Daily national Democrat., 1860-09-04
Letter from Major Bidwcll.

until the meeting of the Democratic State
convention, report in person tlrouoh tbo
Convention TO the Democracy of Colil,r,;,
define clearly my position, and render Glli
account OF myself at Charleston. Subsequent
events, however, have changed the face of
political affairs, and to some extent done
away with the obligation which seemed to
rest on me-.
AS considerable curiosity exists with many
OF the papers to know how stand. | have
concluded not to wait for the Convention tor
Co"rehtloaS) Besides, if | were to do So.
which Convention would report to? If /
were to SO into one, | might be kicked ont of
the other; besides. under present circum-
stances, | shall not probably be able to at.
tend either, nor have | in the present con-
diton Of affairs much disposition TO engage
IN political strife. Since my return from the
Convention, my farm has engaged my con-
slant attention. Those who sent me there
have right to know where | stand, and |
shall endeavor to inform them as briefly as
/ possible. AT Charleston, the vote of Caiifor-
MIA was, generally, cast as a unit. asamaiori-
ty OF the delegation decided, until the mi
nority was substituted for the majority re-
| port Of the Committee on Platform and Res.
olutions. In voting separately on the reso
lutions Of the minority report. voted i'm
! favor OF the first, which rc-affirned the Gin
cincinnati Platform but with the delegation
on all others. Neither report. as it came
| from the committee, accorded entirely with
my views, but one could have been amended
as well as the other.
My first objection to the majority report
was in the third resolution, which reads.
That it is the duty of the General Govern
ment in all its departments, to protect, when
| necessary, the rights Of persons and property
IN the Territories, and wherever its constitu.
tional authority extends" The great ques-
tion which absorbed all others was that of
protection to slavery in the Territories, and
which renders the meaning of this resolution
too clear to be misunderstood. 1t is strong.
clear, and direct intervention, and | was op-
posed to tt because it did not, as | conceived.
accord with the high conservative non-inter.
vention ground heretofore occupied bv the
Democracy of California. While will Weld
to none in favor of protecting the RIGHTS of
persons and property Of all kinds, as far as
the constitutional authority of the Federal
Government, and as confederate States uu1.r
the Constitution extend, | do not believe
direct Intervention would so well afford that
protection, but would be fraught with the
most dangerous Consequences 1t would re
turn to the Halls Of Congress the whole
slavery question which was sent TO the Ter
ritories by the Kansas-N ebraska Act, and
renew the strife. contention and anmostv of
political warfare, TO the exclusion of whole
some legislation, if not to the imminent peril
of the country. Because outlaws interlerred
and obstructed the efficient operation of the
law in Kansas, and thereby prevented a
pcaceable and satisfactory solution of the
question there, is no objection to the rrinci-
pie If You clog the wheels of the most per-
feet machinery, it cannot run. The best laws
that can be devised may be resisted by law
less force.
My other objection was to the Railroad
plank, because it did not declare that Con.
gress had the constitutional power to build
the road l hold that it is lust as constitu-
tional to prepare for defence in time of peace,
as to defend in time of war On this ground.
as well as that of postal communication, it is
clearly the duty Of Congress to construct or
furnish the requisite aid to complete with
the least possible delay transcontincntal
railway. The protection Of this coast, and
our very existence as a member Of this Con-
federacy demand il. The wants of COM
merce the general welfare and every consid-
Grafton of justice to Us and our exposed con
dition in case Of war, demand it. The break
ing up of political organizations has become
the order Of the day. Religious societies
stand divided by geographical lines.
III the Democratic party, which has so long
preserved the country, rcceIe from its former
position and the slavery question returns to
disturb the counsels Of the Nation, after we
have for so long period declared it bauished
from the Halls of Congi ess, where is our
consistency? and who can tell the result? IT,
because certain platform was not adopted
at Charleston, or certain delegates were not
admitted at Baltimore, was good reason for
breaking Off from those Conventions. would
not the same spirit, carried to its legitimate
consequences, after the doctrine Of direct
intervention has been assumed and Congress
should refuse to extend that direct protection
which is demanded, rend the very fabric of
the Government, and the Seceders form
new Congress as they did new Convention?
Secession there would be a serious event 1t
is with great reluctance that feel compelled
to believe that the leaders of the secession
movements at Charleston and Baltimore are
endeavoring TO hasten such an issue, and at
the earliest possible time 'prcoipitate the
cotton States into revolution
Acting in accorlance with the movement
begun at Charleston and consummated at
Baltimore so far as Conventions are concern
ed Mr.. Yancey should have been the
nominee for President. Not doing this would
seemed to indicate that they are not certain
of the sanction Of Southern States. The
consummation Of such a scheme requires
more time, they imagine, to in1ame the
Southern mind. But l repose too much con.
fidence in the loyalty and patriotism Of the
great mass Of the people Of those States to
believe that such an attempt can be success
ful.
l was opposed to the secession at Charles
ton, and, upon the same principle, | could
not have sanctioned it at Baltimore. | be-
lieve, therefore, that Mr. Douglas is the
regular nominee, and as such feel bound to
accord him my vote. | have not heretofore
agreed in every particular with Mr.. Douglas
in his Territorial policy. But that is not the
only thing to be considered in filing the
office of President Of the United States. Nor
is the President the whole government It
is true that the great and growing extent Of
the Executive patronage threatens to over
whelm the State rights principle, and there
fore tend directly to constellation But other
considerations OF domestic, Us well as for
eign policy, require at the head Of affairs, n
national man, firm as well as ust--a states
man of the first order. The Pacific coast
demands one who is sound on the Railroad
question. L. would have pleased me to vote
for MIR. Breckinrdge at Charleston, but l
did not know at that time that he had ever
voted against the Pacific Railroad. lie may
he all right ON that issue now, but fear the
leading men who brought about his nomina.
ton, and who would to a considerable eX-
tent control his administration, are not.
After witnessing the steady and uniaulter-
ing march Of lcpubicanism for the last four