New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-03-24
MIR. sEwARD,s Two SPEECHES.


Whether the impression be we'll founded or NOT,
that it is better for any political party to have the
GarrsOnian Abolitionists its enemies rather than
its friends, we think the Republican party
will not lose anything if the error is corrected
into which Mr.. Wendell Phillips, and good many
other people, seem to have fallen in regard to Mr..
Stewards last speech in the United States Senate.
An appeal lie made from Dir. Seward In the Capitol
to Mr.. Seward on the stump; and we are led to
suppose, if We yield cur judgment to that of these
critical gentlemen, that there is some wide and
rreconcilable difference between the Senator and
the stump orator. We remember Mr.. Phillips
saying, in one of those magnificent phlppics for
which he is so justly noted, and which have given
even to that word new significance, and started
it, as il were, from new rOot-we remember his
saying, referring to himself and his coadjuterS,
We are nothing unless critical" The philosophy
which dictated the aPhorism is unquestonably cor.
rect, and ii would be impossible for Mr. Phillips to
appear in public so soon after the speech We have
iu.t referred to was delivered, aud not subject it to
bis sharpest criticism. Not to notice it at all would
be to acknowledge that his yo'ation was ended; to
notice it in any other way than he does would be
to deny bis own principles.
There is one point, however in which we wonder
that even Mr. Phillips does not see and recognize
tie value of Mr.. Stewards speech. If we are
rightly informed il was one Of the original cardinal
principles of the Anti Slavery movement that its adj
vocates did not assume the right and disavo wed the
intention of meddling politically with Slavery III the
States The impossbility of such interference I'M
der the present Constitution of the United States,
and their recognition of that fact compels these
formers. if we understand their position, to stand
out in the cold, aloof from any political
organization. Beyond certain point,
in the direction in which they want to
90, Mr.. Seward clearly indicates that the Re-
publican party does not propose to venture Surely
he deserves for this not the anathema but the
thanks of the incorporating abolitionsts. IL
they wish to recruit fer their cause they have but
to point to his exposition of Republican principles
to chow the public that all who wish to enlist for
the war against Slavery in the States must look
elsewhere for leaders-nsmely, to Messrs. Garrison
and Philips We wonder that this point has es-
capped the keen eyes of the latter gentleman.
1t is said of distinguished member of Congress,
whose hostility to the extension of Slavery is ex-
ceedingly Jealous but whose Abolition friends have
sometimes complained of him that he does not go
further and labor for its extinction in the States,
that bis reply is-"it will not do to be too id
" vrtuous." We dc not know that it can be OBJ
iected to Mr.. Seward that he has any weakness of
this sort. Undoubtedly he disapproyes of Slaveryi
as political economist he knows that it is runOus
to the material wealth Of the country where it ex
lists; as q statesman he knows-whch is of far
more consequence-that it is wasteful Of men; as a
morast he knows that it is subyersive Of all moral
obligations; and as Christian he knows that it is
Enthusiastically. But the also knows that the Fede
raj Government has no more right to interfere with
its existence in South Carolina, for instance, than
il has 10 prohibit its establishment in this State
The abolition of Slavery at the South, or the abO-
lition of Freedom at the North, are works which
can be consummated, politically, only by the people
Of that section where either now exists. 30 long,
however as they choose TO cherish these antagonls-
tic systems, go long is tho conflict between these
two sections irrepressible. Neither can afford 10
cease striving for the power and the influence oil
the Federal Government, in which both have so
much at stake, for 30 overwhelming are that power
and influence that their uniform exercise in Sne di-
rec,jon must make either Liberty or Slavery para
mount throughout the country. 1t is tits pho.
scpbical statement which marked the Rochester
speech Of Mr. Seward, aud made il the target 81 az
much fierce denuuciaiion. II was simply saying
that. in the course Of human events, Liberty arr
Slavery could no! exs. togethee and be OF peace