Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1860-02-03

rations were hardly worthy of so noble an an
cestry! (Applause)
There is Mr.. Douglass version Of your history.
He despairs of converting you without sandering
your fathers. His present doctrines cannot thrive
unless planted in calumny on the past. He vim
dicate the signers of the Declaration of Independ-
eneel Indeed, they need it sadly. I see the IL
lustrious committee Of five rise from their graves,
at their head Thomas Jefferson his lips curled with
the smile of contempt, and hear him say to Mr..
Douglas, "Sir, you may abuse US as much as you
please, but have the goodness 10 spare us with
YOUR vindicatiOns of our character and motives"
(Great laughter and applause.)
1t is a common thing that men of a coarse cast
of mind so lose themselves in the mean pursuit of
selfish ends, as TO become insensible to the rand
and sublime. Measuring every character and
every event in history by the low standard oftheir
own individualities, applying to everything the
narrow rule of their own motives incapable Of
grasping broad and generous Ideas they will be-
little every great thing they cannot deny and drag
down every struggle Of principles to the sordid
arena of aspiring selfshuess or Of small compet-
ing interests. Eighteen hundred years ago, there
were men, who saw nothing in incipient Chris
tianity but 4 mere wrangle between Jewish theo-
Iogians got up by a clrpeLter's boy, and carried
on by a few crazy fishermen. Three hundred
years ago there men who saw in the great
reformatory movement of the 10th century not the
emancipation Of the individual conscience. but
fuss kicked up by a German monk, who
wanted to get married. Two hundred years ago
there were men who saw in Hamp1en's refusal TO
pay the ship-money not bold vindication Of con-
stitutonal liberty, but the crazy antics Of a man
who was mean enough to quarrel about few
shilings. And, now. there are men who see in
the Declaration of Independence and the Ameri-
can Revolution. not the reorganization IF human
society upon the basis Of Liberty and Equality,
but dodge Of some English colonists who were
unwilling to pay their taxes. Continued ep-
plause)
But the dignity of great characters and the glory
of great events find their vindicltion in the con-
sciences of the people. (Cheers) 1t is in vain
for demagoguism TO raise its short arms against
the truth of history The Declaration of Inde-
pendence stands there. No candi | man ever read
it without seeing and telling that every word of it
was dictated by deep and earnest thought. and
that every sentence of il bears the stamp Of phi
losophical generality. 1t is the summing up Of
the results Of the philosophical development Of
the re; it is the practical embodiment of the
progressive ideas, which, very far from bsing con-
fine to the narrow limits of the English colonies
pervaded the very atmosphere of all civilized
Countries Tn code Of hum rights has grown
tbs very summit Of civilization, not in the
miry soil Of a South Carolina cotton field. He
must have a dull mind or disordered brain, who
misun1erstands its principles; but he must have
the heart Of Uliqin, who knowing y misrepre-
sents them. cloud cheers)
r.
fed with this ignOminious exploit. But the ne
cessities of the popular sovereignty doctrine do
not stop there. After having tried to explain
away the fundamental principles underlying this
republic, which are hostile TO slavery and its ex-
tension, Nr. Douglas finds it exceedingly incon-
venient to en- Ounter facts which prove, beyond
doubt that these principles, from mere theoreti-
cal existence, rose to practical realization. PoPU-
lar sovereignty, which is at with the doctrines
Of the Declaration of Independence, demands the
slaughter Of the ordinance Of l7S7, and Mr.. Doug
las is up 10 the task He does not stop at trifes.
And here we must return to the Harper magazine
manifesto. He leads us through a century Of
colonial history in order TO show that the people
of the colonies claimed the right to legislate on
the subject Of slavery. And, remarkably enough
all the instances quoted show uniform tendency
adverse 70 the peculiar institution. Mr.. Douglas
then proceeds 20 discover the germs Of his pOpu-
lar sovereignty doctrine in the first congressional
legislation concerning the territories. / will not
undertake 70 criticise that singular historical
essay, although some of its statements such as
to make the freshmen Of our colleges smile. The
Statesman Douglas does not seem TO be aware
that the ability 10 read history ought to precede
the attempt to write it. Iaughter and cheers.)
He leads back TO the congress Of I7S4. Mr..
