Civilian & telegraph. [volume] (Cumberland, Md.) 1859-1875, 1861-12-12

born, and thenceforward continually, L cannot
but think we are still his debtors. / submit,
therefore, for your consideration what further
mark of recognition is duo to him and ourselves
rs grateful people.
With the retirement of Gen. Scott came the
executive duty of appointing in his stead
General in Chief of the army. 1t is n fortunate
circumstance that neither in person nor country
was there, SO far as 1 know, any difference Of
opinion as to the proper person to be selected.
The retiring chief repeatedly expressed his
judgment in favor of Gen. Mcclellan tor tho
position and in this tho nation seemed to give
an unanimous concurrence. The designation CT
Gen. Mcclellan is, therefore, in n considerable
degree the selection of the country as well as OF
the Executive, and hence there is better reason
to hope there will be given him the confidence
and cordial support thus by fair implication
promised, and without which he cannot with so
full efficiency servo the country.
1t has been said that one bad General is bet
ter than two good ones, and the saying is true,
Of late, to mean no more than that an army is
better directed by single mind, though often
inferior, than by two superior on es at variance
and cross purposes with each other, and the
same is true in all joint operations wherever
those engaged can have but common end in
view, and can differ only as to tho choice OF
means. In n storm q sea no one on board can
wish the ship to sink, and yet unfrequently all
go down together because too many will direct
and no single mind can be allowed to control.
It continues to develop that the nsurrection
is levying if not exclusively n war upon the first
principles of popular Government and the rights
Of tho people. Conclusive evidence is found in
tho most grave and naturally considered public
documents, as we'll as in the general tone of the
insurgents. In these documents we find the
abridgment of the existing right of suffrage and
the denial of the people of oil rights to partic-
pate in the selection of public officers, except
the legislative boldly advocated with labored
Al, 1oft t,n
people iu Government is the source of all politi-
cal evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes limited
ut rs possible refuge from the power of tho
people, In my present position could scarcely
BIO justified were / to omit raising warning
voice against this approach of returning despo-
tism. tits not needed nor fitting, here, that a
general argument should DO made in favor of
popular institutions. But there is one point,
with it's connections, not hacknied as most
others, to which ask brief attention. 1t is
the effort to place capital on an equal footing
with it, if not above, labor, in the structure of
government
II is assumed that labor is available only in
connection with capital; that nobody labors,
unless somebo ly else, owning capital, somehow
by the use of it induces him to labor. This as
sumed, it is next considered whether it is best
that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce
them to work by their own consent, or buy
them and drive them to it without their con-
scnt2
Having proceeded so far it is naturally con-
cudcd that nil laborers are either hired laborers
or what we call slaves. And further, 1T is as
sumed that whoever is once hired laborer is
fixed in that condition for life. Now there is no
such relation between capital and labor as as.
sumed nor is there any such thing as FREQ
man being fixed for life in tho condition of n
hired laborer. Both these assumptions are
false, and all differences from them are ground
less. Labor is priorto and Independent of cap
ital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and
could never have existed if labor had not first
existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and
deserves much tho higher consideration. Capital
has its rights, which are rs worthy of protection
as any rights, nor is it denied that there is and
probably always will be, relation between Ia
Dor md capital, producing mutual benefits Tho
error is in assuming that the whole labor OF the
community exists within that relation. A few
mon own capital, and that few avoid labor them
selves, and, with their capital, hire or buy an
other few to labor for them.
A large majority belong to neither class,
neither work for others, nor have otheri work
ing for them. In most of the Southern States
. majority of the whole people of all coors arc
neither slaves nor masters, while In the North
ern, q large majority are neither hirer nor hirad
Men with their families, wives, sons and daugh
ters, work for themselves on their farms, in
their houses, and their sh BPS, taking the whole
product to themselves, and asking no fnyors OF
capital on tho on, hand, nor of hired laborers
or slaves on the other.
It is not forgotten that considerable number
of persons mingled their own labor With capital
that is, they labor with their own hands, and
also buy or hire others to labor for them; but
this is only mixed, and not distinct class
No principle stated is disturbed by the exist
cnce of this mixed class.
Again, MS has already been said, there is not,
of necessity, any such thing as the free hired
Ioborar heinu Gyel to that condition for life.
Many independent men. everywhere in the
States n few years back in their lives wcro hired
laborers. The provdent, penniless beginner In
the world labors for wages awhile, saves u sur
plus with which to buy tools or land for himself,
then labors on his own account another while,
and Mt length hires another new beginner to
help him.
This is the just, and generous and prosperous
svstom which opens tho way to all, gives hope to
all. and consequent energy and progress and
Improvement to all. No men living are moro
worthy to be trusted than those who toll up from
poverty-none less inclined to take or touch
aueht which they havo not honestly earned. Let
them beware of surrendering political power
which they already possess, and which, II sur
rendered will surely be used to close tho door OF
advancement against such as they, and H. new
disabilities and burdens upon them till all oil
liberty shall be lost.
From the first taking of tho national census
10 the last are seventy years, and we find our
population at the end Of the period eight times
Ms great as it was at the beginning. The in
crease of those other things which men deem
desirable has been even greater.
We thus have at one view what the popular
principle applied to Government through tho
machinery of tho States and the Union has pro-
duced in given time, and also what, II fairly
maintained, it promises for the future.
There are already among us those, who, If the
Union BIO preserved, will 1.-Two to see it contain
Csc, OO0, 900. The struggle of to-day is not alto
gother for to-day; it is for vast future also.
With reliance on Providence, all the more firm
and earnest, let US proceed on the great task
which events have devolved upon us.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.