New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-03-28

q counter-irritant plan. According to The Jour
nal, the Society is " to employ small army OF
talented lecturers to folaw in the wake of or
"precede Abolition lecturers, to pluck up the
Abolition tares, and destroy Them" Well, this
is one way Of promoting Unity, we must confess.
We should very much like 10 see it tried. We
should very much like to see Mr. Morse's I" small
{" army Of talented lecturers" wrestling with Mr..
Parker Pllsbury, and holding high debate with
Mrs. Lucy Stone. How the {" talented lecturers"
would fare in the scrmmage, or in what woeiu
plight they would come out of it, We can easily
imagine; but how these nightly debates, stirring
up villages, distracting societies, and making
the squabble chronic, would promote Unity is
more than we can see.
The American Unity Society has briefly in
" dicated its views" in what it calls PRO
" gramme" 1t begins with an attempt cold
blooded, apecious, ard deliberate to falsify his
tory-not very good way Of promoting Unity,
we would suggest. We quote from the PRO
gramue":
The popular declaration that al men are created equal
and entitled TO Dey INTENDED . aOs e s@S % 6ps s
Of Kings and nobies and perhaps also the more aono
both sublime truth and perniciouHerror Men are CREATED
equally free do viii Of God and win be equally re
wardd by according their deeds But they are not
created equal persOual ondowments, nor u their relation
psoydental sfranEenientA'
There are so many falsehoods in these few
lines, that We hardly know where to begin their
exposure. But, in the first place, We say that no
honest construction of the text warrants the as
sertion that our fathers referred, i'll these great
d l,r;n rio nf kiuna and Uohlpa
alone. They do not say anything about gov
"ernments in the beginning. They start with
pure, bold, naked abstraction, independent OF
government, altogether. Read the words: owe
" hold these truths to be sefevideLt, that all
/" men are created equal that they arc endowed
/" BY their Creator with certain inalenable rights;
" that among these ore life, liberty and the pur.
/" suit of happiness" There is the proposition.
What followsi THAT TO secure these rights,
A" GOVERNMENTS are instituted" Not rights for
government, but government for rights, higher,
boiler than government itself. Cover ment is
secondary to right-that is what Thomas Jeiier-
son meant to say and did say with clearness
which no guess nor glJss can obscure.
Then see how these new "Entarians' dishOn-
estly-yes, that is the word shall not change
it !-dIshonestly mudde the great charter: Men
" are created free to do the Will Of God, aud
" will be equally rewarded by him." That s;
man is free to 60 to prayer-meeting, to toll
without reward, to live wrttchedly, and to have
no hope but ia death-that is doing the will Of
God; but be- is not free 10 better his condition;
he is not free to run away, he is not free ~
keep his own wife from concubiosge nor his own
children from yendue He viii be {" equally re-
varded By God"-was there one man in the
America Congress who understood "elual' in
that sense We do not believe 30; and We do
not believe that Morse & CO. believe 80. What
ia that ugly word " LIBERTY" doing in the
Declaration! Liberty applies only to political
status-what has d" u free and equal slave" to do
with Liberty All say Morse q Co., the Faith
ers neaut by using that word TO refer to :" The
" more doubtful sentiment Of the French school"
What is this doubtful sentiment of the +. s. ?
WHY are not Morse, Wlnslow & Bliss little
more explicit Why do they undertake to SIAN
der, not Thomas Jefferson, who had Gallo pro-
cli.iiies. but such man as John Adams, who
hated French politics aud French reiorms' II
would not have been altogether safe for Mr.
Samuel T. Ii. Morse TO have told John Adams
that the Declaration TO which he had deliberately
SET bis hand, incorporated aoy doubtful seut-
ment Of the French school" We can Imagine
the old man, kindl,Dg into sublime wrath and
with fiery energy pouring out hot words OF scorn
and of refutation. We can imagine him exclain
ing: mo, Sir | did not mean any doubtful
sentiment Of the French SCHOOL, meant the
uadopJiod sentiment Of the old Saxon school;
and yet stand BY my faith, Sir "
We presume that our readers have already had |
enough of the "p,ogramme." We promise not |
TO detain them mach longer; but here is n gem |
Of a sentence; at is so say the Programme
rians, by confoundng the rroydeutid with the |
"moral, instead Of regarding the former as means
wisely employed for the later, that men be- |
leone DGde and radical in their schemes of |
reformation What are the men who cay |
tbs Are they Platonists or Christians Do
they hold to the diriRG proriden'ias Jataiis dspO.
SRiO1 DO they literally interpret the maxim
Whatever is, Is right'i Does "proydential"
mean sometimes something moral and sometimes
something immoral, but whatever its character in
Its sense of fnal, providentiall If So then Apu.
lcus telling dirty Platcuc stories was as good
Christian as Prof Morse 10.
But there is something to US so hdcOus in this
hair.splttiOg in these quiddites and quodlibets
with which men strive tO'coycr up the immoral
ity aud impolicy of Modern Slavery that We do
not care at present to pursue the subject We !
do not mean to say that there is no more " rich.
7