Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1861-09-07
sIARr1A1 Law AND TREASON.
A Bold and Correct view OF KnOtty
Question:.
[Rnm RnrneT,a Press.l


[Rrom Porney's Pressl
What does General Fremont propose?
The proclamation of martial law-the
punishment of the rebels with death when
armed and arrested in arms-the enamel
patton of slaves tphe1t oIrnGd by traitors.
Congress has authorized these acts. Mar
tiil law is necessary, aud is one of the in-
eYitRble results of war. The punishment
of traitors with death, especially when
armed, is just, or else there is nothing in
this war but injustice-nothiug in the con-
duct and operations of our army but what
should be censured-the war delnsion
and a lie. How far this policy may be fol-
lowed is mere matter of humanity and
policy. We do not wish to render this war
q wholesale slaughter; we are anxious to
alleviate the mlseries and terrors OF the
conflict let there be rs little blood as
possible, and MS few lives taken ms may be.
This animating sentiment is the sentiment
which controls the Administration in its
leniency to those who are now opposing
its authority, and seeking to accomplish
the overthrow of its just and legal power.
The grave issue which excites SO much
criticism is the provision of the prOclama-
ton which provides for the emancipation
of those slaves who are owned by those in
dRuluSL Tue OONGAuulGAhs LIZ
ton naturally feels nervous and, VIC
might say, morbid interest in anything
relating to the question of slavery. 1t has
been tue cancer of the Republic-the gall
ing sore-the cause of all the irritation
and anger which have demoralized our
counsels and the people. For years the
shadow of this slavery question has been
darkening the nation aud clOuding nation
al peace and harmony. For years it has
been the dream of the humanitarian, the
theme of the fanatic, and the pretext of
the conspirators of South Carolina and
the South. 1t has been banded about
the halls of Congrcss-from pulpit to
rostrum-from mouth to mouth-from
newspapers like the Boston Li6erdtOr TO
newspapers like the Charleston Mercury.
1t has been the substance of q dozen plat
forms, and the burden of many II thousand
pages OF the Congregational Globe. If this
rebellion has been caused by the agitation
or existence of any question, that question
is slavery.
Therefore, when the people dissent from
the views of General Fremont, it is simply
because !hey feel the natural hesitancy
and dislike in relation to this embarrass-
ing and complicated issue. But why
should we not look this question of slave
~ full in the face-and in its new aspect2
We go to the source of an evil to find its
remedy; and if the branches of n tree hang
sere and withered, we strick it at the root
when we wish it no longer the cumber the
ground. If slavery has been the cause of
this rebellion, then We cannot remove that
cnuse without meeting the question of
slavery. 1t is not to us n question of
bondage, nor of the servitude of n race,
nor even a mere matter relating to the
practicability of one system of labor in a
certain climate over that of another. If
loyal people wantto plant cotton and crush
sugar-cnuc, they can own as many negroes
as they please, and the Government will
protect them in their ownership, and Sc
cure them their services according to the
terms of the contract, from generation
to generation. The Government will
do this, because it recognizes slavery
as an existing fact, just as much as it
recognizes the marriage sacrement and the
freedom of conscience. But because the
Southern people buy negroes to till their
fields, the Government cannot permit the
right to own these men to be used as the
instrument of its destruction. The Con-
stitutiou recognizes freedom of conscience.
a man may be follower of Mahomet, or
worshipper of the moon, and still be
citizen of the United States. And yet,
should Mnhomedan cOnscientiously be-
lieve that, TO advance his religion, it was
neccssaryto use the fire aud sword, and to
overthrow republican systems of govern
ment, how long would the Government
tolerate his constitutional rights, when the
exercise of thoserights sought its down
fall? If Mahomednnism meant treason,
and its existence imperilled the Union, the
country would say, let the Uuion stand and
Nlahomedanism fall, and the constitutional
proviso would be but the wadding paper
in loyal muskets. IL the existence of
slavery is the alternative of the existence
of the Union, and if TO protect Gperuliar
institution" we must sacrifice every other
institution, general and peculiar, this Gov
eminent guarantees, then no patriot can
hesitate IS to what course the Government
shall pursue.
We must meet these issues as they arise
by legislation in the national halls, aud,
when legislation falls. by the sword Gen.
Fremont, in telling the traitors OF Missou-
ri that, in rebellion against the Govern
ment, they forfeit the right TO their slaves,
reaches the heart of this rebellion, and an
ticipates the voice of the country in rela-
ton to every traitor in the country. We
offer these men protection to their proper
ty if they obey US If they disobey, shall
that protection not be withdrawn Are
we to secure rights of property to men
who use those rights to take the lives of
our people, and bring ruin upon this mag
nifcent republic2
A NAN named James White was executed