The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-05-16

The Attitude OF Eagisnd tn Regard ts|
Our National Troubles.
According to the telegraphic despatch which,
we published yesterday from st Johns, New
foundland Lord John Russell made an i'm !
porfant statement in the House of CommoAs|
relative to American affairs. 1t appears, from
the brief and condensed Geographic abstract
that MS Lordship regards "the collecting
dues from foreign ships before breaking bulk
as an infringement Of international law" butt
that mo definite instructions had been sent the
cruisers, as so much depended on circum
stances" besides, the British government be
lieve that such collection "is inpractics-
bleD
AS to the blockade, he said it could only be
recognized when effective. The English
Minister was not then aware, however tina.
our government had taken measures to render
the blockade effective, and that it is not mere
paper edict Now, as an effective blockade
will be recognized by England, that disposet
of the question Of collecting revenue at the
mouths of Southern harbors. Not only will nc
revenue be collected at these ports, but no
ships will be permitted to enter them, being nc
longer ports of entry.
But the most important part of the state
ment Of Lord John Russell is yet to come. HID
is represented as saying:-"Regarding letter.
OF marque, the government were of the opinior
that the Southern confederation must I'D
recognized as belligerents.' What is the pro
else meaning of this is not very clear. Til,
brevity of telegraphic dispatches sometime
leaves the sense obscure, and it is not till VI
receive the full report of the speech by tn
mails that we can be certain of what the Brit
ish Minister really said. As the words nov
stand they may be taken as meaning eithe
that the English government must regard til
Southern confederation as enemies at war wit
England by issuing piratical letters o
marque, or as legitimate belligerent
against the United States, and that it
privateers are not pirates any NOR
than were the privateers of the United State
in the time of the American Revolution, or tina
they would now be if we were at war wit
France. Should that be the meaning, it bel
comes question of serious gravity for the cory
sideration of our government, for it would Civ
Jefferson Davis pirates the right to take ouI
ships to English ports and sell them.
One thing is clear, that the English gover1|]
ment does not say it recognizes the indeper
dence of the Southern confederacy, nor that
recognizes piracy. On the contrary, judgin
from its action at the Peace Conference of th
great Powers at Paris, in 1856, the Inference III
that it must regard the letters of marque issue NJ
by Jefferson Davis as piracy. The great Pow
ers of Europe, in their treaty, then declared
priyateering to be piracy, and they asked on
government to agree to the declaration. mi
however, the American government refused "
do, on the ground that it was weapon whidg
a maritime Power without large navy coul
not afford to surrender. ",
But if such are the sentiments of the Britis
government about privateering, in the case
letters of marque being issued by lawful, RI
sponsible government, in what light must
not regard privateers when commissioned
rev0luuonists and rebels who are 4
government, but in the same category as Jol
Brown, whose acts on land were no wor
than will be the deeds Of the privateers of Je
ferson Davis by sea- The fact of the Nor
gomery President authorizing private vesse
to make war on our commerce does not legsl
ize the commission. 1t is nullity. Hid
no right to commission vessels to capture o,
ships and murder our seamen, giving so mus
per head for the living and the dead. All
whatever England may do, the government
Washington will not recognise the right
privateering on the part of rebels, any mo
than it recognizes the right of the Southern co
federation to take up arms against it
land. The one it holds to be treason, the 9th
piracy.