Holmes County Republican. [volume] (Millersburg, Holmes County, Ohio) 1856-1865, 1861-01-24

this form. Discontinued citizens have oil
tained political power in certain State
and they are using this authority to owe
throw the Federal Government. They d,
lude themselves with the belief that th
State power they have acquired enable
them to discharge themselves of allegianc
to the whole Republic. The honerabl
Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas) say
we have a right to coerce State, but W
cannot. The President says that no Stat
has right to secede but we have no con
sti'utional power to make war against
State. The dilemma results from an as
sumption that those who, in such a case
act against the Federal Government, &C
lawfully as State; although manifesto
they have perverted the power of the Stat
to an unconstitutional purpose. A clas
of politicians in New England set up thi
theory and attempted to practice upon j
in our war with Great Britain. Mr.. Jeffer
son did not hesitate to say thpt States
must be kept within their constitutions
sphere by compulsion, if they could not be
held there by attraction. Secession wa:
then held to be inadmissable in the face o
public enemy. But if it is untenable in
one case, it is unnecessarily so in all Others
l fully admit the originality, the sovereign.
ty and the independence of the several
States within their sphere. But hold
tie Federal Government to be equally
original, sovereign and independent within
its sphere. And The government of the
State can no more absolve the people re.
siding within its limits from allegiance to
the Union, than the Government of the
Union can absolve them from allegiance
to the State. The Constitution of the U.
S., and the laws made in pursuance there
of, are the supreme law, paramount to all
Hesitation of the States. whether made un-
der the Constitution, or by even their or
ganic conventions. The Union can not be
dissolved, not by secession. with or with
out armed force, but only by the voluntary
consent of the people of the United States,
in the manner prescribed by the
Constitution of the United States.
Congress, in the present case, ought not
to be impassive. 1t ought, if il can, to
redress any real grievances of the offended
States, and then it ought to supply the
President with all the means necessary to
the Union in the full exhibition
and discrete exercises of its authority. Be-
yond this, with the proper activity on the
part of the Executive, the responsibility of
saving the Union belongs to the people,
and they are abundan;ly competent to dis
charge it.
l propose, therefore, with great Difference
to address myself to the country upon the
the momenlous subject, asking hearing,
not less from the people within what are
called the seeding, than from those who
reside within the adhering States.
Union is an old, fixed, settled habit of the
American people, resulting from convic-
tons of its necessity, and therefore not
likely to be hastily discarded. The early
States, while existing as colonies, were
though imperfecily, through
common allegiance to the British Crown.
When that allegiance ceased, no one was
20 presumptuous as to suppose political
existence compatible with disunion; and,
therefore, on the same day that they de-
Jared themselves independent, they pro-
.laimed themselves also confederated States
Experience in war and peace, from 1776
Until 1887, only convinced them of the
necessity of converting that loose Confed-
'racy into a more perfect and perpetual
Union. They acted with coolness very
lifferent from the Incorporate condition of
hose who now on one side threaten, and
hose who Oh the other rashly defy disunion.
they considered the continuance of the
Jnion as subject eomprehending nothing
ess than the safety and welfare of all the
ARTS of which the country was composed,
nd the fate, of an empire in many re-
poets the most interesting in the world.
enter upon the subjct of continuing the
Union now deeply impressed with the
anne generous and loyal conviction. How
ouId it be otherwise then, instead of only
hirteeD, the country is now composed of
hirty-three parts, and the empire empraces,
lstead of only four millions, no less than
lirtv millions of inhabitants.
The founders Of the Constitution more
yer regarded the Union as no mere nation
or American interest. On the contra
=, they COZ fessed with deep sensibility
,at il seemed to them to have been re-
erved for the people of this country to
ecide whether societies Of men are really |
apabe of establishing good government
pom reflection and choice, or whether
hey ere forever destined to depend for
ier political constitutions on accident and /
,rce. They feared, therefore, that their
lilure TO protect the Union would be a
Misfortune to the nations. How much |
lore sir, would its overthrow now be a
,lamiiy to mankind!
Sonie form of government is indispen-
ble here as elsewhere. Whatever form
e have, every individual citizen and every
tate must cede to it some natural rights.
, invest the Government with the requisite
over. The simple question, therefore,
,r us now to decide, while laying aside
Il pique, passion and prejudice is: wheth-
r it conduces more to the interests
the people of this country to remain
'r the general purposes Of peace and war,
inland and foreign, postal COM
at home and abroad, the care
nd disposition of the public domain, col
the orgaization and admission
New States, and, generally, the enlarge
lent of empire, one nation under our
,ac.nt Cousti,utiou than IL would ba In