Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1861-03-12
.srHE INAUGUBAL OF LINCOLN ar
rarrf IN arn nEFEATED.


EprroR APPEALS: During the canvass Of
1855 in the state Of Illinois, between Douglas
and Lincoln for Senator from that State, the
undersigned was present on several occasions
and heard Tie busting hsrrangues Of both, at
different times and places; also, that Lincoln
had either Improved wonderfully, 81 a stump
orator, or that others had written and revised
his speeches, which be committed to memory,
| and after rehearsal detained tolerably well.
II seems that this cat has been released from
TIE bag, and the people satisfied Of The fact
nat Jadd, and perhaps others, arranged this
/ speecbes thsn. In the route 10 Washington,
when be had TO deliver himself according to
/ circumstances, and previous preparation could
not well be made as his speeches were expect
ted 10 eoinport with suggestions made
BY those who addressed bin along the route;
but his speeches ito Washington In 1901 do
not confirm the man Of 1858, as they were in
deed similar in comparison.
Nov it can from these facts be inferred that
The inaugural Of lincoln was likewise, esPec-
tally az be occupied the head OF bis party,
written, rewritten, revised and carefully
studied BY the more able leaders Of Blaek-ke-
publtcsnisH, before be was allowed to read II
to the publ: on the 4th OF March, THIS doen-
nsnt then must be recognized as containing
fhe pripciples Of the party which elevated him
to the Presidency, and foreshadowing DIS aa-
ministratiou. Below will be found the 'pss
I drift Of the Baltimore SHB, oYerhauiing this In
suguraL, ard completely, by refutatlon, ami
I hilsting IL from beginning 70 end.
The inaugural, as a whole, breathes the
shirt of mischief II has only 4 conditional
| conservatlsn-that lie, the lack Of ability or
some expedtency to do what it would. 1t as
sumes desrotie authority, and int;mates the
DESIGN to exercise that authority to any extent
Of war and bloodshed, qualified only by the
tsithholffng Of the requisite means to the end
by the American people. And this declaration
is no sooner made than the quailing protest is
( advanced that il shall not be construed as a
menace. The fact is as boldly stated as such
a man as Lincoln dared to do it, that if the
North will sustain him be will coeree and sub
iugate the South.
The augmentation Of the addr, IS is puerile.
Indeed, it has no quality entitled 20 the dignity
Of an argument. It is a shaky specimen Of spe-
ciai pleading, by way Of justifying the unright-
eous character and deeds Of that fanaticism
which, lifted into power, may be guilty, as it is
capable, Of any atrocities. A single fact in the
document, as a basis OF a remark on the per-
petuity Of The Union, is untrue. II is asserted
that the aUhion is much older than the Con-
%stitution - whereas the Union had no eXis-
tence until the Constitution was ratified BY
New Hampshire on the 21st June, 1913, being
the ninth State which approved It, aud SO gave
vitality to the Union and the Constitution at
the same moment. The Union which bad pre-
viously existed was at an end; and Virginia,
New York, North Carolina and Rhode Island,
which subsequently ratified the Constitution,
were perfectly free to remain independent SOW
ereignties, had they chosen to do so, to this day.
No Union, therefore, existed which included
these States when the Constitution was rati-
] e. - MI. T-N-A1 -nw~-fwnI .nE , = Ghr III
ion until the 29sh Of May, 1899, nearly two
years after the Union and Constitution were
formed and established.
Mr. Lincoln is particularly emphatic on the
Union, and constantly asserts its peTpetuity,
and seems to contend for its indestructibility
under any circumstances but while asserting
the power Of the majority "a power which he
does not rtpresent,) he brings forward nothing
but opinions on which 10 base the action be
proposes. And with a complaeeney eharac-
teristic enough, he exclaims: "Hf oloiUs, from
these 1ietos, that no State upon its own mere
motion, can layfuAg get out Of the Union"
Yet Mr.. Lincoln never points to a single line
in the Constitution or la,Ds which veTihes the
IswIessness Of the act. It only follows from
bis Uieps--and this is The whole law Of Black
Republication. II consists Of opinions and
Uisus, ia violation FIRST of the rights OF citi-
zenship, and then Of the rights Of States.
The Language Of the inaugural clearly fore
shadows TIE %coercive policy OF M. Lincoln's
Rspublicanism. Whether it is for his own
vindication with the ultra Republicans, or in
dicates decidedly the future action Of the Ad-
ainistration we shall speedily learn. The fact
is recorded that Mr.. Lincoln designs to use the
power Of the Government to "held, occupy
and possegs the property and places belonging
to the Government, ard to collect the duties
and Imports" This language applies directly
and un~mistakably to the seeded States, and
eBunciste8 war with the Confederate States OF
America as plainly as language can do it. There
is no misunderstanding this, and the issue is at
hand. Perhaps it is better so-not the war but
the elimination Of the issue-whieh might,
and should have been in peace. It will be OBJ
served that while asserting power and pur-
pose which could MT possibly be eXerted and
fulfilled but in war, the speaker most disinge-
nuously affects a c0ncilistOry and blOOdless
policv. The true construction Of this pecu-
liarlty Of style is very simple. It proposes to
the States and people put under the ban Of
Blark-Re oubliesnism, and thereby exposed to
the "irreTressible conflict submission-un-
conditional submission to the enemy in power,
with The alternative Of war and subiugation.
Conceal it as 'we may, this is the tone and
tenor Of the inaugural. Whether it Is designed
to be so understood, without qualification, it is
impossible to say. Our readers are as capa-
Bile Of Judging what the language Of such a
man OF such a party means as we are.
The remarks of Lincoln on the action, char
acter and decisions Of the Supreme Court, are
as thoroughly sBbversive of the settled policy
Of this Government as the practice Of the
party is hostile 70 its perpetuity. The decis-
ions Of tie court on constitutional questions
are held to be Of little value. An opinion is
merely Of weight in a particular case and the
decisions of the court are liable to be reversed.
In ali tais, we have the intimation that no
settled policy is to be derived hencefoTth from
the decisions Of the Supreme Court.
The inaugural closes with a series OF vague
and unmeaning professions Of concern for the
welfare Of the country a comparison Of re-
suits and consequences between Union and
disunion a suggestion in favor Ct a convention
Of the States to amend the Constitution /; "a
proposition safe enough under such circum-
statsnces as preclude the possibility Of any
amendment acceptable and assuring to the
South.)
Unhsppily, We can find in the message only
that prevailing disaai0nism which is the ami
mating Hpirit Of acknowledgements
disHnioaism which insists upon the humiliation
and submission Of the South to the most de-
grading afflistion with, and service of a party
who has inaugurated against her institutions
an " irreDressible conflict" There is no Union
spirit in the address it is sectional and mis-
chievous. and studiously withhOlds any sign Of
recognition OF that equally Of the States upon
which union car alone be maintained. II it
means wat it saws, it is the knell and requiem
Of the Union, and the death Of hope.