The daily Green Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1861-1865, 1861-07-09
Representation of Three-Fifths of the Slaves,

But there is one great fact connected with
this subject, seldom prominently brought for
ward, which ought forever to close the lips of
the South in this warfare of sectional reproach.
Under the old Confederation, the Congress con-
sisted of but one House, and each State large
and small had but single vote and consequent
ly an equal share in the government, if govern:
ment it could be called, of the Union. This
manifest injustice was barely tolerable in state
of war when the imminence of the public dan
ger tended to promote unanimity of feeling and
action. When the country was relieved from
the pressure of the war, and discordant interests
more and more disclosed themselves, the equality
of the States became positive element of dis
content, and contributed its full share to the
downfall CT that shortlived and Ill compacted
frame of Government.
Accordingly when the Constitution of the
United States was formed, the great object and
the main difficulty was to reconcile the equality
of the States, (Which gave Rhode Island and
Delaware equal weight with Virginia and Mass
achusets,) with q proportionatc representation
of the people. Each of these principles was of
vital Importance the first being demanded by
the small States, as due to their equal independ.
ence, and the latter being demanded by the large
States, in virtue of the fact that the Constitution
was the work and the government of the Peo-
pie, and in conformity with the great Law in
which the Revolution had its origin, that Rep.
resentaton and Taxation should 90 hand in
hand.
The problem was solved In the Federal Con-
ven,ion, by system of extremely refined ar.
rangements, of which the chief was that there
should be two Houses of Congress, that each
State should have an equal representation in the
Senate. (voling, however, not by States but per
eapitd) and a number of Representatives in the
House in proportion to its population. But
here a formidable difficulty presented itself,
growing out Of the anomalous character of the
population of the Slaveholding States consist
ing as it did of a dominant and a subject class.
the latter excluded by local law from the enjoy.
ment Of all political rights and regarded simply
as property. In this state of things, was it
just or equitable that the Slaveholding States,
in addition to the number Of Representatives to
which their free population entitled them,
should have further share in the government
Of the country, on account of the slaves held as
property by small portion Of the ruling class?
While property of every kind in the non slave
holding States was unrepresented, was it lust
that the species of property, forming large
proportion of the entire property of the South,
should be allowed to swell the representation of
the Slavehelding States?
This serious difficulty was finally disposed of.
in manner mutually satisfactory, by providing
that Representatives and direct Taxes should be
apportioned among the States on the same basis
of population, ascertained by adding to the
whole number of free persons three filtbs of the
Slaves. 1t was expected at this time that the
Federal Treasury would be mainly supplied by
direct taxation. While therefore the rule adop.
ted gave to the South number of Representa-.
tivcs out of proportion to the number of her
citizens, she would be restrained from exercising
this power to the prejudice of the North, by the
fact that any increase OF the public burdens
would tall in the same increased proportion on