Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1860-08-11

hJter the name OF him who could not bnt
time or opportunityto speak word in eu
logy over the grave OF the departed votary
lnscribe the name CT Broderick in iery
characters upon your banners-Ahe wns youl
champion--and you at least can afford te
DO him justice. He rests in peace on the
heights of the proud city Of the Pacific,
where no ingratitnde can longer wound him
relieved from the warfare between heart.
less factions, and where his ashes will re.
main an eternal memento of bis faith and
his confidence in the ultimate triumph of a
down-troden humanity.
These references have been made for a
single pprpose--to satisfy, if doubts exist.
that in the great struggle between the
South and the North TO secure the long.
lost equality Of the latter, Mr. Douglas is
against u.s. Should more recent evidences
be demanded, then let an examination he
made OF the Congressional Globe. contain.
ing the ballots for Speaker and Clerk dnr.
ing the last session of the House of Repre
sentativcs. Ascertain what the actious of
the Illinois, Wisconsin, and Northeastern
Democracy was during the protracted con.
test for an organization Every vote that
Mr.. Douglas could influence was invariably
cast for such candidates as the South pre
sented, including those of the most extreme
and revolutionary character. He could af
ford no assistance to any one not recog-
nizcd by the propagandistsa as orthodox upon
all questions which concerned them. Aud
very well remember when the name of
Col Forney was mentioned in connection
yitb Lo \
his fate was to be decided, how diligently
1.-THE great advocate of popular sovereign
ty" labored for his defeat every sdesotee
of Mr. Douglas voting against him, with
one exception. MIR. Morris, Of Illinois, in
whom | have very great confidence, Geelin-
ed to vote at all. Col Forney, who never
hest0ted to advance the fortunes of Mr..
Douglas. when he could properly do so,
was elected in spite of Mr.. Douglas. Col.
Forney, presume, was not endorsed by
the Democracy who swear by the peculiar
institution. Others may choose to forget
all this, and | will not crimnate them for
doing SO, but promise never to forget it.
am for my friends and against those who
oppose my friends. If am wrong in this.
let charity be extended TO mel cannot
help it. - r#. f.4gra Iea -.....
have said all desire to say of the re-
presentatiVes of the two Democracies
There is preference between them. The
one is out-spoken and evident; the other is
concealed aud tricky. OF the two much
prefer Mr.. Breckenridge, and yet cannot
imagine the circumstances under which |
could be induced to support him. He as
serts the Supreme Court has decided that
slavery is an existing constitutional ihsttu-
ton in all our Territories, and that it is the
duty of the Government to sustain it where
it thus legally exists. Mr. Douglas con-
tends the courts have not yet so decided
but if they shall do so, it will then become
the duty Of all good citizens to respect the
decision, and of every branch Of the FEEDER
al Government to enforce it with prompt
ness and fidelity. This is his platform If
oUF Federal Court has not already given
decision in accordance with the notions of
Mr. BreckRridge, no one doubts it will do
so as soon as the question shall be. brought
distinctly before it. So, at best, the only
point of disagreement between these rival
candidates. is that of time only. If, m the
language of the resolution adopted by the
Convention placing Mr.. Douglas in nomna-
tion, and just partly quoted, it becomes the
duty of all good citizens to respect, aud of
every branch of the Federal Government
to enforce a judicial decision determining
constitutional existence Of slavery in onE
Territories, what becomes of that other
theory of Mr.. Douglas, that, no matter
what the Supreme Court may decide, slaS-
cry may he excluded from Territory by
unfriendy legislation ? Hs7.'
Those advocating the claims of Mr. Bell
would please everybody by promising moth
ing They compose the party of extreme
faith. They stand npon a Constitution
without Interpretation, and upon an en-
dangered Union, without announcing the
means by which it can be saved.
Let us not be deceived. There are but
two doctrines between which we can choose
when we come TO deposit our ballots. One
is, that the Constitution faVors slavery as
fully as freedom that neither has advan-
tage over the other; that they must travel
together aud exist together, under equal
protection, until the Territory shall be
clothed with State sovereignty, and that
both alike are national. The other is that
the Constitution treats slavery as local
municipal institution; does not give TO it a
single attribute of nationality; that it has
not an equal statuS with freedom, and that
its extension is TO be discouraged How
shall we act between these opposing views ?
| answer the iniquity. Our la5oring classes
deserve all the encouragement and protec.
ton we can give them. Southern states
men regard them as white slaves let us
not surrender them to such mercies as the
owner of chattel labor would extend to
them. Our farmers and manufacturers have
long been cut off from all the bounties Of
legislation by the force Of Southern preiu
dice we shall enlist on their side. Our
country has suffered much in the estimation
of mankind from our manifested attachment
to system, VIGOROUSLY in contradiction t
the principles upon which our Governmen
was founded; considerations of morality
expediency. aud consistency should inclin,
us TO do all that we lawfully may do Il
save ourselves from further imputatiops
Slavery within the States stands behinC
impreguable defences, but it holds no char.
ter to travel without restraint. 1t has lonl
/ labored for, but has not yet reached a po
Sition Of absolutism. 1t grasps for empire
| -. "a l.. AZ. co1,, ,,,ao ,s. ~ hioh fvraunI