The Council Bluffs nonpareil. [volume] (Council Bluffs [Iowa]) 1857-1867, 1860-06-30


nation, and for the present must choos,
between them. choose the latter, a wiser
purer, younger, and less corrupted BY tim,
and self indulgence.
The candidates nominated at Chicago ar,
both men who,, as individuals and pclisi
ciaps, rank with the foremost Of the coustry
have heard no objection to Mr.. Hamli,
personally, but only to his gecgraphica
position, which is thought by como to b,
too far North and East TO allow his person.
al good qualities to exercise their propsi
influence over the nation at large. But Ii,
nomination for the Presidency 10 the graa
controlling act. Mr.. Lincoln, bis character
talents, opinions and history viii be criti-
cized BY Thousands, while the candidate fol
the Vice Presidency will be passed over in
comparative silence.
Mr. Lincoln's nomination took the public
by surprise, because, until just before the
event, it vas unexpected. But really Il
ought not to have excited any surprise, for
such unforeseen nominations are common in
our political history. Polk and Pierce BY
the Democrats, and Harrison and Taylor BY
the Wings, were all nominated in this
extemporaneous manner-all Of them were
elected. ! have known Mr.. lincoln for
more than twenty years, and therefore have
q right to speak Of him with some conf
dence. As an individual he has earned =
high reputation ter truth, courage, candor,
morals and amiability, so that, as man,
he is more trustworthy. And in this par
ticular, he is more entitled to our esteem
than some other men, his equals, who had
far better opportunities and aids in early life.
His talents and the will to use them to the
best advantage. are unquestionable; and
the proof is found in the fact that in every
position in life, from his humble beginning
to the present we'll earned elevation, he
has more than fulfilled the best hopes Of his
friends. And now, in the full vigor of his
manhod, and in the honest pride of having
made himself what he is, he is the peer Of
the FIRST men of the nation, we'll able to
sustain himself aud advance his cause
against any adversary. and in any field
where mind and knowledge are the weapons
used. es
In politics be has but acted out the prin.
ciples Of his own moral and inteliec,cni
character. He has not concealed his
thoughts nor hidden his light under bushel.
With the boldness of conscious recttude,
and the frankness of downright honesty. he
has not failed to avow his opinions Of public
affairs upon all fitting occasions.
This know may subject him to the
carping censure Of that class Of politicians
who mistake cunning for wisdom, and false
hood for ingenuity; but such men as LIN
coin must act in keeping with their charac.
tiers, and hope for success only by advancing
The truth prudently and maintaining it
h,.rn All h,a nlt politi,sl Ia N q
are, in my judgment, exactly right, being
square up to the old Wing standard. And
as to his views about the "pestilent negro
question:" am not aware that he has gone
one step beyond the doctrine publicly and
habitually avowed by the great Iights of the
Whig party, Clay, Webster, and their
fellows, and, indeed, sustained and carried
out bv the Democrats themselves, in their
wiser and better days. II.
The following, suppose, are in brief his
opinions upon that subject: l. Slavery is
a domestic institution within the States
WHICH choose to have .,and il exists within
those States hey ond the control of Congress.
2. Congress has supreme legislative power
over all the Territories, and may, at its
discretion, allow or forbid the existence Of
slavery within them. 3. Congress, in wis
dom and sound policy, ought not 90 to
exercise its power, directly or indirectly,
rs to plant and establish Slavery in any
Territory heretofore free. 4. And that il
is unwise and impolitic in the government
Of the United States to acquire tropical re-
gions for the mere purpose OF converting
them into slave States.
These, l believe, are Mr.. Lincoln's opin-
,op. xhn ,f al IN ho
Territories, and concur in them. They
are no new inventions, made to suit the
exigencies of the hour, but have come down
to US, as the Declaration Of Independence
and the Constitution have, sanctioned by
the venerable authority Of the wise and
good men who established our institutions.
They are conformable to law, principle and
wise policy, and their utility is proven in
practice by the as yet unbroken current Of
our political history. They viii prevail,
not only because they are righ: in stem-
selves, but also because great and growing
majority Of the people believe them to be
right, and the sooner they ere allowed to
prevail in peace and harmony, the better
for all concerned, as well those who are
against them as those who are for them.
am aware that email partisans, in their
little warfare against opposing leaders, do
sometimes assail them by the tiick Of tear
ing from their contexts some particular
Objectionable phrases. penned, perhaps, in
the hurry of composition, or spoken in the
heat Of oral debate, and holding them up
to the public as the leading doctrines OF
the persons assailei and drawing from them
their own rncharitablc inferences. That
= - h Ia nd Aras =
of its weakness, for the salsitJ OF its logic
is not more aPparen. than she'injussice Of
iss design. No public man can sssnd that
ordeal, and, however wiling men may be
to see it applied to their stversaries, all
finch from the torture when applied to
themselves. In fact, the man who never
said foolish thing, will hardly be abls
to prove that he ever said many wise
ones. ..r...- ...----s ..4.
I consider Mr.. Lincoln sound, safe,
natl ional man. lie could not be sectionsl
il be tried. His birth, his education, the
habits Of his life, and his geographical
position, compel him to be national. All
his feelings and interests are Unidentified
with the great valley Of the Mississippi,
near whose center be has spent his whole
life. That Valley il not section, but,
ccD.picuously, the body Of the nation, and,
large as it is, It . not capable Of being d.
vided into sections, for the great river can-
not be divided. 1t is one snd indivisible,
and the North and the South are alike
necessary to its comfort and prosperity.
Its people, too, in al their interests and
affections, are As broad and general ~ tbs
region they inhabit. They are emigraots
mixed multitude, coming from ever
State 10 the Union, and from most countries
in Europe; they are unwilling therefore
to submi. to any one petty local s.sedard
They love the nation - whole, and the,
lore al It's parts, fer they are bound t.
them eli, not only By feeling Of common
interest and dependence, trt also BY th,
r.eollec.ions Of childhood snd youth, b.
blood and friendship, and BY oil those socia
and domestic charities which sveeten life
and make this World worth living in. Tb'
Valley i beginning to feel its power, and
win soon be- strong enough 10 dictate III
Law Of ths land. WheDever tbss ssats ol