Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1861-1862, 1861-12-12

His language ~as Follow me- or we nav ali 20 to ruin
tol ether, for sught that cara With them the party
rss everything. TIE Iocsl eIsecce of each and al
them depended upon saving the party; to save the
party, they compelled to follow and sustain him
There period during the terms Of Jefferson and
Madison when the party would not be compelled TO do
The zane thing ftey bad ever thought proper 10 pur
sue the same course Besides all aebersl Jacksons hob
bies popular with the great Of the people He
did not make them so they we're so before be mounted
hem. We have just witnessed what the force Of bis
popularity is vhep unsded by party Tower, In biz
Sa'e What would have been the result II be had
happened to run sthvart popular PREJUDICE s uncertain
His party 10 Congress might in such case have VEN
tured to take heart and grspple with him. But
tist is doubtful Il Is di suit to bring about the mptn-
q ooahdence among hundred and fiiy men, neces-
sary 10 such lf,r, The likelihood Is rather that they
would ia thar they viii in al other cases follow
Snd risk the chances before the people.
General Jick.on never displayed in any thing he ever
did, the same amount Of power as was manifested
by Mr.. Jefferson Ia the IL fiction Of the embargo and
other anti-commercia! measures upon unwilling IA.
ton. There could be no higher Manifestations Of the
dsposm OF party than the psacesbe endurance OF such
course of measures in popular Government like ours
With present lights, calmly reviewing the folly and
luxurious effects OF many of his MEASURES nothing
mors s'rkiugy Illustrate the impropdety Of trusting
absolute legislative power TO any one man. Yet Jener-
son great man. perhaps the greatest, save one,
that the natior has ever yet produced. His own pecu'
pcl!ICs, ne gave 10
our nstutioDs WILL for good for evil DO as dnrable
as themselves. But he bad, In an eminent degree,
fault common 10 most great men, that Is TOO much con-
fdeBce In his opinion. He vas bold, not TO say
reckless theoiizer aud experimenter. Such men are
ssays dangerous and the las. be trusted with sbso-
Iue sway. One Of his theories VAS that nation Ike
this for ancied ultimate benefit could, by legislation
be driven veaned from its great nercal pursuits
His experiments upon that idea cost tie nator an in
fni;uds Of mischief They we're carried through
a.. d. A 0uua-
shst siml,r experiment under General Jackson,
based on similar idea, has cost the nation nearly as
much. The great ineTcusabe error OF both experiments
In the application Of severe snd costly remedies,
without knowing certainly before hand that the patient
would submit TO treatment aud take the whole pr6scrp-
ton These twc similar nischefs proceeding from two
dissmiIsr men, should inculeste the lesson, We
needed H. that neither the excess OF wisdom nor the
Of It afford any security against the evils OF obs
macy and opnonsiveness Ia men holding absolute pow
er.
Mr. Jefferson thoroughly understood the true princi.
Piles of the Government and IL bis PRIDE as be felt
to be bis duty also, to preserve them in their purity
He therefore, violated the Constitution either In
its letter or spirit Il General Jicksons msfortune
that he did not understand those principles From his
educstiou and previou, pursuits would be unreasonable
70 expect that he shou have understood them Unoer
the u iencs OF bis peculiar temperament he was there
FORE habtuay trsmpng over the spirit OF the consn-
oo and treadipg upon the outemos verge OF his pove
whether u he had understood those principles DO would
have viuls diaregarded them must ever remain mat
er Of some doubt. No man doubts bis patriotism no
mai doubts that hs always ready TO Ay down bis
life for his country. The doubt s whether he did not
sck that moral training which teaches other men pro-
ssr rsvsscpca for our political insdiuions and makess
ihep y;ss sysry visistion Of DE consiunoa y ssss
neral evone.
M Jefferson frtm the consciousness Of bis powers
feared not to encounter other great men, but courted
their society and always kept them about him General
Jackson from the sort OF CONSEQUENCES pursued
iiferen, course When he bad been some Time In the
hair the nation vas startled with the intelligence that
ne never held any cabinet councils Hs even threaten
ID to dispense With the aid Of cabinet ministers and
carry on the government with chief clerks In
he absence Of the appropriate constitutional
,dvisers the world did him the injustice TO believe that
&c had submitted himself the guidance Of others OF
very different description. The opinions OF the one,
though entitled to great weight With everybody, yet re-
,eiyed more consideration than they deserved from the
additional respec. attached TO them account OF the
upposed Of his very able cabinet General
Jackson's opinions though entitled to little authority
.th any one eIcep. on military subjects received ess
respect than they really mered account OF the false
~ imputed Influence to which they we're ascribed.
Th,se vafou, points Of striking contrast between these
two most remarkable serve fully TO explain why the
.me more extensive and more frequently used powers
ssumed a much less obnoxious snspe, whilst in tie
i.nds o. the one than they afterwards assumed when
the hands Of the other They explaa why 1t was left
or General Jackson to expose in its nakedness the es.
ounding fac. tia. system gives Us public master,
nsead Of public servant in every party President
fact that seems heretofore to have luktd compare
lively uuobserved, in our system.
say comparatively unobsnvei, for from the cef'
grated report made to the Senate in 1896 by Mr. Vac
3uren Nr. Benton, and her distinguished members
Of the present party 10 power those gentlemen appear
efore that TO have had distinct PERCEPTION Of some
ching very Ike IT, will be seen from the following OK
tract from that report:
"Psonsge will penetrate this body, subdue its capa.
cty of resistance chain 10 the Of power, and en-
able the President 10 rule sasiy and much more
curely With than withoH the nominal cheek Of ths S.
natc.
ave mus. look forward TO the time when the nom-
nation by the President carry any through the
Senate ard h' recommend ,tion carry any measure
through the tso houses of Congress- when the principle
Of public action will be open and svowed: the Presi.
dent wants my vote and want his patronage; will
vote as he wishes and he ~ill give the Office wish
for What will this be but the government OF one man!
snd what is the government Of one man but mon
irchy? Names nothing The nature of thing Is
in its substance and the name soon accommodates ITSELF
TO the substance.
"7ho.e sho make IL. President mast support him
Their political at, Jeeones iderffsd, and they "nif
,,and or foil together. Right or ~rong they must sup
port him" .
nan of committee, m jority Of whom we're distin-
pushed members Of your own party, in 1885, made
,rt 10 the Senate containing very simsr sentiments.
The timo having already arrived, when the President
,,rries any nomination through the Serate, and any
MEASURE be peases through the two Houses Of Congress-
20 have the expressed opinions OF the mos prom-
INT men Of al parties thst somehow ue have wandtr-
d from theoretical republic into aprscdch dsspo!sn
ret strange to say, man Of you all seems to have
peat serious thought upon how ve got there % ss TO
,ont the way back again. It's we'll worthy Of wonder
hat With gu III coocuning opinions from 90 many emf.