Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1861-10-02
Fremonrs Proclamaton-ItsE Effect.

The TeTe Haute Express Republican, has the
following comments upon the recent proclama-
ton of Gen Fremont:
We are not prepared to concede that the mill
fary authority over slaves is so extensive to
bring them within the rule OF Gen. Fremont, nor
are we exactly willing to deny it-because it is
question that requires more consideration than
we have yet been able to give TO it. If our mill
tary commanders have the right to declare the
slaves OF all disloyal masters free at once-may
1t not be carried far to free all the slaves
in the rebel States? Practically, all the citizens
of those States, except portions of Western Vir-
ginia, Eastern Tennessee, and few in North
Carolina, are in rebellion. They either openly
resist the authority of the Governments, or acqui-
esce in resistance to it, and thereby contribute
towards the maintenance of the rebe' Govern
ment- Hence, il is easy te see that as she army
marches into these States, the power exercised by
General Fremont may he easily employed TO abol-
ish slavery in all of them Now. although this
might be proper and just punishment for the re-
beli0n, yet there Is clearly constitutional pow
er TO do IL. Nor can we, at present, see where
the military power is. Ii the rebel States were
foreign nation, and not united to US By Consti-
tuition, then the power might go so far. But
they are not, and we have tor this very reason,
refused to recognize them as belligerants, in the
sense of the law Of nations. The Constitution
therefore, still existing over them well as US,
is, as it now appears to as, protection TO all
their rights OF property except only as they are
forfeited by war. Ii the slaves are employed
against the Government, then the punishment of
the master. properly fixed by law, is the loss of
his service: here the power operates upon
property employed to support and maintain the
rebellion. But If the negro is not employed. he
is not brought within the reach of the war power
unless we treat him rs mere property, like horses
anu cows, and not a person. This, appre-
hend, but few of readers ready to
cele. But these are questions which we prefer
to examine before discussing. and in the mean
time, content ourself with the conviction that,
whatever the line Of distinction between the civil
and military power, the safer course to be pur
sued is that adopted by the President, because
this keeps the Government within the rule laid
down by the act of Congress. The Constitution
airi the law must be our guide whether in peace
or ,gar, and whenever we have come to consider
the relation between the loyal and disoyal States
governed only by the laws of war established
as between hostile and foreign nations, we will
then have recognized them as a separate power,
and invited other Governments to do the same
by the fact Of looking 10 the law of nations and
not the Constitution guide We must
tread carefully upon the ground where We now
stand There is pfecipice just before US. beyond
which we can not safely 60 On this side of IL
we know there is no danger Beyond all is un-
certainty. We should be slow to remove the am
cient landmarks which our Fathers have set.