Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-09-26
rwo Pnrtles lp the North.

develop two distinctly defined parties in re-
spect to the manner in which the war shall
be prosecuted. The subject matter of the
issue is slavery; and the issue will be between
those who desire that the war be made di-
rectly upon slavery, not only as the most eff
fectual means to put down the rebellion, but
because slavery being great politicaFcrime,
it is our duty to seize upon this opportunity
to do away with ii, and rid the land of that
which is perpetual source of danger and
reproach; and those who contend that the
war should be prosecuted as other wars are
prosecuted, irrespective of any peculiarities
in the domestic condition of the rebellious
party.
OF the latter policy, Mr.. Lincoln is taken
as the official representative. 1t is under
stood that it was with reluctance that the
President consented to afix his signature to
the act of Congress of August 6, to give free
dom to slaves that had been employed by
their masters in aid of the rebel operations,
and that he is not willing to 60 beyond this
point in the way of emancipation. BY those
upon the other extreme, therefore, that gen.
tleman is looked upon not only as unequal
to the duty that has devolved upon him, be-
ing unable to pursue the course to which
events inevitably lead, but as betrsyer of
the trust committed to his hands; and in the
circles of this class of our fellow. citizens
neither his acts nor his motives meet with
much indulgence.
Of the antagonist policy, lMr. Fremont is
at present taken as the representative. 1t is
true that, in his proclamation, he has not
come up to the extreme ideas of the Aboli-
tionists; but he has gone further than any
other official parsonage in this direction, and
it seems to be taken for granted that his
failure to conform to their standard has not
been through any reluctance of his own, but
merely out of respect to the feelings and
will of his superiors, which, as yet, he has
not found it convenient to disregard.
There are elements enough of disagree
ment between these two parties to make the
contention very bitter one; for it is moi
only in respect to what should be done, but
includes every thing in the past history and
present condition of the rebellion. Each be-
lieves that its own course is not only the
best calculated to secure the end in view, but
thinks that the course of the other is the
worst that could have been selected.
The Abolitionist thinks, or processes to
think, that had the war, from the beginning
been made upon slavery, it would, ere this
have been finished; while those of the Other
party are equally well convinced that the
more openly slavery is attacked, the more
intense and united will be the resistance
which the South will interpose to endeavor
to restore the Union: not only so, but many
of them believe that had there been no at
tacks upon SLAVERY, the war would never
have had beginning. The former points
to the Cotton States, and insists thai
we have only to let the slaves
loose and aid them to rise, to compel the
Confederates to disband their forces and rrst
home for he protection of their families
leaving their land open to our conquering
armies; while the latter calls attention tc
the Border States, and declares that but fol
the fears which these plans for emancipation
had excited among their people, they would
! have stood firm for the Union, and aided,
| with all their power, to put down the
! rebellion.
In respect to the future, these parties ART
equally disagreed. The Abolition party
takes the ground that it is only through al
universal emancipation that the South cal
be subdued; and that to hope for it through
any other meansl is utterly out of the ques
tion. "History," they say, "shows that peo
pies much weaker and smaller than thu
Southern have resisted for centuries thu
most powerful adversaries. All the powe
of Russia has not conquered the Circassians
the mighty Empire of Spain could not over
whelm the weak provinces of Holland
the feeble Christians of Spain resisted
the warlike Moors for eight centuries, anC
finally regained their independence; En-
gland with her vast means could not bring
US back to her Union, when our people die
not number half the present population O
the Southern States and had not quarter
of their means of defense. If one well-de.
Tended raYine could occasion such disaster as
happened at Manassas, why may there no
be score of such defenses and such defeats
between Richmond and Charleston2 They
will be in country they know well; we il
a strange. They can retreat to the swamp
and mountain tops. They can fortify ant
defend the cities. They can fight in guerrilli
warfare through every mountain pass anC
pine barren and cypress swamp from tn
Potomac to the Rio Grande.
Upon the other side it is contended that
proclamation of freedom to the slave woul'
be attended with no effect except so far a
armies were able 10 penetrate and put it il
operation and that even if the expected re
suit should be produced it is doubtful whethe
the disadvantages arising from it would no
more than balance the benefits. We do no
know that we want five millions of slaves Sc
loose upon this part of the continent. We ar
not so absolutely sure of its good effects il
time to come.
War is, at worst, temporary condition
and must sooner or later come to an end
but this new social state, created by tn
emancipation of the slaves of the South, is
at least in the minds of those who content
for it-destined to be permanent. After W,
have entered upon it, we can not shake II Oh
Good or bad, it must be endured. Besides
| who can caleulate uDon its immediate baI