New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-02-02


Douglass Morrison pill for suppressing agitation
1t will work powerfully, no doubt, as his famou
remedy, the Kansas Nebraska BILL did in 1854; Blu
that it viii cure the evil complained Of, we suppos
,ohon,.v now believes. The country has had enoug
| of DR.. Douglas Lei Us look elsewhere. A learue
,,,ech arises in the East It is DR.. George s. Hill
lard ,>f Boston DR.. IIillard's remedy Ia developed
IN a spee,,b Which, he delivered in Brighton, Massa
cbu,etts. A ftw nights ago. His advice is to stol
talking an6 writing nd thinking about Slavery
These are bis words. "S'upposs we agree to drol
" the subject of Slavery and cOnine our discussion
" to topics in which we have common INTEREST,"
That is, discuss only those quest.'ns on Which w
are agreed, and which it is therefore Impossible u
discuss IT. when Congress meets, he member
find themselves at loggerheads the subject Oh or
| ganizing Territory, or managing an lndia.' var
or framing Tariff bill or Homestead bill, "droP
Z" the subject" forthwith, and take up something
less exciting, the comparative merits of Macaulay
and Hume or Napoleon and Wellington, the au'
thorship of "Junius," or that question discussed
for nineteen successive nights in the Society of Fra
ternal Demosthenesns in presence of the beauty
and fashion OF Owlhollow -Four Corners not one of
the disputants losing his temper using m uDpar-
liamentary word during the whole time-"Is Green
leland as cold as Cuba is hot?"
We have as little faith in this remedy as in DIR.
Douglass; still less indeed. II is imposstis for
Douglass plan to succeed; it is impossible for Hill
lard's to be even tried. No statesman, no man of
sense, wbsther statesman or not, whatever his opfr
ions may be on the question Of Slavery, whether Ne
be emancipatOnis or eItentionst believes that it IL
possible to 1ut the question ont of sight and hear
ing. Perhaps it will de- no good to talk aboutitT
but people cannot and VIII mt refrain from talking
about it. Andtha is all there Is about that Mr.
Hilard himself has no confdencs in his own PLAN
For he says, in another place.:
"The duties CT the two sessions Of the country are
perfectly plain. The States of the North must repeal
The statutes which repeal the Fugitive Save law, or
throw obstacles in he way of its execution. The South
must put down all attempts TO reopen sae slave trade
and quiet apprehensions on this heaa. They must
also cease to get up ss mp o @vowsd
PURPOSE of extending the area Of Slavery. They mist
not ask Congress for laws to protect SsJery IN the
Territories"
How all this is to be done by "dFoppFag the SUBJ
"ject of Slavery and talking about other matters,
We do not exactly see. 1t strikes that the repeal
of the various Personal Liberty bla which haye been
enacted would be matter of Discussion at the very
outset in the State Legislatures at the Nc~tb, and
the putting down illibustering expeditions and
slaye-trading expeditions would beapt to create
differences of opinion at the SOUTH And, from
present appearances, the South is in no temper TO
pat down fllibusters and slave traders, and the
North in no temper To- repeal its Personal Liberty
bills. Mr.. Hillard's remedy is in short, humbug,
and good for nothing He means WEI we deFe say,
but his prescription is vaueless. If he has nothing
better to propose, he hsd better follow his Own ad
rice, and % drop the subject"
Dir Hillard, in the eOurse of his speech, quotes
from a communication in The N. y. Times, = para
arauh which he thinks, gives - true statesent of
=" the temper of the South" Tho writer Of this
communication, who. Processes to be Georgian,
says, substantially, that no sensible man at the
South has the slightest idea of carrying Slavery into
the Territories. The South has 10 slaves to spare,
and higher law than legislators can enact forbids
them to undertake zach an enteroris Blu. the at
tempt to exclude them is a wanton indgnity, which
the South must resist and will resist. 1t $50 point
of honor merely This view always gives great sat
isfaction to the. men Of Mr. Hillards class, the
"optimsts and luietists," as Mr. Webster called
them before Ae joined them about ten years ago.
Some moderate Southern man, like Mr.. RNes oc-
casionally writes to Mr. Winthrop or Mr.. Everett
to the same effect; and Mr. Winthrop and Mr..
Everett writs back that they very glad to hear
it. and whs. n pity it is thas the North cannot be
made to understand how reasonable the South is.
But the n nth s such is not he state of public opn-
ion at tha South. 1t is perfect answer to this
nonsensote refer to the repsal of the MISSOURI Com,
promise and the attempts 70 force Slavery into KAN
sas. III the South merely stands upon its point Of
honor, how happens it hat for tbirtg,fOur yeags,
from $50 to 1854 it er asked for arepeal Of the
Missouri restriction And how happens it also,
that having got that restriction removed, il used
the whole power of the Pierce Administration and
tina Buchanan ADMINISTRATION fos four years, Or
gained immigration parties in the Slave States,
and even carried war into Kansas for the purpose OF
doing what they ought to know could not be dOnei
How happens it also we ask that Douglas rs eneOar-
aged to hope for Southern support by his proposition
to make it penitentiary Oense hereafter to organ
ize Emigrant Societies. Wskow Of no way to as
certain public opinion at the South, except through
its presses is political coS7entons, its Legislatures
and its mobs. These all speak ore voice, and it il
very different voice frsm that which Mr. Hilard
thinks he hears. o.
We soy to Mr.. Halard that he has mistaken bis
remedy. Something like it was tried in the year
1854, In that year. Mr.. Webster changed his
course and from being M Ant Slavery agitator