Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1860-06-16

N f1 - 1NNEN'
charged him, the standard bearer of the political
anti-slavery party-such as it is, o-callqd-when
he charged him with the intention Of using his
free tongue to make il less easy for Robert Wick
If 20 bold his slaves, the enornity of the accusa-
ton was such that Mr.. Douglas must Save been
crazy.
That is the state Of the political world. That is
the index which shows you how far the political
world has travelled. AT yonder door, you will
see John boy, of Kansas, and in his hands an &C.
count Of his life there and in q Missouri Jail. That
book will tell you that a few earnest men, abo.
litiOuists, thinking that there was something high
or than law, something moro potent than a Mis-
souri, writ to commit a free man to a Missouri jail,
wen; across the border and took him out he new
er having been in Missouri, il was physically i'm
possible that be should ever have offended Missou-
ri law. That was ore of the outorea' 9 the natu-
raj outbreaks Of Abolition feeling in the Northern
States. That was one Of the inevitable results of
these anti-slavery principles planted in the hearts
of the common people. Mr.. boy comes out of Jail
comes East-comes TO New England. Where
does he find one atom of sympathy? In Repub-
lican meetings 2 From leading Republicans ?
From anything that can call itself Republican {?
No jot OF it. They cannot afford to sympa.hise
with him. lie only finds it in abolition meeting s.
Take Mr.. Hyatt. Mr.. Hyatt goes to Washington
to look despotism in the face, to assert the consti-
tutionul rights of the citizen, invaded by a Senate
Committee and, knowing no other way to serve
the nation, he refuses to obey the uncous.itutiona
law, and walks into Jail. What says The Neto
York Tribune, the organ of political anti.slavery ?
A fool for your pains P-'If he is not crazy, he
ought TO be-
am only showing you that, as Abolitionists,
we can place no reliance OH anything outside of
this professedly anti-slavery movement. We have
not emancipated VIM. H.. Seward, much less
tho black slave (cheors.) We have not yet taken
the gag off the lips of Northern Ministers and
northlrn politicians we are just so far from our
work. What is, undoubtedly our policy, what is
the inevitable dictate of duty, under these circum-
stances ? 1t is, not to allow our hopes to center
on the success Of a certain political party or candi-
date. l have no objection, personally, to the sue.
cess Of Mr.. Lincoln or Mr.. Seward but | would
rather that Stephen A.. Douglas should be Presi-
dent than either of them. We cannot afford yet
to let Mr.. Lincoln succeed. because, if be should
the country will say, The North has got the helm
let US see what the North is ready to do-waiP!-
and We shall have four years of waiting to see
what Abe Lincoln won't Go daughter These
four years will be wasted. lie will waste them in
trying to make up his mind on the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia-in finding out
whether, after all, there ought to be an internal
slave trade. We cannot afford the success of such
q man. Put a Democrat into the Presidential
Iolos, onI NJ .a1- =. " C
ard is an ~agitatOr, every Republican is an agita-
tor. Free from the responsibilities of Office, they
can afford to speak their sentiments, to o certain
extent. They can afford to speak of Kansas ; they
can afford to speak of Mr.. Hyatt. Why, Mr.. lily
at would be a martyr if this was the first day o
December instead OF May, because then the Pres
idential election would be over, and it could have
neither good nor bad influence on the Republican
nominee or the Republican canvass. The Tribune
instead of being brutal, would be only the faith
full servant Of the Northern thermometer.
My deduction from this is tantamount to wha.
| am now going to say. We are accustomed t
look at the slave as simply a victim under the hee
Of an individual white man. Our movement doe,
not so regard him. That political party looks o
the statute'book as the best result Of the presen
state of America, as such. l do not. l considel
that statute-book the best result of the moral sen
timent of the white race. There is another ract
in this country that have no voice in that statute
book. They are a race-they are q nation. l d.
not stand here to-day on the point that there is ont
= slave to whom somebody has done an injustice ,an(
we must 50 to the white man, and crave that hi
will grow to be q better man, and raise his victim
That statute book is the house of Hapsburg anC
the law Of Austria, and the negro is Italy, stand
ing under the hoof of Austria. What says Eu
rope to Italy, standing SO Does it say, Wait
Garibaldi? Does it say, Wait, Victor Emanuel
Does it say, Wait, Mazzini wait, Count Cavour
until Francis Joseph gets to be a decent man anC
a Christian until the ~populace of Vienna ge
merciful enough to recognize the rights of Venice?
No d! Europe says TO Italy, If you have iron, max,
it into swords, and tear down the house of Hays
burg loud cheers You are a nation, and yot
have a right. as such, to assert Italian libert,
against Austrian invasion = When I look at th,
black man, | look at him as a nation. He is
race. He is the majority of the State Of Soutl
Carolina; there are more blacks than whites there
They have a right to vote they have a right t.
choose their own government they have a RICH
" ANN~ oo'SS W ~ SNuhui uoeOSuuou iiOu
six generations, who undertake to own slaves il
the Palmetto State. On every principle of justic,
and republican law, that is their right. When
speak of The rights Of the blacks, l begin by rec
ognising their rightS-exactly as l do that of Ito
ly-the moment they can get their feet and thei
hands free, to use their hands in strangling every
white man south of Mason and Dixon's line.
know you look upon this as ~fanatical, but it il
the corner stone of everything like a vital anti
slavery movement IN look at the black man not al
a single pitiable victim, but as a great race. engag
ed in conflict with the white race-not obliged t.
wait until soma considerate robber new-modeli
lis statute book, until some county court lawyer
Of Illinois gets time to consider the question
whether slavery in the District of Columbia is 6
sin or not. The slave has The right, and our dat,
is 70 let the country know, as a matter of ethics
to introduce it as an element of American thought