Red Wing sentinel., 1861-03-13

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Of the United States, are insurrectionary or
revolutionry according TO circumstances. r~
therefore consider that in view Of the
Constitution and law, the Union is unbrok--
en-, and to the e. t,at Ct my abiity, I shall
take care as the Constitution itself expressly
enjoins on me, that the laws Of tho
Union he faithfully sssxecused in faH tha
States. In doing this 1 deem TT -
be simple duty on my part, and 1
shall perform it, so far as practicable
unless my rightful masters-the American
people-shall witLold the requisite means or
in some authoritative manner, direct the con-
trary.
trust this will not he regarded q N niens
ace, but only as declared pvrposcS III sthe
Union that it will consttutional1y defend and
maintain itself In doing this there need be
no blood she'd or violence, and there shall be
none unless it be forced upon the national au.
thority.
The power confidcd TO me will be used to
hold, occupy and possess the property and
places belonging to the government. to collect
duties and imposts, But beyond what my be
necessary for these objects these objects there
will be no invasion, no using Of force against
or among people anywhere; where hostility
to the United States in any interior locality
shat! be so great and so universal as to pre-
vent competent resident citizens from holding
federal oGccs there will be no attempt! TO
force obnoxious strangers among people
that object. While the strict legal right may
exist in the Government to enforce the exer
cisc of these Offices, the attempt to do so
would be so irritating and socially impractiv.
able withal, that deem it better to forgo
for Il time the uses Of such offices. The malls,
unless repc!led, willcontinuo to be furnished
the people everywhcre shall ha"e that sense Of
perfect security which is most favorable to
calm thoughts a. d reflection. The course
here indicated will oe followed unless current
events and experience shall show modili.
cation or change to be proper and in every
case and exigcncy my best discretion will be
exercised according to circumstances actually
existing, and with view and hope OF Q
peaceful solution of the national troubles
and the restoration Of fraternal feelings.
That there are persons in one section g,
another who seek to destroy the Union at all
events, and arc glad Of any pretezt to DO it,
will neither affirm or deny; but if there be
such. need address no word to them. To
those, however, who really love: the Union
may not speak? Before entering upoh So
grave matter as the destruction Of our ns.
tional fabric, with all its benefits, its memories
and hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain
previously why We do it? Will you hazard
so desperate step where there is any pos
sibility that any portion Of the ills you fly
from have no real existence? Will YOU invite
the certain ills you flee to which may be
greater than all real ones you fly from? Will
you risk the commission of SO fearful mis-.
take? All profess to be contcnted in the
Union if all constitutional rights can be main
tained Is It true then that any right plainly
written in the Constitution hos been. dcniedi
l think not. Happily the human mind is so
constituted that no party can reach to the au.
dacity Of doing this.
Think, if you car, of a single instance in
which plainly written provision of the Con-
stitution has ever been denied. II BY mere
force of numbers majority shall deprive a
minority Of any clearly written constitutional
right, it might, in moral point of view, jus.
tify revolutions; il. certainly would if such
right was vital zone; but ssnch is not. our
case. The vital rights of minorities and OF
individuals arc SO plainly assured to them by
aifirmations and legal guarantees and probibi.
tions Of the Constitution, that controversies
never arise concerning them. But no organic
law can ever be framed with provision Spec
tally applicable to every question which may
occur in practical ADMINISTRATION No fore.
sight can anticipate, nor any document Of
reasonable length contain express provisions
for oil possible questions. Shall fugitiycs
from labor be surrendered by, National vi
State authorities? The Constitution does not
expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery
lin Territories? The Constitution docs no,
expressly say. From questions of this class
lspring all our constitutional controversies and
we divide upon :hcm into majorities aud mi.
norities. If the minority will not acuuiesc
majorities must, Or sthes Goycrpn,eat anusl
cease. There is no alternative for continuing
the Government but acquiescence on the one
side or the other.
If the minority, in such o case will; seccde
rather than acqnicscc, thcy make + patece
dent WHICH will in turn ruin an, divide them
for a minority fofthcir own viii secedci from
them whenever, q majority shall refuse to be
controlled 10y sucd q minority. !. For 'instaanoe
Why may not any portion Of new confed
eracy a year or'two) hencJ .arbilfa,ily seecdt
again, precisely as portions of the presen,
Union now claim to- .secedc from 1T. !. All
who cherish dsuuion sentiments are now be-
ing educated to .thelexact AemperE of .dsing
this. Is there such perfect identity Of inter:
csts among the States tc compose new Union
as To- produce, harmony only apd, prevent 9
secession is the essence Of anarchy.
A majority held in restraint by constitu
;iona. @ al., eheeHs ;,, 'it3tiossena a!Spyslayg
opinion and sentiments, is the only true soy
creigu Of free people. Whoever rejects i,
does Of necessity fly 20 anarchy or dcspotism
Unanimity is impossib:c-thc rule OF the mi
nority, as permanent arrangement, is wholly
inadmissible--sor that rejecting the majority
principle, ararchyo or dcspotism IS ali That j:
left.