Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-04-19

Of e and tt such application is ads for his or her ex
is ss or Ineet and tb6se secsv mentioned herein and
Lot either directly indirectly benefit Of ether
person Whomsoever and making the ajaf a.
herein required and filing with the register he she shas
tereupon permitted enter the quantity Of land specified;
PrOUid, hODeUr That certificate shall be given patent
issued therefor until expiration years from the date
entry until the person entitled to the land
shall have paid for the twenty-five cents acre.
have heen than twenty years.
twelve and half cents per acre"
This was an amendment offered by Mr.. Hunter to
the homestead bill of 1854 which passed the House
Of Representatives by nearly a majority Of two
thirds and the journal gives the vote upon it, which
! l will read:
con the question to agree to he said amendment as amended
at determined in the Affirmative "a, nays b.
s yeas and nays being desired by one fifth OF the Senators
present -..,.-.,..z--.,.-...
'hesrs Adams Atchisonr BeoJamin' Bright Broadhead
Brown Butler Cas Clay, Dodge Wisconsin, Dodge Iowa.
Douglas Evans Fitzpatrick, GeyeT, GW3 Houston Hunter
James Johns Jones OF Iowa. Mallory MAsoH Pettt, kusk
Sebastian Shields Slide Stuart Thompson Of Kentucky,
Thomson Of New jersey, Toombs, Toucey, and Walker
! Before we had not the Senator's vote, but we had
/ his tact consent; but here stands the vote Of the
/ gentleman who is arrainiug Tennessee. to reduce
the price of the public land, and let a man have it
at twelve and half cents an acre, according to a
proposition introduced by his OWE colleague. Where
/ does he stand now: Think Tennessee will compare
| at least favOrably with the Old Dominion in that
particular. But again:
ION motion Of Mr. FTzPATFICK. amend the amendment
proposed by HUNTER inserting after the word 'acre
hesn offered public sale, shall uns5d thirty years
thereafter shall be reduced to price Of twelve and half cents
/ an acre"
The yeas and nays were again called; and the Sena-
tor from Virginia a second time recorded his vote
to reduce the price Of the land twelve and a half
cents an acre. Then came the question on the final
passage Of the bill:
Tbe bill III R. No 81 to rranta homestead Of one hundred
and sixty public lands actual settlers, read
the third tine having further amended By
unanimous consent, the motion OF Mr.. Petit, the
son the question, Shall the bill rass7
determined in the Advantageous %, nays IL
e yaes and nays being desired by one fifth of the Senator's
"Those who voted in the affirmative are:
essrs Adams Atchison, Bright BrOdhead Brown Butler,
Cas Chase Clay, Dodge Of Wisconsin, Dodge Of Doug
las Evans, Fitzpatrick Geyer Gwin, Hamln,
James, johnson, Jones OF Iowa Mallory, MASON Petit
Kus Sebastian Shields, Slidel Stuart Sumner Thomson
Of New Jersey, Toombs, TCucey Walker and Weer
The Senator was enlightened little yesterday
want 10 enlighten him more to-day. l doubt very
much if he remembers exactly what he did on all
these questions sometimes and the refreshing of the
memory is Of no disadvantage to any of US | think
that his speech yesterday came with no very good
grace from a Senator with this sort of a record.
How do you stand when you talk about the infiu-
ence on the slavery question? Does not reducing
land to twelve and a halt cents induce settlement
What IS the proposition under consideration Ii Is
to reduce the price to twelve and half cents an
acre in one bill and in the other to ten dollars for
the whole one hundre6 and sixty acres, and paying
Office fees. Where IS the difference in principle =
Where is the enOrmty of that does not exist in
the other Where is the danger to the institution
of slavery growing out Of the adoption of the one
measure that does not grow OFT of the other?
Virginia, under a system Of bounty land warrants
| to neT revolutionary soldiers and others, has re
ceived nearly two million five hundred thousand
acres of land and when we stand with Virginia
and, commencing with Washington, with every Ad-
ministratiOn to the present time, are We to be aT-
Taigned and tainted with our association When
and where did the presumption policy start Did 1t
not start with General jackson When and where
did the graduation policy start. Did it not start
with General Jackson Is not Tennessee standing
now where she stood then! What is the homestead
policy 1t Is part and parcel Of the same great
idea of carrying the public lands into the possession
of every man that will take them and make pro
per use Of them. We stand where Washington stood.
We stand where Jefferson stood We stand where
all the Democratic Administration have STOOD and
even where the Senator himself has heretofore
stood.
