Clarksville chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1857-1865, 1861-03-15
A LITTLE PLAIN TALK WIFE
Orr READERS.

won for us The reputation Of being Disunionst,
but why, we are at loss to discover. There are
two sides to every question, and as both should be
heard before Judgment is issued, we propose to
show first that we are no disunionist, and second,
that if we are, so also are the Union party of Ten
nessee and all the border States. We have often
distinctly announced it as our opinion that this OPP
portunity for final settlement of sectional difficult
ties should not be lost and that if the efforts in that
direction failed then all the slave Stases should go
ont of the Union. Not only have we given this as
our position, for months but it was endorsed by ev-
cry Union man we conversed with; it was the po-
sition of every Union paper We read, and il was
emphatcally the position Of the Union party. So
well was this understood and universally was it
acted upon, that the point Of difference between the
immediate Secessionists and the Unionsts was sim
ply question Of time; and the and substance
of the argument, on the street and everywhere was
this question by the Secessionists: Chow long are
you willing to waltz" aud this answer hy the
Union men: "only reasonable time-uniil we
see what Congress is going to do and the resut Of
tho Peace Conference"
lie it not fresh in the memory Of every one that
this was the true state of the case and the cbarac
ter of theargument? None will deny it. To what
then, did the Union men commit themselves by this
policy2 To disunion under certain contingency.
This is too clear to be controverted, and from it
cessarily follows the conclusion that if the position
above stated makes us disunionist it does the
Job for every who stood with US upon that po-
sition. But if there be special plea by which
Others escape this conclusion, may We not
claim the benefit of III And if discrimination is
to be made between and Others it is simply that
we were in earnest and they were only joking
But you are in too great hurry, say come; Lin
coin does not mean coercion, and if you will only
have patience, all will be well. We are in no hur-
~, and have not said a word about secession. No
man can wait more patiently and no one would re-
joice heartily at settlement of sectioua
quarrel upon forms honorable and just.
And this brings Us to the consideration of the
"head and front Of our offending" Last week, We
characterized Lincolns Inaugural a declaration Of
war against the seeded States, and believing it to
be nothing else, we asked the people Of Tennessee
what course they will adopt in that event. Not a
word fell frem our pen about the duties of the Pres
idont nor the right or wrong of secession; we ex-
pressiy dsclaimed any intention to argue those
points, and confined our remarks TO the (almost)
certainty of war, and the simple interrogation -
"What win the people do2' If we are wrong in
our apprehension OF armed collision, it is er-
ror growing out of the language of the Confederate
States and Of the President and they are RESPONSE
BILE fol that error Now let us look at this language
for moment. The Gulf States declare that any
attempt of the President TO collect the revenue in
Southern ports or his refusal to surrender the forts
upon their demand, will be considered a declaration
of war, and treated accordingly. This is the deCla-
ration of one party, and hat says the other? The
President in his Inaugural says: ~ take the Off
cial oath to-day, with no mental reservation" In
other words he means to execute, to the letter,
whatever that oath requires him to do; and adds,
in the same connecticut 81 do suggest that it will
be much safer for all, both in official and private
stations, to conform to and abide by all those act:
(of Congress) which stand unrepealed, than to VIC
late any Of them, trusting to final mpuHity in hav
ing them held unconstitutional The Italics are
our own, but the meaning is plain euough-that il
the Confederate States would escape punishment
What further does he say his oath binds him to do.
." shall take care, the Constitution itself express
IN enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union b
faithfully executed in all the States" The secedeC
States are included Again lac says; "1he powe
con6ded TO me will be used to hold, occupy an,
possess the property aud places belonging to tn
Government, and to collect the duties aud mposts
a., e. IL,
there will be no invasion, no using of force agains
or among the people Can language be PLANE
than this2 ITO occupy and possess the Forte, h
must seize them, and that he intends to do this
evident from the after expression that beyond thi
seizure, "thsre will be no Invasion no using Q
force against among the peoples but to hi
extent he will use force, he has taken the "oti
eial oath with "menta reservation instead c
without. Now take this language in connection
with the declarations and purposes Of the secede
States, and ii it does not mean war, il is smpl
1 nonsense or threat without a purpose TO e1ecut
| H. This is all we asserted last week, aud taking
fer granted that Lincoln meant what he said an
that the seeded States are in earnest other il
ference is legitimate. and upon the strength OF tn,
: inference, we then asked aud again ask the peop
OF Tennessee what they are going to do1 We al
not discussing the right 20 sccede nor the duties
{ the President but simply presenting state of cas-
which, to US seems unavoidable, and upon the hal
peHing OF which, Tennessee will be bound to tax
position, Is there any dsunonism in thsl
|. No one Is more anxious than we TO see this dih
Guilty settled and the Union preserved; but II Lis
tslln arta up 10 the lan~nara NJ his TnauSural ,
shs ooOGseesAis a.Gies NEry their .erlsm,ioo. In;