The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-10-31
which are not already nominated in the very
| letter of the hond


similar revolutions of opinion, are not uncom-
mon. Individuals often change their mos
matured opinions, and why may not entire
nations, which are but the aggregates of indi-
viduals? It il familiar fact, that New Eng
land was once strongly opposed TO protec-
tive tariff, and partly from motives of interest
and partly, it would be illiberal to deny, from
honest conviction, without reference to inter-
ests, the people Of these States at this time as
strongly oppose the policy Of free trade, So,
too, until within comparatively recent period,
there were but few persons at the South who
defended negro slavery as right and proper in
ITSELF independent Of the mode and circum-
stances of its introduction, yet, at this time, it
would be difficult to find Southern man
who even doubts the proposition. The most
memorable example Of change OF general opin-
ions, recorded in history, was perhaps, the
| great Catholic reaction in the sixteenth CEN
tury against Professionalism, when the ancient
faith, in few years, regained all its losses,
/ and has since maintained its ground in SaXo-
ny, Bohemia, Hungary, Austria, Belgium, Po-
land, and in parts of Switzerland. Certainly
the anti-savery sentiment has made no deeper
impression upon the people Of the North than
that produced in the countries mentioned, by
the great religious feud which grew out Of the
Reformation. Abolition animosity in the one
is not now more intense than hostility to the
Romish faith was in the other. Antagonist
between Northern and Southern political creeds
is not at this day more sharply defined than
the odium Aeologicuna between the rival Sec
tons of that period If differences so funda-
mental were reconcied then, it may not be too
much to hope that some permanent adj ust-
ment Of our sectional difficulties may now or
hereafter be made.
But supposing (and It is unspeal1ably pain
full to make such supposition) that no change
in the purposes or policy of the North shall
take place, and that the South shall be driven
to the last resort, we will now proceed to con-
slider, as a necessary but unpleasant part of
our subject, some of the leading objections to
a dissolution Ofthe Union.
l. The first objection made is, that tie seces-
sion of the Southern States 11ouH inevitably
produce eimE aoar. We do not think that this
would necessarily be the case, if all the South
ern or slaveholding States should secede in a
body. 1t is not at all likely, in view of the
manifest and fragrant injustice of such an act,
as well as its probable failure of success, that
the North would attempt to coerce fifteen
sovereign States to remain in the Union from
which they had deliberately withdrawn, be-
cause, in their opinion, it had failed to admin
ister equal and exact justice, because it had
failed to ENSURE domestic tranquility" and
because it had failed to "provIde for their de-
fence, and to promote their welfare" If, how
ever, secession should produce war, war is not
the only, nor is it the greatest evil to which a
people can be subjected. War is preferable to
dishonor; it is preferable to tame submission
to injustice for which there is no peaceful
remedy; it is even preferable to a perpetual
sense of insecurity Besidss, all nations have
had civil wars, and we have no right to expect
| exemption from the common lot. The Greeks
| the Romans, and the Hebrews, had civil wars;
England, France, Italy, Germany, and SPAIN
have not escaped them. Our own Revolution
was but successful civil war. 1t seems to
be- in the order of Divine Providence, that lib
erty can only be won and maintained at the
costly sacrifice of human life. No great political
reform has ever been achieved except by the
baptism of blood. Each successive step in
| the enlranchisement of the Roman pEebs, was
gained from their own countrymen at the
point of the spear and the edge of the sword.
| They conquered, one by one, by threats, by
secessions, and by force of arms. their right to
be elected to each of the great dignities of the
commonwealth, and, at last the right of inter-
marriage into the patrician order. So, too, by
the hard-fought battles of the Social war, the
Italian confederate States gained admission
to the privileges of Roman citizenship. Magma
| Charta was wrested with the armed hand, by
| rebellious barons, from a reluctant king, at
I Runnymede The Petition of Rights, Habeas
| Corpus, Religious Liberty, Liberty Of the
| Press, and the great principles embodied in
the Declaration Of Rights and the Act of Set
Element, were the direct fruits of the Great
Rebellion and the English Revolution of 1858.
