Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-03-05
v which spTead liEe. VIA Ilro, that the Pre.l

CnhmDer usheEng in the President and
President-elect. They had entered together
from the street, through private covered
passage- way, on the north side of the Capt.
tol, police officers being in attendance to
prevent outsiders from crowding after them.
The line Of procession was then formed In
the following order: . ......
Marshal Of the District; Judges of the
Supreme Court; Sergeant at-Arms of the
Senate; Committee of.Arrangements; Pres.
ident and PIesident-eiect Vice. President
Secretary Of the Senate Senators !; Diplo-
matic Corps Heads Of Departments; Gov
errors and others in the chamber. '.
When the word was given for the mem
bers of the House TO fall into. line of pro.
cession, violent rush was made for the
door, accompanied by loud outcries, violent
pushing and great disturbance.
After the procession had reached the plat
form, Senator Baker, of Oregoni introduced
Mr.. Lincoln to the assembly. ~
On Mr.. LineOln's 9 advancing to the stand,
he was cbeered, but not loudly. Unfolding
his manuscript, in a loud, clear voice he read
his message as follows: .rH
Fello5o- Citizens of the United States: In
compliance with custom as old as the Gov
erDment ITSELF appear before you to address
you briefly and TO take in your presence the
oath prescribed by the Constitution of the
United States, to be taken by the President
before be enters on the execution of his
office. | do not consider it necessary at
present for me to discuss those matters OF
administration about which there is no
special anxiety or excitement. The appre-
hension seems to exist among the people OF
the Southern States that, by the accession OF
a Republican Administration, their property
and their peace and personal security are to
be endangered; and there has never been
any reasonable cause for such apprehension
indeed, the most ample evidence to the con-
trary has all the while existed and been open
to their inspection. i-.s fa
1t is found in nearly all the published
speeches of him who now addresses you. l
do but quote from one of those speeches
when declare that l have no purpose, di-
rectly or indirectly, to interfere with the In
stitution of slavery in the States where it ex-
lists. believe have no lawful right to do
so and have no inclination to do so. Those
who nominated and elected me did SO with
the full knowledge that l had made this and
many similar declarations, and had never re-
canted them; and more than this they
placed in the platform for my acceptance, as
law to themselves and to me, the clear and
emphatic resolution which now read
"ResolUed: That the maintenance inviolate
of the rights of the States, and especially the
right of each State to order and control its
own domestic institutions according to its
own judgment exclusively, is essential to the
balance of power on which the perfection
and endurance of our political fabric depend,
and we denounce the lawless invasion By an
armed force of the Government of any State
or Territory, no matter under what pretext,
as among the gravest Of crimes" e.s'
l now reiterate these sentiments, and in do
ingso lonly press upon the public attention the
most conclusive evidence of which the case
is susceptible, that the property, peace and
security of no section are to be in any-wise
endangered by the now incoming Admins
tration.
add, too, that all the protection which,
consistently with the Constitution and the
laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given
to all the States, when lawfully demanded,
for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one Sec
ton as to another. There is much contro-
versy about the delivering of fugitives from
service or labor. The clause / now read ID
as plainly written in the Constitution as
any other of its provisions:
mo person held to service or labor in one
State under the laws thereof escaping into
another, shall, in consequence Of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such
service or labor, but shall be delivered up on
claim to the party to whom such service or
labor may be DUE"
1t is scarcely questioned that this pro-
vision was intended by those who made it
for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive
slaves; and the intention of the law given is
the law. All members of Congress swear
their support to the whole Constitution-to
this provision as much as to any other; to
the proposition then, that slaves, whose cases
come under the terms of this clause and
shall be delivered up, their oaths are unani.
nous. Now if they would make the effort
in good temper, could they not, with nearly
Nd Ian
of which to keep good that unanimous OATH
There is some difference Of opinion
whether this clause should be enforced by
National or State authority, but surely that
difference is not a very material one. If the
slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but
little consequence to him or to others by
which authority it is done; and should any
one in any case be content that his oath
shall be unkept or q merely unsubstantial
controversy as 10 how it shall be kent. Again,
in any law upon this subject ought not ali
the safeguards of liberty known in civilized
and humane Jurisprudence to be introduced,
so that free man may in any case be sur
rendered as q slave; and might it not be
we'll at the same time to provide by law for
the enforcement of that clause in the Consti-
tuition which guarantees that the citizens OF
each State shall be entitled to all the pri-
vileRes and immunities of citizens in the
several States. f"
] take the official oath to-day with no
mental reservations and no purpose to con-
strUe the Constitution and laws by any hy'
percritical rules; and while do not choose
now tospecify particular acts of Congress as
proper to be enforced, do suggest that il
will be much safer for all but Unofficial and
private stations to conform to and abide by
all these acts which stand unrepealed than
to violate any. of them, trusting to find i'm
mnnity. in having them held to be unconsti'
tuhonal. ~ ru
1t is seYenty-two years since the first in
auguIation of a President under our National
Constitution. During that period fifteen
different and greatly distinguished citizens
have in succession administered the Exeeu.
tive branch of the Government. They have
conducted it through many perils, and gen.
orally with great success yet, with all this
scope for precedent, now enter upon the
same task for the brief constitutional term
of four years, under great and peculiar diff
Guilty. Disruption of the Federal Govern
ment, heretofore only menaced, is now
foTmidably attempted. | hold that, in con
temptation Of universal law and the Consti.
tuition, the Union of the States is perpetual
PeTpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in
the fundamental law of all national Govern.
ments. 1t is safe 10 assert that the Govern.
ment proper never had provision in its or.
ganic law for its own termination. Continue
to execute all the express provisions Of ouI
National Constitution, and the Union viii
endure forever, it being impossible to de
stroy it except by some action not provided
for in the INSTRUMENT itself. Again, If the
United States be not Government proper
but an association of States in.the nature o
contract merely, can il as a contract bt
peaeeably ubmade, unless by all the parties
who made III One party to a contract mag
violate II, break it, so TO speak, but does i
not require all to lawfully rescind it2
Descending from these general principles
we find the proposition that nlegal contem
! plation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by
history of the Union itself The Union il
much older than the Constitution. 1t wa
formed in fact by the articles of association
| in lT74 1t was matuTed and continued by
! the Declaration of Independence, in l776