Where does the gentleman get his ASSOCIATION. and
what is il for. Instead of relying on the argument
of the question he tries to associate with it pre-
JUDGE with which he thinks it can be struck with
much more ease and force than by meeting the
question upon argument. Virginia Is to rebuke
Tennessee on this subject talking about making free
States. Is Virginia to rebuke any other State in
this COntederacy in reference to free States: Go
back to the ordinance Of 49, first brought forward
by Mr.. Jefferson in 1884; 20 back to the surrender
of public lands in the Northwest, which never
conceded were Virginia. more than any other
States-but let that be as it may l will not argue
it now-she assumed that they were hers: but the
surrender of her territory resulted in the creation
of five free States. all now admitted into this Con-
fcdcracv with their Senators this floor. Is Nir-
GINA TO rebuEe Tennessee, alarmed - the creation
of free States. Those States have fallen from your
hands. Are YOU dissatisfied with them! Do you
want to turn them out of the UniOng Tennessee
prefers to follow principle. understanding that in
the pursuit of correct principle can never reach
a wrong conclusion; and although some become
alarmed and are carried of by the al eIpiuldluu
slang Of the day, Tennessee intends to stand on prin
ciplc and intends TO pursue It unalteraby and I'M
swervingly. her noble rivers that come rush
ing from her mountains sides, and make their way
down her valleys and through her plains in their
majestic career the great father of waters. Here
Tennessee intends TO stand firm upon prInclple-as
firm and unyieIIing as her own native mountains.
and their Craggy and projecting brOws, rockrlbbed,
and ancient the She does not stand here to
be rebuked by any State or the Senators from any
State Now as heretofore in the field or IN the
council chamber, she can take care of herself Gen
tlemen taunt us with association with the RepuOll
can party because the Republican party is showing
little sagaCity. being pretty hard pressed for cap
ital and setting out pTivatcers picking up what
ever they can find that's profitable. They find that
q measure and a great principle that has been adj
vocated by the Democratic party for years Is pop
ular: that the public Judgment Is recorded for II.
I
ITS present substantial shape was 1t lnaugurated
by that party. 1t was before the party had an eX-
iSenCc. Ii was pressed amid the taunts and lcerS
of individuals, until the public Judgment laid hold
of 1t; and IN 1892. in compliance with that pubic
Judgment the House of Representatives, on the 18th
day OF May, passed it by a fraction less than Il two
thirds vote. 1t is DeVocratic measure not Re
publican. Do we know SO litte of ourselves, do we
stand so little upon principle that because Rcpubh-
cans come forward and assume measure we are
for We are to be scared off and let them take It.
DO we not understand ourselves better than that:
In 1884 II was brought up by Democratic member,
and passed the House of Representatives by a two
thirds vote, and came TO the Senate. In the last
Congress il passed the House again and came the
Senate The public judgment has ratified it again
snd again. AMI Will the Senate Weld the high
behcs,s of an enlightened public judgment. We are
told here that the Senate Is 10 be ObeyCd and not
the people; that the Senate is to be obeyed and not
the States. Whom does this Government belong to,
and for whose il created Was the Gov
ernment created for the people the people for the
Governments hold that the Government was ere
ateA for the people; shat this Federal Government
Is the creature of the States; and when they have
spoken and declared their solemn judgment it is
the duty of the Senate to obey. Look m the votes
in the House of Representatives in 1852 and 1851
There was no party test on this measure Wings
and Democrats, Americans and every other class. /
voted for H. and some of all classes voted against il:
but, all at once. lt has got niger in lt-slaverv
&
phase.
Sometimes the measure is met upon constitutional
grounds do not pretend at all to be a constitu-
tiOnal lawyer; but there are some propositions that
are so ulan that anybody can understand them.
say the distinction is broad and clear between the
mower of the Federal Government over It's revenues
lisi over its public lands. Congress has power TO
lay and collect taxes, duties imposts and excuses.
to pay the debts and provide for the common &c
Tense and general welfare. When duties and debts .
have been laid when taxes have been collected and
paid into the Treasury, Congress then has specific
and definite powers in reference to their appropra-
ton But in reference 10 the public lands, the pow
or is in a separate clause and the words are differ
ent 1t may dispose of the public lands for the .
purpose OF obtaining revenue; and being disposed of
for revenue, that revenue when obtained must be .
appropriated under the restraints and restrictions
Of the Constitution Ii is worth while to be very