Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-03-02
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ant testimony, that in the great majority Of
csses, where an energetic line Of conduct on
the part Of the Government has heeu in
dicat1d by the disorders Of the times, those
public men who have been II favor Of Yigor
and promptitude have been IN the smallest
minority. The number of men in the world
gifted with a genius for the suppression of
insnrfeetions has been very small. Oliver
Cromwell and Nanoleon Bonaparte had that
species Of ability, in an eminent degree.
General Washington had it also, and, to
considerable extent, General jackson. They
who possess It are entitled to beo called great;
and Posterity seldom fails 70 discover and
r,member this trait Oftheir characters.
The majority Of public mon are timid-or.
as they call II, conserVatips--in times of dis
turbance. The reason for this is that they
belong to the class ofparty pollticians-men
whose highest rule of conduct is to take
care Of themselves. A movement that may,
even temporarily, ,jeopardize their hold upon
Office or power, is the thing of all others to
be avoided. Their views thus contracted to
the narrowest possible channel, any thing
like decided course of action is terrible to
them. AS matter Of right, they have no
means to measure it; and when the question
is of expediency, they are incapable to ex-
anime itexceptint the light of the effect which
it may have upon their future prospects, or
their present condition.
The capacity to act in times of great
emergency, is statesmanship. 1t is supposed
by some that craftsmanship is learned in
the course Of years of service in party ranks
and ofice-holding. There never was a
greater mistake. The statesman and the
politician do not belong to the same sphere.
Their provinces are not only not identical,
but they do not even touch at the bounda.
ries. The statesman is one thing; the party
politician another. The characteristic of
the one is breadth, that of the other narrow.
ness Of vision: of the one liberality of the
other selfshness Of the one love of and
adhesion to established principle; of the
other perpetual tendency to act upon con-
considerations of interest.
Mr.. Lincoln will, almost from the neces.
sity of the case, have a Cabinet composed of
party politicians. 1t will be idle to expect
that, although in the Cabinet they will think
and act otherwise than as party politicians.
When the Administration is organized, the
question to be practically settled is: Who is
to give it its qualities, the head clerks of the
departments, or the President himself-in
other words, is the character of the Admin
istration to be negative or positive2 The
people want a positive Administration-an
Administration in which the will of the
President himself is the predominating ele-
ment. OF the two, they prefer the arbitrary
to the inefficient; and had rather see man
assume authority that does not strictly be-
long to him, than shun any real response
bility that attaches to his position.
If the character of the Administration is
to be fixed by the Cabinet, it will of neces-
sity be negative one Absolute unanimity
of counsels can not be expected in a body
composed Of so many persons; and the re-
suit of divisions of sentiment will be COM
promises upon questions of principle and
policy, and the delay and defeat of desirable
measures. A Cabinet can not manage an
Administration creditably to itself or to the
country. The thing is not among the pos
sibilities. There must be President with
opinions and will of his own, or there will be
no Government.
Much is said about the probable course of
Mr.. Lincoln; and that confusion of ideas
which prevails upon every subject connected
with politics, is as marked in respect to the
duty of the Executive head of the Govern
ment as to any other. Mr.. Lincoln, it is said
by some, will pursue conservative course; :;
and great hopes are entertained of him, be-
cause he has called conservative men TO mis-
cUunseIsi Sn1IvUy guaranteelng conservative
measures as the policy of his Administration.
Now the question arises, what is conserva-
tive course; and how is Mr.. Lincoln to pur.
sue it? And in order to full understanding
of this inquiry, it will be proper to look at
the Office which Mr.. Lincoln holds, its char
acter and the duties which it imposes.
Mr.. Lincoln when inaugurated, will be
the chief executive officer of the nation. His
duties are in their nature neither judicial nor
is sworn to support the Constitution, not as
the member of legislative assembly nor of
legal tribunal, but as an Executive officer.
1t is not in the line of his duty to repeal or
amend the laws, but simply to give force to
their provisions. In respect to this, his
course is plain. If he would, there is no
mistaking it. The question is: Will he do
his duty according to law, Constitution, and
the plainest teachings of reason as applied to
Government, or will he not2
What, under such circumstances, is meant
by "a conservative course" we do not COM
prehend. Does it mean that he will do half
his duty, and leave the other half undone;
or that he will proceed in the line of his
constitutional obligations, but in slothful,
dilatory and perfunctory manner; or that,
overlooking the character of his position in
the Government, he will submit to tamper,
temporize and bargain with those who, with
arms in their hands, are at war against the
national existence2
We find our contemporaries, even our Re-
publican cotemporaries-for upon this point
the Gazette and the Commercial are in state
of most interesting harmony with the En-
quiTer-rejoicing over Mr.. Lincoln's con-
servatIve indications. By this they evil
IDENTIFY mean to be understood as expressing
hope that Mr.. Lincoln will pursue con-
ciliatOry, conceding, compromising policy
that In short, he will not do his duty. What
there is in the conduct of Mr.. Buchanan to
render it desirable that it should constitute
the model for Mr.. Liucoln's imitation, it is
not easy to see. If Mr.. Buchanan is hated
in the North for his treachery, he is despised