Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1861-03-30

Senators, the selection of the most trustwor.
thy agents, it is hereby directed that all the
net proceeds arising from the sale Of the pub.
lie lands, shall be distributed annually among
the several States, according to the combined
ratio OF representation and taxation; but the
distribution aforesaid may be suspended by
Congress in case Of actual war with foreign
nation, or imminont p2ril thereof"
That proposition | submitted, and by the
courtesy of the Convention-and no body was
ever more courteous than it was to me-the
ten minutes rule, which had been proclaimed
as the limit Of debate, was immediately sus
pended, it being understood that | intended
TO discuss the propositions, and my own time
was allowed me, TO take what range and lu,i.
tude OF debate might deem necessary &c.
cordlnGly entered into an explanation of
the proposition in all its parts aud bear.
lngs. | maintained that some security was ne.
cessary against the influence which the Presi-
dent through his patronage, might exercise in
the Ierrtories.) 1t was even without such in.
tention natural that the President should be.
stow the emoluments Of office on those who
held opinions corresponding with his own.
The propagandism Of antslarcry sentiment
would inevitably proceed from the Govern
or, Lieutenant Governor, and the long list OF
other officers to be appointed by Mr Lincoln
10 theSe Territories. lsought to guard against
this by the proposition to amend, SO as 10 give
substantially to the ma ority Of Senators on each
side Of the line of SO degrees and so minutes
forever the virtual appointment Of officers in
the territories lying respectively North and
South Of that line. ] stated in that Assembly
n fact which it is not out Of place 10 repeat
here, that sixteen years ago, when left the
government, We had reduced the pub.
lie expenditures from thirIy-two millions
to twenty.four millions per annum.-
And yet We have in no degree impaired tho
efficiency of the public service but had added
to our naval defence the Home Squadron; had
enlarged the basis Of our military operations;
had increased the strength, and the efficiency
OF the arHiy-and manned our Notifications, and
all at the low rate Of expenditure mentioned
Within this short period of sixteen years,
which has since elapsed we find these expen-
ditures swollen up, Of &c, 20, $4,000, ,000-I
know not what in fact cannot account
for this vast expenditure. Nor does the
evil stop with the expenditures from
the Treasury The public lands, that
great source Of public credit in times OF
embarrassment, are spoiated on with mer.
cIless lity-land- grants, homestead bills
and railroad donations, all combined, seem to
threaten all extinction Of all public interes: il,
the preservation of this great inheritance. 4:
was time, | thought, to interposc with that
great remedial measure Of distributing the
proceeds Of the public lands equally among
the States, according TO the ratio of repreScn-
tatlon and taxation.) But, furthermore in The
division of territory, there had been given to
the Northern States fully four.titls of the
territory Of the United States The remain
ing fifth being on our side Of the line, j sought
to equalzc, to some extent the division, by
making each State participant in the pro.
cceds OF the sales Of the whole Of the lands!
But above all, Mr.. President, desired To
restrain that wild spirit Of propagandism which
knew would inevitably influence those who
would be appointed 10 offices in the territory
under the new administration. | knew that
the man who was in the Presidential Office
would appoint his own friends TO Office 1T
was natural that Mr.. Lincoln should do so, and
took for granted that the Chicago platform
would be the Constitution of every man of
them. regarded the rejection of this propo.
sition as vital objection to that first sectionA
Tnliakie Y {EdIsndd near me (Mr. SuNMERs) and the
dial support, an2d tger> isr 'So,e uv yvu-.:.t.
pose we obtained for itp) Plain, rational, just
as it seemed to be and really was-what sort
Of vote do you suppose We got for it? There
were five States voting for it, and all the rest
against it) 1t would not do to restrain Mr..
Lincoln in the giving Of his patronage; they
wanted to give him full sway. was told by
some, we will vote for your proposition in
1865, but We cannot vote for it now. Yes, sir,
they would vote for it after the mischief will
have been done-aftcr the propagandists Shall
have accomplished their purposes. The Chi
cago platform will then have received its prac.
tical Interpretation, and been carried into full
effect / repeat, that my colleagues came up
to the spirit Of the proposition which offered,
and Virginia was a unit in favor Of it; and
would now have it incorporated in any prGet
that may be offered to this Convention.
Sir, | shall now endeavor to hurry on rs
fast as can with my commentaries upon the
remaining sections.
| THE third section,li if you examine it, will be
found to be deprived Of its principal value by
the adoption)b }two-thirds of both houses Of
Congress of tile Corwin amehdlnent\ Why
that amendment has not been submitted to
Us, for our consideration, | do not know. The
section secures lis against the abolition OF
slavery in the District Of Columbia, and in
places under the exclusive jurisdiction OF
Congress, within the States and Territories,
where slavery exists. My friend thinks that
We gain much by the succeeding clause Of the
section which gives us (the right to transport
our slaves by sea or river, TO touch at ports,
shores or landings, and Of landing in case OF
distress. cannot place the same high value
upon it that he does. This right Islands so
under the international law that law which
is co-extensive in its operation with the civil
lied world-no country however powerful,
can violate it without incurring universal
odium and denunciation.i How was tin tic
case of the Creole which We settled under the
Ashburton treaty? You rccollect that the
Creole sailed from this port with cargo ol
slaves for Southern State. Her crew rose
up against her officers, took possession Of the
ship and carried her into Nassau, New Provl-
dence, where the slaves were taken from
the ship by the populace and all set free.
} We made demand of Great Britain,
charged that she had violated the rights
Iof hospitality, and the comfy that exists
, between nations The amende honorable
/ was made by Lord Ashburton in MS ne
gotiations with US at W ashingtonA The
: Executive would have accepted no result
which had not embraced an honorable adjust
: ment of the principle involved in the case Of
the Creole
So that you preceive that this is nc. neg
thing. II is no more than the confirmation Of
, principle in the international code by Con-
, stitutonal enactment Unhappy state Of things,
truly, when principle Of comfy and good
} feeling, observed by all nations in their inter-
course with each other is, in order to be recog-
nized as obligatory by confederates to be III
, corporated as guarantee in the fundamental
law. How lamentably deplorablc is that state
of things which renders it necessary.
In)regard toIthe last clause OF this section,
which my friend CAIr SuNNEgs,) laid so
much stress upon. We have simply caught a
: Tartar l do not know that. it would mot be
L fortunate if the whole measure was rejected in
j order to get rid Of this. | thifk no objection
:. was made to it and being urged by one of our
own members, we all voted for it. | allude to