Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1860-09-07
SPEECH OF SENATOR SUMNER.

From report of his able speech we give
few extracts.
In the coming election this cause has it
representative in Abraham Lincoln. Ant
why has he been selected Not simpl,
because he is a popular favorite in the grea
Northwest Of blameless life, of unimpeach
able integrity, Of acknowledged abilities anC
of practical talent, all Of which are unques-
tionable recommendations shared, however
by many others; but because he had made
himself the determined champion of the
prohibition of slavery in the Territories, sta
ting the case with knowledge, with modera-
ton, and yet with frmness-avowing openly
his hatred of STRENGTHENING its intrOduc-
tion in the Territories now to the Canada
thistle, which few may plant to the detri-
ment of succeeding generations, and then
again to snakes deposited in the cradle Of an
infant-and especially exposing the new
tangled invention of Squatter Sovereignty
which would despoil Congress Of all power
over this subject, and transfer it 10 the distant
handful of first settlers
On two different occasions his views have
been put forth and developed first, in his
controversy with Mr.. Douglas in Illinois,
end secondly, in his address before the Re
publican young men at New York. lie does
not need my praise nor would | step aside
from this argument to praise anybody; but
| may ftly call attention to this mastery
address, which in careful research, clearness
of statement and directness of purpose, may
well compare with any one of the innumera-
bic speeches ever made, relating to the power
Of Congress over the Territories On the
topic it processes to treat it is a monograph.
Perhaps it is not too much to say that this
effort was needed to complete his title to that
public confidence which made him our can
didate. 1t is for the prohibition of Slavery
in the Territories that he has labored, and,
excepting his brief but honorable experience
in Congress, his public life may be summed
up in this single service nor more nor less.
Let the magnitude Of the service be measured
by his present position as the representative
of our cause.
Arrayed on the other side are three other
candidates for the Presidency-Bell, Breck-
enride and DougaS-l mention them in
alphabetical order-djiF5ring superficially
from each other, butall concurring in friend
ship for slavery and in opposition to it's pro-
hlbItion in the Territories, and with follow
ers ready, in order to defeat the Republican
party, to cOalescc or fuse with each other.
In this readiness you see the common an
tagonism. No person in the Republican
party can think of coalition or fusion with
either Of these three parties; ior they each
and all represent in some form hostility To
the prohibition Of slavery, and therefore,
must be opposed, each and all The whole
trio are no better than Mrs. Malaprop's idcl
of Cerberus, "three gentlemen rolled into
one. and must be opposed together.
Looking ut them separately, there is first
the Bell party. Pardon me II ! use names
freely It is merely for the sake OF convent
euce This party, known among US only By
Its boasts, draws its practical support from
the slave States. 1t is a pro-slavery party
especially hostile to the prohibition OF slave
~ in the Territories; but, in its direct avow-
ais, dealing in plausible Seucralities, which,
It they have any meaning, mean slavery
exalting the constitution, as slave masters
understand it-als0 exalting the Union, in
order to gain credit for Saving it'-and
calling for the enforcement of the laws, mean
ing simply the enforcement Of the only Act
of Congress. which slave masters recognize,
that for the surrender of fugitive slaves.
Your indulgence would hardly excuse me, if
| occupied time in argument against this
combination. which, without declaring a
single principle, without any chance of
majority in the elec ;oral colleges, and with
out any chance OF single electoral vote in
the free States, runs for luck.
In speaking Of the Breckenridge party | |
confess myself at the outset perplexed be- I
tween abhorrence for its dogma and respect /
for its frankness. No plausible generality is /
put forward, as by the Bell party, under I
which good and evil may alike find shelter; I
nor is any plausible invention announced, as .
in the case Of yet another party, under which /
the real question is avoided. But the IN (;
claim, first made by Mr.. Calhoun, !
is unequiyocally enunciatcd, that under tho
constitution the master may at all times
carry his slaves into the Territories,
and neither Congress nor the Territorial
Legislature can prohibit the outrage. This
at least is plain. There is something even
in criminal bOldneSS which we are disposed
to admire. We like an open foe, who scorns
to hide IN deceit, and who meets us in day
light But we do not like a foe who lodges
and hides 50 that we cannot find him. N0r
10 we like a man who gives us only some
thing counterfeit in exchange for our votes.
" c do not like the double-aced prevaricat0r,
who oozens both sides aud deals IN words
(which palter in Il double sense - It Is a
praise to De frank even on bad side, and [
have no reason to question this merit Of the
Breckenridge party. And yet this very
reveals an insensiblity to reason
and humanity which, when recognized must
add to our abhorrence That men, calling
themselves Americans, in this nineteenth
century, should without blush assert such
a dogma, NAV well excite our wonder.
According to the claim now made, slavery
exists under the constitution everywhere out
side the States in other words, slavery IS
national whereas Just the contrary is true.
Everywhere outside the States freedom must
prevail; in other words, freedom is national. !
Yes. freedom is national and slavery section
al. Read the constitution and tell me if it
is not so. Surely, if pretenslon SO peculiar
is that now set up could be there, it would
be PLAIN to all so that no man could question
it. Like the DeCalogue, 1t would be in pos
tive language Thou shalt enslaye thy
brother man 1t would be left to no doubt
full phrase or ambiguous words; but would
stand forth in appalling certainty, A" like
darkness visible" 1t would be stuck up, as
Gessler's hat in the market place, so that all
could see it. But nothing is clearer than that
in this we'll considered instrument there IS
not one clause or word which sanctions prop
srty in man not one clause or word IN
which any such pretension can be founded.
" berever there is any imagined reference to
slaves, it is at most only to their possible
existence in the States under the laws there
IF, and then their designation as persons
shows that whatever may be their condition
n the States the constitution does not regard
hem as property. Thank God the
constitution does not contain the idea that
nan can be the property of man. 1t was
he declared purpose of Mr.. Madison to ex
Jude this idea. So completely has this been
lone that it among boasts often made, that
stranger in distant country or a future
lge, reading our constitution, and having
10 other record of our history, would not
know that any human being had ever been
claimed as property" within the limits of
he republic. The text at least of the con-
titution is blameless. If men find slavery
here it is only because they make the con-
titution reflect their own soals.
And yet'this pretension is now the shib-
,oleth of great political party; this is its
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