Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1860-12-25
NO. L.

say that when its nature is properly defined and
| its logical and necessary consequences are can
didly stated, its absurdity must strike the COM
monest understanding. sunreasonableness and
folly, aside from its absurdity will be illustrated
| by single example:
The possession aHd control of the mouth of the
Mississippi was held to be OF such vital import-
ance TO the interests of the people inhabiting
the valley of the Mississippi, in being the great
outlet to market of the rich products of their
soil, as to make its acquisition, either by pur-
chase or conquest, great political necessity
The purchase was made by the United States for
that reason, at cost of fifteen million of dol
lars 1t was stipulated in the treaty of cession
that the territory thereby acquired should be adj
mitted into the Union as State, or States, with
all the rights and privileges of the other States
of the Union. But can it be supposed that Mr..
Jefferson and the other great statesmen of that
day, if they interpreted the Constitution as the
advocates of the theory of secession now do,
would have been so ineffaby stupid and blind
to consequences as to have assented to such q
stipuIstion2 Far wiser and better would it have
been = ts.ss 81. e tines the plico aad 20
uave hv.a y co1ntry % d subject province,
hsving fsst ssssf e 'iss oonstit ~, to
snthcfa4zs 5ael ls0.3ine -0G.s'sna
pow secede from the pniol ana svs dp 81 iade-
pendent Government, iH fsft ax6refse = tiie ~
OF sece sson s,.- ,ng the rignt to exist
ssf ere = az Go,o)t that the same -.irns.-iai
and political necessity which, led to ..=-- 8 al
acquisition, would lead to its subjugation BY the
Government of the United States, or by the
States interested 10 the navigation of the Missis
sippi river and its tributaries2
After due consideration of the subject, with
becoming Difference to the opinions of others,
am forced to the conclusion that secession is
but another name for an organized resistance by
q State to the laws and constituted authorities
of the Union, or, which is the same thing, for
regoIutaon. The theory appears to me to have
been conceived and propagated in spirit of dis
affection to the Ty;oD, and can serve no other
purpose than to I'd the nnsuspecting and cred
ulous into the support 0f the scheme OF disunion,
under the deusive e7pec. .ation that they would
only be thereby exercising right reserved to
them under tie Constitution, and that they
would b. n no danger of incurripg the penalties
of treasoa, or of exposing themselves and their
country to ti.5 caamiies of civil war.
In the preceding % IS If this letter have at
tempted to show tnat the frieads of the Union
in the South should nnt despair of oh aiming re-
dress from the Nor.h, Of all existing grievances,
and that the prospect of icing able to avert the
greater ones, of which there may be some appre-
hensiOn in future, so encouraging, that It
would be the extreme of rasnLess and folly to
think of resortiug to any means of redress, net
warranted by the Constitution. Whao gives
the greatest concern at present is the palf,.ui
conviction that the movement in favor OF SEE
sion in Mississippi and other States of the ccr..n
is led, for the most part by men of distinguished
ability and influence, with whom the expedlency
of secession is foregone conclusion and settled
who can be reached by no ar
gument or remonstrance-men who do not want
to be convinced of the insuficiency of existing
grievances to justify disruption of the Union
men whose imaginations have been taken posses.
sion OF, and their judgments led captive, by the
dazzling, but, as l think, delusive vision of
new, great and glorious Republican empire,
stretching far into the South The scheme of
disunion, as have reason to believe, has been
long cherished by some of these leaders, and
they have only waited pretext more plausible
than any heretofore presented to attempt the
accomplishment of it.
What between the infammatory appeals and
highly colored and exaggerated story of wrong
and oppression already endured, and the still
more intolerable oppression to be anticipated
from the fanatic spirit of the North, on the one
hand, and the glowing pictures and seductive
representations of the grandeur, power and pros
perity of the new Republic, on the other hand,
it is not surprising that body Of highly gifted
men. strongly excited and carried along by their
own fancies, have been able to misead many
thousands of peculiarly excitable and impressi-
BILE population against the dictates of their sober
judgments And it is sad reflection that upon
the speedy return of this class of Southern citi-
zeps to wiser and more temperate counsels may
depend the fate of the Union. May no hope be
indulged that little time for calm thought will
suffice for the change of what seems to be their
present purpose and determination "a Little
time for reflection upon the nature and amount
of evils which are certain to attend revolution
ary movement, and also upon other and more
appalling contingent evils, which may and prob
ably will arise between its beginning and con-
summation. -
/ do not forget that am addressing, through
YOU. brave men who are ready to die in vindlca-
tion of their honor or in defence of what they
believe to be their rights do not appeal to their
fears.
But whatever may be the final decision of the
people of Mississippi upon the gravest question
ever presented to their consideration, and which
must deeply affect the relations existing between
them and the people of Tennessee, and Of every
other State of the South, | can not bring myself
to the conclusion, all the existing evidences to
the contrary, that Mississippi will take upon her
self the responsibility of doing an act that would
expose the peace and security ofEer sister States
of the South to direct and eminent danger, and
perhaps decide their destinies for veal or woe
forever, without previous consultation with
them, and first exhausting every peaceable mode
of redress for the grievances OF which she COM
plains. In community of independent States
or sovereignties, if any one of them should pur-
sue course which would put in eminent peril
the peace and security of the other States, with
ont first exhaustiug every means of peaceable
redress for any grievances of which she might
complain, they would be justified by the law OF
nations in making common cause against her.
and in preventing her by force, if necessary,
from pursuing such course. Such being the re-
sponsibility attaching to the action of one OF q
community of separate and independent States,
how much greater would be the responsibility
incurred by one of the Southern States OF this
Union, in adopting the desperate measure of
breaking up the Union, and thereby putting in
jeopardy the highest and dearest interests OF
them all, without first taking solemn counsel to-
gether. These interests are common to them all,
and the grievances complained of are common
to all. Gould the evil consequences certain to
ensue be confined to the State adopting the rash
measure of secession, the other States might not
feel called upon to protest against 1T. But that
cannot be. The consequences-and who can
foresee their extent 2-must be felt by all.
Viewing the subject in every light in which
it can be presented, am constrained to say that
by no principle of Public Law, by no code OF
morals, by no law of Earth or Heaven, would
Mississippi or any other State be justified, under
existing circumstances in withdrawing from the