The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-01-25

that I was an Aboiitionist-that the city Of
New York had not sent and would not send
a sectional man to Congress That was all.
I may have said that she could not afford to.
send sectional man to Congress.
Mr. Singleton The impression made upon
my mind-and it was the impression made
upon the minds of other gentlemen with whom
have conversed-was as have stated.
Mr.. Clark, of New York. | did not say
that.
Mr.. Singleton Well, that was the impress
sion made upon me at the time. The gentle
mans speech has gone to the country. and its
language will be properly judged.
Mr.. Clerk, there Is one ether question to
| which wish to direct the attention Of the
House for moment, and that is the question
of squatter sovereignty as advocated by GER
tain gentlemen on this floor, and by their great
leader, Mr.. Douglas. Sovereignty, as un-
derstand it. and as it is defined by lexicogra-
pliers, is the highest power-the supreme
power in State; and, if this definition be
correct, (and | apprehend nobody will contro-
vert it, when Mr. Douglas and his followers
undertake to put the Territorial Legislature
upon the same footing with State Legisla-
ture, in my judgment they are guilty. of a
most GORGEOUS blunder. Now, let me ask
sovereignty, popular sovereignty, or whatever
else you please-belonging to the people of a
Territory? Can they organize territorial
government for themselves? Can they de-
clare the boundaries of their State? Can
they elect their. own officers without the
special permission of the Congress OF the
! United States Every act that is passed by
the Territorial Legislature is subject to the
revision of Congress, and liable to te annulled
by that body, and there is not single act
| Territorial Legislature can perform showing it
/ to be sovereign.
But the gentlemen claim that the LeSisIa-
ture of Territory has the same power as the
Legislature Of State. Why, sir, never was
moro erroneous proposition asserted. A State
Legislature may perform thousand acts of
sovereignty, its power being controlled by no
superior. 1t may pass acts defining and estab-
fishing its limits, charging or diminishing its
boundaries. The people Of State select their
own officers, establish their own judicial tri-
bunals, alter or abolish their State government
at will. And when gentlemen undertake to
put State and Territory upon the same foot
ing in respect to sovereignty, they involve
themselves in difficulties which they cannot
meet successfully, and fall short of q correct
| view Of the matter.
that some gentlemen would like to know what
my opinions are M regard to the approaching
election OF President, or whether I would
vote for man who advocates the doctrine of
squatter sovereignty. Well, sir, state to you
now, as have stated to the people of my dis
trlct, that l care not who the man may be
entertaining these views, and claiming that
Territorial Legislature, either by unfriendIy
legislation or by refusing to lcgislate at all, can
exclude slavery from such Territories, and
that Congress, in such case, cannot or ought
not to pass laws protecting slave property,
can never receive my vote for President Of the
United StateS-Democrat as | have always
been. will not consent, under any circum-
stances, SO far to 4stultify myself and iniure
the South as to lend support to any such
haresieS. There was time when | looked
upon Judge Douglas as the great maa OF the
party And may safely say that if he had
not gone off upon this LecomPton question, at
the approaching Charleston cony .ntion the
whole South would have gone for him and
had he not become sectionalized by his course
upon that question, he would not only have
come out Of that convention with the South
united for him, but he would have gone into
the Presidency beyond doubt. But | now
assert in the most emphatic language, that if
he shall be the nominee Of Mat convention,
care not upon what platform lie may stand,
will not cast my vote for him.
Mr.. Logan. I wish right here to contrast
my Democracy with that Of the gentleman.
As this matter has been brought up, | wish to
SAY, and believe express the views of my
Democratic colleagues from Illinois, that we
will vote for the nominee Of the Charleston
convention whoever he may be, whether from
,I,a Nny{I, E,st M. Nrast for ho
pose Of putting down the Republican party.
Applause in the galleries.
Mr. Singleton. l thank the gentleman for
informing me of the difference Of opinion be-
tween him and myself. If that is the way
the gentleman proposes to Put down the Black
Republican party by voting for man who
denies protection to slave property in the Ter
ritories, must decline the honor of taking
part with him in such election | do not wish
to be misunderstood upon this question
shall here and elsewhere endeavor to define
my position in language that shall convey my
ideas.
Mr.. Adrain. | wish to ask the gentleman
from Mississippi if he supported the Kansas
Nebraska bill
Mr. Singleton. did.
Mr. Adrain. Then ask the gentleman if
that bill docs not leave the people of the Ter
ritories perfectly free to regulate the question
of slavery for themselves. and whether the
position taken by Judge Douglas is not the |
position upon which the gentleman supported
that bill +?
Mr. Singleton. Yes, sir; the Kansas and |
Nebraska bill leaves this question to be settled |
by the people themselves, bat it must be at
the proper time and that is when they make
their constitution, prior to coming into the |
Union as State They have not the right to |
regulate the question of slavery anterior to !
that time.
Mr.. Adrain | wish to ask the gentleman |
another question. | wish to ask him if the |
Kansas and Nebraska bill declares that the |
people of {. Territory have not the right to
settle the question Of slavery until they form
constitution preparatory to coming into the
Union ?
Mr.. Singleton. Yes sir; that is the Ian
guage of the Kansas and Nebraska act 3D.?
Mr. Admin. Well sir; deny that inter
probation of the act On tho contrary, it ex-
pressIy says that it is its true intent and
meaning not tc legslate slavery into any Ter
ritory, or to exclude it therefrom but to leave
the people perfectly free to control it them
selves.
Mr.. Singleton. Yes, sir; understand the
difference Of Interpretation Of this act between
you and myself. 1t is a very wide one
Mr.. Adrain. am sorry that there should
be a difference between Us.
Mr.. Singleton. | am not sorry Men
have a right to hold their opinions here, and
there is no necessity for shedding tears about
the matter.
Mr.. Adrain l am not defining my posi-.
ton. Ny object was to understand the gen
tleman's position.
Mr.. Clark, of New York l would like to
ask the gentleman whether he understands the
act creating the territorial organizations for
Utah and New Mexico, as not permitting the
people of those Territories to exclude slave
~ while they remain in a territorial condition?
Mr. Singleton. / have not examined the
provisions Of that act very recently, and will [
not undertake, at this moment, to answer the I
question of the gentleman in positive terms; I
,ut my impression is, that it bears no such I
l
Mr.. Clark, of New York Well, sir; l
viii simply say to my friend from Mexico ,
great laughter - I
Mr. Singleton. Very well, the gentleman /
iced not be surprised before a great while to !
ind me coming from Mexico, for it will not !
q long before we shall extend our borders in
hat direction. Laughter.]
Mr.. Clark, of New York. l will simply q
ny to my friend from Mississippi that the $
lnguage Of that act creating the territorial s
rganization for Utah and New Mexico, per- =
lits them to come into tho union with or |;
yithout slavery as they may see fit. Now, !,
l understood the argument of the honora- :
lie gentleman, he insists that Congress has no n
ght to pass law excluding slavery from the h
'erritories. @
Mr. Sino1eton do