Weekly Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1853-1861, 1860-01-02

for such comparative trihe % that, the union
OF this country IS TO be sacrificed. Have We
realized to ourselves the mOmentOus consequent
ces of such an eTeutl This is g mighty empire.
It's existence spreads its influence throughout the
civilized world. lis overthrow would be the
greatest shock that civilization and free govern
ment have received; m0re extensive in its co1ss-
quences; more fatal 10 mankind aud 70 the great
principles upon which the I berty Of mankind de-
peHds, than the French revolution, with all its
blood snd with all its war and violence. Aud all
for whst2 Upon questions concerning this line
OF division between slavery ard freedom!
Why, Nh. President, suppose this day ell the
Southern States, being refused this right; being
refused this partition being denied this privilege
were to separate from the Northern States, and
do 1t peacefully, and then we're to come to you
peacefully and say, "Let there be no war between
US; let Us divide fairly the Territories of the
United S.ates;" could the northern section OF
the country refuse so just demsnGl What
would you give them7 Whas would be the fair
proportionl Ii you allowed them their fair rels-
tive proportion, would you not give them as much
as is now proposed TO be assigned on the south
ern side of that linel and would they not be a,
liberty to carry their slaves there il they pleased
You would give them the whole Of that; and
then what would be iis fate?
Is il upon tn general principle OF humanity
then, that you (aodressing Republican Senators)
wish to put an end 10 slavery or is it to be urged
by you ss a mere topic ard point OF party con-
troversy to sustain party poweI7 Surely, give
yos credit for looking a. il upon broader and
more generous principles. Then, in tho worst
event, after you have encountered disunion. that
greatest of all political calamities 10 the people OF
this country and the disunonsts come, the separa-
ting States come, End demand OF take their portion
OF the Territories,heyc take AID will be entitled
to take, all that will now lie on the Southern side
OF the line which have proposed. Then they
will have right to permit slavery TO exist in il.
aHd what do you gain for the eau OF aoti elaverF3
Nothing whatever. Suppose you should refuse
their demand, and claim the whole for yourselves;
tina. would be q hagrant Injustice. which you
would not be willing that should suppose would
occur. But il you old, what would be the conse-
quencee2 A State North and a State South, and
all the States, North and South, would be at
tempting to grasp at and s. iza this Territory and
to get all of it that they could. That wonld be
the struggle, and you would have war; and not
only d;sanion, but all these fatal const quenees
would follow irC m your refusal now to permit
slavery 10 exist 10 recognize il as existing on the
Southern side Of the proposedli line while ycu give
to the people there the right TO exclude It when
they come tc form State Government, if such
should be their will ard pleasure.
Nov, gentemsn, Ia view of this subject, in
wow VI hut NSucN4ANtNNCf IA view VI lut
great events which are present before you, acd OF
the mighty consequences which are just now to
take effect, is it not better to settle the question
by division upon the liBe o. the Missouri Com
promise7 For thirty years We lived quietly and
peacefully under it. Our people, North and
South, were accustomed TO look at it ss proper
and just line. Can we not do 50 sgain2 We did
IL then 10 preserve the peace OF the country.
Now you this Union in the most imminent
n -. =
conviction that unless something be done, and
something equivalent to this proposition, we shall
be separated and divided people in six months
from this time. That is my hfm conviction
There is no man here who deplores il more than
| dc; but it is my sad aud melancholy conviction
that that will be the consequence. | wish you TO
-ealze fully the Danger. [ wish you to realize
fully the consequences which are TO iolloW
You can give increased stability to this Union J.;
you can give il an existence, glorious exist
ence, for great and glorious centuries 10 come,
by now setting it upon permanent basis, recog-
nizing what the South considers its rights; sBd
this Is the greatest OF them all: it is that you
should divide the territory by this line and ALLOW
the people south of it TO have cry when they
are admitted into the Uaion ss States, and 60
have il during the existence OF the Territorial
Government. That is all. IL i. not the cheapest
| price at which such blessing as this Union was
ever purchased2 You think, perhaps, or some
Of you, that there is no danger, that Is will bu'
thunder aud pass away. DO not enteTt ain such q
fatal delusion. tell you il is rot so. tell you
that as sure as we sand here dsunion will pro
gress. fear thas il may swallow up even old
Kentucky in its yortex--as true State TO the
U1iou as yet exists in the Ehole COnfsdeFacy-
unless something be done; but that you viii
have dsupion, that anarchy and war viii follow
it. that all this will take place in six months,
believe as confidently as ! believe Ia your pres
ence. | want to satisfy you of the fact.
