Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-01-18
Ihe STANDARD.
Message of the Governor of Virginia.

Message of the Governor of Virginia.
On Saturday last tke President of the Virginia
Senate laid before that body the Inaugural Message
of Governor Letcher, which was read and, on mo-
ton Of Mr.. Thompson, was laid on the table and
1000 extra copies ordered to be printed:
Gentlemen Of the Senate and House Of Delegates:
commence my term as Chief Magistrate of the
Commonwealth Of Virginia at an important and
eventul period in the history othe State and of the
Union. No one ofmy predecessors has taken upon
himself the duties and responsibilities Of the office
under the same circumstances. The Legislature and
the people expect from me, therefore, an expression
Of my views upon the absorbing question Of the
day, and some suggestions looking to the future:
The Constitution of the United States ordain-
cd and established by fathers, designed Ito
form more perfect union, establish justice, insure
domestic tranquility, promote the general welfare,
and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity" They construed it with reference to
these desirable Objects and as might have been ex-
pectcd, union, harmony and brotherhood existed
between the different sectons-law and order pre-
vailed-justce and right were respectcd-the rights
of person and property were fully recognized-and
each State permitted to regulate its domestic
institutions without interference from citizens ofoth
States Confidence and fraternal affection existed
between the people of all the States in those earlier
and better days of the Republic.
This happy condition of things continued for
many years. and was interrupted only by the inter-
ference of citizens of the Northern States with the
rights and institutions of the Southern. But for
the war which has been so perscveringy waged
against the institution of domestic slavery it
lists amongst U.S. institution with which they have
no right to intermeddle, we would have continued
to live tremendously together. and the ties of fra
ternal feeling and affection would be as strong now
as ever before in the history of the Confederacy.-
This wanton interference thus commenced, and so
Extensively persisted in, has produced the present
alarming crisis, and has brought the Union of the
States to the verge of destruction.
The Northern people now insist that there must
be 70 more slave territory no more slave States and
that the Fugitive Slave Law must be repealed or
essentially modified to render it vaueless for
the recovery of slave property. In Massachusetts,
Wisconsin, Vermont and perhaps other non-slave-
holding States the Fugitive Slave Act has been
practically and efectually nuliied and rendered in
operative.
The Massachusetts, act declares that the writ of
habeas corpus may be issued by either of their
Courts, and even by "any justice of the peace" in
term time or vacation, and upon the return of such
writ the fugitive slave may demand trial by jury
and if the jury shall disagree the issue may be sub
mitted to another jury, or continued to the next
term, at the discretion of the Court; that. no
LESSONS, admissions or declarations of the alleged
fugitive against himself shall be given in evidence
upon the trial; that the Governor, by and with the
advice and consent Of the Council, shall appoint
commissioners IN each county to defend fugitives
who are to pay all witness expenses, clerks fees
officers fees and other expenses, and they are to
have these, and all reasonable charges for their
services as attorney and counsel in thc,,' case
paid by the State Treasurer; ard the act also pro-
hibits their jas, prisons, other places of confine
ment from being used for the Imprisonment Of per-
claimed as fugitive slaves (See Session Acts
1855, page 924.) The act of Wisconsin is even
stringent in its provisions for the protection
of fugitive slaves than the act of Massachusetts,
(See revised Statutes 1855, page 912) The act of
Vermont declares that no person within the State
shall be considered as property or subject as such
to SALE purchase delivery; that the fugitive slave
may have the benefit of trial by jury-that every
person who may have been held as slave, who
shall come or be brought, or be in the State, with
without the consent of his or her master or mis-
trcSs, or who shall come, or be brought or be in
voluntarily, or in any way in the State, shall be
free; and denounces against every person who shall
hold the fugitive as slave, the penalty of imprson
Inent for not less than one nor more than fifteen
years, and fine not exceeding two thousand dol
lars. (See Session Acts, 1858, page 49, In other
of the non-slaveholdng States. Gf am not mis-
takcn) similar legislation has been employed to de-
feat the execution of the law within their limits
They maintain the doctrine of an 'irrepressible
1lict," between free and slave labor, which. under
their teachings has produced its first fruits in the
shedding of Virginia blood upon our own soil The
friends of this kind of legislation and the support
crs of these mischicvous doctrines, .iell the Ex-
ecutve Legislative and Judicial authority of the
non-slaveholling States, with scarce an exception.
In the Senate of the United States the Republican
party numbers upwards of twenty, and in the
House of Representatives more than ore hundred
all elected by the votes of non-slaveholing States
and all endorsing and approving these obnoxious
doctrines and measures. \ few years ago this par
ty was very small in each branch of Congress, and
We were assured that they represented a compare
lively small number of fanatics with whom the
great body of the Northern people had no sympa-
thy, and who entertained no principles and doc
trncs in common with them on these questions.
1t is readily and cheerfully conceded that large
portion of the citizens of the non -slaveholding
States are loyal to the Constitution and the Union
but it is not to be disguised that large number are
indifferent to both and would prefer dissolution of
the Union to the extension of slave territory or the
increase of slave States. They desire to confine
slavery to the States in which it exists and the
sympathy manifested for John Brown and his asso-
ciacs in crime, gives to fear that they are not
prepared to aid IN putting down attempts to inter-
fere with the institution, even in the States, where
it is recognized and protected by law.
This lamentable state of things, between the two
sections of the country, has its origin in the con-
structlon placed by the Northern people upon the
Constitution of the United States. They construe
it to the prejudice of the honor, rights and instu-
ton Of their Southern brethren. They insist that
the Constitution authorizes the adoption of measures
for the exclusion of slavery from the Territories
the common property Of all the States-and they
spare no effort to affirm their construction by the
legislation of Congress In the carly history of the
government territory was acquired, and territorial
governments were organized without enquiring
whether they were free or slave-free and slave
States were admitted into the Union pari passu-
The Constitution was construed fairly and Justly
according to its terms and spirit-we lived III har.
Inony-and our prosperity as nation was steady
and unparalleled. When the Northern construction
began to prevail, strife arose, bitter feelings were
cngendered, elimination and recrimnation followed
and now we find that the ties Of brotherhood have
been sundered, mutual distrust has succeeded and
the kindly feelings Of affection have been smothered
by bitter sectional hatred that now bids fair to out