Brownlow's weekly Whig. [volume] (Knoxville, Tenn.) 1861-1861, 1861-08-31

bY Washington himself Hear what he Gays
In BIS farewell address. " is there doubt
whether . common Government can embrace
90 large Iphefel Let experience solve H.
To listen 70 mere Expectations n sach q case
were erimlnal. We are aathefissd 10 hape
that proper organlzallonof the whole,.with
the auxiliary agency OF governments for the
respective subdiSisions, viii afford happy
issae 10 the experiment.. With such power
fol and obvious motives TO Union, affecting
all parts Of our country, while experience
shall not have demonstrated its impractical
bility. there will always be reason 10 distrnst
the patriotism of those who, In any quarter,
may endeayor to weaken its banda.
The experiment hgs been made, the doubt
is solved, experience has demonstrated the
impraeticahiiity Of embracing the slayeheld-
Ing and -siaveholding States in a common
government; seven States have withdrawn
from the Union, and In the exercise Of their
separate sovereignty have formed a new
Union, and all The otherSiaveholding States
have threatened 10 Withdraw iftheir Northern
eonfederates refuse to enter into q new bond,
with satisfactory guarantees for the future
But, not withstanding All these. evidences of
the actual dissolution of the Union our fathers
formed, and the impraeticability of ernbrac-
ing the two sections in = common government,
many of you, with faith exceeding the
faith Of your fathers, believe that the Union
and the Constitution was sonsecrated as the
temple of liberty, sacred and holy in the
sight of GOO aud, like the Ark of the Cove
uant the special object Of His care and pro-
lection, under all circumstances, for all time
10 come. You say the Union is not yet dis
solved; yua admit that Ii Is in danger that
seven States have already seeded; that they
have organized q provisional government;
that they have solemnly announced to the
world their determination TO maintain theif
independence upon the same great principles
upon which our fathers fought in the Ameri-
can revolution. But you yet hope, in vain,
that the tyrannieal majority of the North will
relent that they viii yield something to the
spirit Of compromise that when they shall
have become firmly seated in the long-eoveted
places Of power, they will deal gently and
kindly with US, If We will meekly acQuiescs
in their assumed superiority, and lend them
our cooperation in restoring the Government
to its Anciert principles of hostility to our
peculiar Institution, and protection to their
peculiar interests. You say the seeded
States have acted precipitateIy, and without
sufficient cause that they have been precipi-
tated into revolution, in opposition to the viii
OF the people, by ambitious, seheming poll
tieiRns. who were determined 10 rule or ruin
the country. This, my friends, is great mis-
take. The seeded States, in my opinion,
will never revoke their decree Of separation
from the non-slayehelding States, and fery-
emily pray that they never will. | can speak
for the State of Mississippi with confidence,
for ( have personal knowledge Of the po-
liticsl struggles through which she has pass
ID F.Et ho Las ~ af k.tPu aaA
sore YOU that her people have not beea forced
Z o( the Union by the politicians. have
never been politician, and have no motive
to defend any man or class Of men against
charges founded in truth and justice but
feel it to be ny duty 10 defend the politicians
Of Mississippi against the charges which many
Of you believe 10 be true.
Ia 1850 was citizen Of Mississippi, and
q jealous Union man. At that day thought
we had q Union TO save, and | thought its
salvation was worth an eAort-but ! was
wrong. was self-deceired, as many of you
are now, by my habituRl reverence for the in
situations established by our Revolutionary
fathers, who periled everything bat honor in
asserting and maintaining the great American
idea of State sovereignty as the fundamental
principle Of political liberty, which ! stand
here tonight TO defend againstthe tyranny of
Black Republican consolidationism, as pro-
claimed by Lincoln in his serpentinejourney-
ing to the seat OF his usurped central power.
] thought then as you think now, that the
politicians of the South we're 10 blame, and ]
thought il my duty TO do all could 10 per-
ssade the people of Mississippi 10 disregard
the warnings Of Quitman, Davis, and host
OF others who then saw, as now see, that the
spirit of the Union our fathers formed was
fast dying out beneath the shade Of Black
and that Ia few short years
the Government of the United States would |
derive all SIS power from the elements Of hos- |
tility to our Southern institutions.
Ia my zeal for the Uaion, reviewed with |
some severity many of the documents which !
the Southern-rights party scattered broadcast
over the State, and demonstrated 90 the sat
of all Union men that the leaders Of |
the Soulhern-rights party were disunionisis |
per ss. ! am now convinced that was mis-
the charge was unjust.
Gev. Quitman, In his message 20 the Legis- /
laturs, November 18th, 1850, recommended |
that Mississippi, alone, or in connection with |
ether States, should demand Of Congress the !
redress of specific grievances, aud Of the |
North, or non-slsveboldlng States, an amend /
msnr Of the Constitution of the United States |
10 give her security against threatened ag- /
gressious and in the event Of failure to |
obtain the redress and security thus demand
ed he recommended q Tie protApt aud peaceful /
,teessioa Of the aggriepsd States.n And for this
demand, be aud the Southern party of Mis-
sissippi were denounced as disnnioaisfs, per
IT," If Gov. Qaitmsh had been endoyed with
he gift of prophecy, he could BOT have fore
Iold more clearly than be did, what has since
aud now, after Il is too late, even
The a Bsrdsy STATES have been aroused TO
perception Of the ruin into which abolition
anaiicisfn zauid enantnh them and the usost