Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1861-04-10
TuE NORTH CAROLINA Standard WEDNESDAY

object Of silis to bring them back Weswish tbsua
WELL but we think they have greatly erred-at least
do We think they hare done wrong 70 them
selves wrong to US, and wrong to all mankihd by
breaking up that government whose promises reach
ed humanity ID every region Of the world-promses
that have been indissolubly connected with liberty
and political happiness The wrong to all those in
terests which they have done proves eoncusivey to
my mind that the Union canDot,be broken. 1t is
not yet broken. They States may have seeded
"Seceded pa word altogether illegitimate, having
no origin or foundation in any constitutional right
and all that can be enigmatical in meaning-that
am willing to apply here Invested Of all right and
significance; simply it is revolution against US,
whereas revolution acknowledged and ayowed is war
upon the nation against whom that revolution is at
tempted Our Union so far it exists in the sane
ton of the Constitutional far as it exists in the
South-in all our laws, all popular opinion and sen.
:iment-stil exists in theory though disobeyed and
dsregarded by those who attempt to form another
nation and the wish of all to bring them backto
be again one and indivisb!e. How shall it be best
done? .a.l ss..s.s.s.. = ~ TEiyasE. 'o'@
What is the policy for the General Government
to pursue |? Now, Mr. President, without underta.
king to say what the exact policy-under circum-
stances so singular as the present hour presents us
With will only undertake to say that they ought
not to pursue 4 course of forcible COERCION
Our object and desire is to bring them back into
former terms Of Union and fellowship. That is the
object of our private affections, as we'll as of our
public policy. To attempt by coercion-by arms
to force them back into the Union at the point of
the bayonet-to shed their blood-is no way to win
their affections Let them go on in peace with
their experiment. This government is not bound
to patronize revolution against itself-therefore,
say let its policy be the policy Of forbearancc and
of peace. Let them make this experiment under
oil the advantages that peace can give them. We
all hope, for their own good and their swn welfare,
that their experiment will fail of success-that
when the increased expense of government formed
of few States, and the thousand inconvenience
that attend its disruption from the great body to
which it belonged-like tearing off an arm from the
human system-when they have come to experience
all the pains andinconvenences-a the troubles and
all the pests that attend, and must inevitably at
tend this extraordinary movement-they will be-
gin to look back to the great mansion of their tribe
the grand union Of their great Republic-they will
wishto return to their brethren, no longer to try
these hazardous experiments Of making govern
ments separate from this government. These are
truly hazardous experiments I think they will
fail. I hope So only because that will have the Of.
feet of bringing them back into this Union 1t will
have the desirable effect Of restoring our lost breth
rem to us. ] am, therefore, for the peace policy
Give them an opportunity of making the expert
ment Do not excite them by war or bloodshed.--
They have been sufficiently mslcd by other causes.
Add to those causes the irritation that the sight of
blood Xould necessarily create, and can have no
possib4e hope of reconciliation-them to US or we
to them.
Let us rather trust to peace. Let trust to their
experence-the inconvenience of their errors They
will come back. We will invite them back-not re-
ceive them as brethren who have fallen into error
who have been deluded, but who, discovering their
errors, manfuly returned to us, who magnanimous-
ly receive them and rejoice over them. l want the
General Government to pursue this policy of peace
and forbearance. What shall the separate States
do? Those saveholding States still sdherng to the
Union ought to be more particularly forbearing
But what shall old Kentucky dop Our affections
are all clustered upon her. Her peace her honor,
her glory her interests ours. Her character is
ours and proud heritage it is. love her with all
my heart. l am one of the oldest of her children.
have been of the most favored of her children,
and with heartfelt gratitude do acknowledge it
with all my hearts devotion do acknowledge it I
can never repay the obligations which feel owe
to her. What shall Kentucky do-our country
our magnanimous old State-what shall she do in
this great crsis-this trial of our nations faith -
Shall we join in the experimental government Of the
South, shall we adhere to the tried government
of the Union under which we lve-under which
your fathers lived and died I call upon you to
bear witness, as candid truthful men-do you know
of any wrong that the government has ever done
you? Can you name any instance of wrong suffer-
Union of which you arc part! Kentucky herself
came into existence under the Constitution-and
under the Union that she still clings to- Under its
protection she has grown from handful of pioneers
and few hunters to the noble State that she now
is-in every passage of her history maintaining her
character for honor and fdelity-for devotion to
truth, devotion 70 cuuntry-seeking, at whatever
distance at whatever sacrifice. every battlefield
upon which the honor and the interest of her coun-
try were to be combatted for That is old Kentucky.
Fearing none-feeling herself in influence and pow
er irresistible in the right cause, irresistible in de-
fence of herself she has gone on and prospered.
Where is the man of Kentucky that fears that any:
body will come here to take away our rights from
us? Our selEpossession and character are founded
upon this conscious ability to defend ourselves-that
there is none so bold as to attack US, we being in
the right, they in the wrong. ..ss,s 3 !
Now what ask again, is Kentucky to do This
is question upon which many Qua
differ IN opinion q came not Mere fo.t % -
proaeh any one for his oyioion. Icame "a argue
the f.eter with ny sllow citizens and 10 present
my vexss.6f the subjects Is. one Of the people Of
kesfncky. We should counsels together on such
occasions No MN should be entirely given up to
his opinion in such matters. He should listen with
respect to the arguments of all. 1t is the good of
the country that is at stake and the opinions Of all
should be heard and determined upon calmly and
dispassionately. If we differ it is only about the
means of advancing the interests of that country.
What will we gain by going off with this seces-
sion movement-this experimental government?-
Is it not hazardous experiment? Can seven States
well bear all the expenses that must arise out of the
maintenance of armies, of navies the expenses of a
state Of government like our own with like ex-
penses? They must have President They will
probably not give him less salary then we give
our President. They must have Congress. They
will not give their Congressman less than we give
ours They must have all the retinue, all the diff.
erent departments of government and they will
not place them, think, at less cost than we can
The army and the navy, the expense of which our
legislators frequently complain of without being
able to diminish, that they must have also. How
can these seven States defray the expenses? Is it