Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-12-29
The objects OF LincoIn's war Upon the

| shange TO Be made
==.ez=.zs1..-s- s.-.s...szss-..s-.--.-..--=
The objects OF LincoIn's war Upon the
| south.
| LINCOLN has placed a fellow by the name Of
/ PHELPS in command Of one of his marauding expe-
| petitions slOpg cur coast, and that fellow now
holds ship Island. He has issued the following
proclamation "to the loyal citizens of the South
west" in which he plainly enunciates his under
standing of the objects of the war. This he does,
after coming fresh from LINCOLN.
The New York Tribune severely "cuts up" Gen
SHEENANs proclamation TO the people Of South
Carolina. 1; shows that he most carclessy con-
coded the mischievous doctrine Of "State sover-
eighty" and in fact placed himself ard his troops
in the attitude of enforcing the national sovereign
ty over State which, by his own careless admis-
sion, has right to oppose them IS invaders of Ler
territory. The Tribune also regards the whole
proclamation as wordy and in bad taste, and hopes
that the worthy General will fight better than he
writes. That hope has yet to be realized.
The Tribune ought to be no Better pleased with
the proclamation Of BFigadier General J. W PHELPS.
at present in command Of the Federal forces at Ship
Island near New Orleans. If PHELPs is not as cute
and bypOc1itical as SHEENA,s lie Is Cqusly yerdent
and decidedly more hensst and truthful, SO far as
relates to q declaration of the principles and mo-
tives of these who are wsging the present war
against the South lie draws the veil under which
the true character Of the "irrepressible conflict"
has been concealed by SEwARD and LINCOLN, and
tells the world plainly that Yankee abolitionsm IS
enly pretext-that the pretended philanthropy Ct
the Northern vandals is a mere sham, and that, in
IL s thoT,
ready to sacrifice the black raCe as they are to rob and
murder their protectors-in a wo-d, that the war
in which they are now engaged is war of conquest
plumber to end if successful in the dispassession o.
the present inhabitants ard ters of cur soil, and
the appropriation of it to the victOrs.
Here is his proclamation
PROCLAMATION OF Brig GEN PHELPS TO THE PEcPLE OF
The SOUTHWEST.
HEADQUARTERS MrDDLEsFx BRIGADE, SHIP IsLANDl
MISSISSIPPI, December T. 1861.
To the loyal citazsNs Of he Southeast:
Without any desire Of my own, but contrary to
ny private inclInstiCns | again frd myself among
Won as a military officer Of the Government. a
proper respect for my fellOW~countrymen renders
it not out of place that should make known to you
the motives and principles by which nay command
will be governed.
We believe that every State that has been admit
81
ton of the Constitution, has been so admitted II
direct violation of that Constitution.
We believe that the slave States which existed
as SUCH at the adoption Of our Constitution, are,
by becoming parties 20 that compact, under the
highest obligations Of honor ard morality to abOl
ish slavery.
1t is our conviction that mcnopclies are as DE-
structfve as competition is conservative Of the prin
cipes and vitalities of republican government that
slsvs labor ia g monopoly which excludes tree labor
fnf g ar liant IN rrfr,=No un-
five idIeness and in fertile half Of our arabic
national territory, while free white lsbOrars con-
stanty augmenting IN numbers from Europe, are
confined to the other half and often distressed
bv Wgnt that the free labor of the North has more
need of expansion into the Southern States, from
which It Is virtually excluded, than slavery had
into Texas in 1916; that free labor is essential TO
free Institutions that these institutions are natu-
rally better adapted and more cOngenal to the Ans
go Saxon race than are the despOtiC tendencies Of
Slavery and. finally that the dominant political
rriuciple Of this North American continent, SO long
a. the Caucasian race continues to flow IN upon
rs from Europe must needs be that OF free nstttu
TONS and free government Any distractions TO
ths progress of that form of government in the
United States must inevitably be attended with dis
cord and war.
Slavery from the condition Of a universally re
coppizsd social and moral evil has become at length
= Dolitical institution, demanding political recOgni
ti6n II demands rights to the exclusion and ami
hiaticn of those rights which are insured to Us by
! the Constitution and we must choose between them
| which We will have, for We cannot have both. The
Constitution was made for freemen-not for slaves
| Slavery as a social evil, might for time be toll
Grated and endured but political institution II
| becomes imperious and exscting, controlling. like
| = dread necessity, all whom circumstances have
compelled to live Endsr its sway, hsmpering thelE
| action, and thus impeding our national progress
As political institution 1t could exist as cO-Ordl
| nate mart only of two forms of government, viz
I ~ cOuld under
| a free government only where public sentiment, Il
the most unrestricted exercise of a robust freedom
leading to extravaganza and lipentiOusness haC
swaved the thoughts and habits of the people be
youd the bounds and limits Of their own moderat
constitutional provisions. lt could exist under
free government only where the people IN periO
of unrsasonirg extravaganza had permitted pOpula
| cIamor to overcome public reason, aTd had at
tempted the impOssibility of setting up permanent
w. as political institution, social evil which
| opposed TO moral law.
Bv reverting to the history of the past, we fin
that one of the most destructive wars on record
that of the French Revolution, was originated b.
the attempt to give political character 70 an institu
tion which was not susceptible Of political charGC
I ter The Church BY being endowed with politics
Dovar with its converts its schools, Its immens
landed wealth ito associations secret and open, be
came the ruling power f the State and thus coca
stoned war Of more strife and bOodshed, prooa
bly, than any OtEer war which has desoI&ied N
esrth.
actor than wa the church. Il is as ht sc this nc
u1ent for the lumber room Of the past as e was L
1898 the monastery the landA wealth, the exclusiv
privilege etc. Of the Catholic Church II France
II bahooves rs 10 consider as seif-gOveTnlng pee
, Me bres and reared and practCed in the hsbitn
self government, whether we cannSS whether W
OlgRt not to revolutiOnZs slavery out Of existence
, without the necessity of conflict Of arms Xix
that of the French Revolution.