Charles City Republican intelligencer. [volume] (Charles City, Iowa) 1861-1864, 1861-12-12

'diu uo"u tnciI arms, ana the people
there have renewed their allegiance
~, and accepted the protection of the
flag. This leaves no armed insurrec.
ton north Of the Potomac or east of
the Chesapeake. Also we have OBJ
tanned footing at each of the isola-
ted points on the Southern coast of
Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Islands
near Savannah, and Ship Island, and
we likewise have some general &C.
counts of movements in behalf of the
the Union in North Carolina and Ten
nessee. These things demonstrate
that the cause Of the Union is advan.
cling steadily southwark.
Since your last adjournment Lieut..
Gen. Scott has retired from the head
Of the army. During his long life the
nation has not been unmindful of his
merit. Yet calling to mind how faith.
fully, ably, and brilliantly he has
served his country, from q time far
back in our history, when few of the
now living had been born, and thence.
forward continually, l cannot but
think that we gre still his debtor. !
submit, therefore, for your conside.
ration what further mark of recogni-
tion is due to him aud ourselves as a
grateful people. With the retirement
of Gen. Scott came the Executive du-
to of appointing in his stead Gene
ral-in-Chief of the army. 1t is for.
tunate circumstance that neither in
council nor country was there, so far
as | know, any difference of opinion
as to the proper person to be selected.
The retiring Chief repeatedly cx-
pressed his judgment in favor of Gen.
Mcclellan for the position, and in this
the nation seemed to give q unani-
nous concurrence. The designation
of Gen. Mcclellan is therefore in a
considerable degree the selection of
the country, as well as of the Execu-
tive, and hence there is reason to
hope there will be given him the con-
fidence and cordial support that is by
fair implication promised, and with
ont which he cannot, with so full
efficiency, serve the country.
1t has been said that one bad gene
raj is better than two good ones, and
the saying is true if taken to mean no
more than that an army is better d.
rected by single mind though in
ferior, than by two superior ones at
variance and at cross purposes, and
the same is true in all joint operations
wherein those engaged can have none
but common end in view, and can
differ only as to choice Of means. In
q storm at sea no one on board can
wish the ship to sink, and yet not un-
frequently all go down together be-
cause too many will direct, and no
single mind can be allowed to con-
troll.
1t continues to develop that the in
surrection is largely if not exclusive
ly, war upon the first principle of
popular govcrnment-the rights of
the people. Conclusive evidence of
this is found in the most grave and
maturcly considered public documents
as well as in the general tone of the
insurgents. In these documents we
find the abrogation of the existing
right of suffrage and the denial to the
people of all classes to participate in
the selection Of public officers, except
the Legislative body, advocated with
labored arguments to prove that large
control OF the Government in the peo-
pie is the source of all political evil.
Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted
at as a possible refuge from the pow
ff Ga f qssrcely ya Rsffassdd we're ;ss;
/ to omit raising q warning voice
against this approach If returning
despotism.
1t is not needed or fitting here, that
general argument should be made
in favor of popular institutions but
there is one point, with it's connec-
tions not SO hackneyed as most others,
to which | ask brief attention. 1t
is the effort to place capital on an
equal footing with, if not above, labor
in the structure of government. 1t is
assumed that labor is available only
in connection with capital-that no.
body labors unless somebody else
owning capital, somehow by the use
OF ii induces him. =. &c ! !:..o.. This as.
sumed, it is next considered whether
1T is best that capital shall hire labor
crs. and thus induce them to work by
their own consent, or buy them and
drive them to it. without their con-
ncnt. Having proceeded SO far, it is
naturally concluded that all laborcrs
arc either hired laborers, or what we
call slaves, and, further, it is assumed
that whoever is once hired laborer,
is fixed in that condition for life. Now
there is No such relation between
capital and labor as assumed, nor is
there any such thing as free man
being fixed for life in the condition Of
a hired laborcr Both of these as
sumptions are false, and all differences
from them are groundless. Labor is
prior to and independent Of capital.
Capital is only the fruit of labor-nev-
er could have existed if labor had not
first existed. Labor is the superior of
capital and deserves the higher con-
sideration. Capital has its rights
which are as worthy of protection as
any other rights, nor is it denied that
there is, and probably always will be
relation between labor and capital
producing mutual benefit. The error
is in assuming that the whole labor of
community exists within that relation.
N few men have capital and that few
avoid labor, and with their capital
hire or buy few to work for them.
A large majority belong to neither
class. Neither work for others or
have others work for them. In most
of the Southern States majority of
the people Of all colors are neither
slaves nor masters while in the
Northern. a large majority are neither
hircrs nor hired.
Men with their wives, sons and
daughters, work for themselves on
their farms, in their houses and in their
shops, taking the whole product to
themselves, and asking no favors of
capital on the one hand, or labor on
the other. 1t is not forgotten that q
considerable number of parsons min
gle their own lahors with con;fol