Sunbury American. [volume] (Sunbury, Pa.) 1848-1879, 1861-03-09

people, snHll WllnDulU tne requisite nthhS ~
10 some authoritative manner direct the con.
trary. trust this will not be regarded as i
menace, but only as declared purpose ol
Union that it will copstitutionally defend
and maintain itself 10 doing this. There
need be 90 bloodsbed or violence, and there
shall be none unless it be forced upon the
National authority.
The power con6ded to me will be used to
hold, occupy and possess the property and
places belonging to the Government, and to
collect duties and imposts, but beyond what
may be necessary for tbese objects there will
be no invasion, no using of force against or
among people anywhere. Where hostility to
shall be 80 great and so universal as TO pre-
vent competent resident physicians from
holding federal Offices, there will be no at.
tempt TO force obnoxious strangers among
people Tor that object. While the strict legal
right may exist 10 the Government to enforce
the exercise OF these Offices, the attempt 10
do so would be so irritating aud so nearly
impracticable witbal, that | deem it better
TO fUrego for q time the uses OF such Offices
The mails, unless repelled, will continue 10
be furnished in all parts Of the Union, so far
as possible. The people everywhere shall
have that sense Of perfect security which is
most favorable to calm thoughts and reHec.
ton. The course here indicated will be fol.
lowed, unless clrrent events and experience
shall show Il modification or change to be
proper, and, in every case and exigency, my
best discretion will be exercised according to
circumstances actually existing, and with u
view and hope of u peaceful solution OF the
National troubles. and the restoration OF
fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons 10 one section or an.
other who seek to destroy the Union at all
events, are glad Of any pretext to do it, will
neither affirm nor deny but it there be any
such, | need address no word to those. bowrv.
er, who really love the Union. May | not
speak before entering upon so grave a ques
tlon as the destruction Of our National fabric,
all its benefits, its memories, and hopes p
Would it not be wise to ascertain precisely
what is due y? Will you hazord so desperate
o step while there is any possibility that any
portion OF the ills you fly from have no real
existencef Will you, while the ills you fly
to are greater thsu all the real ones you fly
from, risk the commission of so fearful ms.
take All profess to be content in the L ri
on, it all constitutional rights can be maintain.
ed. Is 1t true then. that any right plainly
written in the Constitution has been denied Z?
| think not. Happily the human mind is so
constituted that no party can reach to the nu.
daci;y Of doing this. Think, if you can of a
single instance in which a plainly written pro
vision OF the Constitution ha, ever been 5eni.
ed.
II by the mere force Of numbers a maiority
should deprive minority OF any clearly writ.
ten constitutional right, il might, in a moral
point OF view, justify revolution it certainly
would II such right were vital one. But
such is not our case. All the vital rights of
minorit:es and of individuals are so puiuly
assured TO them, by allirmations and mega.
tons, guarnntees and prohibitions in the
Constitution, that controversies never arise
concerning them but no organic law can be
framed with provision specifically applicable
TO every question which may occur 10 in
practical administration. No foresight can
anticipate or any document OF reasonable
length, contain express provisions for all
possible questions. Shall fcgitlves from labor
be surrendered by national or State authori
ty? The Constitution does not expressly
say. May Congress prohibi: slavery 10 the
Territories The Constitution does not ex.
p!essly esy. From questions Of this class
spring oil our Constitutional controversies,
aud We divide upon them into majorites and
mlnorties. If the minority will not acqnesce
the majority must, or tho Government must
cease.
There is no other alternative in continuing
the government but ucquieseence Oh the one
side or the other. lfn minority in such case
will secede rather than scqulesce, they make
a precedent which n turn will divide or ruin.
them ; for minority Of their own will secede
IRON them whenever q majority. For in.
- hu r
confrderacy year or two hence, arbitrarily
present Union claim TO secede from it? All
who cherish disunion sentiments are now
being educated TO the exact temper of doing
this. Is there such perfect identity of inter.
ests among the States to compose a new
Union as TO produce harmony only, aud pre-.
vent renewed secession Plainly the central
idea OF secession is the essence of anarchy.
A majority held in restraint by Constitutional
checks and limitations, and always changing
easily with the deliberate changes Of popular
opinions and sentiments, is the only true
sovereign OF free people. Whoever rejects
1t, does OF necessity fly to anarchy or to des.
pOtism. Cnanimlty is impossible. The rule
of minority as a warrant arrangement is
wholly iuadmissible. So that, rejecting tn,
some form il al. that is left
do not forget the position assumed by
some, that constitutional questions are to be
decided by the Supreme Court cor do deny
that such decisions must be binding in any
case upon the parties to IA suit as 10 the ob.
Ject OF that suit, while they are also entitled
to very high respect and consideration in all
parallel cases by all other departments of the
government; aud while it is obviously posi-,
BILE that such decision may bs erronsous in
any given case, still the evil effect iolowi ing
ii, being limited to that particular case. with
the chance that it may be Overruled and
never become precedent for others. and
better be borGe than could the evils Of
different practice.
At the same time, the candid citizen must
confess that if the policy of the government
upon vital questions affecting the whole peo.
Pile is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions OF
the Supreme Court, the instant they are made
IN ordinary litigation between parties 10 per.
sonai actions, the people will have ceased To
be their own rulers. having to that extent
practically resigned their government into
the hands OF that eminent tribunal. Nor is
there in this view any assault upon the court
or the judges. 1t is duty from which they
may not shrink to decide cases properly
brought before them, and it is no fault Of
theirs II Others seek to turn their decisions to
political purposes One section of our coan.
try believes slavery Is right, aud ought to be
extended while the other believes it wrong
and ought not TO be extended. This is the
only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave
clause OF the Constitution and the Law for