Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1861-12-05

Thsomissions and deficiencies on some points
ara 1as remarkable a. is the want of olesrness
aud fallness In others. FlaassaH
The message gives no satisfactory infOrmA-
tlOn as to the state Of our relations with Euro
pesni powers. What Is said on this topic seems
70 Do chiefly an argument addressedt 70 those
powers 70 show them that itwould be aga'ns.
their interests to interfere in our nanonal
quarrel by siding with the rebel Confectionery.
Hisetfsuee that not a word is dropped IN
aha massage abont the proposed intervention Of
Eosland, France and Spain In the, aiiairs Of
MsIicO. Although the Aseta Of these powers
are already fitted out and on their way 70 take
formal pOssession Of Mexican ports, the Presi
dent has no remonstranee 10 make, and no indi'
cations to give as to what should be our course
in regard to these sggressioDs upon sister ke'
public. s1rn iizu aa Las
Although allusion is made 10 the message 70
events of more recent occurrence that docu'
ment is entirely silent upon the seizure Of MA
SON and SLlDrLL. It would seem that the elr'
cumstance was worthy at least Of q passing
remark, and some slight indication as to Wheth'
er The AdministfstiOu WAS prepared % JUSTLY
the act Of Capt. wnKKs n capturing the rebel
Commissioners on board British vessel
But the most surprising omission of all is'
that though the President speaks OF the loyal
~ of Western. Virginia, he does not deign 70
mention the Organization and proposed aomiS'
siop into the Union of the neW State OF ka'
pawSa. No more important question than this
will probably come before Congress at toe pres
on. sess,ou !, yet lie constitutional adviser has
no suggestion to offer ast what should be It's
course on this and kindred topics.
Those Who have been hoping that themesssge
would declare, in plato, uneqnivocA TERMS the
settled policy of the Administration in regard
to the propriety of smancipating and arming the
slaves in aid Of the Union cause, must feel
sOrely disappointed. The President says that
"sll INDISPENSABLE means must be employed" to
"preserye the UniOn;n butthAt i've should not
be in haste to determine what radical and eX-
treme measures, which may roach the loyal as
we'll as the disloyAl, are Indispensable" Ii
neu lAE, ia rslaiio1 to the cunhsratun, emADci'
patton and smploynent Of slaves by the United
States, should be proposed, cts prOpriety will
be dul, c0usiderea" Bet whether any new law
is needed, or whether any radical and extreme
measures, which may reach the loyal as well
as the disloyAl, 'vill be regarded as "indisPens-
able,'' the President gives Congress or the
country, no sign or intimAtion, unless by impl-
cation, in that part of the message We are about
to notice.
The President seems to have in contemPla.
ton the emancipation Of slaves on large SCALE
and this to be accomplished in tive ways-hrst'
by eonfscatiOn. under United States Law; and
secondly, by probable acts Of cOOfscaion and
emancipation passed by individual States. how
to dispose of these emancipated slaves Is with
him, as il must be with every other man, 4es
riOus and perplexing question He prupoass the
acquisition Of new territory in some cougsniAi
cline, for the purpose Of their eolouiz1tion. k
must, then, of course, be territory ID Or near
the tOrrid zone. Bnt how and where such ter
rtory is to be acquired, he fails to indicate.
Must We illibuster for It, and find our justiGca-
tiou in "military necessity"
This colonization scheme is one Of long
standing. The Aboli.iOniSts in the party which
placed President LINCOLN in his seat, will, as
general thing, bitterly oppose and denounce it.
They will say that when the blacks are once
freed. they will have as much right to stay in
the country in which they wereborn and reared,
as the whites. An attempt on the part OF the
Government 10 remove them without their con-
sent will be denounced as oppressive and cruel
as to remand them back into slavery, The
Abolitionists having gained the point Of the
negEo's emancipation, win demand his full
recognition IS q free man and an American cit
izen. President LINCOLN viii find that these
men, as long as he defers to them as he appears
disposed to do, will hamper and defeat any col.
onization scheme he or his Cabinet may invent.
The President enters into a discussion of the
relation between capital and labor. He thinks
this q subject not "so hackneyed as others;"
hut, with due Difference 10 his Excellency, We
hmdly know Of a subject more "haekneyed." -
Nothing ia more obvious than that our Presi-
dent is By no means profoundly .yersed in the
rudlments Of political economy However, the
mass Of our couutrymen, as he intimates, are
labOrers, either hired BY others or operating
upon their own capital, be that capital more or
less. The warning which be gives "sgAinst
the approach Of setarhing dsspdtism,pis is well.
timed, and We hope win be needed by every
man who loves liberty, and The Union, whichis
che guarantee Of liberty ~ ~ a n.es
But what Is the drift Of the President ia dis
cussing this topie-in bis message to cOngress'
Unquestionably, to satisfy the AbOlitiOnists
Chat he is "sound on the goose" BY his lsbored
effort to prove that "lAbor Is the superior Of
capital and deserves much the higher consider
atiOn;" and that, as Q necessary Inference, 1t is
e violation Of natural right, and The worst
species Of despotism for capital 70 own labor,
or, in other words, Tor . master to own
slaves. 80 ~ ss-ssS
Hardly anythingDOuld seem more undigni6ed
and out Of place than for President in bis an
nual message 10 Congresa, aad especially At
such time Is this, to enter Unto n long areu
med against slsss-hSIding upon: me ground q
the natural superiority Of labor to, and. its in.
Dependence Of capital So far as the President
or Congress has anything to do with slavery, in
an oficiaI capacity. the Federal Constitution
and the deeisionsof Federal Courts have den-