Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-05-22

ployed by the Government to bring the war
in which it is engaged to a desirable termi-
nation and he is no friend to his country
who would interpose his person or his infu-
ence to prevent or retard the wished.f for
result.
These are our ideas about the present state
of thipgs-which is war. But it is the part
of the most extreme short-sightedness to
forget that there is not something beyond.
War is not a permanent condition. Modern
war is so energetic and costly in its opera
tons, that it closes with the exhaustion of
one or both the parties, in a space OF time
that, with our remote ancestors, would have
been considered ludicrously brief. Modern
economical arrangements - commerce, the
divisions Of human employment, the combi-
nation Of labor in manuiactures-do not per-
nit a state of chronic warfare. A few
months-s year or two at most-will bring
peace upon some terms; and then the ques-
ton will arise, upon what basis shall the
condition Of peace be established, in order to
give the strongest assurance of permanency.
We will suppose that the Government of
the United States is successful-that the
South is subdued, its army dispersed, the
Confederate Government disbanded, and the
laws Of Congress enforced throughout is
territory; does this of itself, constitute a re-
turn to the former state? Or if it does, is
such return desirable-the best that the cir
cnmstances will permit?
We sre looking to our interests-the 10.
terests of the North. We are INDUCING in
no theories about human rights, c~onstitu.
tional or otherwise. The elements of the
calculation are facts; and probably if we
could see them all, and comprehend the ex-
act value and bearing Of each-eliminating
eveIy unneeessary quantity-we should differ
lIttlU III respect 10 tue conclusion.
The former State was an uusvund oae. 10
did not bring the security that was desira-
bic. The Government has barely escaped
lift has escaped-a revolution. Experience
would seem to teach the unwisdom of re-
turning to it again, to encounter the same
dangers and difficulties.
We hold that the South did not contem-
plate Secession as an end, but simply as a
means. The end in view was revolution,
ana lne tSIhDuhum6ul VI u OONCEullCuh ONDI
the reconstructed Union, upon terms that
should insure Southern control. As yet
the South has gained nothing. Checked
where it is, 1t has gained q loss. 1t did not
desire asepsrate nationality; it is not for its
interest TO have one.
But this is no matter Of ours. The ques-
ton is, what is best for the North? We have
the right TO tax our own case into consider
alton, and base our decision as to the future
upon the conceptions we entertain of our
OWL interests.
The thing to be sought for is the elements
upon which the calculation must be founded
in order TO gain a valuable result. In what
do they consist2 Are they temporary OIL
permanent that is to say, do they reside in
transitory economical conditions, or in the
fixed character of the people.
Gentlemen who are anxious that the Soutt
shall be %subdued, and the Union restored, il
order to the collection of their Southerr
debts, are not safe counsellors in this matter
Gentlemen who look upon a return TO tn,
old economical habits and arrangements a
absolutely necessary to our prosperity, ar
equally unsafe.
The people Of the North and those of tn
South are unlike in genius and character
and it is to this more than to any cause ex
terror to themselves, that the present Difficult
ties are attributable. The South misunder
stands and hates the North, and, in some dc
gree, at least, this misunderstanding an
hatred is reciprocal. These feelings are no
new and as they have not, to appearance
grown out Of transient causes there is n
reason to look upon them as merely tempo
rary. They grow out of a difference in th
social condition of the two peoples dife
ence which we have the right to regard
0Danent: and whose effects therefore wi
To enduring. r1r
AS the character Of its industry determin,
the character of a people, SO it is difficult
conceive a wider difference than that Whlc
exists between a people among whom labC
iaccounted honorable, and a people anon
whom it is accounted a badge ofdegradatioi
The people Of the South look upon those
the NorthRsa race Of seryile laborers slave
In the same political association, the forml
AVoA - nv A.1 . oOit VI NcktbAuatO ttAo
govern the latter as interiors. We do NJ
admit any such title; but the virtual clai
and its denial makes an issue which, a
though unslated, perpetually exists.
If we should observe closely the effect
this difference, we should not fail to I'm
both in the North and in the South, suficiel
reasons to believe that a separate polite
condition would be better for US If not for ii
South. Our habits and tempers are peacefr
With public tranquility, it matters lit
what our political status may be, we shall
prosperous.
In order to permanent peace, it wou
seem 70 be necessary to get rid Of the rev
lutionary element-to set II aside, where
may work ont lis own problem without 1
teriering with the working of ours. VIII
put By itaelf, 1t viii PROBABLY cease to
revolutionary which win be a benefit
itself. II viii cease to disturb US by
opentions at home or through It's Sesl
in our midst which viii be . bsneRtt 70
We hare no reason to suppose thAt the I
buieutsphii Of the South viii be Permanen