The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1861-11-16

How THE ORDER FROM FRENoSr WAS SERVED.
Some Illinois volunteer has written an account
of the manner of serving the order for the super
cedure of Fremont upon the General, first allie
ging that Fremont had taken means to prevent
the ingress of the messenger through his lines:
The party who brought the order for Free
mont's removal, from Washington, having be.
come known to the Generals supporters, passed
onward towards Fremont, and suffered himself
to be arrested from further progress by the cor
don of watchful guards between here and Free
monts camp, while two other parties, with cop
les of the order, undertook to work their way
through all obstacles, and to deliver the order
for Fremont's removal to himself and Gen. Hun
ter One of these, disguised as q Missouri farm
er, succeeded, after much difficulty, in reaching
Frenont's headquarters. He applied to an Aid
for permission to communicate important news
to the General and was refused, but urged to
make it known to the Aid. This he absolutely
declined, and finally got personal interview
with Fremont himself He Immediately read the
order to him, aloud. 1EE S9E
"How did you pass my lines, sir?" demanded
Fremont ssE2 ios
with much difficulty" replied the disguised
soldier, "but did it."
"Does Gen. Hunter know of this order?" pur-
sued Fremont.
"Yes, he has copy Of it," was the reply;
''and here is copy Of the Presidents order to
Gen. Hunter" continued the messenger, handing
the copy to Gen. Fremont.
While Fremont was leading the latter order,
the soldier withdrew, ard communicated the
news OF Fremont's removal outside. He was
soon followed, and urged, "for certain impor
tant reasons" not to communicate the fact Of
Fremont's removal. But it was too lats
-O-
Suggestive Facts.
The civi! war now raging in the land is at.en
ded by some phenomena which, though open to
the notice of all, would seem to call for special
designation and to merit reflective observation,
because they certainly have an important bear
ing on the true historical appreciation of the
momentous events passing before our eyes,
We point, then, in the first place, to the ex-
traordinary fact, while the pending military op-
creations of the Government have assumed pro-
portions which, 80 far as relates to the numbers
actively engaged OH each side, place this con.
test in the rank Of the most gigantic wars ever
known in authentic history, the great move
ments of society, Of industry, aud trade, within
the loyal States, move on in their accustomed
channels with comparatively little obstruction
or diversion. Never was such mighty civil
war wagcd with so lit lie interruption to all the
branches of human pursuit which engage the
activity Of men in the various ranks OF social
and business life.
The second point which we desire to signal.
ize for particular remark is the fact that never
did civil war like that which now visits our
land befall any Government, however opulent
in resources or arms, with so little detriment to
she public credit. The current quotations of
the United States six per cents, redeemable in
1881, range between "a and SO in the New 70, K
stock markets. fraction, it is true, below their
par value, but sufficiently accounted for by the
comparative advantages which the Government
offers to investments in other species of bonds
paying higher rate of interest Than this sig
nifcant fact 10 better evidence is needed in con-
6rmation of the strength possessed by the loyal
States, while tie popular confidence in their
ability to sustain the National Government
upon whose perp. tuty the RECEPTION of these
obligations is suspended) is expressed in the u
doubling credit which gives to such "paper pro-
misses" substantial value, unimpaired BY the
vicissitudes of politics or the hazards of war
In order to measure this attestation to the sta.
bility OF the Government and to the wealth of
the loyal States, in its real force, we have but
to imugi.e what would be the effect on conscls
10 London, If civil war like that now pending
in the United States should break out in Great
Britain, involving one-ihird of the United
Kingdom in revolt against the British Govern
ment. And the fact We have thus designated is
not without its suggestive teachings in regard to
the real seat of that financial power which soma
political economists have been wont to place
under the sceptrc Of King Cotton, but which, on
trial is found to be located further North, where
the diversity Of labor and the stimulus of free
competition tend to the development of those
natural resources which constitute the true rev.
enues of the State-ENational Intelligencer.