New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1861-11-05
,FORETSsN REunGNITToa.


FoRE1tsN RE00GSITIos.
We find in one OF our exchanges the following
article, attributed to che london Posts
Up to the present time, the Confederates have
been successful n every islaat Bun aan, spri99g
.cession to be decided According TO the modern
theory III European nations, as exhibited in the
oasessof the reyolted American colonies, of Spain,
Greece and Belgium, de fdc5o independence must
Dc recognized. The time, perhaps, has not ar
rived when the question can be put to any foreign
State but the fact OF uirflta1 Independence neue
seless ariss. and The period decision canned long
be postponed But why are the American people
to continue an unnecessary and fratricidal war
which an experience, up to the present time shows
is unlikely to be accompanied by any lasting tri-
unphss On the plainest grounds Of humanity,
compromise weuld be Infinitely preferable to
continuance of hostilities. ,7 H. So 5Ea r
The North now hopes, by its successful naval ex,
petitions, TO seize the cotton crops of the South,
and to provide for the necessities Of European
manufacture. But we are at loss to know by,
what process the free traders of the South can be
reconcied to the prohihitory and exclusive tariffs
of the North. We lament the unhappy differences
which now appear to be almost irreconeiable; we
admit the impossibiltY of expecting the South to
contribute to the expenses of war waged for Its
conquest and subjugation: but we still have
CLEAN of hope when, considering the protraeted
and mutual hesitation and delay of the belgerents
we see in the not distant horizon the acknowiedg-
sment OF that principle of separation and Oh lnal
svidual State sovereignty which is now equally
valid and true as when the United states hfst
achieved their independence. Foreign nations have
only to keep aloof from the contest. Premature
recognition would be both unjust and inexpedient;
but the course Of events appears TO De forcing
some action in this direction upon foreign govern,
ments Wise and timely compromise, accompanied
nv the a1ueabIe renewal of political and CONNER
cial relations oughtto be the policy OF the Federal
| Government; but whether this lesson has been
| taught ii problem which must be left to future
history. Al present, it is speculation not suff
/ GENTLY illustrated By the small skirmishes which
fol- some time past have marked the progress of
the American civil war. ~ N
The Post, like most other organs of foreign SEN
tnent, sees nothing but folly in the which the
North is now making upon us. 1t calls the war.
unnecessary and fratricidal Unnecessary it un-
doubleday is, but not fratricidalfor we cannot re-
gard as brothers thosewh come to desolate our
land and subject an unwilling and reluctant people
to political bondage and serfdonl. ..s.q ~
The admission is made by this paper that the fact
of our virtual independence actually exists, and
it says that the period Of decision cannot long be
postponed. But why postpone it at all? If we
are virtually independent. as the Post says; if we
have been successful in every field as it also says;
and il, according to modern practice it is custom
airy TO recognize de facto independence, how is it
that England yet hesitates? The Post, by its own
admissions and Arguments, convets its Govern
ment Of failure to do in our case what it has re-
peatedly done in others. 1t exposes the fact that
Great Britain, by her hesitancy in this matter is
recreant to weil-estah lshed international obiga-
tons. -
/ England has, in fact, already recognized the in
dependence of several of the States of the South
ern Confederacy. She did it eighty years ago.
4 When we made peace with her after the close of
the Revolutionary war, she did not recognize as
independent all of the States boc az the French
say, but each one separately and dstinctively.
She recognized Virginia, for instance, as indie
pendent State, and she has never taken that reeog
milton back. Our formation of Union was some
thing outside Of her recognition of us, and with
which she had nothing to do, and certainly does
not invalidate her recognition of the States sepa-
rately.S Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina
and Georgia have right to demand that the treaty
by which their sovereignty was conceded be now
respected and enforced. If Great Britain is too
tenderfooted to recognize the Southern Confed-
eraey al Confederacy, let her at least respect her
formal recognition Of four of the principal States
which compose it, Nor cans she consistently re-
fuse to the new States the same thing, the Post
itself admitting that " the principle of separation
and of individual State sovereignty is now equally
Idti1 tlNV 1S hdACt tiEt OAiteu kottttS HESt
achieved their independence"
We do not know what that paper means BY
premature recognition being unwise and inexpe-
dent If the Confederate States have not already
given proof Of their ability to establish and defend
their independence, they never will. Everybody
must now see that the idea of Northern conquest
and subjngation is utterly absurd and physically
impossible. If it is the rule to recognize de Jacto
Governments, still ought it to be the rule to
those which, like ours, are Independent
both defacto and de jure. We have established
aur independence, have done SO for Sufficient
cause, and have proved our ability to maintain it.
foreign nations choose to continue blind to these
facts, we rather think we can stand it just about
rs well as they can. 8 So