Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1860-03-14
SPEECH OF
WM. H. SEWARD.
Deliuered IN the Senate of the United
States, Wednesdtiy, Feb. 20h, 1860.

f Deliuered IN the Senate of the United
States, WeonesiIy, Feb, 21th, 1860.
Mr. President. the admission of Kansas
into the Union. without further delay.
seems to be equally necessary. just and
wise. In recorded debates have already
anticipated the arguments for this conclu-
, sion. In coming forward among political
astrologers it shall be an error of judy
ment, and not of disposition, if ray inter
probation of the feverish dreams which arc
disturbing the country shall tend to tomcnt
rather than to allay the national excite
ment. | shall say nothing unnecessarily
of persons. because, in our system, the pu5-
lie welfare and happiness depend chiefly on
institutions. and very little on men. l
shall allude but briefly to incidental topics
, because they arc ephemeral. and because.
even in the midst of appeals to passion and
prudence. it il always safe to submit solid
truth to the deliberate consideration of an
honest and enli lightened people. 1t will be
an overAowing source of shame, as well as
of sorrow. if We, thirty millions-Europe-
ans by extraction, Americans by birth or
discipline, and Christians in faith. and
meaning to be such in practice-cannot so
combine prudence with humanity. in our
conduct concerning the other disturbing
subject of Slavery as not only to preserve
our unequallel institutions of Freedom. but
also to enjoy their benefits with content
ment and harmony. Whoreve. guiltlcss
81 We exists. be he Caucasian. American.
Malay. or African. he IS the subject of two
distinct and opposite ideas-One that he is
wrongly. the other that he is rightly slave
The balance Of number on either side. how
ever great. never completed y extinguishes
this differen e of opinion, for there are al
ways some defenders Of Slavery outside,
even if there are none inside Free State,
while. also. there are always outside. if
there are not inside of every Slave State.
many who assert with Milton that mo man
who nowS aught cdn be so stupid as to de-
ny that all men were naturally born free.
being the image and resemblance of God
himself. and we're by privilege above all the
creatures. born to command and not to
obey" 1t often. perhaps, generally. hap
pens. however that in considering the sub
jcct of Slavery. safety seems to overlook
the natural right or personal interest If the
slave himself anh to act exclusively for the
welfare of the citizens. But this fact does
not m ,t,rially affect the ultimate results.
for the elementary question of the ri ightful-
ness or wrongfulness of Slavery inheros in
every form that discussion concerning it as
s-tss4es. What IL Just % one class of Incl
can never be injurious to any other; and
what is unjust to any condition of persons
in State Is necessarily injurious in some
degree to the whole community. An econ
omical question carly arises out Of the sub
ject of SlAvery-labOr either of freedom OF
of slaves is the cardinal necessity Of society.
Some States choose the one kind. some the
other Hence two municipal tens wide
ly different arise. The Slave Suites strike
down and affects to extinguiSh the person.
ality of the lahorer not only as . member
OF the politi 5ody. but also AZ parcnt.
husband, ch H. neighbOr or fricnI He
tn IS becmes. in a political view. mere
property without moral capacity. and with
out domestic moral and social relations
duties. rights. and remedic>-I chattel, an
OBJECT of harg .in. sale, gift, Inheritance or
theft His earnings are compensated and
his wrongs atoned. not to himself. but to
his owner 1hc State protects not the
slave as Il MN. but the capital of another
mIn, which he represents. On the other
hanl, the State which rejects slavery ell
c1uraaes and amin ties AID inyignrates the
laburer by maintaining AMI developing his
natural personality in all the rights and
faculties Of manhood. AMI generally with
the privileges of citizenship. In the one
case capital invested in slaves becomes
great political force while in the other Ia
bIr thus elevated aud enfranchised, becomes
the dominating political power. 1t thus
happens that we may, for convenience sake,
AMI not inaccurateiy call Slave States cap
ital States. and Free States labor States
So soon as State feels the impulses of
comm rec or enterprise or ambition. its cit
ize begin to study the effects of these
systems of capital and ll5Or respectively Oh
its int.lligonce. its virtue. its tranquility.
its integrity or amity. its defence, its pros
perity. its hherLlity, Its happiness, its ag-
grandiSement and its fame. In other words
the great question arises whether Slavery
is u moral, sncial. and political good, or
moral. social. and political evil. This is
the slavery question at home But there
is u mutual bond of unity an brotherhood
between nan and man tirought the world
n tons ex mine freely the political systems
o. ca h other. and OF all precelin, times. and
accordingly as they approve or dislpprove of
the two systems of capital and labor re-
spectivcly. they sanction and prosecute. or
condemn AMI PROHIBIT commerce in men
Thus. in one way or in another. the Slave
ry question which so mIny among us. who
are more willing to rule than patient in
studying the conditions of society. think it
4 merely accidental or unnecessary ques-
ton that mi 5ht and ought to be settled and
dismissed at once. Is. on the contrary, j
worldwide and induring subject of political
con 'ideration and civil Administrations
Men. states, and nations entertain it. not
volutarily. but because the progress of So
cirty continually brings it into their way
Th:y divide upon it. not perverS.ly. but
because owing to differences Of constitution.
or circumstances. they cannot
agree. The fathers OF the Republic encoun-
tered it They even adjusted it SO that it
might have given gs much less than our
present disquiet had not circum stances af.
terwdrd occurred which they. wise as they
were. had not clearly forrseen. Although
they had inherited. yet they generally con-
demned the pra:tioe of clavery. and hoped
for its dissOntinuInce. They expressed
this, when they asserted in the Declaration
of Independents, as fundamental princi-
pie OF American sOdioty, that all mon are
created equIl. and have inalianablc rights
to life, liberty and the pursuit OF happiness.
Each State, however, reserved to itself ex-