Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-11-23

/ If we husband our means, and make 4 lulfieions
use of our resources it would be difficult to FIX
limit to the period during which we could conduct
war against the adversary whom We now eneoun-.
ter. The very efforts which be makes to Isolate
and invade US, must exhaust his means, while thew
serve to complete the circle and diversity Of the
productions Of our Industrial system. The lesruc-
ton which he seeks to effect By arms becomes dai
I ~ mere and more palpably impossible. Not only
do the causes which induced Us to separate. still
exist in full force, but they have been strengthened
and whatever doubts may have fingered IA the
minda Of any has been completaly dispelisd b. sub
saqusut events. IT, instead Of being dissolution
OF league, 1t were indeed rebellion in which We
are engaged, We might find ample vindicagiOn for
the cause we have adopted. in the scenes which are
now beng enacted in the United States.
Oar people look with contempt and astoRishment
on those with whom they had been SO recently as
ISOLATED, and they shrink with dsriaion from the
bsse idea of renewing such connection, when
they see President making war without the assent
Of Congress, when they behold Judges threatened
because they maintain the writ CT habeas corps so
sacred to freemen, when they see Justice and law
tFampled under the armed heel Of military authors
ity, and upright men and innocent women dragged
TO distant dungeons upon the mere edict Of despot
When they find all this tolerated and applsuded by
the people who had been 10 the full enjoyment OF
freedom but few months ago, they believe that
there must be some radical incompaHbility between
such people and themselves. With such people
may be content to live at peace, but the separa-
ton is fnal and for the independence we have as
serted we will accept no alternative. The nature
of the hostlites which they have waged sgainst US
must be characterized as barbarOas wherever il is
understood They have bOmbsrded undefeuded
villages without giving notice 20 women and chil-
dren TO enable them to escape, and in instances Sc
lected the night the period when they might sur
prise them most efIectualiy whilst asleep and IN
suspicious Of danger.
Arson and rspine, the destruction Of private hous-
es and property, and injuries Of the most wsnton
character, even upon noncomba.tants, have marked
their fOrays; although we ought to have been ad-
monished by these things that they were disposed
to make war upon Us in the most cruel and reent-
less spirit yet we were not prepared to see them
fit out large naval expedition with the confess
ed purpose not only OF plumber, but to ncite SER
vile instruction in our midst. IF they convert
their soldiers into incendiares and involve US IN
I species of war which claims nOn-ci)mbatants wO~
men and children its victims they must expect be
treated as outlaws and enemies OF mankind. There
are certain rights Of humanity which are entitled 20
respect even in war and peace, and he who refuses
to regard them foFfeits his claims, if captured to
be considered prisoner of war. but must expect
to be dealt with as offender against all law hu~
man and divine. But not content with violating
our right under the law Of nations at home they have
extended these injuries to Us within other jurisdc
tons.
The distinguished gentlemen whom with your
approval at the last session OF Congress- commits
stoned TO represent the COnfedeFscy certain for
eIgu COURTS nave UtGu recently seized NApN
tam Of Uaited States ship~of<war, on board
British steamer, on their voyage from the neutral
Spanish port Of Havana 20 Englsnd. They have
thus claimed general jurisdiction over the high
seas and, entering British ship, sailing under Its
country flag, have violated the rights Of embassy
for the most part held sacred even among barbari~
ans By Selling our ministers while under the pro-
tectlon and domain Of q neutral nation These gems
tlemen were SIS much under the jurisdition Of the
British Government, upon that ship, and beneath
ffs had = oIa
the part Of the United States, 10 seize them in the
streets Of London, would have been as well founded
as that to spprehend them where they were taken.
Had they been malefsctOrs, and citizens even Of the
United States, they could not have been arrested,
unless under the express provisions Of treaty and
] according TO tho forms therein provided for the
extFadition Of criminals but the rights the most sa
cred seem to have lost all respect in their eyes.
I When Mr. Faulkner, former Minister Of the
United States to France, commissioned before the
secession of Virginia, his native State returned in
good faith to Washington to settle his aceounts and
fulfill all the obligations into which he had entered
he was perhdiously arrested and imprisoned il
New York. where he now Is The upsuspeetng
/ confidence with which he reported to his Govern
ment was abused and his desire TO fulfill his
them was used to his Jury. In conducting this war
wehsve sought no aid, or proposed no alliances Of
fensive or defensive, abroad. We have asked for
a recognized place in The family Of nations but in
doing so we have demanded nothing for which we
did not offer fair equivalent The advantages Of
intercourse are mutual amongst nations, and il
seeking to establish diplomatic relations we were
only endesvOring to place that Intercourse under
the regulation of public law. Perhaps we had the
right, if we had chosen to exercise it, to ask to
know whether the principle that a blockade to be
binding, must be eff5ctusl, so sOlemny announced
by the great powers Of Europe atPSris, Is to be
generally enforced, or spilled Only to particular
parties.
When the Confederates States at your last session
became party to the declaration resfhrmiBg this
principle of international law, which has been re-
cOgnized so long bypublcists and GOv ernments, We
certainly supposed that It to be universally
forced. The customary law of nations IS made I'd
of their practice rather than their declarations and
il such declarations are only be enforced in par
ticuar instances at the pleasure of those who like
them, then the commerce of the world, 80 far from
being placed under the regulations Of q general
law, will become subject TO the caprice Of those
who execute or suspend it at will II such is to
be the course of nations in regard TO this law it is
plain that il will thus become rule for the weak
and not fer the strong. Feeling that such views
must be taken BY the neutral nations Of the earth
l have caused the evidence to be collected which
proves completely the utter ineficency Of the pro-
claimed blockade Of our coast and shall direct It
to be laid before such Governments as shall afford
US the means of beng heard. But although we
should be benefited BY the enforcement of this law
so solemnly declared by the great powers Of Ed
rope, we are not dependent upon that enforcement
for the successful prosecution Of the war as long
as hostilities continue.
The Confederate States viii exhibit a steadily in
crossing capacity to furnish their troops with good
clothing and arms If they should be forced to
foFego many Of the luxuries and some Of the COM
forts Of life, they will at least have the consolation
Of knowing that they are thus daily becoming more
and more independent Of the world If in this pros
cess labor in the Confederate States should be
gradually diverted from those great Southern sta I
pies which have given life TO much Of the com
merce of mankind, into other channels. so as to .
make them rival producers instead of profitable .
customers, they will not be the only or even the I
chief losers by this change in the direction Of their
industry although it is true that the cotton supply
from the Southern States could only be totally cut
off by the subVerslon Of our social system. Yet il
is plain that long continuance of this blockade
might, by diversion Of labor and an investment of
capital in other emplOyments, so diminish the sup
ply as 70 bring ruin upon all those Interests of for
eign countries which are dependent on tina. staple
For every laborer who is Diverted from the euI-
ture of cotton in the South, perhaps four times as
many elsewhere who hsve found subsistence in the
various empOyments growing out of its use will be