New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1861-01-12
SNen @r[aans aaiLg Grestsnt.
i SATURDAY MORNING, JANUARY IL, 1861.
SECESSION.

A|''eOiN
press, one would suppose that secession was only
another word for treason. They assert, with Vc-
henent audacity, that the Union was intended to
4 be perpetnal-that ii was never in the contenpla-
tion Of the trainers of the Constitution that the
States which entered into the Union should have
the right to withdraw They quote from the articles
Of Confederation the words perpetual Union"
emitting, however, to state that these words were
left out Of the Constitution subsequently formed,
and that the "perpetual Union " which was spoken
of ia the Articles Of Confederation, far from being
pe1petaag, lasted only a very few years. If the
States, under the articles Of confederation, could
break up a perpetual Union, why may they not do
tile same under the Constitution, where nothing is
said about the Union being perpetual?
But is the claim of the right Of secession such
new thing that Abolitionism must needs raise its
( hands in such holy horror at it? Not at all. On
the contrary, it was right claimed by some of the
fraiiers Of the Constitution itself, and something
about which tho States were SO scrupuous that
some Of them took the earliest opportunity, as
soon after the adoption Of the Constitution as they
saw this right in danger of being overshadowed
and nuliied by the Federal Government, to declare
by solemn resolutions of their General Assemblies
the same principles upon this subject that they
have ever since maintained and defended-the doc
trine Of State Rights and State Sovereignty. We
refer, Of course, to the celebrated Virginia and
Kentucky Resolutions of 1873 and 49, In less than
ten years after the Constitution went into opera
tion these two States made it their special business
I'd assert this right in order that there might be no
mistake about it so far as they were concerned,
and the resolutions adopted at that time have been
cherished and defended ever since as expressive Of
the position held by the States of the Union to-
wards the Central Federal Government
What were those resolutions? We quote first
from the Virginia resolutions, the third of the
series:
g. That this Assembly does explicitly and peremp'
toriIy declare, that it views the powers OF the
Federal Government, as resulting from the com
pact to which the States are parties, as limited ny
The plain sense and intention of the instrument
constituting that cOmpact-as no further valid thar
they are authorized by the grants enumerated II
that compact; and that IN case of q deliberate
IGlDdbts and daa1eFd1S exercise Of Other p0'ceTS
moi granted bythe said compact, the States 11',o az,
parties thereto, haze the 'tght nnG are m o"t
bGuBa to tnterpose, for arTesting The progress O
q NE eGH, and for nlGintntng 1cihih Nteir respect
ige limits the authorities, rights and liberties aPPe
4 htigtd1t to them.
Language could not well be palmer than that
IL expressly asserts the right of the States II
maintain, zcit1tls their respective H0lds" the re
served rights belonging to them, whenever there !
as deliberate, palpablc and dangerous exercise
of unauthorized powers by the Federal Govern
rnent.
Tie Kentucky resolutions are fuller, and
possible-still more emphatic. The draft OF ther
was prepared by Thomas Jefferson himself. W
quote The first of the series:
Resozped That the several States composiD
the Uaited States of America are not united on tn
principles Of unlimited submission 10 TIE 1ener9
ioUerHnae1t; but that by compact under the styl
# and title Of Constitution for the United States
and of amendments thereto, they constituted
general government for special purposes, delegate
to that government certain definite powers, reserN
ing each State TO itself the residuary mass of rigt
to their own selt-government, and that whensoeYe
the general government assumes undelegated pow
ers, its acts are unanthoritative, void and OF n
force; that to this compact each State acceded a
Il Stale and is an integral party; that this gover
ment, created by this compact, was not made III
~ exclusive or final judge Of the extent of the poy
M ers delegated to itself since that would have mac
a its discretons and not the Constitution, the me
5 sure of its powers; but, that as in all other cas
al Sof compact among parties having no comtnt
M iudge, each party has an equal right TO Judge i
Itself as rel as Of attractions as Of the mode az
5# measures of redress.
#@ There can be no mistakirg such declarations
81 hese The claim is distinctly asserted, first tn
@ he States are not united on the principles Of 'n
l tmted submission the clear inference fro
W fiieh Is that there is '' limit " to their subm
= fon, and they then not bound to submit ii th
Ehoose to do otherwise. Then is affirmed that ea
Nate went into the Union " as a Stnte," and IS
HeGrdln part of the Union-that is, that no Sta
frenders her individuality by going into t.
zion, but retains the right of State sovereignty
spect of everything not specifically granite
f, ktly, the right to recall even the granted powe
to resume absolute and unqualified sovereign
5eclared in the closing clause Of the resolutic
q ~, III Ia i15r
I gf, as well of " i1g1'acttons" of the comm
Il Aact Of the Constitution as Of the "nl0de a
4sure of redress ~
IA Aus. then the doctrine Of State sovereignty
som being something new, is as old MS the Ct
S Zion itself-in fact older. And these reso
II were only the offspring Of the jealousy W
u n the States guarded the right; so fearful W.
|asaA that the Federal Government would acqu
A9wer to oycrslaugh the States in their soy
- Capacities as such, respectively.
fen in the Articles of Confederation, the Fl
Hration, after procaiming the name and t.
I, confederation, is that " each State retains
.eignty, freedom and independence"
se claim of the right of secession is not o
q new claim but it is one derived from
Editions, as we'll as the mode, by which each
sidual State ratified the Federal Compact.
Anrt the opposite to declare that the States
I, bound to the Union under all circumstan
Fever, and for all time, no matter under W
,itions of oppression, tyranny and disgrs
destroy the very basis of Republican libe
Freedom.
Ie conclude this article with an extract fl
.S I. Fillmore's speech in 1856 to the people
~ few York, in which he admits the justification
a disruption of the Government under prec
N lie circumstances that have now occurred:
EilIard Fillmore, when candidate against
i mont, said
We see a political party presenting candid
for the Presidency and Vice.Presidency seet
for the first time from the free States alone, '
the avowed purpose of electing those candid
by the suffrages of one part of the Union only
An rule over the whole United States. Can 1t be
sible that those who are engaged in such mea
have seriously reflected upon the consequel
which must inevitably follow in case of succ
Can they have the madness or folly to supl
that our Southern brethren would submit tC
governed by such Chief Magistrate?
y
Suppose that the South, having majorit.
@ the electoral votes, should declare that they W
only have Shareholders for President and
President and should select such by their e2
siye suffrages to rule over us at the North.
YOU think we would submit to it? No, not
moment And do you believe that your Sout
brethren are less sensitive on this subject than
1 ~, ,r /, ,ny, - oh tiSy IL