Centre Democrat. [volume] (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1848-1989, 1861-12-12
Number 43.

though inferior. than by two superior ones
at variance and cross purposes with each
other. And the same is true in all joint OBJ
seryations wherein those engaged can have
none but common end in view and can
differ only as to the choice of means.
In storm at sea, no one can wish; the
ship to sink, and yet not unfrequently, all
go down together, because too many will
direct. and no single mind can be allowed to
control.
1t continues to develop that the insurreo-
tion, is largely, if not not exclusively, war
upon the first principles of popular govern
ment- the rights of the people Conclusive
evidence of this is found in the most grave
and maturely cons dered public documents,
as we'll as IN the general tone of the insurg-
ents
In these documents we find the abridge-
ment of the existing right of suffrage, and
the denial to the people of all right to par
ticpate in the selection of public officers, ex-
cept he Legislature, boldly advocated, with
labored arguments, to prove that large con
troll of the people in Government is the
source of all political evil. Monarchy itself
is sometimes limited at as possible refuge
from the power of he people.
In my present position [ could scarcely
be justified were to omit raising a warning
voice against this approach Of returning des-
potsm.
1t is not needed or fitting here that gen.
eral argument should be made in favor of
popular institutions. But there is one point
with it connection not so haekneyed as
most others, to which l ask brief atten-
! ton.
1t is the effort to place capital on an equal
footing with if not above labor, in the sruc-
ture Of the Government Iii assumed that
1 labor is available only in connection with
capital that nobody labors unless somebody
else owning capital, somehow By the use Of
it, induces him to labor. This assumed, it
is next considered whether it is best that
| capital shall hire laborers, and thus iutluce
them to work by their own consent, or buy
/ them and drive them to it without their con.
| sent.
Having proceeded so far, it is naturally
concluded that all laborers are either hired
! laborerS or what we call slaves. And furth-
er, it is assumed, that whoever IS once u
| hired laborer. is fixed in that condition FIR
! life. Now there is no such relation between
capital and labor, as assumed, nor is there
any such thing as a free man being fixed for
life in the condition of hired laborer.-
Both these assumptions are false, and all in
ferences from them are groundless. Labor
is prior to and independent of capital. Cap
ital is only the fruit of labor and could new
er have existed If labor had not first existed.
Labor is the superior of capital and de-
serves much higher consideration. Capital
has its rights, which are as worthy OF pro
lection as any vtiIvr iIvs.- Nor is II denIad
that there is and probably always will be
relation between labor and capital, produc.
ing mutual benefits. The error is in assum-
ing that the whole labor of the community
exists within that relation.
A few men own capital, and that few
avoid labor, or buy auotber few to labor for
them. A large majority belong to neither
Glass; neither work fer others nor have oth~
ers working for them.
In most of the Southern states majori-
ty of the whole people, of all colors, are
neither slaves nor masters, while in the
Northern, a large majority are neither hirers
nor hired Men with their families, wives.
sons and daughters, work for themselves on
their farms, in their houses, and in their
shops, taking the whole product to them,
selves, and asking no favors of capital on the
one hand nor of hired laborers or slaves on
the other.
1t is not forgotten that q considerable
number of persons mingle their own labor
with their capital-that is they labor with
their own bands and also buy or hire others
to labor for them; but this only mixed
and not distinct class. No principle stated
is disturbed by the existence of this mixed
class.
! Again as has already been said, there is
not of necessity any such thing as the free
hired laborer being fixed to that condition
for life. Many independent men everywhere
In these States, few years back in their
lives, were hired laborers.
! The prudent, penniless beginner IN the
world, labors for wages while, he saves a
surplus with which to buy tools or land for
himself, then labors on his own account
another while and at length hires another
lew beginner to help him.
| This is just, and generous and prosperous
! system which opens the way to all, gives
hope to all, and consequently energy and pro-
gress and improvement of condition to all.
No men living are more worthy to be
trusted than those who toll up from poverty.
None less inclined to take or touch aught
which they have not honestly earned. Let
them beware Of surrendering political pow
er which they already possess, and which,
\ if surrendered, will surely be used to close
the door of advancement against such as
they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens
upon them, till all ofliberty shall be lost
From the first taking of our national GEN.
us to the last one, seventy years, and we
find our population at the end of the period
eight times as great as it "as at the begin
ming. The increase of those other things
which men deem desirable has been great
er
We thus have at one view what the pop
ular priciple applied to G verment through
the machinery of States and the Union has
produced IN gwen time, and also what. il
firmly maintained, it promises for the ia
tIre.
There are already among US those who,
if the Union be preserved will live to see it
contain two hundred and fifty millions The
struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-
day; it is for a vast future also. With
reliance on Providence. all the more firm
and earnest, let US proceed In the great task
which events have devolved upon US.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WAsHINGroN, December 3, 1861.