Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1860-10-02

mendment, providing that no money should be
applied to pay for the execution of the Fugitive
Slave Law. On this motion Mr.. Bell voted No
[Appendix to Congressional Globe. Vol. 25, page
1895.
July IA. 1s54.-On Mr.. Dixon's amendment
to the Homestead Bill, to con6ne its benefit to
white persons, Mr.. Bell voted YEA.-[Congres-
sional Globe, Vol. %, page 1774.
July 81, 1854-Mr. Sumner moved for leave
to introduce Bill repeating the Fugitive Slave
Law. On this notion Mr.. Bell voted No.
Congressional Globe, Vol. %, page 2O23.
Feb. %, 1855.-On tie Bill to protect officers
of the United States in the execution of the
laws designed to facilitate the execution of the
Fugitive Slave law, Mr.. Bell voted YEA.-1Ap-
pendix to Congressional Globe, Vol. 81, page
246.
Feb. %, 1S55.-On an amendment proposed
by Mr.. Sumner, repeating the Fugitive Slave
Law, Mr.. Bell voted No-[Appendix to Con-
gressional Globe, Vol. 81, page 246.
Republicans for Breckinridge- -Breckinridg-
ers for Lincoln.
The Republican party advocates Congression-
al Intervention against slavery-the Yancey par
ty makes Congressional Intervention to protect
slavery its sine qua non. Both positions are
calculated and designed to keep alive the slave
ry agitation. The Republicans carried out their
policy as far as they had the power, by voting
for bill to prohibit slavery in the Territory OF
New Mexico-the Yanceyites backed down from
their policy by refusing to protect slavery in
Kansas. The former are sincere-the latter are
humbugging. But they are playing into each
others hands, and endorsing each others candi-
dates For instance, the Hon. Joshua r. Gid
dings, Black Republican, says:
"As regards the two Democratic candidates, /
prefer Breckenridge, because he is not as much
committed to slavery as Douglas is. Douglas is
Shareholder, and Breckinridge is not, and
therefore, Iprefer him."
And the Hon. John Petit, of Indiana, for.
merly United States Senator from that State,
and supporter of Breckinridge and Lane, pre-
fers the election of Lincoln to that of Mr. Doug
las. In letter advocating the policy of form
ing an electoral ticket for Breckenridge and
Lane, in Indiana, he says
sit is said that this policy will elect Lincoln
Let it be so rather than that Douglas should
succeed. believe that Lincoln is more con-
servative and sounder national man than Doug
las, and that less danger to the Union, and to its
parts, North and South, is to be feared by the
election of the former than the latter"
This is the programme. "Tckle me, Tommy,
and I'll tickle you," and we Will both together
keep up the ''irrepressible conflict"
One more instance. Read the following ex-
tract from speech of Cassius NJ Clay, ON the
steps of the Capitol of Kentucky, at Frankfort
on the 10th of January last, of course before
the nomination of Mr.. Breckinridge. He spoke
as follows:
81 would say that of all men whose names are
now presented to the American people by the
Democracy, with regard to the next Presidency,
that would not see any one attain that high
.; ~, t. l. IS
Kentucky"
That is put plainly, and in the downright style
that people usually employ when they mean
what they say. 1t explains itself, and is per-
fectly ineligible. We do not propose to com
rnent upon it. No comment, in our Judgment,
is required. In the above most significant words
spoke Cassius NJ. Clay, the Abolitionist the ca
lumniator of Henry Clay, on the 10th Of Janua-
ry, 1860, from the steps of the capitol of Ken
tucky, in reference to John @. Breckinridge and
the Presidency.
Cassius M. Clay has since that taken the stump
in Indiana for Abraham Lincoln, as he did in
1874, against Henry Clay. Well, at Tiffin, in
Ohio, few weeks ago, Cassius M. Clay, speak
ing for the Black Republicans and Lincoln, used
the following words:
''If we had the power, we would thousand
times rather place Breckinridge in the Presiden-
tial chair than Douglas"
On the 10th OF January last, he declared that
there was no man among the Democracy whom
he would sooner see elected to the Presidency
than John @. Breckinridge; and after the nomi-
nation of that gentleman by the Secession wing
of the Democracy, Cassius M. Clay declares that
the Abolitonists and Republicans of Ohio and
of the entire North and West "would thousand
times rather place Breckinridge in the Presden-
tial chair than Douglas!' ga thousand times
rather" That is remarkably emphatic, some
would say extravagant He evidently means
what he says. How admirably his speech at
Tiffin tallies, in reference to Mr.. Breckinridge,
with his speech from the steps of the Kentucky
capitol in January last
So they go. Their hob-nobbing is as hearty
as it is significant. Let the people mark the
signs of the times.
Mr.. BELLS REPUTATION OF "SQUATTER Sow
ERE1GNTY."oThe following extract of the speech
of Mr.. Bell, delivered in the Senate on the Oath
and 25th of May, 1854, proves conclusively that
his record is not tainted with the dangerous her.
esy of Squatter Sovereignty, and that he occu-
pies what may be termed Southern ground in
reference to the federation or prohibition of
slavery in the Territories. The constitutional
manner in which this question can be settled is
indicated by the declaration of Mr.. Bell, "that
the people of Territory, WHEN THEY COME TO
FORM THEIR STATE CONSTITUTION, AND THEN
ONLY, soere (are) qualified to establish their do
mestic Institutions!
We quote Mr.. Bell
GAS to the principle of "Squatter Sovereign
ty," wish to say, that in tue late contest be-
tween General Taylor and the honorable and
distinguished Senator from Michigan, (Gen.
Cass,) it was distinctly brought forward as an
issue before the people of Tennessee.
In that contest, 10 common with the South gen
orally, (the people of Tennessee) repudiated the
idea, that handful, or any number OF inhab-
tants, in Territory of the United States should
have the power granted to them by Congress OF
regulating their domestic institutions, and at
their discretion to deny the people OF one section
of the Union the power to enjoy the right OF
property in slaves We were not prepared to
reverse and set aside the previously established
practice and doctrines of the Government, from
1889 to that time We could see no peace, no
quiet no end of agitation that was to result from
such course We thought that if Territorial
Legislature should, in one or two years, estab-
ish or abolish slavery, the agitation of the ques-
ton of slavery would still go on. We, in Ten
nessee, at that time believed we were advoca-
ting principles and doctrines on this subject ap-
proved iu all the Southern States. The princl-
pie then contended for was that the people OF 9
Territory, cohen they come to form their State
Constitution, AND THEN ONLY, were qualified to
establish their domestic Institutions"