Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1861-07-17
EBENSBIRG. PA. WEDNESDAY, JULY II 1861.

ted and the government itself go to pieces least
that one be violated. Even in such case would
not the official oath be broken if the government
should be overthrown when it was believed that
disregarding the single law would tend to pre-
serve it But it not believed that this ques-
ton was presented Il was not believed that
any Law was violated The provision of the Con-
sttution that the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus saall rot be suspended, unless when. in
cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety
may require it, is equivalent to such provision
that such privilege may be suspended when, in
cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety
does require it. 1t was decided that we have a
of rebellion. and that the public safety does
require the qualified suspension of the privilege
of the writ which was authorized to be made
Now it is insisted that Congress and not the
Executive, is vested with this power; but the
Constitution Itself is silent as 10 which who IS
TO exercise the power, and as the provision was
plainly made for a dangerous emergency, 1t
cannot be believed the trainers Of the instrument
intended that, in every case, the danger should
rug its course until Congress could be called to-
gether, the very assemblage Of which might be
prevented, as was intended in this case by the
rebellion. No more extended argument is now
offered, as an opinion at some length viii pr0ba-
bly, be presented by the Attorney General
Whether there shall be any legislation upon the
subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely
TO the better Judgment Of Congress. The forbear-
ance of this Government had been 50 extraordi-
nary and so long-continued, as to lead some
foreign nations to shape their actions as if they
supposed the early destruction Of our National
Union was probable. While this, discovery,
gave the Executive some concern, lie Is now hap
py to say that the sovereignty and rights Of the
United States are now everywhere practically
respected by foreign powers, and general sym
pathy with the country Is manifested throughout
the world.
The reports Of the Secretary OF tie Treasury,
War and the Navy will give the Information in
detail, deemed necessary and convenient for your
deliberation and action. while the Executive and
all the Departments will stand ready to supply
omissions OF 10 communicate new facts consider
ed important for you to know. 1t is now recon-
rnende5 that YOU give the legal means for making
this contest a short aad decisive one; that YOU
place at the control of the government for the
work at least four hundred thousand men anI
four hundred millions OF dollars That number
Of men Is about ne-tenth of those of proper ages
within the regions where apparently al are viii
ling TO engage. and the sum Is less than twenty
third part of the money value owned by the men
who seem ready tc devote the whole debt Of
six hundred millions CT now Is a less sum per
head than was the debt of our Revolution when
we came out Of that struggle, and the money
value in the country nov bears even greater
: IL +1.a-, :, p no
population Surely each man has IS strong
/ motive now to preserve our liberties as each man
had then to establish them.
/ A right result at this time will be worth more
to the world than ten times the money The
+ evidence reaching us from the country leaves no
doubt that the material fer the work Is abundant,
and that it needs only the hand Of legislation 70
give it legal sanction and the hand Of the ENecu-
tive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One
of the greatest perplexilies of the government Is
to avoid receiving troops faster than they can be
provided for. In word, the people will save
their government if the government itself viii DO
its part only indifferently well. 1t might seem
at first thought to be of little difference whether
the present movement at the South be called Sc
cession or rebellion. The movers, however, well
understood the difference. At the beginning they
knew they could never raise their treason to any
respectable magnitude by any name which I'M
plies violation of law; they knew their people
possessed as much of moral sense, as much Of
devotion TO law and order, and much pride In
reverence for the history and government of their
common country. as any other civilized Fatri-
otic people. They knew they could make no ad-
vancement, directly in the teeth of these strong
and noble sentiments. Accordingly, they COM
menced by an insidious debauching Of the public
mind they invented an ingenious sophisrn, which,
if conceled. was followed by perfectly logical
steps, through all the incidents to the complete
destruction Of the Union.
The sophism itself is, that any State of the
Union may, consistently with the national Con-
stitut;on and therefore lawfully and peacefully.
withdraw from the Union without the consent Of
the Union or of any other State. The little dis
gUise that the supposed right is to be exercised on
ly for just cause because they themselves tC
be the sole judges Of its justice, Is too thin TO merit
, any notice. With rebellion thus sugar coated
} they have been drugging the public mind o.
their section for more than thirty years, until at
E length they have brought many good men L
: willingness to take up arms against the govern
ment, the day after some assemblage of mer
have enacted the farcical pretence of taking the
e State out of the Union, who could have beer
: brought 10 no such thing the day before. Thi
/ sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of it
currency from this assumption that there is som'
\ omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining t.
State, 10 each State of our Federal Uniou. On
States have neither more nor less power thar