Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1860-08-30
Gb aai SPY . aQmusrt: Gbmsoag aomine august 3d. 1850.

I quivocal declaration was not congenial with the
game that was TO be played
The bill was passed; and then came other oppor-
tunlties TO test the sincerity of the present knight
Grant OF popular sovereignty Under It's provisions
commenced at once race of emigration in-o the
new territories and there free labor and slave labor
grappled. Lovers of freedom from the north were
encountered by the partlsans OF slavery from me
south; organized by blue lodges in Missouri, and
stimulated from every part of the land of slavery
The officials of a government, established under
pretended safeguards of popular sovereignty, all
ranged themselves the side of slavery Or II Their
allegiance became doubtfu-as in the case of Gov
ernor Reeder-they dismissed, and more avail
able tools sent instead. spare details lou can
not forget that winter and spring preceding the
presidential election of 1856, when we were AFTER
natey startled and stunned at the udngs from Ran
sas; when body of strangers from Missouri enter
ing by hundreds seized by force the polls, and ny
/ pretended forms of law, set up usurpauon winch
proceeded by formal legislation TO estaDlSn slavery
| there. and to surround il by code of death The
atrocity of Philip H. when by violence ana thfo"Sn
council of boodn he sought to iasten the inqul-
sltlon upon Holland was renewed. Outrage arson,
raplne, rape INVASION murder, the scalplhg
| were the agents now employed; and 10 crown inns
prostration of popular rights, Lawrence, nome oI
New England settlers, and mIcrocoslh OF Nc" Eng
land life, was burnt to the ground by company OF
| prOtane and drunken rufhans, stilhulateu from
Washington. What then was the course OF tIle
| champion of popular sovereignty! Dld ne tnunder
and tighten? Did he come forward 10 ueIehu thoSe
settlers, who had gone to kansas under tle pretenu
! ed safeguards of his bill? Oh, no But he Openly
ranged himself in the senate on the sac OF thelr
| oppressors-mocked at their calamitles-
them ''insurgentsn -insulted their agents, ana
| told them thev must submit-whe the distant Emf
grant Aid Society in Massachusetts was maze the
butt of his most opprobrlous ASSAULTS All tHla
| and heard myself
Then came another scene, with which, owing to
my own absence from the senate, as an lnValu, L
have less personal familiarity but 1t Is known 70
all of you Mr.. Douglas then suddenly discovered
| that popular sovereignty was something more than
a name. He opposed the Lecompton constitutions
but my distinguished colleague will tell you that even
! hqrp 10 ken the
only by the stern will and indomitable principle oil
| the lamented Broderick.
| Then came stump speeches and senate speeches
! without number, and magazine article, all to eX-
plain popular sovereignty. But this simple prlncl
pie. which, in the light of the Declaration of indie
pendence and also in the light of reason, is plain
enough, has been twisted, turned and betogged. now
| explained away and then explained back, now en-
| larged and then limited. now acknowledged and
then Denied that challenge any person to say with
any certainty in what it really consists, according
| to Mr. Douglas.
At one time we find him declaring that ''slavery
is the creature of local law, and not of the constu
ton of the United States.n Good! Let him follow
this to its natural conclusion, and no republican
could ask more.
Then, at New Orleans after his election to the
ate was secured, he says 1.-THE democracy of Hi
nois accept the decision of the Supreme CouIt of
the United States in the case of bred Scott as an
authoritative Interpretation of the constitution. In
accordance with that decision we hold that slaves
are property, and hence on an equality with all
other kinds OF property and that the owner of u
slave has the same right to move INTO territory
and carry his slave property with him as the owner
OF any other properly has to go there and carry ms
| property" Here is the extreme dogma of slavery
i'll full force Let him follow this to its natural
| conclusion, and no breckenridge man could ask
more
AT another time we find him declaring that "Sov-
ereign states have the right to make their
stitutions and establish their governments; but
that he has never claimed these powers for the ter
ritories, has he failed to resist such claims
| when set up by others.' How then, under this
theory, can popular sovereignty have any toothold
tarri fnp oil oil fam oil
lsiatlon against slavery must be invalid.
