Muscatine weekly journal. [volume] (Muscatine, Iowa) 185?-1890, 1860-08-17
n. IJuhallowed Coalitien.

Democrats of New York, wrote his celebrated
etter to the Committee of Merchants of New
York. In it he defined for the first time,
learly and boldly, the only question between
he political parties of the North. Heavowed
hat the Democratic party would be compelled
o come up to the issue and take one side or
he other, and that they might as we'll do it
low as ever. A great many Democrats
questioned his position and denied his con-
,lusions, but subsequent events have justified
his reasoning and fulfilled his prediction.
The rapid whirl of events has brought around
the point which he foresaw, ere the words
from his lips, in the Academy Of Music, had
ceased their echoes. The fact was that the
time had already come when he spoke, though
few had the hardihood to bravely face the
issue and proclaim it. We repeat his words:
"Though its ministers can never permit the
law OF the land to be questioned by private
Judgment, there is, nevertheless, such thing
as natural Justice. Natural justice has the
Divine sanction, AND 1T IS IMPOSSIBLE THAT
ANY HUMAN LAW WHICH CONFLICTS WITH 1T
SHOULD LONG ENDURE. Where mental enlight-
onment abounds, where morality is protested
by all, where the mind is free, speech is free,
and the press is free, IS 1t possible in the
nature of things that a lao which is admitted
to conflict With natural Justice, and scath
Gods oun mandate, should long endure! II
Negro Slavery, however humanely admins
tered or iudiciously regulated, be an instltu.
ton which conflicts with natural justice and
with Gods law, surely the most vehement
and extreme admirers of John Browns senti'
ments are right. Their general principles
cannot be refuted; their logic is irresistible;
their error, if any there be, is in their prem.
ises. What, then, remains to DE discussed
Among us at the North, the sole question for
reflection, study, and friendly interchange Of
thought, should be: Is Negro slavery unjustT'
This was clear, truthful statement of the
sole question now at issue before the Ameri-
can people. Since that time, the majority Of
the Democratic party have taken broad,
square, flat-footed ground on the negative of
this question. The Douglas wing quarreled
with the others about the mode of stating
their position. They did not like quite so
direct and plain statement of their position.
They preferred something like the Nebraska
Bill and the Cincinnati Platforms little
ambiguous and uncertain. They sheltered
themselves behind the Supreme Court. Their
reason was, in Ben Samueps word, that, if
they took such unequivocal ground, "they
would drive all the Northern Democrats into
the arms of the Black Republican party
But they arrived at the same conclusions in a
little different manner. By adding the
Wickliffe resolution offered by Louisiana,
they declared that ''all species of property
declared to be such by the Supreme Court
should be protected by the Federal Govern
ment in the Territories" So that, in reality,
the leaders of both wings of the Democratic
party have marched up to the rack. The one
stepped up promptly and straightforwardly.
The other had to be backed and sidled up, like
a shying horse, but it got up at last, the only
difference between it and the other wing
| being that it was got up wrong end foremost
The Republican party next toed the mark,
and standing on the Declaration of Independ
ence, which declares ALL MEN TO BE BORN
EQUAL, it boldly announced the only true
ground on the Territorial question, to wit
that, "Slavery being unjust, and inconsistent
with the spirit of our Constitution, and
unrecognized in it, save as State practice, is
local and not national, and that, therefore,
neither Congress nor the Territorial Legis.
lature, nor any individuals, can give legal
existence to slavery in any Territory Of the
United States.''
There remained the Bell party. They
started out with the intention of remaining
mum, presenting the extraordinary spectacle
of political organization, making serious
pretensions to the government of this uation,
openly avowing as its chief qualification for
that trust that it has no principles, no prefer
ence and no opinions on the only great
question now dividing the minds of the
American people. But the bulk of the Bell
party is at the South. The Convention
referred the American people to the record of
Mr.. Bell for his principles and tho guarantee
of the policy of his administration, if elected.
His Southern and Northern supporters imme.
diately besieged him with letters inquiring
his opinions on the great question. The
people, even of their own party, were not so
Indifferent as the leaders imagined. The
result showed the folly of such a course as
that of a political party endeavoring to blink
a great political question. It could not be
done. The rank and file of their own party
shared in the general interest, and would not
permit it. Consequently, Mr.. Bell was
smoked out. "Mr. Bell, say Yes or NO to
Mr.. O'Conor's question, is Slavery unjust?'
is the loud demand from Maine to Alabama.
Mr.. Bell, to be consistent with the declarations
of the Convention that nominated him, makes
no new pledge, but rakes up "all his speeches
and letters for the last 25 years bearing on
tina question" and binds them in volume
and sends them to his inquiring friends.
The volume is opened, and Mr.. Bells answer
is read to North and South: No! SLAVERY
IS ClvILLY, MORALLY AND RELIGIoUsLY RIGHT,
AND OUGHT TO BE EXTENDED ~
Now, then, this is the simple statement Of
the present political contest. The sole ques.
ton involved IS that propounded by Charles
OConor. The result will be this The
Breckenridge party North are fat-footed
Slavery Protectionists. Douglas and Bell
men are about evenly divided. The pro.
slavery wing of either of these parties are
now forming coalitions with each other and
with Breckenridge for the triumph Of the
pro slavery principle. These coalitions will
be formed in every State in the Union. They
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