The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1861-10-25

sin, in reply to committee who asked his
views on the policy Of Fremont's procla-
nation:
/ Mankato. Oct. Z 1861
Gentlemen ! received yours Of the
9th Of September, asking my position
on the doctrine -enunciated by Gen. Frc-
mont in his proclamation relating to the
coniiscatlon OF negro property Of rebels in
/ the State Of Missouri" but not in time 10
enable me To answer il at an earlier date
1 ] have no hesitation III stating that |
heartily sympathize with Gen. Fremont
| in the position assumed BY him in regard
TO the disposition to be made Of the slave
/ property Of rebels in the State Of Missouri:
and hence | regret that the President has
/ felt constrained 10 modify the proclama-
! ton issued BY that officer In my ludg-
ment slavery lies at the foundation Of this
unholy and wicked war, which il now be-
/ ng aagcd against the Government and
the peace Of the country. And | confess
that ! can sec no good reason why blow
should not be struck at slavery, if such
course would weaken the enemy, and para.
lyze the arm OF him who is laboring to de-
stroy the Government
But il i said that the step taken By
Gen Fremont transcends, and thus vio-
lates the act of Congress passed at It's la,
session, aud therefore il should be con
demned BY all good people | do not
think SO.
This law does not place any limitations
or restrictions, whatever, upon the mill
tary power Of the government. 1t says
what shall be done in given case, but il
does not contine the action Of the govern
ment to the case stated In the law In
all other cases than those enumerated, the
law remains precisely as it was before the
passage of the net above cited.
The principles of the law of nations,
confer upon the commanding officer the
nndoubted right to assume the position
taken BY Gen Fremont The question
and the only question then, left for us to
determine is, was it policy for him TO as
! sumo that positiony ] am equally clear
that upon the simple question Of policy,
Gen. Fremont was right Nobody seems
to call in question the propriety Of that
part of the proclamation which declares
| that ''the property, real and personal, of
all persons in the State of Missouri, who
shall be directly proven to have taken
part with their enemies in the field, is de-
clared confscated TO the public USE But
as regards that portion which relates to
slave property, there seems to be Won
derful sensltlyeness, even here Mt the
North. We are told we must pay out our
millions like water, raise, equip, and
send int the field a fabulous number of
men, and march from one bloody battle
field to another, until rebellion is crushed
OUT but We must not interfere with the
sacred institution of slavery. We may
take lands and goods, and houses, money,
and all kinds of property belonging to the
rebels, but it will not do to interfere with
property in nan.
Now, gentlemen, let me ask you what
there is 50 peculiarly sacred about this IN
stitution Of slavery, that it should com
nand our special protection and regard
What has it done for our country, hu-
mainly or religion, that it should be
looked upon with SO much reverence, and
be singled out as the last thing to be sur
rendered in order to save the country from
ruiny Why, this very rebellion, which is
now costing US 50 many lives and so much
money, was gotten up in the interests of
slavery 1t is the shareholders who are
stabbing at the heart Of the nation, to.
day, and it is because Of the institution Of
slavery that these wicked monsters are
engaged in their wicked work Of destruc-
ton. Slavery is the chief corner stonc Of
the rebellion which is working to destroy
the country. The black slaves Of the
South are to-day furnishing all the sincws
OF war for the traitors. They raise all
the grain and provisions with which the