New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-01-21

agree to II. That Compromise makes all VINO
assent to it partners in the crime of extending
and terrifying Slavery, not merely in the terri
tories we already have. but throughout oil those
portions Of Mexico, Central America, and the
West Indies, which we may and undoubtedly
shall from time to time acquire 1t would for
me be q cOwardly and guilty device to evade a
present trouble by binding myself and my pos
terity to partnership in iniquity for ages to
come. Far better let the Union dissolve into
minute fragments than this.
II the advocates of the Crittenden Compromise
would be content with its passage, and if the
South would be satisfied with that, they could
easily pass it, as they might have done any time
these ten years. In DO single Congress as yet
have a majority Of either House been Republ-
can; in the next, we shall be decidedly IN a
minority unless aided by Secession. Bat the
Compromisers are not satisfied to pass the Crit
tenden scheme: they insist that the Republicans
shall unite in so doing, though they know that
such action is in direct antagOnisn to their prin-
ciples They might pass this Compromise without
our aid if they chose; but they Will not do this,
ard are about to break up the Union because We
will not help them do what they might do without
us if they chose
H., ILL.,, ~. do not believe in the unanimty
of the South in favor of Secession, because the
consprators evidently do not believe in it them
selves fthey did, they would eagerly and proudly
submit the question of Secession to direct vote
of the People of their respective States; but this,
even in South Carolina they dare not do.
Wherever they have asserted to popular vote
they have done 80 with manifest reluctance and only
because they needs must. And all their reasonable
seizures Of forts, arsenas, armories, navy'yards,
sub.treasuries, &c, &c, (Which SO delight your
soul as manifestations Of "practcal pluck, have
manifestly been impelled by consciousness on
the part Of the leading cOnspiratcrs that the
masses are not neryed for Dlsunlop but need to
be goaded TO madness and committed beyond re-
treat or they cannot be involved in the crime.
V. What | demand is proof that the Southern
people really desire separation from the Free
States. WheneIer assured that such is their
settled wish, shall joyfully cooperate with them
10 secure the end they seek. Thus far | have
had evidence Of nothing but purpose to bully
and cOerce the North. Many Of the Secession
emissaries TO tho Border Slave States tell the
people they address that they do not really mean
to dissolve the Union, but only to secure what
they term their rights in the Union. Now, as
nearly all the people Of the Slave States either
are, or have TO seem TO be. in favor OF this, tho
present mennciug front Of Secession proves moth.
ing to the purpose. Maryland and Virginia have
no idea Of bresking up the Union; but they would
both dearly like to bully the North into com.
promise. Their Secession demonstrations prove
just this, aud nothing more.
VI. Your proposed submission OF the Crtten-
den Compromise to the votes Of the electors Of
the Free States only, would have some plaus-
billty il you could and would guarantee that The
Stare States ,oold ab,d, the result. ion surely
cannot ask us to vote on such an issue unless our
votes are to decide it. Your Southern allies re-
pudiate the verdict Of the People by which Lin
coin aud Hamlin we're elected; you, as their at
torney, propose another special election to de-
termine a special issue. Is 1t unreasonable or
"evasiYe" our part to insist that, II we CON
sent to hold such special election the result
shall be conclusive Or must we keep on hold
ing special elections until the people shall be
worried or weuried into acquiesceDce in your cx-
actions!
OF course, you think we would be beaten on
your special issue. So you doubtless thought the
Fusion ticket would carry our State last Fall.
Yet it failed, simply because there orc more
voters here opposed to Slavery Extension than
willing to acquesce in it. Never was there
more thorough CANVASS. Douglass Popular
Sovereignty" was more specous than the Cnt
tenden alternative. The vote was very inll-one
hundred thousand more than could be polled on
your special issue. ii the result was not de-
cisye. none ever will or can be. Besides, II the
People are with you, as you assume, what are
Jour Southern allies boiling for Why don't
you persuade them 10 wait till you can drive us
headlOng from power
Mr.. O'Sulliyan you ask me whether this
Union "must 90 to pieces" Why not ask Jour
political brethren who are aSsduously tearing II
to pieces, and whose " practical pluck in defy
ing the authorities, subverting the laws, and sez'
ing the arms, fortresses, and treasure OF
the Union, so excltes your admiration! Inc
whole civilized world, apart from the Slave
Power and its political allies in the North testl-
ies with one accord that the guilt and shame OF our
present distractions rest upon those whose cause
sou are desperately pettlloggiug. There Is no
moro ssent from this conclusion outside OF the
narrow circle above Indicated than there liz
from that which afirms the culpability of Judas
Iscariot. What you and your set brand as
" fanaticism ia simply in accordance with the
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