The Oxford intelligencer. (Oxford, Miss.) 1860-18??, 1860-10-03
NORTHERN TEXT.


at is difficult 10 conceive how any person
who believes that the Constitution cunfers the
b right Of protection in the enjoyment Of slave
property in the Territories, regardless Of the
wishes ofthe people and Of the action Of the ter
riorial legislature, can satisfy his conscience and
his oath Of fidelity to the Consultation in with
holding such congressional Legislation as may he
essential 10 the enjoyment Of such right under
the Constitution. Under this view of the sub
ject il is impossible to resist the conclusion that
i the Constitution does establish slavery in the
Territories beyond the power of the people to
control il by law. il l. the imperative duty Of
Congress to supply AL the legislation necessary
TO its protection; and if this proposition is I'M
true, it necessarily results that the Constitution
neither establishes nor prohibits slavery any
where but leaves the people of each State and
Territory entirely free to form and regulate their
domestic affairs to suit themselves, without the
intervention Of Congress or any other power
whatsoever. "--D0ugidS Hdrpcr's Mdgazine ar
ticl
"The people Of n Territory can, by lawful
means, exclude slavery before il comes in as n
State; and "no matter what may be the de-
cision Of the Supreme Court on that abstract
question: still the right Of the people Of the Ter.
ritories to make slave Territory or a free Ter
ri DRY is perfect and complete. '-DogglaS speech
] at frSePort, Ill.,, 1858,
al have only a word to say in reply. IF that
gentleman had read any one speech that have
made on the subject in the last five years. he
would have found an uncquvocal answer 10 the
qnestifn. have made more than fifty speeches
this year in which | have answered that ques-
ton, and It political opponents insist on putting
1t to me- for the purpose OF creating doubt on the
subject ] can not believe there is a man in
Americl of ordinary intelligence who does no,
know that hold that the people Of Territory.
while Territory, and during territorial condi-
ton. may introduce. exclude, abolish, or regu
late slavery just as they please. have said that
North and South. and held the same doctrine
everywhere. When | have seen newspapers
and small politicians renewing that question, il
has excited in my bosom no other feeling than
that Of unmitgated contempt that they should
pretend to have doubts on the subject Doug
tas speech at Clifton Springs, " J., Sept.
10, 1860.
1t is easy to perceive how Mr.. Douglas and his
friend Mr. Stephens by sticking TO the Southern
text above quoted when advocating his cause
south of Mason and Dixon's line. may make Mr.
Douglas appear to be consistent upholder Of
Southern rights; and it is also easy to perceive
how Mr.. Douglas and his friend Mr. W. A. Rich
quent repetition Of the Northern text. when
striving to conciliate the freesoil element north
'of that line, may prove that Mr. Douglas is as
good Black Republican as Eli Thayer. But
were Mr.. Stephens and Mr. Richardson to ad-
dress the same audience, each using the argu-
ments in favor Of Mr. Douglas for the Presidency
which he now employs in his particular section,
what would be the effects
The speeches of Mr.. Douglas on which Mr..
Stephens would rely TO prove the soundness OF
his friends democracy at the South, contain
doctrines Numerically opposite to those contain
ed in those Douglas speeches and writings by
which Mr.. Richardson proves that his patron is
entitled to the unanimous sufIfages Of the free
scilers at the North. Light and darkness, black /
and white, fire and water, cannot be more oppos-
ed to each other than these Southern and North /
ern speeches Of the stump candidate for the Pre- I
sidency; and yet he makes parade of his "cOn- ]
sistency." and expresses "unmitigated con-
tempt for anybody who has any doubt as TO his
real opinions. Constitution.