Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-02-13


But, if we do not greatly mistake the rreva;n0
sentiment of the southern mind no attsnnt viii 81
made TO improve the Constitution; we shall tska 4
such it is; such as has been found sufficient for
our security and happiness, so long as its trpe n
terest ald spirit lived in the hearts Of maioriv ~
the people of the Free States, and controlled the
| action, not only of the Federal. but of the State
| Legislatures. We viii adopt all laws not locally
mappheable or incompatible with our new relatons;
We viii recognize the obligations of all existing
treaues-those respecting the African slave trade
included We shall be prepared TO assume our just
proportion Of the national debt; to account for the
e9ss oi an the ports and other property Of the Unit
e SAtes, winch we have been compelled to seize in
sen. defense If it should appear that our share of
suca expenditure has been greater than in other Dec
uonsi and above all we shall as well from the dc
Ales OF natural justice and the principles Of inter-
na'iOHal law as OF political and geographical afn-
ues' recognize the right Of the inlabittnts of the
valley Of the Mississippi and ia t.;brtsas 70 iss
iree Navigation; We will guarantee to sher, a fire
interchange OF all agricultural projuctions vvishont
mPost tax duty, or toll of any kind; the free tasis
I'm t'teisI countries OF every species OF mer-
chandisei subject only to such regulation "a nav he
absolutely necessary for the prsteetIon Of anv ex-
enue system we may establish, and for nnrnoses 81
police. - 49, -
As for such States of the Union as may not choose
to unite their destinies with oHrs we shah considsv
them, as we shall other foreign nations enemies
| in war, IN peace friends" We wish and u,e hone
70 part with them amcaby and so far as denens,s
on US, they shall have provocatlon TO p,lrsue \
hostile course but IN this regard, from the ne
eessities Of the case, can only be passiYe it win Be
for the people Of the non-saYeholding States to de-
eide this mOmentous question. This declaration.
however, requires some qualification Could the Is
be fairly presented TO the people of those STATES
we should have little doubt of a peaceful separa-
tian, with the possibility of complete and the
probability of partial reconstruction on basis
satisfactory to us and honorable to them but with
the present representation in either branch Of Con-
gress, we see nothing to justify our indulgng any
such expectation. We must be prepared to resist
coercion, whether attempted by avowed enemies,
or by hand heretofore supposed friendly. by open
war, or under the more insldiOus and, therefore,
more dangerous pretext of enforcing the laws pro-
teeting public property collecting the revenues
We shall not cavil about words discuss legal or
technical distinctions we shall consider the ons as
equivalent to the other and shall be prepared 20 act
accordingly UtrOque uTbitrio pdrdtG You will find
ready to meet you with the Oufstretched hand OF
fellowship, or in the mailed panoply of war as you
may will it; elect between these alternatives.
We have no idea that you viii even attempt to
invade our soil with your armies; but we aeknOwl-
edge your superiority the sea- az present. in some
degree accidental, but in the MAN, natural and per-
manent until we shall have acquired better ports
for marine. You may, if you viii it, persist in
considering boand to you during your good plea
sure; you may deny the sacred and iafeasble right
viii not say of secession, but Of revolutionary
of rebellion, if you choose so TO call our action
form of government which it may, in its folly,
if such you deem it. consider best calculated to Sc
cure its safety and promote its welfare. You may
ignore the principles of our immortal Declaration
of Independence; you may attempt to reduce US to
subjeetion, or you may, under color Of enforcing
your laws or collecting your revenue blockade our
ports. This viii be war, and we shall meet IL with
different but equally efficient weapons. We viii not
permit the consumption or Introduction of any Of
your manufactures; every sea viii swarm with our
volunteer militia Of the ocean, with the striped
bunting floating over their heads, for we do not
mean to give up that flag without bloody struggle;
il is ours much as yours; and although for time
more stars may shine on your banner our children,
if not we, will rally under constellation more nu-
muerous and more resplendent than yours. You
may smile at this an impotent boast, at least for
the present if not for the future, but if we need
ships and men for privateering we shall be amply
supplied from the same source now almost ex-
clusively furnish the means for careying on, with
such unexampied TigOr, the African slave trade
New York and New England. Your mercantile
marine must either sail under foreign flags or rot
1t your wharves-
But pretermitting these remedies we will pass
to another equally efiesciOus. Every civilized ma
ton now governed in its foreign relations by the
rule Of recognizing Governments "ds Jdeto" You
alone invoke the doctrine of the "ds Jter or divine
right CT lording it an unwilling people strong
enough to maintain their power within their own
limits. How long, think you viii the great naval
Powers of Europe permit yOu TO impede their free
intercourse with their best customers for their
rOus fabrics, and TO stop the supplies Of the great
staple which is the most important basis Of their
manufacturing.industry by mere paper blockade.
