New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-10-09

bcI OF congress on the SUBJECT. But III tuopo P0OP
held as slaves are not property they are ana shoau
be regarded as citizens of the United States OWING
allegiance to the Federal Government, liable TO be
called into the service Of the Union in the way ana
manner it deems most advisable, and, II loyai, en-
titled TO the same protection from tbe Governneh rs
any other class Of loyal citizens. Nobody can pre-
ltei tIat the Federal Government IS obhged Dy VIZ
fine Of the laws or usages heretofore existing 10 the
Slave Sates tofreat these people az properly Nnat
ever miokt nave been is obligation before the rebel
lions acts of those States that obligation Is no longer
in force. e.,o,a Io-oI
citizens nv tbe military operations for the pIeserya
tion of the Union or even TO remove the causes OF
tbe present rebellion the Government Is Dound so 10
treat them The only doubt that can arse Is as 10
the fact whether it would OF Woald not prove uSeiu
to This end IL must be objected to such measure
that II would deprive us Of the aid Of Western Viz.
ginia and Eastern Tennessee, ard drive into open
hostility TO the Union Maryland Kentucky, and Mis-
souri, This objection deserves grave consideration
But il is in substance the objection that has enoar-
rassed the Government from the outset and COM
PEELED it to take only halfway measures TO suppress
the rebellion. For ourselves, cannot respect TIE
fear TO which this obligation appeals. Fear Is the
worst possible counselor in the world, aud the Gov
eminent that hesitates to ADOPT the beat poIcy ior
fear of alternating its friends is lost Let tie lines
be at once sharply drawn between our
friends and cur enemies. In crisis like the pres
ent, lukewarm frieuds or friends who VIII be our
friends only by virtue Of certain concessions to their
interests or preudices, are more embarrassing Than
open enemies, and do more to weaken onr forces
than il arraytd in open hostility against us. II
these States are for the Union they will insist on
no conditions incompatible with the preservation Of
the Union; they Will maGe sacrifices for the Union,
AS well as the other loyal States and there Is no
reason why thew should not There ia neither
reason or i1stice in Massachusetts, New-York New
jersey, Pennsylvania, and tho great States north,
west Of the Ohio, pouring ont their blood and
treasure for the qualification Of the slayeholding
pretcnsons Of Mary Hand, Kentucky, or Missouri
Toe citizens Of these States who own slaves are a.
much bound if the preservation of the Union re-
qures IT, to give up their property in slaves, as we
az the farther North arc 20 pour out our blood and
treasure TO put down rebellion which threatens
alike them and us. If they love their few slaves
more than they do the Union let them go ont Of the
Union. We are stronger 70 fight the battles OF The
Union without them than we are with them
But we have referred only TO the slaves IN the re-
bellious States and, if is OF if it becomes military
necessity to lberate ali the slaves OF the Union aud
to treat the whole present slave population rs free
men and ci liens il would be no more than just and
proper that at the conclusion of the war the citizens
of loyal States or the loyal citizens of loyal sections
OF the rebellious States, should be unidentified ri
reasonable rate for the slaves that may have been
liberated. The States and sections Of States NAMED
have not large number of slaves, and, If the Union
is preserved it would not be q very heavy burden
on it to pay their ransom; and 20 paying 1t no
patriot or loyal citizen OF the Free states would
raise the slightest objection. The obieetion, there
fore urged though grave, need not be regarded as
and we think the advantages Of tho
measure in a military point Of view would be Tar
greater than any disadvantage we have to appre-
bend from It,
Whether the time for this important measure has
come or not il is for the President as Commandern-
Chief of our armies 70 determine. But, in our iudg
Inent, 10 single measure could be adopted ey the
Government that would more eiectualy aid It's mill
a - ft.a1g afal ffaTra
and TO strengthen our own. -Four millions OF people
10 the Slave States, feeling that the suppression OF
the Rebellion and the triumph Of the Union secures
TO them and their children forever the status Of free
citizens are more than hundred thousand men taien
fom the forces of the enemy, and twice that number
a lded TO our own for they would not only compel
the Rebels to keep large force, that might other
wise be employed, st hone, TO protect their own
wives and children but would deprive them OF the
greater portion Of that labor by which they now SUD
sst their armies. Now Slavery Is TO them source
OF strength il would then be TO them source OF
weakness It's abolition would, in our Judgment, be
Iiking the enemy at his most vulnerable point, pre-
cisely where we can best sunder the snews OF his
strength, and deal hin The most fatal blow
Moreover ii would not only bring to the assistance
of the Federal arms the cooperation Of the whole
colored race in the Union, but would secure u.s.
what we now lack, the sympathy and the moral aid
of the whole civilized world, and remove All danger
of our coming into conflict with either France or
England The war would be seen then likely TO
effect q result with which EngliShmen and French
men could sympathize, and, instead OF wishing for
the success of the Southern Coniedeiacy they would
wish with all their hearts for the success OF the Fed
ersl arms. II would do more than this. 1t wOald
bring TO the aid of our volunteer force from one hun
bred TO two hundred thousand brave and stalwaIt
volunteers from the Free States, aye and even many
from the Slave States themselves, who viii not and
cannot be induced to volunteer thei services IN war
watch even if successful promises TO leave the in
stitution Of Slavery not only existing, bu! more
firmly established than ever. Everybody knows
that Slavery Ii at the bottom OF the whole contro-
ysrsy, and that the real object OF the Southern
leaders IL not simply TO protect Slavery
against Abolition movements where II exists, but 10
extend il over the whole Union, aud make the
American Republic a great slayeholding Republic.
And there are men In large numbers among us, mon
who have had no sympathy with Abolnlonists wAo
see and understand very well that even were we
successful in putting down the present rebellion, no
rel union between the North and South could be
restored and that no durable peace between them
could be re-established il Slavery continued 20 exist
These men enter not and will not enter heartily into
the war unless they clearly 8Hd feel fully as
sured that it will result in the iual and total eX
tincton Of Slavery throughout the Union and all the
territory it may now possess or hereafter acquire.
The present rebellion proves, what thoughtful and
far-seeng men in all sections Of the Union have long
seen and said, that the preservation Of the Union
with the slave system Of labor extending over one
half of IT, and the freelabor system over the other
half, u.s. in the ordinary course Of human aiairs ali
impossibility. Senator Seward or rather Mem Hem
Diefenbach in our Review before him, was right in
saving there is an "irrepressible conflict between
the two systems They cannot long exist together
IN peace and harmony there is an irrepreSsbe tend
e1cv IN each 10 exclude the Others and no possible
wisdom or prudence, on the part OF any Adminlstra
ton can harInonize their coeZ5tence under enc and
the same Government. You must make your cleo
ton between the systems, and adopt for the whole
country either the slave system or The freeabor sys'