The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1860-12-07
nag PRESS oN THE MESSAGE.

sNsh luRe$ bl.ei paragraphs Nhiea Will snow
,hs general tone OF comment. The Washington
constitution interprets the Message to mean
,bst the Southern States may secede If they
lease. without fear of coercion. 1t says:
Mr. Buchsnan conoiusiveiy exhibits the nm
,snableness of Il position which would reduce
scxsreign States 10 the dependent standard of
.,yiuces ard would invest the Federal Gov
aarnment with the attributes Of fsbsolutism-in
<,rno perhaps, recognizing Democratic princi-
,lss. hut in reality laying the foundations of
an olIcarchy or dictatorship. The most
Strenuons advocate of Southern rights couId
,.,f desire more explicit language than that
,rb{rh the President has employed; nor can
an. Northern man, intelligently approaching
a. Genius Of the federal system dispute nh,
rsas Ining adduced in support OF the position,
~ fae consequences 10 which it inevitably
lr,as After much serious reflection" Mr.
E.,aauan declares he has arrived at the con-
,u,.I3n that neither 10 Congress nor to any
ether department OF the Government belongs
The power 10 cosrce a State into submission
which is attempting to withdraw, or has ac-
tually Withdrawn, from the Conieieracy -
The inference is plain, If not indeed express
ed that in the judgment. OF Mr.. Buchanan.
Congress cannot constitutionally confer upon
the Executive power TO employ military force
as against States which may secede.
The National lntelligencer thus explains
the contradiction which the President COM
nil. IN denying the right OF secession and vet
holding thai Congress has no right to use CO.
,reion TO prevent secession. In effect, Mr.
Rgea.uau asserts secession to be a constitu-
tiouel wrong and yet denies that Congress
has the power to prevent the perpetration OF
that wrong On this the Intelligencer SAYS:
II The Presidents denial that our Federal
rrrioU is "a mere Ceiuafnry association of
Sfatss may seem to any In conflict with the
oplaiOn propounded in the sequel of his argu-
ment on this topic, when he holds that Con-
gross has no power" to make war on State,
~ IN "coerce Il State into submiss ion >" it is
narbaps Just to observe that this apparent Ioci-
cal contradiction springs from a failure to dis
eliminate between the action of States and Of
ysdtrfduGlS under a government like ours
TIE laws of the United States within the
sphere of their jurisdiction, are incum bent on
the individual CITIZENS OF every State in the
Union and the Chief Magistrate being bou nd
20 take care that the laws be faithfully exc
cnted," il obviously follows, as the Message
atirms, that from this obligation he cannot
D. abe0lved BY any human authority" If the
spirit Of disaffection and revolt in any State
has become SO rife that TO resist the contumacy
Of individuals is 10 resist the entire State it
may well be said that in sucn q case "coer-
cion," however clear in point of right"
would be little likely TO prove a remedy. The
logic of events must doubtless be res pected as
well as the logic of constitutional law, but the
latter is not req uired for that reason, to lower
i. pretensions in the forum of argument.
The New York Tribune bitterly attacks the
Presidents arraignment OF the Northern
States, but is of the opinion that what he saws
"Jf The alleged right of secession, and the in
ex expediency, if not impossibility of coercion
i in the main forcibly and well said II CON.
dudes
On the whole, though there is but small
portion of the Message as printed that we can
approve, we heartily thank the President for
he four columns that, on revision, he omitted
rhe omission OF another like amount would
have rendered it quite respectable document
We thank him, moreover, for the similar mes
sages that he will refrain from writing
hr Jughout the years TO come. And, though
we cannot commend the moral in psensibility
which renders him unable to see why any good
citizen should detest siave-hunting in free
States we can heartily congratulate him on
the fact that he is soon to be relieved from the
cares of State, and we assure him that such
relief the great body of the people will heartily
sympathize.
With regard to the want of constitutional
au thority to coerce a seeding State, the New
York Times says:
II seems ible that any man holding a
high official position should put forth such an
argument 1t is not a question of war at all
nor is it a question between the State and the
FEDERAL Government. tits simply a question
of obedience to the Lates Of COngrsSS-and the OBJ
the State. 1 is their duty TO obey those laws
aud the State has no authority to release them
from such obedience, because the FEDERAL Con-
stitution, and the laws made in pursuance
thereof are expressly declared by the Consti-
tuition itself 10 be the supreme law of the land
anything in the Constitution or laws of
any State 10 the contrary notwiths tanding."
The Government has precisely the same power
10 enforce every law of Congress in South
Carolina that il has TO en- force the Fugitive
Ei4y la N Massachusetts Rnphana n
does not invoke the war making powers in the
one case-why should he in the other !
The Times concludes;
The Message, in our judgment is an incen-
diary document, and viii tend still further to
exasperate the sectional differences of the day
/ backs up the most extrayagant of the de-
mands which have been made by the South
endorses their menace of disunion if those de-
mauds are not conceded-and promises the Sc
cedlng States that the power of the Federal
shall not be used for their coer-
eion. The entire North will be made doubly
Indignant by this fiagrant derelic ton of duty
on the part OF the Executive of the Nation,
while the Disunionlsts Of the South will be-
TO fresh exeruons in the work OF
ruin upon which they have embarked. The
country has TO struggle through three months
more of this disgraceful imbecility and dis
loyalty 10 the Constitution.
The New York World, in an article gener-
ally commendatory of the Message, says
His views of the inadequacy Of the alleged
reasons for this formidable secession move
Inent; Of the safety and the duty of further
deliberatiOn and delay Of the restraints,
favorable 10 conservatism, which the respon-
sibilites OF office will impose on Mr.. Lincoln,
OF The absurdity of secession when claimed as
Ii constitutional right, and his construction
OF his own duties and powers under existing
laws, are sound, and well suited to the grave
eXlgency they are intended TO meet. But,
when he proceeds TO address Congress on ais
duties, his recommendations seem to us
great deal better than his reasoning.
Whether the Federal Government has pow
er to coerce a State into submission will, at
Lhis Juncture, be thought question OF 10
practical consequence by that part OF the
country probably great maJarity) who agree
with the President that such power ought
not 70 be exerted, II the Constitution confers
II. II we are not to cut this gofdian knot, but
10 unite il if the country is 10 be extricated
from these difficulties, not BY he strong arm,
Dut 10y argument, by expostuiation, oy per-
suasion, by concession, IL makes no difference
whether there is thunder sleeping in the ma
honal cannon or not. Since Mr.. Buchanan's
recommendations are patriotic and statesman
IKE, We are in no mood TO quarrel with thar
part of his reasoning from which we DIS
tent
In relation to the right OF coercion, the Phil
aoeiphia American says
on this point we are surprised TO lind tnat
ne has come TO views quite at variance with
those Of the opening of his Message. He be-
tTs teyes that no power has been deiegaIea 70
Congress TO suppress revolution in state
'his government of so much power becomes
poWeriess in the very crisis which tries its
slfength. Ifresistance 10 the laws is attempt
ca oy State government, such Tesis stance can
Aot De suppressed, because TO do so would be
making ~ war on a State, in his argument and
- ms position is correct, the legal ties Which
T glhd 'ne Union are less than ropes OF sand
tnis part Of the Message, if IL were not extra
Juoicial, and, therefore, of no more value than
Any individuals opinion, would destroy the
whole force Of the statements of duty which
pfecede 1t for If a President can act ON prin.
siples 50 loose he can destroy all law and or
uer when se will. We believe, however, that
this part Of the Message was prepared i'll q
spirit OF weak concession TO the disunion ele.
!asnts Of the Cabinet, and was intended TO ca