The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-03-06
LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.

| From the NelO York Herald.l
IN WORD, the inaugural is not crude peform-
ance-lt abounds in traits of craft and cunning II
oearsmarks of indecision, and vet of stropp coar-
con roclivities, with serious doubts Whether the
venment will be able to crafty them 1t is so
cleary intended to admit of double, or even OF
any lossbe Interpretation, that many will content
.heISeves with waiting for the progress of events
IN th. meanwhile seeking in it for no meaning at
ALL 1t is neither candid nor statesmanike; nor
does possess any essential of dignity or patriot
Ism. 1t would have caused Washington to mourn,
anu anu would have inspired Jefferson, Madison, or
Jaeson with contempt. With regard to the ulti-
mat projects of Mr.. Lincoln, the public is no wiser
ehanbeiore. 1t is sincerely to be trusted that he
Is vt ignorant of them himself.
! -, From the N. 7. TriJune)
lie address cannot fail to exercise a happy infu-
enceupon the country. The tone of almost tender.
nesswith which the South is called upon to re-
turn to her allegiance, cannot fail to convince
ever those who differ from Mr.. Lincoln that he
earnestly and seriously desires to avoid all difficult
" and disturbance, while the frmuess with VIII ich
he aows his determination to obey the simple let
! Ter q his duty, must command the respect of the
| Whoe country, while it carries conviction of his
earn'stness of purpose, and of his courage to en-.
| forctit.
From the Ne,v York TVorldl
But those ofthe South who still regard the Union
| Whoyet can recognize the duties involved in an
oathto faithfully execute the office Of President
of ne United States, and preserve protect and de-
Ient the Constitution" will find no reason for COM
plant, 10 ground for apprehension. The Pres
ien does not shrink from full declaration of pur-
oos' 10 maintain the supremacy of the Constitu
son, but he lndul lges in no harsh or mperious tone
Ais language throughout is that of kindness, con-
cll!ltlon and peace. No strictly impartial man. no
iatdgent foreigner the other side of the water on
reafing this address, can for moment imagine
lhatlts author means harm to any section of the
country.
From he Ne,o York Times
Mc. LlncOln's inaugural address must command
approval ho1- Of tbo
Amrican people. The intellectual and moral
ylgr which pervades it will inluse new hope aud
loyalty into the American heart. The calm firm
ness with which it asserts the rghtful authority of
the Federal Government the declared purpose
Whl'h 1t embodies to preserve, protect and defend
the Union and the Constitution, the casv force
VITA which 1t sweeps away all the cobwebs of Sc.
cesSon logic, and vindicates the supreme duty of
the government to defend its own existence, can
not taIi to impress even the most determined Seces-
slonlst with grave doubts to the Justice of his
cause The characteristic feature of the address,
Is its profound sincerity,-the earnest determine.
con which 1t evinces to render equal and exact
justice to every State, to every section to every
interest OF the RepubIic,-and to administer the
government in a spirit of the most thorough and
impartial equity. To this purpose every other
Consideration is made to bend. And no one who
can understand and appreciate such a character as
that of Mr.. Lincor will doubt that this spirit will
mark every act of his administration.
From the ". ?. SUM-
There is manly sincerity, geneality and strength
10 be let in the whole address which, as it is one
oi the few facts from the other side which are Ger
tam to reach the Southern mind, may be expected
to produce happy effect. Even the border State
olsunlonsts will fail to find in it bugbear of eco
erclon" or "abolitonism" with which they can de-
Iude the common sense of their people; while thev
Will equally fail to find in it prospect of mpuni-
ty in treason.
From the Ne1g York Courier and Eaouirsrl
We cannot see how any true citizen of this Re-
puoHc' any lover of It's Union of States, its Const
luton and laws, can rise from the perusal of this
address without being completely satisfied without
saying abraham Lincoln is right; he has said
Just what he ought to say, and no more nor less;
Is man who will do what he promises man in
mnom the perfect trust may be reposed that he will
be an able and true President of the United States
South and North, East and West.'' So this address
imPresses US, so we believe it must impress every
right minded man.
From the Tirginia Sentinell
Ine positions taken, make the Inaugural a de-
claratlon OF war. He avowed views and purposes
wholly inconsistent with the position Of the seeded
States. They have no alternative but to abandon
their claim to independence, and render obedience
to the authority which they have repudated, or
maintain their position against all the power which
Lincoln can command. In short, the Inaugural is
a 'oar document, and is universally so held by the
national men in Washington mingled though it
De with sentences which by sOphstry, stand in
verbal contrast with the hostile attitude assumed
We may now expect stirring times. Having laid
down doctrines which reduce the Southern section
to the unquestioned dominion of the North as a
section, and having asserted purposes which will
inevitably produce instant war at the South, he
yet said, if blood was she'd the fault would not be
| his;-if civil war ensued it would not be BY his
kindling. The sum is, that ii allowed to have his
way and it his rule be accepted there will be no
collision; for he does not intend to GO out of the
Path he has marked out, to produce one!
