The Shasta courier., 1861-11-16
what shall We Do with our souths

perused. The question is suggestive OF ano-
ther. "What will the South do with itself?'
is the form ofinterrogatery under which ma
nv of the suggestions arising from the query
of the Knickerbockcr, would naturally ar
range themselves.
that act has assumed the utmost responsible
ity for all of its consequences. The contest
and its results, whatever they may be, are
her own. Now what will it do with itself?
Abolition of the institution of slavery, in
the Southern States, is looked upon by many
people in that quarter as the sum Of all
earthly misfortunes, and it is urged indeed as
a justification of the revolt, that secession
was the only remedy left them to stay the
encroachmcnts of those whose energies were
bent on the liberation of the slaves within
her borders.
What fit could be shown that their very
revolt unayoidably results in the very thing
apparently so much dreaded by them What
if their efforts precipitate the identical dan
ger they are so anxious to avert? 1t would
have been an act of wisdom, had this mis-
guided people reflected over these questions,
before they took the first step towards their
present unhappy position towards the Union,
and unfurlcd banner bearing upon it a de-
vice. as the key and basis of their social sys-
ten. which is saluted with respect nowhere
LII.
1Joiitionism.
Disguise it as you will, it is yet Abolition
ism. Clothe the idea of arming yourself
against powerful Government in what
choice phrase you may, it is still the ghost
that sits side by side with this rebellion, its
shadow, its other self, its perfect type and
terrific meaning. Suppose twill not ''down"
at the bidding of those who raised it? We
are not here speaking of its abolishment by
the power of the Federal Government, for
Government has no authority at present to
decree it, but are alluding to it as one of the
rossible-nay probable-incidents and re-
suits, brought about in ten thousand ways
by the South's own act. Are we answered
that ''if the war will probably result in set
ting the slaves free, that it is the duty of all
men to unite in the demand for peace?"
To this, the only reply that can be made,
there are several answers. We stoopto give
them In the first place, Governments, their
laws and regulations are supreme. Before
its majesty all local interests and rules must
give way. 1t must, to be a Government, de-
fend itself against all insults and oppression,
and must rule, if at all, peerless and su-
preme. Keeping this in view, the question
Of which shall give way, the Government or
the institution of slavery, the question an
swers ITSELF that the Government. under the
rules just laid down, must stand. This issue
is not yet raised, never may be, but if it
should come squarely up hereafter, in its
solution the rebel States would very clearly
discover what it was that they had done with
themselves Under the Constitution as it now
is, it is difficult to see how an Issue of this
kind could come squarely up, but still, as
incidental to an effort to upturn the Govern
ment, the destruction of slavery might be
one of the earliest results of the effort. occur
ring, independently of the attempts of the
Government to maintain itself.
Again: Nobody desires peace. Davis does
not, neither does our Government. only up
en- the plan known to ALI men. The loyal
on any other terms than the absolute and un-
conditional submission of the South, for if
they did so it would disgrace them forever.
The rebel States could yield and the act
would be an honorable one. The loyal States
can not yield, for the act would cover them
with in fanny forever.
| 1t should also be remembered that this fair
country of ours, even if we desired it, is not
susceptible of division. 1t was intended for
the habitation of one people. There is am
| pie room for one nation, but not for two. God
has so ribbed the land with mountains, so
braced it with rivers, seas and lakes, and as
a consequence the people have become solid
fled by birth, destiny, education, history,
that nothing less than the power of Omnip-
otence could dissever it. Our Government
must exist in its fullness, or giveplace to that
of Davis. One or the other must 60 down.
But pass these difficulties, and admit that
they do not exist, how are VIC to L. axe peace?
Where is to be the dividing line? Are Ma
ryland, Kentucky and Missouri to be given
up to the Davis Confederacy. when they have
said that they would not go? How are the
Territories to be divided? What the status
of fugitive slaves in Northern States? How
are the debts and the public property to be
divided? Now each of these questions pre-
vents an impossible barrier to peace, and
every man who is not natural fool knows
it; but still let us admit, for arguments
sake, that even these difficulties are over.
come. We win suppose that We have divided
the debts and property in a satisfactory
manner-that we have arranged every dis
turbing issue in a way that pleases every bo-
dy, and that we have made a treaty of per-
petual amity. and covenanted together
that we will not interfere with each other in
anything, only to exhibit kindness. Do all
of this, and the war would recommencc in
six months. The mere fact of contact. would
in ten thousand ways renew acstiiities.
rF.l- Al Ill