The Evansville daily journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1848-1862, 1860-10-17
From the Keokuk Gate City, Sept. %.
LETTER FROM JUDGE BATES.
Another Able and Powerful Review
OF the Politics OF the Day.

Another Able and Powerful Review
Of the Politics OF the Day.
ST. LOUIS, Sept. Is, 1860.
r. thu Republicaa Committee of Keokuk, Iowa,
Messrs. J. N. RANKIN, VIM. 8. MCGAYIc, j. Il.
HOW'LL, GEo w. McCRARY, and JOHN n. NoBLE:
(coNCLUDED.)
And in this instance the process OF disin-
teeration seems already TO have begun; for
in New York the American party" has
lately held its own separate State Council,
and in Virginia meetings Of the people have
been held warmly supporting Mr.. Belly in
the time honored name of "Whigs' thus
in both these great States ignoring the new
party, and resuming their former party
names and positions. | shall draw no par
allel, much less contrast between Messrs.
Lincoln and Bell, for, in all sincerity, | en-
terrain very high opinion of them BOTH
In the general administration of the Gov
eminent, | could trust either of them, for
they are both men of knowledge and expe-
rience and old Wings; and the only point
of marked difference between them that |
know of, is found in their widely divergent
opinions in regard TO slavery in the Terri
tories, and the power Of Congress over it
there. Mr.. Bell, | understand, believes
that the Constitution carries slavery Into
all the Territories. If that opinion be well
founded, then of course it is the duty Of
Congress to protect slavery there for it
were absurd to say that there is or can be
any constitutional right which the Govern
ment is not bound to protect.
Mr.. Lincoln, on the contrary, believes
land in that ! agree with him) that the
Constitution does not carry Slavery into the
Territories, and that, in the absence OF To-
cal law upon the subject, no man has or can
have constitutional right to hold slaves in
q Territory, or to call upon the General
Government 10 protect his slave property
there. Here lies the main difference If not
the only important difference between the
opinions Of Lincoln and Bell. In other
things, as far as l know, they substantially
agree But in that difference is found the
pivot of the Republican party, the very
hinge on which it hangs.
Your enemies, possibly for lack of sub
stantive matter to charge against you, asSail
you with reproachful adjectives. They call
you black Republicans. and in one view
there may be some sense in the epithst, for
it cannot be denied that you are strongly
opposed to the admission Of blacks (slaves)
into the Territories, and firmly resolved
10 reserve, if you can, the virgin lands to
be settled and cultivated, and made valuable
by the free white voluntary labor of Amer
lean citizens, and thus build up communi-
ties of white peOple-free, equal, and intel
ligent. But | think the Democrats better
entitled than you are to the black adjective,
for your claim is negative only, as you in
sst upon excluding the blacks from all our
free Territories, and show a decided unNil-
lingness to be associated with them in your
farming labors; while the claim of the
Democrats is affirmative, and is proven by
their constant efforts to establish the right
of the blacks to go along with the whites
into the Territories and by the urgent desire
Of many of that party to augment the num-
Der of the blacks By fresh importations
from Africa.
In regard 10 the Governmental and econ
oTnic view of the case, an eminent Southern
Statesman has tersely said that Capital
ought to own it's labor Certainly it ought
and does, whenever it is able and willing 10
buy its labor by paying honest wages Tor
honest work.
But cannot see any greater necessity for
capital employed in farming to own the men
who do the labor than for capital employed
in building houses to own the carpenters
and masons who erect them. But if | an
wrong in this, and the dogma be really
true maxim, "a applied to the laborers, still
! think there is another aphorism quite al
true and far more benefcent, especially iu
new country, that is Labor ought 70 oaen {t
Land.
The main objections urged against tbs
election of Mr. Lincoln are not directed
against him personally, for il is only JUS
tribute to his personal character, that no one
imputes to him evil designs against the
country, nor imagines that when he becomes
President he will attempt any great wrong
90 the nation, or any section of it. But
GINNING tacticians suggest, and some timit
patriots fear that certain truculent politi,
clans in the South will seize upon Lincoln 3
election as pretext for rising in rebellion,
TO put down President constitutionally and
lawfully chosen.
IL you have any such idle fears, | beg you
10 dismiss them at once lest they lead you
10 the gross injustice of imputing to the
Southern States, or even TO the body OF
Southern Democrats, the purpose to commit
a crime at once S. wicked and so foolish
We all know that there are in the South
= few self conceited cyclists, who, whenever
they find the votes and the arguments all
against them, appeal to our fears, by threat.
OF inde6ate mischief, hoping to win a tri.
umph over justice, reason and the public
will, by sheer bullying.
tell you, my friends, that the Southern
people are not guilty of that wicked crime
and stupid folly; they know, as well az we
can tell them, that armed resistance to a
lawfully chosen President is treason they
know that government that has not the
power and the will 10 protect itself and
enforce the laws l. "A poor, contemplate
government aud they especially need a
government strong enough to protect all It's
people They know that armed resistance