The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1861-07-11

son
thew supposed the early destruction Of our Nation
al Union was probable Winnie tms' on discovery
gave the Executive some concern ne Is no" hap
py to say that the sovereignty anu Ie's 81 liz h
ffmted States are now particularly respected py
foreign mowers and a general sympathy win Tue
Government is manifested throughout tge WORM
T-be Reports Of the Secretaries OF the lreasuIyi
Vrar ard NAVY will give the information III oe1aii
$500 a. 81 4,acessarv and convenient for your action,
while the Executive and Departments WIZ stanu
ready TO supply christensen to coIhmuI is II
facts considered important Tor you 70 hnY" ,aons
= now recommended that you give me les:-i i'
e.. ,ot.fno, fhia contest a short and decisive one
tbet you place ct the control OF the % @
for the work at least 400 900 men anu ~ ~,
That number Of me1 Is ABOUT oue soisii VI 'iIoso
of prouer age within the regions "liS'o oPPolSnt
T. I'll re ,giIlinsf TO engage, ana the sum IS less
than a twenty third part Of the money Vsiue own
cd Nv the men who seem reaoy 70 ueVote tne WboIe
debt of six hundred million dollars now ,is less
go nor head than was the deb. Of our Revolution
,ober tye came out Of that struggle, and the mon
ev value in the country bears eyen.a greater pro-
norton Surely, each man has as strong motive
now to preserve our Liberties as each had then to
establish them A right result at this time will be
worth more to the world than ten times the men
and ten times the money. The evidence reaching
US from the country, leaves no doubt that the ma
terial for the work is abundant that it needs only
the hand Of legislation to give it sanction, and the
hand Of the Executive to give it practical shape
and efficiency. One Of the greatest perplexlties
of the Government is 30 avoid receiving troops
u
people will save the Government If the Govern
mont will do its part only indilerently well
1t might seem at first thought to be OF little diff
ference whether the present movement at the South
be called secession or rebellion. Inc movers, how
ever, well understand the difference. They knew
at the beginning they could never raise their treas
on to any respectable magnitude by any name
which implied violation Of law. They knew their
people possessed as much devotion to law and or
der as much pride and reverence for their history
and the government OF their country as any other
civilized and patriotic people. they knew they
could make no advancement directly III the teeth
Of these strong and noble sentiments. They ac
cordingly commenced by an industrious debauch-
ing of the public mind. They invented an ingen
ious sophsm, which, conceded, was followed by
perfectly logical steps through all the incidents OF
the complete destruction OF the Union. The so
phism itself is that any state of the Union may
consistently with the Nations Constitution, and
therefore lawfully and peacefully, Withdraw from
the Union without the consent OF any other State.
A little Disguise that the supposed right is to be
exercised only for just cause themselves to be sole
judges, of its justice rs too thin to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar coated, they have been
drugging the minds OF their section for more than
thirty years, until ct length they have brought
many good men to u willingness to take up arms
against the governmental day after some assem-
blage Of have enacted the farce of taking their
State out of the UnlOn who could have been
brought to no such thing the day before. This
sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its
currency from the assumption that there 10 some
OmnipOtent and sacred supremacy pertaining to
each State OF our Federal Union. Our States have
neither more or less power than that reserved to
them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of
them ever having been q State out Of the Union
The original ones passed into the Union even be-
fore they cast of their British dependence, and
the new ones came into the Union directly from
condition OF dependence, excepting Texas, and
even Texas in its temporary Independence was new
er designated as a State. The new ones only were
designated States coming into the Union, while
that name was only first adopted for the old ones
in and by the Declaration OF Independence There
in the United Colonies were declared free and in
dependent STATES, but even the object plainly was
not to declare their independence OF one another,
of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their
mutual action before at the tune, and afterwards,
abundautly show. The express plighting of faith
by each aud all of the thirteen original States in
the articles of confederation, two years later that
the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive.
Having never been States either in substance or
name outside the Union, whence this magical ON.
