Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-04-06

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BriIIlnnf JonrnaBsua.
Out Of some curiosity in journalistic mat
ters we are tempted 10 inquire why our two
Republican contemporaries should give such
prominence TO an editorial Of the New York
Times, assailing the President for want Of
positive policy; especially as one Of them
the day before complained that the pront.-
nence given to New York journals was en-
sirely beyond what their ability sustained.
We suppose there are two reasons why an
article on public policy should carry weight.
One is the character of the journal: the
ether the ability Of the article. Yet the
Times is noted for its vacillation generally,
and particularly 30 during this crisis.
The Times has itself had no positive policy
for the treatment ofSecessioD. Yet a news
paper might afford TO have, for It costs noth-
ing. It does not involve the responsibility
of carrying it out. .
As to the ability of the article which our
cotemporsries SO admire, II does not even
now propose any positive policy, although
it assails the President for not having one,
and affects to say what 1t should be. From
the mass Of inconsistent sensational and
rhetorical flourishes, we extract the follow
ing declaration what this positive policy
should be
1.-THE Administration must hare a policy Of
dction-clear and definite in the end it aims
at, wise and resolute in the means employed,
and proclaimed to the people as the standard
around which they can rally. What 1t
should be, it is not for us to say. That is a
matter requiring wise and careful delibera-
ton on the part of those who are RESPONSE
BILE; but il should be decided upon promptly,
and then carried into effect with steady and
dauntless resolution"
1.-THE President has to decide whether he
will enforce the law at the hazard Of civil
war-or whether he will waive the execution
of tie law, and appeal to the people of the
Seeded States on behalf the Union"
Here is an idea Of decided and vigorous
policy of action either to enforce the law,
or waive its execution and appeal to the
people of the Seeded States. We should
think the President had waived its execu-
tion and had appealed to the people. But it
was like appealing to spirits from the vastly
deep, so long as the Confederstes were in
undisturbed power.
We give more of this loud call for bold
and vigorous peace policy:
"If he decides upon peace, let him pro-
claim his purpose, and seek at once the con-
fidence and favor Of the people whom he
desires to win. Let him first disarm the
fears of war which now unite, by outward
pressure, the Southern people, and then let
him proceed to organize Union Party in
every Southern State, and to strengthen aud
encourage il by all the legitimate means at
his disposal
A vigorous policy to disarm the fears of
the Southern people of war What could
the Administration have done more? The
Confederates have done all the preparing
and threatening war. The Administration
has cooed in the most gentle tones.
Proclaim his purpose not to enforce the
laws, and then proceed to organize Union
Party in the Confederate States Thai
would indeed be decided policy. Why moi
say recognize the Confederate Government
and then organize a Union Party in it
Here is another gem:
"Wby has Sam Houston, of Texas, beer
left to fight the battle of the Union alone
without a werd cf encouragement, or prom
Use of man or dollar from the Govern
ment at Washington
Simply because Houston was a traitor
and plotted the betrayal of the Government
military posts to the Secessionists. Hi
virtue has arisen only since the Secession
lists overthrow him,
These are specimens Of this bundle of in
coherences, the greater part of which assa
the Administration for not doingjust what
has been doing. We should dislike to believ
that either of our city contemporaries coul
manufacture an editorial so utterly incor
sistent and senseless as this. Yet they sell
upon it as a great thing. To journalist
ordinary sbrewdness, the query would occu
why the New York Times should all at one
assail the President 60 violently, when it Iii
had no policy of its own, except the surrel
der policy; and when it is unable now
point out any, except with an alternativ
whichis just what the President has followe
When an attack is made, without maxim
out case, it is just to suspect that II
motive may be malignant. Those who hay
observed the course of the Times, will nat
rally conclude that its editor has not receive
some Executive favor which he desired,
that he suspects that the Tribune has tt
much influence with the Administratio
Such is the noble rage that moves gre
metropolitan journals.