Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1860-07-23
mERsCHRL v. JOHNSON.

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date.
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The nomination ofFitzpatrick as the candi.
date of the squatter sovereigns- Fitzpatrick,
who voted for JEFF. Davis's Senate resolutions
and for the Lecompton bill-was a surrender
Of all that the Douglas men have ever Claimed
in the way Of honesty Of purpose. II was a
base betrayalo OF the masses oftheparty unless
they are also false to all their Northern pro-
iessions. When he withdrew from the ticket
an opportunity for correcting the mistake, il
it was a mistake, was afforded; but the selec-
ton of Herschel V. johnson as his successor,
is worse than the original blunder. john
son is rampant fire-eater, an avOwed seees-
sionist, with as little sympathy for the pecu-
liarities of the Douglas theory Of Slavery as
with the bolder and more honest avowals Of
Lincoln. nyoting for him the Douglasites
viii have the consolation Of knowing that
they are aiding in the election ola man who
has only thorough contempt for them and
their Squatter Sovereignty notions. We
proceed to the proof and we present our
readers the following extracts from acotempo-
rary, the editor Of which has looked up Mr..
Johnson's record:
Mr.. johnson first appeared in the Senate
under an executive appointment to fill a
vacancy oocasioned by the resignation of the
late Hon. Walter T. Colquitt, on the l4th Of
February, Is4s. Mr.. Hamlin, (then acting
with the Democracy Mr.. Douglas and Mr..
Bell, were among his contemporaries in the
Senate, aud Mr., Lincoln in the House. His
service in Congress ended on the 4th of
March, ls49. The first speech of Mr.. John
SON was ON the celebrated Ten Regiment bill
IN. the course of his remarks he went even
beyond Mr.. Calhoun, (then in the Senate),
zealously combating that Senator's position,
shat the absorption Of al Me1ieO would be
injurious to the success of our institutions"
In speech on the Oregon bill, July Z,
ls4s, he took the most ultra ground on the
question of slavery in the Territories going
beyond what any Southern man, unless
Calhoun himself the prince of fre-eating dis
had then yentured to maintain
This speech, which is a peculiarly rich one
for our Northern Democrats at this particular
juncture, may be found reported in full in
the Appendix to the Congressional Globe for
that session, commencing on page -ss7. We
subioin some specimens Ewith appropriate
head lines added.
After establishing, to his own satisfaction,
the doctrine that Congress has no power to
exclude slavery from the Territories, our fire.
eating Senator, now the Douglas candidate
for Vice President goes onto say
PROTECTION OF SLAVERY N TERRITORIES.
It remains now to consider the question
involved inthe amendment proposed by the
Senator from Mississippi (Mr DaYis) That
question is, whether it is The duh, Of Congress
10 guarantee TO the STAKEHOLDER, who shall |
remove with his slaves into the territory OF |
the United States, the lfRdisputsa enjoyment Of
his property IN them, so long as Il continues 10
be Territory. Or, in other sOords, whether |
the inhabitants of Territory, during their
territorial condition, have the right to prohibit
slavery therein.
Now letus see how these two questions
vital issues at this moment and treated by
This associate of Douglas on the Rump ticket
as identical in their real signifcanee-were
by him, twelve years ago. We
continue our quotation:
30 POWER WHATEVER CAN EXCLUDE SLAVERY /
FROM TERRITORY.
For the purpose of this question, it matters
not where the power of Regulating for the
Territory resides-whether exclusively in
Congress, or jointly in Congress and the in
or exclusively in the inhabitants of /
he Territory; the power is precisely the
5lme-nO greater in the hands of one than
he other. Ii no eDsnt can de STAKEHOLDER Of
he South be excluded from settling IN such Ter
-itOTy WITH HIS PROPERFY OF EVERY DEscRIP-
rION.
sQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY sQUELCHED.
But suppose that Congress have the right
o establish aTerritoral Government only,
md that then, all further government control