Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1860-03-29
pies involved with all the powers of my
mind, ard | arrived at conclusions then,
which no suhsennenf euenIs hapa inh,nah


vero in cur country had its beginning IN
the early time Of the colonies, and was i'm
posed by the mother country, against the
will of most Of the colonists. At the time
of the revolution, and long after, il was
commonly regarded as an evil, temporary
in lis nature, and likely 10 disappear in the
courssof- time; yet, while it continued, q
misfortune 10 the country, socially and po-
litieally. This was taught by those who
made our government, and neither the new
light of modern civilization, nor The diseov-
cry OF new system Of constitutional law
and social philosophy, has enabled me to
detect the error of their teachings.
Slavery is "a social relation"-"a domss.
tic institution" Within the States il ex
lists by the local law, and tie Federal Gey.
eminent has no control over it there. The
Territories. whether acquired by conqdesi
or peaceful! purchase, are subject and sub:
ordina'e-not sovereign, like the States.-
The Nation is supreme over them, and the
National Government has the power to
permit or forbid Slavery within them. En-
Pertaining these views, am opposed to the
Extension Of Slavery. and in my opinion
the spirit and policy Of The Government
ought TO be against IFS extension.
! d. Foes TIE Constitution carry Slavery into the
! Territories?
l answer no. The Constitution of the
United States does not carry Slavery into
the Territories. With much more show of
reason may ii be said it carries Slavery into
all The States. But II does not carry So
erYsanywhere; it only acts upon il wfS<sff
finds it established by the local law. In
connection with this point, am asked to
stale my views OF the "Dred Scott case,
and what was really determined by the
Supreme Court in that case lis my o.
pinion, carefully considered, that the Court
determined one single point of law only,
that is, that Scott, the. Plaintiff, being a
negro OF African deseen, (not becessarly'a
Slave) could not be citizen of Missouri,
and, therefore, conld not sue in the Federal
Court; aud that ioFlhis reason, and for this
alone, The Circuit Court had no jurisdiction
of the cause and no power to give iude-
ment betWssn TIE parties: The only iu-
VrlsdicIion xlhch The Supreme Court had of
the cause was fsrtlls purpose .of correcting
The error OF The Gircuit Court in asstning
The power todeeide upon the merits of the
case. This power the Supreme Court did
exercise, by Setting aside the Judgment Of
ithe Circuit Court upon the merits, and by
dismissiOn tie suit without -aly Judgment
for or against either party. This is ALI
that the Supreme Court did. and all that it
. hadhwful power 10 do.
/ consider it a great public misfortune
that ssseralof the learned Judges should
have. thought that their duty required them
to discuss and give opinions upon various
questions outside Of The case, as the case
was actually disposed OF by the Court. All
such opinions are extrajudIcIal and of 10
authority. But besides this, IT appears to
me, that several of the questions SO dis
cussed by the Judges, are political que,-
tions, and thersfore beyond the cngnisnnos
of The Judiciary, and proper only 10 be con-
sidered and disposed of by The Political
Departments. Il am right'in this. and it
Gems 10 me plain, The precedent is most
unfortunate, because it may lead to dan
gerous conflict OF authority among the CO.
ordinate branches of the Government.
3...ds to the Coloai-atioh Of Free Fldcks
For many years, have been connected
with the American Colonization Society, OF
which the rising young State OF Liberia is
the first iruit.I consider the object both
humane and wise, benefcent alike 10 the
free blacks who emigrate, and TO the whites
whom they leave behind. But Africa is
distant, and presents so many obstacles To-
ut l,,lo
hope of drawing off in that direction the
growing numbers of our free black popula-
tion. The tropical regions oil America,
think, offer far better prospect both Tor
US and for them.
4n. Ifs 70 any inequality Of rights amorg Il
niericGn citizens.
: l recognize no distinctions among Amer.
lean citizens, but such as are expressly
laid down in the Constitution. And boil
that our Government is bound to project +
oil Tie citizens in ths enjoyment Of all their
rights, everywhere, ard against all assaii-
ants. And as TO these .rights there is no
difference between citizens born and citi-
zsns mode such by law.
5ih. I'm in faror Of The construction Of a
Railroad from the Valley Of the Mississippi 10 the
Pacajic OCEAN, under the auspices of the General
Gore naen2
Yes, strongly. ! nor hly believe such
read OF vast importance as the means of in
,reasing the population, wealth and power
of this Great Valley, but necessary, as the
means Of national defense and OF preserv-
ing the Union.
9th. .am in J(arOr Of the measure called The
Bill?
Yes. lam for guarding the public lands,
Is well as possible, from the danger Of com
non trade and speculation--for keeping
hem for The actual use of he people and
'or granting tracts Of suitable size, TO those
who will actually inhsbt and improve them.
7Lh. I'm l in fdvOr Of the immediate admission
y KsHsas under the WyondOtte Constiouiirn?
l think that Kansas ought 10 be admitted
without delay, leaving her like all the other
States, the sole judge q her own consiitu-
ion. IL
Thas. gentlemen, believe ! have an. {
swered all your inquiries in plain, intel
Igible manner, and hope 10 your satisfac. {
ion. | have moi attempipd IN sunuort INV