Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-04-06

Union.
I suppose that, having been honored by the invi-
tation Of this Legislature to address, ihe am ex-
pected to speak plainly. Therefore, I do not tres
pass upon your time to deal iu idle speculations,
when propose to give my humble suggestions as
to the course which it seems to me Kentucky ought
to take assume that tits the earnest desire OF
the people Of this Commonwealth to rs-unite sill
The seeded States under the Constitution and the
Union. ] believe that snch is to-day the desire Of
q majority Of the people Of Virginia, Delaware,
Maryland, Missouri, and Tennessee. I an inclined
to think, from representations of gentleman who
ought to know that. in all probability, 80 far as
Arkansas and North Carolina are concerned those
States are likely to 60 with the Southern Confeder-
scy, and, therefore, I express the orinien, With
confidence only in regard TO the States have named
l maintain that if there be mode possible of re-
storing those States, it is not by pursuing course
of tnlidify and surrender. The interests of Ken
lucky. Virginia, Missouri and Maryland are much
the same. The interests of Kentucky, Virginia and
Tennessee so intimately connected that it would
be impossible for any one Of them pursue course
! that would not effect the others. They must CO.
operate They must work together. i believe they
are disposed 10 cooperate in one LOYAL patriotic
effort 10 preserve the Union af the States take it
for granted that all parties in the State of Kentucky
desire TO see conference of the border slavehold-
ing States for the purpose of uniting their counsels
and proposing some plan of adjustment to offer to
the North and South as basis of reconciliation and
peace. - ~. t.i-..... "a. = - ssssr4 r
Now, Mr.. Speaker, as far as the Northern States
are concerned we must pass by all the men in pub
lie life in any form, and go to the States themselves
You have tried, first, to save, then to restore the
Federal Government through the medium of Fede-
raj action. You cannot do it. You have to fall
back upon the States. You must undertake to re-
| store the Government by State action. You must
| appeal to the States Of the North So far as they
are concerned, what is the prospect? 1t seems to
! me to depend upon the question whether the moral
! iniN
prevails as to make the question incapable of being
settled upon political basis If this element does
prevail strongly, then, indeed, all hope is gone
If it does not prevail then maintain that the right
political basis be had. If it be settled upon
that basis at all 1t be settled upon the right po
litical basisat least it be settled upon basis
much less than the full measure of right as has
been proposed to them by Kentucky herself.
We cannot settle the question, Mr.. Speaker, by
| passionate and Incorporate language. We cannot
settle the question by refusing recognize great
facts that stare the world in the face. We cannot
settle it by denouncing the citizens Of these Confed
crate States as traitors and outlaws. We cannot
settle the question by raising new difficulties in re-
gard to the navigation of the Mississippi, or the
high or low tariff, other questions which have
no direct bearing. We can only settle it by laying
| down what is right demanding what We are enti-
tied to by the Constitution of the country and get
ting these rights, offering the olive branch to the
North on the one hand and to the South on the
| other.
| Now, sir, if we were to undertake to settle the
question upon the high level of constitutional right
would take the position that Border State Con
ference should be held and that the Northern States
must agree that the people of the Southern States
shall have the privilege Of emgratng to the Terri
tories and of taking their property with them, and
of holding it there protected We would sustain
that claim which has been ratified frequently in the
political action of the Government and by the de-
claration of the highest judicial tribunal of the
land. Kentucky, in every form in which her Legs-
lature, or conventions Of the people themselves
could express their sense has ratified that de-
claration, and declared 1t to be just. But,
sir, Kentucky and the Border States have re-
ceded from that level to another. They have
receded to the level offered by the Senator from
Kentucky, who entertained the constitutional opin-
ion have just indicated as the full measure Of
right, but who yielded, in spirit of compromise,
and his act has been indersed by the people of this
State. Now, sir, hold that If this question be
settled at all with the Northern States, it can be
settled upon the basis of the resolutions offered by
the Senator from Kentucky, with the amendment
submitted by his colleague in the Senate-an
amendment which may be said TO be simply declar-
atory of the original purport of the resolutions
because, according to their proper construction,
they originally expressed the sentiment they are
made, perhaps, more definitely to bear by the amend
ment offered by the colleague of Governor Critten-
den. .. .--
Then here resolutions which Kentucky re-
CARDS constituting proposition which she might
offer to the North and to the South as basis of set
Element Il may be said that if she offers more
there is hope that the Northern States will ac-
cept it. If she offers less there is reason to believe
the Southern States will not accept it. Indeed, the
danger now is that those resolutions may not re-
unite all the States. l am perfectly confident that
nothing less will upon the one side and upon the
other am perfectly satisfied that if the question
be settled at ALL upon political basis, that can
be obtained
Mr.. Speaker, movements of this kind never 90
backwards. They have been allowed TO progress
until sometimes, in rejecting upon the subject
thoughtful men can scarcely persuade themselves
that there is hope of reuniting all the thirtyfour
States in the Union. For one sir it would gladden.
