Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1861-02-15

ty seven more states within any moder-
ate calculation of time. Yet it will re-
quire no less to furnish the necessary
proportion outside Of the slave states, to
incorporate amendments into the consti-
tuition. 1t is moreover somewhat sur
prising to find that even the suggestion
Of the possibility Of the proposal Of such
amendments in any case should have
been made in such n quarter. Surely
there are some things which for its own
security if for no other reason, it may
fairly be presumed that not one CT the
states would ever originate. And one
Of the most essential would be any idea
Of direct Interference with the internal
economy of any other state.
confess, Mr.. Speaker, that I should
be very jealous, as a citizen Of Massa-
chusetts, Of any attempt on the part Of
Virginia, for example, TO propose an
amendment Of the constitution designs to
rescnd or abolish the bill Of rights pre-
fixed to our own form of government. I
cannot see why such proposition would
be more unjustfable than any counter
proposition TO abolish slavery in Virginia
as coming from Massachusetts,. If |
have in any way succeeded in mastering
the primary elements of our forms Of
government, the first and fundamental
idea is the reservation to the people Of
the respective states of every power of
regulating their own affairs net speci(i-
caly surrendered in the constitution
The security Of the state governments
depends upon the fidelity with which this
principle is observed. Even the intima-
ton of any such interference as / have
mentioned by way Of example could not
be made in earnest without Mt once shak
ine the entire foundation Of the whole
confederated Union. No MN shall tz-
coed me in jealousy of affection for The
state rights of Massachusetts. So far
as remember, nothing Of this kind was
ever thought Of heretofore. And ] see
no reason 70 apprehend that what has
not happened thus far, will be more likely
to happen hereafter. But if the time
ever come when it does occur, I shall he
lieve the dissolution Of the system much
more certain than l do At this moment
For these reasons I cannot imagine
that there is the smallest foundation for
uneasines about the intentions of any con-
siderable number Of men in the free
States TO interfere in any manner what
ever with slavery in the States, much
less by the hopeless mode of amending
the Constitution. To me it looks like
panic, pure panic. How then is it to be
treated? Is it to be neglected or rdi-
cu'ed? Not at all. Ifa child in the
nursery be frightened by the idea of a
spectre, common humanity would prompt
an effort by kindness to assuage the alarm.
But in cases where the same feeling per-
vades the bosoms Of muititudes of men,
this imaginary evil grows up 1t once into
gigantic reality, and must be dealt with
as sach. 1t is at a., times difficult to
legisIa;e against possibility. The COM
mittee have reported a proposition inten-
ded to meet this case. II II . form Of
amendment TO the Constitution which in
substance takes away no rights whatever
which the free States I've? should attempt
to use while it vests exclusively in the
slave States The right to use them or not
- they shall think proper, the whole
treatment of the subject to which they
relate being conceded to be a matter Of
common interest to them, exclusively
within their jurisdiction and subject to
their control. 4 time may arrive in the
course of years when they win them
selves desire some act Of interference in
a friendly and benefcent spirit. If so
they have the power reserved to them
Of initiating the very form in which it
would be most welcome. If not they
have a security, so long as this govern
ment shall endure, that no sister state
shall dictate any change against their will.
l have considered all the alleged griev-
ances which have been brought to our at
tention. Isl. The personal liberty laws
which never freed slave. 3D. Exclu-
sion from territory which Shareholders
viii never desire to occupy. 3D. Appre-
hension OF an event which will never
take place. For the sake of these three
causes of complaint---all of them utterly
without practical result--the slavehold-
ing states, unquestionably the weakest
section Of this great confederacy, are vol
unfairly and precipitately sundering the
realities of solid power woven into the
very texture of a government that now
keeps nineteen millions of freemen will
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