Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1861-07-05

states so called, were not UNIFORM In their action;
some of them being almost to- the Union, while
in others-as Virginia, North Carolina, Tennes-
see, and Arkansas-the Union sentiment was
nearly repressed, and silenced.
The course taken Ia Virginia was the most re-
neutrality-suspicious. the most important. con-
vention, elected bv the people OF that State TO
consider this very question OF disruptng the Fed
eral Union, was in session ut the capital of Viz
ginia when Fort sumter fell To this body the
people had chosen a large majority of proftsssd
Union men, Almost Immediately after the fall
OF sumter, many members OF that majority went
over TO the original disunion minority, and with
them, adopted an ordinance for Withdrawing
the state from the Union. Whether this change
was wrought by their great approval Of the as
sault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at
the Governments resistance to that assault, Is
not definitely known.
Although they submitted the ordinance, for
ratification, to vote Of the people, to be taken
tant, the convention and the Legislature, (Which
was also In session at the same time and place,l
either, Immediately commenced acting, as IL the
State were already out of the Union. They
pushed military preparations vigorously forward
all over the State. They seized the United States
armory at Harper's Ferry. and the navy yard at
Gosport, near Norfolk. They received-perhaps
invited-into their State large bodies Of troops,
with their warlike appointments, from the So
called seeded states. They formally entered
into treaty Of temporary alliance and CO opera
tion with the so-called :" Confederate Sia;es,'
and sent membt rs TO their Congress at Mont
i
rectionary government to be transferred to heir
| capital at Richmond.
| The people of Virginia have thus allowed this
giant Instruction to make it's nest within her
| borders; and this government has no choice left
but 10 deal with ii tchere II finds It, And 1t has
the less regret, the loyal citizens have, in due
| form, claimed Its protection. Those loyal citi-
| zsns this government Is bound 10 recognize, and
| protect, as being Virginia.
| In the border states, so called-in fact, the
| middle States-there are those who favor poll
Nrh fhAu call Ift..s1 tI,atf
| an armiIg of those States to prevent the Mon
forces passing one way, or the disunion the other,
| over their soil. This would be disunion CON-
pleted. Flgurativsly speaking, II would be the
building CT an impossible wall along the line OF
| separalion-and vet not quite an impossible one;
| for, under the guise Of neutrality II would tie
the hands of the Union men, and freely pass sup
plies from among them to the insurrectionists,
which II could not do as an open enemy.
At stroke, 1t would take all the trouble OF the
hands Of secession, except only what proceeds
from the eXtcrnal blackade. IL would do for the
disunionsts that which, Of all things, they most
desire-feed them well, and give them disunion
| without struggle of their own. II recognizes
no fidelity to the Constitution, no litigation to
| maintain the Union; and while very many who
have favored it are, doubtless, loyal citizens 1t is
| nevertheless, very injurious in effect
| Recurring 20 toe action Of the government, Ii
may be stated that, at first, a call was made for
seventy Eve thousand militia and rapidly follow.
ing this, proclamation was issued for closing
the ports Of the nsurrectlonary districts by pro-
| ceedings IN the nature Of blockade. So far all
| was believed TO be strictly legal At this point
the insurrectionists announced their purpose TO
enter upon the practice # Privateerlng
| Other calls were made FOR volunteers to serve
three years unless sooner discharged and also for
| large additions TO the regular army ead navy
| These measures, whether strictly legal or not,
| were ventured upon, under what appeared TO be
| popular demand, and public necessity; trust
| ing, then, as now. that Congress would readily
| ratify them. 1t Is believed that nothing has oeen
done beyond the constitutional competency Of
| Congress
Soon after the frst call for militia, Il was con-
! sidered duty to authorize the commanding GEN
eral, In proper cases, according to his discretion,
! to suspend the privilege Of the writ of habeas
/ corpus, or, In other words to arrest and detaln,
without resort to the ordinary processes and forms
Of law, such individuals as be might deem dan
| purpossly been exercised but very sparingly
| Nevertheless, the legality and propriety Of what
| has been done under II are questioned, and the
\ attention Of the country has been called to the
proposition that one who is sworn to take care
that the laws be faithfully executed" should not
! himself violate them. or course some consider
alton was given to the questions Of power, and
propfiety, before this matter was acted upon
| The whole Of the laws which We're required to
| be faithfully executed, were being resisted and
failing Of execution In nearly one third Of the
/ States. Must they be allowed TO finally fail Of
execution, even had II been perfectly clear, that
by the use Of the means necessary to their execu.
ton, some single law, made In such extreme ten
derness Of the citizens liberty, that practically
"
state the question more directly, are ali the laws
cut one to 20 unexecuted, and the government
Itself go to pieces, less that be violated, Even
Ia such case would not the official oath tie broken
| IL the government should oe overthrown when II
| was believed that disregarding the single law
would tend to preserve it, But II was not believed
| that this question was presented. Ii was not be.
| litved that any law was violated
The provision OF the Const tuition that 90 tn
privilege OF the writ Of babe corpus shall NOT
/ be suspended unless when, in cases Of rebsllion
or invasion, the public safety NAV require it,"
| Is equivalent TO provisiOn-isa provision-that
| such privilege may be suspend,d when, in case,
OF rebellion or invasion the public safety do., re-
| qnlre IT, 1t was decided that we have a case OF
rebellion, and that the public safety does require
| the qualified suspension Of the privilege Of the
| writ which was authorized to be made Now II
| Is insisted that Congress, and not the Executive
| Is vested with this power. But the Constitution
itself is silent as to which, who is to exercise
| the power; and as the provision was plainlv
made Tor dangerous emergency, It cannot be
/ Dellevtd the trainers Of the instrument fntends
| that, In every case, the danger should run its
course, until Congress could be called top ether
| Tue very assembling Of which might be prevent
ed, as was Intended in this case by the rsb.llion
No more extended argument is now offered al
| an opinion at some length will probably be pre-
| sented by the Attorney General. Whether there
shall be any legislation upon the subject, and IL
| any, what, is submitted entirely TO the better
] Judgment Of Congress
! The forbearance of this Government had been
SO extraordinary and so long continued as to lead
l
they supposed the early destruction of our National
| Union was probable. While this on discovery
| gave the Executive some concern, he 10 now ha o.
Ply TO sew that the sovereignty and rig hts of the
| United States are now everywhere practically re-
! sPected by foreign Powers; and a general symps .
| thywith the country 10 manifested throughout the
| world ~
| The reports Of ths Secretaries Of the Treasury
| War, and the Navy, will give the Information In
detail deemed necessary, and convenient for YOUR
denoeraticn, and action; while the Executive
| ana all the departments will stand ready 10 am
! Ply omissions, or TO communicate new facts con.
! sideied important for you TO know.
IL Is now recommended that you give the Ieo,l
means for making this contest short and a d.
sve one that YOU place at the control of the Gov
ernment, for the work, al least four hundred
thousand men, and four hundred million, of dol
= lars. That number Of men 10 about one tenth NJ
tnose OF proper ages within the regions wbere
apparently, al are willing to engage; and tbs
som Is less than twenty third part Of the monsv
, value owned by the men who seem ready IN A.
| vote the whole A debt of six hundred miII,on.
OF dollars Hotc, 10 less sum per head than wn.
Tue deot OF our revolution when we came out ~
Ihat struggle; and the money value in the oountrv
nov, pears evsn greater proportion to what Il
WEI thsp, than does the population Surely each
HAN nas as strong motive aotc, to pysss,ve our
hoefues az each had then, to establish them
II TlXhs result, at this time will he 49,.