The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-01-12


mentous events, and forced at the same time to dis
cuss within the limits of q few paragraphs, sub
jects that can scarcely be properly handled in as
many columns, it is almost impossible for the Jour-
nalist to guard against misconstruction. Obliged
for the most part to content himself with present.
ing merely outline Of the views he desires TO
advance, he can only indicate in a brief and cur
sorry way the qualifications and exceptions with
which he wishes 10 couple them, and his conclu-
sons are therefore likely as not to be misunder
stood. Again, the reader when he glances
through the morning paper has only vague re-
membrance of the tenor of the articles on the same
topic which he has seen the day or week previous
ly, and he not infrequenty infers that journal
has shifted its ground when, in reality, it is criti
cisng from the same standpoint, some different
phase of the same question. 1t is because journal
lists are so peculiarly liable to suffer this sort of in
justice at the hands of the public, that we deem it
advisable once in a while to review and vindicate
our course. A demonstration of our consistency
may not interest the community; but it is of vast
Importance to US that we should be rightly judged,
and we therefore beg leave to recall to the recol
lection of our readers the successive positions we
have assumed during the progress of the present
unhappy controversy.
Long before any of the Presidential candidates
were nominated, we thought we saw indications
of the coming storm. The incendiary and aggres-
sive spirit which majority of the Northern people
have manifested towards the Institutions and people
of the South, had been growing for years; and the
anxiety and hostility with which the latter re-
garded their countrymen of the free States had
steadily increased also. 1t was obvious that the
anti-slavery agitation had reached a point twelve
months ago, beyond which it could not be pressed
without endangering the safety of the Union
These facts repeatedly dwelt on at the Time and
we urged upon the people every where the necessity
of finding some mode of checking the spread of
aboitionism before the slave States should feel
compelled to resort to extreme measures to prevent
its further advance. The more narrowly we
watched the Development of the Republican party,
the more thoroughly satisfied were we that it was
animated by so uncompromising hostility
to slavery as to justify the fear that it
would attack the institution, first in the Ter
ritories and then in the States whenever it
thought il was powerful enough to Go so. We
adduced the proceedings of the several State
Legislatures, and quoted the language of most of
the leading Republican politicians, preachers and
editors, to prove that aboltionism, pure and SIM
pie, was in reality the sentiment which animated
that party, and we were sure we did it no inius-
tice. The adoption of the Chicago platform con-
frmed these views, for it fatty repudated the
ruling of the Supreme Court, and intimated as
dlu hot Tho wis, ;t,,
ers was the universal emancipation of the negro
race. Foreseeing the excitement into which the
South would be thrown by the elevation to power
OF such party, we strove to the best of our abiI
ity, to compass the defeat of Mr.. LINCOLN, and 10
induce his opponents, of all parties and sections
TO combine against him. No such union was
however, effected, and when three candidates took
the field against him it became necessary for us to
give our support to one of them. We adhered to
Mr.. BRECKENRIDGE for what seemed then, and
seem now, to US, to be good and sufficient rea-
sons. The South was contending for certain con-
stitutional rights, to which the Supreme Court, as
we believed and still believe, had said it was emit
tied; but Mr.. DOUGLAS dissented from that dec-
sion, and Mr.. BELL declined 10 make any explicit
avowal OF the Interpretation he put upon it. Not
doubling that the South, in view of the doctrines
proclaimed by the Republican party, would insist
upon maintaining to the uttermost lis just claim,
we presumed that it would with great unanimity
declare for Mr., BRECKENRIDGE. Being satisfied,
then, that he represented principles to which we
were bound to assent, and thinking he was also
the strongest candidate opposed to Mr.. LINCOLN,
we cheerinlly supported him. There was more
over, another reason why we desired that the
electoral vote of Maryland should be cast for Mr..
BRECKENRIDGE. Anticipating the triumph of the
Republicans and fearing a serious commoton in
the South, we hoped that the influence Of this
State would be largely increased in that quarter
after we had given its people some evidence of our
sympathy, and some assurance that we regarded
their cause as our cause. We wished to see Mary
land assume position that would entitle her 10
the consideration of the remoter slave States and
insure her patient hearing if she should find it
necessary to protest against any precipitate action
on their part.
But Mr.. LINCOLN was elected, and the revolu-
ton blazed forth in the South The import
of that revolution we have never for an in
slant moderated, and we have ceaselessly ex-
erted such influence as we possessed to bring
about an accommodation. When the people of the
North laughed at it, as a puerile exhibition OF
party rage and disappointment, we urged them to
treat it seriously and to disarm it by some fair
compromise. When our own citizens looked on
alphabetically and said the storm would soon sub
side, we earnestly implored them to take such
steps as would enable them to exert some legiti-
ota tl,o
has been triiing or wrangling, we have inces-
sanity besought it to adjust the dispute while it
had the power to do so. If we have failed to con-
vince the public that prompt and earnest action
was needed to preserve the Union, the fault is not
ours. And we are painfully impressed with the
conviction that if the Republic is to be destroyed
its overthrow will be attributable, in great mea-
sure, to the blindness of the North and the "mas-
"terly inactivity of the border States.
Concerning the rights of the South in this mat
ter, we have left no room for any msunderstand-
ing about our views. That she has been argrieyed
by the legislation Of the Northern States-iniured
by the abuse lavished on her from the Northern
press and pulpits-insulted by the incendiary
speeches of Northern representatives in Congress
wronged by the lawless or brutal proceedings OF
Northern mobs-and outraged by the deliberate
adoption of the unconstitutional Chicago platform
by the Northern people, we have again and again
maintained. And ever since Congress has been in
session we have advocated all reasonable conces-
sions to the demands of the slave States. Blu
even while defending the South we have refused
to take the reckless and extreme position that some
would have assigned us. The precipitate measures
to which several of our sister States have resorted
for redress, have not hesitated to condemn for in
our judgment any rash and hasty action on the
part OF any separate State calculated to defeat
the ends for which all good men were laboring
and also to imperil the interests of Maryland Vir-
ginia and Kentucky. We, therefore, advocated
Southern Convention as long as the scheme was
practicable and after the hopelessness of that plan
became apparent we commended, fruitlessly, for a
of the border States. We have labored
to persuade the people of this State of
the Importance of doing something to strengthen
the hands of those who were striving to procure
some compromise for the South, and to uphold the
Union, or at all events 10 make some preparation
10 meet the dangers that threaten us, upon the
downfall of the Republic. These are the objects
which we have kept steadily before US, and we are
satisfied that, in our efforts to attain them, we
have pursued a prudent and consistent course
But nothing has been done by Congress, by