Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1861-10-22
THE DAILY PRESS.
y n,IonnI sinn-sinYer1 and Rmancipation.

National sins-slnVerY and hmanoipalOh'
Extract from a Lecture delivered before the Gath
oIic Instituta of Cincinnati, on sunday evening,
October 20, 1881, by HENRY REED.l
The presept time is fruitful in new ques-
tions; and, among others, has arisen that,
whether political corporation can be guilty
of a sim. Slavery is daily declared to be
great national sin; and there is propensity
to multiply national sins, or to enlarge the
catalogue Of those offenses for which the
nation is responsible the principle,
perhaps, of the proverb, that zone sin keeps
another in countenance." Thus whisky
drinking, profane language, and laboring or
playing upon particular day OF the week,
are counted by many among us as national
transgressons; and one reverend and learned
gentleman has made the discovery that the
repeal of the death penalty in Michigan is
crime of the same character.
Now, Sin is supposed to be a voluntary act
of the soul contrary to some law Of God; aud
as nations are but corporations, and corpo-
Tations-as high judicial authority has
Rfirmed-have no souls, the inquiry becomes
pertinent: How can nation be guilty Of a
sin2 Some of these things which are al
legged to be national sins also require indi-
yiduai bodies, as well as souls: otherwise
how can there be injurious indulgence in
stimulating drinks; or in en- irreverent lati-
tude of phraseology; OF improper levity of
conduct upon the Sabbath day2
Slavery, however, is set down as first in
the order of turpitude of our national of
fensts; and, by some, it is affirmed that God
will deal with u.s. and is dealing with US, &C.
cordiDg as we deal with that institution.
There are those who profess to see, in the
slow PROFESSOR rather, we may say, the no
progress-wbich the arms of the Government
are making against the rebellion, the evil
dence of His dispeasure at the tenderness
with which it is treated. Indeed, there were
80. a., -,
sadden step forward which the cause of the
Union seemed to be making after the pro-
clamation of General Fremont, and the sud-
den step backward which it took after the
modification of the same by the President, a
proof of the Divine approval of the former and
OF the Divine indignation at the latter; though
in so doing, they overlook the fact that,
knowing all things past, present and to come,
God must have been as well aware of the
coming correction when the first document
was promulgated, as be could have been
afterward; thus representing him as acting
precipitatey and upon an insufficient in
ducement. 1t is fortunate perhaps, all things
considered, that God acts upon his own coun-
sels rather than upon the counsels of such as
would treat his providence like telescope,
making it longer or shorter to suit their op-
tiCal idiosyncracies.
But admitting that political corporations
can be guilty OF sin, it does not necessarily
follow that one body polite is responsible
for the sin of another. If slavery is a corpo-
rate sin, it must be that it is the sin of those
corporations where it does, and not of those
where it does not exist; and why Massachu-
sets should be conscientious about slavery
In South Carolina, or Maine about slavery in
Texas is point which it will puzzle plain
men to decide.
TIE truth is, that to the untheoretic OBJ
server, slavery, if it is a sin at all, appears
to be personal one-committed by the in
dividual master against the individual slave.
This is, to say the least, a comfortable view
of the case, and would, if adopted, remove
vast load from the Northern conscience,
which it now appears to bear with an equal
degree of torture and satisfaction.
AS the war between the North and the
South grew out Of a conflict in the political
field, between Pro slavery and Anti-slavery,
and as it is ayowedIy carried on for a divis.
ion of the Union upon one side, and a resto-
ration of it upon the other, it seems to fol-
low that, in order to 9 restoration Of the
Union, with hopes of permanency, an end
must be put to slavery. 1t might be ques-
tion-if it were safe to discuss it-whether
there is any sound principle of political phi
losophy which requires that slavery shall
be abolished for the sake of the Union
whether, in short, it is either right, or ad.
vsihble, to subordinate domestic conditions
to political ones. But it is not safe to discuss
this question. The people of the North have
decided it, and it is no longer open. They
have determined that, at all events and haz-
ards they must have the Union. For what
else than the Union have we, during all the
time that this cloud has been accumulsting,
been multiplying copies of the national
Stars and Stripes of every possible material,
hue and dimensionP Do we not every time
We chant that faEorite National anthem,
Star SpapuIpd RaDnpr flI 1nDc- n
wave" virtually pledge our lives, our for
tunes, and so forth, TO the Union, now and
forever, one and inseparable? And if man
shCu d be so unluckiy successful as to DEM
onstrate, in the most conclusive manner,
that it would be better, not only for the
whole, but for both its parts-tbe North as
well as the South that division should take
place, what would he deserve, and what
would he receive but the hateful title of Sc
cessionist?
If we were to abolish anti-slavery 1t
would be as easy to restore the Union in
that way, as by the abolition ofslsVery; but
that is impracticable. We can not place so
low an estimate upon our principles as to
permit them to be compared with the mere
Interests of oar Southern brethren in value
and therefore it is slavery that must give
way.
Assuming, therefore, that slavery is to be
abolished and the Union restored upon the
basis of universal freedom, it is a question
that has arisen in the minds of some: What
will be the condition of Southern society
after il has been accomplished? Some there
are who magnanimousy dispose of this uues-
ton by saying that it is no business Of ours;
but there are others to whom it occurs that
with a restored I Mon, we of the North NAV
still have an interest in the peace, prosperity,
social tranquility and material progress ofthe
South; who foresee that the disruption of its
domestic relations will work great changes
in its condition and in every department OF
its social life and economical affairs; and who
therefore, feel it incumbent upon them tC
attempt an answer to the inquiry: What is
10 be done with the negro?
There are those who appreciate so viyidly
the anarchy that would occur as soon a
emancipation shall take effect, that they pro
pose to send him away to some other couu
try, where he may be permitted to work Ou
q destiny purely his own. They would hav
the Government take hold of the matter
and believe that, in case it should do so, th
governments of other civilized nations woult
moved by considerations of humanity, enli
in the enterprise and carry it forward to il
consummation. The principal recommend
1ion of this scheme is that it requires grei
deal of faith to believe in it. Besides, cor
sistent philanthropist-if such a creature
possible-might be tempted 10 inquire il
would not be quite as tyrannical forcibly I
send these people into banishment as to hol
them here in serVilude.
The last answer which philanthropy HI
Snuchsafpd fO the question What is to