Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-12-12

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crcua stance of condition. regard, therefore, the
ExCLUsItE Of the coIored people as bodp from the dec
ting fro.b hise as INCOMPATIBLE 1oh tie true Dem
Oeratic riaciple
Mar the words: Slavery and oppression must
cease, 81 American liberty must perish" all legal
distn, On, founded in color, origin and the like,
are l. st;le to the genius of our institutions" and
tell u whether they do not express extreme
OPiniOn.,
InJIy. 1858, Mr.. LINCOLN said:
az sA1uld like to know if taking the old Declara-
ton D: independence which declares that all men
are co al upon principle, and making exceptions to
it. where will il stop! If one man says il does not
mean negro, why not another say it does not mean
another man! If that declaration is not the truth
let us gt the statute book in which we find it. and
tear il cut Who IS so bold as to do it9 If it is not
true, let US tear it out Cries Of no. no. Let us
stick % il then-let stand firm by il then. Let
disea-d all this quibbling about this man and the
other man, this race and that race, and the other
race being inferior, and therefore they must be
placed in inferior position discarding the stand
ard that we have left US. Let us discard all these
things and unite one people throughout this land
until shall ence more stand up declaring that all
men are created equal l leave you, hoping that
the lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms until
there shall no longer be doubt that all men are
created free and equal"
On the 9th april 1858, in reply to an invitation to
attend in Boston festival in honor of JEFFERSON S
birth day anniversary, he used the following Ian
guage in relation to the "selfevdent truths stated
in the Declaration of Independence:
One would state with great confidence that he
could convince any child that the simpler pro-
positions Of Euclid true; but nevertheless. he
would fail with one who should deny the definitions
and aXioms The principles of Jefferson are the de-
hnitions and axiOms of free society. And yet they
are denied and evaded, with no small show OF sue
cess. One dashingly calls them "glittering general
tiles" Another bluntly styles them ''selfeVident
les And others nsidiOusy argue that they ap-
ply only to superior races"
These expressions differing in form, identical
in object and effect-the supplantng the principles
of free government and restoring those of classif-
cation. caste, and legitimacy. They would delight
convocation of crowned heads plotting against the
people They are the vanguards, the sappers and
miners, of returning despotism. We must repulse
them, or they will subjugate
This is a world of cOmpenssuons; and he who
would be no slave must consent to haze 10 slave.
Those who deny freedom to others deserve It not
for themselves, and, under just God, cannot
long retain it.
an honor to Jefferson-to the man who, under a
concrete pressure of struggle for national indie
pendence by single people, had the coolness fore
cast and capacity to introduce into merely revo-
lutionary document, abstract truth applicable to
all men and all times, and so to embalm 1t there,
Duke and stumbing-block to the harbingers Of re-
appearing tyranny and oppression.
On the 18th May. 1853, he wrote to DR.. CANIsIUs ::
1T is well known that deplore the oppressedcon-
dtion Of the blacks" 1t in that letter he used
the expression Il shall never consent to the lower
ing Of the Republican standard hairs breadth"
1t is needless to refer to the platforms of the Black
Republican party and to Mr.. LINCOLNs declaration
that he considered himself bound party man,
by the platforms of the party" and that he
would be 'most happy to cooperate for the pract-
cal success of the principles declared by the Ch-
cago) Convention" 1t is true. that Mr.. LINCOLN has
announced "a due regard TO the rights Of all the
States and Territories and people of the nation, to
the inviolability of the Constitution, and the per
petual union harmony, and prosperity of all )" but
it 'is well known that there is a wide difference Of
opinion between the South and the Black Republic
cans upon these questions That which is entirely
constitutional in their estimation is regarded utterly
unconstitutional by US. 1t is true that Mr.. LINCOLN
has said that the Southern States entitled, under
the Constitution, to a Congressional Fugitive Slave
Law. Perhaps he would prefer that of 1893 or
some other which would give the runaway negro a
trial by Jury of Abolitionists. 1t is nue. that Mr.
LINCOLN, while saying that he would be exceedingly
glad to know that there would never be another
slave State admitted into the Union,' adds, that
if slavery shall be kept out Of the territories during
territorial existence and then if the people SHALL hav
.ing fair opportunity and clear field, when they
come to adopt the Constitution, do such an extraOr
binary thing as adopt slave Constitution, uninfui
enced by the actual presence Of the institution among
them, l see no alternative, if we own the country
but to admit them into the Union
But Notwithstanding all this, regarding as lie does
that all men. black and white created equal,
and that blacl, and white are alike endowed by
their creator with the right of life, liberty,
and the pursuit Of happiness that the just pow
ers of government are derived from the
sent of the governed black and white that where
ever any form of government becomes destructive of
these ends it is the right Of the people, black and
white to alter or to abolish it aud to institute new
government. that all legal distinctions between
individuals of the same community founded in
color origin and the like are hostile to the genius Of
our Institutions that house divided against itself
cannot stand" that he does not expect the house
to fall" but that he does expect the house TO cease
to be diUasd." regarding these things as he thus
does. we cannot but conclude upon the whole
that Mr.. BELL is mistaken. when he says: Mr
LINCOLN it is well known, does not hold extreme
opinions on the subject Of slavery