New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-01-22
ww. C0wwrN,s spRRCH.

Mr.. Corwin of Ohio yesterday made speech
in the House, which like his recent report from
the Committee of Tbrty-three, was singular
mixture of sense and folly. Under the first cate
CORY may justly be placed his remark that II
State chooses to withdraw herself from connec-
ton with the other States, and to decline to
avail herself of the benefits conferred oy the
Union, it does not follow that every law vital to
the existence of the Union, and necessary to the
carving out of all the aims of the Union, may
not be enforced without disturbing the peace Of
The State. 10 the midst of the absurd mscon-
ceptiOns now go common on the subject OF what
is called coercion, this concise and cogent state
nent of the case cannot fail TO have great
weight with the public. Nobody proposes to
CONNER or invade the seeding States. All that
the Federal Government has to do to preserve
the Union is TO stand on the defensive, and re-
strain the rebels from violations of the laws,
from aegressiOns on the other States, aud from
unlawful and reasonable intercourse with for.
eien nations. All this can be effected without
invasion Of any State, and, unless the rebels
themselves commence the conflict without blood
shed.
We may also place to the credit of the SEN
sible side of Mr.. Corwin's speech his declaration
that the passage of olal Liberty laws by the
States, to prevent the kidnapping Of their free
citizens into Slavery, cbDnOt possibly have any
fleet on the rights of Southern men, or on the
efficiency Of the Fugitive Slave law, which
depends not on the State Courts, but on the
Courts of the United States, for its execution
In the face of the gross Interpretations 50
industriously spread this subject, the truth
| cannot too often or too plainly be stated that
the Personal Liberty laws are not intended to
| conflict with any provision of the Constitution,
| OF TO nullify any law of the United States. The
States that have passed them have merely
| exercised their unquestionable right to throw
around their own citizens the ordinary legal and
constitutional safeguards against kidnapping.
| Prominent among the weak parts of Mr.. Cor
wins speech is the assertion that it is the duty
| of the Free States to suppress any publication
teudng to incite domestic iDsurrection in the
South, and TO punish the author or authors
thereof Abstractly this proposition is not with
out show OF reason, but practically as inter
| preted by the Shareholders, it involves the most
fragrant violations of the liberty of the press.
Among the latest intelligence from the South We
find a striking manifestation of the peculiar
lotions there entertained on the subject Of IN
| cendiary publications. A Postmaster in Alabama
has sent back to the North packages of Tie
" Y Times, Harper's Weekly, and, wonderful to
relate Then. T. Observer, on the ground that these
Journals are calculated to excite domestic insurrec-
| ton. il Mr. Corwn 20 infatuated, 40 ignorant OF
the spirit of the Free States as to imagine that
they viii ever consent to a censorship OF this
| UT for serious reiutatlon.
Mr.. COrwin's yiDdication Of the Republican
party from the imputstion Of designing to inter
fere with Slavery in the States was able and
conclusive. But it was scarcely needed The
attempt to open the eyes Of the South on this
point is nearly useless for the simple reason,
that none are so blind as those who will not see.
| The shareholders who rule the South are per-
fecty aware Of the real position and principles of
| the Republicans. Their apprebentions on the
subject of Congressional interference with Slavery
in the States are only a pretense to cover and
palliate ambitious and reasonable designs.