New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-03-03

have Conducted themselves not perhaps exactly as we
might ish them, but still like gentlemen like men Of
cause they live in England and participate in English
feelings. The Colonists, on the other hand, are de-
graded by Familiarity with oppression. Let us not be
deceived. The cry which resounds from the West In
dies s raised by men, who are trembling less for their
property than for tie privileges of their cast. These
sle the persons who love Slavery for its own sake
The declarations often made by the Parliament by
the Ministers, by the deadliest enemies of Slavery
that the interests Of s parties will be fairly consider
ed and that wherever lust claim to compensation
can be established comp sDsation will be given bring
no comfort TO them. They may have no possessions,
but they have white faces. Should compensation be
given, few of them will receive sixpence; but they
will lose the power of Expressing with impunity every
man who has black skin. And it is to these men,
who have scarcely any interest in The value of colonial
property, but who have deep nterest-the interest
Of petty tyranny, and despcab pride in the matn
tenance of colonial injustice, that the British Par
lament s required TO give up Its unquestonabe right
Of superintendent over every part of our empire. If
this were requested as matter OF indulgence,
commended as matter of eXpediency, we might well
be surprised. But it is demanded a constitutional
right. On what does this right rest On what stat
ute 7 On what chsrter2 On what precedent On
what analogy Tnat the uniform practice of past
ages has been against their claim, they themselves do
venture TO deny Do they mean to assert that Par
lament in which they not represented ought not to
epislate for them7 That question we leave them to
settle with their friends of The Quarterly Review and
the John Bull newspaper who we hope, Will Ell
tighten them the eubec of virtual Representations
II ever that expression could be Justly used would
be in the present case for probably there is interest
more fully represented in both Houses OF Parliament
than that of the colonial proprietors But TOR our
selves we ans yer; What have you to do with such
dOerines If YOU will adopt the principles Of liberty
adopt them altogether. Every argument which you
can urge in support of your own claims might be en-
poyed with far greater justice in favor OF the eman,
cipation Of your boDdsmen. When that event shall
ton. At present. what you require under the name of
freedom is nothing but unlimited power to oppress IL
is the freedom of Nero.
But we will rebel" Who can refrain from think.
ing of Captain Lemuel Gulliver, who, while raised
sixty feet from the ground the hand OF the King OF
Brobdgoag, caps his he nd on his sword and tells his
Majesty that he knows how to defend himself You
will rebel Bravely resolved most magnanimous
Grildrig But remember the wise remark of Lord
BeefogtOn: Courage without power" eaid that
ustrious exile, 81 is like consumptive running foot
man." What are your means of resistance Are
there in all the islands putogether ten thousand white
men capable of bearing armsl Are not your forces,
such as they are, divided into small portions which
can never act in concert But this Is mere trllng.
Are YOU in point of fact, at this moment able to pro-
tect yourselves against your slaves without an assist
ancel II YOU can still rise up and lie down in secu-
rityf you still eat the bread of the fatheress
and grind the faces Of the poor- you can still hold
your petty plraments and say your little speeches,
and move your little m0tonsif you still our age
what do You owe it To nothing but to our contempt
uOus mercy. If we suspend our proteetlon-if we
recall our tIoOps-in week the knife Is at your
threats
Look to it that we do not take you at your word.
What are you to rs that we should pamper and de-
fend you7 If the Atlantic Ocean should pass over
you, and your place know you no more, what should
lose Could we find no other cutivatOrs to accept
of our enormous bOunties sugar mo other pestl-
lential region to which might send our soldiers 10
catch the yelowfever mo other community for
which we might pour forth our blood and lavish our
money pure nothing but injuries and insults
What do we make by you If England is no longer
to be the mistress of her cooniesf she is TO be only
the handmade of their pleasures the accompce OF
their crimes, she may at least venture to ask, as
handmade what are to be the wages OF her services
as an accomplice, what ia to be her portion OF the
spoil If justice, and mercy, and liberty, and the law
Of God and the happiness Of man be words without
meaning, we at least talk TO the purpose when we
talk of pounds, shillings and pence.
Let us count our gains. Let us bring to the test tho
lofty phrases of Colonial defamation. The West In,
dies we are told, are o source OF vast wealth and
revenue TO the country They are nursery OF sea-
men, They take vast quantities OF our manufactured
They add TO political Importance They are useful
posts in time of war. These absurdities have been
repeated till they have begun to improve upon Tn
impostors who invented them. Let us examine them
briefly.
Our commercial connection with the West Indies il
simply this. We buy sugar from them at higher
price than given for il in any other part ofthe world
The surplus they export to the Continent, where the
price is lower and pay them the difference out OF
our own pockets. Our trade with the West Indies is
saddled with almost all the expense of their civil and
military establishments, and with bounty OF El,-
900 600. Let these be deducted from the profits OF
which we hear much, and their amount will shrink
indeed. Let Us then deduct from the residue the
advantages which we renquish IN order TO obtain 1t
that is to say the profits of free sugar trade all over
the world; and then shall be able 10 estimate the
boosted gains of coDnexion TO which we have ga
crfced the Negroes in one hemisphere, and the Hin
docs in the other.
But the West Indians take great quantities Of our
manufactures They can take only a return for the
commodities which they send us And from whatever
country we may import the same commodities, to that
country must we send out the same returns WHAT ID
il that low limits the demands of our Eastern empire
Absolutely nothing but the want Of an adequate re-
turn. From that immense narket-from the custom
of one hundred millions Of consumers, our manufac-
turers are in great measure excluded, by the pro-
tectiDg duties on East Indian sugar.
But great revenue is derived from the West Indian
trade Here, again. we have the same fallscy. AS
long as the same quantity of sugar il imported into
England, no matter from what country, the revenue
will not suffer; and, in proportion as the price OF sl-
gar s diminished the consumption, and consequently,
the revenue, must increase. But the West Indian
trade affords extensive employment TO British ship
ling and seamen! Why more than any other extern
sive trade with any other part Of the world! Inc
more active our trade the demand there will be
for chipping and seamen; and every one who has
Learn ed The alphabet of Political Economy me We that
trade is active in proportion only az it ia Free
There are some who assert that, in a military and
political point of view, the West Indies are OF great
importance to this country. This is common, but a
INDUSTRIOUS misrepresentation. We venture to say,
tina, Colonial empire has been ofthe greatest curses
of modern Europe What nation has it ever strength
enedl What nation has il ever enriched What have
been its fruits Wars of frequent occurrence and i'm
mense cost ettered trade svish expenditure cashng
jurisdiction, cOrruptons in governments and ndigence
among the people. What nave Mexico and Peru done
g. a. for Ratavia IIOi-