The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-01-11

/ W ASHINGTON, JAM D, 1861.
| Ny DEAR SIR:-I think all thoughtful men will
! approve your conduct in convenng the Legisla-
| ture.
I Within few weeks have received many letters,
/ chiefly from Kentucky, asking my opinion as to
the prospect of fair adjustment Of cur political
troubles, which have not answered for reasons
satisfactory to my own mind, among which has
been lingering hope that some acceptable plan of
settlement might be proposed by Congress, secur-
ing the rights and honor Of all. | do not feel at
liberty longer to remain silent, and without in
! tending to burden you with an extended letter, |
will offer few thoughts upon the condition of pub
| lie affairs.
] am convinced that no thorough and satisfactory
plan will be proposed to the States by the Congress-
All efforts for this purpose have disclosed diieren-
ees too radical to admit of agreement.
! At early Gay in the session, the motion of a
| Senator from Kentucky, (Mr. Powell,) a commit
tee of thirteen Senator's appointed to consider
the state the country and report remedy. 1t
was composed of represen tative men from different
parts of the Union. After long conferences, for
many days, the chairman reported to the Senate
that they had been wholly unable to agree, and a
reference to the journal Of the committee will reveal
| the radical differences between the Republicans and
Others
Propositions, conceived in spirit Of patriotic
| concession, offered by Senator Crittenden.
| refer to them, because they concede much to the
spirit OF Cancellation They embrace the following
! as amendments to the Constitution
! That Congress shall have power to abolish
slavery in the forts, dock yards, and either places
under its jurisdiction in the Southern States.
Nor to prevent the transportation of slaves from
one slavehodng State to another, to any Ter
rtory where slavery may exist, whether the trans
portation be coastwise or inland.
| Nor to abolish slavery In the District of Column
bia while it exists in Maryland Virginia, nor
| without the consent Of the inhabitants and compen-
| sation to the owners.
And in regard to the Territories
That in all the territory held or hereafter to
be acquired north of latitude So deg. 30 min. slave
| ry or involuntary servtude, except as punishment
for crime, shall be prohibited, while in all terrific
ry now held or hereafter to be acquired south Of
said line slavery of the African shall be re-
| cogniZed and protected in both cases. the pr0hi-
bition ride of the line, and the protection
on the other, covering the period of territorial
! istenoo.
| be made part of the Constitution, and together
with the features now in the Constitution relative
to the representation of threeifths Of the slaves,
and the return of fugitive slaves, shall not be sub
| iect to future alteration. As subsequently modi-
| fed, they contain, among other things, a very
| proper declaration that citizenship ana suffrage
shall not be conferred on persons in whole or in
part of African descent.
A glance at these resolutions will show the i'm
mense concession they offer for security and peace.
Leaving out of view for moment the Territorial
question, the other proposed amendments are but
declaratory of the present Constitution. Congress
has no power now to abolish slavery in the places
within its jurisdiction in the Southern States nor
to prevent the transportation of slaves from one
slaveholding State or Territory to another. Nor
are persons of African descent, citizens of the
United States; and the basis of Federal representa-
ion and the return of fugitive slaves stipulated
for in express terms in the present instrument. II
it be said that Congress may consttutionally abol
ish slavery in this District will not pause to argue
the question, but only enter protest against the
| assumption.
Ifagreed to, they should be unamendabie parts
of the Constitution, since the North would soon
have sufficient number of S tates to change the in
l | str n the prescribed
1t must be confessed that it offers but faint hop
of security and good faith when powers not granted
to Congress by the Constitution must again be ex
pres5ly denied, and the provisions made unaltera
BILE, to guard against apprehensions OF a sectiona
and growing majority.
Upon these points, then, as l suppose, there i
concession neither upon the one side or the other
The free States are only asked to agree that ther
will never use their growing power to deprive tn
South Of existing rights, which essential to it
, safety.
| come, now, to the vast concession to the North
, The Southern States assert, with great unanmty
the right of all the citizens of all the States to en-
ter the common Territories with their property, o
whatever kind, including slaves, and to have it pro
e tected by the common Government. This right i
sustained by highly respectable class of opinion
in the Northern States, and has been affirmed b.
