Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1861-06-22

Reettg UNoN AND AMEaIckSs2 per dn11an IN adennce.
ri Weekly USIOx AID AMERlcAE IS per GHasn IN adj
the Post Office on aSSs AStns To- which they ess the
change to be made, -t..- -7--.5 ID ~ .--sss
Powerful Letter from Rev. n. }. BreckIn.
ridge 10 w. H. Seward.
The 0BJEcrs, ExDs, AIMS, AND CONSEQUENCES OF
BLACK REPueLIcANIsM-TR Success OF THE PAR
TY THAT ELECTED Mr.. LINCOLN INCOMPATIBLE
WITH THE MAINTENANCE CT TEE UNox-A Con-
P1ETE vrNDIcATIoS OF THE CoNDUeroF THE SoUTH>
FRY STATES. ---. -.-.--... 49, s----...-
To Hon, VIM H. Set0ard, Senator in Congress from
the Sfateof Nsls York. s-g
SIR: ~ - 4--7 The nature of
that Great Republican Party' whose great meeting
you addressed, Oblgeit you declare ito incucate
perpetual jealousy of the increase and extension of
slavery" and this instinct, as you point out, has
worked always, till now, at length, all its MEMBERS
under the pressure OF events disepgaged and reless
ed from all other parties, and powerfully organized
lin thirteen States have come together in body
by their natural affinity for this specific object. And
there must remain, as you argue, in the bosom of
this great Republican Party, ''an undying jealousy
of the ACKNOWLEDGEMENT of slavery jealousy
which you say il is the very end of the party to
"foster and direct in manner durable, perpetu-
all And. pushing this exposition all through the
body of your speech you arrive al length clearly
at the conclusion that the dissolution of the Union is
to be braysd and Install appeals against that eatas-
trophe to be resented insulting threats, which
the interests the principles the impulses the duty,
the manhood of your party oblIge it to despise.
This sir s the STAPLE of your jWsttce, equality and
freedon;n this is your New York contest and crisis;
this is your condensed creed-fitrated of much aud
various rigmarole-of your Great Republican Par
g.' 7ssr
1t is towards the close Of your speech, in the
midst of your through dynastes and nations,
over many generations and forms of society, that
you have seen fit TO devote an entire paragraph to
me- private person, as if | were of myself q pow
err to be elassed with the prinepalties and dOmin-
ions amidst which you expatiate. 1t is upon this
paragraph that design make some observations:
and as well from of justice to you as IN or
der to make what have to say more perspicuous,
Iquote the whole of it: .z--.- ~ - s.
Last comes one who, with seeming meekness,
asks US to consider whether it is wise to leopard the
safety and happiness of twenty-five millions OF
white men in vain effort to mitigate the suterings
of only three millions OF negroes. Humane, eau
tious paternal conscientious man! might Join issue
and ask where in the ethics either of Government
or of Christianity, you find authority to hold three
millions of men in bondage, to promote the welfare
or even to secure the safety of twenty-five millions
| of other men? But that argument belongs to
the Abolitonists of slavery, who do not reckon me
in their number and whose object in this electioS
are far more comprehensive than those of the Re-
publican Party, which defend. eI1eave the rights
and interests of the slaves in the States to their own
care and that Of their advocates; l simply ssk
whether the safety and the interests Of twenty five
millions of free non-sayeholding white men ought
TO be sacrificed or put in jeopardy for the
fence or safety of three hundred and fifty thousand
shareholders? hear no answer
| will deal with you, Mr.. Seward, more truly than
| Won have dealt with me, even with your own
| party So dealing, demand of you, in the name of
| our common country, was not the question which
1 YOU say put to the North and which you attempt
TO evade, pregnant, timely, an honest question
| Will you. sir-I repeat the question in your own
1 form of stating twill you leopard the interests OF
twenty-five millions of free, white Americans, bound
together as we are, for the sake of three or four
millions of African slaves situated the slaves ID
| this country are? So far from stunning the cues
ton or shrinking from it, would TO God that could
so utter it that it would fall like fire into the heart
of every man in this vast empire, and re>ochO
through the whole continent till the latest posteriy
! should hear the sound and bless our memory. Iput
| the question to you. not as If were defender OF
slavery and you its rlortaI enemy but put II IS
one patriot to another, as enc American TO another
above all ss one Christian to another. And, sir,
il Is question which nothing but desperate fanau
| csm on your SIDE or desperate necessity on ours
will ever permit to be answer Ell except IN one way
A question which every American citizen ID obbged
now. and has been obliged many times before, and
will be Obliged many times hereafter TO answer on
the peril OF his countrys glory question which,
40 put and so answered has saved the country from
the commencement of our national existence until
! now, and which trust in God viii save it now.
