The national Republican., 1861-02-09
freedom and the rights of man, might not be

But under such pOlcy, VINO are the rebels
to 6ght2 If they had ships, and could man
them, they might at, ack the vessels blockading
their harbors. But the contest will be unequal.
Will they raise armies to invade the loyal
States2 This is an entertainment to which
they would hardly Invite" themselves.
Sir, will indulge in no threats Of what would
he the result in such an event. will make
no boasts of the prowess of any particular sec.
ton Of the country. l desire to say no word
that can exasperate or inAame, but simply to
plant myself on the side of my country and
the integrity of its Government, whose Consti-
tuition have sworn to support. ! deprecate n
war in which brother shall be arrayed against
brother, and kindred against kindred and
pray that God may avert such calamity from
this land Nevertheless, wisely, but firmly,
would have the Government make trial, at
least for its own protection, that it might not
be scof and by.word among the nations.
And then, if it shall be found to be the weak
and impotent thing which its enemies imagine
it to be, then it will be time enough to talk
about compromises and division Of the
country into two contederacies. For one do
not care to live under Government which is
so feeble as to excite only the contempt of man.
kind, and which exists merely at the suferance
of those who may at any moment conspire for
its overthrow, in spite of all the concessions we
may now make. And repeat, that / DESIRE
first to know whether we have a Government
or not whether we have country to love and
support
MIR. Speaker l know the anxiety that is felt
by every true friend of his country in such a
fearful crisis as the present. | know the feel
ing that is uppermost in many patriotic heart
to try and " do something" to avert the great
calamity which seems impending. But what
can we do2 There are some things that the
North might do without dishonor. And al.
though cannot support the measures recon-.
mended by the committee, because think they
involve q surrender of principles yet, if the
South should tender the restoration of the Mis-
souri, compromise simply as it was before &" ruth.
less hands wrenched it from its place, where
it had given peace to the country for over
thirty years, and the reckless repeal Of which
has been one great cause of all our woes, the
North, think, would be bound to take it fairly
into consideration.
Much stress is laid on the personal liberty
laws, and they are blazoned to the world as the
pretended cause of all our difficulties and the
President himself, in his annual message, treat.
ed them as the great act Of wrong on the part
Of the North, justtying, if not repealed, dis
solution Of the Union. And yet, when, in the
committee of thirty.three, we first set ourselves
to the task of correcting this grievance, rs far
as possible, we were told by Southern gentlemen
that it was useless to spend time on snch tri.
fling matters, and that it did not reach the seat
of the disease. No, Mr.. Speaker; it does not
reach the seat of the disease The seat of the
disease is the lost prestige Of political power
it is the lust ofdominion on the part Of those
who have administered the Government so long,
that they think they have an indeieasible right
| to control its destinies forever.
And because the free States, in consequence
of the thrift, enterprise, and progress which free
| labor institutions impart to a community, have
acquired the numerical majority in the councils
of the nation, and decline to use it to extend,
"protect,' foster, and natonaize the system
of slavery, the Union is to be destroyed and
the Constitution trampled under foot ! Nor, sir,
is the settlement Of this question, so far as our
present territory is concerned, of any par,icu
lar consequence to those who have precipita
ted this revolution" Days were spent in com
mittee, endeavoring to contrve some way tc
settle the status OF slavery in territory which
we do not now possess
And the proposition for adjustment which
has been talked of most, and which, it is said
would probably be acceptable to most of tn,
Southern States-that of the distinguished Sen
ator from Kentucky, Mr. CRIrrENDEN,l pro
vides for the recognition and "protectOn o
slavery in all territory thereafter acquired
south of 360 30/. Sir, this is a premium offer
ed to fibustering, and aggressive inroads upol
friendly Powers, for the purpose Of "makiny
room for the spread Of slavery. 1t is tn
adoption into the Constitution of the creed Q
the ultra portion of the Democratic party, VIII
broke up the Charleston Convention becaus
the dogma of "protection to slavery was nc
inserted in the Democratic platform. 1t is tn
arrogant demand of the revolutionists of tn
country-who, if the conservative, Union ser
timent Of that section could find expression, ar
, in meager minority, even in the Souther
States-not only to all those who voted fo
Lincoln, but to those who voted for Douglas
and most of those who voted for Bell to su
render their convictions and principles, on pal
of breaking up the Contederacy. Sir, this wi
never be done and the free States will nevt
concede these terms of settlement, let the col
sequences be what they may And | appei
to the honest masses OF the Democratic part
in my own State who voted for Mr.. Douglas
!, they are willing, because their opponents ris
in treason against the Government, to adoI
the doctrine of constitutional and legislatiy
protection to slavery" in all the Territori,
- which may be thereafter acquired?
: Sir, the proposition known as the " bord,
States compromise" which is similar to that
:, the gentleman from Illinois, Mr.. KELLOGG.
g | understand it, is scarcely less objeclionabl
1t provides that the Constitution shall be
amended that, in all the territory south of 81
J, 3O> neither Congress nor the people of tn
t Territory shall ever interfere with or prohib
slavery. What sort of proposition is this
s those who hold that the people shall be lie
s "perlectly free to form and regulate their ow
T. domestic institutions in their own way?" 81
: by this measure, although nine.tenths of til
people might be opposed to the introduction
:: slavery, the other tenth could force it into tn
l Territory, and compel it to come into the Unio
as a slave State This is as effectually "pr
e lection to slavery" as though it were provide
? for in express terms. 1t is only another wa
1 Of reaching the same result.