The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-05-30
Letter from Hon. r. Toombs.
WAsH1Soroy. D C. Nav 10. 49,

WASHINGTON, d c. May 10, 1860.
GENTLEMEN Your lettero the 9Th inst
was duly received, and would have been be
fore replied to- but for the fact that | havt
signed an address containing my opinions
somewhat at large upon the questions which
you have submitted to me, and which addres;
| expected would have been published before
this time that having been delayed, in the
meantime | thought it best to give you brie
! reply.
| | have looked with interest, but without ap.
| prehension, upon the proceedings of the late
| Convention at Charleston see in those pro-
ceedings unmistakable evidence of the steady
/ advance of sound constitutional principles
! Perhaps the time may not have come for the
attainment of the full measure of our consti-
| tutonal rights: it may not have been prudent
on the part of the representatives of seventeen
| States to have sanctioned and presented as
much truth on the slavery issue as is contain
ed in what is commonly called the Majority
platform, but when it was thus sanctioned
approved and presented to the Convention, it
was well to stand by and defend it, especially
against the platform of the minority. The
seeding delegates did this with manly firm
ness, and | approve their action. From the
best information have been able to obtain,
believe the Majority platform was not only ac-
ceptable to majority Of the States, but also to
majority of the delegates, if their votes
could have been taken per capita. II this be
so, it ought not to have been defeated either
by accident, want of foresight or cCntrivance.
1t is asserted, that the Democratic party
hitherto, have affirmed the principle of nom
intervention by Congress with slavery, both in
the States and territories, but none pretend that
it has ever asserted the right of Intervention
against SIar9y by the settlers upon the public
domain either before or after territorial gov
eminent has been granted to them by Congress
But this is in truth the real doctrine held by
the minority. They desire to interpolate the
party creed with ito make its rule of ac-
ton. We cannot hide this great fact by Sim
ply shutting our own eyes. The friends Of
this political opinion have defended it with
ability and zeal-have rendered US the issue
and demand its acceptance; it can no longer
be avoided either with safety or honor, ! ac-
cept it, and will give it the same determined
opposition with which | have ever met it.
whenever and wherever presented.
After the seeding delegates left the conven-
ton, it is understood proposition was made
by the delegates from New York to the dele
gates from some of the Southern States, who
did not secede, which might lead to a satisfac-
tory adjustment of those differences. Under
this new state Of facts occurring after the Sc
cession, and perhaps in consequence thereof
in my opinion, the seeding delegates ought
to meet with the Convention at Baltimore,
and endeavor to obtain such an adjustment
This is due to the altered state of facts-to
the magnitude Of the consequences involved
in the struggle-due to their confederates who
agreed with them in principle, but who did not
secede. If they should then fall they at
least may expect to secure the co operation of
the delegates OF other Democratic States in
such further measures as they may deem ne
ceSsary for the maintenance of the Just and
constitutional rights of their constituents.
This course requires no sacrifice of princi-
pie. The proposed Richmond convention, if
it should be found necessary to hold it, can
be held after, as we'll as before the Baltimore
Convention, and, think, with clearer lights |
for its guidance. If this policy shall meet
with any considerable opposition in Georgia |
would suggest that convention of the party
he called by the proper authority, that they |
may take immediate action on the subject
For myself no party or other necessity can
ever induce me to give my assent to any
declaration of principles which affirms or adj
mits directly, or by necessary implication,
there is any rightful power anywhere, to ex-
3lude slave property from any portion Of the |
public domain, (open COR settlement to others |
except within the limits of a sovereign State,
and by her authority. This plain principle |
Of equality and even-handed justice should
not be bartered away, or even put in jeopardy, |
'or the sake Of party harmony or party sue
cess. ] will be no party to such a compact, |
It Is always true wisdom and craftsmanship
to adopt the best attainable measure, under |
all the circumstances Of each case, tending to |
protect, to strengthen, or to advance the policy
sought to be established. Truth is often |
slaughtered in the house and by the hands OF |
is own friends, by a struggle for that which |
S impossible to-day, but which may easily be |
accomplished tomorrow. 1t is sometimes |
wise to accept a part of our just rights, if we
an have the residue unimpaired and uncom-
,romitted by the partial inStallment; but
nothing can justify voluntary surrender of
indispensable to the safety and hon
,r Of the State.
1t is true, we are surrounded with danger
but do not concur in the opinion that the
LANCER to the Union is even one of our great
st perils. Our greatest danger, to-day is,
hat the Union will survive the Constitution.
The great body of your enemies in the North,
Who hate the Constitution, and daily trample
t under their feet, profess an ardent attach
nent for union unrestrained by the Consti-
ution. Do not mistake your real danger-it
S great. Look to the preservation of your
lights. The Union has more friends than you
rave, and will last at least as long as its con-
innance will be compatible with your safety.
l am very truly,
Your friend and fellow citizen,
r. TOOMBS.
To Messrs. Robert Collins, John J. Ores