Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-06-27
The Standard.
LETTER OF
HON. LAWRENCE OF. BRANCH,
70 hrs Coss41ruEkfs. Mr. Is, 1860.
LETTER OF

LETTER OF
HON. LAWRENCE Sst. HnASCH,
10 hn CossfruEA,is Mr. IL, 1860.
(5sktlsdsd)
Bit ihf& 3 this proposition still greater objec- |
tiS6s Founded on principle
For long the Democratic party controlled all the
departments OF government and the South, consti-
tuting more than half Of it, controlled the De*so-
cratic Marty Under that state of affairs, rs have
already shown the most sensitive and 5ealoNs south
urn statesmen feared to trust to Congress Tie con-
troll Of slavery in the Territories. They denied its
right to take cogni4ancc Of the subject And resisted
every attempt 10 invoke the ACTIN tf that body
The Clayton Compromise Of 1ss4S, which received
the ardent support Of Mr.. Calhoun. owed all its
popularity in the South to the Gst that it provided
Tor removing TIE subject ftoth Congress and leaving
it 70 the judiciary and lofA authorities. The de-
6ktes on the Kansas and Nebraska bill are craven
On the memory of all who are in the habit Of read
fhg the political history Of the country. We made
That bill test Of Rdeity to southern rights to the
utter overthrov If the northern Democracy, who
stood bravelF ny us and with three exceptions
were driven From their seats for the votes they gave
on it Fhkt bill never could have been passed, and
the South knows it but for the desire OF patriotic
fhen IN both sections to remove the question from
Congress, and the belief that the bill would accom-
iplhh it
This great dstrust Of Congress on the part Of the
South, I repeat was exhibited when Congress was
comparatively favorable to US and our rights. Now,
the state of affairs is changed One branch of Con.
eress is already under the control If the Republi-
cans, and that party is running us to the throat
latch for the President AMI Senate At a time thus
inauspicioas those who are supposed to be more
sensitive than their brothers as to southern rights
come forward and aesaand congressional interven-
ton
Nonrintervention was tsse principle of the Kansas
and Nebraska DILL AS I declared in 1856, before
this new issue was raised, it was
"The great maia feature of the bill, infinitely
trsmscending in issportance any of the minor ques-
lions that CaA be raised under it." Under the
full and fair operation Of which, the question of sa-
very can ne more get into Congress to furnish fuel
Yor the 4i-es of agitation and make the main element
in elections and under which and our institu-
tioas would cease to be football in the political
NSena."
aver that these were the sentiments then enter
tanned by the great bulk of southern men, both in
and out of Congress. 1 will not recall them
Beast of all will 60 upon the very battlefield on
which We fought, and on which, history records,
we of the South gained glorious victory, and deny
the flag under which did battle.
The abolitionist is not moved so much by desire
to benefit the negro, as by jealousy and hatred Of
the owner. He would not be so much pleased at
as he would be to get it into the power of himself
and his associates to harass and annoy the owner.
Hence the power to pass Wllmut proviso, and ex-
clude shareholders from Territory, would be less
priced by that party than the power to make the
domestic and police regulations of the institution.
In their most frenzed moments they have never de-
manded congressional action except to forbid the
STAKEHOLDER from going to the Territories. They
have claimed no right to interfere between him and
70 ,lafo fhoirrt re md
duties to each other. This new doctrine on the
contrary, opens the door of the temple, invites
abolition Congress to the very hearthstone Of the
shareholders domestic circle, and allows it to strike
its deadly blows at him in his daily and hourly
walks. The nature and extent Of rewards and pun
ishmeats amount Of labor that may be exacted
on one side and the extent of indugences that may
be claimed on the other-even the plantation police
and discipline-might all be drawn into the vortex
lations on these subjects, prepared.by committee
of the endorsers of the Helper book, and submitted
to the phiosophic mind of the author of the ire
pressibe conflict" doctrine, might not be as bloody
as the laws of Draco but under it. if the slave did
not run away from the MASTER the master would
soon run away from the slave.
The advocates of the doctrine, however contend
that the power of Congress does not extend to nu-
ring, but only TO protecting slavery. They may be
right. ! have already said am not discussing this
as question Of power. But some very honest per-
sons will not be able to understand how the exist
ence of power under the Constitution, can be made
to depend on whether Congress proposes to exercise
1t for US or against us and it will be dangerous for
us to nculcae the idea that Congress is to exercise
any power at all over the subject But admitting the
restriction the power as contended for who is to
determine whether any proposed measure will oper-
ate rs an injury or as a protection? Congress, of
course; and we all know that law which one per-
son or one party considers very salutary is often
thought by another person or another party to be
ruinous, dangerous, or even revolutionary. The
will Of the majority will prevail; and, after we have
conceded to Congress the right to legislate on the
subject we will find it difficult to arrest Legislation
when it shall become disagreeable to us. When the
allegation is made that Territory has failed to pro-
vide adequate and appropriate protection to slave
property, and bill is introduced into Congress to
correct the defects of the local legislation who is to
decide whether the local legislation is adequate and
appropriate? OF course the majority; and that
majority is certainly northern and anti-slavery, and
may be abolition. What do you suppose Repub-
lican House of Representatives would decide to be
adequate and appropriate protection to slave
tyf Just none at all. We might differ from them
but We are minority, and cannot pass nor prevent
the passage Of law. So that the least evil We could
expect would be the rejection of our BILL
But our enemies might not let us off so casily-
Instead Of rejecting the BILL they might proceed to
amend it so as to make it conform to their notions
OF the rights Of and the relations that ought to exist
between the white man and his slave; and, having
done so, pass it into law, against our votes. New
Mexico, with reolute integrity and regard for her
duties and obligations, which might we'll be initiated
BY older citizens Of the Republic has passed Law
to protect slave property within her limits l have
read the law and it is judicious and stringent: but
It did not suit the views of the Republicans in thu
House Of Representatives. They did not think the
profession it afforded judicious and proper ant
suitable. 1t was not in conformity with the mora
and economical teachings Of the Helper book the,
therefore introduced and passed through the Hous,
last week bill disappearing and annulling the Law
passed BY the legislature Of New Mexico. Kansas
and Nebraska have passed laws against the slave
holder. The same committee that reported the bill
to repeal the law Of New Mexico have thus far re
fused and will continue to refuse to report bill
annul the laws Of Kansas and Nebraska That
the kind Of protection we may expect from Congress