Keowee courier. [volume] (Pickens Court House, S.C.) 1849-current, 1861-07-13

bcllgcrcnts.
These, it will bc observed, which nrc moth
ing moro than general classifcations or divis-
ions, leave undetermined the largo aud con-
stantly recurring questions of what articles
should Dc included i'll one or other OF the d-
visions. Tho factis, that as it has been long
since laid down by Lord Stowcll, anything III
the shape OF merchandise may be regarded as
contraband of war, if it is intended for tho
of late years. couls were never heard of as in
cluded amongst articles coptraband of war.
Goals, however, were so regarded by the Rus.
sian government in 1854, and by the Austrian
government in 1859. In fact, the law of ma
tons recognizes the right Of either belligcrcnt
to declare any article contraband Of war, pro-
vidcd duo notification be given to that effect.
On this subject Of contmband of war, the Flu
ropean Powers have, from timo to time, come
to arrangements amongst themselves. Such
an arrangement was included in tho treaties
of Ryswick, Nimcgucn and Utrecht; and at n
considerable earlier period an understanding
was arrived at on the subject of contrahanl
of war between France and England There
is nothing to prevent such an understanding
being entered into between the European
Powers, or any Of them, and the bcllgerents
on the other side of the Atlantic; and, in
the interest of maritime commerce, VIC have
ouly to say tho sooner it is arrived at the
better
| That the French Government should refuse
to entertain tho request of the Chamber of
Commerce that private property should be
respected in war times, if unaccountsble, is,
Mt least, inconsistent The Declaration of
Paris was the proposal, if net the work of
Count " alcwski, aud that Declaration guar
antccs the immunity of the cncmy's com
mcrcc under the neutral flag, and of neutral
commerce under the cncmys flag, contra
band of war excepted. TO say that all mcr-
chant ships not carrying contraband of war
shall DC exempt, is but to 60 step further in
the direction of the Declarations This step,
however, tho Emperor declines to take. 10
do SO would be, in his opinion, gratuitouSly
to weaken the naval force of France, more
especially as France possesses few colonies
and no great extent of foreign trade These,
it seems to us, arc just the reasons why the
French Government should aid ty every
means the liberation of commerce FROM the
disabilities attaching to it, whether in pence
commerce produced by hostiliics may be sup
ported by nation which has large colonial
possessions and commanding trade, but it
~
where these considerations are re, crscd-
| But the foreign trade of France is greatly on
the increase. 1t is time for France to take
her place as great maritime power, and to
declare in favor Of the adoption of the en-
| ightcncd, humane and progressive principle
of the immunity of the property of non.
conlbatants, whether by sea or by land from
the ravages of war. Perhaps, however,
France is witing for this country to set in
this respect the example. If so, there is no
excuse on our part for this continued cn,bar
rassmcnt of question in which the iutcr
csts of commerce and of navigation are so
deeply involved. The policy of the French
Government, as itrespccts the American civil
war, is at length declared. The .Nonthur Of
this day announces it to be the Imperial re-
solve to maintain ga stifct neutrality in the
conflict between the Government of the
| Union and the States which pretend to form
a separate confederation" The sympathics
of the French Government may, perhaps
without much difficulty, be inferred from the
wording of this declaration, but it is obvious
that the understanding between France and
| England on the American question is so far
complete that it insurcs in the every action
of both Governments, similarity of action
as we'll as of expression and this is perhaps
az much as, under the existing state of things,
VIC have right to expect from France or any
| other Continental State.
Mr.. GAEGoRY's VIEWS.
Mr.. Gregory, NJ. F., has written letter to
the London Times, giving reasons for wish
| ing the Confederate States to be recognized.
| We copy the following extract
| advocate, lastly, the recognition Of the
Southern Confedcracy, because | believe in
their right toasscrt their independence. In
spite of the letters of your able and most re-
spcctcd correspondent, Mr.. Motley, I should
lave shown from the earliest days of Ameri.
can Independence down to the present time,
the doctrine of State sovereignty has lccn
held by omcof the mcst eminent Americans,
and that, though it has been chiefly South
crn doctrine, yet that it was cndcavorcd by
| the North toput it into execution seventeen
years before South Carolina, in 1882, attempt
cd to follow the example. Mr.. Motley has
forgotten apparently the Hartford Convention
in 1915, when State rights. resolutions were
passed and secession fully mcditntcl; hc has
also forgotten what occurred in tho State
Legislature of Massachusetts,, when one
branch of that Legislature declared NIassa-
chusctts to be out of the Union should Texas
be admitted into it,
ThGn, as to comm crciul considerations. -
The Morrill, tariff is an announcement of the
breaking up Of the commercial intercourse
between the United States and Europe It.
is the successful issue of Northern policy,
against which tho South has invariably but