Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1861-07-12

each ano Oil the original thirteen, 10 the
Articles OF Confederation, two years later
that .the Union shall be perpetual" is mosi
conclusive. Having never been States, either
10 substance or meme out side of the Union
whence this magical omnipotenee of State
Rights asserting claim of power 10 lawfuilJ
destroy the Uniou itsell1 Much is said about
the sovereignty of the States, but the word
even, is not 10 the Natioual Constitution, nor
IS is believed in sny Of The State Consiitn,
tions. W That is sovereignty, in the political
sense of the term2 Would it be far wrong
TO define il "a political community withou,
a political superior % Tested by this, nc
one Of our States except Texas ever was q
sovereignty, and even Texas gave up the char
acter on coming INTO tie Union. by which ac,
she acknowledged the Constitution of the
United States, end the laws and trea ties os he
United States, made in pursuance of the Con.
stifution, to be for her the supreme law of the
IaGd. The States have their status 10 the
Union, and they have 10 other legal statns--
Ii they break from this, they can only Go Sc
against law, ard by revolution. The Union
and not themselves separated, procured their
independence aud their liberty. BY conquest
or purchase. the Union gave each of Them
whatever OF independence and liberty IL has.
The Union is older than any of the States,
aud in fact it created them as States. Orig
ionaly, some dependent colonies made the
Union, and, in turn, the Union threw of their
old dependence for them aud made hem Ssates,
such ss they are. Not Que of them ever had
State Constitution independent OF the Union.
Os course, it is not forgotten that all the
new States framed their Constitutions before
they entsrced the Union; nevertheless depen-
dent upon, and preparatory 10 coming into tue
Union.
Uuquestionatly, the States have the powers
and rights reserved 10 them in ard by the Ma
tlonal Constitution, but among these surely,
are not included all conceivable powers, how.
eser mlschevous or destructive, but, at most,
such orly as are known 10 the world, at the
time as governmental powers, and certainly a
power to destroy the Government itself had
never known as governmental merely admin
lstrative power.
This relative matter Of national power and
State rights as principle is no other tia q
the principle Of generality and locsllty.
Whatever concerns the whole should be con-
hded to the whole, to the General Government
while whatever concerns oaly the State SHOULD
be left exclusively to the State. This is
al there is of original principle abou. it.
Whether the National Oonstituuon, 10 defining
boundaries between the two, has applied the
principle with exact accuracy, is not to be cues.
toned. We are also bound by that defining
without question. WHAT is now eombatted is
the position that secession is consstant with
the Constitution, is lawful aud peaceful Il Is
not conteuded that there is any express Law for
it, and nothing should ever be implied as Law
which leads to unjust or absurd consequences
The patton purchased with money tbe coun-
tries out of which several Of these States were
formed. Is it just that they shall go off With
out leave and without refuuding2 The nation
paid very large sams-in the aggregate, [
believe, of a hundred milons-to relieve
Florida of tue aboriginal tribes. Is it Just
that she shall now 60 of without consent or
without making any return! The nation is
now 10 de6t for money applied for the bene-
bit of these so-called seeded States IN common
with the rest. 1t is just either that creditors
shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay the
whole! Part OF the present national debt was
.contracted to pay the old debts of Texas Is il
just that she snail leave and pay no par. OF
this herselfl
Again, if one State may seoede, so may ano-
ther, aud when all shall have seeded, none is
left TO pay the debts. Is this quite Just to ore
ditorsa Did We notify them ot this ssge view
Of ours when We borrowed their mouey9 II
we now recognize this doctrine by allowing tbe
oeceders TO go in peace, it is difficult to see
what sc can 10 If otners choose to go,or to extorG
terms upon which they will promise to remain
The secedeTs insist that our Constitution
admits OF secession. They have assumed to
make national constitution Of their own.
which of necessity they have either discarded
or retained the right OF secession as they in
sist t exists IN ours. Ii they have discard
lt, they thereby admit that on principle II
ought net to De IN ours. If they have retain
ed oy their own construction of ours, they
show that to be consistent they must secedc
from one another whenever they shall find il
the eases; way of settling their debts, or effec.
ing any other selfish or unjust object The
principle itself is one Of disintegration, and
upon which noGovernment can possibly endure.
If all the States save one should assert the
power to drive that one out of the Ueiop. j,
rs presumed the whole class of seceder pol1ti.
Grams would at once deny the power, and des
uonuce the act as the greatest outrage upon
State rights. But suppose that precisely the
same act, instead of being called driving the
one out, should be called the seeding of the
Others from that one, it would be exactly what
the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed. they
make the point that the one, because it IN a
minority, may rightfully do what the other bes
cause they are majority may not rightfully
do. These politicians are subtle and profound
on the rights OF miDorities; they are not par.
ti4l to that power which made tie Constitution,
aud speaks from the preamble, calling itself
"The People" Ii may well be questioned
whether there is to day a majority of the le-
gally qualified voters Of any Stste except, per-
haps, South Carolina, 10 favor Of disunion
Inera Is mnrh raasnn To heliara Ahnt IL.