New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-01-22
THE FEDERAL CAPITAL AND MARY

While the effort Of handful Of compromiscrs
is TO see what can be done for Slavery, far
more powerful body are eager TO know what IN
this emergency can be done for Freedom. We
are, doubtless, in q crisis Of the nations fate.
But that crisis does not involve, as too many
suppose, the existence Of the Government,
nor our national greatness or prosperity. II
simply involves the relations Of Slavery and
of some Of the Slave States 10 the common
Government. But those who suppose the excls-
ion ne . oer4.;n body az thfae States will he "
tally injurious to the nation, or will lower its
prestige, or diminish its power, labor uneer a
misapprebension.
1t is not for US 10 determine, at this stage Of
events whether any such excelsior is probable,
or even possible. But there are some things
which require no CHEST 10 declare them.
Among them il this: that in no event is
the State of Maryland going to be allowed
TO sail away from the Federal Union, car
rying the capital Of that Union at her prov.
The modern rule Of the Secessionists, that Sc
cedIng State may rightiully capture all the prop.
erly Of the United States lying within limits
formerly under its jurisdiction, no matter how
for, and subsequently improved for national uses
may be convenient doctrine to preach, but that
il will be acquiesced in il not to b. believed.
The United States own their forts their arsenals,
their public buildings. everywhere. But most espe
cislly do they own their capital And the people Of
the United States will not hearken 10 u sugges.
ton Of ts surrender to any separate State, or To
e
Washington is the national capital. And so 1t
will remain until in some distant and peaceable
hereafter the whole country shall demand more
central location for it. But that is remote con.
tingency. In the present crisis, this capital will
be retained at whatever cost. Our attitude be-
tore the world demands it. We may slough of
some Slave States without injury. We cannot
surrender the capital without humiliation. Every
man must see, therefore, that it cannot and will
not be done.
If Maryland wants TO bring on the trial of
strength between the Free aud Slave States on
this question, she can do it. And If she attempts
secession, with the design Of taking Washington
to Southern Confederacy, she will do it. If
she attempt secession any way she is just about
az certain to bring on that conflict. And if that
conflict comes, Maryland will be its theater, and
its sole theater. Her soil will be the battle
ground Of contending forces, until ii is trampled
into mre and ruin. Any man may see that, un-
less he shuts his eyes and refuses to see. Who
ever might deprecate that result, or whoever
might wish 10 avoid it, would be powerless to
avert the dreadful certainty of such catastrophe.
But is IL said that in the possible event Of
separation, Maryland wants to 90 with her ssters'
Very well, then let the Free States make
her a sister. As State holding a large proper
ty in slaves, she may take counsel of her appre-
tensions and fear to remain with the Free
States. Let those apprehensiOns be removed by
a liberal offer to buy sll her slaves, and to make
q full compensation to every Shareholder who de-
sires to sell. Let us pay to Maryland twenty
millions, or forty millions Of dollars for her
slaves, no matter what the sum, and
thus ease the minds of her people on that
score. Maryland may thus doubly enrich herself.
First, by q yatt increase of her cash capital
through the sale Of her slaves. Second, by the
enhancement Of the value Of her lands to the
amount Of at least twenty dollars an acre.
through the tide Of free emigration that would at
once tet in upon the State. i
Let the same thing be done for Missouri, for
Delaware, for Arkansas and for Texas. Let us
,uy out Slavery north Of the Potomac and west