Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-10-03
English views Of american Affairs.

merston, heads an article in its issue of Sep
tember 6, american Institutions a Fail
ure." There is tendency in the British
press, just at this time, to publish articles
upon this and similar texts, in which, not
unfrequently, good deal of truth and some
error is promulgated. The cause of this ten
dency is.to be found in the inveterate habit
of American writers and orators of setting
our particular form of Government before
the world as the most perfect that can be
constructed, and condemning all others, not
only as unsound in principle but as practi-
cally wrong and oppressive. This could
easily enough be borne, were there not a
party in Great Britain which, as a means of
popular agitation, takes up and intensi6es
these American notions, with a view to the
introduction of democratic features into that
Governmental thing which the ruling
orders do not deem desirable. A permanent
party disaffected with the principles upon
which the Government is established, is al
ways an object of dread to the Government
party and it IS not surprising that the organs
Of that party should take advantage OF an oc-
casion like the present to show up whatever
| detects they may discover in those institu-
tions of whose influence they are afraid.
The perfection of Government would be
body of political institutions which, while
in accurate conformity with the civil charac-
ter of the people, should fully provide for
the protection of the country from invasion,
and for the peace of society, leaving, at the
same time to each individual as much free
dom of action as is consistent with the gen.
eral good, and imposing no more burdens
than are necessary, with rigid economy, to
secure the legitimate ends for which it was
created.
We may be excused for suspecting that if
all existing governments were brought to the
test of this standard, there are few that in
the eye of impartiality, would not be pro-
nonnced failures; nor would that of Great
Britain, under such scrutiny, be likely to
escape condemnation. And this is not 80
much, perhaps, because governments are
wrong in principle, as because their insttu-
tiops are departures from, and their adminis-
trations are corrupt, or unfaithful or ineffi-
cent in spite of the principle that lies at the
four dation of all governments, and of one
as much as another.
The principle which lies at the foundation
of all governments is, that they are made for
the benefit of the people. There is no other
idea which will excuse their establishment,
or justify them in the exercise of the powers
with which they are invested. When they
| oiprrIa rpifh n u;ar D.
other end than this, they are the usurpers of
an authority to which they have no legiti-
mate title and need to be reformed. The
Government of Great Britain, so far as it
confines itself to the true province for which
governments are instituted, is just as much
a reflection of the popular character as that
of the United States; nor does the fact that
the entire franchise is in the hands of few
produce any variation in this respect. 1t is
only when it travels out of this province
that if becomes the agent of the privileged
classes, to build up and sustain their inter-
ests, at the expense of those of the masses ol
the people.
The Post is of the opinion that by no pos.
sibility could a crisis like that which no
rends the American States have occurred
under the British Constitution or have had it,
origin in British social circumstances. Thi,
is true, but not very profound; for British
social circumstances are different from ours
and not having the circumstances, they
would not be likely to realize the peculiar
form of crisis in which we find ourselves in
volved. Ii the people OF Great Britain shoult
ever find themselves in state in which so
cal conditions were at war with politica
conditions-When the British Constitution
was engaged in a conflict with British socia
circumstances--theyw would then have NOR
correct view of the situation of things in tn
United States, and perhaps less eTalte
idea of the ability of their own GovCrnmen
to grapple with and dispose Of the difficulty
The Post finds the fundamental defect i
our institutions to be universal suffrage
"The condition of America"-it remarks
"preaches to US with as loud voice as tn
condition of Italy did three years ago, and
tells us that nation may suffer depletion
and collapse from over-extension as well a
ilom over-restriction of the popular ole
ment." In setting forth what universal sui
frage has DONE it says; "First, in the inst
tuition of slavery, it set at nought in socit
life the primal law of human equality o
which its political life depended"
Now, in the first place, slavery is not a
institution for the reason that it was neVt
established or instituted either by politics
act or social convention. 1t is simply tn
relation of Master and Servant, gaining I'll
peculiar features in which it differs from I'll
same relation in Great Britain from the di
ferences in the characters of the parties.
In the second place, universal suffrage ha
nothing to do with the establishment
slavery or its continuance. In point
time it preceded our national and State Coz
stitutions. They simply found it in exis
ence, and did not neddle with it. Not on
:, so, but if universal suffrage would be like
= to have any effect upon slavery in the Unit
States, it would be for its abolition-h
1 voting numbers being in the States whe
i slavery does not exist, and mainly made
], of such as have no desire for its perpetuatio
J, The Post ought to be aware that 1t was t
extension of the right of suffrage in Gre
Britain which rendered the parliamenta
abolition of slavery possible in the Britt
n. and chic voiuht ha