Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1860-09-24

\ ! nat party which in its principles near
est approached the constitution was GER
tainly the best Union party. The consti-f
tuition shovel in all its parts it's object to-
De to secure nm inseParable union-a ma
tionRl, government.
While it granted powers, it required du-s
ties-A government for the greatest good
OF tue greatest number The right of
government of the territories existing in
the general government had never been
denied until recently. at the time of the,
adoption of the constitution we had no
territories, and the power of government
may be reasoned, perhaps, more from the
tact OF requirement. than from the clause
OF the constitution from which Republi-
cans claim specific power. Through the
organization of thirteen territories the
power of the general government over the
| question of slavery in the territories had
never been questioned, aud rllnd been ex-
erclsed while the founders of the govern
ament yet lived. But rs the North gather
ed strength, and US the South felt its
weakness, new views became prevalent,
! Mr. Dayton glanced at the sectional
mania, and the Calhoun fallacy of state
soVerelgnty,in the construction of the con
stltution; the compromise settlement of
1885, the Kansas-Eebraska legislation, and
the abrogntiom of the compromise, under
49, ANNN4SAouIJ VI HOukluSS lut HOL6S OF
John Bell i'll favor Of legalizing the intro
duction OF slavery i'll California; and the
repeal of the Missouri compromise; the
Kansas excitement.
Upon reviewing the position of parties,
from 1856 down to the present time, the
speaker argued that the Republican party
had always been true to the Uuion. He
denied that in the present canvass any
position inconsistent with the constttu-
ton had been taken. He denied that
tue Republican party was opposed to the
admission of any more slave states. In
the case of Kansas, they had agreed to
leave the decision Of the question of. sla-
very to the people, and to abide by their
decision. [Appi"usc.l And Mr.. Lincoln
had, IN reply to question by Mr. Doug
las, said: 81 do not now, or ever did, stand
pledged against the admission of any more
slave states into the Union" TApplause.1 I
But it was objected that the principles
OF the Republican party counsclled the
nulliticatton of the Fugitive Slave law.
! But, much as lie and others believed that
law unjust, and in measure unconstitu-
tional. no word could be found in the Re-
publican platform counsclling its disre-
gnrdment. Applause. He did not be-
lieYe that any law imposing duties half as
repulsive could be executed iu the South
at NIL. [Applause.l An illustration of
this was seen in the practical qualification
of the African slave trade. Mr. Lincoln's
views in favor of the enforcement of the
Fugitive Slave law were fully defined, as
were also his opinions concerning the
slave trade. [ApplNuse.l
II IS true that there was no party now
fAvoring the restoration of the slave trade,
but the Breckinridge party was fast merg-
ing into those views, and there was a
probability that before long, the nroicrt
would be openly broached in GohgfeSsss:.
Perhaps, should the law against the i'm
portntion of slaves be repealed, the South
would appeal to Congress for protective
tariff to encourage their peculiar home in
dustry. daughter and applause.
The propriety of attempting the abolish
ment OF the slave trade between the States
was declared BY it was sufficient to deny
that allegation. Upon the question of the
abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia, Mr.. Lincoln and the party are
willing to trust to the decision Of the peo-
pie. Outside of avowed shareholders he
did not believe there was a man in the
whole country more conservative in his
views on the question of slavery than
Abraham Lincoln. Applause Butsome
one would say, "It is the very Black Re-
publicans whom we oppose, those who
defy the Supreme Court, revile the consti-
tuition aud favor blackand white equality"
But such ideas were never countenanced
by the platforms of the party or its official
act. O.iium had been fastened on the
party by the unjust selection of phrases
separated from their contcxts, like the
.'irreprcssiblc conflict" of Mr.. Seward. In
the first place, Mr.. Seward was notauthor-
iZed to speak for the party, and in the next
| pl"ce, he merely uttered q philosophical
truth. There was an "irrepressible con-
| fict" between right and wong. TLond
! applause. The ''irreprcssible conflict"
like the "higher law" fastened itself upon
the minds of men, and like Mr.. Marcy's
'''Eo the victor belongs the spoils," were
thus made to express more than was in
tended.
/ Therc.were men of extreme views con-
nected both with the Republicans and their
| opponents. But would they not rather
have an enthusiast on tho side of freedom
than on the side of slavery? ECheers
But why agitate the question of slavery
at all? The Democracy would not permit
it to rest. There was necessity that the
Executive who had the appointment of
federal officers should bc imbued with the
principles of freedom. But the Democra-
cy seemed TO think that slavery was the
rule anu freedom the exception. Laugh
ter. There were future vacancies in the
! Supreme Conrt, which should not be filled
with judges of heretical opinions. Zap
plnuse. While the Democratic party
claimed that the question of governmental
power in the territories was an .abstrac-
ton, they were quarrelling themselves on
the same question. Yet the Republicans
were asked to keep quiet. For himself, he
was opposed to these Union-saving pre-
tensions We could never perpetuate the
Union by cowardly surrender of our
rights. [Cheers. If the South could go
out of the Union by saying SEQ" they
would not say it. Their pugn0city was