Civil wars, although unquestionably evils arc
not therefore unmixed evils They are some
times agencies in the hands of Providence for
the accomplishment of important ends, and
while we deplore their occurrence, we must
often accept them as the appointed means of
deliverance from wrongs, from tyranny, and
| from injustice.
2. The next objection to secession is, that an
case of toar, the South t0OUH be suLiugated
The Northern people are Of the same race,
have equal courage, and perhaps more per-
sistence, than the Southern. Besides this
| they are much stronger in numbers, have on
hand larger supplies or munitions of war and
of improved patterns of firearms, and possess
better and more numerous establishments for
their manufacture. In such q contest, the
North would also have the sympathy of the
world to greater extent than the South, for
the latter would be regarded as engaged in a
war to uphold the institution of negro slavery,
which, in the present condition of the Euro
pean mind, unfortunately, would cast odium
upon her cause. These are important advan-
tages, certainly, and we have made the strong
est statement of them. On the other hand, it
must be remembered, that if war does take
place, it will be war of invasion and aggres-
sion upon the South by the North, and not
the reverse. The South will be in the midst
Of her resources, and the North distant from
hers. The former would have more at stake.
and consequently would fight with more de-
termned spirit for it would be a war for her
affairs and her fresides History teens with |
examples of smaller armies conquering larger |
Ones and instances are more numerous still |
OF smaller nations successfully resisting more |
populous ones. The victories at Trebia, at |
Thrasymenus, and Gamma, were won by Han |
nibal over disciplined forces greatly superior
IN numbers to his own. The Teutones and
the Cimbri rude Germanic tribes, for thirteen
years defied all the power Of Rome, and slaugh-
tered in succession the well appointed armies
sent to subdue them. The great victory of
Armenius, a barbarian chief, over the consular
egions of Quinctillius Varus, it the reign of
Augustus, forced back the boundaries of the
Roman empire to the Rhine where they re-
NAMED ever afterward. Scotland for centu-
les resisted the power of England, and never
was subdued. The American colonies, COM
weak and feeble, threw off the au-
hority of Great Britain, and by force oE arms
chieved an independent nationality. With
hese, and countless other examples before
Ter, we think the South has but little to fear ,
rom any invasion rom the North for her sub. !
ugation. :
In addition to the considerations we have .
we may say, without disparage- 5
aent, that the Southern are more military Q
eople than the Northern. From their mode Is
t life, and the habits Of Southern society, e
hey are more skilful in the use ofarms, and 8
ur history shows that they have more apti- s
ude and genius for war Every Southerner, r
ON boyhood, is accustomed to the gun and I,
ne saddle. Thousands of Northern men, n
orn and reared in cities, have never discharged !,
pistol nor mounted horse. Washington, "
ackson, Harrison, Scott, Taylor, Twiggs, b
iley, Harvey, and Lane, were Of Southern
nth, and, in fact, the largest number of the n
reat generals who have reflected lustre upon Il
merican aims, in the war of the Revolution, A,
lie war of 1872, and the war with Mexico | N
We have left out of view the presence of Of
gro slavery in the South, which the North | 4;
CARDS IS an element of weakness On the | M
ntrary, we think it an element of strength. 4,
/ case of war, a considerable proportion Of m
e population Of any country must remain Al
home to cultivate the soil and carry ON the err
binary business of life At the South, in tn
e districts remote from the scene OF hostili an
IS, the negroes would remain on the planta- co
,ns engaged in their usual occupations, and M
larger part Of the white population could al
US be furnished for active military duty an
lese negroes could be placed under charge ad
the old men and half-grown boys, and m
ere would scarcely be more danger of their EN-
volt, than Of rebellion of the horses or the Al
en- they drive. But, in case they should
come infected with the spirit of insubordi- IN
ton, it would be impossible. even under the N,
binary plantation patrol, for them to estab- wi
communications with each other, and Nc
~ could not, therefore, combine in any ma
neral movement oil instruction. Besides, hol
w have no leaders canabIe of orran and -