Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1861-03-07

that difference is not very material one. If
the slave is ~ be surrendered, 1t can be of lit
tic consequence to him or to others by which
authority it is done; and should aay one in
any case be content that his oath shall go I'M
kept, on merely unsubstantial controversy as
to how it shall be keptP Again, in any law
upon this subject ought not all the safeguards
of liberty known in civilized and humane juris-
prudence, to he introduced /, so that free man
may not be in any case surrendered as a slavep
And might it not be well, at the same time, to
provide by law for the enforcement of that clause
in the Constitution which guarantees that the
citizens OF each State shall be entitled to all the
privileges and immunities Of citizens Of the sew
eral StatcsP
take the official oath, to-day with no mental
reservations, and with no purpose to construe
the constitution or laws on any hypcrcritical
rules and while do not choose to specify par
ticular acts OF Congress as proper to be enforc-
ed, do suggest that it will be much safer for
all, both in official and private stations, to con-
form to and abide by all those acts which stand
unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trust
ing to find impunity in having them held to be
unconstitutional.
1t is seyenty-two years since the first inaugu-
ration of president under our national consti-
tuition. During that period, fifteen different
and greatly distinguished citizens have in sue
cession administered the executive branch of
the government. They have conducted it
through many peris and generally with great
success. Yet with all this scope for precedent
| now enter upon the same task for the brief
constitutional term of four years, under great
and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the fed
eral Union, heretofore only menaced, is now
formidably attempted. Ihold that, in contempt
lation of universal law and Of the constitution,
the Union of these states is perpetual Perpet-
uity is implied if not expressed in the funda-
mental law of all national governments 1t is
safe to assert that no government proper ever
had provision in its organic law for its own
termination. Continue to execute all the ex-
press provisions of our national constitution,
and the Union will endure forever, it being i'm
possible to destroy it except by some action not
provided for in the instrument itself Again,
II the United States be not government prop
er but an association of states, in the nature of
contract merely, can it as a contract be peace
ably unmade by less than all the parties who
made itP One party to contract may violate
it, break it, so to speak but does it not require
all to lawfully rescind ftp
Reasoning from these general principles, we
find the proposition that in legal contemplation
the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history
of the Union itself The Union is much older
| IMAM tue COustltutlOu' IL was formed, IN TACT,
| by the articles of association in IVA. 1t was
matured and continued by the Declaration OF
Independence in l776. 1t was further matured,
and the faith of all the then thirteen states ex-
pressly pighted and engaged that it should be
perpetual, by the articles of confederation in
l71S and finally in 1887 one of the declared
objects for ordaining and establishing the con-
stitution was to form more perfect Uuion-
But if the destruction of the Union by one or BY
a part only of the states be lawfully possible
the Union is less than it was prior to the con.
stituton, having lost the vital element of per.
petuity.' 1t follows from these views, that nc
state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get
out OF the Union that resolves and ordinances
to that effect are legally void and that acts Of
violence within any state or states against the
authority of the United States are Instruction.
airy or revolutionary according to circums tances
therefore consider that in view of the con.
stitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken
and to the extent of my ability, / shall take care
as the constitution itself expressly enjoins upor
me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully ex.
ecuted in all the states. Doing this deem &c
be only simple duty on my part, and | shall
perfectly perform it, so far practicable, unles:
my rlghtfu masters, the American people, shall
Withhold the requisite means, or in some au.
thoritatve manner direct the contrary. trust
this will not be regarded as menace, but onl,
as the declared purpose of the Union, that il
will consIitutionally defend and maintain itself
In doing this, there need be no bloodshed Oh
violence, and there shall be none, unless it i,
forced upon the national authority. The power
confded to me will be used to hold, occupy, ant
possess the property and places belonging &c
the government, and to collect the duties or
imports; but beyond what may be necessary foi
these objects, there will be no invasion, no U.S.
ing OF force against or among the people any
where.
Where hostility TO the United States shall BE-
so great and so universal as to prevent compe
tent resident citizens from holding the fedora
offices, there will be no attempt TO force obnox
lous strangers among the people for that object
While the strict legal right of government ma,
exist to force the exercise of these Offices the
attempt to do it would be so irritating and sc
nearly impracticable withal, that deem it bet
ter to torego for the time the uses of such off
ces.
The mails, unless repealed, will continue tc
be furnished in all parts of the Union. So fai
as possible, the people every where shall have
that sense of perfect security which is most ia
vorable to calm thought and reflection.
The course here indicated will be followed
unless current events and experience shall show
modification or change to be proper; and il
every case and exigency, my best discretion
Will be exercised, according to the crcumstan
ces actually existing, and with view and hop,
of peaceful solution of the national troubles
and the restoration Of fraternal sympathies ant
affections.
That there are persons in one section or an
other who seek to destroy the Union at al
events, and are glad of any pretext to do it,
will neither affirm nor deny; but if there b,
such need address no words to them. If Their,
be, however, any who really do not love tn,
Union, may not speak to them, before enter
ing upon so grave matter as the destruction
OF our national fabric, with all its benefits, it
memories. and its hopes? Would it not b.
well to ascertain ere you do it, on what ground
you hazard so desperate a step? While an,
} portion of the ills you flee from have not rea
} existence, will you, while the certain ills YOU fle
} to are greater than all the real ones YOU fle
trom,-will you risk the commission of so fear
full a mistaken All profess to be content in tn
Union, II all their constitutional rights can b.
maintained.
Is it true, then, that any right plainly writer
in the constitution has been denied? | thinI
not. Happily, the human mind is so constitu
ted that no party can reach up to the audacit
OF doing this. Think il you can, of singh
instance in which plainly written provision O
the constitution has ever been denied. If b.
= the mere force of numbers, majority shoul
deprive minority of any clearly written con
sGtutional right, it might, in moral point O
! nlt,0.. -, h., I