Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-12-30
6tItaraablt sltns.
from Washinaran.

eminent and Great Britain relative 10 the seizure
OF the traitors Mason and Slidell is received The
first is letter from Secretary Seward to Minis
Adams, dated November 30th, in which he COM
pliments the latter for wisely speaking and act
ing at the Lord Mayors banquet, and also states
he told Lord Palmerston simply the fact when
informing him the life of the insurrection WAS
sustained by the hopes. OF its recognition by Eng
land and France, and II these hopes ceased the
Instruction would perish in ninety days
He repeats in the same note the fact OF the
rest of Slidell and Mason BY Capt. Wilkes
new and unforeseen circumstance which is TO be
met by the two Governments if possible in kindly
spirits.
Lord Lyons said nothing on the subject, and no
explanations were furnished to Minister Adams,
it being deemed prudent that the ground taken
by the British Government should first be made
known here and discussion be had here; but Sec
rotary Seward deemed it proper to state that
Capt. Wilkes acted without instructions, and
the subject therefore, is free from the embarrass
ments which might have ensued il the act had
been specially directed He trusts the British
Government viii consider the subject IN friendly
temper, and it may expect the best disposition on
our part.
The next letter is from the Earl Russell to
Lord Lyons, dated Nov. 30, which details the
Trent affair.
He says that it thus appears that certain midi
viduals have been forcbly taken from a British
vessel, the shipof neutral power, and on a law
full and innocent voyage.
An act of violence, which was an affront to
the British fag and violation of international
law. Her Majestvs Government are willing to
believe that the act without authority and re
suited from u misunderstanding; as the Govern
ment of the United States must be fully aware
the British Government would not allow such
affront to the national honor to pass without full
a. D.,
ling to believe that the United States deliberately
intended, unnecessarily, to force a discussion of
so grave question between the two Govern
ments.
Her Majesty's Government trusts that the Gov
eminent of the United States will, of its own ac-
cord, offer such redress as alone could satisfy
them, viz: the liberation of the four persons, and
their delivery to Lord Lyons, that they may
again be placed under British authority. and
suitable apology for the aggression committed.
Should these terms not be ofFAred by Mr.. Sew
ard, you will propose them to hun.
Mr. Seward replies TO Lord Lyons by whom he
was furnished copy of Earl Russell's letter,
stating the dispatch has been submitted to the
President.
Mr. Seward states that the British Government
rightly conjectured what is now my duty to state,
that Capt. Wilkes acted upon his own sugges
tons of duty without any direction or instruction
Government. No directions bad been given him
or any other naval officer to arrest the four per-
sons or any of them on the Trent or other British
vessel or any neutral vessels there or elsewhere.
After discussing the whole subject at great
length, in all its bearings, Mr. Seward says:
g ] trust i have shown, to the satisfaction of
the British Government. by a very simple and
natural statement of facts, and analysis of law
applicable to them, that this Government has
neither meditated, nor practiced, nor approved
any deliberate wrong in the transactions to which
they have called its attention, and, on the con-
trary, that what has happened has been simply
an inadvertency consisting of departure by the
naval officer free from any wrongful motive, from
a rule uncertainty established, and probably By
the several parties concerned, either imperfectly
understood or entirely unknown. For this error
the British Government has a right to expect the
same reparation that we as an independent State
should expect from Great Britain, or from any
other friendly nation in similar case.
j have not been unaware that in examining
this question, have fallen into an argument for
what seems to be British side OF it against my
own country, but am relieved from all embar
rassment on that subject. / had hardly fallen
into that line of argument, when | discovered
that was really defending and maintaining not
exclusively British interests, but an old honored
and cherished American cause, not upon British
authorities, but upon principles that constitute a
large portion of the distinctive policy by which
the United States have developed the resources
of continent, and thus become a considerable
maritime power, and won the respect and conf
dence of many nations.
These principles were laid down for us by
James Madison in 1904, when Secretary of State
under jefferson, in his Instructions to James
Monroe, our then Minister to England.
Mr.. Seward says, after quoting these instruc-
tons:
If decide this case in favor of my own Gov
eminent must disavow its most cherished prn-
ciples, release and reverse, and forever abandon
its essential policy. The country cannot afford
the sacrifice. If maintain these principles and
adhere to that policy, must surrender the case it.
self. Ii will be seen, therefore, that this Govern
ment could not deny the justice of the claim
presented, that of doing to the British Nation
just what we always insisted all nations ought to
do to us. In coming to my conclusion have
not forgotten that, if the safety of this Union
required the detention of the prisoners, it would
be done; it would be the right and duty of this
Government to detain them; but the effectual
check and waning proportions of the existing
instruction well as the comparative unimport.
ance of the captured persons themselves when
dispsssonately weighed, happily forbid me from
resorting to that defence; nor am unaware that
American citizens in any to be unneces-
sarially surrendered, for any purpose, into the
keeping of foreign state. Only the captured per-
sons, however, others who interested in
them could justly raise question on that ground.
1t would tell little for our own claims to the
character of a just and msgnanmous people, if
We should so tar consent to be guided by the law
of retaliation as to lift up buried injuries against
national consistency and national conscience
Putting beyond me all suggestions of thus kind,
| prefer to express my satisfaction that by the
adjustment Of the present case, upon principles
confessedly American, and yet, as / trust, mu
tually satisfactory to both nations concerned. q
question is finally and rightly settled between
them which heretofore exhausting not only all
forms of peaceful discussions, but also the arbit
rament of war itself, for more than half cen
fury aenated the two countries from each other,
and perpexed with fears and apprehensions all
other nations. The four persons in question are
now held in military custody at Fort Warren, in
the State of Massachusetts,. They will be cheer.
fully liberated Your Lordship will please indi-
cate time and place for receiving them.
Irenew my assurance of my very high consid-
WASHINGTON, Dec. 2s.-Tbe decision of the
President in the Trent affair, as announced and
explained in the dispatch of Secretary Seward
has the approval Of every member of the Cabi
net.
), The IntelIigcncer in an article apparently semi.
official says:
Whatever may be the disappointment of any
at the result to which the Administration has
come to in settling question which constitution
ally devolved upon the Executive ofthe Govern
ment, we are sure that all win applaud the firm
ness and sincerity of the Administration. In
conclusion, therefore, whatever may be said BY
any in the way ofexception to the extreme term:
OF the demands made by the British in the cast
Of the Trent, it is at least just to admit that the
case has been so adjusted by our Government q!
to subserve, we would hope, the great cause oil
neutral rights against the assumptions beretofor,
asserted by England but now repudiated by thu
power in common with France and the Unitet
States.