Pomeroy weekly telegraph. [volume] (Pomeroy, Meigs County, Ohio) 1860-1866, 1861-09-27
ender account when martial law ceased

to exist in his Department.
The direct consequence of his decree,
so far as slavery in Missouri is con-
cerned, cannot be of much Importance.
Missouri does not contain 125, 600 slaves,
and of these considerable more than
one half are believed to be held by loyal
men. Moreover, under the terms Of
Fremont's proclamation, no slave can
be emaucipated until it has been proved
that his owner has been actuall y in arms
or laboring actively in aid of those who
are in arms against the Government;
large number of slaves may be thus de-
1rauded Of emancipation through the
want of evidence to establish the trea-
son Of their masters. 1t is doubtful
whether 25, 900 human beings will ex
change slavery for freedom under the
proclamatson Of General Fremont.
But its moral effect must be signal.
1t is solemn warming to the inhabl-
tants of the Rebel States, that wher
ever the armies Of the United States are
resisted in the interests of slavery, the
cause of the resistance will be removed.
1t is a pregnant hint that the Rebels
who have falsely accused US Of being
! Abolitionists may, if they choose, make
their accusation true. 1t is a notifca
tion to Kentucky, which seems to be on
the eve Of an explosion, that open trea-
son will necessarily involve the eztirpa-
ton of slavery. This rebellion has more
than once recalled the old adage, ''Those
whom the Gods wish to destroy they
/ first render mad we shall now sec how
/ far the madness extends. The cost Of
j of rebellion. Those who choose may
purchase.
! Another important result of General
Fremont's proclamation has been the
discovery Of the fact that the people Of
the North are much more solidly united
on the question Of slavery than was i'm
agined. 1t had been generally supposed
that the first utterance of the cry Of
emancipation would divide the North
into two hostile camps. How this
strange delusion came to be entertained,
! it is difficult to discover; the least re-
fe ction should have satisfied every one
that it was impossible to build up at the
North, a party based on protection to
slavery anywhere. But, however the
notion originated there is no doubt it
did exist, and that leading men and
Journals in the confidence of the Ad-
ministration were SO thoroughly imbued
with it, that they Indignantly repudi-
ated the imputation of being friendly to
freedom under any circumstances. 1t
seems, from the temper in which the
public receive General Fremonts proc
lama ton, that they are not so tender on
the subject. They seem very we'll sat
isfed with the prospect. We hear no
complaints, no lamentations over the
downfall Of slavery in Missouri. The
respectable Democrats of this part of the
country express themselves rather
pleased than otherwise. Of course it
must be expected that the lottery policy
dealers and the profigate vagabonds
who pretend to represent the Democ-
racy in convention will testify their sor-
rows at the event, as they will do at ev-
. cry success of the National arms; but
, neither in this nor in any other partic-
ular do they express the sense Of the
rank and file of the Democracy.
What people want now is decided
startling, effective success on the part
of the United States If these are
achieved, no one will complain Of what
they may cost. Our Generals may
emancipate every slave in the country
and lay waste every field from the Pc,
tomac to the Rio Grande-the people
will sustain them, provided they crush
out the enemy and restore the suprem
acy of the Government. But there vii
be no mercy for tie General who, fol
fear of breaking law or dividing {
party, suffers the Rebels to progress
from victory to victory, and the Stars
and Stripes to endure defeat after defeat
and disgrace after disgrace.