Newbern weekly progress., 1860-11-20
IincOI.,s Position.

We have no confidence in Lincoln's honesty
or professed friendship for the South, and in
urging the Southern States to preserve the
Union we do so because we think that submis
sion, with both houses of Congress on our side,
for four years, will be preferable to extinguish
ing the last hope of the lovers of freedom upon
earth If free institutions prove q failure in
Republican America where are they to find
another foothold? And while we advocate the
Union now, believing that with the present
complexion of Congress we can demand and Sc
cure our rights should it be found during Lin
coins administration that he violates his oath
to oppross us, then we are with any party to
hu-l him from power by Revolution, Secession
or otherwise. We are never willing to see the
South dishonored We give the following from
the n. c. C. Aduocate not that we have any
confidence IN Lincolns promises, but as mat
ter of 1lesrS merely:
Mr. LINCOLN's OPINIONS ON THE QUESTION OF
SrAvERY.-It is certainly true that Abraham
Lincoln of Illinois, was elected President of the
United States on last Tuesday; and it is equal
ly true that he will enter upon the duties OF his
office on the 4th of next March.
His election, as a sectional candidate, has
aroused an excitement in the Southern States,
which threatens a dissolution of the Union.
The cause of this excitement is the supposed
opinions of the President elect upon the ques-
ton of slavery as it exists in the Southern
States 1t is fair to presume that his opinions
upon this question will direct the administra-
tration of the Federal Government for the next
four years. And we suppose we shall meet the
question of our readers, What are the opin-
ions of the President elect, on slarery?" by the
following extract from northern neutral pa
per:
"In the debate with Douglas at Freeport IL
linois, on the 9th Of August, 1853 Mr.. Lin
coin, in reply to question whether he was in
favor Of an unconditional repeal Of the fugitive
slave law, declared emphatically that he was
not then, and never had been, in favor Of its
unconditional repeal. We give his further re-
marks in his own language:
81 have never hesitated to say, and do not
now hesitate to spy, that l think, under the
Constitution Of the United States, the people of
the Southern States are entitled to a congress
sional fugitive slave law" OF the existing law
he said: {" think it should have been framed
so as to free it from some of the objections that
pertain to i, without iessening its efficiency"
But he added that he would not be the man to
introduce it as new subject of agitation.
In the same debate Mr.. Lincoln said: " In
regard to the question whether am opposed to
the admission of any more slave States into the
Union, state to you very frankly, that would
be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in position
of having to pass upon that question. 1should
be exceedingly glad to know that there would
never be another slave State admitted into the
Union: but must add that if slavery shall be
kept out during the territorial existence, and
then the people shall, having fair opportunity
and clear field, when they come to adopt their
constitution, do so extraordinary a thing as to
adopt slave constitution, I see no alternative,
if we own the country, but to admit them into
the Union"
With regard to the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia, he said: . L believe that
Congress possesses the constitutional power to
abolish it. Yet, member of Congress,
should not, with my present views, be in favor
of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the district
unless on these conditions: First, that the abo-
lition should be gradual; second that it should
be on vote of majority of the qualified voters
of the district; and third, that compensation
should be made to unwilling owners"
Mr. Lincoln, in replying to the interrogatory
whether he was in favor of the abolition of the
Interstate slave trade, after confessing that he
had not formed an opinion as to its constitu-
tionality, proceeded to say:
''If should be of opinion that Congress does
possess the constitutional power to abolish the
Slave trade among the different States, should
still not be in favor of the exercise of that
power unless upon some conservative prlncl
pie, as conceive it. akin to what have salo
in relation to the abolition of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia"