The Lansing state Republican. [volume] (Lansing, Mich.) 1855-1874, 1860-03-13
GREAT SPEECH OF
5 EN- ATOR s T. W \ Il ID .
Delivered IN the United States Senate, H'edaes-
day .IdD,tlru % 1850.

the Legislature of Kansas praying Tor aiiniss!o
into the Union. spoke a. follows:
Mr.. President the admmission OF Kansas int
the Union, without further delay, seems TO m
equally necessary, just and wise. In recorde
debates | have already anticipated the argu
ments for this conclusion.
In coming forward among the political as
trologers it shall be an error of Judgment AM
not OF disposition, if my Interpretation of tn
feverish dreams which are disturbing the coun
try shall tend 10 fomcnt, rather than to allay
the national excitement | shall say nothin;
unnecessarily of persons, because. in our sys
TEN. the public welfare and happiness depen,
chiefly on institutions, and very little on men
| shall allude but br.cGy H. Incidental topics
because they are cphcmeral, and because. ever
in the midst of appeals To passion ard prnju
dice, il is always safe to submit solid truth I,
the deliberate consideration of an honest ant
enlightened people.
Ii will lie an Overflowing source of shame
a. well as of sorrow, if we, thirty millions
Europeans by extraction. Americans by bIrrf
or discipline and Christians in faith. aud mean
ing to be such in practice cannot SO combine
prudence with humanity. IN our conduct coa
corning the one disturbing subject of o!,,, cry
"a not only 10 preserve our unequaled institu
tons OF Freedom, but also to enjoy their hcne
fits with contentment and harmony.
Wherever II guiltlesS slave exists. he he eau
cassian. American, Malay, or African, he is the
subject of two distinct and opposite idea,-one
that he is wrongly, the other that he Is rightly
a slave. The balance of numbers on either
side, however great. never completely eXtin-
gushes this difference of opinion. for there are
always some defenders of Slavery outside even
if there are none inside Free State, while
also, there are always outside. if there are
not inside. of every Slave State. many
who asserts with Milton, that no man who
knows aught can be so stupid to deny that
all men naturally We're born free, being the i'm
age and resemblance of God himself and were
by privilege above all the creatures. born to
command and not to obey" 1t often, perhaps
generally, happens, however that in consider
ing the subject of Slavery, society seems to
overlook the natural right or personal interest
Of the slave himself, and to act exclusively for
the welfare of the citizen. But this fact does
not materially affect ultimate results. for the
question OF the righttulness or
wron gfulness of Slavery inheres in every form
that discussion concerning il assumes. What j.
lust to one class of men can never be injurious
TO any other; and what is unjust TO any conli-
ton OF persons in State. is necessarily iniuri-
Gus in some degree to the whole community.
An economical question early arises out of the
subject of Slavery-labor either of freemea or
of slaves is the cardinal necessity Of society
Some States choose the one kind, some the
other Hence two municipal systems widely
arise. The Slave State strikes down
and affects to extinguish the personality of the
laborer, not only as member Of the political bo-
dy, but also Is parent, husband. child. neighbOr
or friend. He thus becomes. in Il political view
merely property without moral capacity and
without domestic, moral. and social relations.
duties. rights. and remedies--a chattc. an oh
ject of bargain, sale, gift, inheritance, or theft
His earnings are compensated and his wrongs
atoned, not to himself. but 10 his owner The
State protects not the slave as a man, but the
capital of another man, which he represents.
On the other hand, the State which rejects slave
ry encourages and animatcs and invigorateS the
laborer by maintaining and deyelopiQg his ma
tural personality IN all the rights and faculties
of manhood, and generally with the privileges
OF citizenship. In the one case capital inyes-
ted in slaves becomes great political force,
while in the other labor thus elevated and en-
franchised. becomes the dominating political
power 1t thus happens that We may, Tor con,
yenence sake. and not inaccUrately. call Slave
States capital States, and Free states labor
States.
So soon as State feels the impulse of com
merce or enterprise or ambition, It's citizens be
gin to study the effects OF these systems Of capi
tai and labor respectively on its Intelligence, IL
virtue its tranquility, its integrity or unity. ia
defense, its prosperity. Its liberty, It's happi
ness. its aggrandisement, and its fame. IL
other words the great question arises. wi,tic
Slavery is a moral, social and political good
or a moral, social and political evil. This i
the Slavery question at home. But there Is
mutual bond of amity and brotherhood botweel
man and man throughout the world. Nation
examine freely the political systems of each OtI
er. and of all proceeding times. and according
ly as they approve or dsapprovc Of the two sy-
tens OF capital and labor respectively. thc
sanction and prosecute, or condemn and Pre-
hibit commerce in men. Thus in one way o
another the Slavery question WHICH 80 man
among us. who are more willing to rule tina
patient in studying the conditions of society
think is a merely accidental or unnecessar
question that might and ought TO be settle
and dismissed at once. i>, on the contrary.
world wide and enduring subject of polite;
consideration and civil administration. Mel
! States, and nations, entertain IL. not voiuntaT
| ly. but because the progress of society conill
| ually brings it into their way. They divlc
upon it, not perversely. but because owing
differences of constitution. condition. or circur
stances. they cannot agree
| The fathers of the Republic encountered
Taey even adjusted it so that it might ha'
! given us much less than our present disquiC
had not circumstances atterward occurred
which they. wise as they were. had not clear
foreseen. Although they had inherited, :
they generally condemned the practice OF Slay
ry. and hoped for its discontinuance. They {
pressed this when they asserted in the Dcclar
ton of Independence a. a fundamental PR
ciple of American society. that all men a
created equal. and have inalienable rights
life. liberty. and the pursuit OF happiness.
Each State however. reserved TO itself the I
elusive political power over the subject of SlaN
rv, within its own borders. Nevertheless,
unavoidably presented itself in their consult
!. tiOns on bond of Federal Union. The N
Government was 10 bc a representative ol
Slaves We're capital in some States, in otht
capital had no investments in labor. ShoU
those slaves be represented as capital or aS p
sons taxed as capital or a persons, or shor
| they not be represented or taxed ut all? 1
fathers disagreed. debated long. and compro
ised at last Each State. they determine
: should have two Senators in Congress. Thr
fifths of the slaves shall he elsewhere repres
ted and be taxed as persons. What should
done if the slaves escape into labor Sta;
Should that State confess him to be chat
e and restore him As such, or might it regard /
It as person. aud harbor aud protect him a
G man They comp omised again, and deci,
= that no person held to labor or service in
: State by the laws thereof escaping IatO ana
er. shall by any law or regulation OF that ST.
be discharged from such labor or service.
shall be delivered up on claim to the person
whom such labor or service shall be due.
Free laborers would immigrate. and sla
might be imported into tn States. The fatt