AND tiien, again. i'll another place, by roundabout
| language, he admits that, according to the bred
| Scott decision, which he declares that he zap
| proves" the people of territory cannot by any
legislation, coniscate slave property or impair the
constitutional right of the master to this property
al,a ,ie ie[Ilrory, WIN tIs Ilauoh' pray "here
| eHnt al P Vtl,i M - - s3;,, 4l,;,, f A.
other sid ha iHnots Ii 81 ,iS To- tie
torri+or;aI' i;aint = Plo55 u u "aU'', ~ tnS
ash G,,,iJ , AZ "itn leSafV " I anu
ture its rer,soi ~ ;; " IT,, - 'ile loI
ohanses agsi'st thip+ eias ~ , % " Pu i5
slavery lust as ectuay as O. nrob
bition} Ard b IL t, d ~ t t. PROM
ing forms as often as Protnns We '1 fI 10 hue ~
mits first that slavery goes into the territories I'M
der the constitution; secondly that the right of
property in slave cannot be destroyed by the ter
ritoria Legislature. And all that this legislature can
do by way of opposition, is to folds its hands and
seal its tongue in inacton. What then is this
wonderful doctrine? So far as it means any thing,
II Is simply this That the people of territory have
right TO introduce slavery but not to DrohiJit it,
And this is popular SOVEREIGNTY Verify between
this and the Breckenridge dogma there is about the
difference as between the much yexed doctrines
of Reconsideration and consubstantiation where
there was only the difference of a single SYLLABLE
and both signiled the same thing
Nor is this all The convention at Baltimore
which nominated Mr. Douglas has declared by for
NAL resolution chat the measure of restriction,
whatever it NAV be- mposed by the federal consti-
tuition the power of the territorial legislature over
the subject OF domestic relations as the same has
been shall hereafter be finally determined by the
4 n i
spected by all good citizens and enforced loit lropt-
ness and fdety by erry branch Of The general gorse
ment.n And Mr.. Douglas in accepting his nomi-
nnton has expressly reco9nized this doctrine fins
in advance delivering over his bnntling nonnlar
sovereignty TO the teHder merces of tbe Snnreme
Court.
Hon. ,lip,r,r4 :; ~, . .:o = NJ ,., II,
b en- 10 INC pos9n VI vi AihcoIii, VINO
f 5St y,I s"iu III nls uepate WIN MI DousIas
nn,Se o melG III Cohstess' anu ' oie s9uiu
,,rnb;I ;tJ =; q ~, ~ nc
e.. - ~; ~ new 5eIllto{ ~ sPite oi .nT DIeu
49, @ o"iu 1ot f tiiat II sIlouu MAJ Is
dactrine OF NJ Au aiiV Nv me 10 auu !d TINS
UG; VI ~ HiuooiI - te uoctIlHe vi the re-
49, an I aiY "a ny uooilhe eHor' Vi lhis runs
in'o INC tilcA Vi MI Douglas'
The tree is known by its fruits, and if anything
further were needed to expose this trick of popular
sovereignty, might be found i'll its fruits boast
ed by Mr. Douglas. A slave code, most volting in
character, had been adopted by the territorial legs
lature of New Mexico, not only establishing slavery
there, including the serfdOm of the whites but pro-
hibiting emancipation. Through the generous ac-
l'ity of the republicans, and in the exercise of
Just congressional Intervention, a bill passed the
house OF representatives annuling this slave code
While this bill the table of the senate, at
testing at once the disposition of the house of rep
resentatiyes to interfere against slavery and also the
signal necessity OF such interference Mr. Douglas
took occasion to make his boasts. Surrounded by
the chief Of the pro-slavery democracy, the jugger
OF popular sovereignty thus showed what the trick
had done for slavery. Here are his words:
1t is part of the history of the country, that
under this doctrine of non-intervention, this doc
delight