Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-11-28
NUMBER 2O5

ils self to unnecessary trouble to prove that ths i
Il sues q the contest are Of immense importance I
sc 9otn me belhgerents- By the issues hs eans e,
~ eelAse0 issaes-the object which both parties pru
" leAs 70 SET before themselves. Nobody WI b
81 20 question the soundness Of this PROPOSE
n tlon IL VIII be q remarkably fine thing for N,
he remnant Of United States to succeed In resonD,
IN what the Duke Of Argyll calis the natioasI sis
5enee THAT u to say, to ressasnble North anl
IN south under single Government and resume ths
nt career Of prosperity sndpoWer rudey interuptsd
re But We must take leave 70 ask 1rst whether cher
h have right 70 endeavOr to effect this end By force
r however desirable It may be, and next, whetheu
e tney may have the rcmotest prospect Of s5ccced
70 lng II seems to perfectly possible to Contsnd
on the one hand that the South wa without Inst
e neanon II seceediDg, and on the other, that The
y North is without Justification in attempting to
q eoeree It. But whatever they may think Of their
moral warrant 10 reduce the whole Of the Continent
: under the control Of the Washington Government
we should be greatly surprised to find that tie di-
reetOrs Of the war believe in tEeir hesrts that the
:. undertaking is practicable
r une Of their ablest advocates, Mr. Oinsts5, sp-
pears content 70 say that however desperate the
sttempt may be. il must be made, because tie er
lsteneo Of the Bni5ed States win not e worth hsvs
ing on any other cOnditisn That s Of coisrss = x
actly the sort Of reflection With which peopls seek
70 fortity themselves when they conscious that
they consulting not their reason but their naa
siOns. II The wenSinformed politicians of the
NORTH do not know that they are fighting either
toF the satisfaction Of an unworthy TindictiveneEs
or st the best for ground on which they nav
nope 20 discuss the questions Of frontiers and tariffs
with advantage, they must hsYe faith in them
selves, or contempt for the defensive capacity Of
the South which the rest Of the world is far from
sharing. Does the Duke Of Argyll himself afford tie
strongest reason for inferng that their co7se;eu.
ees are not clear, when be warns rs, with perfect
truth, that they are almost as much disposed
to resent friendly sdTice as arbitrary iulerfer.
ence!
In this respCct they only manifest the WEAKNESS
common to people who have the misfortune to lose
their heads in domestic quarrel IL ia iupoasihla
70 counsel them to be paesble and reasonable With
cut appearing to rebuke them But We can assent
70 tue Duke Of Argyll's view that we have no rQht
20 think Of correcting their moral alterations By
force, without admitting that the cause Of battle
which remains to them affords any adequate justia-
cation Of the misery which they inict on themselves
and others
No further ASSURANCE is needed, therefore, OF the
determination Of the British Cabinet not to be teut
ed to infringe that right Of blockade which belongs
20 independent nations, and which we haze 90 often
been glad 70 employ for the maintenance Of our own
interests and dignity. Il IS OF course an entirely
different question whether it is worth the while Of
any British vessels to attempt to eVsie the vigilance
Of the ships employed by the United States iu pre~
venting access TO the ports Of their enemies Lord
Russell, IN the correspondence which passed last
month between himself and 8 merchant Of Liver
pool, and which has now been published, confines
lmseh naturally TO that part Of the subject which
alone concerns the discharge Of his duty Minis
er Of the Crown.
Her Msjesty's Government will not afford the
slightest protection 70 such enterprise. That is the
'nly just esimata Of their oflcisl duty. It does
not fellow, however, that any private individual
Eho, with this warning before his eyes, takes the
;hanee Of beng able to enter and depart from the
ports Of the United States without detention is La
Die to be reprOached with any moral or poIiticsI
delinquency. He simply puts his property in po-
1tion Of risk for the sake Of larger proff thar.
an be realized 10 ordinary transactions. IF be
wins the hazard, nobody has right to complain; if
le loses, be has just ss little right to complain him
elt Ills right as neutral is to trade freely SUBJ
ect to eoniscstor, without clam to redress from
rs own Government, if he has the misfortune to be
aught is necessary that this point should be
lslstsd on because IN one, at least Of the courts Of
le United States, a judgment has been pronounced
Inich on the extraordinary ples that the blockade
1 tAe Southern ports is EOt an act or operation OF
Iar, but simfly municipal regulation asserts fcP
a claim to implicit respect even where il Is NOT
fectiYely maintained.
The Ow1ers Of English merchant ships who NAV
e tempted BY the already splendid Inducements
aJrded, - take their CHANGE Of e linz the Feiar-
cruisers at the mouth of scOttOR port, need have
Q apprehension OF beng made 70 suffer BY view
the case so inconsistent, both with patent faets
I'D with the pretensiODs which the American GOT~
,nment has maintained u suit Its eOns enience
gnAtiOn Of the Federal Government on the score
our dec!lnlrg TO use our authority % prevent
1gllsh ships from entering the ports Of the South
n Confederation, while, at the same time, cODce-
ng to the Federal authorities the right to seize and
nhscate al Vessels detected in the attempt 10 DO
in violation OF the Laws of war.
That subject OF probable misappFs heusiOn has
en set at rest, and some other motive must be
scOyered for the fresh uneasiness which has re-
Rtly prompted Mr.. Seward to endeavor to stir IN
n N thp fneNr nf
Tn expense tne defenses Of their ''sea>bOards and
kes" as measure Of precau ion against Eogland
d France. Whether the source OF diEsensiOn is
be found in the subject matter OF the diplomatic
ntroVersy which the intelligence which We pub
he'd today shows to have arisen respecting the
otFacted detention Of British subjects IN the Fed
a prisons, time must show. We are extremely
ID, however, to have faith IN the forbsarance and
liberation Of the English Ministry as the best Sc
rity against the consequences which might be
ticipated from the conspicuous absence Of similar
2ites on the other side.
ance aud the American BIOckads-Ths
Sale OF louisiana
From the London Money Market Review
A very singular rumour has been in circulation
ring the last few days, viz: that France claims
herself the free navigation Of the Mississippi,
der the original treaty tor the sale Of Louisiana
France to the United States IN ISe3.
We know the question has been raised in France
to whether that country has not acquired, IN
+ the treaty above quoted, Epeeial privileges a.
yards free access to the American ports, and il
by no means mpossibls that monar5h of 50
ong will as NOpoeon Ill may yet, in further
&c Of the objects which he is understood to ehsrs
|, have, something to say TO the Northern States.
en- in respect Of so old parchment as that absTe
Oted. HIS Majesty is great stiekler for that
ictity OF treaties when they suit him.
Before quitting the subject, we may remark that
s not at all clear, according to the law Of ns-
ns, that the Northern States, seeing that they DO
treat the seeding States as beligerents, but as
els have right TO exclude foreign vessels from
port Of the United States, whether IN the North
in the South, long as those vessels abstain
N carrying contraband of war.
Secession In Paris
Correspondence OF the Boston Traveller.
ARrs, Oct l7.-At the Cafe Vernon, on the Bou-
ard, between II and 2 o'clock may be seen,
~ day, knot Of drinkers, smokers and chew
of the weed, who evidently are not Gallo, nor
on nor scandinavian, but, as it were, cross Of
LII 80