Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1860-03-26
HON. EDWARD BATES.


between the two great parties that divide the
country. In Missouri, Mr.. Bates has been
proposed for the presidency, first by caucus
of the opposition members in the legislature,
next by a state convention Of the opposition
party, and then by the republican state con-
vention. 1t was felt, however, by the republi
cans, that their action would be misunderstood
if they could not get from him statement OF
his views on the political questions now before
the country and this letter was written IN re-
ply to questions propounded to him by Mr.
Foy of the St Louis Democrat, DR.. Bernays
of the Anzeiger DIES Westens, and other gen.
tlemen. 1t will be seen that his replies are
explicit and directly to the point and also,
that there is in them tone of sincerity which
shows that he means what he says.
Mr.. Bates has written a good letter. But it
does not follow that he must become the re.
publican candidate for the presidency. Our
candidate should be, not only republican in
principle, but also a man OF great ability,
great wisdom, strong character, and thorough
ly versed in public affairs in word he should
be a man, who, in the Office of president, will
be 'master of the situation" The first repub-
lican president will not find his office sinecure.
When party is fully established in power,
amiabe, easy-going men, who are seryicible
without being very strong, and judicious with
out having much force, may not fail seriously in
attempting to discharge the duties of impor-
tant offices. But, the first republican presi-
laO iS m
ton from the defeated slavery extremists and
their abettors, and whose duty will be to es-
tablsh republican principles in control of the
government, should not be man of that sort.
Our party is rich in men of first rate ability.
There will be no difficulty in finding such
man as we need.
1t is satisfaction to know that the party
will not allow its platform to be set aside in
the nomination, and that 10 man is talked of for
nomination, who is not cordially in sympathy
with our principles. Mr.. Bates letter is as fol-
lows -
Gentlemen With pleasure l will answer
your questions. Before doing so, allow ME to
glance at the peculiar circumstances in which
l am placed, and the strangeness of the fact
that l, mere private man, am called upon to
make avowals and explanations with any view
to take me from the shades of private life and
place me at the head of the nation. | came to
this frontier in my youth, and settled in St.
Louis when it was a mere village. All my
manhood hes been spent in Missouri and,
during all the time, | have followed profess
sion which left my character and conduct
open to the observation of society and, while
it has been my constant habit freely to express
my opinion of public measures and public
men, the people of Missouri, OF all parties, will
bear me witness that have never obtrusiyely
thrust myself forward in pursuit of official
honors. l have held no political Office and
sought none, for more than twenty-five years.
Under these circumstances, | confess the graf
iication which feel in receiving the recent
manifestations OF the respect and confidence of
my fellow citizens. First, the opposition mem
berS of the Missouri Legislature declared their
preference for me as a candidate. Then fol-
lowed my nomination by a convention com.
posed OF all the elements Of the opposition in
this state. And now, the republicans of Mis-
souri,, IN their separate convention just held in
st. Louis, have reafIirmed the nomination, and
proposed by their delegates, to present me to
the national convention soon to be held in
Chicago, as candidate for the office in the
nation.
These various demonstrations in my own
state are doubly gratifying to me, because
they afford the strongest roofthat my name has
been put forward only in a spirit of harmony
and peace, and with hope of preventing all
division and controversy among those who,
for their own safety and the public good, ought
to be united in their action.
For all this am deeply grateful and as far
as concerns me personally, l must declare, in
simple truth, that if the movement go no far
ther; and produce no personal results still
am paid and overpaid for life of labor and
Tor whatever of Jealous effort and patient
watching l have been able to bestow in sup
port OF line of governmental policy which
Deneve to be for the present and permanent
good of the country.
Now, gentlemen, proceed to answer your
questions, briefly indeed, but fully, plainly and
with all possible franl1ness and do this the
more willingly, because | have received from
individuals many letters-too many to be
separately answered-and have seen in many
public Journals articles making urgent calls
upon me for such statement of my views.
FIRsT-sLAvERY AND ITS EXTENSION IN THE
TERRITORIES.
On this subject, in the states and in the ter.
rltorles, have no new opinions-no opinions
formed In relation to the present array of par
ties l am coeval with the Missouri question
of 1890, having begun my political life in
the midst of that struggle.
AT that time my position required me to
seek all the means of knowledge within my
reach, and to study the principles involved
with all the powers Of my mind and | arrived
at the conclusions which no subsequent events
have induced me to change. The existence
of negro slavery in our country had its begin
ming in the early time Of the colony, and was
imposed by the mother country against the
will of most of the colonists. At the time of
the Revolution, and long after, it was COM
monty regarded as an evil, temporary in its
nature, and likely to disappear in the course
OF time; yet, while it continued, misfortune
to the country, socially and politically Thus
was taught bv those who made our govern
ment, and neither the new light of modern
civilization, nor the discovery of a new gys.
tenn of constitutional law and social philoso-
ply, has enabled me to detect the error of
their teaching.
Slavery is social relation--a domestic in
stitution. Within the states it exists by the
local law, and the federal government has no
control over it there. The territories, wheth-
err acquired by conquest or peaceful purchase,
are subject and subordinate, not sovereign like
the states. The nation is supreme over them,
and the national government has the power to
permit or forbid slavery within them Enter
tanning these views, am opposed to the ex.
tension of slavery, and in my opinion the spir-
It and the policy Of the government ought to
be against its extension.
sEooND-DoEs THE CONSTITUTION CARRY
SLAVERY INTO THE TERRITORIES
answer mol The constitution of the Uni
.eu eta'es does not carry slavery into the ter
n'ories' With much more show of reason
las II oe SAID that il carries slavery into all
s,ie sla1es But it does not carry slavery any.
s.shs only acts upon it where it finds il
with ti,is ny, ~ uie local law. In connection