Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-01-23

III their apprehensions on these several points
are groundless, is it not a duty you owe to God
and your country TO relieve their anxiety and re-
move all causes of discontentG Is there not quite
as much reason for relieving their apprehensions
upon these points, in regard to which they are
much more sensitive, as in respect to your direct
interference in the States, where they know and
YOU acknowledge, that you have no power to in
terfere rs the Constitution now standsi The fact
that you propose to give the assurance on the one
point and peremptorily refuse to give it on the
others, seems to authorize the presumption that
YOU do intend to use the powers of the Federal
Government for the purpose of direct interference
With slavery and the slave trade everywhere else,
with the view to its indirect effects upon slavery
in the States; or, in Il language of Mr.. Lincoln.
with the view of its ultimate extinction in all the
States. old as well as new. North as well as
South"
If you had exhausted your ingenuity in devils
ing plan for the express purpose of increasing
the apprehensions and infaming the passions Of
the Southern people, with the view of driving
them into revolution and disunion, none could
have been contrived better calculated to accom-
plish the object than the offering of that one
amendment to the Constitution ard rejecting all
others which are infinitely more important to the
safety and domestic tranquility Of the slavehold-
ing States.
In nv opinion, We have now reached a point
where this agitation must close, and all the mat
tiers IN controversy be finally determined by con-
stitutona amendments, or civil war and the dis
ruption of the Union are inevitable. Ny friend
from Oregon Mr.. Baker, who has addressed the
Senate for the last two days, will fail in his
avowed purpose to "evade" the question He
claims 20 be liberal and conservative; and, must
confess, that he seems the most liberal of any
gentleman on that side Of the Chamber, always
excepting the noble and patriotic speech of the
Senator from Connecticut Mr.. Dixon,] and the
utmost extent to which the Senator from Oregon
would consent to go, was to devise scheme by
which the real question at issre could be evaded.
regret the determination. to which appre-
bend The Republican Senators have come, to make
no adjustment, entertain no propositions, and
listen to no compromise of the matters in contro-
versy.
fear, from all the indications, that they are
disposed to treat the matter as party question,
to be determined in caucus with reference to its
effects upon the prospects of their party, rather
than upon the peace of the country and the safety
of the Union. Invoke their deliberate judgment
whether it is not dangerous experiment for any
political party to demonstrate to the American
people that the unity of their party is dearer to
them than the Union Of these States. The argu-
menf is, that the Chicago platform having been
must be maintained at all hazards, no matter what
the consequences to the country. / insist that
they are mistaken in the fact when they assert
that this question was decided by the American
people in the late election The American people
have not decided that they preferred the disrup-
ton Of this Government, and civil war with all
is horrors and miseFes, to surrendering one io.a
Of the Chicago platform If you believe that the
people with you on this issue, let the question
he submitted TO the people on the proposition Of
fered By the Senator from Kentucky, or mine, or
any other fair compromise, and will venture the
prediction that your own people will ratify the
proposed amendments to the Constitution, in or
der take this slavery agitation out Of Congress,
and restore peace to the country, and insure the
perpetuity Of the Union.
Why not give the people a chancef 1t is an
important crisis. There is now a different issue
presented from that in the Presidential election.
have no doubt that the people of Massachusetts,
by an overwhelming majority, are in favor of a
prohibition of slavery in the Territories by an act
OF Congress. An overwhelming majority of the
same people were in favor Of the instant prohibit
ton Of the African slave trade, on moral and re-
ligious grounds, ie.l the Constitution was made
When they found that the Constitution could not
be adopted and the Union preserved. without sur
rendering their objections on the slavery question,
they, in the spirit of patriotism and of Christian
feeling preferred the lesser evil to the gIeater and
ratified the Constitution without their favorte pro-
vision in regard to slavery Give them a chance
10 decide now between the ratification of these
proposed amendments to the Constitution, and the
consequences which your policy will inevitably
produce.
Why not allow the people to pass on theseques-
tons? All we have to do is to submit them to
the States. If the people reject them, theirs will
ha har hapo
done by the reference. If they accept them, the
country viii be safe, and at peace. The political
party which shall refuse to allow the people to
determine for themselves at the ballot-box the
issue between revolution and war on the one side,
and obstinate adherence to party platform on the
other, viii assume fearful responsibility. War
Is disunion now and forever. A war upon po-
htical issue, waged by the people of eighteen
States against the people and domestic Institutions
of fifteen sister States, is fearful and revolving
thought The South viii be unite, and despe-
rate, under the belief that your object in waging
war IN their destruction, and not the preservation
of the Union; that You mediate servile insurrec-
ton, and the abolition of slavery in the Southern
States, by fire and sword, in the name and under
pretext Of enforcing the laws, and indicating the
authority of the Government You know that
such Is the prevailing, and, i may say unanimous
opinion at the South; and that ten million people
are preparing for the terrible conflict under that
convection.
When there is such an irrepresslble discomfort
pervndng ten million people. penetrating tho
bosom of every MN, woman and child, and, in
their estimation, involving everything that is val
liable and dear on earth, is il not time to paus.
and reflect whether there is not some cause, rea
or imaginary, for apprehension If there be
just cause for it, in Gods name, in the name o
humanity and civilization, let it be removed
VIII we not be guilty, in the sight of Heaven ant
of posterity, if we do not remove all Just caus,
before proceeding TO extremitiesf If, on the con
trary, there be real foundation for these appre
tensions; if it be all mistake, and yet they, be
ieving it to be solemn reality, are determine,
TO act on that belief, is it not equally our duty Il
remove the misapprehension? Hence the obliga
ton to remove the causes of discomfort, whetRe
real or imaginary, is alike imperative upon US,
we wish to preserve the peace of the country an
the Union Of the States.
II matters not, 50 far as the peace of the coun
try and the preservation of the Union are con
cerned, whether the apprehensions of the South
ern people are well-fours.ed or not, so long a
they believe them, and are determined to act upo
that belief. If war comes, it must have an en-
at scne time; and that termination, i apprehend
viii be a final separation. Whether the war las
one year. seven years, or thirty years, the resul
must nc tne same cessation OF hOStlltleS Whe
the parties become exhausted, and treaty Q
peace recognizing the separate independence O
each section. The history of the world does not fur
nish an instance, where war has ragged for serie
of years between two classes of States, divided b
q geographical line under the same National Gov
eminent, which has ended in reconciliation and re
union. determination, subjugation, or separa
ton, one of the three, must be the result of wa
between the Northern and Southern States
Surely, YOU do not expect to exterminate or sui
jugate ten million people. the entire population Q
one section, as a means ofpreserving amicable re
lations between the two sections,
repeat. then, my solemn conviction, that wa
means disunion-fnal, rrevocable, eternal separs
ton see no alternative, therefore, but fa
compromise, founded on the basis of mutual cor
cessions, alike honorable, just, and beneficial
all parties, or civil war and disunion Is ther
anything humiliating in fair compromise of cor
hicting interests, opinions, and theories, for I'll
sake Of peace, union, and safety? Read the d,
bates Of the Federal Convention, which forme
our glorious Constitution, and you will find mob