Gazette and sentinel., 1860-09-22

the nlSSlOnS OI inc ItbIlt NJ
slavery down the threats of an unwilling people"
Who wants TO do it? Does the existence OF the
ouestion of the constitutional protection ol private
property in the common domain oil TINS Union
until q State is formed, which can take charge of
property and determine 1t, endangcr the Union !
Substitute the word property for the WORD slave,
and see how it would read. "1ou attempt to
force slavery down the threats of an unwilling
peoplc.' You attempt to force property down
the Threats of unwilling people, daughter and
cheers.) and there is no difference between slave
and other property. as the court has decided, and
as they admit. The Territorial Legislature is the
creature of Congress Congress is the creature OF
the Constitution aud the Constitution ofthe States
and here you would have a little Territorial Leg
%islature, three or four degrees removed from the
source of power, with the right to exclude the
States from their own domain. That is the ire
sistible conclusion.
These are not the doctrines of the Constitutional
Democracy. These are not the doctrines of the
Kentucky Opposition, either, or were not that
year. These are not the doctrines of the Constltu-
ton these are sectional doctrines. (Cheers.)
These are not the doctrines that make the peace
and harmony of the Union Of States. CCheers.)
Because we will not take them, abandoning the
old practice of the Government, and the decision
of the Supreme Court in our favOr-because we
will not bow down TO a doctrine that depriyes us
of our rights. and is subversive of our rights-thc
distinguished Senator said at Norfolk, we are a
faction. and must be destroyed when we are
destroyed, they will stick their daggers through
the Constitution of our country. Immense
cheering.)
Just here. before | 90 to other matters, | want
to say one word in regard to the doctrine OF nom
Intervention, as it was originally understood, and
which is now mixed up to confuse the people with
the expressions Popular Sovereignty" and
'Squatter Sovereignty"
The names Of Clay, Webster and others have
been invoked to sustain this doctrine. The local
fact of the Compromise of 1850 has been invoked
for the same purpose. | assert that from le4o
down to the present period-when this false doc
trine, repugnant alike to the Constitution and
reason-was thrust upon the country, no respect
able political party held the opinion that a Terri
torial Legislature had a right to exclude slave
property pending its territorial condition. When
did Clay ever hold such an opinion! When were
such doctrines embodied in the Compromise
measure of 1850? When was such a doctrine in
the Clayton Compromise of ls4S, of which you
have heard so much, and which was defeated by a
small vote?
They all looked to the period when they should
come into the Union as a State as the time when
the territorial authorities might act on the subject
of property. and hold or to exclude the slave pro-
perty of the South. (Applause.)
Time. fellow, citizens, will not allow me to
| 90 much UlOTt llld sldlC bbS pAOlOSAbAOhS Wv
l will read short abstracts from the celebrated
report made by the committee Of thirteen, of
which Mr.. Clay was chairman, which resulted
in the Compromise Measures of 1850. Listen
to it, l pray. 1t is calm, lucid, has no clap
trap phrases, and puts me in mind OF the Ian
guage used by the Supreme Court:
"It is high time that the wounds which it
has inflicted should be healed up and closed,
and that to avoid in all future time the agitation
which must be produced by the conflict d
opinion on the slavery question-existing as
this institution does in some of the States, and
prohibited as it is in others, the true principle
which ought to regulate the action of Con-
gress in forming Territorial Governments for
each newly acquired domain, is TO refrain from
all legislation on the subject in the territory
acquired, so long as it retains the territorial
form of government, leaving it to the people
of such territory when they have attained to
a condition which entities them to admission
as a State, to decide for themselves the ques-
ton of the allowance or prohibition of do
nestle slavery" (Applause-a voice, That
is true dOctrine.")
Though in a very different manner, and by
something like argument, and by means above
those to which l have been abiding, from
sources yet more eminent, comes the informa
ton that /, and the political organization with
which l am connected, are laboring for the
disruption of the Confederacy. / do not re-
ply now to what Mr.. Douglas says all over
New England, in Virginia, and wherever he
goes, because it is quite natural for a person as
much interested as he, to think that any man
who opposes his principles must be a dlsunion-
list. CHEERS and laughter.) Indeed, by his
declaration we must be all disunionists in Ken
lucky, tor he declares that those who assert
that a Territorial Legislature has no power to
| oxoln1a slava nrOnartv and that CpnOrpss
should interfere for its protection, are dis
unionists, and that is what the old Opposition
: Of Kentucky said last year, and which will
/ prove to have been their position, expressed In
every form that it could be.
Fellow-citizens, even in my own State,
where l thought certainly my character and
antecedents were pretty well known, one Of
the oldest, one of the most honest--in all res
poets one of the most eminent of all our pub
lie men-has not indeed said that l was a dis
unionist, but has intimated, if not one, / am
connected with an organization whose bone
and body is disunion. / refer to a speech OF
!, Mr.. Crittenden, made at Louisville. L have
! known and admired Mr.. Crittenden since l
: was a boy. He also has known me. Toward
l him and his l have ever cherished, and expect
to cherish, relations of the most respectful and
4 cordial esteem. There are reasons which
, l care not to give to the public, that, even If
D had grounds for it, would prevent me from
venturing beyond the limits of the most res
pectful courtesy, in answering what he has
e said. After speaking of Mr.. Lincoln in terms
fully as complimentary, it seems to me, as his
principles merit, although opposing him firmly,
0 as Mr.. Crittenden does, and after speaking Of
the Senator from Illinois in terms of the high
= est eulogy, as it seems to me-, he comes to
o speak of his fellow-citizen, expressing the lin
= gering hope that l am not a disunionist.
= Laughter.) Like a umane lawyer he gives
me. personally. the benefit of a doubt, and for