Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1861-07-11

but the word even is not in the national consti-
tuition, nor, as is believed, in any of the state
constitutions. What is a sovereignty, in the
political sense of the termP Would be FAR
from wrong in defining it as a political comuu-
nifty without political superior Tested by
this no one of our states excepting Texas ever
was a sovereignty and even Texas gave up that
character on coming into the Union, by which
act she acknowledged the constitution Of the
United States, and the laws and treaties of the
United States made in pursuance thereof
The states have their status in the Union, and
they have no other legal status. If they break
from this, they can only do so against Jaw and
by the violation of the constitution. The Union
of states, and not the states separately, procur-
ed their independence and their liberty, by con-
quest or purchase; and the Union gave to each
OF them whatever Of independence and liberty
it had. The Union is older than any OF the
states, and in fact it created them as states.-
Originally, some dependent colonies made the
! Union, and in turn the Union threw off their
old depedency for them, and made them states
as much as they are. Not one OF them ever
had state constitution independent OF the
| Union.
Of course it is not forgotten that all the new
states framed their constitutions before they en-
tered the Union. Nevertheless it was dependent
upon and preparatory TO their coming into the
/ Union. Unquestionably the states have all the
| powers and rights reserved to them in the ma
tional constitution but among these, surely all
rights are not included, nor all conceivable
powers, however mischievous or destructive
At most, they only were known in the world at
the time as governmental powers, and certainly
a power TO destroy the government itself has
never been known as governmental power
This relative matter of national and state power
and rights as principle, is no ether than the
principle of generality and locality Whatever
| concerns the whole should be confined to the
whole general government, while what concerns
only the states should he left exclusively TO the
state government This is all there is OF orlgl-
nal principle about.
Whether the national constitution, defining
between them, has applied the principle with
exact accuracy or not, is to be questioned. We
are all bound by that defining, without question.
What is now combated is the position that Sc
cession under the constitution is lawful and
| peaceful. 1t is not contendcd that there is any
express law for it, and nothing should ever be
implied as law which leads to injustice or alb
| surd consequences.
The nation purchased with money the conn
tries out of which several of thescStates were
formed. Is it just that they shall be off with
out leave and without refundingP The nation
paid very large sums-in the aggregate, be-
| lieve nearly one hundred millions of dollars
to relieve Florida of the Aboriginal tribes. Is
it Just that she shall now be off without consent
or without making any return? The nation is
now in debt for money applied to the benefit of
these so called seeding states, in common with
the rest. Is it just either that the creditors
shall 90 unpaid, or the remaining states shall
pay the whole? A part of the present national
debt was contracted to pay the old debts of
Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no
part of this herself?
Again, if one state may secede so may anoth-
er, and when all shall have seeded, none are
left to pay the debts of the Union. Is this
quite Just to creditors? Did we notify them OF
this sage view of ours when we borrowed their
money? If we now recognize this doctrine by
allowing the seceders to go i'll peace, ii is drfh-
cult to see what we can do if others choose TO
go, or to extort terms upon which they will
promise to remain.
mits of secession; they have assumed to make
a national constitution of their own, i'll which
of necessity they have either discarded or re-
tanned the right Of secession, as they insist II
exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they
thereby admit one principe-that of unity
which they say ought not to be in ours; il they
have retained it, by their own construction OF
ours, they show that, to be consistent, they must
secede from another whenever they shall
find that to be the easiest way of settling their
debts or efiecting any other selfish or unjust
, object.
The principle itself is one Of disintegraton
) and upon which no government can possibly
endure. If all the states save one should assert
the power to drive that one out of the Union,
, it is presumed the whole class Of seeded poll
I ticians would at once deny the power, and de-
, nounce the act the greatest outrage on state
5 rights. But suppose that precisely the same
act, instead of being called driving the one out
S should be called the seeding Of the others
from that one, it would be exactly what the Sc
! ceders claim to do; unless, indeed, they make
} he point that the one, because it is a minority
may rightfully do what the others, because they
2 are a majority, may not rightlully do.
These politicians are subtle and profound on
2 the rights OF minorities. They are not partia
| to the power which made the constitution, and
speaks from the preamble, calling itself ave
/ the people"
S 1t may well be questioned whether there i,
to-day majority of the legally qualified voters
Z of any state, excepting perhaps South Carolina
in favor of disunion. There is much reason IL
believe the Union men are the majority in many
il not in every one of the called seeded state
t The contrary has not heen demonstrated in an,
e one Of them. | venture to affirm this even o
;. Virginia and Tennessee. for the result of al
r election, he'd in military camp, where thu
e hoyonets are all on one side of the question
= voted upon, can scarcely be considered as dem
t onstrating popular sentiment at such an cleo
, ton all that large class who are at once Cor tht
= Union and against coercion, would be unde
:, coercion and vote against the Union.
y 1t may be affirmed, without extravaganza
! that the free institutions we enjoy have devel
= oped the powers and improved the condition o
our people beyond ANY example in the world
! OF this we now have striking and impressive
= Illustration. So large an army as the govern
s ment has now on foot WAS never before known
= with not a soldier in it but has taken his plac
S of his own tree choice. More than this. Their
y are many single regiments, whose members, on
e and another, possess full knowledge of all tn
|, arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else
!, whether useful or elegant, is known in tn
d world; and there is scarcely one from whic
,, there could not be selected president. a cabi
?, net, a Congress, an perhaps court abundant
n ly competent to administer the government il
e self
y Nor do | say this il not true, also in the arm
It of our late friends now adyersaries in this con
p test. But il it is, so much better the reaso
II why the government, which has conferred sue
e benefits on both them and us, should not b
o broken up. Whoever, in any section, propose
e to abandon such government, would do we
II L