Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-06-29

sident BUCHANAN viii revert with gratitude and ad-
miraton to this noble and triumphant vindication Of
the constitutional rights Of the Executive.
We are very much rejOlced at the disposition
which the House made of it. On-mOtiOn of Mr..
STANTON. of Ohio it was referred to select com
mlttee of five members, who are to report upon it
at the opening of the next session. Mr.. STANTON
GROSSLY perverted the whole character of the protest
when he spoke of it as expressing willingness on
the part of the President to withhold his conduct
from scrutiny. But that shallow misrepresentation
viii not avail against the open and candid deelara
tons of the message The committee, however,
comprises four gentlemen Of intelligence, candor and
honor Messrs. ADAMS, HUMPHRET, CURRY, and Pryor
and to them we confidently look for a report en-
phaticaly rebukng the highhanded attempts of par
tsans to establish legislative encrOachments on the
Executive, and to degrade the presidential Oficel
PRESIDENTS SPECIAL MESSAGE.
To tie House of Representatives,:
In my message to the House Of Representatives Of
2Sth March last, soemnly protested against the
creation of a committee at the head Of which was
placed my accuser for the purpose Of investigating
whether the President had "by money, patronage,
or other improper means, sought to influence the
action Of Congress- or any committee thereof for
rights o; any State or Territory | protested
against this because it destitute Of any specih
cation because il referred TO no particular act 70
enable the President to prepare for his defence, be-
cause it deprived him Of the constitutional guards
which, in common with every citizen Of the United
States, he possesses for his protection, and because
it assailed his constitutional independence as CO.
ordinate branch of the Government
There is an enlightened justice well as a beau
tiful symmetry in every part Of the Constitution
koI IN 10
peachments. The House of Representatives posses
ses 1.-THE sole power of impeachment the Senate
"the sole power to try all impeachments;' and the
Improbable offences are treason. bribery or other
high crimes or misdemeanOrs" The practice of the
House from the earliest times had been in accord
with It's dignity, the rights of the accused
and the demands of justice. At the commencement
Of each judicial investigation which might lead to
Impeachment, specific charges were always prefer
red, the accused had opportunity of crOss-eXam-
lining the Witnesses and he was placed misIuu pos
session of the precise nature Of the offence which
he had to meet. An impartial ard elevated stand
ing committee was charged with this investigation
upon which no member inspired with the ancient
sense of honor and justice would have served, had
he ever expressed an opinion against the accused.
Until the present occasion it was never deemed
proper to transform the accuser into the Judge, and
to confer upon him the selection of his own commit
tee.
The charges made against me in vague and gen
erl terms, were OF Suc IalSe anu dtfOclOus CHAR
aeter that did not entertain moments apprehen-
sion fer the result. They were abhOrrent to every
principle instilled into from my youth, and every
practice Of my life; and did not believe it possible
that the nan existed who would so basely PERFUME
himself as to swear TO the truth of any such accu-
sation. In this conviction am informed have not
been mistaken.
In my former protest, therefore, 1 truly and EN-
phaticaly declared that it was made for no reason
personal to myself; but because ttPrOceedings of
the House were in violation of the rights of the
ordinate executive branch of the Government, sub
yersive Of Its constitutional independence, and Il
unFesisted, would establish precedent dangerous
and embarrassing 10 all my successors NOtwith-
standing all this if the committee had not transcend
ed the authority conferred upon by the resolution
of the House of Representatives, bread and general
as this was l should have remained silent upon the
subject What | now charge is, that they have act
ed as though they possessed unlimited power. and
without any warrant whatever in the Resolution
under which they were appointed, have pursued a
course not merely at war with the constitutional
rights of the Executive but tending to degrade the
presidential office itself to such degree to rem
der it unworthy Of the acceptance of any man of
honor or principle.
