The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1860-05-25

constitution OF me United States recognized the
right TO hold slaves in the Territories prior to
the adoption OF any municipal law on the sub
lect; and special provision was made IN the K an
/ sas-Nebraska bill by which the decision OF this
important question was left TO the Supreme
Court o: the United States, the highest judicial
tribunal OF our country. That tribunal has de-
clded that the Territories being the public do
main, and consequently the common property
OF all the States, the slave-owner has as perfect
and ndefeasible right to settle there with his
negroes as tae citizen of any free State has t9
establish himself there with bis horses or his
sheep, and that the proprietary rights of the for
mer IN his slaves, and OF the latter in his hor
ses and his sheep, being rights guaranteed by
the Constitution, are equally entitled to protec-
ton. The position of the question, therefore,
at this moment is as follows
First. Congress has no power to interfere
with slavery IN the Territories, either for is
establishment or abolition.
Second. That power is vested exclusively in
the people OF the Territories when they assem-
bic in convention for the purpose of forming
State constitution preparatory to admission into
the Union.
Third. The Constitution recognises the right
| Il
right indeteasbe by Congress or the Territories,
and places that property, like every other spe-
oies OF property, under the protection of the
courts OF the country, created for that purpose,
and armed with full power and authority for
It's execution.
TIE North and the South accepted this po-
sItion, and pledged themselves to maintain It,
as the most equitable settlement OF the constitu-
tlonal relations which should exist between the
States and Territories, and as the most complete
establishment Of the rights and privileges of
the various members Of the confederacy as de-
fined and guaranteed by the Constitution,
Without violation of our pledges, and with
out deliberate annulment of the great prIncI-
pie OF non-intervention by Congress, we can
neither admit that territorial legislature can
lawfully pass enactments hostile TO slavery, nor
that Congress should intervene by special en-
actment to protect slavery in the Territories
Honor, good faith, and patriotism demand the
most faithful observance of the spirit and letter
OF our compact.
"But," we are asked by our able and court
eous cotemporary, The .MissisSippian, ''shoud
the first handful! OF squatters in a Territory ar
rogate TO themselves the authority to drive out
slavery from the Territories"-in other words
should the people OF Territory defy the Con-
stltutlon and trample on the law, and resist the
authority of the United States, and should that
authority prove incompetent to subdue the null
liners aud rebes-''Is it not the duty of the
Federal Government to intervene through all
IFS departments to lnterpose and prevent the
wrong or apply remedyl" To this we reply,
that, as soon as the inhabitants of a Territory
violate the law, usurP powers which are spe-
clally denied to them, refuse to obey the man
dates OF The judiciary, and sanction the destruc-
ton or robbery OF the property of their fellow
citizens, the Federal Government has the pow-
er now to punish rebellion and notification in
the Territories, Just as it has the power 10 so in
the StateS.' Hitherto, the inhabitants of the
Territories have quietly and legally obeyed the
law, have not attempted any "unfriendly le-
gislaion," have not manifested any desire ''to
drive slavery out of the Territories" or exer-
else any power to which they are not constitu-
tioaaly entitled, and have never questioned
the binding authority Of the judgments of the
federal Judiciary. In short, our territorial sys-
tenn, as practically carried out by peaceful, law
respecting American citizens, illustrates its
own success. When it proves to be failure,
il will then be time enough for US to consider |
Hhdl OSltcl SySlSlIl IL Cdu De replaced.
1t is as unwlse as II IS untrue TO attempt to |
draw distinction between slave property and |
any other species OF property, and to require |
the passage OF special laws for the protection of
the former. Slaves are property Just as money, |
household furniture, cattle, or silver spoons, are
property. The federal courts will apply the !
same laws to slave property, and those are am |
pie for the purpose and if territorial legisa- |
ture should attempt to pass laws hostile TO sa- |
very, the federal courts would treat such legIs-
lation as void, and apply the proper remedies
for the correction of the evil.
Were we to admit that Congress should inter.
fere to pass special laws for the Territories
whenever any man or class of men required it, |
the work would be endless. One set of men
might deem the laws for the punishment of muir
der, or assault and battery, far too lenient to af-
ford them sufficient protection for their lives.
and might apply to Congress to pass other and
Severer laws. Another set of men might think
that the laws Furnishing arson were two mild !: |
another, that the punishment for theft Of hor-
ses or money was inadequate and they might
severally require Congress TO intervene. |
Where is intervention by Congress to end, when
once it is allowed to begin? Is it with the sla-
very question alone that it is TO be permitted to
interfere
The democratic party, irrespective of sec
tions or factIons-the democratic party of the
entire Union-are pledged in the most sacred
manner TO "resist all attempts at renewing, in
Congress or out OF 1t, the agitation of the slave
very question, under whatever shape or color
the attempt may be made" We are bound 20
keep that pledge. The democratic party, ire
spectlVe OF sections or factions-the democrat
lc party of the entire Union-are pledged to
maintain the great doctrine OF non-interference1
By Congress with slavery in State and Terrific