The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1861-07-31
Our Delicate Relations with Eng nd and
France, and tho Cotton One stion.

States, touching our blockade or embargo O
the ports of our revolted States. Of the terms
or concessions involved in this agreement We
are not apprised, but we have every reason tc
believe that they recognise to satisfactory
extent in this matter, the sovereign rights
powers and necessities of our government.
| The hasty and ill-advised proclamation Of
England's neutrality between the United States
and the so-called Confederate States" the par
ties in this civil war, but more especially Lord
John Russells offensive concession of " belli
gerent rights" to our Southern rebels and their
privateers, has been explained. The deplorabe
imbecility of President Buchanan and the ap.
parent Indifference of President Lincoln for q
month or more after his Inauguration to the
alarming and formidable Developments of this
| extensive and systematic Southern rebellion
had led even the sagaciousstatesme of England
to believe that 81 the model republic was
divided beyond any possibility Of restoration.
But the subsequent unanimous and powerful
uprising of our loyal States for the maintenance
of the Union in due season brought about a
very important modification of England's con-
struction of "beligerent rights" as applied to
our Southern rebellion.
In this connection the emphatic and season.
able Instructions of Mr.. Seward to Mir. Dayton,
our new Minister to France, exerted great in
fucnce over the counsels of the British Cabinat
Accordingly, the "beiligerent rights" Of our
Southern pTivateers have become in an inter-
national views, practically of no value to JefIer-
son Davis. Bst it will be remembered that Mr.
Seward proposed to England and France the
recognition on The part of the United States of
that article Of the late treaty of Paris which
denounccs privateering as piracy. TO this
proposition no answer has yet been received,
and the subject mag have been dropped. Mean-
time, following up the line of his instructions to
MJ Dayton, we understand that our Secretary
of State some weeks ago had prepared, in the
form of a letter intended for Mr.. Adams, our
Miaister at London, an elaborate exposition Of
Lord John RusseH's ialacies touching our
Southern blockade. This letter, perhaps from
personal jealousies Of Mr.. Stewards growing
popularity, was taboocd in our Cabinet as in
judioiously plain and pointed. The argument
was, therefore, reduced and somewhat softcned
down into the more formal phraseology of diplo-
matte gcneralitics, and, thus diluted it was sent
as o. private note to Mr.. Adams to guide him in
his conferences with the British Secretary of
Stare for Foreign Affairs.
1t appears, however, that after the receipt of
this letter Mr.. Adams in conversation on the
American imbroglio with Lord John Russell,
stirred up an animated debate on the subject of
this Southern embargo, including the embargo
against Southern cotton, and that our Minister
in the excitement of the moment, produced his
letter and passed it over to his lordship, as
fully authorizing all that had been said Of the
position and demands OF our government.
From this circumstance, it appears, emanated
certain instructions to Lord Lyons at Washing
ton, in pursuance of which this aforementioned
agreement between him and MIR. Seward has
been entered into, subject, on the one side, to
the approval of the British Cabinet, and on the
other to the ratification of the United States
Senate. We presume that this agreement en-
braces the recognition Of the right of an estab-
lished government to close any or all of its
own ports if deemed necessary for the purpose
of suppressing domestic insurrection or re-
bellion, and that thus the British government
has been brought to recognise the broad dis
tinctiOn between a domestic embargo and the
blockade by one independent Power of the ports
of another.
Here, however, the late disastrous affair TO
our army in Eastern Virginia is interposed
Doubtless in every possible way and through
every possible agency our Southern rebels and
their emissaries, and the enemies of the United
States at home and abroad, will cndeavor from
this disaster to create q diversion against Ills
| in both England and France But, on the other
hand we cannot imagine that Mr. Seward will
have lost the advantages Of the first steamer in
forwarding to Mr. Adams and to Mr.. Dayton a
calm, clear and conclusive statement of this
temporary and indecisivc rebel victory for the
information of the British and French govern
ments. We hope that such an exposition las
gone forward with the first exaggerated and
| confused accounts of the late battle, and tina
| Mr. Seward has not failed to iatimytc, FOR tn
benefit of Lord John Russell, mat Lis emily wa.
to the cotton bales of our reyelte6 State. lead
through the government q. Wasl4iH ston.
'King Cotton" is CLEARLY within our grass
and we may use him, not only abroad, but
home, to the Creates Advantage While En
land and France arc p'..lparing for the loss
the present year Or ,p Of their Southern colt.
let it be our pa~ y to provide them with :: :.
lore tney are .riven to extremities y, this e
let our 60" .rnment act with enerpr, and activ
m u" stering three great armies, e'
o." hundred Thousand Tlen-the army of
- .ssssippi, the army Of the Potomac and
army of the Atlantic seaboard-and let each
h, mt in motion southwark with the "frst fro:
"a The slaveholdng aristocracy of the South h
'i. exhausted their volunteers whose hearts are
',u the work in their army Of Virginia. Their re
forcements, hencefortb, must cone from Il
the "poor whites,' who haze very little interest
;as this struggle to establish purely pro-slav
'uy despotism. We can turn them, as well
u Southern cotton and contraband slaves, t
on, good account As each column Of our tt
var armies advances into the cotton region let
on cotton stored away as the property Of the re