Bellows Falls times. [volume] (Bellows Falls, Vt.) 1856-1965, 1861-03-01

yised, with view TO ascertain II any OF
! them are in conflict with, or tend to embar-
rass or hinder the execution OF the laws oi
the United States"
To which l did assent, because 1t is re-
spectlul in its tone, pertinent to States
| South as well ms North; and because my
own State had already ordered precisely
this thing to be done before we assembled
here. Moved by her own sense of propriety,
Vermont will, in her own good time, do
whatsoever is rght-because il is right.
have not given critical attention TO what are
called personal liberty bills, fer none OF
them, nor anything else, has prevented l'he
execution of the fugitive slave law, though
repuguant to large share of the legal aud
moral sense of the country, which the
President says has been erecated ta ere'y
contested case. That cannot be said of the
neutrality laws to prevent fillibusterism, nor
Of the laws for the suppression OF the Afri-
can slave trade.
So far as the legislation of Vermont is
concerned, | think i! has been intended to
maintain her reputation as the purest
democracy in the world, the very sanctuary
OF HDtll1, ana ~ lutON alt hti III
habitants, however humble, the safeguards
of the writ Of habeS corpus and trial byjury,
as well rs TO prevent The netarious crime Of
kidnapping from being committed within
her borders.
Such laws as these are common, and
ought TO be, to all the States. They are
merely legislative authority to enforce bill
of rights dear to freemen and formidable
TO tyrants OF ly,' and stand as the flaming
sword to defend the rights Of men, as re-
eognized in all our republican constitutions,
whenever they shall be assaled.
BY the decision of the Supreme Court in
the case Of Prigs VS.. Pennsyl, ania, which
subsequent events have rendered historical,
it was decided that the master could seize
his slave as any other property, wherever
found, if there was no State law against it.
Much Of the legislation complained of was
therefore SCI in motion, to compel masters TO
resort to United States authority, aud pre-
vent the possibility Of lawleSs seizure offree
black men. In the same case, it was drcid-
ed that the legislation OF Congress excludes
all State legislation on the subject. Free
State Legislatures, therefore, very general
ly prohibited their officers from aiding or
assisting in such business. Ii this shows a
lack of comfy, ii was in pursuance of this
decision OF the Supreme Court 1t is true,
also, that the rigors of the fugitive slave act
Of 1880 multiplied and intensified such
statutes. II, however, in doing this, State
Legislatures have transcribed the object
aimed at, and any Of their statutes OF the
Constitution Of the United States which de-
clares, that mo person hell to service or
labor in one State, under the laws thereof,
escaping into another, shall, in consequence
of any law of regulation therein, be dis
charged from such service or labor" they
should be repealed without debate. 1t is
never to be forgotten, and especially not
now, that the "Constitution and the laws of
the United States, which shall be made in
pursuance thereof" is the supreme law of
the LAND" anything in the constitution or
laws Of any State the contrary notwith-
sranding."
One Of the propositions Of the committee,
as offered by the distinguished gentleman
from Massachusetts, is TO provide an amend
ment TO the Constitution which shall forbid
any passble future interference with slavery
in the States where it exists. Such, I'M
questionably, is the true meaning Of the
Constitution now. | know of no party
having the remolest intention Of giving il
any other construction. The Republican
party, of all others bound themselves in the
most solemn from by the fourth resolution
of the Chicago platform, thus:
THAT the maintenance inviolate of the
rights Of the States, and especially the
right of each State TO order and control lis
own domestic institutions according to its
own judgment exclusively. is essential to that
balance Of power on which the perfection
and endurance of our political fabric de-
ponds and we denounce the lawless nves.
ion by armed force Of the soil of any Stale
or Territory, no matter uuder what pretext,
as among the gravesi OF crimes"
That is explicit, and among cool men
would be so regarded. Unfortunately, all
men at this time are not cool. The reso-
luton unanimously adopted by this House
on the lth of February last is even more
explicit. Every member, Republicans in
elusive, for once in harmony.
"ReSolred, That neither Congress nor the
people or government ofany non-slavehold-
ing State has the constitutional right TO
legisIate upon, or interfere with, slavery in
any slaveholding State in the Union"
Surely, after this, the possibility of decep-
ton must be considered effectually throttled.
Only those who desire TO be cheated can be
cheated.
have been unwilling TO consider any
amendment to the Constitution, lest a master
work should be botched by iourneymen ;
and have tolerated the idea at this point
alone, not because | thought it necessary,
but that, if accepted as adjustment of pre-
sent difficulties, it might. by perpetuating a
part of our present Conslitution-reenact
ing it, if you perpeiuate the whole.
But have, as yet, had no assurances that
this will be taken in any larger sense than
OF good so far as it gors." To secure nv
support, it must be taken as a full and iinal
settlement. To that end, guarantees against
the heresies of secession would be indis-
pensable.
know of no one who claims or desires
the constitutional power TO interfere with
the domestic institutions of any State.
Whenever the affirmative of that doctrine
| shall be mai tanned, it will be in some re-
mote age, when all Stale rights shall have
become extinct, and the spirit Of the people
so tanned as TO be ready to submit to i'm
Z II =.