Prescott journal. [volume] (Prescott, Wis.) 1861-1871, 1861-12-04

choice of means In a storm at sea no one
on board can wish the ship to sink, and yet
not unfrequently all go down together be
| cause too many will direct and no single
mind can be allowed to control.
Ii continues to develop that the insurrec-
ton is largely, if not exclusively, war
upon the first principle of popular govern
ment-the rights OF the people. Copclus-
i've evidence of this is found in the most
grave and maturely considered public doc
! uments. as we'll as in the general tone OF the
insurgents. In these documents we find the
abridgement of the existing right OF suffrage
and the denial 20 the people of all to par
| ticipate in the selection of public officers
except the legislative body, advocated with
labored arguments to prove that large con-
| troll of the Government in the people is the
source of all political evil. Monarchy it,
self, is sometimes limited at as pc 'sible ref
| uge from the power of the people. In my
present position, l could scarcely be justified
were | to omit raising warning voice
| against this approach of returning despot-
ism. 1t is not needed nor fitting here that a
general argument should be made 10 favor
of popular institutions, but there is one
point, with its connections, not 80 hackney
ed as most others, to which | ask brief
| attention.
1t is the effort to place capital on an
equal footing with, if not above, labor in
| the structure of the Government. 1t is
assumed that labor is available only in con.
nection with capital, somehow by the use
oft which induces him to labor. This as
| sumed, it is next considered whether it is
best that capital shall hire laborers and
thus induce them to work by their own
consent, or buy them and drive them to it
without their consent. Having proceeded
| 30 far, it is naturally concluded that all
laborers, are either hired laborers or what
we call slaves. And further, it is assumed,
| that whoever is once hired laborer is
| fixed in that condition for life. Now, there
is no such relation between capital aud Ia
| Dor. as assumed, nor is there any such
thing as freemen being fixed for life in the
condition of hired labor. Both OF these
assumptions are false, and all inierences
from them are groundless.
Labor is prior to and independent OF cap
| tall Capital is only the fruit of labor, and
never could have existed if labor had not
Grst existed. Labor is the superior OF cap
ital. and deserves much the higher consider
alton. Capital he's its rights, which ere as
| worthy of protection as any other rights.
Nor is it denied that there is, and probably
ALWAYS will be, a relation between labor and
capital, producing mutual benefit. The er-
ror is in assuming that the whole labor OF a
community exists within that relation. A
few men haze capital, and that few avoid
labor. and with their capital hire or buy
few to labor for them. A large majority
belong to neither class-neither work fol
them. Ia most of the Southern States, a
majority ofthe people of all colors are Meth
er slaves nor masters; while 10 the Northern
large majority are neither hirers nor hired
Men with their families, wives, sons anc
daughters, work for themselves on then
farms. in their houses and in their shops
taking the whole product to themselves ant
asking no favors OF capital on the one hand
nor of hired laborers of slaves on the other
1t is not forgotten that a considerable
number OF persons mingle their own labo
with capital that is tn y labor with thei
: own hands, and also buy or hire Others t.
! labor for them but this is only mixed an
! not distinct class. No principle stated
, d,4,urDed Dy Jne exlsLeuCr Ur THO ,uAe'
class. Again, as has already been sale
there is not of necessity any such thing a
! the free hired laborer being fixed for tha
! condition of life. Many independent mel
g everywhere 10 these states, a few yeal
r back in their lives, were hired laborer
The most prudent, pennilees beggar in ,h
2 world, labors for wages awhile, and saves
surplus with which to buy tools or land f.
!, himself. He then labors on his own accouu
I and at length hires another new beginne
4 to help him. This is the just and generou
2 and prosperous system which opens the wa
, to all, and gives hope to all, and the conse
quent energy, progress and improvement {
i, the condition to all.
| No men living are more worthy to b
5 trusted than those who toll up or on fror
t poverty. None less inclined to take G
: touch aught which they have not earned
| Let them beware of surrendering politics
: power which they already possess, an
which, if surrendered, will surely be used t
r close the poor of advancement against sue
? as they, and to fix new disabilities and bul
dens upon them, till all of liberty shall b
) lost.
From the first taking of our nationa
{ census to the last are seventy years, and W
} find our population at the end Of the perio
5 eight times as great as it was at the begir
; ming. The increase of those other thing
} which men deem desirable has even bee
: greater.
We thus have at one view, what the poE
ular principle applied to Government
} through the machinery of the States and th
Union, has produced in given time, an
r also what, if firmly maintained, it promise
! for the future. There are already anon
: US, those who, if the Union he preserved
{ will live to see it contain $50 100000. Th
struggle of to day is not altogether for t
4 day. 1t is for vast future also.
t with firm reliance on Providence, a
the more firm and earnest, let US proceed
: the great task which events have devolve
f upon us.
, (Signed.) ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
, WASHINGTON, Dec. 8. 1861.
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