Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1860-04-14

tUlf0se conduct he IS coRsftfi0nQEty responsible.
President Polk, Of whose cabinet Mr..
Buchanan was a member, during the LIST
session of the 18th Congress used this
language: "If the House of Representa-
lives. as the grand inquest of the nation,
should at any time have reason to believe
that there had been malversation in Office by
an improper use or application of the pub
lie money By a public officer. and should
think proper 20 institute an inquiry in the mat
ter, all the archives and papers OF the Elk
ecutiye Department. public and private,
would be subject to the inspection and control
Of committee Of their body" DC. The rulings
of the Supreme Court have been in the same
direction. In the cases of Wilcox Us. Jack
son. and Williams ps United States, il was
decided that the law devolviug particular
duties upon the President. by name, was
fulfilled by the discharge of those duties by
his sabordiates, ON the ground that these
subordinates were Instruments through whom
he acted and spoke. It can certainly
not be necessary to transcribe what appears
throughout the journals of Congress, that
each House has continually claimed and ex-
ercised the necessary power of inspecting,
inquiring into, and supervising the different
Executive Departments and operations of
the Government. Ii it be true that the close
and intimate connection insisted upon exists
between the President and others appointed
by him aud exercising Executive trusts. the
reason is not manifest why the management
of the one should not be made as plain and
patent as the other. The most rational and
plausible conclusion at least would be that
the pretentious tenets of the protest have
been seriously weakened, if not destroyed by
the force of its admissions.
The n, Costly Tor the full and unrestricted
exercise OF the power in question is SO over
ruling as to pr vent its surrender.
1. With view to Impeachment.
z 2. For the purpose of .egiSla ton.
r 3. To protect the privileges of Congress.
The constitutiOnality. the legality, and the
authorized expediency of the inquiry pro-
pissed by the resolutions icing, as is believed,
amply yindicated, no question remains in
respect 10 it. except such as might address
itself to the discretion of the House. Ii, by
the proceedings 10 remedy mischief,
greater mischief would be likely to follow,
then well-regnIated prudence would indi-
cate its abandonment. The President in his
protest suggests such a danger, and rests his
resistance upon it. 1t is thus expressed:
The whole proceeding against him justifes
the fears OF those wise and great men who,
before the Constitution was adopted by the
States, apprehended that the tendency of
the Government was to the ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
OF the legislative at the expense of the exc
cutiVe and judicial departments" If, ill.,
deed, fears of legislative ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
should ever have existed, the cause of those
fears is lett in great obscurity. The history
OF The Com tiLution, through all the stages of
Its formation, s adoption by the several
States, and the conspicuous differences be-
tween the great political parties at the time,
would seem 10 deny The existence OF any
such apprehension The strong sentiment
OF the Democratic party, throughout it's
whole struggle with the Federallsts until
the election OF Jefferson, was directly the re-
verse OF the Presidents statement In the
Cons enIion which formed the Constitution,
JEALOUSY of The Executive branch of the pro-
posed governments was as great. even, as the
Kindred jealousy against the probable en-
Gro .chmeuts of the FEDERAL Government up
on the Independence aud sovereignty of the
separate States. In that body it was even
proposed that the Executive should be re-
movable by the Legislature, without
impeachment or conviction of high
crimes aud misdemeanOrs. AS further
manifestation OF that feeling,it was pro.
posed that the Executive should bs
plural. Madison and Randolph urgently sur-
ported it as measure OF protection against
the aggressions OF the Chief Magistrate upon
the nights OF the co ordinate branches of the
Government Mr.. Randolph, Governor of
Virginia, aud Attorney General under Wash
ington) speaking upon this subject said: =
'-The situation OF this country is peculiar; the
people are taught aversion TO monarchy; all
the constitutions are opposed to it. Why can
not three execute? The ineligihility OF the Ex-
ecutlve after one term was also insisted upon
as necessity TO prevent usurpation. Jeffer-
son declared his wish to be that the President
should be elected Tor seven years, aud be in
eligible afterwards. Mr.. Randolph also made
use OF this remarkable expression: THE EI-
ecutives may appoint men devoted to them,
and even bride the Legislature" Hamil on,
after the adoption OF the article of the Consii-
tuition relating to the Executive, addressing
Gov. Lewis, used a still more striking express
sOn: = on nor |, my friend, may not live to
see the day, bat most assurcdly il will come.
when every vital interest OF the State will be
merged in the ail-absorbing question of who
will be the next President So numerous
are he proofs that he .'wise and great menu
OF our earlier history entertained for, bodings
vi the very oppO-iie character to those which
the President ascribes to them, that it is diff
hcult to resist disposition 10 attribute in
sincerity TO the President To accomplish the
purposes of his protest. The suspicion on
tue part OF the people has become so great
that they are continually reducing Execu-
tive power. In many of The States the Gov
ernor has become but mere chief OF
police. This is not, however. to be attributed
10 legislative or judicial agency, but to the
fact that chief executives so use their patron
age as 10 produce tendency 10 centrali-
z ttion OF power dangerous 10 the liberties of
the people. The world is but great battle
field for power; aud if universal history
teaches any lesson, it, is this: THAT power Is
always stealing from the many To the few;"
that executive heads OF nations absorb popu-
nlar rights; and that all revolutions are on
tbe part OF the people, not TO establish
thrones, bnt to regain that which has been
wrested from them by the throne. Tie Gill
zen of the United States has reason to lear
that which every other nations has suffered.
The committee, entertaining the views
herein expressed, recommend the adoption vi
the following resolutions
Resoiptd, That the House dissent from
the doc ines of the special message of the
President of the United States of March %,
1850;
That the extent of power contemplated in
the adoption of tue Ie,olutions OF inquiry OF
March 3. 1860, is necessary 10 the proper dir
charge oil the constitution duties deyolyed
upon Congress;
That julio al determinations, the opinions
OF former President, and uniform usage sane
lion It's exercise; aud
That TO abandon It would leave the Exec
uIive Department OF the Government with
out sup-rversion or responsibility, aud would
be likely To lead To CONCENTRATION oi pow ca
IN the President dangerous TO the rights OF a
free people.
MIR. Houston and Mr. Taylor each made a
minority reports ON the same subject as the
above.
NASHVILLE ADril 9th 1860