The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1861-10-19
and its Capital to even their comparative

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invisible, mathematical line between it
and freedom is as fimsy as spider
web when compared with the iron grasp
Of constitutional law in the hands of an
independent and national judiciary. Is
there Shareholder in Maryland prepared
to hang the fifty or sixty millions of pro-
perry possessed by his fellow citizens on
such an attcnuated film! Other States
have been called the " Keystones and
Empires " of the Union, but well
indeed has Maryland been styled its
heart !" You may do but two things
with the heart you may let its
warm, natural, healthful pulsations pour
the life blood of loyalty and national
industry through every artery of the
Union, or you may let it remain in the
carcass Of a Observed nationality to decay
amid the sluggish corruptions of disu-
Mon
Thus far, fellcw-citiGcns, We have
dealt with this question in what may be
considered its more economical and least
patriotic aspect, That aspect the in
terest of the people of this State alone
is, in our Judgment, conclusive. But
sectionalism, founded on State rights,
peculiar institutions, peculiar property,
or peculiar habits of thought, is so foreign
to the people of Maryland, that we are
not to be denied the possession Of that
larger patriotism which can only spring
from being citizens of a great and power
full country. This is the habitual, con-
stitutional sentiment of Marylanders.-
We have never considered that a proper
appreciation of our own interests and the
protection ofour own property and State,
were Inconsistent with the interests and
the rights Of the people of every State of
the Union. On the contrary, VIC have
not onI y regarded them as harmonious
but necessary. Their very diversity of
labor and production is the source of
strength in unity, as the healthy assimi
lation of various food is the basis of
human growth and vigor. Out of such
blended and cooperating elements
springs great nationality, founded on
community Of interests, habits, govern
mental system, a common power OF pro-
lection, and the recollection of II common
glory. There is one thing which rises
supreme above all others in the purposes
for which the American people live, for
which our athers fought, as there is but
one true cause in the world, aud that is
regulated and secure national liberty
Regular liberty can only be sustained by
the pcrmancnce Of constitutional govern
ment, and constitutional government can
only be sustained by Its equal and abid-
ing justice enforced by the inherent 10y
atty Of the nation. That, in our iudg-
mcnt, is the true patriotic nationality,
which every r;an, at this period, is called
upon to defend, for ourselves, among our
selves, for the world, and against the
world. That is the nationality which is
shared, and, we believe, is loved by the
people of Maryland; that is the nation
ality which is especially necdful for this
State for, without it, the smaller States,
of which ours is one, might be always
subject to the audaclous combinations or
caprices of the larger. No loyal Union
list in Maryland, therefore, favors the
abrogatlon or dcrogation of the power,
equality or rights Of any citizen; or OF
the power, equality or rights ofany State;
but, on the contrary, seeks to defend
their sovereign security, by tirmer euran-
tees and clearer definitions in the Consti-
tuition itself, so as to make that Consti-
! tuition its own and sole detiner. No
Unionist IN Maryland bows in submissive
reverence to those on either side, who
either disobcy the Constitution, or mali
ciousiy or incautiously invade its rights.
All these things, we l'eleve, are already
amply secured to us by our organic law,
and will endure as long as it, and the
Union under it, last but when we drift
from that secure anchorage, every State,
as we'll as the entire nationality, is at
once at sea upon a dark and stormy
ocean.
Then, fellow cilizcns of Maryland, why
should we abandon the Constitution and
the Union, on political grounds! We
represent no party. We speak tor tho
whole people for the men of every Sec
lioii' W HaFC iotiiliIS5 W w VIII all y
party in existence, or that has ever cxis-
ted in this country. We owe no allie
glance to any administrations or platforms
We have already to ask ourselves ono
question, and but one, as key to most
of the questions in our national troubles
If Mr.. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, had
been elected President Of the United
States, in November, 1860, would there
be a single man in arms against the Gov
ernment of the United States, in any
State of this Union? Did even Soutl
Carolina move in this Instruction unit
the electric wires proclaimed his defeat
Is not the Constitution of the United
States precisely the same Constitution il
October, 1861, that it was in 1860 =
Nay, has not Il Congress, almost devoid
Of Southern members, proposed tc
strengthen it by permanent guaranty
Of the institution ofslavery? Is not tho
Constitution as binding on President
Lincoln as it would have been On Prosi.
dent Breckenridge Can the Constitu-
tional election ola President, in any way
produce an organic change of government
Was it not known that tie President
elect would be trammelled by an adverse
House of Representatives, fresh from the
people? Was it not known that o maj
GRITTY of The Senate, Democratic In char.