The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1860-09-14

expedient or humane" to abandon that pol.
icy of cultivating friendship and friendly
feeling with our sister States, so auspiciously
inaugurated by the heroes and patriots who
now slumber 10 the dust.
But let US read on:
l have not been able to discover any good
object to be attained by such an act of IN.
HOSPITALITY" "a voice, "Nor eitber.)
Nor either, my fellow citizens. Inever
was able to discover any good object" to
be attained by such an act of " inhospital-
ity." But Bancroft and Tim Newson are
wiser than the men who founded this gov
ernment. (Shouts of merriment.) They
are wiser than VIM. H. Seward; they have
made the discovery that by an act of "inbos-
pitality a "good object" can be attained
yes, the good object of arraying the
North against the South and the South
against the North. And in the heat of the
feverish excitement, they may perchance
wiring mas either Register of Deeds or State
printer. A voice, "That's so-that's what
they are artery That is the 'good object"
to be attained, and the only one. For that
wonderful discovery they should have a
patent-and 1 presume the Abolition party
will give them one. They may rest assured
that will not infringe upon it. But this
IS not all of the letter-there is little more
left of the same sort, only more so.
at certainly can Soork injury to u.s."
Why, Seward, you old fool, you. Laugh
ter) You don't know anything. Hasn't
Timothy told you that it was comforting
greater rights upon the citizens of the South
than were enjoyed by the State of New
York? And don't he know? (Great ap.
plause) Hasn't Bancroft told you that it
brought the stencil and abomination of
slavery under their noses, and into their
very midst" And don't he know? (Great
cheering. "Good !" "Hit him again I") And
yet, Seward, you say sit can work no injury
to u.s." o, Seward Seward awe are
willing to accord to you talent-genius-
but you are lacking in honesty, consistency,
and common sense" Cheering. "Good
for Cogswell, every time.") But lie US
read on.
Nor can it be injurious to the unfortunate
beings held in bondage to permit them, once
perhaps in their lives, and, at most, on Occa
sions few and far between, to visit a country
where slavery is unknown. can conce,ue Of
benefits to the great cause of human liberty from
the cultivation of this intercourse.
So can l, my citizens, "conceive
of benefits to the great cause of human lib
erty, by the cultivation of this intercourse.
So could Ben Franklin and Richard Rush !,
and George Clymer-so can every man who
loves his country, and has a spark of pa.
triotism burning within bis bosom. But
Tim Newson can't-and that is the differ
ence. (Cheers. A voice-"Now you have
got it, Bancroft Garland that is the
difference. (Cheers. "Not too hard on
poor Bancroft.") Wendell Phillips can't
and that is the difference. Gerrit Smith
can't-and that is the difference. The Re-
publican party of Minnesota can't-and
that is the difference. (Great merriment
and applause) But the golden words of
that letter are yet to come. He says:
will not press the considerations flowing
from the nature of our Union, and the mutual
concessions of which it was founded.
Now, he touches upon sentiment that
lived and thrilled through the whole being
OF the fathers of the Revolution-now he
touches that sentiment that is so obnoxious
to the Republicans of the present day, yet
dear to every man, woman and child, who
says" No rent and torn banner with sew
enteen stars floating over the inhabitants
north of Mason and Dixon's line-no rent
and torn banner with fifteen stars floating
over the inhabitants south of Mason and
Dixonss line, but one banner, one country,
and one destiny. A voice-"Good that
suits us.') But, to read on
Against the propriety of such an exclusion as
your question cOntemplates, apparently for
the purpose only OF avoiding an implication,
not founded in fact, and which the history of
our State so n0bly cOntradicts. 1t is sufficient
to say that such an exclusion could have NO
GOOD EFFECT PRACTICALLY, AND WOULD ACCOM-
PLISH NOTHING IN THE GREAT CAUSE OF HUMAN
LIBERTY.
Now, my fellow-citizens, such was the
language of VIM. H. Seward in 1888, one
of the great leaders and chiettains of the
Republican party. If those sentiments and
principles were correct then, they are cor
rect now. If they were correct in the days
of the Revolution, and in the early history
of the country, they are correct now. Rrin.
ciples are eternal, no matter how often men
may change.
Now is there man among you here to-
night that will say that in 1888, VIM. H
Seward was in favor of the establishment
of slavery in the State of New York II
there is, let him stand up or say aye, that
we may all know who be is, and have it pro-
claimed to the world, that some one in Man
torville says that VIM. H. Seward once fa-
vored slavery in the State of New York.
No one rises-nO one says aye. But
where is Bancroft -? What does he say
about this matter? Come, no lodging
no crawfshing. Bancroft rising from mis-
seat" l never did approve of those senti-
ments of Mr.. Seward" A voice in the
crowd, What pity.') Yes, it is pity,
great pity, but be has just read Seward
out Of the party, and suppose that is the
last of him. If Ben Franklin and John
Witherspoon, and the old fools who estab-
lished our independence, were now alive, I
suppose he would read them out of the
party too. They would be denounced as
services of the South, doughfaces and slavery
propagandists. -. ......t
But if that nine months law in the State
of New York did not establish slavery in
that State, and VIM. II. Seward, by sus-
tanning it, did not favor the establish
ment of slavery in 1888, did Amos Coggs.
well, by his vote on the Robertson resolu-
tions favor the establishment of slavery in
Minnesota ? loud cries of " No No J