The Oxford intelligencer., 1861-01-16

Ipehdaf0n, ctntanet u hid messake 10 tie Legzature
xis teent alled ssaiot of laws pfohibitsg the
introduction into this State merchandise of slaves
from xfroad and suspending temporarily, the eI-
ecution Of the laws for thecClesti6n Of detts.rO &
Our Senator and Representatives have gone to
Jackson without having been advised, by any formal
expression of OfOphiaa9f ths(fwsSf thdr sonstita'
ents in reference TO the two important subjects just
indicated, bat presume that 4Asss can be M deabt
of the fact that the Of people, in this county,
gre opposed in the presept unqursr any tisker-
ing" with the existing laws ON either subject We
believe, moreover; ;that hey Aaks proper view of
those subjects. Il - 'sel Tree, roiiGsyaoJ
The question Of prohibiting Ithe introduction Of
slaves from other States is purely one Of ezpedienq
and should be decided upon a calm review Of all the
advantages and disadvantages which would probably
attend such measure. The advocates ofprohbiton
contend that the law would operate bene6cialy, in
our favor, by. compelling the border slaveholding
States to retain their present sase population there
by perpetuatg their interest in the system of slavery,
and forcing thenf even against their win, to unite
with US, once In the inot enent Of secession, for
the psetcetiob Of that interest and securing them
cur allies IN allthnc to come, against the attacks Of
these who areopPosed to slavery. To this argument
il may be replied that allies whs become such only
upon conpulsion will be of little real service to our
cause; whereas IL We persuade the border States,
of their own free will to unite their destiny with ours
we may reasonably expect that they will prove them
selves firm and loyal friends -Four of the, cotton
States have already resumed their sovereignty, and
others will soop initiate their example. Why have
they done this' Because, solely the North, having
the power to control the general government, under
took TO direct its action adversely 10 the interests of
the South II, at the present critical period, when
the border slave States discussing the question
whether they shall elect to be members Of Southern
of Northern confederacy, the cotton States, by
passing the prohibtery laws in question, evnce an
utter disregard of the interests of their sisters of the
border will not the latter be justified in pausiug be-
fore they commit themselves to our alliances Will
they not be likely to institute comparison between
the prospective consequences of abolition fanatcism
on the hand and of the selfish policy of the cot
ton States the oherl If fanatcism would deprive
them OF their slaves, BY emancipation, may they not
be tempted TO inquire how much better OFF they
would be with pent up aud redundant slave popula
tion which they could neither dispose of as property
nor proitably employ, As laborers? -
We do not know that Southern man who does not
profess desire the formation of new confederacy
comprising if possible every of the slave States
OF the lately disrupted Union. Policy, therefore, uo
less than real solcitude for the security of South
ern brethren, who Threatened BY the danger
which is impending ourselves, would dictate
that we slonlt IdoMotbirg to repe them from US
nothing to indicate want either of confidence in
them as Sontherg men, or Of sympathy with them as
fellow sufferers in common calamity. We believe
that majority ofthe people ip most ifnot all, of the
border States, are now disposed to 80 with US, and
that they will do SO, eventually, if we do not repel
them from by in;udicious action; but we are also
persuaded that there is strong minority in each Of
those States, composed of men who prefer union
with the North, even at The cost of emancipation, to
union with the extreme South, attended with per-
petual guaranty Of slavery. The border States will
be compelled, in the Of few weeks at the ut
most, to position, either with against
us; and it seems clear, to our mind, that, in the
meantime, we ought to do nothing that will tend to
in those States, constitute the minority Just now al
luded to-. II, however, the event shall prove that
have too chartably judged ths people of the border
States; if they adhere to our enemies and make
mon cause witl7them against US, then, indeed, we
would advocate and urge the instant passage Of law
that should eectually 'pen up" their slaves, cut off
their arkc and ultimately cOnsign them to the fate
that has bcfallen Jamaica.
In regard to the passage Of "stay law to suspend
the collection Of debts, have but little to say.
Should the present diicu les be amicably adjusted,
without war, no such legislation will be required
and we have not vet ceased to hope tfat such ad
justment may be effected In the event of war, the
very existence of state fwar WILL of itself without
any action of our Legislature, operate to deprive
every citizen of the States at with of the right
to institute or prosecute suits in courts. This will
dispose at once of our foreign debt and enable our
merchants to indulge their debtors. As to the debts
due from our own people to each other, there is no
present need of legislative interference for there are
few suits now pending in the courts. Should the
times become hard, creditors, generally, may be
expected to manifest forbearance towards their deb
tors Should it be otherwise, however, no judgments
could be obtained upon suits to be hereafter brought
before the coming fall and the Legislature that will
meet in November next can afford all the relief that
the exigencies of our people may require. We are
no believer in the policy of stay laws except under
the pressure Of an impeous necessity such is not
now upon us. Those of our our citizens who are old
enough to remember the disastrous operation of the
"valaation law of lS4e, will nit be eager i'm
agine to invite repetition of tie sacrifices which
that mistaken measure of"reliefT entailed upon the
deluded debtors who availed themselves of its pro
visions In large majority of cases we believe, the
law only operated to put off the evil day for brief
space of time dawn at last upon the more hopeless
ruin of those whom il bad cheated for the moment in
to sense of fancied security and in the meantime,
the total prostraion of individual credit and the dss
tructon of all confidence between man and man, in
reference to pecunary transactions, which was the
natural result of the suspension Of the process Of the
courts produced amount of inconvenience and dis
tress that was by no means compensated BY the bene-
fits which flowed from the denial Of the rights Of
creditors. If war comes, bringing stagnation Of
business depreciation of property, and general bank
ruptcy in its train such must of course be
resorted to as will meet the exgency of the OCCASION
but that state of things docs not exist and there
wisdom we believe, in the old maxim which recon-
mends that "you should wait till you come to the