The national Republican., 1861-02-11
convince me, that whatever Of high hope las I


run, its sudden execution is impossible. If
they were all landed there in day, they would
perish in the next ten days; and there ore not
surplus shipping aud surplus money enough in
the world TO carry them there in many times
ten days. What then? Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings2 Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition? l
think would not hold one in slavery at any
rate yet the point is not clear enough to de.
nounce people upon. What next? Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals2 My own feelings will not admit of
this; and il mine would, we well know that
those Of the great mass Of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice and
sound Judgment is not the sole question, If,
indeed, it is any part Of it. A universal feel
ing, whether well or i'll founded, cannot be
safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. 1t does seem to me that sys.
TENS Of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed but for that hardness in this respect,
will not undertake to Judge our brethren of the
South.
"When they remind us Of their constitutional
rights, / acknowledge them, not grudgngly,
but fully and fairly; and / would give them
any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi.
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one."-Speech at Otto,oa, H., Aug.
2l, 1858.
Has anything ever threatened the existence
Of this Union, save and except this very institu.
ton Of savery2 What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros.
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery? II this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlargng
slavery--by spreading it out, and making it
bigger3
"You may have a wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death but surely it is no way to cure
it to engrat it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is 10 proper way of treating what
you regard as wrong.'-Speechd at Alton, Oct
Is, 1858.
AZ suppose most of us Il know it of myself)
believe that the people of the Southern States
are entitled to Congressional fugitive slave
law As the right is constitutional, agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the institution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes; at least, profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do yield sup
port to fugitive slave law? Because do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar.
antics that right, can be supported without
it."-Speech at Alton, Oct. Is, 1853.
"The real issue in this conference.-the one
pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
the part Of one class that looks upon the insti.
tuition Of slavery as wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as q wrong.
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment Of the Republican party. They look
upon it as being moral, social, and political
wrong; and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among US, and the difficulties of get.
ting rid Of it in any satisfactory way, and to oil
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
policy in regard to it that looks to its not ere.
ating any more danger. They insist that it
should, as far as may be, be treated as wrong
and one Of the methods Of treating it as
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. IL there be a man among us who
does not think that the institution of slavery is
wrong in any Of the aspects Of which l have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with US. And if there be man amongst US
who is so impatient Of it as a wrong as to dis.
regard its actual presence among ms, and the
difficulty Of getting rid of it suddenly in sat
isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu.
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced if he is on our platform .'-Speech at
Alton, Oct. Is, 1858.
FEW WORDS TO THE 81 --H.
awe the Republicans, and otl RS, forming
the opposition of the country, intend to stand
by our guns, to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When we do beat you,
you perhaps want to know what we will do
with you. l will tell you, so far as am au.
thorized to speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you,
as nearly as We possibly can, as Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution; to abide by every CON-
promise of the Constitution and, in word,
coming back to the original proposition, to
treat you as far as degenerated men Give have
degenerated) may, according to the examples
of those noble Washington, Jefferson,
and Madison. We mean to remember that you
are as good as we are that there is no dif.
ference between US, other than the difference
of circumstances. We mean to recognise and
bear in mind, always, that you have as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as
we claim to have and to treat you accord.
ingly.-Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. II, 1859.
DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM.
Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the
Union, in Convention assembled, hereby de.
clare our aflirmance Of the resolutions unani.
mously adopted and declared as platform of
principles by the Democratic Convention at
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that
Democratic principles are unchangeable in
their nature, when applied to the same subject
matter; and we recommend as the only further
resolutions the following:
Resolred, That it is the duty of the United
States to afford ample and com plete protection
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad,
and whether native or foreign.
Resolved, That one of the necessities of the
age, in q military, commercial, and postal