The Constitutional. [volume] (Alexandria, La.) 1860-1861, 1861-03-09

trust this will not be regarded as menace, but
only as the declared purpose of the Union, that it
will constitutionally defend and maintain it.
| self. ''- $685., -.., e.
In doing this there needs be no bloodshed or
violence and there shall be none, unless it be
| forced upon The national authority. The power
| confded to me will be used to hold and occupy
| and possess the property and places belonging to
the Government, aud to collect duties on imports.
| But beyond what may be necessary for these OBJ
jects, there will be no INVASION using of force
against or among people anywhere Where hos
tty 10 us in any interior locality shall be great
and so universal as to prevent competent resident
citizens from holding the Federal Offices, there viii
be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among
the people for that object. While the strict legal
| right may exist in the Government to force and
exercise these officers, the attempt TO do wonld
be 50 irritating, and nearly impractcable with
al, that Deem it may be better to forego for the
present the use Of such officers
The mails unltss repealed, will continue to be
FURNISHED to all parts Of the Unon far as posi-
BILE. The people everywhere shall have that sense
!
thought and reflection. The course here indicated
will be followed, tinless current events and expe-
| Hence shall show modification or change TO be
proper and in every case and cxigcncy my best
discretion wi9'br exercised according to eircum-
stances actually existing, and With fsrvcnt hope
of peaceful solution of the national troubles
and restoration of fraternal sympathies and afce-
| ton.
| There are persons in one section or another who
seek To destroy the Union at all events, and are
glad for any petext TO do it. | will neither affirm
or deny, but there b, such. | need address no
words to them TO those, however, who really
love the Union may | not speak before entering
/ upon SO graves matter as the destruction of our
national fabric, with all its benefits. memories and
hopes. Would it not be- wise to ascertain precisely
why DO 1t VIII you hazard desperate step while
there Is possibility of any portion of the lis YOU
fly from having no real eSistencel VIII you, while
certain the ills you fly TO are greater than all the
real ones you fly from viii you risk the commits
sion OF 50 fearful mistake All profess 70 be- CON
tent in the Cnionif all constitutional rights can
be maintained. Is it true, then, that any righ,
plainly written in the Constitution has been de-
nrd
think not, Happily, the human mind is so con-
stiturd that no party reach to the andaciiy Of
doing this. Think, if you can, of single instance
IN which as plainly written provision Of the COR
stituion has been denied. II, by the mere force. Of
numbers, majority should deprive the minority of
any clearly Constitutional right, it might. in a
moral point of view, justify revolution: it certain
ly would, if such Il right were a vital one; but
such is not our case. All the vital rights of the
minorities and individual. arr so plainly assured
them by atfirnat and negotiations guarantees
and prohibitions in the Constitution, that contro-
vrrsies never arise concerning them. But no Or
ganic law can ever be framed with a provision
specifically applicable to every question which
may occur i'll practicable administration.
NJ foresight can anticipate nor any document
of reasonable length contain, express proyisions
tor all possible Questions. Shall fugitiycs from
labor be surrendered by national or by State au
ihorty! The Constitution does not expressly say.
May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories
The Constitution does not expressly say. Must
Congress protect slavery in the Territories The
Constitution does notrxprcssly say. From oucs-
tons - his class spring all our constitutional con-
roverSics, and W. divide upon them into naiorities
ana ninorities. If the minority viii not acquiccse
the majority must, or the Government must ceas.;
there is no other alternative for continuing but &c
qnr'ernec on one side or the othert If the minor,
iy III such case will scecde rather than scquicsce
they make precedent which in time will divide
and ruin them. For a minority Of thrir own will
secede from them whencvera majority cbooses 70
be controlled by s'rb minority For instance
why may not any portion of the new Conf.tlcrory
in year or two hence, arbitrarily seccde ac.;n
precisely IA portions Of theprescnt Union claim to
s"c'de from 1t All who cherish these Union sen,
| timen's are Row being educated to the exact tenn
PEI OF doing this Is there such a perfect identity
OF interest among the States to compose a new
mon as to produce harmony only, and prevent
renewed secession Plainly, the central idea of
sec'ss'on IS the essence of ANARCHY 4 majority
held in restraint by constitutional! checks and linn.
Nations, and always changing easily with dcliber-
ate changes Of popular opinions and sentiments. is
the only true sovereign Of a free people. WIN.
ever REJECTS it, does of necessity fy to anarchy or
to despo;ism. Cnsnimity is impossible. The rub.
OF the minority, as permanent arrangement. is
wholly inadmissabe; so that rejecting the MAORI
ty' the principle Of anarchy OF despotism in sonc
form is all that is left
do not forget the position assumed bv some
that Constitutional question, are 10 be decided
by the Supreme Court; nor do deny that such
decisions must be binding in any ease upon par
ties to suit as to the object of that suit while thry
are also entitled to very high respect and consd.
GRAFTON. In all parallel cases. by all other drnart
mrnts of the Government, and while it is Obvious
ly possible that such decision may be erroreor &
IN any given case, still the evil effects folio cp
1t being limited to that particular case, oitb the
chance. that it may be overruled, ami never he
come precedent tor other cases, can better he
borne than could the evils oft,e dferen. practice