Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-01-12

mlse hOe ~ lnuCn run Auo Opiniou tues ~
served to prevent sbe spread of slavery, as
under the impression that It was in the na-
tuJe Of o compact TO whose continuance both
the North and the South were alike pledged
lit was an act of bad faith to procure its
1epeal. In consequence Of this sentiment
the first effect of the repeal was to cut down
the Democratic party in the North, which
had given itselfto the work, from the con-
dition of great and efficient power to that
Of mere dependency upon head made up
ofSouthern politicians. Northern Democrats
foreseeing this result, did not come willingly
to the support of the measure, but were led
to it by those whose urgency they did not
feel able to withstand. That they should be
anxious, as far as possible, to get back the
ground which they lost ON that occasion 10
perfectly natural; but whether they can do
so by any effort, successful or otherwise, to
re enact the article, or something resembling
it, either in the form of a constitutional
provision or of legislative act is more
than doubtful.
There was period--and it was about this
time especially-when Southern politicians
did not realize the want of a strong party in
the Northern States. On the other hand,
they preferred that it should be kept lean
and attenuated, in order to preserve the con-
troll in their own hands. But they carried
the process of depletion a step too far, aud
wantonly threw away more strength than
they could afford to lose. The weakness that
the universal contempt into which Mr.. Bu-
chanan fell brought with it, was the last
stick by which its back was effectually
broken. Now the South-that is to say the
portion of it which prefers to remain in the
Union-wants some thing in the name Of the
Compromise to bring back the party to a
living conditions
II the proposition was only to restore
the Compromise in its original form, there
would be less ground of objection. 1t SIM
ply provided that north Of a certain line
slavery should not exist, leaving the matter
open as to the country south of the same.
Being applied to territory in advance of its
occupation by white men, it wrought no in
justice if it did little good. 1t served to
some extent to keep down agitation, while it
did not practically change what would other
wise have been the social status of any COM
munity.
1t is not, however, the restoration of the
Compromise that is desired. There is lust
of gain perceptible amid this urgency to
conciliate, which must be borne in mind.
The referees-as they seem to have consti-
tuted themselves-of the border States, do
not forget to talk turkey" to their side.
Slavery is in no danger of finding its way
above 36o 3O'; but freedonl-at least, so they
seem to apprehend-may penetrate below
it. This must be guarded against; and
hence their amendment of the compromise
There are objections in principle, however,
| to this style of legislation, which, now that
we are free of it it is proper to present. No
| one Congress has the constitutional power to
control the discretion of q subsequent one /;
and, therefore, it is always inadVisable to at
tempt to do SO. What one session Of the
National Legislature can enact, another can
repeal; nor is there any means by which the
repeal can be prevented. No statesman
therefore, will attempt TO lay an interdict
upon future legislative bodies, because he
knows that there is no more character Of
permanency belonging to one law than to
another.
Besides, these professed attempts to do
impossible things areas we know by expe.
rience-fruitful sources of after-agitation
They become points upon which to hang
party issues of extraordinary bitterness and
persistency. Our recollection of the troubles
that attended the repeal of the Missouri
section, teach a lesson upon this head; and
there is no encouragement to repeat the
same proceeding. 1t is the part of the quack
politician to overlook the plainest princi-
pie of government, and TO cobble up things
for temporary purpose, regardless of the
elements of difficulty thereby preserved, to
break out with increased intensity on some
future occasion.
The proposed compromise can not go into
the Constitution, because the state of the
popular mind is adverse to its adoption into
that instrument. Nor should it. Consti-
tutions, being the organic law of whole
nation, and for all time, should take no cog
nizance of local or temporary conditions
This is plain principle to which the framerI
of ours adhered with exceeding constancy
There is nothing in the Constitution of tn,
United States upon which to base sectiona
or party gitation-nothing that is not jus
as applicable to one age, place or time as t
another-and herein consists its stronges
title to perpetuity. We could not mere Ell
fectually plant in its system the seeds of dis
solution than by amendments changing it i
this respect.
The same principle is applicable to legis
lation. Administrative regulations appli
cable to particular periods of time, and t
particular places, are necessary in order t
carry on the operations of the Government
but laws of general nature, which tax
cognizance of particular conditions in tint
place or class, are always wrong; and wha
is peculiar in the history of such doings il
that in nearly every case, they do thei
worst mischief to the party for whose espt
cial benefit they were enacted.
The first and most direct effect OF th
adoption of the proposed compromise wOul
probably be the Inauguration, or rather tn
. reinstatement of annexation as the centrt
point of our national politics. Except fc
this purpose it objectless and idle. Th
question therefore is; Do we want all of ou