the highest judicial tribunal known to the Con
stiution. 1t does not fall within the scope of thi
, letter to reargue the question | treat it set
tied right, upon which the argument has been ex
hausted
Mr.. Crittenden's territorial amendment offers
so far as the Southern States and their slave pro
perty are concerned, to yield this right in three
fourths of the existing Territory to save it in tn
remaining fourth. The citizens of the Northern
States and their property are to be protected il
all the Territory-the citizens of the South
ern States with their property in oneJfourh Of It
Prohibition of slave property north of $50 30f-
recognition and protection of it south Of that lint
and the rule to apply to all territory hereafter
acquired-this is the principle of the proposed
amendment. And the last named feature is vital
If the territorial question can be settled at all, i
should be settled for all time, and locked up in th
Constitution. Otherwise, there can be no hope o
exemption from incessant anti-slavery agitation
and the country would be thrown again into th'
midst of political and financial commissions. Tht
Southern States cannot afford to be shut off from
all possibility of expansion towards the tropics b
the hostile action of the Federal Government.
} am sure that this plan Of adjustment has beer
offered, not the full measure of our rights, but
a patriotic concession, with the hope of obtaining
promptly security and peace. In view of the know
ledge we have OF the progress Of political antislave
ry opinion, and OF the manner in which the Fedora
Government may be employed by hostile influences
it falls far short of what would be required in for
ming an original scheme Of government, even il
reconstructing the old one After the experienc
We have bad of the practical working Of the system
| find it difficult to cherish a we'll founded hope @
S permanent security except by the introduction G
some element which would give the South tn
power of self-protection.
| / cannot suppose that Kentucky would cOnside
her rights, interests, and honor safe under any set
Element less thorough than this proposed by MIR
Crittenden. ANY attempt to emasculate it by ex
| Guiding from its scope after ACQUIRED terrific
ry or by failing to recognize and protect slave pro
| perty south of the line by language as clear AM
explicit as that employed to prohibit it north of tn
7 line, or by yelling its provisions in ambiguous
. phrases, could only result in new agitations ant
commissions. | believe that kentucky wants
thorough settlement or none, and one that an
t plain and honest mind can understand
o have not referred to the personal liberty bills q
the Northern States, because they are the subject
OF State action, nor to various propositions con
t corning the fugitive slave law, because they relat
f only to legislative action; nor to the question con
corning the right of sojourn and transit with sav
property; nor to several schemes of Constitutions
: amendment which demand more for the South thai
! the plan Of Mr.. Crittenden. | have said that, il
! my opinion, no thorough and satisfactory amend
ments will be proposed to the States by Congress
and have taken the plan which comedies most t
the Northern States, and which presents the leas
that suppose any portion of the South would &C
r cept.
And now, sir, tell you that the Republicans il
Congress-, and | fear in the country, never will
adopt it. They will not recognize in any form, d
| rectly or indirectly, property in slaves. They wi
outlaw from the protection of the common govern
ment property to the value of four thousand mil
lions of dollars, and which is interviewer with tn
very structure of society in nearly half the State
of the Union. They intend that the South sha
never have any portion in the territory of tn
: Union. Their fixed policy is to WELD the Fedora
Government for ant-slavery purposes, and to crus
all opposition by arms. | am not mistaken as t.
the purposes of the resolute and controlling spirit
of that organization at this capital.
AT an early day in the session, number of gen
tlemen fearing that no suitable guarantees coult
be proposed by Congress, began to look to thu
States and the people, The Republicans having
control of the Northern States, our friends Their,
were, of course, unable to move. An earnest effor
was made here to secure a convention of all thu
Southern States. The plan could not command
the requisite support, and was lost in the rapiC
= progress of events. Next, more hopeful move
r ment was set on foot, looking to an immediate con
q | ference of the border Slaveholding States, tenn
bracing Tennessee and North Carolina, with tn
view to unite their counses and avert the dange
OF civil But here also, the obstacles PROVED
, insurmountable, and the time for such action hal
passed. Each Of these States, therefore, must de
eide for itself the attitude it will occupy in Thu
emergency.
The immediate question presented is, peace
or war. Whether the right of State or States
to dissolve connection with the federal system be
reserved right, or one growing out of the Consti
tuition, or the right of revolution, the great fac
lies before us, that the act has been done; and WI
are not permitted to doubt that in few weeks sew
en- or eight States, containing larger population
} luton, will have withdrawn from the Union ant
declared their independence. Under whatever
name disguised, collision of arms with them will
be war.
The dominant party here, rejecting everything