Impotence of State rights asserting a claim of
power to lawfully destroy the Union tselfl Much
Is said about the Sovereignty of the States but
the word even Is not ia the Nationol Constitution
nor, 1t is believed in any Of the State Constita
tons. What Is sovereignty! Would it be far
wrong to declare it political community with
out political superior! Tested by this no one
of our States, except I exaB was sovereignty and
even Texas gave up the character on coming into
the Union, by which act she acknowledged the
Constitution of the United States and laws and
ofthe Constitution, TO be forever her supreme law.
The States have their status in the Union and
they have no other legal status. If they break
from this they only do 80 against law by reyolu-
ton. Inc Union, and not themselves separated
procured their independence and their liberty
BY conquest or purchase the Union gave each of
them whatever ofindependonce and liberty it has
The Union Is older than any of the States and in
fact 1t created them States. Originally some
dependant colonies made the Union and in return
the Union threw oil their old dependence for them
and made the States as they are. Not one of
them ever had Il State Constitution independent
the Union. OF course. is is not forgotten that
all the new States formed their Constitutions be
fore they entered the Union, nevertheless depend
ent on and preparatory to coming into the Union.
Unquestonably the states have the power and
rights reserved to them by the National Constitu.
ton, but among these surely are not included all
conceivable powers, however mlschievous or des
tructiye. But at MOSS such only as were known
in the world at that time governmental powers
and certainly power to destroy the Government
itself, had never been known a governmental
merely administrative power. THIS relative
matter OF National power and States rights as a
principle, Is no other than principle of general.
ty and locality. Whatever concerns the whole
should DO confined to the whole General Govern.
ment, while whatever concerns the State
should be left exclusively to the state, This is
all there is left Of the original principe about it,
Whatever the national convention in defining the
boundaries between the two as applied to tie
principle with exact accuracy Is not to be cues
toned. We are all bound by that definition with
out question. what Is now e0mbatted is the po-
siton that secession is consistent With the Consti
tuition, is lawful and peaceful. 1t is not contend
ed that there Is any express law tor it, and moth
ing should ever be implied as law which leads to
unjust and absurd consequences. The nation pur-
chased with money the countries out ofwhich sew.
eral of these States were formed. Is 1t Just that
they should go OIL without leave or without re.
funding The nation paid very large sums IN the
aggregate believe nearly 500 600 900 to relieve
Florida from the aboriginal tribes. liz it lust that
she should now go off without consent or without
any return The nation is now Ia debt for money
applied for the benefit of these SO called seeding
States, in common with the rest. Is it Just either
that creditors shall 90 unpaid or the remaining
States pay the whole! A part OF the present ma
tional debt we contracted to pay the old debt OF
Texas Is it just that she shall leave and pay no
part Of this herselfl Again, il one State may SO.
cede so may another, and when all shall have Sc.
oeded none is left to pay the debts. IL this quito
just to creditors Did we notify them of this sage
view of ours when wa borrowed their money Ii
now recognize this doctrine by allowing the
seceders to go in peace it is difficult to see what
can do IL Others chose to 60 or to extort terms
upon which they will promise to remain The Sc
ceders insist that Constitution admits of seces-
sion. They have assembled to make a national
constitution Of their wn in which, of necessity,
they have either discarded retained the right of
secession AS they insist il exists in ours. If they
have discarded 1t they thereby admit that on prin-
clple 1t ought not TO exist ours. If they have
IeLoIheU II ny IioH CONSTRUCTION OF ours 1t shows
that to be consistent they must secede fIom one
another when they shall lind the easiest way of
settling their debts or efectng another selfish or
unjust object.
The principle itself is one of disintegration and
on which no Government can endure If all the
States save one should affect the power to drive
that one out of the UniOn,it rs presumed the whole
class OF the seeded politicians would at once DENY
the power and denouuce the act as the greatest
outrage upon State rights. But suppose that pre-
pf holm all
one out should be called the seeding Of the
others from the one, it would be exactly what the
seceders claim to do, unless nndeed, they make
the point that the one, because it is a minority.
may rghtfully do thar which the others, because
they are the majority, may notiightfully Go.
These politicians are profound in the rights of
mlnorlues. They are not partial te that power
which made the Constitution ana speaks from the
preamble calling itself ''we, the people" 1t may
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