Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-06-12
INC Warand ~. Obiect.

1t is proper that the American people should
the meaning of the rebellion in its
ultimate as well as present phases. Ii viii not
do to drift through the strong excitements of
the times without gazing anxiousy 70 the future.
The attitude Of the beligerents now is the result
of principles and ideas which may have been
strengthened in their active effects by advent
tious causes, but which existed before the forma-
ton of the Government, and. indeed, in the histo-
~ of all civilized nations. The monarchica prin-
ciple and the republican principle are now really
face to face, struggling for mastery. There IS
more than satire in the newspaper caricatures of
Jefferson Davis putting crown upon his head. A
constitution which is based upon the idea OF the
disintegration of the nation which adopts lis ne
cessarily a stepping stone to a stronger and, we
believe, more despotic system. 1t is well ascer-
tained-so well that public men who doubt it
are regarded as simply ignorant-that there is
more freedom IN an open grant OF large powers
to the head of great confederated nation than
there is in specious checks and pen and ink res
ervations, which aim TO make him the mere re-
lex of the will Of the different States of the con-
federacy Too little power is always pretext
for assuming too much. A constitution which
deprives vigorous ruler of necessary strength
drives him to usurpations, at first for the benefit
of the public, but inevitably for his own benefit
The fact of violating constitutional provision,
even for the wisest purpose, is calamity to a ma
ton.
These are elementary principles of government
which can not be too seriously observed by people
who desire freedom. Yet the chief aim of the
Confederate States constitution is to hamper the
Executive, to subordinate 20 the utmost degree
the General to the local governments. We re-
peat, then, that such constitution is a stepping
stone to stronger systems, nor can il be doubted
that this is intentional. Men who have exhibited
so remarkable aptitude at conspiracy under inst
buttons so free az those Of the United States
would hardly hesitate to entrAp their people into
anarchy, and in cold blood prepare the way for
despotism A causeless rebellion is the achieve
ment of wicked ambition. Forced loeas, prac
teal censorship of the press, a terrible crushing
out of individual independence of thought and
action, are all induces of the ruling idea of the
men who have plunged thirty millions of freemen
into civil war to crafty their own love of power
The rebellion. then, presents the despotc as OPP
posed to the free principe-the aggrandizement
of men usurping the prerogatives which belong
to the people.
We are not sure that this struggle, as matter
of principle. is divided by the sectional line. The
accident of slavery has given the despotic ele
ment in the South more consistency and power,
and, through popular passion, has aggregated to
it many different shades of sentiment, which are
honestly bent upon the preservation of property
and personal freedom But there has, even at
the North, been great many people who have
doubted the efficiency of the Constitution to hold
the States in national unity. and who will wan
der to other nations and systems for the exemp-
lars of true governmental strength.
The peculiar aspect of the slavery Question,
however, has, from the formation of the Govern
ment, had the effect of rendering great masses Of
the nation conservative of the existing state Of
things and has now localized the different senti
ments in n struggle, which, in some form or an
other, was Inevitable to the nation. This is, un-
doubtedly, a fortunate circumstance. We may.
recognizing the design of creating power and be
lieving American liberty a favored institution of
God, pronounce il providential circumstance for
the final preservation Of the Constitution; but
while this is So the situation is full of perls for
the future. The wealth and numbers of the North
are guarantees Of final victory. But what shall
follow yictoryl There is the rub. 1t is form
of government which is trial,-not whether
North or South is the strongest. In the present
condition of public sentiment, the stream Of pa
triotism is as pure as when it burst from the
hearts OF the Revolutionary fathers; but il must
not be disguised that the elements which sap
liberty are at work in the country Immense
bodies of soldiery in the eld-a fact in itself
of the gravest political consequence. Section is
aTayed against section, and those sections have
different Industrial institutions A war of con-
quest and subjugation is imminent, certainly nat
ural, for with sections thus arrayed, vet so I'M
equal in material strength, the temptation TO
quer and subjugate will become greater as the
military feeling is increased with the acquisition
by citizens of the habits and feelings of soldiers.
This is the evil of all evils. No greater ca
lamity can befal the country. So long as the
anmatng popular principle is the preservation Of
the Union under the Constitution, safe,
and liberty is safe, but when conquest shall be-
come the motive, instead of the integrity Of the
Constitution, we shall 90 the way of all nations
whose examples were warnings to our fathers
1t is the idea Of the moderate use of power and
advantage we wish TO inculcate-vigor in all war
like operations, victory at every cost, but after
victory, moderation, for we have nation to pre-
serve, people to re unite, from the Great Lakes
to the Mexican Gulf. So far, people
right in this regard Above all, so far rulers
at Washington have been right, and not only
right themselves but careful in selecting men for
high commands, without regard 70 party, who
will be moderate, patriotic and conservative in
the use of the power which victory shall give
them. We think there il design in this on the
part of the administration, and feel that il is a
duty to strengthen them in il. But the people
must understand it, feel il, act upon it. If the
war last a century, it must be transmitted from
father to son, from army TO army, from ruler to
ruler, that the object of this war is the preserva
ton of the freedom of the people, and not the
subjugation of a section. We must cling 10 the
idea of government and Union with the Consti
tuition, but never without it.