Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-07-20


The issue IN regard Is the Territories is again
forced upon the South It has been met by the Com
promises Of the Constitution it has been met by the
cessOn Of territory, granted exclusively to North
ern settlements It has been met by the cession of
State rights and National rights Every thing
has been yielded, bnt the principle that the
States are equal and have equal rights and equal
privileges under the Constitution. 1t is no Ion
ger question: whether the issue be made sectional,
or met as sectional. The party known as the Re
publican party is the party Of the North, and the
party that stands in clear and wen defined opposi,
ton to it must be party of principle. There Is no
middle ground the party that yields to the demands
of Republicanism yields the rights of the SOUTH the
rights of the States the Sovereignty of the States,
the essential principle of the Constitutional compact
The opportunity to compromise is no longer left;
the demands of the North must be granted or COM
batted in a direct manner ANY middle course Is
cession Of principe-and the cession of principle
in constitutional government is yielding to
wrong, and can only be justified by the most aDso-
lutte necessity but the yielding of principle WHICH
in its nature underlies the government, ard forms
its basis, cannot be surrendered without surren-
der of the government ITSELF Where principle Is at
stake the danger to be apprehended is never in COM
batting il boldly or in resisting encroachment but 1t
Is in temporizing, in yielding submitting. Prin-
ciple once yielded the question of right atterward
becomes question of might
The party that would give to the territories the
rights of sovereign States, would not only place
them and keep them in state of revolution, but by
the force of circumstances, Danish them from tne
protection of the Union and leave them to form gov
ernments at war with the theory of our Republic
and dangerous to its peace and welfare.
The peace and welfare of the minority of the
States includes the whole. No essential wrong can
be done one State that is not essential wrong
to all.
The power allowed by the DOUGLAS policy to ter
ritorial governments places few thousand people
at war with the fifteen sovereign States Of the South
opposed to the rights of the people, opposed to the
policy of their governments, and at open war WIZ
the requirements of the constitution
The first principle of all governments-howeveI
weak or however strong, is that of protection" The
whole principle is waived in the DOUGLAS policy
Mr. DOUGLAS would wait for the wrong to be done
then seek the remedy But Mr.. DOUGLAS forgets tina
he is talking to the people who in Lac raise'
their voices in protest against the working Of ba'
urincpIe and in I776 united with the North IN con
demning It, before they had yielded to its influence
He forgets that they are the people who in tn
Language of the ilustrous friend of American right
in the British Senate anticipate the evil and judg
of the pressure of the grievance by the badness OF IN
L | principle, augur misgOvernment at distance, an
snuff tyranny in the tainted breeze" He torgets tina
he talks people who treasure the lesson OF WIS
i dom and experience embodied in the language
it Mr. MADISON that we are not to wait until usurpe
n power shall strengthen itself by exercise, and Ell
tangle the question in precedents but avoid the col
sequences by denying and resisting the principle
s. Mr. DOUGLAS denies the power OF the general go
eminent TO protect the citizens of Southern stats
IF in their property in the Territories belonging to ii
Union or in other words claims for the legislator
of Territory the right to exclude the citizens
fifteen States of the Union from entering it wit
q their slave property, and consequently from havir
:, any voice in the formation of State Governmen
This principle, if proposition that ignores a
. principle can be called such, is 30 much of an anon
ally In government economy, that any explanation
I tits out of the question either by any theory
liberty or theory of Government. 1t cannot be r
. | conciled with any theory Of human liberty, becau
its great essential is government; and equally
st war with all theory of government, because tn
to includes protection as its first element 1t nvolv
absolute sovereignty which is not possible undo
v the laws of Nations and abrogates all fealty to the Oh
d, creating and protecting power over its corpora
existence 1t is so utterly opposed to the theory
n the Constitution as to be revolving to all sane al
d. well regulated minds. The Federal Government
sovereign alone by the sovereignty delegated to
u the States it can admit other sovereignty with
IN its sphere unless by the simple constitutional tor
he Mr. DOUGLAS would create not inperiun IN inn
rio but an empire of thousand or ten thousa
81 souatters, whose laws would be paramount to {
claims of fifteen sovereign States and whose edi(
no would conscae their property deride their clan
,e- of comfy under the laws and Constitution OF
Union. and sunder the ties which bind it togeth
The argument that the laws made bye Territor
IN Legislature which derives its power from the fec
raj law making power, are to be made amenable
cy the decisions of the Supreme Court, is clearly II
L. culous when he denies to the law-making power
al constitutional supervision of its affairs. The
preme Court the creature of the Constitution, a
AS the interpreter of all laws, both State and FEEDER
he is out of its jurisdiction in one of Mr.. DoUGL
Territories, that can make laws adverse to be
State laws and constitutional guarantees.