The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1860-07-13

ut all, and which was accepted as o grea
charter of human rights, under which IL wa
hoped the people Of the United States nigh
be able to rid themselves Of this acknowledg
ed evil, carries slavery, OF It's own force, int
every State as well as every Territory OF tn
United States, and plants II there 90 deepl,
and firmly that no power remains adequst
to Its expulsion. The States may prohibi
or discourage everything else; but slavery ]
of 30 much greater utility and necessity thar
any other property, that II has been clothe,
upon with sanctity by tho Constitution II
self, and 10 inyiolable. The expedient of un
friendly Legislation, IL has been seen, Is no
admissible, for the subject to which II is Il
be applied cannot be affected by IL; the prop
erty In this case is not, like ordinary proper
| ty, within the control of State Legislation
but it II property that has been raissd by th
Consultation of the United States 10 posi-
tion where Il is unassailable. Any loca
law impiring right which rests upon
special constitutional sanction must be do
clarcd imperative, Of course. Propcrt,
founded upon such right cannot be subject
cd to any laws or regulations moro onerouI
than arc made TO apply 10 other property, OF
perhaps than attach 10 the most favored dc.
scriptions of property certainly, any invid'
ious legislation, and all regulations discrimi'
mating against 1t, would be unconstitutional
The laws protecting other property would
protect this actions of case, trespass, replc
vvin-in fine, all the appropriate remedies iol
injuries to property-would lio as well iol
torts to this properly as to any other. Tt
main slave would be trespass, to steal hin
would be larceny. So, ON affirmative cod'
for the protection of slave property would In
almost every conceivable case be unnecessary
and unfriendly legislation would in oil casc'
bc nugatory. What cannot be done direct
ly cannot be done indirectly. Iay this, II
will be understood, upon the assumption
that the Dred Scott decision Is right, and ]:
to be carried out in all its implications by the
Federal Courts, as It undoubtedly will be, &C
long as the Democratic party continues In
power. :,
Mr.. Chairman, IL the Dred Scott decision
Is good law, and 1t shall DO acquiesccd in a.
such, the question of freedom or slavery In
this country is irrcvocably settled; the Con-
stitution which the builders constructed Is
already overthrown, and the Union for libcr-
ty and republicanism, which rested thereon
exists no longer, and the foundations OF
Union for q grinding servitude on the one
side, and an arrogant oligarchy on the other,
to be erected upon its ruins, have been COM
mcnced.
I have dwelt at length upon this branch
of my subject, because | perceive that this
decision embraces and involves every gueS-
ton in respect to the existence, extension
and perpctuation Of slavery. IL is the esscn-
tial platform of the Democratic party 1t
covers every claim that the oligarchy sets
up It iorbids the prohibition Of slavery ex'
tension it declares, In effect, that the Con-
stitution, er proprio rigore, carries slavery
into every Territory and every State Of the
Union, and extends to slave property degree
of favor and protection such as Is accorded
to no other kind of property; 1t yindicates
the slave trade, and demands, by IN imperi-
Gus logic, its reopcning and legalintion for,
if II Is true that negroes have "no rights
which white men are bound to respect" IL
their normal and rightful staius-l hardly
know what word to use when speak OF a
man as q thing-is that OF property, and IL
this is so plain that the Supreme Court Is
bound to say that 1t is true, although the
Constitution makes no reference to them rs
such, with what propricty can the importa.
ton of them be made piracy? What good
reason can be given for such restriction Us
is contained in the laws against the slave
trade, upon what is in itself q Legitimate sub.
iect Of commerce? Why make 1t criminal
to import slaves, when property In them al.
ready within the United States is moro high
ly favored by the Constitution than property
in any other form?
come now TO enquire In regard to the ba.
sis or foundation of this extraordinary decis-
ion to ascertain and examine the grounds
upon which It rests, and l discover they are
us follows:
/. That whereas, by the opinions Of the
civilized world before and at the time Of the
formation of the Constitution, negroes OF Al.
rican descent were an inferior race, fit only
to be slaves, and intended by their Creator
to occupy that place or status in the world,
Il could not have been understood that they
were to be citizens Of the United States
They were regarded rs the subjects Of prop
erty, and not as persons entitled to the
rights and franchises Of citizenship
II. The doctrine Of Mr.. Calhoun and his
disciples, that slavery is not only right and
fit, no far Us the slave is concerned, but u
blessing to freemen, a necessary relation in
society, and the very corner stone ot true and
Legitimate government.
III. The provisions In tho Constitution
in reference to the slave trade and the return
of fugitiycs from service or labor.
Under some or oil of these heads may be
found the reasons which brought the Judges
who united in the opinion Of the court, to
make the Dred Scott decision. And / will
here observe, that although In giving In their
opinions they differed from each other IN
many respects, and 80 far that 1t may he dis
puted whether majority were agreed upon
any particular line OF reasoning, II can hard.
ly be doubted that what Is called the "opin-
ion of the court" pronounced by Chief JUS
tice Taney, embodics in its results the opln-
ions of the majority Of tho court. This Is
the understanding Of tho President, OF the
South, and OF the Democratic party, rs Is
seen by their declarations and platforms.
/. The African race, We arc assured by
majority OF the court, had for more than q
century before the formation of tho Consti-
tuition,
"been regarded as beings Of an inferior order,
and altogether unfit to associate with the white
race, either In social or political relations; and
30 Gar inferior, that they had no rights which
the white man was bound ~ respect; and that
the negro Akht Justly and lawfully be reduced
to slavery for his benefit. lie Was bought and
sold and treated as an ordinary article elmer
chandise and traffic, whenever profit could be
made by Il. This opinion was at that time M
ed and universal In the civilized portion OF the
white race. Il was regarded as an axiom in
moral. a, we'll AZ politics, which no one thought
Of disputing, or supposed to be open to dis
pute; and men In every grade and position Of
society daily and habitually acted upon II In
their private pursuits, a. we'll as in matters Of
public concern, without doubling for moment
the correctness ofthe opinion" They
"werc never thought ofo spoken OF except as
and when the claims Of the owner or
the profits Of the trader were supposed TO need
protection"
Mr.. Chairman, Il Il undoubtedly true that
- ,,-.x..<t;r tha adontiO0 oil the