Arkansas true Democrat., 1861-07-18

elements-and took hold of the relns of government for the purpose of constructing a new one, wholly uncontrolled by any of 1 the old constitutions, and without feeling the necessity of looking back to the people for an enlargement of power or ratiGca- tion of their action.
 It was grievous error in political sci ence. No harm may come of 1t. Humbly we hope there will not But when the time expires within which the convention may be called together-when it expires by lim- itation, and the old State authorities assume control, we will draw long breath of relief. God grant 1t.
 There never was any revolution, at least no need of any, superveuing on the act of secession Arkansas had been and always was sovereign State in theory and in fact She was an integral government with g con- stitution, laws, officers, all the ordinary forms and machinery of government Her people were not dissatisfied with her. Rev oIution implies the overtarn of one power in country and the establishment of an other-change of dynasty The people were the sovereign power when Arkansas seeded Was it a revolution of the people against themselves? It was Metr constitu- tion Meir legislature, Meir laws, judges, courts No despot controlled them. Why revolution, then? And if not revolu- ton of the people against themselves, what sort of revolution do they mean? Revo- luton means change of dynasty. We will not do the convention the injustice of sup posing they mean that the power of the people was overthrown, and the dynasty of the congention established. They do not mean that. We cite it to show the absur- dity of snpposing that there was or should have been any thing like arevolution at all, or any necessity for overriding and abolish ing the constitution and laws of the State as they existed, as if all virtue and author ity had passed out of them.
 When Arkansas was plucked away from the federal stem, she came a perfect govern ment, fully organized. There was no ne- cessity growing out of circumstances for the convention to assume general legislative powers. The governor and legislature might have done all that was necessary to secure the safety of the State, or any defects in their power might have been supplied by amendment of the constitution. Ten nessee seeded even without any convention, and did all that was necessary. It must never be forgotten in this connection that the limitations of power in all the legisla- lures were principally imposed by the teder- al constitution, and that the legislatures may do all that theyar not torJiddeas to do When the convention did its legitimate business, and removed the incubus of feder- al restraints off from the legislature, 1t be- comes ipso ,tact0 capable of exercising all the powers of sovereign State. It might legitimately have made war, raised troops, issued bills of credit, granted letters of marquc and rcprisal, pledged the public lands, supported armies, made treaties, done anything in fact not prohibited by its own constitution, and, unless we fail to remem- Der, none of these things are. Had the convention adjourned and gone home, there would have been no need of revolution. All the revolution that is now existing they made. Their services were not required, as legislators. The body was not organized for prudent legislation about ordinary mat ters-no single bodies are. The governor had no veto. There were none of the re- strictions and safeguards against nasty ac- tion. It would do we'll enough to express the opinion of the people concerning seces- sion and our relations with the southern States. That 1t should have done, and have left other things undone. It was never asked to legisIate otherwise. It was not fit for it.
 And now we have discharged our duty. Il was disagreeable to us, very. We gain no friends by 1t, and offend some old ones. It cannot be helped. We could never for give ourselves hereafter, should we keep silence on matter of such vital import ance, and should evils come upon us which might have been averted We have con- stituted ourselves a sentinel for the people. We can only send them honest cries. We have more friends amongst the union mem bers of the convention than the others.- They are our old confreres-companions in politics. In the old Bell and Everett times Chow long 1t secmsi) we held each others hands and took confidence from each others countenanccs. Subsequently in the earnest struggle for the old union, once So glorious, how we worked and almost wept together in agony of soul as one by one our hopes failed us. How we struggled against des- pair-how we cried out to encourage each other as the darkness gathered thick around us-beggcd each other to hold up until the last rav died out Members of the conven- tion may some of them remember, if they will, how we did violence theB to some of our warmest friendships, and resisted the pressure of private obligations for their sakeS, and for consciences. We will do this always.
 But these things have passed, and now we honestly differ. When the unholy war was declared upon the South, we struck hands with the secessionists on Meir own platform-heartily ly and earnestly. We diff fered from our old union friends as to the necessity of absolute revolution. We diff fer still. We hope the convention will never convene again. Let it die out, and all will yet be well.