St. Charles City Republican intelligencer. [volume] (St. Charles City [Charles City], Iowa) 1857-1861, 1860-08-02

:
1t will be seen that both sets o.
Resolutions rcaflirm the Cincinnati
platform, which plainly declares, "non
interference by Congress with Slavery
in State and Territory, or in the Dis
trict Of Columbia" to be the only
sound and safe solution of the slave
ry question" Both favor the acquisi'
ton of Cuba, and the construction OF
a Railroad to the Pacific. Both favor
the faithful execution Of the Fugitive
Slave law and the complete protection
to all citizens whether foreign or ma
tive born. The one distinctly cndor
ses the decision of the Supreme Court
in regard to rights of persons and
property in the Territories, and the
right to carry property OF all Kinds
thiihcr from all sections of the coun-
try. The other pledges full acquIcs-
ccncc in any decision which " has
been, or shall hereafter be finally de-
tcrmincd by the Supreme Court of the
United States" So much for the plat
forms themselves. To the same pur-
port are the views Of the candidates
as given to the public. Mr.. Johnson
says:
slave property stands on the same
footing of all other descriptions OF
property, and neither the General
Government, nor any Territorial Gov
crnmcnt, can destroy or impair the
right to slave property in the terrific
rics any more than the right to any
other description of property prop
crty Of all kinds, slaves as well as
any other species Of property IN the
territories, stands upon the same
equal and broad Constitutional basis,
and subject to like principles of rec
o@mitiOn and protection III the leGIs-
Iativc, judicial and executive depart
mcnts Of the government"
Mr.. Lane says:
Non-intcrvcntion on the subject
Of Slavery, l may cmphatically say,
is the cardinal maxim Of the Dcmoc-
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS by Congress,
and non-intervention by territorial
legislatures, as is fully stated in the
first resolution Of the adopted plat
FORM"
Mr.. Douglas said in New Orleans,
in 1858, that
"Thc Democracy of Illinois, in the
first place, accepts the decision Of the
Supreme Court of the United States,
in the case of bred Scott, as an au-
thoritativc interpretation Of The CoaNA",
tim. In accordance with that decision,
VIC hold that SiarcS are property, and
hence on an equality with all other
kinds of property and the owner of
a slave has the same right to move
into a Territory, and carry his slave
property with him, as the owner OF
any other property has to go there
and carry his property"
That decision, it will be rcmcm,
bcrcd, declares that 1.-THE Constitu.
ton of the United States recognizes
slaves as property, and pledges the
Federal Government to protect it."
Mr.. breckenridge says:
81 bow TO the decision of the Su.
prcmc Court of the United States. |
approve it in all its parts, as a sound
exposition of the law and Constitu-
tional rights of the States, and citi
zcns that inhabit them.
TO approve the decision Of the SUI
prcmc Court in the bred Scott case,
would seem to settle the whole qucs-
ton of Territorial sovereignty, as |
think will presently appear.
If the present remedies are adc-
quatc to sustain these decisions,
would have nothing more done. l,
with many other public men in the
country, believe they are able. II
they are not, if they cannot be en-
forced for want Of proper Legislation
to enforce them, sufficient Legislation
must be passed, or our Government is
a failure"
In view Of these facts what is the
conclusion to which every candid
mind must come, if it be not that the
two factions of the democratic party
are battling for essentially the same
principles, and stand virtually upon
the same platform. The question
therefore, as between the two sections
of the party may properly be regard
cd as one Of men more than of principle,
while it is the principle of the entire
Democracy to nationalizc Slavery, and
render it as secure (by law in the
Northern as it is in the Southern
States.