Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-06-27
The STANDARD.
LETTER OF
LETTER OF
HON. LAWRENCE osB. BRANCH,
To Ais C6Nstru2Srs. Mar IL, 1860.


IONS founded on principle
For long the Democratic party controlled all the
departments Of government, and the South consul
tuting more thsN half Of it controlled the Demo
cratic party Under that state OF affairs as have
siready shown the most sensitive and jealous south
efn statesmen feared to trust to Congress the con-
xrol Of slavery in the Territories. They denied its
to take coyniGancc Of the subject and resisted
every attempt 10 invoke the action OF that body
The Clayton compromise of lS4S, which received
the ardent support Of Mr.. Calhoun,' owed all its
opulsrtv in the South to the fact that 1t provided
for removing the subject from Congress aud leaving
it to the judiciary and local aut critics The de-
bates on the Kansas and Nebraska bilfarc craven
on the memory Of all who are in the habit Of read
ing, the political history of the country We made
that bill test Of fidelity to southern rights to the
utter overthrow of the northern Democracy, who
stood bravely by US and with three exceptions,
were driven from their seats for the votes they gave
on it That bill never could have been passed and
the South knows il, but for the desire of patriotic
men in both sections to remove the question from
Congress and the belief that the bill would accom-
plsh it
This great distrust Of Congress the part of the
South, repeat exhibited when Congress was
comparatively favorable to us and our rights Now,
the state Of affairs is changed One branch OF Con-
yress is already under the control Of the Republi
cans, and that party is running us to the throat
latch for the President and Senate At a time thus
inauspicious those who are supposed to be more
sensitive than their hrothsrs to southern rights
come forward and demand congressional interven-
ton.
Non.intervention was the principle of the Kansas
and Nebraska s. AS declared in 1856, before
this new issue was raised, it was
"The great main feature Of the bill, infinitely
transcending in importance any of the minor ques-
tiers that can be raised under it" "Under the
full and fair operation of which, the question Of sla
very can no more get into Congress to furnish fuel
for the fires of agitation and make the main element
in elections, and under which we and our institu-
tons would cease to be football in the political
arena"
aver that these were the sentiments :hen enter
tanned by the great bulk of southern men, both in
and out of Congress. | will not recall them
Least of all will go upon tie very battlefield on
which we fought and on which, as history records,
we of the South gained glorious victory, and deny
the flag under which did battle.
The abolitonist is not moved so much by desire
to benefit the negro, as by jealousy and hatred of
the owner. He would not be so much pleased at
an opportunity to knock the shackles from the slave
as he would be to get it into the power of himself
and his associates to harass and annoy the owner
Hence the power to pass WIlmUt proyiso, and ex-
clude shareholders from Territory, would he less
priced by that party than the power To make the
domestic and police regulations of the Institution
handed congressional action except to forbid the
STAKEHOLDER from going to the Territories. They
have claimed no right to interfere between him and
his slave with view to regulate their rights and
duties to each other. This new doctrine, the
contrary opens the door of the temple, invites an
abolition Congress to the very hearthstone of the
shareholders domestic circle and allows it to strike
its deadly blows at him IN his daily and hourly
walks The nature and extent of rewards and pun
ishmeats-the amount of labor that may be exacted
on one side and the extent Of indulgenceS that may
be claimed on the other-even the plantation police
and discplne-Inight all be drawn into the vortex
Of congressional control A code of rules and resu-
lations on these subjects prepared by committee
of the endorsers of the Helper book and submitted
to the philosophc mind Of the author Of the ire
pressible conflict" doctrine, might not be bloody
the laws of Draco; but under it. if the slave did
not run away from the master, the master would
soon run away from the slave.
The advocates of the doctrine, however, contend
that the power of Congress does not extend to nu-
ring, but only to protecting slavery They may be
right have already said am not discussing this
as question of power. But some very honest per-
sons will not be able to understand how the exist
ence of power under the Constitution, Gamble made
to depend on whether Congress proposes to exercise
1t for or against us and it will be dangerous for
to incucate the idea that Congress is exercise
any power at all over the subject But admitting the
restriction on the power contended for who is to
determine whether any proposed measure will oper-
ate as an injury or as q protection! Congress, of
course; and we all know that law which one per-
son or one party considers very salutary is often
thought by another person another party to be
ruinous dangerous, even revolutionary. The
will Of the majority will prevail and after have
conceded to Congress the right to legslate on the
subject re wifi find it difficult to arrest Legislation
when it shall become disagreeabe to us. When the
Ill SC do hat
vide adequate and appropriate protection to slave
property, and bill is introduced into Congress TO
correct the defects Of the local legislation who is
decide whether the local Legislation is adequate and
appropriate? OF course the majority; and that
majority is certainly northern and anti-savery, and
may be abolition. What do you suppose a Repub
lican House of Representatives would decide to b.
adequate and appropriate protection to slave proper
ty? Just none at all. We might differ from them
but we are minority, and cannot pass, prevent
the passage OF law So that the least evil we could
expect would be the rejection of our bill.
But our enemies mi ht not let us off so easily
Instead of rejecting the bill, they might proceed tc
amend it so as to make it conform to their notions
of the rights Of and the relations that ought to exs
between the white man and his slave; and, having
done so, pass it into law, against our votes New
Mexico, with resolute integrity and regard for he
duties and obligations, which might we'll be initiated
by older citizens of the Republic has passed Law
to protect slave property within her limits hav,
read the law and it is judicious and stringent; bu
it did not suit the views of the Republicans in tn,
House Of Representatives. They did not think tn,
protection it afforded judicious and proper ant
suitable 1t was not in conformity with the mora
and economical teachings of the Helper book; the,
therefore introduced and passed through the Hous
last week bill dsapproving and annulling the Law
passed by the legislature Of New Mexico. Kansa
and Nebraska have passed laws against the slave
holder. The same committee that reported the bill
to repeal the law Of New Mexico have thus far re
fused and will continue to refuse. to report bill t
snnul the laws of Kansas and Nebraska. That
the kind of protection may expect from Congress
No one who has observed the utter disregard q
Official oaths and obligations, and constitutional n
strictions, which has characterized the Abolitio
party, will doubt that all these things and more b
sides, will be done if they have the power Wha
redress have we !? Some say we would dissolve tn