Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-02-06

and it is high time for them to speak through this
body.
| think | am not assuming too much, Mr.
President, when ] serve notice now on the Re-
publican party that if they haughtily and disdain
fully refuse to unite with the conservative men
North and South, in a manly and honorable
scheme of adjustment, but relying upon the mill
tary power of the Federal Government to coerce
seeding States and IN that way attempt TO pre-
serve the Union and their principles at the same
time, they will certainly find the conservatives of
the country determined to preserve the peace and
the confederacy at the sacrifice of every ism how
ever hoary-even Republcanism.
Our heroic ance 3tors endured much and sacri-
feed much to lay Il lasting foundation of civil
liberty in the Union of the States-let us beware
lest we endure too little and sacrifice not enough
They made this Union holy alliance-let US be
ware that we do not make it an accursed bond
Complaint is made that the Democracy refuse to
Join in the cry of coercion, war and subjugaton
For myself. sir, | say ! am fortified with the
right and will not be moved by threats and
consequences. ! look forward to the day, sir.
when, if evil must bcfall US, and when fifteen
States of this constellation shall have shot from
their sphere and when State shall be arrayed
against State, and when embattled armies shall
have Impoverished the country, and faction
and selfish ambition shall have shattered the ma
ton into petty hostile despotisms, that my children
shall read the record of this days proceedings TO
learn who is responsible for the overthrow of the
Constitution and the author of their calamities.
They will learn from this record that there were
those who would not save the country by the
surrender of an abstraction. Let me say, sir,
that this cry for coercion in lieu of compromise
brings no capital to a party nor strength to the
Union.
1t comes to us from all hands-from the ac-
credited exponents of Republican sentiment-that
the day of compromise has passed. Then, sir, the
days of the Republic have passed. They say that a
compromise would be a surrender of all the ad-
vantages of victory. Does not this show that
there is more love of party than of country?
Why, one would suppose that the surrender of
principles so productive of discord and conflict in
the country could be surrendered without sacrifice.
When Republican leaders are asked to purchase
the Union at so chelpa price as compromise-for
the price of the Union is nothing less than com
promise-they refuse, on the ground that il would
be surrender of the advantages of the victory,
and abandonment of their doctrines and plat
fOrms-that Mr.. Lincoln was elected by major
ity of the nation, and the whole nation must SUB
NIT peaceably, or by force. Mr.. Lincoln lacked
q million of votes of having majority, and those
that did vote for him never voted that, in strug
gle between the existence of the Union and the
Let me ask if they hold any doctrines and pur-
poses nmcal to the South, whetherit is not their
duty to abandon them? and. if they obtained any
sectional victory and sectional advantage in the
election of Mr.. Lincoln, whether they will ven
ture to hold to and profit by it at the expense OF
the harmony and the integrity Of the American
Union? Who dare undertake TO weigh these slip
perry planks of q rlckety platform, gotten up by
slippery, rickety and seedy politicians, to catch
voters, in the scales with the peace and unisn oil
the States? ] only know of one set of men that
will consent TO do it. They are the hungry par
tiSan patriots, who reason among themselves that
the issue is one of Union and Disunion, and the
conditions of union involve the stability and ex-
istence of the Republican party. Victory was OBJ
tanned by the unholy agitation of slavery, and
what is necessary for us to concede to save the
Union is necessary and vital TO our own existence
so that either the Union or the Republican
organization must persf-and the lean, hungry
cadaverous partisan says: LET the Union slide.
But the conservative masses of the country will
say: Perish creeds and platforms-perish pride
and wickedness in the hearts of ambitious men-
perish all the doctrines at war with the harmony
and equality of the States-persh all politica
parties whose organizations foment strife and vio
lence between sections-but let the Republic
live"
/ say there is as much dsloyalty and mora
treason in persistent determination to let the
country sink for want Of conciliation as there j:
I'm resisting the consequences of sectional rule
When we consider the doctrines of the Republi
can party, and the sectional character OF thei
victory, it car not be denied that there is equa
madness in cinging, with desperate grasp to sec
tional rule, in repudiating all honorable means o
adjustment, simply because an election was wor
through the divisions of the conservative parties
Il say the madness is equal to that of Soutt
Carolina. So that if disunon shall ensue through
the irreconciliable differences between the Nortl
and South the responsibility will be with the dom
inant party of the North. 1t is in virtue of th
election OF minority President by an anti-slave
ry issue that the right TO rule and enforce Repub
lican doctrines on the weaker section rests.
very large majority of the votes of this countr,
was cast againt Mr.. Lincoln and his doctrines
and yet the preposterous claim is set up that fit
teen States shall acquiesce, without murmur, il
The ferocious administration of the General Gov
eTnment by the first sectional dynasty in our his
tory Ii is an absurd assumption to say tina
those who voted for Mr.. Lincoln voted that tn
Republican confession of faith" must not yiel
an iota to the demands of peace and union.
Now, sir, deny the right of any State in thi
Union to secede, from any cause whatever. Th
doctrine of secession rests upon the supposed con
stitutional right of any State to do so, and upo
State, which is fallacious- This Government
not an aggregation of independencies: it is grea
Government of the people; its laws and Constitu
ton operate upon the people, and not upon tn
States. The people. North and South, owe a
legiance to the Federal Government; it is not til
States that owe allegiance. And when Mr. BU
chanan says there is no power in the Federal Go,
ernment to coerce State, he was opposed an
villifed by insignificant politicians and editor
who little knew what they were about, at an
time; for he said only what lawyers and statesme
now admit to be correct But while there is n
power in the Federal Government to coerce
State, it does not follow from that fact that tf
people may run riot in revolution and deianC
to the laws. The laws operate upon individual
and if South Carolina were alone to be dealt wit
at this time, she could be very easily manage
without resorting to coercive power of any sor
For example, congressional legislation migl
abolish Charleston as port of entry and deli
cry, and thereby make the entry of that port col
traband to al other nations. That does not il
volve war-it is but question between the Fe'
eral Government and the shipping interest of ii
world If you would carry out the Federal Law
IN South Carolina, you might attach South Car
lima for judicial purposes to friendly border sla'
State. But there is none such now, and will N
be till the North proposes some proper remeC
for existing evils. Then, sir, if the Southel
States unite with us upon some common schen
then it might be well to adopt the jackson pc
icy in treating with South Carolina; but eve
then every pacific means must be exhausted. "
are not foreign foes; South Carolina is one of q
great sisterhOod of States She has, with bru:
of treason, wiped her own star from the flag
the country: but this nation does not recogni
the act. While it is her duty to yield obeiien
to the Federal laws, by civil process, yet if Co
gress will not abolish Charleston rs port of G
try. the revenues might be collected by reven
cutters. There peaceful means that l s:aI
committed to first. First, am in favor of son
great proposition of compromise such as will me
| the appreciation of the Southern border sa
States; and when that is properly rendered, al
refused, am prepared TO exhaust the civil rem
dies of the Government first.
But suppose eight slave States-it is the du
! Of statesmen to deal with questions as they are
suppose eight slave States were i'm arms and d
manding at our hands recognition of their i
dependence, what would be the response of 4
Republican members Of the Senateg Would tn
say we will enter our protest against the right
secession, and in the next place enter our decl
ration of war against them, and go on in scel