Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1861-02-19


ing from the past and the presents 1 can come
to no other conclusion. Then here is an issue
between the sections. Will the South yield
without a struggle, and surrender all this vast
extent of country, about which she has said sc
muchS H
But it may be said, that to deny the South itE
just proportion of the Territories, is manifesty
wrong that no people would be guilty of such
an act. The answer is, the Government will be
destroyed on the ground of the unfaithfulness o
those who would make the denial, and because
of their utter disregard of our constitutional
rights. It is said all this can be. settled by
treaty after the separation, and fair division
would be the result. If this be true, could we
not much more easily adjust it now while we
are one people, living under common Govern
ment? If we cannot adjust it now, the chances
are certainly against it then. It wonld be q
singular proposition, indeed, that great nation
should separate upon given point of dispute,
in order to settle amcably that very point
The South would want to extend slavery into
that portion lying West of us, and would take
military possession-the only mode left. The
North might contest that right. A conflict may
thus begin on our frontier, which wonld end in
a general war between the sections.
But we will suppose we have passed these
two points in peace; are we then clear OF all
difficulties? / fear not. Another difficulty is
presented in the division of the Army the Ma
w. and the munitions of war. The public prop.
erty in this District being in Southern territory,
| would of right belong to the South. But would
the North concede that right9 We must bear
| in mind sir, that we break up the Government
because the North has denied the people Of the
South their constitutional rights, and upon the
| hypothesis that she will deny them in FUTURE
Then we must not only treat them as hostile
people, but as an unjust and aggressive peo-
pie. This being true, they would certainly
claim at least part, if not the whole, OF the
public property of this District. The South
would never submit to this. The result, fear
would be, that upon this sacred spot, selected
by the Father Of his Country as its Capital
would be fought the first great battle, which
would end its existence. This City, hallowed
by his name, and these streets, made sacred by
his touch, and so constructed by him as to pro
tect his countrymen from foreign enemy, will
be the threatre of great war, which must enc
| in their destructon-a war in which the deep.
mouthed cannoD's roar Will startle the very
ashes of the patriot as they sweetly repose be-
meath the green sod of his own Mount Vernon.
The evils which must follow dissolution o
| this Government are past comprehension. NC
human mind can conceive or comprehend them
1t would. fear, be the end of constitutional lib
erty. Inaugurate the system OF disintegration
set the example, and all our subsequent govern
ments will be but "ropes of sand, to be broken
by every breeze of passion or prejudice. For
the slightest cause of offence, either real or i'm
aginary, any State would retire at pleasure, ard
1 resume her sovereignty. There will be more
Republics than two. New England would either
set up for herself, or be required to do so. The
middle North States would form another; the
great Northwest another; the States of the Pa
cific slope another; Texas possibly would, ii
time, resume her independence. 1t is not be-
yond conjecture that in few years the "OOttOr
States'' would form one Republic, and the re
mainder of the Southern States another. Thi
is not pleasant state of things to contemplate
But think it the part OF wisdom and discretion
to view this great question in all its aspects
We already find it painfully true that in the las
few years the recognition of a difference of in
terest in the Southern States has become tot
lcommon. We have heard Southern statesmen
dividing the South into s'Cotton States and int
s'Border States" Yea, even now, before We
have made even an effort at forming a Southern
Oonfederacy, we observe this feeling manifestinl
itself. The Governor of South Carolina has re-
commended to his people that, under the new
Government of his State, she shall pass Law
prohibiting the border States from bringing
their slaves into South Carolina. But if we
should succeed in forming Southern Confed
sracy, would not questions soon arise to disturb
our harmonys The tariff, protection, direct
tax, the African slave trade, would, fear, be-
come elements of dscord.
| But, sir, evils greater than these present them
selves to u.s. We of the border States are very
differently situated from our brethren of the
sscotton States" We will be connected geo.
graphically with this hostile Republic, or Re
lpnblics, for taoo thousand miles. We must suf-
fer all the loss by escape of slave property, and
bear the brunt and burden of all wars which
must, in course of time, ensue. They would
make common cause with us; but from their
geographical position and sparseness of white
population, bat few, comparatively, could leave
their homes to fight in distant country. Our
States must be the battle-felds, and our border
the scenes of blood and carnage. But, it may
be said, there will be no war; that we can ad-
just all matters by treaty. If the north is so fa-
natical on the subject of slavery that we cannot
live In a common Government with her, is it
likely she would enter into treaty by which
fugitive slaves are to be returned2 And if she
did, would that treaty be any more respected
than the fugitive slave bill is now? We must
recollect, when the Union is dissolved, the fugi-
tive slave bill is dissolved with it. Our slaves,
then being free from all legal restraint in the
North, would leave US in greater numbers than
they do now. The North would do as England
does in regard to our slaves escaping into Cana
da refuse to give them up. Thequestion arises
would this produce ware l fear it would q
If war is to follow the escape of every slave,
ought not all the people Of this country, north
as well as south, to pause ere it be too late, and
endeavor to avert spch calamitys
If the Union be dissolved, there is yet another
important question about which we of the bor-
der States should ponder. Having no fugitive
slave bill then, our slave property would require
professionalism escape. | can see no other
form in which it could be had, except by a
strong police force, or a Gordon of armed men a.
long the whole line which would divide US from
the North either of which must be attended
with many troubles and great expense These
are difficulties not attending our brethren OF the
cotton States We stand as barrier between
them and their enemies. They can lose no ne
groes, nor be subjected to any of the horrors Of
border war.
Virginia has peculiar interest and feeling il
preserving the peace and harmony of this coun-
try No county of any State in the great North
west but contains some of her sons. Her sturdy
yeomanry have gone by thousands to seek their
homes in that inviting region. In the event o
conflict between the sections, the horrible
spectacle would be presented of brother meeting
brother and father meeting son upon the field o.
battle. God grant the time may Fever come
when the gallant son of the Old Dominion in the
far West will exclam, II am become stranger
unto my brethren and an alien unto my moth
| ar's children 2,'