The resolution of the House. so far as it is accu-
satory of the President, is confined to an inquiry
whether he had used corrupt OF improper means to
influence the action of Congress, or any of its COM
mittees, on legislative measures pending before
them. Nothing more, nothing less. l have not
learned through the newspapers or in any other
mode that the committee have touched the other
accusatOry branch OF the resolution charging the
President with violation of duty in falling to
cute some law or laws. This branch of the resolu
ton Is, therefore, out of the question. BY what
authority, then. have the committee undertaken to
investigate the course of the President in regard to
the convention which framed the Lecompton cOnsti-
tuition? By what authority have they undertaken to
pry into our foreign relations for the purpose of
sailing him on account of the instructions given by
the Secretary of State to minister in Mexico rea
alive to the Tehuantepec route? By what authority
have they inquired into the causes of removal from
Office, and this from the parties themselves removed,
with a view to preludicE his character, notwith-
standing this power of removal belongs exclusively
to the President under the Constitution, was so de-
cided by the first Congress in the year l769 and has
accordingly ever since been exercised? There is in
the resolution pretext of authority for the com
mittee to investigate the question Of the printing of
the Post Office blanks is it to be supposed that
the House, if asked, would have granted such an
authority because this question had been previously
committed to two other committees, one in the
Senate and the other in the House. Notwithstand-
ing this absolute want of power, the committee
rushed into this investigation in advance Of all other
subjects.
The committee proceeded for months from 22d
March, 1860. to examine e1 pdTte, and without any
notice to myself, into every subject which could
possibly affect my character. Interested and vim
dictive witnesses were summoned and examined
before them; and the first and only information Of
their testimony which, in almost every instance, l
received was obtained from the publication of such
portions of it as could injurousy affect myself in
the New York journals. II mattered not that these
statements were so far as have learned disprOved
by the most respectble witnesses who happened to
be on the spot The telegraph was silent respecting
these contradictions. 1t was a secret committee in
regard to the testimony in my Defence but it was
public in regard to all testimony which could posi-
bly, reflect on my character The poison was left to !
produce its effect upon the public mind, whilst the
sntidOte carefully withheld.
In their examinations the committee violated the /
most sacred and honorable confidence existing /
among men. Private correspondence, which a truly |
honorable man would never even entertain distant /
thought Of divulging was dragged to light Differ |
emit persons in official and confidential relations with
myself, and with whom IL was supposed might /
have held conversations the revelation Of which |
would do me injury, were examined. Even mem
oers of the Senate and members of my own cabi-
net, both my constitutional advisers, were called
upon to testify for the purpose Of discovering some
hing. if possible, to my discredit.
The Distribute the patronage of the Govern
nent is by far -"eable duty of the
President Applicant - ~0us, and their /
applications are pressed with ST.. egerness by their
friends both in and out of Congress- that the selec
ion of one for any desirable office gives offence Z
o many. Disappointed applicants, removed oficers,t
md those who for any cause, real or imaginary ,
lad become hostile TO the Administration presented
or were invited by a summons 10 az ;
year before the committee. These are the mot ;
dangerous witnesses. Even with the best intention,
hey are so influenced by prejudice and disar :
that they almost inevitably dlscOlOr truh
They swear to their version Of private cOnBr-
ations with the President withOut5the pOssibiit Of
His lips are sealed, and he is let at
heir mercy. He cannot as a coordinate branuof !
he Government, appear before a committee m I
estigaOn 70 contradict the oaths Of such witnesses
Every coward knows that he can employ insulting
language against the President with impunits and 4
very false prejudiced witness can attehpt to +
wear away his character before such committee /
without the fear of contradiction. i
Thus for months, whilst doing my best at oe end a
f the avenue to perform my high and responsible .
uties to the country, has there been a committee
f the House Of Representatives in sessiO at the 4
ther end Of the avenue, spreading drsg-pt with \
ut the shadow Of authority from the Hose, over !,
he whole Union, to catch any disapporsed man Il
Wiling TO malign my character and all his in Sc =
ret conclave The Lions mouth at Voice, into
which secret denunciatiOns were drOppe Is an apt
Illustration of the CovOde committee The Star j
'hamber tyrannical and OdiOus as it wasnever pro-
eeded in such manner. For centuris there has p
zen nothing like it in any civilized coury, except n