New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-08-21

for transgressing bis rights as recognized ana
established BY the law of nations The question
which usually arises relates to the suiiciency OF
the blockade, and this is morally certain to be-
come an urgent one where there is blockade
of an extensive coast. There is thus presented
question of fact often of great doubt and DIM
Guilty. How is it to be settled All that the
neutral can do in the case is to send an arma-
ment to raise the blockade. The orders on such
an occasion are not usually pereDptory, but
much is referred to the judgment and discretion
of the commander of the neutral fleet, and it
will be seen that to maintain blockade, partlcu-
larly of whole coast is an exceedingly critical
affair, and is quite likely to involve the party
declaring it 10 serious difficulties with foreign
Powers
But our case is not the case of one independ-
ent nation making war on another independent
nation, but it is that of an independent nation
engaged in putting down q wicked rebellion.
Among the laws Of this nation are those apper.
tanning to the collection Of revenue, and every
independent power must have the right to say
how and where this shall be done. We Eay
have few or many ports of entry; we may es-
tatlish one or series Of ports to-day, aud may
discontinue all or part of them tomorrow, and
it would be mpertinent for any foreign power to
make objection Hence as insurgents have by law
less violence obtained possession Of certain OF these
ports within and under the jurisdiction ofthe United
States seized the Custom-llouses and displaced the
Union officers, so that the revenue laws OF the
country can be no longer enforced thereat, moth
ing can be more appropriate or just than 10 DIS
continue such ports as ports Of entry.
Under the act quoted, every question OF blockade,
whether adequate or inadequate, will be wholly inn
material. No doubt the maritime power OF the
United States will be e1erted to shut up the ports
Of 30 much of our coast os is under the control OF
rebels for reasons quite aside from commercial IN
tercourse with neutral Powers. We must prevent
the introduction of arms munitions, aud other con-
traband articles into and the exit of priyateers from
and their return with prizes to such ports; and,
moreover, we must deny to them all the advantages
resulting from the use Of their pratical flag in trade
| or commerce whether foreign or domestic. And
then TO render their isolation complete all we have
to do is to discontinue all ports of entry within
| their limits Should any foreign power complain,
our response will be that this is amatter Of domestic
policy and the mere exercise Of one of the unques-
tionable rights appetainng to our sovereignty The
word blockade does not belong to this subject and
ia use implies an acknowledgement of confederacy
/ Of rebels.
An eaectual blockade of such an extensive coast
as that now in the hands of the insurgents, with
its almost numberless bays, inlets, rivera, and
harbor,, i, exceedingly difficult, especially as that
coast is highly tempestuous during considerable
portion Of the year. II we should stand on
blockade, and on that only, our Government would
be necessarily required TO surrender captured ships
on the ground OF ts insuficiency, or the blockade
would be raised or set aside at important point'
on the same ground. But by the other policy oul
ground is rendered impregnable. To resist it
foreign powers will have to deny the sovereignt,
Of the United States over its own ports. They
will have TO invest rebellion set on foot in the
interest, of Slavery with all the attributes o
nationality. and to assume an attitude of hostility
townrd the United States little short Of war