Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1860-08-30
in Gxttlltnt Sqeffb.
July 25rM, 1860.

e.
Mr.. President AND GENTLEMEN: The
intelligent voter will so shape his action as
to, make !, conduce 10 the success of aprin.
cip'e, rather than The elevation ofsP man.
He will feel.thjs to be the more Incumbent
|upon' him atsuch a time d. the present,
when the tendencies OF parties are more
distinctly marked than in any previous cam
paign. II viii be my object, tbis evening,
10 endeavor TO exhibit, In distinct light,
the dividing line between ihe. political par.
ties OF the Day, and TO ascertsin, ,if possible, 4,
what, in al probability, would te the effect
uponthe country Of tho election G the re-
spectve candida Tor the Presidency.
II this were . strife merely between indi-
vidual men 2 II would POSSES but lriliing
imp mpor,auce, and should not trouble, you
with either remark or gsstion. Ril Is I
regard the contest, the deierD ination will
soon be made not alone a. 10 oor value in
the confederscy, but az to the destiny Of
the nation Itself. rstst vFfhtRs
The policy Of our government is 10 many
respects, underlined. The more serious
questions affecting Us have bu, recently be-
came topics OF careful consideration. Our
futhers were unable to foreees, during the
formation Of the Constitution, the greater
embarrassmentst 10 which the futurs . fsthe
! country was to be subjected, and conse-
! quently ypo provision was made against
them. Subjects which distracted and divided
them. in their deliberations. have lost much
| Of their former eonsequer &c. and we seem
| to be more anxious to ascertain what they
should have said further, than what they
sc,ua!ly did say. Even the controversies in
which we ourselves hsve been engaged
within the last decade have beensett!ed or
lost sight. OF, and we are now about to enter
into thst conflict, y hich is 10 define psny Of
! ths most important powers Of the govern
nent, snd to Fix me thasactef Of thel aomi-
nant institutions Of the country. The pro-
prety OF re.eligibilty to Office, the exact
relations between federal and local aulhor-
ihy. the constitu,ionalty of banks and inter
nal Improvements. The regulation of the cur
rency and the distribution OF the proceeds
o. the public lands are no longer ;agita'edi
and discussions upon them are only to be
found in our past history AMI in the eossi
remsirs of extinct parties. I, may in truth
be said that old things have passed away
and all things have become new. -s
There was a time, not,ery far back in
the past when Slnvery was universally sd'
mitted to be a wrong in Sc unwise in prsc.
& Itice,s detrimental to both, individuals snt
commnnities, and, against the, spirit snt
Egenius of our free system. Now, hywever
It is Declared to be divine III lis origin. ,ht
: highest type ot human, ,eiyilizAipn f, ard in
. dispendabIe 10 the maintenance ofa Demo
cratic republic. Former!yit was reearde,
rs u condition to be constantly reduced, AM
finally to be iex,ingui he'd, Now, on ih'
contrary, the demand is urged that 1t shal
:, be extended. and made con,rnlling. Here
:, fnd the cstise or source OF the great politi
cal is,ue Of the present. Shall Slavery be
~ EcagDe a patjonaIs iasi,stions ssnd4s 4sGsverninl
power in the country. or shall it remain II
, the Constitution left iil This is not aL in
quiry propounded by, Of The North. 'bu
forced upon us BY our 5reihretio Of the South
They inquire an answer AZ our hands, an
/. we cannot avoid response II we would :
9 Silence upon our part, under the circum
stances, couid not be construed otherwis
than as affirmative of their clsms. max
the distinct avo~sl that Slavery seehs tn
y acquisition Of sll our, new Ststes, for wv
objects: frat, TO SECURE the value OF slsve'
! and second, TO direct the powers Of the Fes
: eral Government 80 'eti ~.
l. ''The irrepressibls conflict" SO frefuentl
commented on and denounced by the Sopl
. Ia constantly admitted and acted on By, then
~ They are 100 ostute as observers. and sag
cious as politicians, not to know there 10 !
necessary and unbending aRtsgonisma b
tween Liberty and Slavery lf they thoug
differently there would be Ear tnore pea'
Of and harmony betwe cen the sections. Il
We .heir tull appreciation of the struggle for u
i mastery which arms them for the .confit
: and induces Them to wrestle for the vicior
There is no more evident .uct than tn
thst the advocates Of Slavery seek lite
- tension so a. TO limit the Influence OF q
dc leatimeni of freedom. We hate tyrann
" and would prevent such a contamination.
They ask that all who toll shall be held Z
propsrty-be regarded. in the chasle i.
eusge Of en- eloquent Senator, as mud sill
'ry We believe that God created all men frs
and Imposed labor upon them for their
e. vantage. Which hypothesis shall be prov
a. truei We viii see hereafter! Bat. kno
:, ing that the principles Of justice are unfo
IL and eternal, i presume to believe that ihs
= principles Will prevail snd humsn rights
IhsIhtsfned. I am not ignorant Of the 4
that hose who suppose they may riehtfu
.dLmske msrthandlse Of mothers and th
se,. @ ehildfen seem to think they can shape (
p designs Of Providence, and ielwrite the
~ tory Of bumanity. reversing everything I
'ss' fathers taught, and for the maintenance
winch tbev periled life and honor. | N