. FROM the Alexandria TuJ Ga=ettel
we nave, OF course, neither the space the
opportunity to-day TO comment o.. it, at length.
1g n n ocOt Or tbn.n a.
altogether out of the official rotine-and bears th
marks OF being composed hurriedy. 1t is not such
an one as we wshed-nor is it such an one as prob
ably will conciliate satisfy those whom he speaks
OF as dissatisfied" in the South. On some points
Gfeari on others not so clear, it may be- as he
H'eiiueu' upon the whole, it NAV be said tho, no
IN all his previous speeches, since his election M
LincSln has, in his inaugural address, disappointed
| public expectation. Conservative men will think
| that he has vet failed to elevate himself to the
| proper standard of patriotism, and to meet in a
proper tome Ii not spirit, the eXigenciss of the
fearful crisis which is upon us. The duty-above
! all other duties-of the President, at this time
should be, to recommend, urge, and devote him
self to-realizing fully the imminence of the peril
"a speedy, just and honorable restoration, if pos
siole, OF harmony and Union. And this might be
effected by giving just and honorable guarantees
| Tor future peace and security.
From tie Philadelphia Pennsylranianl
lie has spoken. Is the public mind relieved ?.
Is the popular anxiety tranquilized? Do men
| breathe more freely, or know any more than they
did before? It all like ourselves, then
| We say no. Mr. Lincoln has utterly failed to
| recommend any measures looking to the preServa
ton of peace and to the preservation of the Union
such eagerness for his inaugural, read it only to
| lay it down in disappointment, many of them in
displeasure, if not disgust. 1t is literary mon
| gre, having the crudties of Lincoln and the
we can only regard it as a feeble declaration
! OF war against the seeding States. Its
phrases are soft and nicely chosen. Ii
uses no strong language. In that respect it
! is cautious and crafty. Those words would
alarm and shock But it means coercion and war,
or 1t means nothing. MIR. Lincoln says that be doe;
not recognize the right of secession or the fact al
secession. The world would be ignorant of the
| formation Of new Southern Confederacy if it re.
lied for such information on Mr. Lincoln's inaugu.
raj. He is altogether silent on the subject. He
says the "UniOn is unbroken," and he ''will take
care that the laws of the Union be faithfully exc.
cuted in all the States"
Taking this inaugural as whole it is lame
unsatisfactory and discreditable production, infe
rior in every respect to anything that has ever
! emanated from any former President. In one word
| the tigers claws are not the less formidable be.
! cause concealed under the velvety fur of Seward
| ism.
From the Philadelphia Ledgerl
But the dominant idea of his address is that an
unbroken Union; that secession is lawess, and that
no authority short of the whole people of all the
! States can break up the Government This beipo
the case, the obligation of the oath he has just taken
to observe the Constitution and the laws requires
that be shall enforce the laws as they exist He
must preserve United States property, collect the
customs. The postal service, and holding the Uni
TED States Courts, he may refrain from enforcing,
II the people for whose good they are meant resist
| This language means that the Executive must re-
| possess the Federal Government with authority
over the forts and arsenas wrested from its poger
and that the duties must be collected outside il
| OF fba
How these things are to be done without a COLI
| sion, we unable to understand, though Mr.
Lincoln says, in doing so, there need be no blood
shed or violence. There need not be, if the sece-
ding States willing to submit to the exercise o
power they deny and repudiate. Whether Mr..
! Lincoln expects this or not is not so clear From
ms arguments upon secession and the inadequacy
OF war to settle any of the disputed questions which
have caused sectional alienation, it would seem that
he does not despair of time restoring confidence in
| the good intentions of the Republican Administra-
tion, and his expressed preference for a National
Convention would imply that he looked to that as
the means by which the country's troubles may be
healed. But to call National Convention requires
time, while the federal laws to be enforced i'm.
mediately. Will the seeding States find enough
OF security in Mr.. Lincolns professions to wait un
til the people can speak for themselves? If they
have any remote hope off the Union, and desire tC
re-enter it, they may. But all their acts lead to
| different conclusion.
From the Philadelphia PressI
lit 1t las produced decidedly favorable impression
1t is true that we would have been glad if more
decided and explicit measures of pacication coult
have been perfected by Congress, and recommended
in his inaugural. But, as the matter now stands
| he has endorsed the Corwin proposition which ha
received two-third vote in both Houses, and pro-
vides for amendment of the Constitution that viii
| forbid any future amendment authorizing the Fede
raj Government to interfere with slavery in the
States and he favors the assemblage of a Ma
mol No,