Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-05-09

ally, Of course, but through misapprehen-
siou--.iBjust 70 the people Of that State, in
having underestimated their loyalty TO the
Union, and point us TO the result Of the last
Saturdays election as evidence that our
views are erroneous.
We suspect that II we were to Sit down
. with any Of these gentlemen and discuss
Freely all tho aspects Of the case, they would
ind themselves not disagreeing with US 80
widely as they have supposed. Tho writer
cf newspaper articles is obliged to take the
stand, point of to- day, as he understands the
circumstances, and avail himself Of such aids
As reflection, experience and history afford,
In coming to his conclusions. If the ele-
anents that should enter into his cal
culation are many, he will be in
danger of overlooking some OF them; in
which case, however honest and earnest he
may be, the results TO which he arrives viii
be, at best, but approximations. This is
equally the case with those who converse;
And In our conferences with individuals we
more frequently find those who have viewed
The matter in only one aspect-vand that
ihrough the medium Of their own personal
leelings-than who have permitted their
lnental vision 10 take a wider range, and
excluded from the computation all that ap.
pertains to their own immediate person.
hIty.
The great fact of the present condition, not
only in Kentucky but elsewhere, and as
much certainly in Kentucky as elsewhere, is
pAdrchy Of opinion. Men do not know what
20 think; and are, in reality, ignorant of
tbeir own opinions: that is to say, they
bave no opinions. We find men, in the
course of the same conversation, expressing
with the utmost positiveness, views that are
entirely at variance with each other. They
re not to blame for it, because they do not
Lnow it: in fact, their conclusions are all
Provisional, and vary as the shadows of the
landscape vary with the changes that the at
nosphere is undergoing. The anarchy Of
he times is reflected in the popular mind.
4 We do not knew that which we are, much
less what we shall be; )" and we are depend
ent upon events that are yet to happen for
VI the permanent opinions that we are to
hcquire.
Kentucky has voted strongly upon the
ide opposed to Secession. That this is, in a
temporary point of view, an important
eyent is undeniable. 1t will have its iuflu-
snce to preserve peace, or to limit the field
u warlike operations. 1t will have moral
1ect upon the leaders of the Southern
ovementl to vary their policy, and to dis
abcline them, for the present, to undertake
be risks of an offensive war; but that it
i'll be the means of permanently fixing the
tdtus of Kentucky, is matter upon which
7 will be safe to doubt. When we say that
entucky is safe for the Union, we mean for
be present. Her loyal, thinking men have
( pade stand, and have succeeded in keeping
be uneasy and unthinking masses with them.
hey have even made the show of pretty
krong current of popular enthusiasm for the
Mon. Still we can not but look upon the
present condition of Kentucky as provisional
hereby. Several causes have combined to
produce it: its want of arms and warllke
Munitions; the universal rallying Of the
forth to the support of the Government,
md the preparation for whatever may come
ghich it is exhibiting along the line of the
Dbio; and the hesitation now so apparent in
be movements of the Confederate forces and
Ne lowering of the tone of the Southern
gans. The vote, in short, rather shows
pat Kentucky is not ready to go out, than
bat she is determined to stay in; and so, it
best for all parties that it should be under
hood.
Kentucky will do right to await-if she
kn--the result of the war, and take time to
etermine her position afterward. War is
ot a necessary concomitant of Secession or
revolution; and had not heleaders of the
recession movement cherished schemes of
pnquest, under the impression that the party
visions throughout the North would render
powerless to resist the progress of their
rms, there would, at this time, have been
symptoms Impending hostility. To con-
Der, reduce and annex the North, rebuild
B the nationality upon the Southern basis,
ps the original idea of the Secessionist
lders-a plan which was not without its
ends in the free States, and which had its
gaps more or less openly committed, both
Ohio and elsewhere.
This idea, the attitude instantly assumed
the North, on the occurrence of the first
Fcible act, has been, to appearance, aban-
bned and the heads of the Oonfsderacy, a
" weeks ago making no secret of their
Termination to overthrow the National
overnment and overrun the States that
fused to comply with their requirements,
Dw seek to excuse their appearance in mill
ry array, upon the ground of the necessity
defend their own homes and 6resides from
invasion which they profess to believe is
ntemplsted.
Out of any war which the arrogance, law
ssness and impudence of the South may be
means of exciting, Kentueky-if she
ln-will do well to keep. But the ques-
Cn Is: Can she keep out The
volutiOnists of France preeipitated
the countries Of Europe into revolutions
hey sent abroad their armies to fraternize
ith the turbulent masses of those countries
no rose in revolt at their instigatiOn, and
ded them to overthrow their governments.
bis example has not been probably lost
pom the Southern leaders A few thousand
en- thrown into Kentucky will furnish a
tiying point for those who, the other day,
pied for Secession, and those who voted
ainst II to conceal their real sentiments,
ID those who reffained from voting; and
most in as short time as it takes "a
late it, the work may be accomplished.
Kentucky has-Yith many citizens whose
yalty b above all praise--mAny whoss
arts are with the Oonfederacy, and who
pg 70 embark and take share in It's for.
pes. of this kind is the Governor, ant
3 leaders of the pOpulaee--the most active