Clarksville chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1857-1865, 1860-08-17


ton out of the hands Of the Territorial Legislaturc
II shall pass laws for the protection Of special prop
erty laws that are to apply only in our Territories
This dispute relates entirely TO territorial slavery
and TO territorial remedies. Does II occur to YOU
that under the existing circumstances, it makes
much difference practically whether Congress shall
leave il to the Legislature7 In Congress- this s.s-
SIGN, where We passed resolutions arowing our
mere power over slavery, II was asked is It neces-
sary now for Congress to Interfere? There was no
case calling for the interference of such power by
special legislation. No Senator would take upon
himself the responsibility of proposing any such
case, except one, believe who veuured to say he
thought there was OCCASION Southern Senators
agreed that there was no cause now existing upon
which they would advise legislation; and yet we
are quorrelliHg about the degree of power which is
to be Exercised by Congress with respect to the
case that may arise In some future Territory. None
is anticipated in any Territory which we now have
to fill. To make it practical question: you have
to suppose future Territory of character 10 at
tract slavery; that there shall be an emigration of
SHAREHOLDERS to it that the Territorial Legssturo
which assumes TO deal with property has committed
a fragrant outrage; aud that the individual has
called upon Congress. These contingencies must
all continue aud then and then only do these learn
ed aud fierce dspuants insist upon the exercise Of
power by Congress We have no Territory where
such question can arise. We have not now a sin
gle piece of Territory which slavery would go If
it were invited. Why then, dispute abouta possi-
bility that will probably never arise. They are so
impatient with having nothing to do that they fall
to quarrelng about what lies in dim futurity, and
by speculation raise up in spirit Of discord pos
siblc question which may occur twenty, fifty, Or q
hundred years hence, or that may never occur
They remind me of story once heard: Two
Italians were walking out together on bright mid
summer night. One looked up TO the heavens
wit inp hla ctar nd n
that had n farm as spacious as the heavens. That
would be an estate worth having" His companion |
exclaimed, go, that had herd as numerous as
the stars above" "we,p said the other, ain the |
name of heaven what would you do with such an
enormous herd 2" "Why," said he 81 would turn
would aye" sneered the other. "Yes what else
could do with them2" Upon that they quarrell- |
ed and fought for an hour (Grcat laughter. y
Now II does seem to me that about to make |
out just such a moonshne sort of case, (Contin-
ued laughter.)
But it is said Mr.. Lincoln's election will consum-
mate dissolution of the Unon--that he will not
be permitted to take his seat How is that7 If
man is elected to the Legislature by majority of
the people in fair and legal way, though You vo-
ted against him, won't you say he is entitled TO his
seat? Would yon not consider the power very ar
bitrary that would undertake to keep him out Of
his Office? You have n right to elect him or any
President of the United States, shall minority Of
the people start up and say, eve will make revo-
luton; this man shall not be President Of the Uni
ted States we will by force of arms resist it and
drive him out2" Is not that destruction Of all
government The majority must Of necessity rule
in all republics and If you do not like the law Of
the majority, set aside all free government and go
to some place where you will have elections,
where hereditary rulers shall take the place of your
elective government. Who will say that if Mr..
Lincoln or anybody else is consutionally elected to
the Chief Magistracy he shall not take his scat p
Have we come to this? If So let us change the
whole government, and let the minority rule, tho
even then would not the majority object to the
election of n man by the minority?
The Constitution provided that the term Of the
President should be comparatively short-four years
thinking that now and then dangerous man
might be elected but that he could not with all the
the guards that Congress set up around in the short
spece of four years, do much to undermine and de-
stroy the liberties of the people Shall we now in
troduce the principle of anarchy, and say the man
elected who does not please us the minority shall
not take his seat2 Would not there be time, when
he misgoverns, to call him to account according to
the constitutional form provided for such cases2
1t is upon great prncipl that governments de.
pend and these great pr Jules must bear relation
ship to you. They must be recognized or you have |
no government at all-nothing but anarchy.
II you expect our government to be perfect and
gue on without disturbance, you VIII be deceived.
You must expect occasionally 10 have your mal-ad- |
m nstratiors and bad government. But if this gov
ernment in The main advances your social condi- |
tions secures your peace, adds to your greatness,
it is good government; and especially, above all
things if 1t shall preserve your liberties and your
rights, il is government worthy Of your support
and protection. (Applause.) nnf
| Now, my fellow -ctizens owe my thanks for
your attention to my desultory remarks. And You;
ladies, am glad tosee mingle in counsel, and, while
securing order and decsrum by your presence, add
the purity of sentiment which lovely woman must
ever inspire. applause If you cannot be Pres
idents, your sons and your brothers be- and, at
last, whether in office or out of Office you governus
all. Great applause.
| have only TO say once more gentlemen, that you
have but simple task to perform. Yet il is a task
for men. 1t isa task which requires courage which
requires independence. II is TO take care of the
Union, Of the Constitution, and the Laws Take
Of these and be assured they viii take care Of
you. Your safety lies in the performance Of that
one little act.
/ I