Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1861-01-14
THE FEDERAL UNION !;
SPEECH DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE
UNITED STATES, JAN. l2 1851, BY

contentment, tranquility, and happiness 1t
has reasseinbled this winter in the presence
of arrangement OF business and disturbance of
public as well as private credit and in the face
Of seditious combinations to overthrow the
Union. The alarm is appalling; for union is
not more the body than liberty is the soul Of
the nation. The American citizen has been
accustomed to believe the republic immortal.
He shrinks from the sight OF commissions in
dicative of its sudden death. The report of
our condition has gone over the seas, and we
who have so long and with much compacency
studied the endless agiIations OF society in the
Old World, believing ourselves exempt from
such disturba ices, now, in our turn, seem 10
be falling into momentous and disastrous
| revolution.
1 know how difficult it is to decide, amid SO
many and SO various counsels, what ought to
be and even what can be done. Certainly
however, it is time for every senator to declare
himself /, therefore, following the example
| Of the noble senator from Tennessee MIR
Johnson), avow my adherence to tile Union in
its integrity and with all its parts, with my
friends, with my party, with my state, with
my country, or without either, as they may
determine, in every attempt, whether Of peace
or of war, with every consequence Of honor
or dishonor, of life or death. Although
| lament the occasion, / hail with cheerfulness
the duty of lifting up my voice among dis
traeted debates, for my whole country and its
inestinable Union.
| Hitherto the exhibitions of spirit and res0lu-
tion here, or elsewhere, have been chiefly made
on the side OF disuni0n / do not regret this
Disunion is SO unexpected and unnatural that
it must plainly reveal itself before its presence
can be realized. l like best, also, the courage
that rises slowly under the pressure of severe
provocation. If it be a christian duty to for
give TO the stranger even seventy times seven
sofiences. it is the highest patriotism to endure
without complaint the passionate waywa.tlness
OF political brethren, SO long as there is hope
that they may come to a better mind.
L think it is easy 10 pronounce whit meas
ures or conduct will not save tile Union. j
| agree with the honorable senator from North
Carolina (Mr. Clingman) that mere eulogiums
will not save it, Yet think that as prayer
brings us nearer to God, though il cannot
| move Him towards US, SO there is healing and
saving virtue in every word OF devotion to
the Union that is spoken and in every sigh
that its danger draws forth. know, al
least, that, like virtue, it derives strength
from every irfeverent act that is committed
and every blasphewous phrase that is utterly
\ against it.
4 The Union cannot be saved by mutual
- 1Hnce.1zlsEg our respefs1ve sissfe
/ IN Tsssrs,ssss.i lly for the present evils. He
whose CONSCIENCE acqults him will naturally
be slow 10 atkuse Others whose co operation
he needs, History only can adjust tile great
! account.
A continuance of The debate on the con
stitutional power of congress on the subject of
! slavery in the territories will not save the
Union. The opinions Of parties and sections
on that question have become doginatcal, and
Ii is this circumstance that las produced the
| existing alienation. A truce, at least, during
the debate on the Union, is essential to recon-
| Citation.
| The Union cannot be saved by proving that
secession Is illegal or Unconstitutional Per-
sons bent on that fearful step will not stand
long enough on forms of law 10 be dislodged:
and loyal men do not need such narrow ground
to stand upon.
4 fear that little more will be gained by dis
cussi:.g the right OF the federal government
| TO coerce seeding states into obedience. II
| dlsunon Is to 10 on, this question will give
| place to the more practical one, whether
many seeding states have right to coerce
| the remaining members 10 acquiesce in dis
| solution.
dread, as in my iImermost soul abhor,
civil war | do not know what the Union
would be worth If saved by tile use Of the
sword. Yet, to- all this, do not agree with
those who, with a desire TO avert that great
| calamity, advise a conventional or unopposed
| separation, with a view 10 what they call a re-
| construction. II is enough for me, first, that
| in this plan, destruction goes before recon.
structlon and, secondly, that the strength
4 of the vase in which the hopes Of the nation
are held consists chiefly in lis remaining un
/ broken.
Congressional compromises are not likely
10 save tic Union. l know, indeed, that ira
| dition tavors this form OF remedy. But it is
essential TO its success, in any case flat there
| be .ound a preponderating mass of citizens, so
far neutral on tue issue which separates parties
that they can intervene, strike down clashing
weapons, and compel an accommodation.
Moderate concessions are not customarily
asked by force with its guns IN battery nor
are liberal concessions apt to be given by an
| opposing force no less confident Of its own
right and its own strength. i think, also that
there is prevailing CONVICTION that legislative
compromises which sacrifice honestly cher
| ished principles, while they anticipate future
exigencies, even II they do not assume extra.
constitutional powers, are less sure to avert
Imminent evils than they are certain to produce
ultimately even greater dangers.
Indeed, Mr.. president, think it will be wise
to discard two prevalent IDEAS or prejudices,
namely: first that the Union is to be saved
by somebody in particular and secondly, that
it is to be saved by some cunning and Insecure
compact of qualifications. Ii / remember
rightly, said something like this here so long
ago MS 1850, and afterwards in 1854.
The present danger discloses itself in this
form Discontinued citizens have Obtained
political power in certain states, and they are
using this authority 10 overthrow the federal
government. They deludo themselves with
the belief that the state power they have ac-
qnired enables them to discharge themselves
/ OF allegiance to the whole republic. The hon.
orable senator from Illinois MIR :Dongias)
says we have a right 10 coerce a state, but we
cannot The president says that no state has
Alright TO secede, but we have no constitutions
al power TO make war against state. The
dilemma results from an assumption that those
who, In such case, act against the federal gov
eminent, act lawfully as state although mani
testify they have perverted the power Of the
state TO an unconstitutional purpose. A class
Of politicians in New England set up the the
i CRY and attempted TO practice upon it in our
war with Great Britain. Mr.. Jefferson did
not hesitate to say that states mnsl be kept
1 within their constitutional sphere by impuI-
sion, hthey could not bc held there BY atfrac.
ton. Secession was then held TO be Inatimis.
sible in the face Of a public enemy.
But If II is untenable in one case, il is nee.
4 essafily SO in all others. fully admit The
originality, the sovereignty, and the indepen-
dence 0. the several states within their sphere
But hold the federal government to be eanal.
~ original, sovereign and independent within
its sptitfe. And the government Of state
can no more ahsolve the people residing within
its limits from allegiance 10 the Union than THU
government can absolvc them from allegiance