Jefferson and his colleagues have just executed the
deed OF cession Of the Northwestern territory and
the same Jefferson, as chairman Of committee
then submits "a plan for the temporary govern
ment Of the territories ceded to be ceded by the
individual states to the United States" Mr..
Douglas proceeds to describe bow the territorial
governments were 10 be organized, what rights
and powers were put into the hands Of the people,
and how they were to beexercsed: and after hay-
ing demonstrated that the term " new states'
meant the same thing which is now designated by
" territories ne comes 70 the conclusion that the
spirit pervadng that plan was in exact eonspnauce
with his doctrine Of popular sovereignty" Mr..
Douglas ostentat6usly calls this .'the Jee-sonian
plan" '' 1t was, saws he, ''tho first plan Of gov
ernment for the territories ever adopted in the
United States. Il was drawn by the author of
the Declaration of Independents. and revised and
adopted by those who shaped the issues which pro-
duced the Revolution and formed the foundations
upon which cur whole system of-American gov
ernment rests But Mr.. Douglas Skips rather
nimblY over the significant fact, that the same
d" author of the Declaration Of independence IpUt
into that plan provso, srcladRg slIvsry from re
territories. Vas that mere accident Mr.. Jet-
fersOn showed thereby conclusively that in his o.
pinion, the exclusion Of slavery by congressional
legislation was by no means inconsistent with the
spirit of popular sovereignty which Mr. Doug
las di scOvers in the plan OF l1S4; but this does
not disturb Mr.. Douglas "The fifth article
says he, ''relating to the prohibition Of slavery,
having been rejected bv Congress never became a
part of the Jefersonian plan Of government for
the territories, as adopted April Esd. l7S4' Al
though with large numerical majority in its IA
vor (l6 TO ~ this article did indeed fail to OBJ
tain constitutional majority, the vote Of New
Jersey not being counted in consequence Of there
being but one delegate from that state present;
yet it had been drawn up by Mr.. Jefersoa, intro
duced by Mr.. jefferson, and sustained by Mr. JEFF
ferson's vote. Nevertheless, Mr. Douglas persists
in calling plan from WlIch The Deculiar JeferSoB-
ian fsdtltrs had been struck ont, the "Jgfcrsouiau
plan" This is the play Of Hamlet with the char
acter of Hamlet omitted. (Laughter) "This
IL
its fundamental conditions which were unalterab'. d.
without the joint consent of the people int ,es,sd
in them, ell of the United States. -,e, stood
upon the statute book unrepealed nd irre1aaI,ble
when on the l+th day Of Nv. I787 The federal
convention met at Ph;'.adelpbia.1 Does Mr.
douglas not know Tat on the 10th of March, 1855
proposition w.s introduced in Congress by Ru-
fus hlng, 20 exclude slavery from the state des.
crioed IN the resolve of April 23d, 1884, and TO
mske this provision part of the compact establish
ed oy that resolve Does he not know that this
provision restoring the efersonian feature the
"Jefersonian plan," was committed by the vote
OF eight states against FOUR Does he not know
that the plan of 1884 never went into practical
operation, but was expressly set aside by Congress
in l7s7? Does he not know that the ordinance
of 1S7 the first legislative act ever practical
ly organizing territory of the United states, and
that one of its most prominent features was he
proviso excluding slavery from all the territories
Mr.. Douglass historical recoIIections of the
ordinance of 1887, seem TO be very indistinct. In
deed, he deems 1t only worthy Of an occasional
passing, almost contemptuous notice. He spesks
of as the ordinance of the 18th of July, I7s7,
which was passed by the remnant of the Gonoress
OF the confederation, sitting in New York. Wills
Its most eminent members were at Philadelphia,
as delegates to the federal convention" For three
quarters of century people were in the habit of
thinking that the ordinance of I7s- 80. -. :. r
the highest order of Importance, but we now lsarn
that 1t was rather indifferent affair, passed on
an indifferent OCCASION by an exceedingly indifer
ent set of fellows, while the plan of 1854. mere
quent legislation, is represented as tba tr'e Ior
Of the age How is this? The reason is obvious.
Mr.. Douglas belongs to that class of historians
who dwell upon those facts which suit their con-
venienee, and uneeremoniously drop the res.
once heard Of a Jesuit college where tbe- -
textbook Of history, in which the French revo1u-
tion was never mentioned. while ,ba Frsro-o- |