New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-02-26

l
ter from special correspondent at Washington,
which The N. J.. Times Of yesterday copies as
q meritng the attention Of all who prize the in
"tegrity Of. the Republican party above the
" qualification of selfish and malignant faction.
/" 1t relates" adds that journal, to the in
| trigues which have been for some time on foot
4" to- drive Gov. Seward from Mr. Llncoln's
cabinet" Both The Times and the correspOn-
| dent Of The Post are agreed, both most unwit-
| tinely confess, as to what the motive is which
| lies at the root of these " intrigues," they
pleased to call them. Thus the letter.wrter says,
| abiding to the Peace Convention:
Th.re are two interests combination here defeat the
purpose Of thl, Convention One origin your and
u hostility to Mr. the other out Of the impression
Mr. Lincoln does look with favor upon any policy
Of Cancellation such & likely TO receive the approval OF the
Convention. Boih spiuCed BY the hope of driving Mr.
Seward from the Cabinet The process to b. the rejection
Of any plan Of compromise and thus practically the rejection
ofthe policy which Mr Seward Ia, advised Should they
coed in this they that Mr. Seward will feel compelled
Of ,elftcspec., II from other motive, to retire
"The position from EewYork Is less personal 70
Mr. Seward and long standing The opposition outside OF the
State originates partly Jealousy Of Mr. Stewards influence In
the new Government but mainly in the faith that the Ne~fo
Senator reject the feelings and Incns' OF the
President"
This writer commits the common fault of gratu-
itOusly attributing base motives to perfectly ie-
climate acton. To procure the REJECTION OF
any plan of compromise We for one, hold TO
be very simple Republican duty 80 long as
such compromise ia a sacrifice, in the smallest
degree, Of Republican principles. But such a
rejection, says this writer, is "practieaNy The re-
"jection Of he policy rhieh Mr. Ssrard has od-
"rised" Precisely ard therefore We urge it,
and, at the same time, we hope and pray that
"Mr. Lincoln does not look with favor upon
any such policy. If We needed justification, We
trust we may find it in the ycrifcation of these
words before we are eight days older. Sc far
as hostility to Mr. Seward" means simply an
opposition to some plan of compromise advised
by him, and which involves, as every compromise
yet offered in the Peace Corrcntion does, u
degrading and pusillanimOus abandonment of prin-
ciple, to that charge We answer-Guilty, with
all our heart What Mr. Stewards self-respect
may prompt him to do in case he finds that he
and Mr.. Lincoln do not agree We do not stop to
inquire, nor do We care to discuss. Our pur-
pose ia simply to exercise all the influence we
possess against any compromise whatever be-
cause our inclination aud our sense of duty
prompt us so 10 do, and our conviction on that
point ia 80 absorbing that it ysould swallow up all
personal feeling We might have, either one way
or the other, about any individual man. We
deny, therefore, most emphatcaly, the charge of
any hostility personal to Mr.. Seward" 80 far
as We are concerned. To make it is only an
appeal 10 vulgar party passion. which We should
4 NJ n q.
appear in its columns, even in tho comparatively
irresponsible shape of Special Correspondence.
From The Times, however, we look for no
such decency, and accordingly are not disap-
pointed. Here is tbs improvement of that Jonr-
nal upon the text afforded il by the Washington
lettcr.writer:
TIE P. pendent ,seb,. this cOnspracy ss.ln. M
ssrd partly 10 personal hostility 10 the State Of Newfofk
Thi. motive uhques0naby tciye and very powerful IN
,ous quarters No all eonyeisan with the political his
tory the past ye, doubt that u stimulates IhH
THprss 10 the fierce relentless warfare which wssrs
tssa,, every Republican who IN common with MI Seward
d.ie 70 Place the Administration upon bs'is compatible with
III. e1enes Union But this crusade Aso due In past
to the element Of 4boE- which struggling for The
,rol Of tho Republican J and which ha, acted With Tia, party
al, only the hope 81 being able later to
1t into .ub.crency s purposes aud plsn' The open
and avoed Aboon for dsuHion add do not hf'tGs, 10
poelAm Their secret allies and agents In the ranks Of the
Patty and ia tie Office Of THK TEIBusR seek the
sane end By covert but equally effective policy
How hearty is this abuse How unmistakabe
and incorporating tie clear bitter Of this ran
cor! If il lacks nythng, however, it ia slight
want Of freshness; there is q stale and musty
smell sbou, il which takes away somewhat from
the originality which might otherwise commend
il 20 the public palate. "Abolitionism :" Has
no, The Times us.d that word as term of
reproach long enough TO be tired Of it, or at least
10 begin to suspect that other people are tired
| of itl "Secret nesw Has that paper so
little respect for the intelligence of its readers
"a TO believe it can persuade them that THE
| TRIBUNE has any allies who make any secret Of
their principles Covert policy" Does it really
expect TO make anybody believe that the weak
ness of this journal is to say one thing to-day
and another tomorrow, to belong to one party
this year and another the next, to make such
choice Of our expressions as TO leave it always
doubtful whether We have any policy or not, or
| if we have, whether it is for this man or that
for this principle or that, or for everything BY
"turns, aud nothing long" The very evidence
Of the charge itself, which il an appeal to the
history of ten years past to substantiate it, is as
god positive proof as San BIO ever found in the
columns of The Times for anything, that they do
not believe their own allegations.
| Nay moreover The Times, ike the CORE
article without giving us all the justification We