Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1860-10-09
THOROUGH PRO SLAVERY PLATFORM
JOHN BELL


JOHN BELL
IN FAVOR OF THE INSTITUTION IN ALL IT'S
ASPECTS.
SLAVERY A GREAT CIVIL, MORAL. so.
CIAL, RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL IN
STITUTION.
A PHILOSOPHICAL AND STATESMAN
LIKE VIEW OF SLAVERY.
Extract from a Speech By Hon. John Bell. in the
Senate of the United States, on the 9th of.7uzv
1850, the Compromise being under discussion.
The forbearance of the North to apply the
Wilmot Proviso Ito New Mexico)-a PROPOSE
tion so Justly obnoxious to, and giving rise to so
much excitement at the South-is concession
to Southern feelings which would not seek to
deprecate; but it can only be regarded, under ali
the circumstances of the case, as mere act of
grace extended without the surrender of any of
the principles and positions of the North
THE CONSTITUTION PRoTsCTs ~LApERY IN THE TER
RIroRIEs.
It is contepded that the South is secured in
the full benefit of the doctrine held by some of
the most distinguished champions of its right,
who maintain the Constitution, proprio oigore,
that the flag of the Union protects the citizen
in the enjoyment of his rights of property of
every description recognized as such, in any of
the States, on every sea and in every Territory
of the Union. The soundness of the general
doctrine held on this point, think cannot we'll
be questioned or disapproved and if the ques-
tion-related to Territory situated as Oregon
was when the United States came into possession
of it, property in slaves would be entitled to the
protection of the Laws and Constitution of the
United States.
IS IN FAVOR OF CONSTITUTIONAL UNION, AND NOT
UNION OF FORCE.
The capse of freedom in the South as we'll as
in the North, is wrapped up in the Constitution
and in the Union. These once broken down,
anarchy and military despotism become our in .
heritance. We have arrived at point of time
in our history, which will constitute an epoch,
to which the future historian will refer and from
it deduce the cause of our decline as nation, or
of increased prosperity and grandeur. Sir, no
man who loves his country, no man who has
any just pride in the reflection that lie is an A
merican citizen, but must desire that these dis
sensions should cease. It is not mere question
whether we should preserve the Union. The
question is whether mutual trust and confidence
shall continue to animate and encourage mutual
effort in promoting and multiplying common
benefits; or whether mutual hatred and distrust
shall step in and check all progress, to distract
and confound all joint endeavors for the com
mon welfare; in fine, to entail upon the country
all the evils of endless discord That is the
question. And when you present that issue to
me, say at once, give me separation; give me
anything in preference to Union sustained on
ly by power, by cOnstitutionalites and legaties,
without confidence.
is IN FAVOR OF THE DIFFUSION AND EXPANSION OF
SLAVERY.
I am not to be deluded Mr. President, by the
appeals of the North, upon the subject of human
wrongs and the violation of human rights. am
not to be misled as to the true grounds of the
anti-save extension policy of the North, by the
fine sentiments so often expressed on the subject
of freedom and the claims of humanity. know,
sir that however sincere and conscientious the
auti slavery element at the North may be, neith-
er the cause of freedom, nor sentiment of hu-
manity, is the active principle of the non-exten-
sion policy of tho North. Were it proposed by
the South to impose the chains of servitude up
on single hnman being now free, there is no
man living to whom such proposition would
be more revolving than to myself. But, sir, hu-
manity to the slave not less than justice to the
master, recommends the policy OF diffusion and
extension into any new territory adapted to his
condition; and the reasons are too obvious to be
misunderstood by the dullest intellect No, sir,
| it is not principle of humanity that dictates
the anti-extenson policy of the North. 1t is
deeply founded in the ambition of sectional as
tendency; dictated, in part, by the Jealousy of
Southern influence and control, and the recol-
lection of the long line of Southern chiefs who
have succeeded to the Executive mantle. These
are the interests and passions which, more than
any Others have decided the policy Of the North
upon this subject. But, however natural and
inevitable the existence of such passions and in
fuences, under the peculiar circumstances of our
system, let me invoke the forbearance of my
Northern friends, if not their justice, by some
consideration for the passions and sensibilities
naturally incident to th. South, under the pros
pect of their declining power and influence in
the confederacy, which now stares them in the
face. While that protracted domination of the
South, which has been so long and keenly felt at
the North, was always more imaginary than real
no Southern man having ever attained the
Presidency except by the concurrence of often
times more than ha +, aud always of large d-
vision of the North-yet now, it cannot be dis
guised that the period of Southern ascendency,
if it ever had real existence, approaches its
termination. Political power and ascendency,
in sectional view, have, indeed, almost passed
away from the South forever. And this is SO
manifest. that Senator, who spoke in this de-
bate. could not forbear taunting the South with
the prospect Vi tu0iI OSoihluS ioituAOo. "a
great change has taken place in the poll tical
vocabulary" 1t is no longer, he exultantly ex-
claims stbe South and the North, it is now the
North and the South.' The South, Mr.. Pres-
dent needs not to be reminded by the triumph
ant North of her decayed power. And when
the people of the South have, in prospect, the
admission of eight or ten additional free States
in rapid succession, without the equivalent of a
single slave State, the North should know how
to excuse the restlessness of their Southern
brethren; and feel no surprise that they should
be looking around for some guarantee-sone 0d-
ditionaI protection to their peculiar condition
and institutions.
HOLDS ON TO THE CONSTITUTION.
But. sir. as to myself, shall hold fast to the
Constitution until | see that 1t no longer op
poses barrier to absolute aggression; and l
trust that some final adjustment of all these dis
tracing questions will yet be devised and adop
ted. upon basis so just and reasonable, as not
only to stay the progress of disatfection, but to
furnish to the world that highest evidence that
no diversity of local institutions, or of sectional
interests or any other cause OF occasional dis
sension. will ever be so powerful for mischief as
to sunder the ties that now bind US together as
one people. zao
rs IDENTIFIED WITH THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY
Mr.. President, cannot conclude my remarks
without taxing the indulgence of the Senate
vet further, in saying few words upon the sub
iect of that institution, for the extension of
which to the new Territories some gentlemen
hoe hno IL