Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1860-03-03
LABOR STATES AND CAPITAL sTAIEs.

debates have already anticipated the argu-
ments for this conclusion.
In coming forward among thopoIitical astrol-
ogers, it shall be an error of judgment, and not
of disposition, if my Interpretation of the fe~
verish dreams which are disturbing the country
shall tend TO ioment, rather than to allay, the
national excitement. Ishall Say nothing me-
cessarily Of persons, because, in our system,the
public welfare and happiness depend chiefly on
institutions, and very little on men. l shall
allude briefly to incidental topics, because they
are ephemeraL aud because, even in the midst
of appeals to passion ana prejudice, it is always
safe to submit solid truth to the deliberate con-
sideration of an honest and enlightened PeO-
pie.
It will be an overiowing source Of shame,
as we'll as Of sonow, if we, thirty millions
Europeans by extraction, Americans by birth
or discipline, an1 Christians in faith, and
meaning TO be such in practice-cannOts so COM
bine prudence with humanity, in our conduct
concerning the disturbing subject of Slavery,
as not only to preserve our unequaled institu-
tions Of Freedom, bat also to enjoy their benefits
with contentment and harmony.
Wherever a guiltless slave exists, be he Cau~
casian, American, Malay, or African, he is the
subject of two distinct and opposite ideas-One
that he s wrongly, the other that he Is rightly
8 slave. The balance of numbers on either
side, however great, never completely extln-
guishes this difference of opinion for there are
always some defenders Of Slavery outside, even
if there are none inside Free State, while, al
so, there are always outside, if there are not
inside Of every Slave State, many who assert
with Milton, that "nO man who knows aught can
be so stupid as to deny that all men naturally
were born free, being the image and resemblance
of God himself, and were by privilege above
all the creatures, bonn to command and not to
Obey" 1t often, perhaps generally happens,
| however, that in considering the subject OF
Slavery, society seems to overlook the natural
right OF personal interest OF the slave himself,
and 10 act exclusively for the welfare of the
citizen. But this fact does not materially af-
feet ultimate results, for the elementary question
of the nghtfulness or wrongfulness Of Slavery
inheres in every form that discussion concern
ing it assumes. What is just to one class OF
men can never.be injurious to any other; and
what is unjust to any condition of persons in a
State, is necessarily injurious in some degree
/ 10 the whole community. An economical
question early arises out of the subject of Sla
very-labor either of freemen or of slaves is
the cardinal necessity of society. Some States
choose the one kind, some the other. Hence
two municipal systems widely different arse
The Slave State strikes down and affects to
extinguish the personality of the laborer, not
only as a member of the political body, but
also as parent, husband, child, neighbor, OF
friend. He thus becomes in political view,
mere property, without moral capacity, and
/ 4 md cialr roIof
duties, rights, and remedies chattel, an OBJ
iect of bargain, sale, gift inheritance or theft.
His earnings are compensated and his wrongs
atoned, not to himself, but to his owner. The
State protects not the slave a man, but the
capital of another man, which he represents
On the other hand, the State which rejects
Slavery encourages and animates and invig-
CRATES the laborer, by maintaining and develop.
ing his natural personality in all the rights and
faculties Of manhood, and generally with the
privilege of citizenship, In the one case, cap
Ital invested in slaves becomes great politiea
force, while in the other labor thus elevated anC
enfranchised, becomes the dominating pOlitica
power 1t thus happens that we may, for con
venience sake, and not inaccurately, cal
Slave States capital States,and Free States la.
Dor States.
So soon as a State feels the impulses Cf com
merce OF enterprise or ambition its citizens begiI
to study the effects of these systems Of capita
and labor respectively on lis intelligence, 1t:
virtue, its tranquility, its integrity or unity, 1T
defence, its prosperity, its liberty, Its happiness
= its aggrandizement, and its fame. In other
won1s, the great question arises, whether Sla
very is a moral, social and political good, or
moral, rocial, and political evil. This is th'
E Slavery question at home. But there is a mu'
. tual bond Of amity and brotherhood between
man and man throughout the world. Nations
examine freely the political systems Of eacl
other, and of all preceding times, and accord
ingly as they approve or disapprove of the
two systems Of capital and labor respectively
they sanction and prosecute, or condemn anC
prohibit commerce in men. Thus, In Que way
/ or another, the Slavery question which SO many
among us, who are more willing to rule thar
patient in studying the conditions of society
think is a merely accidental or unnecessary
question that might and ought to be settled snC
dismissed Ht once, is, on the contrary, world
wide and enduring subject Of political consider
alton and civil administration. Men, States
= and nations entertain it, not voluntarily, but be
cause the progress of society continually bring
it into their way. They divide upon it, no
; perversely, but because, owing to differences o
] constitution, condition or circumstances, thel
cannot agree. : -i5.nErEr
2 The Fathers Of the Republic encountered il
4 They even adjusted it go that it might hav
: given US much less than our present disquiet
had not circumstances afterwaTd occurred Thicl
; they, as wise as they were, had not clear
D foreseen. Although they had inherited, yet the
generally condemned, the practice of Slavery
, and hoped for its discontinuance. They ex
! pressed this when they asserted, IN the DeclaT
T oil Fr1
9 ciple Of American society, that all men ar
created equal, and have inalienable rights t.
|, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness :
) Each State, however, reserved to itself exclu.
; sive political power over the subject of Slave
J. ~, within its own borders. Nevertheless,
!, unavoidablv presented itself in their consulta
J, tions on a bond of Federal Union. The new
J, Government was TO be representative one
Slaves were capital in some States. in other
!, capital had no investments in labor. Shout
those slaves be represented as capital or aspeI
sons, taxed as capital or as persons, or Ehoul
they not be represented or taxed at alli Th
Fathers disagreed, debated long, and compro
u missed at last. Each State, they determined
shall have two Senator's in Congress. Three
o fifths of the slaves shall be elsewhere repre-
. sented, and be taxed as persons. What shoul
y be done if the slave should escape into a labo
Statel Should that State confess him to be
chattel, and restore him as such, or might
d regard him as person, and harbor and prOtec
), him as a man! They compromised again, an
g decided that no person held to labor or servic
in one State, by the laws thereof, escaping int
another, shall, by any law or regulation Oftba
State. be discharged from such labor or service
l. but shall! be delivered upon claim to the PersO
e to whom such labor or service shall be due.
Free, laborers would emigrRte, and slave
might be imported into the United States. IN
N fathers agreed that Congress may, estaDlS
O. uniform laws of naturalization, and 1t nigh
lit prohibit the importation of persons after IsVe
he Communities in the Southwest, detached iroI
8. the Southern States, were growing up 10 th
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