The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-09-20
The Prcsident's Position ON the Abolition
Question.


The New York Tribune of yesterday con-
tanned covert attack upon the President in an
editorial article under the caption of "The
Slaves Of Rebels" It's manifest tendency is to
injure and embarrass the government, and drive
the ship Of State upon the shoals and rocks.
The Chicago Tribune boldly shows its hand, and
makes furious onslaught upon the administra-
ton, for which the editor ought to be sent to
keep company with the Able McMaster at Fort
Lafayette. The New York 1ribune's attack is
insidious, but equally hostile and equally de-
serving of public Reproduction. It calls for the
Immediate attention of the Secretary Of State
and the United States Marshal 1t is fur more
prejudicial to the government and more dam
gerous to the cause of the Union than all that
has ever appeared in the columns of the Free
mans Journal, Ffeeman's appeal or Daily Ne,os.
The Tribune asserts that slavery is the cause
of the war, and that it sis just as much the
groundwork of this rebellion as whiskey was
that Of Western Pennsylvania during the adj
ministration of General Washington" and the
argument of our fanatical contemporary is that
slavery must, therefore, be abolished, in order
to put down the rebellion and end the war.
Now the very reverse Of this is the fact. Sla-
very is not the cause of the war, nor the
groundwork of the rebellion, just as whiskey
was not the groundwork of the Pennsylvania
rebellion, but hostility to an excise law regard
ed by the insurgents as partial, discriminating
and unjust in its operation. General Washing
ton did not undertake to abolish whiskey,
which is very good thing in its way when used
with moderation, and is still Legitimate article
OF manufacture and commerce in Pennsylvania.
His object was to enforce obedience to the laws,
not to accomplish the abolition of whiskey, and
his success was commensurate with the reason
ableness of the object of the war. Had he
issued proclamation abolishing whiskey the
result, to say the least, would have been very
doubtful. 1t is not slavery, then, that is the
cause of the present war and the groundwork
of the rebellion, for slavery is legitimate in
sttution, having existed before and at the forma-
ton of the Union, and its protection having
been expressly guaranteed in the constitution.
Its. continuance OF extinction in any State is
question solely for the adjudication of the peo-
pie Of that State, and for no other State or
number of States. nor for the federal Congress,
nor the President of the Union. If slavery is
the cause Of the rebellion, why did it not pro
duce it before, during the three-quarters of
century which the government existed!
1t is clear that slavery is not the cause of the
trouble, but the fanatical disposition at the
North to NEEDLE with it. 1t is playing the part
of a busybody in other mems matters that has
introduced the wedge which has split sthe
Union. In one word, it is abolitionism
For the last thirty years it has waged
crusade against the institution of slavery,
and its leaders have frequently declared that
they preferred its abolition to the continuance
of the Union, and that is their sentiment to-day
BY their violence and their propagandism they
have supplied the ground on which the insur-
gent chieftains have erected the fabric of &C.
cession, and but for the abolitionists the South
ern leaders Of the rebellion never could have
succeeded.
Nor will the instruction be ever put down
till abolitionism is cut up root and branch The
abolitionists are as much rebels in heart and as
much disafected to the Union and the consti-
| tutkOtl 10 tuC OOOtucIu ccCeSSlOnlStS. NOG OQly
are they the notorious cause of the dismember-
ment of the Union, but the main hindrance to
its restoration. Their organs assail the govern
ment either openly or covertly, prematurely
disclose its plans, and endeavor to
force it into dangerous steps by bringing
party clamor to bear against it and they even
encourage INSTRUMENTATION to the supreme
power. A short time ago one of these journals
proposed to supersedc the President by revo-
luton, and appoint George Law in his stead by
! an insurgent mob. Now several of them again
propose to supersede the President and place
high above him in authority one of his own
generals. Fremont, at st. Louis, of his own
mere motion, and without the sanction of the
President, issues an ill-advised proclamation,
which carried ont the ideas of the abolitionsts.
justified the charges of the secessionists against
Mr.. Lincoln's government, and gnored alike
the law of Congress and the existence of the
Chief Magistrate at Washington. 1t was high
handed act Of INSTRUMENTATION, and the Tribune
and other abolition journals sustain him in it,
and censure the President for mildly insisting
on the adherence of his subordinate to the letter
and spirit of the law of Congress, which the
President is bound to carry out in pursuance of
his oath.
The proclamation of Mr.. Fremont was piece
of dictatorship akin to the mutiny and insubor-
dination in California, for which he was tried
by court martial and found guilty, in the Next
can war; He was sentenced to death, but
saved by the influence of his father in law His
recent act is far more reprehensible, because in
volving more serious consequences. The Prcsi-
dent only administers gentle rebuke, but at
the same time asserts his own authority, aud
proclaims that neither General Fremont nor
any other general shall transcend the law of
Congress; that no slave shall be get free by the
authority of a general under any circumstances
that no slaves, even of rebels in arms, shall be
seized by any general unless those slaves are
proved to have been used in the military opera
tions Of the enemy, and that whatever slaves are
n, copturod choll ho hold RI Tho Owl sc ~ :.