Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-12-10

The DESIGNATION of Gen. Mcclellan is. there fore,
in considerable degree the selection of the coun>
trv "a well as of the Executive and hence there is
better reason to hope there Will be given him the
confidence and cordial support thus by fair impli-
cation promised, and without which he cannot with
so full efficiency; serve the country 1t has been
said that ore bad general is better than two good
ones; and the saying is true If taken to- mean that
an army is better directed by single mind, though
inferior, than By two superior ones at variance and
cross purposes; and the same is true ir al Joint
operations, wherein those engaged can have none
but common end in view, and can differ only IS
to the choice of means. In q storm at sea- no one
on board can wish the ship to sink and net unfre-
quently all go down together, because too many
will direct, and no single will can be allowed to-
control. 81. reeGeis o--s- s' 1acsr li-l
1t continues to deYelope that the insurrection is
largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the first.
principle OF popular government-the rights of the
people. Conclusive evidence of this is fouaded on
the most grave and maturely considered public
documents, as well as in the general tone of the In
surgents. In these documents we find the abridg-
ment of the existing right of suffrage and the denial
to the people of all right to participate in the eecS
ton of public officers except the Legislative body
advocated with abored arguments to prove that the
large control of the government in the people is the
source of all political evil. Monarchy itself, is
sometimes limited st as possible refuge from the
power of the people. I-Eitsr yT1lt1J s.T Re
In my present position could scarcely be jutihed
|
proach Of returning tespotism. It ia not needed,
nor fitting here that general argument should be
made in favor Of popular institutions but there is
enc point with its connections not so hackBeyed as
most others, to which TASK brief attention. 1t is
the effort to place capital on equal footing if not
above labor in the structure of the government.
1t Is assumed that labor is valuable only in con-
nection with capital; that nobody labors unless
somebody else owning capital some how, by use of
it, induces him to labor.
al is
best that capital shall hire lsberers and induce
them to work by their own consent, or buy Them
and drive then to it without their consent.
Having proceeded go far, it is naturally conelud-
ed that al laborers either hired laborers, or
what we call slaves; and further, it is assumed
condition for life. How there is no such relation
between capital and labor as assumed nor is there
any such thing as a freeman being fixed for life in
the condition of hired laborer.
Both of these assumptions are false and all infer
ences from them are groundless. Labor is prior
to and independent OF capital. Capital il only the
fruit of labor and could never have existed if labor
had not first existed. Labor is the superior of cap
ital aud deserves much the higher consideration.
Capital has its rights, which worthy of pro-
teciioa SIS any other rights, nor is it denied that
there is and probably always will be a relation
between labor and capital producing mutual benz
efts.
The error is in assuming that the whole labor of
the community exists within that relation.
! A few men have capital, and those few avoid la
bor and with their capital hire or buy few to la
Dor for them. A large me ority belong to neither
class-neitheF werk for others nor have others to
| work for them.
In most Of the Southern States a majority of the
| whole people Of all coors are neither slaves nor
masters, while in the Northern States large ma
iority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their
families, wives, and daughters work for them
selves on their farms in their houses and in their
shops, taking the whole product to themselves and
asking no favors of capital on the hand nor of
| hired lRborers or slaves on the other.
| Il is not forgotten that considerable number OF
persons find their own labor with csptsl-that ia
their labor with their own hands and also buy or
hire others TO labor for them. But this is only 9
mixed, and not distinct class No principle stat
ed is disturbed by the existence Of this mixed
| class.
Again as has alresdy been said, there is not of
necessity any such things the free hired labor.
er being fixed for that condition for life. Many
independent men everywhere in these States, few
years back in their lives wers hired laborers. The
prudent, penniess beggsr in the world lsbors for
wages awhile, and saves a surplus with which to
buy tools or land for himself. He then lsbors on
his own account, and at length hires smother new
beginner to help him.
! This is the just generous and prosperous sys,
TEN which opens the way to all, gives hopes to all,
| and consequent energy, progress and improve
ment, IN the condition OF all. No men living are
more worthy to be trusted than those who toll up
or on from poverty, inclined to take or touch
| ought which they have not honestly earned.
Let them beware of surrendering political
power which they already possess, and which il
surrendered will surely be used to close the door
| Of advancement against such as them, and fix new
disabilities and burdens upon them till al Of liberty
/ sh all be lost.
! From the first taking of our national census to
the last are seventy years, and we find our popu-
ation at the end of the period eight times great
as it was at the beginning. The increase of those
other things which men deem desirable, has been
even greater We thus have at one view what the
popular principle applied to government through
the machinery Of the States and the Union has pro-
duced in given time, and also what, if firmly
maintained, it promises for the future. There are
already among US those, who if the Union be pre-
served will live to see it csntsn 25O 900. The
struggle of tO-dsy is not altogether for to>dayit
! is for vast future also. With firm reliance on
Providence, all the more firm and earnest, let US
proceed in the great task which events have de-
volved upon US.
| ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, D. c. Dec. 3, 1861.