erty' IN order to get away, apprOpriates
horse, or some other item of property, be-
onglng to the master, with a view to ena-
Die 1t more readily to resume its sovcr-
'lgnty; and, among slaves. this. idea is
lot very strange, but it is to be accounted
or by the fact of their southern education.
All of them seem willing to account for
his property on a fair settlement with
heir masters; just as the southern States
ay they are ready to account for what they
ave seized and stolen on a fair settlement
nth the United States.
l trnst Mr.. Speaker, that these person. ;,
liberty bills are no cause for a dissolu-
&L IL