The national Republican., 1861-01-18
convince me, that whatever Of hith'hope las

convince me, that whatever Of high hope las
think there ISL there may Be in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution is Impossible. II
they we're all landed there ina day, they would
perish in the next ten days; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there 10 many times
ten days. What thenS Free them all, and
keep them among Us as underlings2 Is tquite
certain that this betters their condition. l
think l would not hold one in slavery at any
rate; yet the point is not clear enough to de.
nounce people upon. What next 2 Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals? Ny own feelings will not admit of
this; and if mine would, we well know that
those of the great mass of white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice ard
sound Judgment is not the sole question, if,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel.
ing, whether well or i'll founded, cannot he
safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. Ii does seem to me that sys.
tens Of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed /; but for that hardness in this respect
will not undertake to judge our brethren of the
South.
"W hen they remind US of their constitutional
rights, l acknowledge them, not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly; and l would give them
any legislation for the reclaiming of their fug.
tives, which should not, in its stringency, be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an
innocent one."-Speech at OtoUd, Ill.,, Aug.
81, 1858.
Has anything ever threatened the existence
of this Union, save and except this very institu.
ton of slavery2 What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros
perity What has ever threatened our liberty
ond soya md ayrppt this in sti n
of slavery If this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlarging
slavery-by spreading it out, and making it
bigger?
You may have wen or cancer on your
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as a wrong."-Speech at alton, Oct.
Is, 1858.
81 suppose most of us (I know it of myself
believe that the people Of the Southern States
are entitled to Congressional fugitive slave
law. AS the right is constitutional, l agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the institution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes; at least, profess no taste
for that Job at all. Why, then, do yield sup.
understand that the Constitution, which guar.
antics that right, can be supported without
it."-Speech at Alton, Oct. 10, S5S.
"The real issue in this controversy-the one
| pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
| the part Of one class that looks upon the insti
| tuition of slavery as wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong
| The sentiment that contemplatcs the institution
| of slavery in this country as a wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it as being moral, social, and political
wrong; and while they contemplate it as such
they nevertheless have due regard for its actua
existence among US, and the difficulties of get
| ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it
Yet having due regard for these they desire
policy in regard to it that looks to its not Gre
ating any more danger. They insist that il
should, as far as may be, be treated as wrong
and one of the methods of treating it as
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be man among us who
does not think that the institution of slavery il
wrong in any Of the aspects Of which / hav,
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to b,
with us. And if there be man amongst u
who is so impatient of it as wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ms, and tn
difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a sat
isfactory way, and to disregard the constitu
tional obligations thrown about it, that man
misplaced if he is on our platform. ."-Speech a
Alton, Oct l5, 1858.
FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH.
"We the Republicans, and others, forminJ
the opposition of the country, intend to stant
by our guns to be patient and firm, and in tn
long run TO beat you. When we do beat you
you perhaps want to know what we will d.
with you. l will tell you, so far as am au
thorized to speak for the opposition, what W,
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mea
to leave you alone, and in no way interfer
with your institution to abide by every CON
promise Of the Constitution and, in wore
coming back to the original proposition, t
treat you as far as degenerated men if we hav
, degenerated) may, according to the example
, of those noble Washington, Jefferson
and Madison. We mean to remember that 70
are as good as we are that there is no di
ference between us, other than the differenc
of circumstances. We mean to recognise an
bear in mind, always, that you have as goo
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or a
we claim to have, and to treat lou accort
ingly-Speech al Cincinnati, Sept II, 1859.
DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORN
Resolved, That we, the Democracy of Il
Union, in Convention assembled, hereby d
clare our afirmance of the resolutions unar
mously adopted and declared as platform
principles by the Democratic Convention I
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing th
Democratic principles are Interchangeable
,, their nature, when applied to the same subje
matter; and we recommend as the only furth
) resolutions the following:
ReSolced, That it is the duty of the Unite
States to afford ample and complete protectic
to all its citizens, whether at home or abroa
apd hot atiya pr fnraipp