The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1860-01-05


ter. If it was, did not hear of it. They sup
posed that according to the law existing in the
State against which he had offended, he properly
suffered the extreme penalty of the law. And
here win say, before pass from this branch of
the subject, that in my intercourse with all the
people who knew John Brown, in my inter-
course with all the men who have sympathized
with him in his last trial, have never yet heard
of a man, woman, or child that stood forth as
justifer of his raid upon Virginia. If the people
sympathized with a felon upon the gallows, any
body would know without inquiry that it was
no ordinary case. Our people do not sympa-
thize with crime, but they do feel those emo
tons which are elected by those traits of hero
ism that characterized this leader during the
whole course of his life, and shone most eonspie-
uously in his death.
But enough of that, Mr.. President. 1t is ex-
ceedingly absurd to endeayor 10 implieate the
Republican party in the acts of John Brown
or anybody else They have their principles,
which are well known. Our doctrines are well
understood. The limitations upon our doctrines
are well known by all who choose to know
them, and those who do not would never under
stand them, although they were written upon the
face of the sun. The Senator from Tennessee,
[Mr. JoHSsoN,1 the other day, and the Senator
from Alabama, Mr.. CLAY yesterday, if l un-
derstood them, undertook to read us lecture
on our understanding of the Declaration of In
dependence, and the doctrines growing ont of
that instrument; and have thought that prob
ably here is the great departure between them
and myself, between those who believe in the in
stitution of Slavery and those who do not. The
Republican party, so far as know, believe in the
Declaration of Independence. They do not be-
leve that it is tissue of glittering generalities
They do not believe that it is mere jingle Of
words; having no meaning. They do believe that
every man bearing the human form has received
from the Almighty Maker a right to his life, to
his liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. They
do not believe that this right is confined to men
of any particular name, nation, or color; but
they believe that wherever there is humanity,
there is this great principle.
The Senator from Tennessee said that the Dec
laration of Independence applied only to white
men that white men have a right to life liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness; and he said it did
not apply to all; that it was never intended to
apply to any other class of persons than the white
race. Do | understand that Senator, then, in the
converse of the proposition, to hold that the
black man has no right 10 his life Let us mar
row it down to that; will the Senator say that a
negro has no right to life If he has, he has just
as great and as inalienable right to his liberty
and to the pursuit of happiness. Sir, there is
nothing more abhorrent to the mind of most
Northern men than the idea that one man was
serf to another; that it was the intention of the
Almighty, in creating particular class of men,
that they should forego their own happiness,
their own right to cultivate their faculties, and
that they were born for no better purpose than
to minister to the happiness of some other man,
regardless of their own. To man thus born,
his being would be a curse. He might scoff at
the Creator who had raised him up, not to re-
gard his own happiness, not to regard the Gull
I'm Ofb NC nd buf hoip
whose limbs, and all whose faculties, were dedi-
Gated by the Almighty to minister alone to the
promotion of some other mans happiness. Sir,
that is not the teaching of the Declaration of In
dependence. 1t was never so intended nor are
the trainers of that instrument liable to be taunt-
ed with hypocrisy because they did not carry out
practically, to their full extent the ideas of that
great and Godlike instrument. They were franz
ing Government for these States. They knew,
to be sure, that the sovereign States of this Union
existing at the time had their own institutions !;
they knew, to be sure, that Slavery prevailed
there but there was not a man of them who did
not proclaim it to be wrong | am not going to
read those declarations of theirs, but | say to
you, you cannot find the man that was instru-
mental in framing the Constitution of the United
States, or the Declaration of independence, but
what said over and over again that the system
of Slavery, wherever it exists, is wrong and can
not be ju. ifed upon any principle and to at
tempt to justify it, would be to reduce the Gov
eminent of these United States down to level
with the meanest despotism that exists on the
face of Gods earth. If may be crested for
no better purpose than to minister to the welfare
of another, the only question will be, who are
the privileged classes-who are to be ministered
unto, and who are the menials to do their work
All monarchies act upon this principle, and
therefore it is that kings assume to reign by di-
vine right. 1t was the purpose of our fathers to
put the dagger to the heart of such absurdty.
All men, say they, are created equal, and have
these inalienable rights. All men feel that that
is so.
Why, sir, what said jefferson? The Senator
from Tennessee l believe, said, that if he gave
this scope to the Declaration of Independence,
inasmuch as he was STAKEHOLDER himself, he
would be hypocrite in saying it. That does not
follow The Senator from Alabama, if under
stood him, declared that if this was so, then
those who held slaves were great criminals and
were guilty of the greatest wrong. That does
not follow, by any means
Mr.. CLAY. The Senator doubtless does not
mean to misrepresent me. l said that if the
libel, as | think it, pronounced by his party upon
the shareholders, was true, then we were crimi-
nails.
Mr. WADE. do not know that understand
the Senator.
Mr. CLAY. said that if the assertion of
your party, that Slavery and Polygamy stood
together, and were equally crimes against re-
vealed religion, was true, then both the slave
holder and the polygamist were criminals alike
Mr.. WADE. Mr.. President, am not one of
those who suppose that all shareholders are
deeply criminal. 1 know very we'll how habit
and custom, and even necessity, modify all our
abstract opinions. / understand that well, and
| never mention it in the North without the
proper qualifications, notwithstanding the Sena-
tor thinks hate slaveholding and shareholders
so much. | give you here, on this floor my
worst version of your institutions. / hold no
such doctrine as the Senator charges us with
| do not charge Thomas Jefferson, nor Mr.. Mad
ison, nor General Washington, nor Mr.. Ran
dolph, nor Mr.. Tucker, any other of the
great statesmen to whom we look up with such
reverence, with hypocrisy or anything sinister
or wrong; because, when they made this decla-
ration, and declared that the word "slave
should not be in the instrument which they
were framing, for the reason that it grated
harshly on their ears, and they knew it was an
infringement on natural right they held slaves
in the States themselves. The fact that they
held slaves did not prevent their making this
declaration, nor did it prevent them, on all occa-
sions from inveighing against the institution
and wishing they could find some means by
which they could do away with it. General
Washington himself was, according to your I'M
derstandlng OF II, just as much an Abolitionist
as you charge me with being. He believed the
system wrong = morally, politically, in every
way--and he hoped some means would be found
whereby it might be abolished. Yes, sir, that
was the word He wished that some means
would be found by which this system should be
done away with, and he declared that, whenever
there was an opportunity, his vote should not
be wanting to accomplish it. How long do you
suppose that he could remain on the soil of Vir-
ginia to-day, with this declaration upon his
tonoua7