New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1861-12-19
GREAT BRITAIN.

tinued undated.
Gen. Scott, in reply to the anxious inquiries OF
friend, has written the following letter:
Ny DEAR SIR: You right in doubling the
declaration imputed 10 me, TO wit: that the Cabinet
at Washington had given orders TO seize MessIs
Mason and Slidell, even under neutral flag, for
was not even aware that the Government had had
that point under consideration. AT the time of my
leaving New-YoIk it was not known d at the San
Jacinto had returned to the American seas; and it
was generally supposed those persons had escaped 10
Cuba for the purpose of reembafking in the Nash
viile in pursuit OF which vessel the James Adger
and other cruisers had been dispatched.
think can satisfy you in few words that You
have serious occasion feel concerned about our
relations with England, it, as her rulers profess, she
has disposition to encourage the dlsseIslons IN
America.
In the frs; place il is almost superfuous to say 10
yOu that every instinct of prudence, as well AS OF
good neighborhood, prompts our Government TO re-
gard no honorable sacrifice too great, for the preser-
walton of tie friendship of Great Britain. This must
be obvious 10 all the world. AT no period of our his
tory has her friendship been of more importance TO
our people, at no period has Government been In
condition to make greater concessions 10 preserve
it. The two nations are united by interests and
ympathes-commerclal, social, political, and re-
Geious, almost as the TWO arms 10 one body, aud no
one is so ignorant not 10 know that what barns
one must harm the other In "a corresponding degree.
l am persuaded that the British Government can
entertain doubt upon this point, but If Il does
President of the United States when made aware Of
its existence will lose no opportunity OF dlspel'
ling it.
Nor is there ANYTHING, venture 10 affirm, in the
seizure of these rebel emissaes which ought to re-
ceive unfriendly construction from England. Her
Statesmen will not question the legal right OF an
American vessel OF war TO search any commercial
vessel justly suspected of transporting eontraand OF
war that right has never been surrendered by En-
gland it was even guaranteed TO Der by the Treaty
of Paris, and British guns frowping down upon
nearly every strait and inland sea upon the globe
ale conclusive evidence that she regards this right
one, the efficacy Of which may be not yet entirely
exhausted. OF course there is much that Irritating
and veXaOus in the exercise Of this night under the
most favorable circumstances, and 1t Is 10 be hoped
the day il far distant when the mart ime States
OF the world will agree III placing neutral commerce
beyond the reach OF such vexations.
The United States Government has been striving
TO this end for more than fifty years; 10 this end
early in the present century, and III its infancy as a
nation, 1t embarked III war with the greatest naval
power in the world, aud it is even nov persistent
sutton at every maritime court in Europe for more
liberal recognition OF the rights Of neurals than any
of the other great maritime nations have yet been
disposed to make Bat till those rights are secured
by proper international guarantees upon compre-
bensiye and enduring basis, of course England can
not complain of an act for which in all It's material
bearings her own naval history affords such numer-
Gus precedents.
Whether the captives from the Trent were con-
trabsnd of war or not, is question which the Two
Governments can have no serious difficulty Ill agree
ing upon. Ii Mr.. Seward cannot satisfy Earl Rus.
sell that they were, l have no doubt Earl Russell
will be able 10 satisfy Mr.. Seward that they were
not. If they were as all authorities concur IN adj
hitting agents vi the rebellion II VIII be difficult
TO satisfy impartial minds that they were any less
.coptraband than file OF rebel soldiers or battery
OF hostile cannon.
Bnt even should there be diilere.,e of opinion
mon this point, it is very clear that our Govern
ae for 1f-sti n
the right TO escape the suspicion of having wanton
ly violated the relations Of amity which the two
countries profess desire to preserve and cultivate
The pretense that ought to have taken the Trent
into port and lad her condemned bya prze court, III
order to Justify our seizure Of four OF her passengers
furnishes very narrow basis on hich 10 Tx serl
Gus controversy between two great nations. Stated
in other words, ofeDse would have been less II II
had been greater. The wrong done TO the British
fac would have been mitigated A. instead OF selzlng
tue four rebels, had seized the ship, detained all
her passengers for weeks, and conscated her cargo
am not surprised that Capt Wilkes took Inherent
view Of lis duty and of what was due 10 the flend
ly relations which subsisted between the two Gov
ernments. The renowned common sense OF the En-
glish people, believe, will approve OF his effort to
make the discharge OF very unpleasant duty az
httle yexatious possible to all innocent parties.
If under these circumstances England should deem
il her duty iii the interest Of civilization, 10 lnslsl
upon the restoration of the men taken from under the
protection OF her flag, II will be from conviction,
without doubt that the law of nations III regard TO
the rights of neurals which che has taken the lead.
ing part establishing requires revision, and with
suitable disposition on her part to establish those
rights upon just, humane, and philosophic basis.
Indeed, am happy TO see an iniimation IN one OF
the leading metropolitan journals which goes lar 10
Ju' lily this inference. Referring 10 the decisions
OF the English Admiralty Courts now quoted IN de.
Tense Of the seizure OF the American rebels on board
tie Trent, The London Times of Nov. ~, says:
So far a. tine authorities co. the testimony Of international
lawwlites Il all that teserent cruiser la.
the h' to stop ana visit and search any merchant ship
the hign seas. But it must be remembered that
these decisions given under yey
those which Steamers days did
exist and mail vessels carrying letters wherein all the nations
the world immediate interest unknown We
fighting for existence aud did In those days what
should neither do allow Others to do expect
10 be allowed TO do, in these days.
II England, we are here encouraged TO hope, is
disposed 10 do part in stripping war OF hall hor-
rors by eepting the policy long and persistently
urged upon her by our government, and CON-
mended by every principle OF justice and humanity,
she will fnd no ground in the visit Of the Trent for
controversy with our Government. l am sure the
President and people of the United States would be
bu, too happy TO let these men 90 iree unnatural
and objectionable their oiienses have been, IL by
it they colld emancipate the commerce OF the world
Greatly il would be TO our disadvantage at thin
present crisis TO surrender any OF those maritime
privileges Of belhgerents whlcb, sanctioned by the
Laws OF nations, feel that take no responsibility
In saying that the United States will be faithful ic
her traditional policy upon this subject, and the spirit
OF her political institutions.
On the other hand, should Engla be unprepared
20 make corresponding sacrifice; should sbe fee
that she could not yet afford 10 surrender the advsn
tsges Which the prcsent maritime code gives TO 9