Montgomery County sentinel. [volume] (Rockville, Md.) 1855-1974, 1860-09-07

rally and rescue the party and the Union |
from the dangers and calamities that now
threaten us In my opinion, John G. |
Breckenridge is the proper man. AL |
ready the democratic sentiment, in nearly |
all the democratic States, has been con-
centrated on him, and surely Missouri
will not separate from her democratic
sisters, and throw her vote away, and
thereby increase the chances and hopes
of the republican party. Suct. course
would be suicidal. If we can succeed
in electing any democrat it can only be
Breckenridge under the existing state of
things. 1t is fact well known that he
is the choice of the democracy in every
Southern State, and also in several North
ern States; while the fact is equally well
known that Douglas has so embittered
the feelings of thousands of democrats,
North and South, that they will not sup
port him. Whether that feeling towards
Douglas is right or wrong is not the ques-
ton. We must take things as we find
them and know them to exist and then
shape our course to the best advantage.
\ This prejudice to Douglas is so strong in
different parts of the Union that even if
4 Missouri should be induced to vote for
him, her vote would be thrown away and
lost But am well satisfied that the
democracy of our State will stand by her
true principles, and vote for Breckin-
ridge, who not only represents her prin-
cples, but who has the only chance of
success against Lincoln. When avuila-
bility and coincidence of political orin-
ions both unite in the same person, we
cannot possibly hesitate in our course. e.
We will stand by our principles, and ac-
cept the best opportunity to give them
success.
The political sentiments of the demo-
cracy Of Missouri have been repeatedly
declared, and no one pretcnds that Doug
las entertains the same opinions on the
subject of slavery. The contrary is true.
His opinions on that subject are directly
in conflict with ours. And yet, strange
to say some of his admirers are not only
his apologists, but undertake to prove the
propriety of his opinions. 1t seems to
me that such persons permit their ardent
zeal to drive them into positions which
they had not intended. A few words
will explain the grave errors Of Judge
Douglas;
In the first place, he holds that slave
ny aud the right to hold slaves depend
entirely upon the local laws Of States,
and cannot 60 an inch beyond All the
republicans in the United States hold the
same doctrine But the Supreme Court
has expressly decided the contrary.
In the next place, Douglas says the
territorial government established by
Congrcsshas the right, while Territory,
to exclude slavery by legal means, not
withstanding the decision of the Court
as to the constitutional right of any citi-
zen to take slaves therein. To render
plausible his last-named position he re-
sorts to his doctrine of popular sover-
eighty" and under that he claims that
the Territory has as much right to ex-
clude slavery as has the State Of Penn
sylvania 1t will be recollected by all
who have paid attention to this important
subject, that the Wilmot proyiso was
urged by the abolitionists, and was in
tended to exclude slavery from the Ter
ritories by act of Congress, and it was
claimed by them that Congress had full
power to make the exclusion, and that
the measure would have the effect Of hem
ming in sayery-prevent all expansion
and finally force the slaveholding States
to emancipate their slaves, or abandon
those States to the blacks, or become in
volved in wars Of Instruction and ex-
termination, The attempt thus to en-
danger the property and lives of the peo-
pie justly excited and alarmed the South
They at once resisted the passage Of any
such law, and receiving assistance from
patriotic portion of the North, the mca-
sure was ultimately defeated.
During the discussion, it was contend
cd by the abolitionists that Congress pos
sessed the power claimed; and also that
slavery could not 60 into a Territory, or
anywhere outside Of a slaveholding State,
without law establishing the right. On
the other hand, our friends, North and
South, denied the power Of Congress,
and also insisted that the Federal Con-
stltntion recognised slaves as property,
and any citizen Of the United States
could 90 into any Of our Territories open
for settlement, and there hold bis slave
property Jy vi1tuc Of He Coastitmion.-
Here, then, were presented two impor-
tant points of difference which in fact in
volye the whole question. At this point
in the controversy, the doctrine Of non
intervention was proposed which was
that Congress should neither prohibd nor
estaJiish slavery and the other point,
the constitutional question, was left for
the courts to determine. On this basis
the question was settled. Instead of
law Of Congress to prohibit slavery for
ever, as proposed by abolitionists, i was
submitted to the people Of the Territory
to form and establish their own institu-
tions in their own way, subject only to
the Constitution Of the United States,
and this was called popular sovereign
ty." As thus explained, many diAtin-
guished statesmen advocated "non-inter-
vention" and popular sovereignty"
and all the speeches recently quoted
touching this subject are to be understood
precisely IN the manner the questions are
here explained. But shortly afterward
another misunderstanding arose One
side commanded that tho tarrftoria1 ,,oy