Sir your personalities are In the worst taste. and
give me no concern. The exposition Of the ethics
Of Christianity does indeed belong to my profess
! sion: and for my falthfulness and skill therein
| touching your present movements, allow me to re
| feryou TO Mr.. Sumner. The exposition Of the eth
| les of government ought not to be wholly strange
to you; and there ] take issue with yOu-n you
mean what you insinuate, but shrink from uttering
| Is il So that any conceivable end of government
much less the grand and immediate ends OF 1t as
truly held BY the American people, demand that
slavery as it exists amongst rs shall be abolished IN
defiance OF the s1uelfdre and in utter disregard OF
| the 'isdfeiy' of the nation? Do you mean that
so understand you. ! so understood Mr.. Sumner.
That understand to be treason against If not under
the Constitution AND, WORSE, TREASON AGAINST
Tfs COUNTRY. And The end Of Il must be THAT THE
NORTH MUST SWEEP YOUR "GREAT REPUBLIoAN PARTY
INTO THE BOSOM OF. DESTRUCTION, Oh WE MUST SETTLE
| YOUR ETHICS OF GOVERNMENT WITH THE SWORD. Aud
sir, will add this much more to what said to Mr.
Sumner, namely: That if your party holds youI
doctrines the North is far more deeply interested
in abelishing it than in aboshing slavery. For no
free people on The face of the earth could endure ~
permanent domain; and no forms OF Government eouh
fail TO become itOberdble desp6tsm under ITS rue
and no condition of society cotd Escape hopeless ship
torec& IN its hands. The safety of society IS the very
first condition on which society exists. Its 1oeltar
is the ground. Your principles st6Uert both ee'adts
tons by denying both place IN the esacs 81 goue'1t
faen If you do not mean all this, you have either
falsely stated the principles and aims OF your party
or you are ignorant Of the force OF the terms you
use and your personal taunts degenerate It to mere
impertinence. t aG
Why sir, do you suppose that it is consistent
with what you pleased TO call the ethics OF gov
| ernment or the ethics of christianity or any con
ceivable sort Of ethics which any upright man can
act upon much less distinctly lay down as the basis
of his moral character that he should violate the
most sacred obligations as soon as his interest bis
| convenience, or his ambition appealed to him To
| suggest some advantage as likely TO result from
! such atrocious vlllainy? Do you suppose that II
consists with any ethics the world, except the
ethics of tyrants and sayages, that the sixteen
Northern States should c0nspire to degrade and op
press the fifteen Southern States because, IN the III
teen )uthern States portion of the population Il
in condition of servltude, which your Great Re
publican party does not like as well as i does the
! condition of serVitude in which portion OF the
population of the sixteen Northern States exists
| What Ia it you profess to blame Us for, but that
which YOU are yourself striving to accomplish, to
a far greater extent, and in far more aggravated
form; for is not the independence ct the South as
utterly incompatible with your principles. as the
freedom of the slave can possibly be with ours
| You speak with great bitterness of the repeal Of
the Missouri Compromise, as act covering al
who took any part in it, and especially the South
with dishonor. And WHY Because. as you allege
lit was an act of bad faith committed by one party
to a compact to the injury Of the other party And
pray SIR lchGt then shdlibs sdido y0Vr Great Rea0
ean pQrt the sery Instinct Of l1tose GciQ,a sole ere
of ,ehase ecstenceas Interpreted By yourself Is ete71a
bad faith to the Constitution Itself and to fifteen Com
Yponceals for he single purpose Of securing It's olr1
Supremacy and that of the NORTH in dser disregard
the interests Of the aooe CoafederGcy considered as
qreat reioR ard ,0ih the deliberate purpose to dsstroi
the lohole >oadh if thai shdltbs accessory TO the accom-
pIshsaeat of yoRr obects It needed but two aggra
nations to give to your principles cast utterly re
voting; and you have added both For you cars
fully teach that the principles Of this party
the product of modern times, or Of any sudden out
burst produced by any recent events; but that
stimulated indeed, of late, they are, nevertheless
fundamental primeyal, and perpetual at the North
running side by side with ali their sacred pledges
contrary intent. from the earliest period Of on
history. And then to gloss over this trsnscendani
hereditary rerfdy which you SET to fasten on tn
!! memory of your ancestors and the character 0
your people, you profess immense piety toward
God and boundless fraternity for The poor slave
= It is no part Of my business, sir to be states
man nor am / except in the widest sense, even {