New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-01-31
FnE PR0-SLiVERY REBELLION,
TEE VIRGINIA. PReRogET1oN.
Tie Intended Attack on Tor. Sumter
FROM WASHINGTON.
EMANCIPATION TO FOLLOW SECESSION.


WASHINGTON, Jan. 90, 1861.
II ia idle to treat the Secession movement as
n difficulty that will be quickly settled, sqnall
hat will soon blos over. 1t Is most serious
complication, growing grayer every hour. The
Republicans in Congress see this as PLAINLY as
the highly respectable old gentlemen who emerge
from their retirement TO visit Washington and
compose our national distrosses. The difference
between the two classes is this: the elderly
gentlemen think it is crisis in which something
ought TO be dore to appease and serve Slavery
The Republicans think j! crisis IN which no
such sacrifice is demanded, but rather one where
vmething ought to be done on behalf of Freedom.
One is thus for q compromise that shall strengthen
aud extend the troublesome institution; the other
h ayerse to anything OF the sort. The latter has
been quite content TO abide in :" mastery in
activity" But events crowd upon them so fast,
That they begin to perceive the necessity of
adopting at no distaut day, an Affirmative policy
which shall furnish new safeguards for Freedom.
Secession is no longer O question OF fact. 1t
exists The question now is as to its limitations.
1t cannot be STOPPED, but it must be controlled
The Secessiunis.4 .l9y 60 ON. They will 60 on.
encounter. Not in general terms, but speciiical-
". So far as the Gulf States are concerned,
the policy is already seen to be plain enough.
Their ports must be bloekaded, if they refuse to
pay Federal revenue.
But there is another class quite differently stu
ated. These are the outlying Slave States with
q small slave population, relatively, among which
We may include Texas. Maryland and Missouri
are the leading members of this class. In what
way is Secession to be treated in them They
propose to secedc, not because Secession is good
or because they Ike it, but because they are
SlayehOlding States and must therefore, go with
the SlavehOlding Confederacy when one is estab-
lshed. Now, it is taken for granted that the
Federal Government is 10 resolutely oppose ali
secession everywhere But it is unquestiOnable that
serious difficulties viii stand in IFS way. IL can
not remove those difficulties, one By one, as best
it may. But one rule win not apply 70 all cases.
South Carolina and Mississippi cannot be treated
Ike Maryland and Missouri In the two former
the slaves outnumber the free population. la the
two latter, the slaves are but one in six or eight
of the people. Emancipation and compensation
might be very bad policy in States where the
Authorization was rapidly going on, or whore
for other causes it might be deemed unsuitable.
But in States lying on the outer borders Of the
dave districts, in which Slavery only maintains
PrecariOus fOOthOd, emancipation and compensa-
fsan may be the very weapons with which to
battle Secession. In fact, it is growing convic-
ton among Free-State men. well as others,
that they ave the ONLY Aan~tnnl nnns The cob
ieet ia being very seriously considered, therefore,
as one likely to be soon up for solution.
II the Secession epidemic reaches the extreme
border States, and the whole aspect of affairs
becomes threatening, high reasons of State may
compel prompt and radical measures of emanci.
patton wherever it can be safely attempted Aud
no one would be likely to deny that it could be
safely attempted in all the States west Of the
Mississippi River, as well as in Maryland and
Delaware If Secession forces itself upon the
Federal Government, aud becomes dangerous ia
its proportions and localities the instincts of self
preservation, and the demands of imperative
duty, may require the instant abrogatiOn of
Slavery in certain States by whatever power can
accomplish the object If revolution can be
stayed in no other way it must be met by rev.
olutiOn. Certainly the revolutionist could not
expect to be exempt from incurring the dangers
Of the weapons he himself has forged. All ex.
tensiye CONGREGATIONS have TO be arrested by
extraordinary and often destructive methods
The authorities blow up a small district to save
large one. A little fire is often set to stop
the ravages of q great one. How, then, could
Maryland or Missouri complain at having Slavery
suddenly overset within their limits if the act
was one demanded by high considerations of ma
tional safety
These views are common enough among all
thinking men here at Washington. Practical
statesmen, in times of revolutionary changes, arc
compelled 10 contemplate disagreeable contingen
cies, so as to be ready to act if they should oc-
eur. And in the midst Of the efforts of powerful
interests to turn the existing state of things to
the permanent advantage of Slavery and the
willingness of those who should know better, and
do better, to see it done, there is body Of true
men who watch these complications with view
to counter action in behalf Of the great and en-
during interests Of the country.
1t ia of no use 10 attempt to disguise the fact
that Slavery, and Slavery alone, is tho root and
fountain Of our disorders. 1t has arrested bust.
ness, il has Frustrated credit, it has ruined the
hopes Of thousands Of the enterprising, ard thrown
tens Of thousands OF the industrial classes out Of
employment; it has convused the country, oger
and over again; it has played the traitor,
stolen TIE public funds, betrayed the public de-
fsnses ankruDted the Treasurv disrunted fine