The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1860-02-03
MINORITY REPORT
OF THE COMMITTEES ON FEDERAL RELATIONS
IN THE SENATE, ON THE HAMPERS FER.
BY RESOLUTIONS AND THE SUB
JECT OF SLAVERY, 6zsaesE

OF THE COMMITTEE ON FEDERAL RELATIONS
IN THE SENATE, ON THE HARPER's FEB.
BY RESOLUTIONS AND THE SUB
JEoT OF SLAVERY. -
The Minority of the Committee on Federal Re-
lations, to whom was referred the Preamble
and Resolutions, entitled " Concurrent Reso-
lutions of the Legislature of Minnesota ON the
subject of the recent insurrection ct Har
pef's Ferry, in Virgins" have had the same
under due advisement, and differing from
the opinions as expressed by the Majority of
the Committee, beg leave to report:
That in view of the magnitude of the
subject presented to our consideration, we
can see no propriety in the terms of sarcastic
levity in which the Report of the Majority
is couched. If it be intended to point
sneer at any portion of our common country,
the present excited state of the public mind
would seem to indicate that this is not the
time, nor the Senate of Minnesota the place,
for the exhibition of any such powers, either
of sarcasm or wit. Disinclined, therefore,
to follow the path marked out by the ma
jority of the Committee, we propose, in the
first place, to meet the question :propounded
with such seeming triumph by them )" Who
are responsible for, and who began" the
agitation of the question of slavery, and con-
clude with suggesting some few reflections
in support Of the passage of the resolutions
as referred to the Committee. 1t may not
be inappropriate, however, before entering
upon such inquiry, to correct an erroneous
impression which, to great extent, is prev
alent, and into which the majority of your
Committee would seem to have fallen. 1t
is confidently and frequently asserted that
the " founders of the Government" at the
time of the adoption of the Federal Consti-
tuition, looked forward with hope and GER
tainty to the entire extinction Of African
Slavery 10 this country at an early day, and
were all favorable to its restriction to the
limits within which it then existed. Such
is not our reading of the earlier history of
the Republic. The same differences of
opinion existed then upon the subject of
slavery as do now exist, and while many
thought the system to be one productive of
evil, there were found many Others who not
only favored its existence, but were not
opposed to its diffusion. And it was a com.
promise of opinion by men from different
sections of the country, not only upon this,
but upon various other questions, which re-
suited in the formation of the Constitution,
and in the distinct recognition in that in
strument of the institution of slavery. The
mention of one, relating to the African
Slave Trade, will be sufficient for our pres.
ent purpose. Section nine of the Constitu.
ton provides that the migration or impor-
tation of such persons as any of the States
now existing shall think proper to admit,
shall not be prohibited by the Congress
prior to the year one thousand eight hundred
and eight )" and article five provides that
no amendment made to the Constitution
prior to 1908 should affect the above Sec
ton, thus establishing, beyond the power of
redemption, the right of any State to import
African slaves up to the year 1903, and as
much longer as Congress would permit. If,
as is now by some supposed, the trainers of
the Constitution all desired the early extinc.
ton of slavery, it is difficult to imagine the
inducements which led to the adoption of
the above articles, unless we are to give
them credit for that degree of charity which
would render them anxious for the introduce
ton of slaves only for the purpose of their
early emancipation. In this connection it
may be matter of interest to note that so
little were the differences of opinion at that
day marked by any sectional accerbity of
feeling or animosity, that while Virginia
voted against the further importation of
African slaves, New Hampshire, Connecti-
cut and Massachusetts voted in the afirma-
tive. Undoubtedly some of the States
which afirmatively voted were opposed to
the continuance of the slave trade, but the
vote was the result of a compromise in the
Constitution. But it is said that the pro.
hibition of slavery in the North West Ter
ritory, by the Ordinance Of 1887, is an
indication that at that day slavery was
intended to be confined within its then
present bounds. But such appears not to
have been the the case. Mr.. Madison, who
was leading actor during the scenes of that
period, says that the prohibition was ap-
piled for the reason that at the time of the
Ordinance-it being before the adoption of
the Constitution--the importation of slaves
was going on, and there was no power to
prohibit it, and its object was to limit tine
space open to Importation" from abroad,
rather than to conine within certain limits
the slaves then within the country. The
following is an extract from letter written
by him, and dated November 81, 1919:
When the existence of slavery in that Ter
ritory (the North WesD was precluded, the
importation of slaves was rapidly going on,
and the only mode of checking it was by mar
rowing the space open to them. tits not an
unfair inference that the expedient would not
have been undertaken if the power afterwards
given to terminate the importation everywhere
had not existed or been anticipated"
Mr.. Jefferson thought that the diffusion
of slaves tended to their own happiness and
increased the prospect OF their emancipa-
tion. In letter of date April %, 1920, be
says:
"Of one thing am certain, that as the pas.
sage of slaves from one State to another would
NOT make slave of a single human being who
would not be so without it, so their diffusion
over greater surface would make them indi-
vidually happier, and proportionally facilitate
the Accomplishment of their emancipation by
dividing the burden on greater number of CO.
sdjutors." -.s.0..., a..: ssr.sss~sr,. ~
Having said thus much to show that there
ever has been much contrariety of opinion
in the country upon the subject of slavery,
we proceed to the inquiry as to whom at
taches the responsibility of the present III
and excited state of the public feeling in
reference to it. ..f ~ sF,gss trssgs37
WHO ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR THE AarrxrIeH.