The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1861-04-03
EUROPE.
..r,,,r,- From The London Saturday Rerie,u
NECESSITY FOR ACTION ON THE RART I
ENGLAND,

1t is bsoutely necessary that the English G1,
ernment should speedily decide ON the policy it ii
tenas 10 follow with reference to the Souther
confederation of American States Owing to tt
contradictory legislation which the two parts of h
discovered Union have adopted on the subject
import duties, the English exporter finds himself
the greatest perplexity, and the Government
exclusively able to remove his difficulty. Tb
Southern States, which ultimately pay for Britis
commodities in their cotton, are ready to admi
them at low and reasonable duty; but in th
Nortn tariff has, in all probability, already bee
iNegaizea Ng winch all but closes against them tn
Northern and Western markets. So far as thi
the question for the English Ministers seems to b
| the simple one, whether, in spite of grave obiec
tons they will accept its liberal commercial poll
| Gy as reason Tor recognizing the Southern Union
But the circumstances of the case are not vet com
| pletey stated. The Southern Confederacy ha
announced that it intends to treat the whole Uni
TED states as foreign community, and that good
coming into the South from the North and North
| west will be considered by it equally dutiab
| with shipments received through New Orleans
This consideration adds greatly to the distress o
the English mercantile interest. Even supposins
1t could bear up against the heavy fiscal burdens i'm
posed by the Northern tariff it is quite impos
sible that it pay the double duty levied partly
at the New York Custom-house, and partly on al
cargoes conveyed to the seeding States by the route
OF the Mississippi and its tributaries. Nay, itwoulC
appear as ifgoods shipped to New Orleans would
under present circumstances pay duty first to the
floating custom house established by the govern.
ernment of the old States at the mouth of the Mis-
sssippi, and next to the officers of the Southern
Coniederacy the moment the cargo is landed on the
wharf. No doubt such state of things as this in
furious as it is, ought to be patiently borne by the
English importer, if it be not unreasonably pro-
ionged 1t seems, however, if the Washington
government intended that it should endure indefi-
niteiy. Up to the present moment no mode of CO.
erclon has been mentioned by the persons most in
Mr. Lincolns favor, except the retention of federal
property in Southern defences, and the compulsory
levy ofduties at federal ports. This policy NAV
obviously last for one year, two years, dozen;
and 1t Is grave question whether foreign powers
are under any obligation to submit to it. If no
point of time can be named at which it will come
70 an end, it is not easy to see why England or
france could not demand that the United States
should either put down the rebellion by effectual
measures, or else allow foreigners to deal with the
new Confederacy as an Independent State. The
uilneultles growing out of conflicting claims of iu-
risdlcuon form always one of the most familiar
Knots which Pubicists are called upon to unite; but
new ease arises when two governments, without
coming to blows using any hostile measure
against one another, actually exercise jurisdiction
at one and the same point of territory. The old
states cannot reasonably expect that they will be
allowed to establish what will be- in effect block
ade OF the Southern ports without applying that ac-
tive, coercive and unremittng force of which in
ternatlona law vigorously requires the EMPLOYMENT
from bockadipg power.
Ihese questions press the more urgently, in pro-
Ppl tLou dS hOpcS OF q compromise become fainter
and fainter. The body of mediators assembled by
the government of Virginia, under the name of
the feace Congress, has only succeeded in making
report through the accidental absence of one of
the Republican delegates, and the report thus OBJ
tanned merely suggests arrangements which have
already been mooted and laid aside in the Congress
oI the United States. In truth, there are but two
or three resting places between the extreme claims
OF the North and the extreme claims of the South,
and as each of these has come in turn before the
Senate aud the House of Representatives it has be-
come clear that one party or the other considered
1t too great concession. 1t certainly seems as if
the dispute had passed beyond the region of COM
promise and adjustment. The Southern Confedera-
cy mas secured so many unexpected advantages
through the apathy of Mr.. Buchanan, and so
many more through the suicidal fiscal legisla-
ton OF the North, that it is not the least likely to
stoop down from the commanding attitude at which
it placed itself in the beginning of the rupture.
On the other hand, the population Of the Northern
States seems to be more and more dsincned to
give way without blows. 1t was long thought that
the Republican party would be deserted by num-
bers OF its adherents at the first election after the
secession, but some local struggles which have Just
actually show an increase of Repuhli-
can votes. Mr.. Lincoln will undoubtedly be fol-
lowed by large numbers of his party, whatever
course be takes, but there already signs that a
considerable minority is determined to insist on
measures which, though not admitted to deserve
the name of coercion, will necessarily be the first
step in a civil war.
