The Athens post. [volume] (Athens, Tenn.) 1848-1917, 1861-05-17
Action of the Legislature Action of
Tho People

Tuesday, and the otflclal documents piac-
cd in our hands, prevented us from ac-
companyng their publication with any
comment. We propose TO give our views
this morning in the briefest and most
concise form possible.
Upon the question of arming the State,
calling out volunteers ard making liber-
al appropriation for the expenses thereof,
there will be found, we imagine, no divis-
ior of sentiment among our people. All
concur in the absolute necessity of this
measure.
There may be some, and we have no
doubt there are, who will object to the
formal declaration of independence pass
cd by the Legislature and submitted to
the peoplc--some who desire to continue,
ms far as any action Of the Legislature or
the people in their political capacity is
concerned, their existing connection with
the "old Union" while in reality we are
in arms against that goyernmentuncondi-
tionally, and determined to resist its au-
thority to our utmost ability, as well in
behalf Of the whole South, as in our own
behalf. This position is too palpably alb
surd and untenablc, in our Judgment, to
be long adhered to by even the few who
now occupy it. No argument, it seems to
US, can be made in its support, and mono
is necessary TO show It's weakness.
The next qucstion--ond the one upon
which we apprehend the most likelihood
of division of the people of the State at
the June election-is as to the adoption
of the Constitution of the Provisional Gov
ernmcnt at Montgomery. We havehere-
tofore thought that that question should
be left open until after the conclusion of
the war, when it could be considered
more deliberately, and when the charac
ter Of that constitution, and its adapta-
ton to the peculiar interests and charac
ter of the people of Tennessee and of the
Border Slave States, could be more calmly
and fully considered. These reasons still
hold good, but the exigencies of actual
war which are daily pressing more closely
upon us, suggest other considerations,
which, in our judgment, should outweigh
all the objections heretofore urged to the
adoption of this constitution by the peo-
pie Of Tennessee. We are out of the old
Union-entircly and finally. No one can
anticipate the rcmotest chance for a re-
construction of the whole Union, and no
one now contcmplates, or ever did con-
template, the permanent severance of
Tennessee from the South and its Union
with n Northern Conrcderacy. The idea
of Middle Coniederacy, which by the
way never met with the approval of our
judgment, was based mainly upon the ex
pcctation that the Southern tier of free
States, ana perhaps some of the middle
Free States, would become parties to it.
The position of those States at this mo-
ment must dissipate this expectation from
the mind Of every man. This alternative
is therefore cflectually disposed of. Then
what are we to do? Where are we to 90?
The opponents of an immediate political
connection with the Confederate States
admit that that is our inevitable destiny
eventually, but they urge that events
should be left to take their course. and
we should content ourselves at present
with a close military league. If we are to
60 there evcntually-and no one can
doubt that we must inevitably become q
part of that govcrnmcnt-why delay p
Why temporize? What are we to gain |?
To all intents and purposes we are sever
ed from the Black Republican Govern
ment. We repudiate and scorn and spit
upon the men and the spirit by whom
and by which the best government the
world ever saw has been perverted into an
engine of oppression TO one half of its
people, because they held an institution,
recognized in the Fundamental law, obnox-
ious TO these Union savers. Our attitude
to the Federal Union is as hostile as any
action Of our law makers or our people
can make it. BY military league with
the South we give up to the Confederacy,
practically and in effect, rs exclusive and
full control Of our destiny as by a full po-
ltical connection. In the former case
we are without representation in the coun-
selS of that government--in the latter our
voice and our influence will be heard
and felt. and our local and peculiar inter
ests protected.
1t is objected however, that the Con-
stitution of the Confederate States recor-
nizes the doctrine Of secession, and there
fore no consistent opponent Of that here
sv can conscientiously vote for it, Admit
that this doctrine is recognized, and the
constitution in other respects unexcep-
tiGnable. In the position which Tenncs-
see now occupics-her allegiance to the
old Constitution finally thrown off, and
her attitude of actual hostility to the gov
eminent claiming to act under it clearly
and boldly assumed-her alliance with
the Confederate States openly proclaimed,
and her resources taxed to their utmost
capacity TO make good the terms of that
alliance-should she hesitate upon this
single objection to an abstract principle,
10 make the Union with the Confederacy
complete in political sense, and secure
for herself all the advantages rs well as
encounter all the perls and exigencies, of
this chtnge Of her political status?
But what is secession, and why should
its presence in or absence from the Con-
stitution of the Confederate States influ-
cnce our action? As an abstract princi-
pie it is an absurdity. 1t is simply TO