The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1861-07-11

that which the others, because they the major
ity, may not rightfully do. These politicians are
profound in the rights of minorities. They
not partial to that power which made the constitu
ton, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself
"we, the people," 1t may be we'll questioned
whether there is to-day a majority of the legally
qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps
South Carolina, in favor of dsunion. There is
much reason to believe that the Union men are in
a majority in many, if not in all, of the seeded
States. The contrary has not been demons trated
in any one of them. 1t is ventured to affirm this
even of Virginia and Tennessee, for the result of
elections held in military camps, where the bayo
nets were all on one side of the question voted up
on, can scarcely be considered rs demonstrating
the popular sentiment. At such an election all
that large class who are at once for the Union and
against coercion, would be coerced to vote against
the Union.
1t may be affirmed without extravaganza that the
free institutions which enjoy have developed
the powers. and improved the condition, of our
whole people, beyond any example in the world.
or this we now have striking and impressive
illustration. So large army the government
has now on foot never before known, without
a soldier in it who has not taken his place there of
his own free choice. But, more than this, there
are many single regiments whose members, one
and another, possess full practical knowledge of
tie arts and sciences, professions, and whatever
else, whether useful or elegant, is known to the
whole world and there is scarcely one from which
there could not be selected Presidents Cabinet
a Congress, and, perhaps, Court, a5undantly
competent to administer the government Nor do
say this is not true also in the arm, of our late
so much the better reason why the government,
which ha. conferred such benefits on both them
and us, shoud not be broken up.
Who ever. in any section, proposes to abandon
such government would do we'll to consider in
Difference 20 what principle it is that he does it
whether the substitute will give, or be intended to
give, so much good to the people. Our ADVERSE
ries have adopted some declarations of independ-
ence, in which, unlike the good old one penned by
Jefferson they omit the words "are created equal
Why? They have adopted a temporary national
constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our
good old one signed by Washing ton, they omit
"we, the people," and substitute "we, the depu-
ties of the sovereign and independent States. -
Why this deliberate pressing out of view the
rights of men and the authority of the people ?
This is essentially peoples contest or the side of
the Union. it is struggle for maintaining in the
world that form and substance of government whose
leading object is to elevate the cOnGtion of men,
to lift artificial weights from all shoulders to clear
the paths Of laudable pursuit, and to afford all an
unfcttercd start and fair chance in the race OF
life. yielding to partial and temporary departures
from necessity. This is the leading object of the
government for whose existence we contend. | am
most happy to believe that the plain people under
stand and appreciate this.
1t is worthy Of note that while, in this the gov
ernments hour of trial, large numbers of those i'll
the army and navy who have been favored with
the Offices have resigned and proved false to the
hand that pampcred them, not one common soldier
or common sailor is known to have deserted his
flag. Great honor is due to those officers who
remained true. despite the example of their
treacherous associates. But the greatest honor,
and most emphatic fact OF all, is the unanimous
/
ors. To the last man, so far as is known, they
successfully resisted the taitorous efforts of those
officers whose com mand within an hour before they
obcyed as absolute law. This is n patriotic
instinct Of plain men. They understand without
an argument that the destroying of the government
which was made by Washington. means no good
for them.
n,,,, Hoa a11ol
an experiment. Two points in it our people have
setted-the successful establishing and the sue
cessful administering of it. One still remains
its successful maintenance against formidable
internal attempt to overthrow it. IL is now for
tnem to demonstrate to the world that those who
can fairly carry an election can also suppress a
rebellion; that ball is are the rightfu AMI peace
full successors of bullets and. when ballots are
| fairly and constitutionally decided. there can be
70 sue :essful appeal except back to the ballots
themselves at a succeeding election. Such will
be great lesson ofpeace, teaching men that what
they cannot take by an election neither can they
take it by a war teaching all the folly of being
the beginners of
Lest there be some nncasincss in the minds
4
government towards the southern States after the
rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Execu
tive deems it proper to say that it shall be hispur-
pose, then as ever to be guided by the constitution
and the laws, and that he will probably have no
different III derstanding of the powers and duties
of the Federal government relatively to the
rights of the States and the people, under the con-
sttution, than that expressed in the inaugural ad-
dress He desires to preserve the government.
that il may be administered for all time it
administered by the men who made it. Loyal
citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of
their government. The government has no right
to withhold or neglect it, and it is not perceived,
in giving il, that there is any coercion, any con-
quest, or any subjugation, in any just sense of
these terms.
The constitution provided, and all the States
accepted the provision that the United States shall
guarantee to every State in this Union, republic
an form of government but if State may law
fully 90 out of the Udion, having done so it may
l., dso,rd tho rarubl;can form of Government