New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-02-11


that property IN could not exist natural right
No W. ri Ot inspiration gave man dominion over his
fellVw-man il did over toe fishes Of the sea and
tie fowl Of the air He appealed to the just instincts
OF the human heart ard 20 the literature Of everv age
aud ration wblch DECLARED Slavery worse than death
Not a man in that fiail but would rather die than
bee bOudrm6B and not man but would
81 ofer see the LID of the coffin closed over his
chd's face thsn 10 that child sold into Slavery
If long sges of bondage had produced isolatod ID.
of those who preferred that state the common
SCI Of mar kind wOul' find sqch phenomenon more
conclusive proof OF the bruallZng influence of the in
sution. Inc Ia made Orthe security of chat species
of properly furnished evidence against the system Il
impossible that any relation, right in itselt should
require such utterly repuguaut enaetments for iti
maintenance in civilized s0cie y. He found those
Jaws constituting a remorFeoss terrible system oil
machinery for changing an into brute. Bat one
step was lacking: Slave State had yet lsgahLed
murder lie found Judges declaring TINS legal sys.
TEN absolutely neeetsaTv for the preserVauon OF
property in man, and that declaration proTeo taa'
that property did not of RI hit. But the Consu-
tiou was cited IN support OF the institution and 70
natural right was sad TO be superadded the guarantee
of positive law. lie might rely tnat the best ex-
poundere Of constitutional law had agreed with great
unaumity that the Constitution does not become part
of Territorial law until made 10y act OF Congress-
but chat Inc Of argument was unnecessary. HIS an
TO that assumption was that the Consultation OF
the United States nowhere recognizes any right OF
property in man, and nowhere creates such right The
Constitution purpOsey, carefully, gusrdedly, ignores
the very existence of Slavery. speaks of persons
not chaes the rendition clause proposes 20 restore
MOI merchandise to its owner but the debtor TO bis
creditor: and representation il based upon persons,
not property. All that the Constitution does in refer
enCe this species Of property Is 10 let IT alone. Toe
protection il enjoys is the protection OF State sover
eighty, not Of the Federal Constitutions; the pro-
faction of the person IL not delegated 10 Congress
The Constitution nowhere desigDRtes or de6ues
property; but whatever the local authority treats
as property, Just far il is treated as property
government breatbed the very spirit Of Freedom, 1t
was the Constitution Of the United States Me-.
Ferry here recounted the objects for which the
Constitution established, cOntendlng tuat not a
word in them could be construed 10 imply any re-
stricion or disability of lineage; and those
who sought such distinctions were compelled 10 rs
sort 70 udirect and Outside interpretations. Every
page of the Constitution was radiant with the light OF
universal liberty, and he who would find either petext
OF excuse for bondage must turn bis back upon that
light and grope his way through the shadows OF
doubtful construction BE urged that the battles OF
the Revolution were fought for The principles OF uGi
versa equality and political right and the indeteasble
r ght of all men TO liberty. Other wars had been
stru giles for conquest without thought of the masses
but our cesto1s justified their taking up upon
the rights Of all TO liberty and universal equality
IL had been said that the language Of the
solemn declaration of our ancestors referred only to
the white race. But, in hundreds OF INSTANCES
Slavery was spoken Of by the fathers Of the Republic
as autSgOnstie 20 the principles Of the Declarahon
or were indeed tifsue Of gtterbg gcneraites Ben
iamn Franklin the philosopher and Roger Sherman
of Connecticut signed that declaration, an said he
not believe either OF those grave men put his name
TO what he regarded unmeanng formula.
In all countries the masses must be those who
labor with their hands. The theory OF Kings has
been IA the theory OF he Democratic partg now
L. that for those servtnde 10 the normal, ht-
ting and safe condition. The theory Of the Republic
ans of l776 was, and the theory Of the Republicans
OF 1850 now IT, that for thOse masses liberty rght
81 safest and best. he appreciated the difficulty that
lrrOun0s that theory IN eOcety where slavery nae
existed for centuries and he reoieed that p0liii
cal DUTY demanded Of him solution Of those ditt-
culties bat that practical application OF those prlu-
cipts onsht TO be made whenever ana wherever =
new community was to be established he could not
uht aid both the history and the Language OF the
Cor stuflOn proved that such the opinion OF the
founders Of this Government. lie referred 10 me
declarations of Jee rsoD Madison, George Mason, and
other eminent Southern statesmen, at the period |
of the formation Of the Constitution, 70 show !
that their opinions were ayerpe from the |
ipsritution of Slavery and especially from ia |
laier period by Marshall, Gov. Mcdonnell oil VIZ |
giuia and others 10 the same effect. In the opinion
Of these upright Southern patriots aud Statesmen,
Slavery was tue fruitful parent Of ignorance poverty
sDd vice and distinction Of all true popular liberty
freedom OF speech and of political acaon, and espe
cislly hurtful 10 the lAborng casses OF freemen. II
was reply TO say these opinions were formed Whle
the slave-trade was in operation for that infamous
traffic had ceaaed in 1892, when occurred the
memorable debate in the Virgiuia Legislature. lie
had DO particular apprehension az 10 the safety OF ihe
Union, but he was sensible OF It's mannod adNao-
tsees, aud condemned everything having tendency
to weaker it, and nothing, in bis OPINION had gre At
or tendency in that direction than the schemes for tue
exte nson Of Slavery. He quoted from speech OF
Gov. Mcdowell OF Virginia in the virginia housc
OF Delegates in 1892 in which Gov. Mcdowell de-
cared that Slavery marrng the prosperity OF the
country by sowing broadcast the seeds Of unkndness
and snspiciOn by fostering sectional animorlties and
struggles for sec ional power and predicted that
slavery would endanger the national Union, belng
tbe reinlkiye element between the members OF our
Repnbc tending 10 excite political dstrust alenA-
ton and hostility. That statesman foPes4w tnat II
ID snnon was 70 be appreheDded at all It was not
because of opposition 10 Slavery, bW because oi
Slavery itFeiI. To give TINS e4lse Iorce ana Prom-
nerce by expanding and strengthening tho Inat luton
was 10 act the part Of the mailman who applies
the torch 10 his own dwelling. 10 had been shd
that those who strive for the expansion OF
Slavery were seeking colonization ana empire
in a direction not inconsistent wnh the rBhfs OF
arv freeman Of the North. But that expanslon
WAS sought under the hsg and Government OF the
Union Northern men would carry WIN them lnto
new STATES no system 10 which any man North or South
objected but shareholders proposed to carry system
which the North believed hateful in sght OF GOD and
~ inst to man. and under The prote on OF the Gov
erimeut Tor which the North is responsible They
were acting, not for the present only, but for the
futurd aud their children TO be called on there
after 20 onen h in blood the aspirations OF freedom
suIe 10 rse sooner or later In the hearts OF the slave
and 10 beiray the fugitive from Sonora to Colorado
TIE slaves OF the Sou already maintain twenty Rep
restnatVes In Congress- aud was the business OF the
Ncr,b. when they were asked to majn'ain more.
Mr. Reagan Dem, Pexas) explained his views,
DENY nR the legal authority either on the part oil COnS
gresa or tho people Of Territory TO deprive man OF
bis slave property therein when, nowever, tne peo-
NAV, by the exercise revolutionary right, destroy
Slavery, but in no other way.