II Iue pOlltCS OF the NOrjQerl states become
separated from those of the South, it is
not easy to say into what divisions the present
Northern parties will break up. That there will
be disruption of the Republicans it is
impossible to doubt, for no faction large and so
nearly universal has ever prevailed in America
without ultimately separating into fragments from
its own weight. Even thus early--even before
MIR. Lincoln's policy was formally declared iu
have been symptoms of serious
disagreement. Some very powerful members of
tbE Ran hipap rtu rnaA hu No jpnon
bic following are known to have tried their utmost
to prevent Mr.. Lincoln from placing Mr.. Seward at
the head of his Cabinet. This dstaste for Mr..
Seward is not simply personals it proceeds from a
deep dislike OF that policy of conciliating the
South, and of endeavoring to stop short of ex-
tremities. which Mr.. Seward, ever since Mr.. Lin
coins success, has urgently recommended in his
Pupilc auureSses The malcOntents are therefore a
war party and they do not hesitate to declare that
they do not greatly care what issue the war NAV
nave. II they defeat the South in fair field it is
clear that the doom of slavery even in the present
slave states, is sealed. If, on the other hand, the
otstes succeed IN making good their indie
pendence, the ultra faction in the North insists
that 1t is infinitely preferable to continue national
existence as Confeder acy of entirely free commu-
mites than to chafe under an unequal yoke with
socieues whose institutions are abhcrrent to the
treemen OF Democracy based on the equality of
rights. The existence of this dissident section is
pointed out by the more moderate Republican
newspapers as lamentable proof of the progress
maze oy Apontlohlsm, pure and simple, in the Re-
publican ranks since Mr.. Lincoln's election
1t is, indeed, most natural that the extreme form
of ant-Slavery opinion should gather strength
through the force Of recent occurrences Every
taunt and boast of the seceders, each disdainful
rejection of the overtures of peace which proceed
from the more timid Northerners, must add plau-
sibty to the arguments of those who have always
contended that there could be no peace with the
slave-Owner. There are men of much eloouence,
and consequently of much influence in the North
States WIN tbOunh Anna borp ba,
steadily refused to take the oath of allegiance to
the Federal Constitution, lest they should seem to
pledge themselves against undertaking a root and
branch extrpation of slavery if they should ever
have it in their power. year ago such persons,
though to certain extent admired and listened to,
were regarded by the Republicans as dangerous
allies, and by the mass of the people as half mad
incendiaries; but now that events are apparently
tending to bring about the state of things which
they always declared to be inevitable, it is not
wonderful that increasing numbers of Americans
should be tempted to look upon them as prophets
Tie longer the present provisional relation of
N)rth and South is continued, the more probable
will be the consolidation of great Northern party
sworn to re-admt the seeding States to the Union
on no terms except entire submission or else to
separate from them forever.
[From the London Economist
THE MORRILL, TARIFF.
There can, we fear, be no doubt that the Morrill,
Tariff has by this time become law in the United
Northern and Southern Federations seem to be
running of selfish greed and short-siehted
folly. They are vieing with each other to try
watch can most speedily and most completely ali
enite the sympathies and incur the condemnation
of their best friends In the old world. They are
rousing in us many uncomfortable feelings but it
cannot be denied that they are at the same time
teiching us many valuable lessons. Assuredly if
We are not politically wise, aud wise at a very
chap rate, it will be our o*n fault; for we are
haTing all our political experiments tried for us at
other peoples expense-across the channel and
across the ocean. Those among US who, in moments
of impatient weakness of reckless dreaming
have sighed for the facilities of despotism or as
pred after the ''unchartered freedom of uniyer-
sal suffrage, need only to look at America and
France, to recoiI in mingled alarm, gratitude and
shame.
Certainly the most uncontrolled Democracy, it
is OBVIOUS, offers no security whatever to any ne
tol either for the sagacious perception or for the
steidy pursuit of its own interests, any more than
foIrespect for the rights and interests of Others or
for the simplest principles of morality or Justice
Tie narrowest oligarchy, the most arbitrary auto
crits, could scarcely have acted with harder or
mere unblushing class-sefshness; could scarcely
hare committed a shalower blunder, could scarcely
haze displayed greater ignorance and disregard of
al.economic laws than have been manifested in
thtm matter of the Protective Tariff, by the ed
ucted, commercial, democratic Republic which
ha been accustomed to hold itself up to the world
as an object OF supreme envy, admiration, and
almost worship. That much temporary evil will
resilt from such scheme of commercial policy,
wecannot doubt; but grievous as such effective
folly is, we confess that astonishment is our pre-
dominant sentiment on the occasion. Let US give
Sgance at only few of the considerations which
ought to have withheld any class of politicians,
eva American rowdies and electioneerers, from so
amtzing and suicidal a mistake.
The Tariff is avowedy and exclusively framed for
thepurposes of protection. The North, or rather
tht Northeastern States, goaded into action appa-
retly by the threatened loss of the Southern mar
kes and taking advantage of the retirement of the
Sotthern Senators, employed their accidental ma
jorty to enact law with the object of securing to