The national Republican., 1861-03-12

poses, 1rst . BNlIOD tu6 compromise VI tn6
Union of tie States, and then to reject the
next grestest compromise, the American prin-
dple Of acknowledging the supreme authority
Of the will Of the majority. Without these,
republican government cannot exist.
New guarantees to slaveryl Twenty millions
Of people, proud and happy in their freedom,
10 enter into new covenants that slavery shall
be spread and established. and perpetuated and
defended, where it never was before, as the in
exorable condition on which less than half
million of masters will consent to have fellow.
ship with them An institution which scorns
the sacred affections Of family and home as
IF it had not already guarantees enough, in a
representation here equal to three millions of
our people, in our arms and wealth and strength,
TO take back their flying fugtives, and our
irrevocable obligation to take sides in every
insurrectonary quarrel with the master against
the slave. New guarantees to slaveryl Not
now, when Turk and Russian are ashamed of
slavery. But when Star Chamber and Inaui.
sition are re-established, and the Bastile is
Populous again with prey, aud another long,
dark night OF despotism creeps upon the
earth, then will be the tit time for new guaran-
ties to this inexcusable wrong.
How is it, when secession is made debatable
ground, and SO many Southern States assert it
as constitutional right, that the minority of
the committee fail, by proposed amendment,
TO provide against this real danger, when it is
watchful to secure the authority Of Congress
against interfering with slavery in the States,
about which there is no difference of opinion
But ought any amendments to the Consultation
70 be madeY The experience of seventy wears
shows that it was made by men who never
made mistakes. 1t is now proposed to amend
1t by those who begin by conessing that they
have just escaped q labyrinth of blunders.
What confidence will such recommendation
inspire? Sbsll it be done as a compromise?
1t is proposed by those who have hagitiously
trampled compromises under loot As means
OF meeting the present exigency2 No consti.
tutional amendment can be proposed, and meet
the constitutional ratification of three fourths of
the States, in less than one or two years. This
will be too slow remedy for the fast disease of
revolution. Aud will not this, at once, involve
all the States in bitter political conflict, di.
rected upon the disturbing question of slavery?
Is it certain that q proposed amendment can
be successful and failing, will it not add to
our embarrassments And even if it should
be successful now, would it not set the PERM.
cious example Of occasioning new distractions,
in order to make room for other amendments, and
thus rob the Constitution of its principal merit,
stability? Under the Constitution, Congress may |
propose amendments when it shall deem them |
necessary. In my judgment, if my argument is |
worth anything, such a necessity does not exist. |
But, in addition to this, Congress, on the appli.
cation Of the Legislatures OF twothirds of the |
States, may call a convention for proposing |
amendments. While, then, l should cheerfully |
vote for such convention from q sense Of re-
spect and duty on such application of the Le-
gisatures, feel denied from consenting to pro.
pose amendments, unless, upon my individual |
conviction, that such amendments are neces-
The particular prnpoaiiin tn l.py Tnn-
gress authority in the States On this angry sub.
ject OF slavery, seems least important; because
NO one denies that such is now the constitu.
tional rule: while the limitation of Federal
authority on the subject, in places within the |
exclusive jurisdiction of Congress, seems hardly |
more necessary; because, as no offensive use Of
1t has been made during the long strife in which
this topic has been involved, it is hardly likely
that it will be attempted at any other time. But
all the propositions of the minority Of the com.
mittse are unacceptable. The transit right |
through the free States compes surrender Of |
State rights, while it mutiplies occasions for !
complaint aud dispute. The right Of the Fed.
eral Government 10 bring suit against the coun
ties for fugitives whose return has been OBJ. |
structed involves, besides its inherent injustice
constant conflict Of authority between the
state and Federal Governments while its prin. |
cipal proposition OF recognising constiutionally
the existence OF slavery throughout New Mex |
leo, without any authority Of Congress to inter
fere with it, aud with no authority over the sub.
Ject In the Territories, except to protect it as
property, Is ltsef constitutional creation Of
slavery, utterly opposed To the theory Of the
Constitution, an outrage upon the people Of
New Mexico, now assured by treaty against the
exercise of such an act Of arbitrary authority,
and at war With the just aud humane senti.
ments OF our whole people. At least, if it be
necessary, by new accommodations, to end on
apparent war Of The present States on the sub.
ject of slavery, it ought, least of all, to be at
the expense Ct the simple, distant, and strange
people Of New Mexico, torn by US from the
federation of Mexico against its will, and re.
duced from its condition OF sovereignty to the
narrow privileges Of a territorial government.
The majority oil the committee has proposed
measures which, too, by some, are called com.
promises. do not here propose to accept or
reject them, together or in detail, but only to
reject them oil in the character Of compromise.
prefer looking at them as independent propo.
sitions to be judged by their own intrinsic merit
and separate from surrounding circumstances
The amendment of the fugitive slave law, l &C.
cept heartily, not as the best law on the subject,
or such a law as should be made, but as a bene
fetal amendment of the former law, and all
that now can be obtained, giving, at least, the
seeuriJ VI ulal 10 the iuRtVe whose IDerty
is impeaehed, though in a foreign jurisdiction,
and robblng the criminal race Of kidnappers
Of the facilities long enjoyed BY which their oc,
cupation has thrived.
The bill allowing the people of New Mexico
TO hold convention aud adopt constitution
preparatory 10 admission into the Union as
State, has my reluctant concurrence. Under
the Constitution, the admission OF u new State
seems to depend on the questions of numbers,
and fitness and ability to maintain independ.
ent representative government. New Mexico,
almost, by its present boundaries, was, before
our acquisition Of it, State in the federal sys.
tenn OF Mexico. This we have admitted in the
ACT oil iseV hx'ng the boundary of the State OF
IpYa MaSt aE LIZ