Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1860-12-14
Thirty-sixth Congress Second Session.
TUESDAY, Dec. II, 1860.
SENATE

~ adopted.
Nj Powelis motion was then read,
Mr. Bsler said he had given way yesterda,
tc but to-day he must speak Of the ncrils environ
Mt ing the country Every branch of ndustr
is has felt the effect Of some great convulsion-
in the Treasury is empty banks suspended, un
le commerce s;agnant. The question now arise:
Is whence comes this distress and stagnation :
Of comes from 4 political panic. State after Stat
t. has made every preparation for discussing tn
lie grave question whether they are to remain i
y their present position. Though thinking q
'r first that the less said upon the subject tn
o better, he now thought that this whole sui
it ject should be discussed here, that the peopl
e may know the true nature Of the question. H
r was for u constitutional Unon-the Union O
l. our fathers When this Constitution was fonn.
o inadequate to meet unforeseen emergencies, h
: thought the best course was to have amend
C ments to that Constitution proposed ard dis
T. cussed in Congress, and afterward suonittet
; to the people. He knew that others did no
= entertain the same views. and on this point ht
e wished 10 ask some Of those on the Southern
side of The chamber--those for whom he hat
S fought so long-if diSunon is, indeed the bes
remedy for these evils which have row conc
upon them? The remedy must ultimately como
from the people, and if they would send repre-
sentatiVcs to 4 convention Of States, he belicv.
r cd that the conservative spirit would so far
prevail that nll her rights should be guaranteed
to the South. II, however, in such n conren-
ton three-fourths should refuse such guaran-
tees, all would indeed be lost. The people OF
, the North, he believed, if tho true condition Of
affairs could be brought home to them, would
go further than their representatives in Con-
sress are aware. lie firmly believed that
throughout the North, if the principles since
avowed had been declared during the last can.
vass, the Republicans would never have sue
cecded. In his own Stale he believed that they
would not have received 100, 900 votes.
Mr. lvcrson was not willing to vote for the
proposition. lie did not understand what the
resolution really meant, nor had he heard any
explanation by its mover, or any Senator who
had spoken in its favor Does it look to Con.
grcssioual legislation? II it meant that such
legislation should pander to the vitiatcd public
feeling North, it was unnecessary. The South
had fugitive slave law, if that portion Of the
resolution be considered which treated of that
law, Of which she did not complain It's pro.
visions were satisfactory, but all knew that
from the public sentiment North no slave had
ever been recovered without the greatest diff.
Guilty. a few fugitives had, it is true been
recovered, but it was at the point Of the bayo.
net The nullilying statutes, too, only derived
their force from the sentiment behind-thc
mob-law-which will last as long as slavery
and the Union continue. Before fugitive
| can be taken by his owner, or even after his
| rendition by the Court, mob OF free negroes,
and white men scarcely less brutal would
snatch him away, amid the jeers of the by.
ISLANDERS ut the South. How often had tic !
Senator from New Hampshire stood BY, and /,
when these outragcs were perpetratcd, done
anything but what tended 10 incitc the mob: !;
Mr.. Hale. Never.
Mr.. 1vcrson contcndcd that the South would |
never submit 20 any proposition less than con-
grcssiona protection for slavery in the Terrific
ries. The republican and the Douglas SQUAT.
ter-sovereignty non.intervention principles dif. |
fer but in little They would soon get al! the |
power Of the Government in their hands, ,andby
their patronage would render the border ylaYe
States free. Then the slave population would
be centred in the gulf States, and emancipation
or war Of races would be the result. The
South must have congressional protection to
ton Of it in the States. If concessions lie
gained from the North, what would they be
worth The North, if she yields at all will
yield from fear. Hatred Of the South is not on.
y q political sentiment in the North, but even
part of their religious creed There is only
one way to arouse the Northern mind to dl-
iercnt state Of things; that way is by the re-
Election which will ensuc on a Withdrawal Of the
Southern States But eTen if fresh guarantees
be given, what reliance can be placed upon
them Why, though in the Constitution there
is q prorSo that new States shall be admitted,
scarcely twenty years had elapsed from the
foundation of the Government before the ad-
mission Of Missouri was resisted by the North
because her constitution tolerated slavery and
the South was forced to dishonorab!c
so the admission Of Texas
vas resisted, though unsucc.ssfillly and
reviewing the national legislation and compro- ;
nises on the subject, argued that no reliance {
could be placed in any way. Regarding, then
and guarantees in this light. he !
looked on the proposition in the Senate, and I
the one introduced into the House, rs delusiuns I
md snares, calculated only 10 lu 20 fatal t
calm. The whole question, to him. seemed g
settled beyond the power Of any interference c
his side ct Heaven. he had no doubt what C
ever that five States would certainly secede I
before the 4th Of March, and that others would O
sooner or later join them; though if the cotton 5
States go out alone, it might happen, that if b
wo other States should only come out at the
all end of the movement, they might find some S
points in the confederacy which they joined SO
ate, that would strike ut their peculiar inter. r
sts. Though opposed to rc.openiGg Of the l
African slave trade, he would not be security,
hat if the cotton States alone formed con- II
ederacy that trade would n"t lie re-opcned.- s.
Daily, in walking these stree ne heard curses Il
lot loud, but deep, from the : ople Of this Dis Il
rict against those States with were asserting
heir rights. These men fear, the depreciation 81
f their property; that wonl1 depend much on
heir conduct. 1t might lv that Washington,
Maryland and Virginia sgccdc, as they should, t.
I his opinion would still remain what its al
uildings and location fittcl it fora seat of s
overnment. If a different state Of things
lould arise, it might be- tl,;.t the marble pa. Il
ices Of Washington teemr.; with life, and full Ii
lnirth and pleasure, wu..,L become the labi- IL
ltions of bats. 81
Mr. Pugh was encouraged to hope for the G,
erpetuity of the Union, from the axtraordina- OF
speech he had just heard for, fsuch be the SIT
'gumcnts by which secession justilics ITSELF &c
eble must be the cause. lie had never said lii
at his arm would drop from its socket before ha
, would vote for the extension Of slavery
is sentiments were that ne would suffer his ca
m to drop from its socket before he would ba
d in voting slavery where it was not wanted, di
to keep i! from localities where the people no
shed it. tn
Senator Iverson read from the Congrcssion-
Globe the words Of Mr.. Pugh Oh the occasion po
lerred to- dill
Mr.. Pugh answered, VIVA: he had said was flu
id under the understanding that the question va
IS, whether slaves should be taken into tht
rritory, in contravention Of local law He no
Intended that in his State the fugitive slave law bct
S executed FlC
Ar. Iverson said from report OF the Vir- ha'
lia Legislature fifteen years ago, the annual
S of that State in fugitive slaves was 60,
10000. S6v
sfr. Pugh did not believe that the State Of =