, 1860-08-08
CARL SCHURZ'S SPEECH
st. Louis, August I. 1860.
The 1rrepressible Conflict and tho DIG
solution Of the Union.

solution Of the Union.
Mr. Prudent and Gfntt<mtn TO deny the
existence Of an eyil they do not mean to Ieme-
dy. to ascribe to ralt"y causes the origin Of
Ereat problems they do not mean to solve, to
charge those, who define the nnture Of an exist.
ing difficulty, with having originated is-these
are e1pedients which the opponents Of refor-
matory movements hare resorted to since
mankind has history. An appeal to ignorance
or timidity is their last hope, VIII 4 all re-
SOURCES Of logic and argument arc exhaust.
ed. The old comedy il repeated again and
again.
Tbs assertions, that the great contest be.
tween free and slave labor has no foundation in
fact. that the origin Of the slavery controversy
is to be found in ite fauatcism Of a few North
ern Aboll,ionists, and lhat those who speak of
an "irreuressibte conflict" are to be made re-
sponsible for its e1istence-these form the ar
gumenta.iye staple Of those who possess either
not sagaeity enough to discern, or not courage
enough TO state facts Us they are.
In Investigating the causes ofthe great strug-
gle which has for years kept the minds Of tue
psop1e in constant uneasiness and excitement.
l shall endeavor to act with the most perfect
fairness. 1thall not indulge in any denuncia-
tions. shall impeach the motives of no one
shall not appeal to prejudice or passion. l in
vl:e yeu to pass in review the actual state Of
things with calmness and impartia!ity.
1t Is one ot the best traits Of human nature.
that NE form our frat opinions on matters Of
general interest frnm our innate sense Of rivht
and wrong. Our moral Impressions, the dc
tates Of our consc'ences, the generous impulses
Of our hearts, nre the sources from which our
interest, and our natural inclinations to acaui.
esce in that which il, whether right or wrong,
that ris intrtie which has brought 80 mucb suf'
feflng upon humanity, ure apt to overrate The
nat'ye Instincts Of our moral nature. They are
slcklied over By the pale cast Of calculation
the freshness Of their lnpellinz powers is lost
aud questions essentially moral are inpcrcenti.
bly, changed into questions Of material interest.
rasional economy or political power
The people ct the South tave evidently
gone through that process in regard to the
institution Of slavery; they have become
accustomed to identify its existence with the
existence ot Southern society, while even a
rather inclined to silence their moral oh;sc.
tlona to it, and to ac9uiesce, until its imusd;.
ate interference with matters Of general interest
gave Few impulse to their native untpathy.
Although nm not ashamed to con.
tess, that the moral merits Of the question alone
would hare been more than sufficient to make
me IN anti. slavery man, jet will cortine nv
self 10 discussion Of its practical effects. ia
order to make myself inte1li2ible even to those
who do not sympathise with me. This il The
first time that have had the honor to addrcss
meeting III slave State, and eEen row owe
the privilege OF expressing my opinions freely
ana without restraint to the circumstance that,
although IN slave State, | stand upon the soil
Of free city, and under the generous protec
tlon ot tree men. Applause. Must call 'sa
prsrifege" what ought 10 beuniversaly respected
as the sacred birthrieht Of every American cit
,zen? Ask any Shareholder who mar be present
~ this vast assembly whether he does net deem
1t wrong und upjusiifable that I. m anti.savery
man, should be permitted to give a public er
preston Of mv views in slave State? whether
he would not be in favor Of si|encipg ME by
whatever mears within his reach? whether /
would not be silenced at once in a stropc slare
holding community? do not mean to blame
hrm Tor it. Let US givc him fur hearing.
me slaveholter will state his political views
substantially as follows: "on point Of fastron-
omy, OF chemistry. or medicine, you may enter
tam and express whatever opinion you please:
put we cannot permit you to discuss the relation
between master and servant, as it exists here in
the slave States, tor in doing so YOU would
rndhngeE our system aud undermine our social
system. Our condition is such that the slight
est movement Of insubordination once stnrted
is apt to grow with uncomfortable rapidity ~
nave. therefore, to guard against eyerytliug
lnas may start It; we cannot allow free discus.
slou OF the subject; we hare ia remove from
cur midst every iuceudiary element; we cam
not be expected to tolerate opinions or persons
among us that are opposed to the ruling order
OF things. Whenever mischieyous attempt is
made, we are obliged tn repress it with such
energy and severity as to strike terror into the
hearts OF those " ho might be capable Of repeat.
lng the attempt Our condition requires the
pronptest actlon. and If, IN cases Of Imminent
danger, the regular process Of the courts is too
slow or uncertain, we are Obliged to resort to
l5nch Jaw IN order to supply its deficiencies.