Mr. President, I arise to suggest another coz
siderstiOn. | have been surprised TO ind, upor
little examination, that when the peace OF l7Sa
was made, which recognized the independence
of this country by Great Britaip the States norsl
1 of Mason and DixOn's line had but territory o
one hundred and sixty -four thouslod sGuar.
miles, while the States south of Mason snC
Dixon's line had more thaa six hundred thou
sand square miles. Il was SO divided. Virgins
shortly afterwards ceGed to the United States al
that noble territory northwest OF the Ohio river
and excluded slavery irom it. That changed
the relative proportion OF territory. After that
the North had four hundred and twenty fv,
Thousand square miles, and the South three hun
dred and eighty FIVE thousand. Thus, at once
by the concession of Virgins, the North, iron
one hundred and sixty four thousand, rose 4
four hundred and twenty J-fve thousand quar-
miles, and the South fell from ak hundred isu
sand to three hundred and eighty FIVE thorsal
square miles. Py that cession the South becsm
smaller in extent than the North. Well, let u
, look beyond. | intend 20 take up as LILLE tim
as possible, and TO avoid detail; but take sll you
subsequent acquisitions OF Florida, o. Louisiana
Of Oregon, OF Texas. ard the acquisitions mad
frum Mexico. They have been g. divided an
30 disposed of that the North has now two mil
{ lious two hundred thousand square miles Of ter
D ritory, and the South has less than one million
D Under these circumstances, when you have bee
I so greatly msgnf ed do not complain OF it;
> am stating facts-whtn your sestion has bee
made 81 mighty by these great acquisitions, an
to O great extent with the perfect consent Of Ii
l South, ought you to hesitate nov upon edoptin
thjs lne which will leave to you on the North sid
: of it nine hundred and odd thousand square mile
J. and leave to the South only two huadred al
}, eighty-five thousand2 1t will give you thrs
times as much as IL will give her There is thrs
J times "a much land in your portion as in her
4 The South has already occupied some of it. al
b it is in the States; bu; altogether the Sou
o gets by this division two huadred and eight
IS five thousand square miles, and the North lii
J, hundred thousand. The result of the whole
it ia, that the North has two million two hundr,
Il thousand square miles and the South only OF
J. million.
- / mention this as no reproach, "a no upbrai
= ing, as no complaint-none a. all. / do q
y speak 10 that spirit; do not address yCu 10 th
y temper. But these are the facts, and they ouQi
y it seems to me, to have some weight; and b
I. we come to make q peace Offering, We
y count it, are we 30 measure it nicely In gold
: scalesl You get price. and the dearest prit
"a "a for ell The concession asked TO be made; you ha
IS - the frmer establishment of your Unionj y
" have the restoration OF peace and tranquil
q and the hope OF a mighty future. all secured
u this concession How dearly must one iudiv
n' usl or TWO individuals, or msny indiyidua
Ae value their private opinions, if they think th
10 more important to the world than this mi q
ue interest OF the Union aud Government OF
b. United States.
We Sir, it is a cheap sacrifice. Il ia gloriC
10 sacrifice. This UOicn cost a great deal to
d; tablish it it ccst the yielding Of much pu.
va opinion and much OF olicy, besides the direct
IN indirect cost of it in all the TO establish
\ independence of this country. When il was dS
he General Washington himself said, PROVIDE
tlv has helped us, s,or we could not have accomplish
,n this thing. And this gift OF olr wisest men; t
70 great work of their hands; this work in
he foundation and the structure of which Proyide
herself, with her benignant hand helped-are
~ TO give Is all up for such small consideTatio
- The present evaporation, the present feeling
disunion, is the result Of long continued cont
versy on the subject of slavery and OF territory
Ta shall not attempt to aid that controversy; i
~ unnecessary TO the occasion, AID might be bar
full In relation 10 such controversies will s
~ though, that all the wrong is never on one 81
, or all the right on the other. Right and Wrs