Richmond daily Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1842-1861, 1861-02-19

gaJ sInslc member ns7 b, bis slmplo II object, iss
train The whole House.
But sections were not known to our fathers Tho Con-
slitution made for people. Now, have tpo In
all cave the outward signs and symbols Of separate
tionsues. The Constitution made for people with
out sectional aDmosities social anagonsms. But here
sectional anmosties and social antagonisms
pant; consequently the Constitution is, affords nc
protection to the mnorites against the sectional animo
ties of political factions"
Mr. Calhoun, foreseeing the tendency Of the people ia
range themselves in anagonism according to geogra
phcalne proposed Dual Executive. Latterly various
other plans have been proposed for the security OF the
minority section as for instance, the equazing the
States so that each section shall have the same vote il
the there Senator Hunters pan as de
veloped in his speech last month in the Senate there
Is Roanes plan set forth in late number Of De Bows
Revew:-and Holcombes plan by dividing the Senate
into sections "Where there is will there is way, ant
there is no lack Of plans
Perhaps this plan may be good as any No bill shall
become law against whch-Senators shall, on oatf
or honor enter their protest. on the grounds Of its un
friendly or prejudicia bearings upon their section. Sup
pose the blank be filled up with "a majority; then Nr
gna may hereafter participate in the legislation OF tt
country without any fear of the tyranny of the worst
all maortes-a sectional majority
Even upon this plan of adjustment Virginia will fine
herself with sectional majority of twothifds of bott
Houses against her and and her side.
Six States have already seeded This supposing nc
TO 60, and, at least, more probably will
leaves the South with but Is against IS votes in the Sen
ate and 80 against 4S in the House Now, without some
such power of elfprotection from unequal laws the
South far the prevention of any unfrendy legisla
ton is concerned might well consent at once 10 dis
franchise herself in the National Councils, for the North
whenever it may choose to act as section or in mass
will have the power pass any bill against the South and
even over the head of the President with his Pre-
sent absent the result would be all the Same to the mi
nority in such case for the South would be perfectly
helpless and at the mercy of any faction that may com
bine in the North against her.
IL is difficult il is futile to elucidate by any process
of reasoning proposition that is palpably true. Within
this category the necessity OF this veto power to the
South il strikes candid with the force OF sine qua
non in any plan Of REIMBURSEMENT in the Union.
Thus arranging the classes of the ultimatum for the
North in numerical ordsr as TO Importance, we have the
first Of them
The second relates to the public lands and ia almost
essential the future quiet of the sections in the Union
as the first
Suppose for the sake of illustration, that conditions
reversed; that there 10 slave States with l4S
votes in the House. and Is Free States with 90 votes.
Suppose these 10 slave States had raised the cry Of 'no
Free States" proclaimng ''irrepressbe conflict
with all Of autagonisms against the North had d.
vded the country by geographical line and holsed a
sectional flag under par sans pledged to crush out free
labor in the free States and to exclude from the terri
tories.
Would not the North If circumstances changed
assert her rights to the property and call for
division of the notwithstanding to be peaceaby allow
ed to manage her own in her own Way have greatly
mistaken the spirit Of The Northern people it they would
demand less than ths-what they demand, we require
no more, no less.
IL is not enough to divide the territories by parallel
OF latitude and decree that slavery may does exist on
side and shall not the other for the majority sec
ton having the power make the laws and to dispose Of
the public lands, will have the power also to shape the
destiny of the States both sides by directing the
policy Of the government so as TO exclude the Southern
people with their servants from side merely
jOurners.
The territories il merely left in the status of free and
slave on the statute book will not fail TO be fruitful
Of difficulties between the sections Therefore each
section should have the entire control of the public lands
in its portion OF the territory The expenses OF bringing
them INTO market might perhaps be betrayed Gu: OF
common fund, if need be-
This arrangement and an amendment to the Consttu-
ton giving each section the entire control in Congress
OF legislation its own would forever put at any
further d liculty about the territories
This exclusive control may be effected by giving all
bills relating to the public lands in the territories when
supported by majority in both Houses Of the section 10
rhieh the territory belongs, the force Of iao Whsn ap
proved By The President.
Tae third aud las. clause of the udmatum relates to
the "Guesio eeTaid" and it is simply Hands of"
cept 10 prevent the African slave trade and afford do
mes c slavery the protection to which it is entitled un-
der the present provisions of the Constitution. Mr..
Cnttendens proposition, that of the Border States,
would 10 all needful requirements under this
head What would Virginia gain-what lose, by adopt
ing such course Answer Gain in any event, lose in
none.
With an utimatum based upon any such terms and
sent through the proper channels to the people Of the
North Virginia would if it be rejected place here II
in better post for the next step If it be accepted
then there ia an eud of the matter Tor the present
say for the present. for in of acceptance, the
work Of re-consiructOn-of calling back the seeded
States into the Union wait time and events. Il
is too late now. Those States will not upon the
terms here suggested, come back into the Union yet
awhile.
Why they probably would not, and the vantage ground
which Virginia would gain in of the rejection Of her
umatum will form the subject Of discussion in No D.
IN. F."