The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-01-14


portion OF his speech--hs argument
TO show that dissolutiea would not only leave
us naked to our foreign enemies, but that il
would likewise arrest what the Senator fell
cltously terms ''the majestic drama OF nationa.
progress" Be then proceeds to say thst the
federal GO ernment is not to be discontinued
because OF its Observation-Disclosures or its weak
ness The only Reason assigned for the reSelu-
tionary movements, according " the Senator,
found in the circumstance that President has
been elected, and that he is Unacceptable to
portion Of the people" He then proceeds to
charge the responsibility Of the present slate Of
things upon the original disunionists, wh5 have
believed, during the last thirty years, IA a con-
federacy Of the slave States. There is still
another Southern party which finds occasion
for secession in the non-eAecution of the Fugi-
tive Slave law; and third which is FESTIVE I'M
der the resistance Of the Northern States to the
extension of slavery in the Territories. MI.
Seward believes that these three parties have
persistently misrcpresented his position, and
he declares, first, that the Fugitive Slave act
ought to be executed: second, thai any State
laws which interfere with The operation Of said
act should be repealed; third, that, if ncccssa-
ry, he would vote for an amendment to the
constitution to provide that Congress should
not now nor hereafter interfere with slavery
where it exists by local law. AS to the ques-
ton of slavery in the Territories, Mr.. Seward
goes further than We expected, yet not further
than he ought under the circumstances. He
declares that while he believes that Congress
has the sovereign right to legislatc upon slavery
in the Territories, and while nc should never
give his vote to establish or sanction slavery
anywhere, yet the question as to what consti-
tutional laws shall be passed in regard to the
Territories is to be determined upon practical
grounds. Stick a pin there. Mr. Seward then
proceeds cautiously, as if he were treading on
very thin ice. to express his willingness to
thing better can be done and that he believed
in referring the whole question to the people
after tho eccentric movements Of secession
and disunion shall have ended" Mr.. Seward
is not quite certain as TO the exact period when
these eccentric movements will end, but
is rather wide margin. The Senator proceeds
to express his determination to vote for any
proper laws to put down such demonstrations
as the John Brown raid, and advocates the
building of two Pacific railways-One for the
South and the other for the North. The pero-
ration of the speech is hopeful. Mr.. Seward
thinks that after all the Union will be pre-
Il. Al Al, oJor
and Cancellation" the pcrils which now environ
the republic may be averted. To his own par
ty Mr.. Seward makes half way apology.
He abandons his higher law doctrine alto
gether; says that, in political matters,
if we cannot lead we must be content to fol-
low, and that VIC cannot always do what seems
to us absolutely best. Those with whom we
act, holding different views, have the power and
right of carrying them into action. Another
pin there, and we have the three great points
of Mr.. Stewards speech-a speech which, con-
sidering the character Of the orator and the
state Of feeling among the politicians with
whom he is affiliated is, we maintain, emf
nently hopeful, conciliatory and conservative.
Mr.. Stewards first point-the effect OF dis
union upon our foreign relations-is a very
important one. This government has been in
existence only eighty-one years, but through
the energy and enterprise Of its people has
become already first class Power. All our
treaties with the European governments
place us upon footing with most ia
vored nations. We have now but one I'M
settled question of foreign policy, and that
is the dispute with England as to the right
Of ownership in the island of San Juan. 1t is
understood now that England intends to insist
upon her right to that island. In what condi-
ton shall We be 10 oppose our ancient foe, in
case this secession movement goes on, and the
fifteen slave States withdraw from the Unions-
for that will be the result unless something Is
done. This San Juan question Is only f,aali
matter, to be sure; but hundreds OF such small
matters would turn up every month, and we
should be obliged to occupy the contemplate
position Of the petty South American republics
or German duchies. Next spring the European
Powers may be engaged in q general war, and
radical changes be made in the map of the con-
tnent. The friends Of constitutional govern
ment look to us for an example Of progress un-
der free Institutions. Our present condition is
not calculated to strengthen their hands, while
it will most certainly weaken ours. Ii South
ern confederacy should be formed we could not
recover our former position In the eyes of the
world in a century.
This point leads us to consideration of the
question as to the real strength of our govern
Tent. Our fathers were born In revolutionary
times, and many Of us we're Graded while
secession movement was going on in New Eng
land. The government has sustained success
sivc shocks, such as the rupture Of the articles
Of confederation, Shays rebellion in Massa-
chusctts, the Pennsylvania whiskcy insurrec-
ton, the Burr conspiracy, the threatened disso-
luton Of the Union in 1920 (settled by the
adoption Of the Missouri COMPROMISED the
Hartford Convention in 1914 the GEORGIA