Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1861-05-01

zeal and sectional part es have cocrced re
ligious opinion in particular directions,
for patty and sectional purposes. The
notification movement many years ago,
III South Carolina related to slavery only
IN the most indirect way-anG in no con
nection with any moral OF religious ques-
tiol. 1t was a question OF revenue taxa
ton, commerce, tariffs. wealth: u false
theory Of political economy enaged by
the peculiar condition of labor. More
recently, the commotion about slavery in
the Territories, has been Il struggle for
political power, aggravated oa the side OF
the North by the urgency of its numer-
ours emgtant population for cheap homes
in fertile regions And at The present
moment the States which have seeded,
are of all the slave states the very ones
which would not have seeded, and the
slave States which are most anxious to
preserve the the Union are the very ones
which would have promptly seeded, if
the current impression OF the case was
true and complete. If at any time with
IN the last thirty years, revolution IN
production, in trade, in commerce, III any
thing, had wrought thorough change IT.
/, the general opinion of the South, toucn-
ing-not the essential nature--but the in
, cid entail advantages of slavery in politi-
> cll and financial point OF view, ,oi course 10
, one would ever have heard of secession III
the South--or even seen the remoteSt ap-
proach to the existing state OF opinion at
the North. 1t is the idea OF poWer-pow-
er 10 be diminished by remaining III the
, Union and to be iucalculably augmented
by leaving it; the idea OF wealth, OF con-
quest, of adyanIemeut-pll of them, we
are thoroughly convinced, in the highest
degree Elusive and fatal but IT Is these
ideas-iar more than any digugt that the
North condemns slavery as Immoral or,
, any apprehension that slavery will be dis
turbed or sayes stolen, or the South an"
noyed u the Union-that pecyades the
, present dominant party in the cotton
, States, and enabled it to precipitate them
, into revolution. How far this aspect of
the case aggravates or alleyates the dlif-
, Guilty ot dealing with it, in any hope Of
such an issue rs we consider fortunate,
, must depend on many considerations
. which cannot be discussed here. In any
event, it seems clear that they who would
! heal a malady must understand its exact
nature. And Z it is never healed, they
> who eagerly desi. Q thai it should be, owe
10 luellStlNcS anu ~ ~. .tSlINe " 4"44 "i'N'
complete statement OF the case, aad ol the
remedy they propose for 1t.
>. Human seryitude, considered in its
4, widest sense, ana OF which hereditary s'a.
very as it exists in our slave States is the
o extreme form-may be discussed in the
- high of Divine Reyt latlon-or in the light
:. oi the Law of Nature-or in the light OF
, the political and municipal Institutions
=, of the countries where it exists. COn5id .
I cred in this last aspect--there ought to
lie no dispute concerning it, and there
, can Lc none fairly, in this country, cN-
=, cept in single point OF view-nameIyr
!. its existence in the national territory,
+ which we will speak OF separately. For,
- undeniably, each State has the complete
and exclusive right, to determine CON
# ceruing it as a strictly domestic instltu,
- ton and, undeniable, neither any other
State, nor the government which IS COM
q mon to all the States, has any power to
a interfere with it, or concerning it, in any
/. State. And this is not only matter OF
q constitutional obligation on one side, and
un controlled ri ghJ on the other; bat tue
=, plainest dictates Of prudence, and the
=, clearest obligations OF morality, impose
i upon the States, and the general,
, gJyernm tho duty of a simple
~ sincere, and faithful observance of all
p. that is implied, as well rs all tina. is eX.
n pressed, in these restrictions. Massachu.
"a setts has no right, OF any kind, to assaiI
slavery in South Carolina, nor has South
y Carolina any right fany sort to cncour
: age the introduction Of slavery into Mas
a sachuselts and any attempt on the part
i of the General Government, directly OF
~ indirectly, to favor any such endeavor or
,r the part of either of them, is foolish anC
10 wicked peryeIsion of its own nature. MOI
,e is there any plea that can be offered eli
:. ther by the General Government, or bl
70 any State, 70! departing from this cleai
,e line of mutual duty, which is not immOr
q al in itself and revolutionary in It's ten
i. dency. Moreover the prompt and cor
of dial performance by all parties, towards
,e each other, Of all the mutual duties bind
of ing upon them under the Federal CUnsti
at tu ion touching every subject, an,
A. amongst the rest the subject Of slavery
d and amongst the duties connected Will
ne slavery the rendi ion Of fugitive slaves, o
,s which we will speak separately, beside
m being every way binding before God ant
q. man, is the sure, the wise, and the peace
q. ful way to promote all the Interests Of al
al the parties, and to secure the lasting glor,
nd and prosperity of the country.
in ,. When we undertake to determin
TO this, or indeed any question, under wha
il we call the Law OF Nature, we encounte
I'd the most serious difficulties at every ster
K What we shall say, therefore, on this top
by ic, must be in subordnation to what Ia
ee just been said under the aspect of on
wv civil and political obligations, and wha
we shall say presently under the aspect q
ne revealed truth and duty. Besides tn
he statement of the Law of Nature recorde
O. and reiterated in TIE Word of God, c
H. which we do not speak ut present, ther
We are other--perhaps numerous, but cer
se tainly indstinot, and perhaps contradic
q. tory utteIances of that great and perma
. ~ lh,r A [ III, hnnl nf thnsa III nrn N