Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1860-03-17
SENATOR sEwARD's SPEECH.

Feb. 9th, Mr. SEWARD having presented the
memorial of the Legislature Of Kansas praying
for admission into the Union, spoke as follows
Mr.. President, the admission of Kansas
into the Union, without further delay, seems
to me equally necessary, just and wise. In
recorded debates l have already anticipated
the arguments for this conclusion.
In coming forward among the political
astrologers, it shall be an error of judgment,
and not of disposition, if any Interpretation
of the feverish dreams which are disturbing
the country shall tend to foment, rather
than to allay, the national excitement
shall say nothing necessarily of persons, be-
cause, in our system, the public welfare and
happiness depend chiefly on institutions, and
very little on men. ] shall allude briefly to
incidental topics, because they are epheme-
raj, and because, even in the midst of ap-
peals to passion and prejudice, it is always
safe to submit solid truth to the deliberate
consideration of an honest and enlightened
people.
1t will be an overhowing source of shame,
as we'll as of sorrow, if We thirty millions
Europeans by extraction, Americans by
birth or discipline, and Christians in faith,
and meaning to be such in practice-can-
not so combine prudence with humanity, in
our conduct concerning the disturbing sub
ject of Slavery, as not only to preserve our
unequaled institutions Of Freedom, but also
to enjoy their benefits with contentment
and harmony.
Wherever guiltless slave exists, be he
Caucasian, American, Malay, or African,
L., =, Al L. e III.
site ideas-one that he is wrongly, the 9TH
er that he is rightly slave. The balance
of numbers on either side, however great,
never completely extinguishes this difference
of opinion, for there are always some de-.
tenders of Slavery outside, even if there
are none inside a Free State, while, also
there are always outside, if there are not
inside of every Slave State, many who as
sert with Milton, that "no man who knows
aught can be so stupid as to deny that all
men naturally were born Free being the
image and resemblance of G cd himself and
were by privilege above all the creatures,
born to command and not obey" 1t often,
perhaps generally happens, however, that
in considering the subject of Slavery, Soce-
ty seems to overlook the natural right or
personal Interest of the slave himself, and
to act exclusively for the welfare of the
citizen. But this fact does not materially
affect ultimate results, for the elementary
question of the rightfuness or wrongfulness
Of Slavery inheres in every form that dis
cussion concerning it assumes. What is
just to one class of men can never be in
jurious to any other and what is unjust
to any condition of persons in State, is
necessarily injurious in some degree to the
whole community. An economical uues-
tion early arises out of the subject of Sla-
very-labor eith,Gv of freemen or of slaves
is the cardinal necessity of society. Some
states choose the one kind, some the
other. Hence two municipal systems wide
ly different arise The slave state strikes
down and affects to extingush the person
ality of the .laborer, not only as member
of the political body, but also as a parent.
husband, child neighbor, or friend. He
thus becomes 10 political view, mere pro-
perty, without moral capacity, and without
domestic, moral, and social relations, duties.
rights, and remedies chattel, an object
of bargain, sale, gift, Inheritance, or theft.
His earnings are compensated his wrongs
atoned, not to himself, but to his owner
The state protects not the slave as a man,
but the capital of another man, which he
represents On the other hand, the state
which rejects slavery encourages and ami
mates and invigorates the laborer, by main
tanning and developing his natural person
ality in all the rights and faculties of man
hood, and generally with the privilege of
citizenship. In the one case, capital invest.
ed in slaves becomes great political force,
while in the other labor thus elevated and
enfranchised, becomes the dominating DO
litical power. 1t thus happens that we may,
for convenience sake, and not inaccurately,
call Slave states capital states, and free
states labor states.
So soon as state feels the impulses of
commerce or enterprise, or ambition. its
citizens begin to study the effects of those
systems OF capital and labor respectively on
i1s intelhgence, It's virtue, its tranquility, its
integrity or UNITY its defence, its prosperity,
its liberty, Its happiness, its ACKNOWLEDGMENT
and its fame. In other words, the great
question arises, whether slavery is moral
social, and political evil. This is the slavery
question at home But there is mutnaI
bond of amity and brotherhood between
man and man throughout the world Ma.
tions examine freely the political systems
of each other, and of all preceding times
and accordingly as they approve or disap-
prove OF the two systems of capital aud
labor respectively, they sanction and prose
cute, or condemn and prohibit commerce in
men. Thus, in one way or another, the
Slavery question which so many among us,
who are more willing to rule than patient
In studying the conditions of society, think
Is merely accidental or unnecessary ques-
tlon that might and ought to be settled and
dismissed at once, is. on the contrary,
worldwide and enduring subject of politi-
cal consideration and civil administration.
men, states, and nations entertain it, not
voluntarily, but because the progress of
soeiety continually brings it into their way.
They divide upon it, not perversely, but be-
cause, oyidg to differences Of constitution.
senditich or circumstances. they canuot