You were with ali the wealth and resources of this
once great COnfederaey but fourth or fifth rate
naval power, with capacities, it is true for large
and in just quarrel, almost indefinite expansion.
What will you be when not merely emaseulatsd by
the withdrawal of fifteen States, but warred upon
BY them with active and inveterste hostility?
E But enough, perhaps somewhat too much Of this
We desire not to speak TO you in terms of bravad0
or menace. Let US treat each other as men. who,
determined to break of unpleasant, incompatible,
and improbable relations. cease to handy words,
and mutually leave each other 20 determine wheth-
ar their differences shall be decided by blows by
the code which of US still recognize that Of
honor, We shall do with you the French guards
lid with the English at the battle Of Fontenov. In
preliminary skirmsh, the French and English
guards met face to face; the English gnirrds
,ourteously saluted their adversaries by taking
)f their hats the French returned the salute with
sgual courtesy. Lord day, Of the English guards,
cried out, in loud voice. Gentlemen Of tie
French guards fire" Count D'Auteroche replied
n the same tone "Gentlemen, we never fire first
rhe English took them at their word. and did FIRE
irst Being II close quarters, the effect was very
destructive and the French were, for time thrown
nto some disorder; but the fortunes of the day
we're soon restored by the skin and courage Of
Marshal SAKE and the English, under the Duke Of
Cumberland, suffered one of the most disastrous
Iemen, will not fire first.
We have often seen it charged that the present
of the Southern States is merely the
ummation Of fixed purpose, long entertained by
few intriguers for the selfish object of personal
There never greater error
If we were not about to part, we should sag q
r0sser or more atrociOus eaiumny. Do not deceive
ourselves this is not the work of political
ers, but of the people. As general rule, the in
tncs of the Masses and the sagacity of those who,
n private life, had larger opportunities for obser-
alton and reflection, had satisfied them of the ne
essity of separation long before their accustomed
arty leaders were prepared to avow il. We appeal
o every Southern Senator yet remaining here.
whether such be not the case in his own State. OF
Is truth we can give no stronger illustration than
he vote in the Louisiana Convention OF one hun
red and thirty members. every delegate being in
lis seat, one hundred and thirteen voted for imTne-
late secession; and Of the seventeen who voted
gainst it. there were not more than four or nGe
Who did not admit the necessity Of separation aic
nly differed to the time and mode OF its accom-
,lishment.
Nor is the mere election by the forms of the Con-
ttuti0n, of President dstasteful to US, the cause
Is it is so often and so confidently asserted Of our
lction. 1t is this We all consider the election of
dr Lincoln with his well-known antecedents and
vowed principles and purposes BY decldea ma
Ority over all other candidates combined IN every
State this side Of the facihc
Hope noble gallant New Jersey alone excepted, as
conclusive evidence of the determined hostility Of
he Northern masses to our Institutions We be
ieve that he eouscentcusy entertalns tne opinions
which he has so often and so explicitly declared;
ind that having been elected on the issues thus pre-
Iented he will honestly endeaTor toearry them into
execution.
While now we have no fears Of seryile insurrec-
ion. even of partial character we know that his
nauouration as President Of the United States, with
nm, assent would have been considered by many Of
,nr slaves as the day Of their emancipation; and
hat the Attn of March would have witnessed, in
lions quarters, outbreaks, which, although they
rouId have been promptly suppressed would have
,arried ruin and devastation 70 many Southern
1one. and have cost the lives of hundreds of the
,,isouided victims Of Northern negrOphilism
Senator's, six States have now severed the links
hat bound them to Union to which we were all
Ittached, as well by many ties of material wellbe-
ng, as by the inheritance of common glOiies in the
asst and the wellfounded hopes of still more bril-
ant destnies in the futureI Twelve seats are now
acant on this floor. the work is only yet begun.
requires nc spirit Of prophecy to point to many,
lany chairs around US that will soon, like ours,
e untitled; and if the wierd sisters Of the
reat dramatic poet could here be conjured up,