Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1861-04-06
The STANDARD.
SPEECH OF HON. JOHN J. CRITTENDEN'
ON TUESDAY, MARCH 26rH,
Before the Legislature Of Kentucky

of Representatives.:
It's my great honor on this occasion 70 apPear
before YOU upon your Joint nvltatlon 10 auuT eeS
mon the subject of our national affairs 1 mans
YOU gentlemen, for the great honor you nave mus
seen At to confer upon me. l have been long, very
bpg. in the service of my country. The time hsA
nme when am to retire from it; do 1t cheeri'Llly
and willingly. You and your predecessors have
conferred many honors upon me; you nave gwen
me your confidence. Repeatedly have had the
honor of being elected to the Senate of the United
States; am now private citizen, aid, after all my
trials and nv attempts in the service of my country,
YOU are pleased to receive me with appreciation;
am grateful to you, gentlemen. By these honors
and this exhibition Of your confidence, You endeavor
to make the repose of my old days. after lite spent
in your service, agreeable, happy and humble; you
can confer greater reward upon me, can receive
none greater. know that am indebted as much
to your partiality am to the value OF any ser,
vice have rendered for these tokens of regard and
confidence.
l am invited, Mr. Speaker, to address you and
the honored Assembly, the subject OF our nation
al affairs 1t is gloomy subject, Mr. Speaker
Never in the long history of our country has any
thing like or at allparalle to the present condition
of our country presented itself for consideration
But little while ago we were great, united peo
ple-our name was known only to be respected
throughout the land Our power, our greatness
was everywhere recognized and our flag was every
growing nation. Now, sir, what is the condition to
which we are reduced? Where is that glorious
Union that we promised ourselves should be perpet-
uated? Where are those ten thousand sentiments Of
fered in toasts and oratons that the Union was to
be perpetuated? "Let it be perpetuated-est0 per-
petuG"-was the sentiment expressed on thousands
and thousands of public occasions
What is our condition now, and how has 1t been
brought about? | need not state very particularly
the causes which have produced these effects nor
need to the present condition of our nation
with view of telling you what it is. 1t is sad
story-So sad that it is impressed upon every heart
known to every citizen shall not detain you idly
BY any particular details of causes. 1t enough to
say that it has all grown-our national calamity
our national msfortune-has all grown out of con-
troversy between the slayeholdng and nonslave-
holding States; furnishing questions of slavery and
questions of NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. about the terri
tories of the United States. These agitations have
long exasperated on the one side and on the other
vast portion Of the United States 1t has resulted
in the formation of sectional parties-a sectional par
ty in the North and sectional party in the South
The sectional party Of the North has finally succeed
ed in eectng President for the United States anG
installing their party in all branches of the govern
ment. This has excited increased apprehensions in
parts of the South the safety of their peculiar
institutions They dread that the Northern power
will employ itself in destroying of these institu
tons and depriving them of their property. Under
LnlS apprehension WnaL nave Iney zone! 1ney
have sought most violent remedy against this ap
pretended evil, by seeding as they term ii, from
the Union of these States, and forming for them
selves separate, distinct and independent. govern
ment out of the seven States that have seeded
South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louis
lana, Mississippi and Texas These States have, in
so far they possessed the power broken our Union
and established, attempted to establish for them
selves independent government and to put that
government into operation. This is the present at
titude in which our country stands. While these
revolutionary movements were in progress attempts
made in the Congress of the United States then
in session for the adoption of such measures might
check them. 1t was hoped that if these measures
could not recall to the Union the States that had al
ready seeded they might secure the allegiance to
the Union of the remaining States. Among many
other gentlemen who proposed measures for adjust
ment and Cancellation submitted series of resou-
TONS believing that their adoption might pacify our
country, put stop to revolution, and preserve and
restore our Union. | need not undertake to occupy
your time by reclting those resolutions. They are
known to you all, and had the honor of being ex-.
pressly approved by you. This object was mainly
to satisfy the claim of the South to remove with
their slaves to the territories of the United States
On the other hand, this right was denied upon
the ground that the territories belonged to the Uni:
ted States; that individual State nor any of the
States separately had interest in the territories
but that they belonged to and were under the abso
lutte control ana government OF the General Gov
eminent Sir, let that be admitted. Admit that
the territory is under the absolute control of the
General Government but sir, does it not follow that
the General Government ought to administer this
great property, to exercise its great functions
that every class of States, and every State, shall
equally participate in and equally enjoy that which
belongs to all? No matter whether YOU consider it
property held in trust for the individual States or
property held absolutely for the General Govern
ment to be controlled or disposed of by the Gener
al Government it equally follows that the Govern.
ment, to be just and to act upon the principles of
the Constitution, ought to so administer the prop
erty that each and every State-every portion of
the Union-may have an equal participation in and
an equal enjoyment of that which belongs equally
to all-the territory of the United States.
1t seems to me, therefore, that there is Injustice
in excluding from that equal and full enjoyment any
class of States because of any institution that NAV
exist in them. The Constitution gives to the other
States no right to monopolze that territory and to
assume the entire ownership and enjoyment of it.
The Constitution accepted them at its foundation.
1t accepted them as slavehoding States 1t accept
ed them at the time of its adoption as entitled to
equal rights, notwithstanding they held slaves. It
accepted slavehoding and non-saveholdng States
as standing in equal favor with the Constitution,
and entitled to equal rights and equal Justice from
that Constitution So regarding it, it seems to me
that would be unjust for the free States to assume
and usurp to themselves the entire control of these
territories, and control them as in effect to ex-
clude from them portions of the citizens of GER
tain class of States. thought therefore, sir, that
the North was in the wrong and that the South was
in the right in respect to this question Of property
and right in the territories of the United States
and one of the objects of the measures which pro,
posed, one of their chief objects to procure, by
an amendment to the Constitution, an acknowledg5-
ment of this equal right on the part of the South
Upon constitutional principles this right would ex-
tend to all the territories of the United States and
the Southern States, in with the free States
would have an undivided and equal right in all the
territories of the United States. But as a common
enjoyment would be difficult it appeared more con-
venent that there should be for this purpose sort
of partition of the territories of the United States
between the different classes of States slavehoding
and non oldiro- %