The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-12-24

the nice distinctions and precedents Of the law
that we discover at once the difficulty Of the
British Cabinet In submitting the matter to an
elaborate diplomatic discussion and the secret |
Of this reported ultimatum, which, like the pre- !
vious question in Congress, cuts off all debate.
The ministerial journals Of England also inform |
US that whatever precedents may be produced
In our favor, that whatever heretofore may have |
been the practices and the law Of England her
SELF she will be governed in this case of the
Trent by her present notions of her neutral
rights. II this be so argument is out of the
question, and, If we do not choose to yield to
the demands of England as her conditions of
peace, we have no other resource than war.
In this connection we must not overlook the
important fact that between the party In power
and the party out Of power in England there il
constant struggle going on, and that at any
moment the dominant party, upon test ques-
ton in Parliament, may be thrown out. With
us Presidential election establishes the party
In power for four years; but in England the
Queen may be compelled, by vote Of the
House Of Commons, to change the party COM
plexion of her Cabinet two or three times in .
year. We may safely assume, too, that the pre-
sent ministry Of Palmerston, Russell and their
associates have been compelled to take bold
and extreme position on this Trent question for
fear of the opposition party watching for their
opportunity in the Commons" and that war
cry is always popular cry in England. Above
all, the British government and the British aris-
tocracy, after their incessant intrigues and abo-
lition agitating schemes of thirty years for our
destruction, are tempted now to seize upon any
plausible excuse for Intervention in behalf of this
Southern rebellion. With the dissolution of this
Union into parcel of petty, fighting republics,
like those of Central or South America, an over
shadowing commercial rival of England would
be removed out Of her way, and her CONNER
cial and naval dominion on this continent would
soon, perhaps, become absolute.
Is it then consistent with sound policy or with
our national safety to give to England at this
crisis plausible pretext, or even shallow ex-
cuse, for an armed Intervention in behalf of JEFF
Davis? No. Our first, highest and paramount
duty is the suppression Of this Southern rebels
people and our loyal States are ready to make
liberal concessions of technicalities, if needed on
this broad question Of "belligerent rights" to
secure the neutrality of the two great naval
Powers of Europe, or either of them. How,
then, can our advocacy of the alternative, if de-
manded, of surrendering Mason and Slidell to
England, be utterly and mischievously false"
as charged by our abolition contemporary. We
believe that we are only rejecting the views Of
our Cabinet in supporting this alternative of
restitution, as preferable to giving even an ex-
cuse to England to come to the relief and assist
ance of this Southern rebellion. We can make
this Trent affair the medium for definite un-
derstanding with England upon this question Of
her neutrality-of an understanding which will
bind her to keep the peace to the end of this
domestic struggle. It will then be time enough
to settle all our outstanding accounts with Euro
pean Powers. Peace with them for the present
and settlement hereafter, full and complete.
In counselling the opposite policy our abo
lition contemporaries are justly open to the
gravest suspicious of wicked designs If any
thing would drive our government to the arm
ing of Southern slaves against their rebel mas
ters it would be the Intervention Of England as
an ally of JEFF. Davis. If anything would push
our government to the extremity of recognizing
the Davis confederacy, it would be the inter-
vention of European squadrons opening our
Southern ports and furnishing all the much
needed supplies to our nearly exhausted rebel
armies and their spurious government in ex-
change for their cotton. Emancipation or
separation" is the war cry of our abolition fac
ton; and, as the one thing, if not the other
would be very apt to follow the Intervention Of
England in this war, surely it is the policy of
Mr.. Lincoln's administration, which is fighting
for the integrity Of the Union" to give wide
| margin to abolition ideas Of national honor and
national dignity in connection with this affair
of the Trent. Adhering to our impression that
England's ultimatum of peace will be the sur
render of Mason and Slidell, we also adhere to
our opinion that the point Of national honor in
volved will be but as the dust in the balance
weighed against " the integrity of the Union"
The Northern Rebellion and Its
Organs.
Tnero Is southern rebellion, and there Is a
Northern rebellion-both alike criminal. both
equally opposed to the Union, the constitution
and the laws. The Southern rebels are in the
field. The Northern rebels are not yet in the
field; but they are aiding and assisting their
Southern brethren just as effectually as if they
were. They are leagued with them and with
the English government in breaking up the
Union. The object Of the three parties is COM
mon, though they each seek to accomplish It by
different means.
One Of the instrumentalities by which the
Northern rebels are enaeavoring to consummate
their nefarious designs is the abolition press.
As sample Of this agency, we may refer TO an
article in yesterdays number Of the chief organ
of the Almighty Niger, who is worshipped here
at the North by the radical republicans as fer.
.vently as fetish is worshipped BY the sable
subjects Of the King Of Dahomey. This pro-
phet of the Ebony Idol announces his disples-
sure at the proclamation Of General Phelps. not