Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-05-07

d. Ar NmNNNIoN||H NiIuI II" N ~ .|"|MH
The London ztrss Of late date obsarvess 2
The courts, the noblos and fh1 f111licna-
Eiea are endeavorinr 70 avUrt an inevitable
future. In spite ef Pope and hmperorf
Rome win become the Oapital Of the Italian
Kingdom, and Venice one Of its cities. The
HunRarians and sinpes win obtain inde-
pendence, at least in administration; even
the Poles viii extort forthef Concessions,
and rid themselves Of pedantlc Povernors
tory is not TO be had without exertions, in
which We, though we look on the contest
from distance, must have our share.
Although we may not place On army In
the field, or direct our fleets 10 blockade the
ports Of any obstinate Sovereign, yet there
is part which may be w0Fthily played by
this country. By using the influence which
itpOssesses as strong wealthy, independent
and conservative power, suspected Of no
sinister designs, and plainly anxious only
for the peace Of Europe, the British Gov
ernment may prevail on the German Powers,
and even upon Russia, 70 act with prudence
at the present eoDiunctufe.
By vast outlay Of money, and by an
equally important sacrihce Of time and ease,
the people Of England have not only placed
their country in state ofdefense. hut shown
the continent that their weight would be
decisive Of the result in a European war.
We are on terms Of amity with France,
fears and desires nothing. We are united
TO the people Of Germany by the ties Of
religion and by similarities of intellect and
character; even the rulers of Austria know
that we desire nothing better than that she
would receive new strength by the content
ment of her provinces.
But to effect these objects England must be
united. The Government must not only be-
as one with the people, but it must act with
such unity and promptitude a7 to give the
reactionaTy party no hopes of q future
change. Strange as IL may seem, the policy
of England is even now a matter of doubt in
meny quarters abroad. Sovereigns and
Camarillas are slow to learn; at home they
will hardly believe in discomfort until they
are dethroDed or expelled, and even after
ward they look upon every petty disturb
anee as the sign of a speedy restoration.
In their Judgment of foreign countries
they are equally eptimists. They can not
conceive country existing which does not
share their own views and instincts, which
does not think them the most ill-used, and
their opponents the most execrable of man
kind. Perhaps by this time the Courts
| Of Vienna and Berlin may be convinced
| that the English people are steady in
their sympathy with the italian cause, but
they have a secret hope that this sympathy
will not permanently influence the policy of
the State.
The Austrians count much on our jealousy
of France; on our fear that united Italy
would be powerful ally of France; on our
desire to thwart Napoleon's ambitious views
| of an increase of territory. Such notions are
not wholly false; they have a basis in the
| actual opinions Of the English people, and
are justified both by some dispatches Of our
| Ministers, and by some speeches of our inde-
| pendent members. But the German Courts
and the pretenders to the Italian crowns rely
on these rivalries to an extent which leads
to most inaccurate conclusions. We in En-
| gland know that, were Austrians TO march
into Lombardy, Napoleon, in attacking her,
| would have the good will of our public so
long as he abstained from the aggrandize-
ment of his own dominions.
But Austria still believes that in such q
case England would be on her side. Popular
opinion, she thinks, is tickle, and she fancies
that there is more permanent element Of
| British society attached to her by an endur-
ing alliance. Hence is resolved to hold out;
she pours troops into Venetia, and smiles on
| the intrigues of the Neapolitan pretenders.
That such hopes should be destroyed is in
The interests of this country, of Europe, and
of Austria herself
AS for ourselves, it is clear enough that as
long as the present state of Italy continues
our seventy millions of taxation will know
little diminution. To prolong the agony of
| Rome and Venice is a crime which will most
certainly be dearly expiated by Vienna and
the Legitimist Courts. 1t is, therefore, we
think, the duty of every authority in this
country to press on Austria the necessity of
yielding. That the Cabinet and ths House
of Commons fully represent the country in
this matter is beyond doubt.
What we must all desire is, that Lord
|, Palmerston and Lord John Russell should be
able to convince foreign powers that in no
quarter is there any antipathy to the Italian
cause.
AS long as those statesmen are uaalle to
conceal from the diplomatists with whom
they deal that they maintain their policy
only through the people, it will be impossi-
bic for England TO have her Just weight in
European affairs The country has a right
to expect that neither Vienna nor Berlin
shall have reason to cherish expectations in
disaccord with the warnings of the Crowns
responsible Ministers. Such encouragement
can do no good to the disorganized Empire
which they are intended to benefit. They
may increase the difficulties of the Italians
but they can only lure the two German Pow.
eTs into policy which may be their ruin.
Romantic Story of n Stuffed Cat.