my heart beyond measure to see them all under one
Constitution as amended by the resolutions Of my
distinguished friend, although believe that time
will develop that political affairs in this coun-
try, having taken course not anticipated by the
trainers of the u.ion-poiitica affairs having
taken course by which sectional parties and classes
Of States, as such, rule the Cohfeaeracy without
lmitation-that 1t will be difficult to prevent fire.
quent commissions in the future without the full
recognition of some elfprotectng element by which
the weaker portion may have the power to project
and defend itself. But if We could reunite the States
upon the basis of these resolutions these questions
might be settled yet,
Now, Ar. Speaker, what position are we to take
in hentuckyI Do we want to keep those seceded
States out of the Union? Do we vans to make some
proposition to the Northerp States that may lust
Wltk ledVe LDe mon Win
half the South gone, and with the remaining few
feeble Southern States members of a Northern Con-
federacY! Then all we have to do is TO camor down
the Crlttenden resolutions, and to clamor up the
name Of Union without condition without saying
what are our rights, and what we mvst have. Raise
the cry of Union without condition and you have
the result. Those men who will reject adjustment
measures, and refuse to take a manly, open stand
upon the ground of settlement winch they believe
themselves to be less than the meespra OF constitu
rIOhf oudo tho
for the Union sad the Constitution, are in effect the
kind OF men who in their purposes and motives are
the very worst of disunionsts because they puzsue
course which makes the permanent dizrupton of
the Union certain. They pursue course that in
sures the permanent dissolution OF this Union, and
ipsVres the connection of thss Commonwealth with
aAorthern Confederacy as Free State, The men
who are Union men in the true Sense of the word
desire to agree upn some plan of adjustment which
may unite the States They are more entitled to the
name of constitutional men than those who desire
to see Kentucky remain In the Union without terms
and without coalitions. What, then, would be our
condition. Let us suppose that Kentucky and
her associate States-those most intimate
ly connected with her by geographical po-
sition and by interest-take no ground in favor ola
thorough and substantial basis of adjustment, we
all know that halt the South will be geneg gone for
ever. There will remain some six or seven slave
States, having thoroughly surrendered, having given
up everything they have, because 1t is obnoxious
to Northern States, }" as the phrase is. These
States are left like army in the field with both
TANKS exposed, with nearly all their trade gone,
with nearly quarter of million Of slaves IL their
midst that cannot go either the North or to the
South, labOrinS uader the pressure of high tariff
while the more Southern States are prosperous
under low tariff compelled, perhaps, by the nine
teen free States that overmaster them to Join
them and insist on the formation of a Nurthern
Confederaoy of twenty-five States-compelle3, uns
der those circumstances to furnish funds and forces
to hsrrass and possibly subugate tsa States below
that is the prospect that opens before our beloved
commonwealth Gllass ahs pursues course that
accords With her own glorious history-a true,
hEave and manly course.
Then comes upon us Immediately, instantly, the
question of emancipation. The South is cut in half
them and there nineteen non-slayeholdnr States
to six or seven saveholding States-the Government
practically administered without Constitutional linn
itatons, Ia spirit Of antslayeEy fanaticism for
what loyal man could stand up in the North, when
half of the South was gone, 10 defence of the Con
stitutional rights of so poor fragment as would
III foi Al A..