Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-01-03

of our delegation from that body. 1 participated
subsequently in the action of the Maryland Institute
Convention, and was actively engaged IN the cam
paign which followed The charge Of hostility to
the Union as alleged against the supporters OF Mr.
Breckenridge repealed to the best of my ability
whenet er made Can l. as Democrat and a con-
sistent man, now falsify that public pledge? Can
the Democracy of North Carolina now voluntarily.
take position the asserted occupancy Of which
was spurncd but few months ago as disingcnuous
and calumnous?
That the principles affirmed by the Maryland In
stitute Convention upon the slavery question are
correct and sound, and yet that they no mere
truisms platitudes generaties but important
explicit declarations of Southern Constitutional
right must appear to all candid reviewers Of the
gument on which they stand. They cannot fail
eventually TO commend themselves as such to the
Northern mind. Their substantial incorporation
into the Federal Constitution ought to be insisted
upon, and will doubtless be obtained. The expert
ment should at least be made, and reasonable time
should be allowed for that change in public opinion
at the North which must precede the adoption OF
them in the mode prescribed by the fifth article Of
the Constitution Communities of men alter their
convictions slowly and though fundamental and
radical changes of opinion in a nation have in some
instances taken place quite suddenly the revolution
of sentiment is usually work of time. This is true
even in the presence of most mperious exigency;
and our own history illustrates it. The Articles of
Confederation proposed by the Congress of l777,
were not finally ratified by all the States until the
1st of March, 17S1-nearly four years afterwards;
and the Federal Constitution adopted in Convention
18th Sept. 1884, did not receive the ratification of
Rhode Island until Goth May, 1890. The first ten
amendments of the Constitution, proposed by Con-
gress 4th March, 17S9 were ratified by Virginia
only so late as 18th December, 1871.
These are convincing evidences that the fresh
guarantees demanded by the South will be ultimate
ly granted. The delay necessary in awaiting the
bare legislative formalities requisite would Of itself
suggest the mpolicy of precipitate action on our
part. The preservation of the Union, with its he
roic memories, its worldwide trophies of renown,
and its enrolling gift of American citizenship to-
gehcr with its multitudnous material blessings, is
stake too valuable to be rashly risked or hastily
renowned. Let make more trial before we
accept this last desperate resort Of dissolution
The CRISIS of slavery agitation has been reach
/ ed and passed" The indications abundant that
great reaction of opinion is in progress at the
North The recent forcible dispersion of an abol-
ton meeting by the people of Boson-the very
focus of New England political and religious here
sy-and the subsequent election of conservative
Mayor by n vote of nearly two to one, together with
the defeat of Burlingame in the same city, would
seem to indicate that Massachusetts, is not yet
utterly beyond returning reasonand that that
ant Commonwealth may vet listen to the voice of Ca
ieb Cushing and recall the counSelS of her Webster
and her ChOate. An old and sterling Democrat has
Just been elected Mayor of Worcester city which
on the 9Th November cast exactly two Republican
votes to conservative In fourteen cities which
gave Lincoln majority the Republicans elect their
municipal officers in only three
And who believe that the victory of Lincoln
in the great central States of New York and Penn
sylvana is anything more than mere temporary
! popular whrlwnd, of which to beat down the De-
moCIacy rather than to assail the South the
real impulse? Political abolitonism has nov cul-
! minated and will henceforth decline. The very at
tainment Of success by the Republican party dooms
it to speedy and rrevocable ruin. Its disntcgra-
ton has begun already and there are murmurs of
mutiny il the camp before its late triumph is
complete. Mcrccnary and anatca in its elements
with TO community of creed or purpose conglom-
Grated Of heterogeneous odds and ends, it will be
found utterly mpracticable and unmanageahle, and
its incoming at Washington will be signalized by
, internal coInmotion and revol:.
If the South will but abide by the Union and
await the results Of the revulSon in Northern opin
ion manfeSty going forward, and Of which
every day augments the proofs there is moral GER
tainty Of conservative victory in 1864 in the cleo
ton Of the Democratic candidate for the Presidency
by the almost unanimous acclaim of the American
people
So thoroughly interviewer are the Northern and
Southern people in their common ancestry and ira
ditions. in their mutually of material interests in
the manifold social ties which make them bone of
one bone and flesh Of one flesh, in the extensive and
. minute system of exchange between the sections in
the identity of destiny which geography no less
than history declares, that the disruption of the
States would constitute Of the most cruel and
revealing violence. Nearly half million loyal
Southern citizcns-many of them, myself among
the rest, identified with the South by the dearest
and most sacred bonds-are of Northern nativity;
and there are probably nearly equal number of
native Southerners who are bound by the same in
diSSoluble connections to the people of the North
What must be the feelings of these in the mel
ancholy event Of an angry separation Of the sec
,,nIor fha phanD
would attend it? The future alone can answer that
other and darker question, what may be their fate
am not one of those, however who despair of
the Republic. cannot believe but that the Almighty
Providence who has so manieStly interposed in
behalf of the prosperity and development of this
mighty Empire OF the people will, intervene to
qnench the frenzy which now threatens its lismem-
, bermcnt. There is, notwithstanding all our pro-
vincia differences ard sectional dscords an essential
of sentiment and character in the people of
this Union, which binds us with greater than the
power of political league of Statos into single
nation. The real and living Constitution of the
Union. is no written instrument no mere creation
of scribeS and dplomatists but fundamental COM
, munity of feeling and opinon-partly traditional
it may be admitted, but none the less potential that
we have it heirloom from our sires This
mighty underlying sympathy is superior to all local
and occasional nnpathieS and it will be found proof
against all assaults covert open from the subtle
plotters of the political dSnegration of our empire
1t is too late, in this broader vew to debate the
question whether the United States were designed to
be centralized Republic loose Confederacy
Practically in all larger and substantial interests
the Union is intimate and indisSouble; we are not
an accidental aggregation of distinct communities
but homogeneous and single people
CHARLES HENRY FOSTER.
DEATH OF Rev. j. H. INGRAHAM-We have alrea
dy stated that Rev. j. H, Ingraham, of Christ
Irn 1,ll,-