3hfA1FPf. int a1 1aF.$p
toms Of government to the peculiar wuuts Of
our soclal organization. In order to be safe.
We must entrust the government, in its oene
raj administration, well it's details, to hoee
who, by their own interests, aEe bound to be
the natural guardians Of the SYSTEM Hence
our ea'sty requires that tie political power in
our States should rot be put into the hands Of
Shareholders; and where We hare no law to
that elect, custom upho!ds the rule,
In order TO put the political ascendencv
OF those who are most interested in ths pres.
erFstion of slavery upon solid basis, we must
Put Put down anything that would produce and
foster independent aspirations amooR the other
classes Of society. 1t would not only be H.
sane to educate the slaves, but highly danger
Gus to extend to the great mass Of poor:w6ite
non.slayeholders the means Of education. fir
in doing so we might raise Gu element to iuf]u.
enee ana power whose interests are not identi-
cal with those Of the Shareholder. This il our
policy Of self preservation, and We are bound
to euforce it."
Sir, mean to be just to the slavel,o,aers.
and strange as 1t may sound, a. to the proprie.
y OF their policy, / agree with them. Having
identified their social existence with tha exis,
te9ce OF slavery, they cannot act otherwise.
that slavery is au inAammable element.
stray spark Of thought or hope may cause
terrible contlaeration. The torch Of free snsech
ana press, which gives light to the house Of
!toertF, ls very apt to set on tire the house of
k'asery: What IS more natural than that The
toreh ehoala ne ext1ngu'shed, where there is
such an abundance Of c1plosiEe materia12
1t true, that in q slaveho1diuz commun,v
the strietest subor1ination must be enforced
that the maintenance Of established order re'
qulfes lie most rigorous pregentntiye and re-.
pressive measures, which will not always nj.
low Of strict observance of the rules Of lpcal
process; it is equally true that the making and
t1e execution OF tue laws can be safely en,rust-
ed only TO those who, By their position. are
bound to the ruling interest; true that popular
education IS dangerous to the exclusive rufe Of
an exclusive c!ass; true that u1-u must be kent
stupid IN order to be kept obedient. Whst is
more consistent, therefore, than that tunda-
mental Liberties should be disregarded when
ever they berome dangerous; that the safe.
guards Of human rights in the administration
Of Justice. should be set aside whenyer the en1.
erGency calls fer prompt and energetic ar
tion; that the mnsses should be left un.ducat,
ed, in order to give the klaseholding oIiearchv
an uDdisputed sway! IN one word, that lie
rights, the liberties and the security Of the in.
consideration Of the safety OF the ruling in.
terest? All this is true; aud accepting the
premises, all these necessilies exist. iou seem
startled at this proportion, and ask. "what IA
the institution that demands for its protection
such measures" The ssave States are by no
means Original in this respect. Look al the
Kingdom Of Naples, where the ruling power il
governed BY similar exclusive interests, and
acts on the same instinct of selfpreserrations
does it not resort to the same means?
fou tell me that the principles underlying
our system OF government are very different
from those Of th" kingdom of Naples, ard that
the means Of protection spoke OF run contra-
" to the spirit Of our institutions. Indeed. So
It seems 10 BE- What does that prove? Simply
this: That q socia. institution LcAic4 is IN nn.
sd2oaisn. NTH th< Friee;q!ss Of dfnccrot;c 0or.
fra'aeat, ea1H'f u maiataiatd and prottett1 6y
mem uhieh are in accordance tciM Mo4e min
eip!es and On the otter Aand, hat sociaz ias!i
are IN accordance :oith The Democratic priuc;pks
Of our gcrtrnntnt, must tssenticlly, 5< n an
tayonisnn to those priaapI1f. II srortt that Tie
ptopte in the sldr<holdiag Stdtes, although p5e-
teadi"g to 1f 1,<<.n, a,f 1y The 'fe*t'itit. aris-
( fApplause.] Tint is all.
But I'm told that the s1are States arc soy-
erefsn, and may. shape and govern their home |
concerns according to their IN notions. subject
only to the Constitution Of the United States, |
Granted. But the necessities Of slavery do not
stop there. The alare States are members Of
federal family, and as the King OF Naples in |
his foreign policy is governed bY bis peculiar
50 is the policy Of the slave States in
our feaeral affairs governed By their peculiar
hear much said Of the aggressive spirit of /
the slave power, but am al1sost inclined 10 ac-
quit it Of that charge for all Its apparently ag-