The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1860-10-20

| ry, have not been very numerous IN our day.
| Nearly one-half OF the United States, then
that 10, all the slave Statss--are Arrayed on
the side or slavery, and behold tbeml They
| tell az that Republicanism, which invites
them to discuss the subj cot, is sectional, and
they are national. But the slave States are
not willing TO rest content with this cx xolusion
| or all freedom of suffrage, OF speech and OF
debate on the subject Of slavery within their
own Jurisdiction, but they require the free
| States 20 accept tbe ssme system for them.
selves. They insist that although they may
be able at home TO keep down their slaves,
IL We will be quiet, yet they cannot tolerate
q discussion Of slavery In the free Ststes, as
we thereby encourage the slaves in the slave
States TO insurrectlon and sedition. This
argument might fail to reach and convince
as, inAsmuch as we, ourselves, are safe
from any danger OF insurreetion in the slave
| States.
But they bring ii home to our fears by de-
claring that their peace 10 Of more impor.
tance than the interest OF the nation that
they prefer slavery even TO union that If we
will not acqniesce in allowing them to main
tain, fortify and extend slavery on unequal
terms, then they will dissolve the Union, and
VIE will all 90 down together, or we will all
suffer common dcsolation. There are few
meu--and there ought TO be very few-who
would be so intent on the subject Of estab-
| lisbing freedom tnat they would 0nssnt to
| u subversion Of the Union to produce il, be
cause tbs Union is a positive benefit, nav, an
absolute necessity, and TO save the Union,
men NAV. materially dare 30 delay. Most
men, therefore, very checrfully prefer to let
| the subject of slavery rest for some better
| ttme--for some better occasion - for some
more fortunate circumstances, and they sre
| csntent 20 keep the Union with slavery il 1t
cannot be kept otherwise.
| You see how this hns worked ip deiso-al-
/ zng the American people. Less than thirty
years ago the i,overnor of Massachusetts
that frst and freest OF the States actually
recommended the Legislature to pass laws
which should declare that, the meetings OF
citizens he'd to disouss the subject OF slavery
should be deemed seditioas, and should bs
dissolved by the policei The Governor o!
the State of New York who preceded me In
that high Office, during his administration
and within your lifetime and mine, actuall,
made the came recommendation 10 the legiR
lature or that State. What was recon mead
ed, but not carried out in those States b,
Law, became a custom and practice for, al
YOU know, when the laws dad not dissolve tht
public assembly, there Was period of nea
twenty years in which no public meeting o.
men opposed TO the extension or aggrandixe
ment of slavery, could be held without be
ing dispersed by the mob, acting in concer
with the general opinion of the country.
When the people Of the free States wer,
thus demoralized, what wonder 10 it, that TO
twelve years all debate on the subject o
Slavery, or the presentation Of the subjec
by the people, even IN the form OF petition
was repressed and trampled under foot, an
remained there till John Quincy Adams q
last rallied a party around bim stron
enough to restore freedom of debate In th
House OF Representatives. What wonder
il that within the last year, 10 the very fac
of the organiz alton and the onward marc
Of the Republican party, the Administrator
, Of the Federal Government has actually, b
it's officers, appointed in compliance with sh
dictation of the Shareholders, abandoned tb
Federal mails to she inspection and sur
veiiance or the magistrates Of the siay
States so that they may abstract and com
NIT TO the flames every word that any ma
may speak, however eloquent, able, truthfu
4 or moderate, in the halls of Congress agains
] Slavery and in favor OF freedom.
/ This, fellow -citizens, 10 your government
This is the condition in which We are placed
j | am sorry to say but like to be trutbfG
. that have no especial compliments 10
g you Of Illinois, on this subject; for in th
0 long catalogue OF extraordinary concession
to Slavery. under the influence Of fear,
: think the very hrst protest that ever cam
0 from the State of Illinois was as late as tb
. gear 1855; after nearly oil these atrociou
/ concessions had been made, and We wer
: brought to the necessity OF going back an
!. 4 undong the mischief that bad been DONE
O You sent two Senators TO Congress; you Ia
i. sisted on extending the WiImot Proviso owe
i the Territory acquired from Spain. lIo
: dld they do it? They voted for the Wiime
i Proviso under your instructions, and the
v voted against il without instructions when
' came to the practical test. think you mad
!: no protest until Mr.. Douglas demanded on
o single and last concession "for the purpose
4 as he said, 'sof excluding the whole subje,
!. from Congress-" That was the abrogatio
of the Missouri Compromise, containing u
v restriction for the protection OF freedom
!. the Territories OF Kansas and Nebraska
Is Then you sent a noble representative to II
!. Senate in the person of Judge Trumbul
n Loud and prolonged applause. voice
f "We'll send him again."1 Yes, send hi
i. again. l'sWe will; we wilI."l marvel'
}. when rose here before you 60 day and sa
il this immense assemblage-whioh no edi6
q but only the streets of Chicago could hold
]. cheers and laughter, land wondered BIO
Il il would have been bad come here in 1885
q or even down to any later day before the a
j. .ogat;ioT .. ~ .as .a.ii.soas. CompI onis zoe.
/. But, fellow citizens, lot by-gones be b
4: cones. have seen the time when | had
.s little courage and as little resolution on u
" subject as most Of you. WAS born into I
of dem or alization---i was born . slavehold'
). and have some excuse, which you have n
,e All these things were done, not because y
D. loved Slavery, but because you loved
OF Union.
ia When Slavery became identical 10 tho pu
ry lic mind With tho Union, how natural ~ vi
T. even for patriotic men, TO approve Of, or