The Evansville daily journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1848-1862, 1860-06-11


sition to it. The new President, too, seizes
the early occasion of the Silliman letter to
indorse and strongly construe that decision,
and to express his astonishment that any
different Uiedc had eUer been entertdjnedi
"At length asquabble springs up between
the President and the author Of the Nebras-
ka bill, on the mere question Of fact, wheth-
er the Lecompton Constitution was or was
not in any just sense, made by the people
of Kansas; and in that quarrel the latter
declares that all he wants is fair vote for
the people, and that he cares not whether
slavery be voted dozen or voted up. That
principle is the only shred left of his origin
al Nebraska doctrine. Under the bred Scott
decision, 'squatter sovereignty squatted
out of existence, tumbled down like tempo
rary scaffolding-lke mould at the foundry,
served through one blast and fell back into
loose sand-helped to carry an election, and
then was kicked to the winds.
The several points of the bred Scott de-
cision, in connection with Senator Douglass
scare not policy, constitute the piece of
machinery, in its present state of advance
ment. This was the third point gained
The working points of that machinery are
First, That no negro slave, imported az
such from Africa, and no descendant of such
slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in
the sense of that term as used in the Con-
stitution of the United States a
Secondly That Subject to the Constitu-
ton of the United States, neither Congress
nor Territorial Legislature can exclude
slavery from any United States territory
This point is made in order that individual
men may fill up the Territories with slaves,
without danger of losing them as property
and thus enhance the chances Of pernlaReaey
n IL III u ~,
"Thirdly, That whether the holding a ne
gro in actual slavery in a free State makes
him free, as against the holder the nited
States courts viii not decide, but will leave
to be decided by the courts of any slave
State, the negro may he forced into by the
master. This point is made, not to be press
ed Immediately, but, if acquiesced in for
awhile, and apparently iHdorSed By tile peo-
pie at an election, then to sustain the logical
conclusion that what bred SCOTS master
might lawfully do with bred Scott, in the
! free State of Illinois, every other master
may lawfully do with any other one, or one
thousand slaves, in Illinois or in any other
! free State.
Auxiliary to all this, and working hand
in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine, or
what is left of it, is to educate and mould
public opinion at least Northern public
I
Go,0n or Voted up. This shows exactly
where we now are; and partially, also,
whittier we are tending. -
" 1t will throw additional light on the lat
ter, to go back, and run the mind over the
string of historical facts already stated
| Several things will now appear less dark and
/ mysterious than they did when they were
| transporting. The people were to be left
! perfectly free subject only 10 the Con-
stitution." What the Constitution had to
| do with it, outsiders could not then SEE
| Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted
niche, for the bred Scott decision TO after
ward come in, and declare the perfect free
dom Of the people to be Just no freedom at
all. Why was the amendment, expressly
declaring the right of the people, voted
down? Plainly enough now the adoption
of it would have spoiled the niche for the
bred Scott decision. Why was the court
decision held up? Why even a Senator'S
individual opinion withheld, till after the
| Presidential election Plainly enough now:
the speaking out then would have damaged
the perfectly free argument upon WAich the
| election lcaS 10 be carried Why the outgo-
ing Presidents felicitation on the indorse-
ment? Why the delay of a re-argument?
| Why the incoming Presidents aRt,ance en-
hortation in favor of the decision? These
things look like the cautious patting and
petting of spirited horse preparatory to
mounting him, when it is dreaded that he
may give the rider a fall. And why the
hasty Reimbursement of the decision 10y
the President and others?
awe cannot absolutely know that all these
exact adaptations are the result of precon-
cert. But when we see lot Of framed tim
bers different portions of which we know
have been gotten out at different times and
places and by different NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS.,
| Franklin, Roger and James, for instance
and when we see these timbers Joined to-
gether, and see they exactly make the frame
of q house or a mill, all the lemons and
mortires exactly fitting, and all the lengths
and proportions of the different pieces ex-
| actly adapted to their respective places, and
not piece too many or too few-uot omit
ting even scaffolding-or, if n single piece
be lacking, we see the place in the frame
exactly fitted and prepared yet TO BRING such
piece in-in such a case, we find it inpos-
sible not TO believe that Stephen and Frank
lin and Roger and James 'all understood
one another from the beginning, and all
worked upon q common plan or draft drawn
up before the first blow was struck.
g 1t should not.be overlooked that by the
Nebraska Bill the people of a State as well
as Territory were to be left perfectly
free, subject only TO the Constitution
Why mention a State? They were legisla-
ting for Territories, and not for or about
States Why are the people of q Territory
and the people of q State therein Jumped
together, and their relative to the Constitu-
ton therein treated as being precisely tie
same? While the opinion f-the Court by
Chief Justice fancy in the bred Scott case
and the seperate opinions of all the cou-
curing Judges, expressly declare that the
A Constitution of the United States neither
Eperrnits Congress nor Territorial legisa-
ture to exclude slavery from any United
States Territory, they all omit TO decLarc
whether or.not the same Constitution per-
mits State, or the people of State, to
exclude it. 80 -F--- 1888.
'sSuch discussion is ali that slavery.
-l.1.Ic- Of hninoc crLLe LtzrLLL IN III IL