The Oxford intelligencer. (Oxford, Miss.) 1860-18??, 1861-01-23
Presidential Logic.

4
plictly denied the right of the Federal Govern
ment under the Constitution, to compel any
seeding State to resume her position In the
Union He proved, incontestabIy, by a refer
ence to the proceedings of the Convention by
which the Constitution was framed, that it was
intended by that body that the Federal Govern
ment should not possess the power to coerce a
State. Manifestly repugnant as was the denial
Of the right Of coercion TO the doctrine that the
States had not the right to secede, we were con-
tent to call attention to the discrepancy between
the two propositions, being satisfied that, so far
as Mr.. Buchanan was concerned, the seeding
States might rest assured that no attempt would
be made to employ military force against them.
1t seems, however, that We were mistaken.
The venerable gentleman who sits in the chair
of Washington is profounder master Of dalec-
tics than we had supposed, being almost equal
to the doughty wight Of whom Butler sings:
''He could distinguish, and divide
A hair 'twixt south and southwest side !"
for, in special message which he has lately in
iictcd upon Congress, after reterating his former
declaration Of opinion that seeding State can
not eonsttutionally be coerced by the Govern
ment Of the Union, he proceeds to unite the
Gprdan knot of the difficulty in which his pre-
vious message had bound him up by ingeniously
arguing that it is his duty to enforce the laws
and protect the property Of the United States,
against indiriduals, whilst, as against States,
he admits that such was neither his duty nor
his right. This, of course, makes everything
easy. All is now 'plan sailing" and difficulties
vanish from the scene Let us look into the
practical operation of the thing for a moment.
In the Federal Court room, at Jackson, are so ne
old chairs, purchased and pnidfor by the United
States, and, consequently, its property" Mr..
buchanan, a timorous old gentleman, is excess
sively alarmed lest that property be injured or
destroyed by the 'insurgent" boys of Jackson,
and, for its protection, he sends an army to Mis-
sissippi, under Gen. Scott, who, in order to
execute the command of the President, is
obliged to slaughter every individual" man,
woman and child in the State. Having accom-
plishcd the object Of his mission and stationed a
strong guard around the Federal chairs to pro-
tect them against the attacks of mosquitoes,
'old Fuss and Feathers" may be supposed to
return to Washington for the purpose of report
ing his achievements. "0ld Buck" trembling
with solicitude meets him at the entrance of
the White House, and anxiously inquiries wheth-
er all the chairs are safe. Having been assured
upon that point, he next desires to know
whether the State of Mississippi still continues
to occupy its former place upon the map of
North America, and expresses his earnest hope
that the mighty General has not cut it in two,
or otherwise sliced it up, while he was flourish
ing his terrible sword at the head Of his army.
The General gladdens the heart Of the President
by the information that the State Of Mississippi
remains in statu quo, without the slightest
diminution Of her fair proportions-without in
short, having received the smallest h|rt. Not
stream has been turned from its accustomed
course, and as for its generous soil, the General
thinks it is even richer and fatter, if anything,
than II was before he went there. SLOW So ~
! inquiries the President "Whv," responds the
General, "the insurgent individuals, who inhab-
tied the State of Mississippi, so stoutly opposed
me, in the performance of my duty, that | found
/ it necessary TO put every one of them to the
sword before was able to enforce the laws and
protect the public property" The President
hangs his head, for moment, little more than
usual upon one side, and then remarks-"lt is
/ all right General. Your proceedings have been
regularly constitutional throughout Having
no right TO cocrce State you have periodically
rcfrained from making any attempt to coerce
the State of Mississippi Therein you did well.
| As for that rabble of individuals, led by their
Governor, and assuming to act under the author
ty of their Convention and Legislature, who
opposed the laws Of the United States, the right
and the duty to employ military force against
them is. as said in my special message to Con-
gress on the 9th of January, 1861, clear and
undeniabe, and the cutting of their Threats was
an unavoidable necessity, Therein also, you
did well. I am inexpressibly gratifed, General,
to find that you SO clearly comprehended the
distinction that exists between State and the
! indiridudl citizens of State, and that while
you were making war upon the latter, our ami
cable relations with the former were in no wise
disturbed Come in, General and let us take a
drink !"
The case We have just supposed exhibits. we
admit absurdtes too gross for serious treat
mcnt but gross as they are, they are the Pres
idcnt's absurdities, and not ours. We have
simply taken his doctrine, and, for the purpose
of illustrating its real character and tendency,
carried it out to its legitimate results. Thank
Godi when Mr.. Buchanan sent his message to
the two Houses of Congress, he was not our
President Mississippi was then "a free and
independent State" and, if be made himself RI
diculous in the eyes of the world, it was for the
people of the United States to blush for him,
and for themselves. 1t is not the soil of Mis-
sissippi that constitutes the State, except in a
merely geographical sense. 1t is her people,
who, politically speaking, constitute the State
Each individual citizen is bound to obey his
State; and if the General Government can COM
pei one citizen to disobey his State, she can, in
like manner constrain the obedience of all, and
thus coerce the sovereign State itself Not less
preposterous would be an admission that the
Ganeral Government nossessed no authoritv