The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-01-13


be conceded to the Southern confederacy.
ireland and the Erfsh-suith O'Brien
Once More.
There are many among us who enjoy per-
sonal acquaintance with the city of Dublin,
and who have there heard the top of the
morning TO you, Yer honor" uttered with a
sweet, keen accent, in The manner character
istic of an Irishman, and which delightful
brogue is TO him, whether at home or abroad,
perpetual letter of Introduction announcing
the green island of his nativity. II were in
vain for him to exclaim, as one of his fellow
countrymen once exclaimed, "Shurc, yer honor,
and I'm q Frcnchman" His brogue would
contradict him.
OF those who know the City Of the Lifey
there are, perhaps, none that are not
familiar with the Roiunda. 1t is a
circular stone building, enclosing cir
eular room, at the head Of SacvHle
street, and has long been celebrated as
the theatre of political stage fights and
other exciting scenes which seem so indis-
pensablc to Celtic felicity. Well, the Rotunda
has been grand centre of attraction for some
weeks past, owing to the assenblage there Of
a number of spirits congenial to Irish inde-
pendence, half of whom are anxious to gladden.
the heart of Mr.. Smith O'Brien by making him
king of his country, while the remainder think
ing that the laurels he earned by his general
ship among the cabbages in the Widow Ma
lone's garden are quite sufficient reward for
him in the evening Of his life-propose making
Marshal MacMahcn, Of the French army, king
of Ireland instead We have here two
distinct parties, equally disafected. The
one is the Gallicising party, with sym
pathes decidedly French, and aspira-
tons in accordance. These are the men
who, having been much struck with
the beautiful sweetness of MacMahons cast Of
countenance when they or their deputation
went to present him with a sword, have since
engaged themselves in tracing his pedigree to
Brian Born and one of the largest of the
once famous Irish giants, and who are now
clamoring for him to step on the carpet which
is to lead to the Irish throne. The other party
is highly national, and instead Of having French
sympathies, it has decided antipathies against
are so eager for. AT the head of this patriotic
band stands Mr.. Smith O'Brien, the great
martyr in his country's cause. We hear him
solemnly rebuking the Gallicising fiction in
language which is creditable to himself and his
flock. He believes that an invasion of ireland
by the French would be of no advantage to
the cause of Irish independence. His
knowledge of the French as liberators
does not lead him to think they would prove
themselves as unselfsh and single minded as
some Of their partisans would make believe
They might, if placed in power, treat Ireland
as they treated Venice and Poland; and what
would be the Irish gain thens AT any rate, the
French would not be with them always; and
when the French left poor old Ireland would
be worse off than ever and anirrnsfaaei would
be the general lament of the finest "pisantry''
in the world. Moreover, ii is highly probable
that, in the event Of French army landing in
ireland, the Irish Protestants would remain en-
masse loyal to the British crown, and that Ire
land would soon be rcbaptizcd in the blood
flowing from domestic strife.
Mr. Smith OBrien has paid the penalty OF
|
that he talks much more like man of sense
than he did before his capture in the midst
Of the greens cultivated by the Widow
Malone; and, compared with four-fifths Of the
fanatics Of the Rotunda agitation, he is phi
losopher. That unity of feeling which is ne
cessary to secure national independence does
not exist in Ireland. Ireland North differs as
much from Ireland South as our own Northern
States differ from the South The country is
split into two contending factions, and the Bit
terness which exists between these is all the
more extreme, all the more hostile and hope
less, because il springs from question Of reli-
gion. What hate can equal religious hate, and
where are The limits beyond which religious fa-
naticism VIII hesitate to got Slavery has been
made a religious question in our own coun-
try, and we already sec some Of the results
which, If not arrested by pacdcatory spirit
and measures Of compromise, harbnger the
terrible and calamitous tragedy which must
and early manhood of our national existence.
Whether the Irish had MacMahon or Brien
for their king, onehalf Of the population would
be equally rebellious against his majesty. II
he were MacMahon, who is, we are told, true
Catholic, he would be preached against by
every parson in the North, and more or less
reviled by every believer in the glorious and
pious memory OF the conqucror Of the Boync.
If he were O'Brien, who processes to be good
Protestant, he would be accommodated by
every parish priest in the kingdom as a hereto,
and brickbats enough would be hurled at his
devoted head. Such state Of things could not
last long Ireland would be IN chronic state
of anarchy more desperate than that under
which the Mexicans are suffering, or than
threatens Naples or our own land.
Let the Irish understand that, however much
they may believe their country to have been
sold by Castlereagh or downuodden by Eng