Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-03-01


Section /. Excludes slavery from territory
north of 960 3O', and leaves Il judicial
question south Of that line.
The exclusion from the Northern territory
is unnecessary. When It existed it was the
pretext ofSouthern agitation. II can hardly
be necessary to pacify the South now, aud
is entirely uDcalled for by the North.
The proposition to leave the Courts to de-
eide the status Of slavery south Of the line
is the same Judicial question" that was in
vented as an appendsge to Douglass popular
sovereignty in the Kansas Bill and which
has been the cause Of so much agitation in
both parties and sections. To apply this to
heal the sectional rupture, seems like the old
rule Of hair of the same dog TO cure the bite.
This is the main feature of the Conference
proposition. Ifthis can settle the difficulties
it will show how tri1ing the cause.
Section one also provides that when any
Territory, constituted by Congress, shall
have population to entitle it to Represent
ative, it shall be admitted, with or without
slavery.
This is already right of the Territories.
Nobody has denied admission to any new
State fairly entitled to it, except the South
in the case of Kansas and California. Tho
South has only to do its duty, and no
amendment will be needed; and no amend
ment will compel its representatives in Con.
gTess to act if they will not do their duty.
Sec. 2. Prohibits the acquisition of ter
ritory without the concurrence of a ma
jority of the Senators from free States and
slave States, separately.
In view of the vicissitudes of nations,
and of the new relations which are con-
stautly developing, what nation, governed
by sane men, will bind itself in regard to
acquisitions of territory? When all the
great powers are encroaching on the weaker
nations in every quarter of the world, not
excepting America, and when no man can
calculate the complications in which we may
be involved, both in peace and war, what
soul, large enough TO take national view
of this nation, will say that it should
appear before the other great Powers, either
in the negotiations Of peace, or in war; with
its hands tied in regard to acquisitions of
territory, by restriction such as none but
conquered nation would submit to2
We know not whether this is concession
to the South or to the North; and the same
difficulty is found in all the propositions
The provision will be imperative for good; f;
because our chief acquisitions are either by
war or filibustering; usually both. In these
cases the acquisitions are made before any
question of annexation can come before the
Senate. In the war with Mexico, Congress
refused to listen to any discussion about re-
strictions upon the territory to be annexed,
until the war was over and to propose anv,
or to fail TO support the war, made for moth
ing else but acquisition of territory, was held
to be a want of fidelity to the Government
in time of war.
Then, it is too late to refuse and should
there be sectional opposition, the acquisition,
when organized into a State, can come in
under the provision for the admission of
States, without regard to the sectional
amendment in the Constitution. Thus it
will be seen, this proposition is but deu-
sion and snare, full of mischief, but incapa.
BILE of good. But, perhaps the most mis-
cbievous feature of all is the constitutional
establishment of sectional division in our
Government, by giving free States and slave
States separate negative. To abolish sec
tioDalism, it is to be established by the Con-
stitution.
| Next, we shall have the proposition for a
dual executive, with President and a veto
for each section, as was suggested by CAL
hcun. This contains the whole principle I;
and on the particular subject, carries it far
tber than Calhoun proposed. Aud cut of
this we shall have the claim established
which was broached here at the Washing
ton Birth night Banquet by Senator Pugh,
that the slave States must have an equal
number in the Senate, or the Union would
never exist. The thing is a contrivance of
devilish ingenuity, osteDsibly of little con-
sequence, but establishing the principle of
sectionalism in the Constitution, where it
will be capable of indefinite expansion.
Sec. 3. Prohibits Congress from abol-
isbiDg slavery in the District of Colum.
bs, and in places owned by the Government
| III tbe sldFc Olhlos dliOWS SIdNeSi IN LThuSlJ
by water, to touch at ports ia free States
but not the right of transit; prohibits a
greater rate of direct taxes on slaves than
on land; and prohibits the slave-trade in the
District of Columbia.
This is unimportant to either North OF
South. As the structure of our society is
such that none but the South is supposed to
be entitled to concessions, we suppose, o.
course, this is a concession TO the South. L
it was not made by the Peace Convention we
should not know it.
Sec. A. States are permitted to en-.
force the delivery of fugitive slaves to theil
owners.
Slightly ambiguous, but unimportant.
Sec. 8. Forever prohibits the slave trade
and makes it the duty of Congress to preven
the importation of slaves, Coolies and all per
sons held to service.
Unnecessary and impolitic; and as far a
the slave. trade is concerned, a stigma upor
the domestic relation of the South, and cal
culated TO exasperate the Southern heart.
No nation qualified to govern ITSELF will
bind itself with unnecessary restrictions
least of all, will it put them in its Constitu
ton, SO as to prevent itself from throwing
them off, when circumstances require. l
This nation is going to exist longer than an,
particular party can control it, it shoulc
keep itself untTammeled from superfuou
restrictions Coolies have already been in