Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1861-01-28
che Ohio 6tatesnra,r
Z q N 8
ts.sm the. s.rrssmsn's Journal.
Coercion.

HWhV can we not live IN this Union as the
fathers made it--some States slaveholding, and
some States fteeY', Judge Douglas, who SO
often and 90 pertinently put this question to the
people, of late years, ts not now a Pfesdentsl
candidate. The question is now abouta country,
not about President. We may hope, then, not
TO be misinterpreted, II we noWpus again this
pregnant question.
: the shallow paragraphists, and poets, and
Abolition lecturers, and soclologists, who have
madelthe public opinion OF the Republican par.
ty, do no. understand the genius of q free gov
ernme eht; they do not understand our national
institutions. This is shown by the fact that
they have undons- rushing In like fools-what
the founders of the Constitution accomplished,
. For the benefit of all members of that party
Who will rc-cousidsF their action, we wish, as
distinctly as possible, to state how only we can
cncs more live in peace in this Union made by
our fathers. They made the Union as Q perpet.
uaI bond of one country. No doubt Of that
They never contemplated nor recognized any
right of secession on the part OF any States =
Granted again But neither did they ever con
template, when they formed the Constitution,
that the madness would seize numerical ma
ority in one half Of the country, to use that
sectional preponderance, persistently and sys-
tematically to Cypress the other half Of the
country. The trainers of the Constitution sup
posed there would rise disputes. They appoint
ed the Supreme Court Of the United States as
the ultimate arbter, under the Constitution.
They foresaw that cases might arise, as they
have arisen, In which the constituted authori-
tiles of certain States. dsputipg the Federal
authority, might refuse to bow to the decisions
of that Supreme Court, on the ground that il
was itself but a part Of the Federal Govern
ment. For such contingency they acknow
edged that human foresight could devise no
Safeguard But what was the authority that
they really hoped might avail to interfere in
such contingency What ia it that the geni-
US Of our country supposes as q competent ar
bitter In such dspute7 Undeniably, 1t is Pub
Ro Opinion. Public opinion, based on free ar
gument, and on intelligence and goodwill
Our American institutions are based on The
principle that mankind are capable OF sei-goUern-
ment. Our Institutions repudiate the idea thai
men must be governed by brute force. TheJ
appeal, with q lofty and generous confidence
| 10 the higher and nobler qualities Of human ma
ture--nOt to fear-not to passion--not to ser
vility--but to reason, to free.will, to conscience
! to the truthfulasss of mans nature.
This consideration defines and settles the
question OF "coereion." Government supposet
there will be bad and unruly men, who perver,
their own natures and do violence to them
| These Government must coerce and punish
Passion or prejudice may at given time. over
ride sober judgement in given town. Nay, i
may as passing epidemic, affect whole range
of country and entire States. But, in the latte
case, the communities affected must cure them.
selpes by the action Of sober second thoughts
At to q habituai and settled judgment or opin.
ion, entertained by whole communities of State
being over-ridden by external constraint, til,
very idea is the abandonment of the principle O
our government--it is the substitution oil an i'm
ported government in the place Of sel-govern
ment. Every true American revolts at Isuch
proposition.
The United States is mighty power agains
any foreign foe. Thatitprovesso 90 weak agains
any of its own component parts ia bnt .conse
quence Of the freedom of the people who copsti
tute the United States. At the very proposition
Of eoeyeinS one or more States to obey the viii
of other States, the whole bond of the UnioI
has seemed to crumble away. It has not crum
bled In reality. The secession that has beer
talked, and "voted," and ''ordered," by excite,
and exasperated communities, is but an appea
to the grand high court of PUBLIC OPrSIoN. Ii
that court the plea Is entered, and thither W
| follow and oppose It It may be tedious suit
! Il may last for years; but we insist on Its pros
ecution there, and there only. Public opinion
| will decide that the just reclamations Of tn
South shall be satisfied; and that the South AM
the North ought to, and must. for the good o
each, acknowledge again the mutual bonds of
sincere Union.
For this reason they are public enemies Of th
country-of the North as well as of the South
who talk of arming and Of moving our militar
forces here at the North. The militia raise
OF the South will not invade the North. Their
10 no threat-no possibility--no wish of such
thing. If, with violence, and against publ
faith, excited communities have seized upo
some forts and arsenals belonging to the Fed
eral Government--so far as these are alread,
accomplished facts-it is the property of
great people to be exceedingly patient. to be yer
4 slow to resentment, especially when the provo
cation comes from communities constitutive o
the country. The blow that 10 to strike broth
er can hardly be too long delayed. Sir gear
will not be too long to walt for redress of al
these grievances against the Federal power, o
the part ofsome southern communities. We vii
not have to wait that long-in the avoiding Q
all oollision--tsfore we will have the pleasur
Of seeing the schism healed, and the countr
| again happy In a good understanding.