Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1861-01-19

the Federal Government. that Government mus
be, as to these matters, the Government de fact
as well as de lure; and that so long as thi
status can be maintained by the Executive,
should be done by all the legal forces OF tn
Government.
8. Only when revolution becomes 80 formi
dable ns TO be irresistible, would it be prope
to inquire whether coerion would not be boil
suicidal to the Enion and criminal to mankind
| would not exaggerate the fearful conse-
lences of dissolution. 1t is the breaking up o.
federative Union; but 1t is not like the break
Ing up of society. It is not anarchy. A linl
NAV fall from the chain, and the link may still
be perfect, though the chain have lost iti
length and Its strength. Ia the uniformity Of
commercial regulations, in matters OF war and
peace, postal arrangements, foreign relations
coinage, copyrights, tariff, and other Federal
and national affairs, this great Government may
be broken; but in most of the essential Liberties
and rights for which Government is the agent TO
establish and protect, the seeding State has
no revolution, and the remaining States can
have none. This arises from that refinement
of our policy which makes the State the basis Of
our instituted order. Greece was broken by
the Persian power; but her municipal inetitu-
tions remained. Hungary has lost her national
crown; but her home institution, remain
South Carolina may preserve her constituted
domestic authority; but she must be content to
gimmer obscurely remote, rather than shine
and revolye 10 consolidated band. She even
goes out by the ordinance of so-called sover-
eign convention, content to lose, by her isols-
tion, that youthful, vehement, exultant, progres.
sivo life, which Is our NATIONALITY! She fore.
goes the hopes, the boasts, the flag, the music,
all the emotions, all the traits, and all the en-
ergies, which, when combined in our United
States, have won our victories In war and our
miracles of national advancement. Her Gov
ernor, Colonel Pickens, in his inaugural, re-
gretfully"looks back upon the Inheritance South
Carolina had in the common glories and tri-
umphant power Of this wonderful Confederacy
and fails to find language to express the feel
ings OF the human heart as he turns from the
contemplation. The ties of brotherhood, in
terests, linecge, and history ar call to be sever
ed. No longer are we to salute South Carolini
an with the "idem sententiam de yfpubica,"
which makes unity and nationality. What
prestige and glory are here dimmed and lost in
the contaminated reason of man
Can we realize it2 Is it masquerade, to
last for night; or reality to be dealt with,
with the worlds rough passionate handling2 1t
is cad and had enough; but let US not overtax
our HH1letlts buOut ltab Jtt' IL ~ uOt Tue Bdl-
culinary regimen of the French revolution; not
the rule of assiguats and guillotine; not the
cry of "Yiuent les ROuqes! mort les GEN.
ddymes" but as yet, hope may say, the
peaceful attempt to withdraw from the burdens
and benefits of the Republic. Thus it is unlike
every other revolution. Still it 10 revolution.
1t may, according as it is managed, involve
consequences more terrific than any revolution
since Government began.
II the Federal Government is to be m lintain.
ed, its strength must not be frttered away by
conceding the theory of secession To concede
secession as right, is to make its pathway one
of roses, and not Of thorns. would not make
its pathway 80 easy. II the Government has
any strength for its own preservation, the pee
pie demand 1t should be put forth in its civil and
moral forces. Dealing, however, with sensi-
tive public sentiment, In which this strength
reposes, 1t must not be rudely exercised. II
should be the iron hand in a glove Of velvet
Firmness should be allied with Kindness. Power
should assert its own prerogatiVe, but In the
name of law and love. If these elements are
not thus blended in our policy, as the Executive
proposes, our Government will prove either
garment Of shreds or q coat of mail. We want
neither.
Our forts have been seized; our property ia.
ken; cur A4g torn down; our laws defied; our
iurisdition denied; and, that worst phase of rev.
olution, our ship sent under our flag 20 the re.
lief of soldier doing his duty, fred upon and
refused an entrance at one OF our own harboPs.
Would that were all! The President informs
US, in his last message, that
In st,testoich haUe not seeded the forts arsenas
aud magazines Of the Unied States have been seized
Thss BY far the most serious step which has been taken
since the commencement Of the troubles. This public
properly has long been left without garsons aud troops
Tor Its protection because no person doubted Its security
under the Gag Of the country In all the States OF the Un
on Besides, our small army has scarcely been sufic.
ent to guard frontiers against the Indian in
ursons The seizure OF this property from all appear
lnces, has been purely do0rsssice and not Sn Tesis
11S1 In Ae Uaton,"
All that the President has done Is defensive;
al that he has resisted has been aggressive.
He proposes no aggression; nor would | favor
t He would maintain tho laws and property;
what else can he dot
These facts have to be met-bow By the
conquest of all the people of State Z By the
declaration and wager of war Z answer, by
The enforcement OF the laws and the protection
Of our property in constitutional manner. This
Ia the answer | have already voted In this
House, In voting for the resolution of the gen.
tleman from New Jersey. But Is 1t asked, how
will you enforce the laws and keep forts and
without war will answer frst,
repeal here every law making ports of entry at
the recusant cities or towns, and thus avoid as
much trouble as possible. That is in our power
Second, libel and conasoate in admiralty every
vessel which leaves such ports without the Fed.
eral clearance. Third, collect the revenue and
preserve the property, and only use such force
as will maintain the defensive. But again 1t is
asked, Is not this coercion against Government
Dc facto, established by the consent of all the
people of State under an assumed legal right
/ answer, South Carolina Is not de facto the
the Government as 10 these Federal matters, SO
long as tho Federal Government can hold her
harbors, shut In her ships, and collect the reye-
nue.. Who can deny that proposition
But still il is asked, will not the use Of force
in executing the laws, and preserving our prop.
erty, result in civil war2 Is there any esical
differ ence between the enforcement of the law
when resisted by so large an aggressive power,
and the actual state OF war? Here is the Sphinx
Of our present anomalous situation. I do not
choose now 10 say what will do, In case GER
tain result follows the performance of present
duty 1t is enough for me to now to- do the
duty oftthe present. But that judgment which
makes no discrimination between the enforce
ment Of the laws and defense of property, and
the actual state Of war, must be palsied by un-
due fear of consequences. There Ia nothing
more plainly distinguished in the books, and In
experience, than the difference between the civil
authority, and the war.making power. True,
the military arm may be invoked to aio the civil
authority, but 1t must be subordinate to it in
many most essential particulars. Il is then
the sword of the magistrate, and not Of the
soldier. Says Chief Justice Tsney, in the
Rhode Island case,
"Unquestionsbly, State may use Its military power
to put down armed nsurrecon too strong to be con-
troled by the civil authority. The power Is essential to