Juliet signal. [volume] (Juliet [i.e. Joliet], Ill.) 1844-1???, 1861-09-17
MCHBISHOP HUGHES ON
THE WAR.
Anferesting and Important Let
t<r from ArCbbished Hughes
to bishop Lynch Of South Car
dina.
From til, New York World, Sept. 4.

long and Interesting letter from Bishop
Lynch, OF South Carolina, to Archbishop
hughes, presenting with great force the
arguments so often urged in favor of desis-
ting rom the present war, which, he saws.
can neyer succeed in suppressing the South
ern coniederacy. The following is the
Arctbishop's reply:
s New York, Aug. %, 1861.
Right Rev. DEAR SIR: have received
your letter of the 18th inst How in reach.
ed, can hardly conjecture But it came
to hand within about the usual period re-
CURED for the transmission of mail between
Charleston and New York during happier
years, when all the States, North and
South found their meaning in the words
"E Pluribus Ununa
1t must nave run the blockade, or dodg.
ed the pickets on hostile borders. | have
read it with very deep interest. increased.
1t anything, by the perils of food and
field through which it must have passed.
If even the innocent lightning of the
North were permitted to carry message
into southern ATTITUDES, l would telegram
you for permission to publish your calm
and Judiclous communications. AS it is,
however, my only chance of acknOw led ging
it is through the Metropolitan Record, and
without special permission publish your
letter at the same time. ia this way it
may happen that, dusing the war or after
wards, my answer will come under your
inspection. Yours is in my Judgment one
of the most temperate views of the present
unhappy contest that has ever come under
my notice from any son of South Carolina.
1t is not to be inferred, however, that be>
cause admire So much the calmness Of its
tone and temper, |, therefore, agree with
all its arguments and speculations,
You say l am reported to have spoken
strongly against the war policy of the gov
eminent of the United States, as frnught
with much present suffering, and not cal
culated to obtain any real advantage" Be
assured that, previous to the outbreak of
military violence, l was most ardent!y de-
slrous of preserving peace and union but
since vi Jlence, battle, and blood shed, have
occurred, dare not hope for peace unless
you can show me foundation of rock CT
solid ground but no quicksand basisl on
which peace can be re established. The
nature of your ministry and mine, neces-
sarily implies that we should be the Friends
of peace. 1t was the special legacy of our
Divine Master to His flock. Aud it would
he strange if we, His appointed ministers,
should be found III the ranks Os its enemies.
His words were as we find in St. John.
peace | leave to you, and peace give to
you" And yet st. Paul, in writing to the
Christian converts of Rome. saws: "If il
be possible, as much as it is in YOU, have
peace with all men," | think this latter
ripssired quotation has at least a remote
bearing on our present sad difficulties
Your explanations of the causes which
have led to this war are entirely Southern
In their premises and conclusions. But
they are so vividIy, and even plausibly
stated, that leave them uncontroverted.-
Your descriptions of the evils resulting
from the war is too correct to be CaiDsaid
by me. Still, here we are in the midst of
a sanguinary contest, which, so far as can
see, like a hurricane on the ocean, must
exhaust its violence before we can expect
the return of national calm, There is no
one who desires more ardently that do the
advent OF that bright day on which we
shall all be reunited in one grea: prosper-
Gus country.
Instead Of contrOverting the correctness
OF your views IN regard to the causes of
our actual troubles, or determining where
or on whom the responsibility of their ex-
istence rests, | shall beg leave to make my
own statement from point of view which
is found in the general sentiment of the
people north Of Mason and Dixou's line.
They say that, whatever may have been
the anterior origin Of this war, it's immedi-
ate cause was the overt act of turning guns,
put in place by the State of South Carnli-
ma, against public military defence of the
country at large, which of right belonged
to all the States in common. Then il is
thought, or at least stated, in these quar-
tiers that the South for many years past
would not be satisfied with less that a par
amount control Of the National Govern
mept. The South, it is we'll known, has
been in a iretful mood for many years I'M
der Northern assaults. 1t would be, en-
my part, very uncandid to disguise the
conviction that in this respect the South
has had much reason to complain. Leav-
ing however, opinions to fuctuate as they
may, | may simply give you my own as to
the primary causes of our present strife.
You know that free speech and free
press are essential constituents of the first
notions of Anglo Saxon liberty. These
were the shibbOleth of its existence, pros
perity and prospects. In the exercise OF
these peculiaEprivileges, the North of this
country has used its type and its tongue
Extensively against the South. Neither was
the South backward in the work os retalia
ton on the same principle. But the An
glO>SaxOn whether of the South or of the
North, would see the whole world set in a
blaze rather than put limits to the freedom
of the Press or the unbriGled license OF the
tongue, except when the laws interpose for
the protection of public authority or indi-
vldual rights of character and property.
AT the commencement Of our National
institution as an independent State, Slav-
cry, tor instance, was found to exist, al
most universally, in the North as well as
In the South. The word itself was not
usec In any OF the paragraphs found in the
Magma Charta of our Government. The
slave trade from the Western Coast of AZ
RIGA had been encouraged by the subjects
and the Government 20 Great Britain
The Government of England did not hes
ltate to athx itsiveto on some of the enact
ments by the recognized lccal authorities
of the Colonies for the diminution of the
slave trade. 1t would appear that from
this trade, so abOminable in its primary
origin, there were certain emoiuments ac-
cruing to the treasury Of the mother cOun-
try. And these enoluments were looked
To as source of revenue, Just as some
countries 10 Europe in their sovereign ca
paclty. monopolize the largest portion of
profits resulting from commerce In salt and
tobacco.
Alter the Revolution, Slavery was grad
uaiiy dispensed with in all the Northern
States. Whether this was done from what
would now appear a sense of humanity, or
from motives of domestic or political lucre,
u Will be for you, as for me, a private
light to determine, each according to his
own opinion. But slavery was social
element, recognized in ali the States at the
period Of the Revolution. So far the
changes that have snperyened in reference
to Slavery have been all in the North, ard
the South is to day as to this matter in