The Van Buren press., 1860-10-19
What they Saw.

k3 believe that the safety, the peace,
the highest interests of the country require |
the preservation intact of the Democratic
party on its old creed and its old platform |
Whenever we depart from that platform,
which was adopted unanimously, we never
will get unanimity in the formation of an
other.-Stephen Il. Douglas.
E~ OF all the mad schemes that ever
could be devised by the South. or by the
enemies of the South that which recogniz-
es the right of Congress to touch the insti-
tuition of slavery either in States or Terri
tories. beyond the single case provided in
the Constitution for tho rendition Of fugi-
tive slaves is the most FATAL. Stephen II.
Dongfns.
GYr care not whether You agree or diff
fer with me on the points of law that have
divided us. If you should happen to be
right, and wrong, it would not prove that
You were better Democrat than I, but
that You are better lawyer than | am, so
far as that one branch of law is concerned
l should not have much pride of opinion
on that point of lazy. but for the fact that
you have got in the habit Of calling me
Judge" laughter having among my
youthful indiscretions accepted that office
and acquired that title and do claim that
with that title, have a right to think as |
please on a point of law until the court de-
cides that 1 am wrong.-[ Stephen 4.
Douglas.
re-" Slaves, according to that decision,
the bred Scott decision being property,
stand on an equal footiny ,cith all other prop
erfy. There is just as much obligation on
the part OF the Territorial Legislature to
protect slaves, as of every other species of
property-as there is to protect horses, cat
tie, dry goods, liquors, &c. If they have
right to discriminate as to one they have
as to the other and whether they have got
the powe, of discrimination OF not, is for
the court to decide if any one dispute it.
If there is no power of discrimina-
ton on other species of property, there is
none as to slaves. If there is a power Of
discrimination on other property--and l
think there is-then it applies to slave
property. In other words, slave property
is on an equal footing with all other prop
rty."-[ Stephen 4. Douglas.
EN- have mo- blind devotion to the
Union, but in my Judgment, there is now
no existing cause to justify dissolution
Herschei 7. Johnson.
~ 1t is better for the South to rely up.
on the Constitution and the bred Scott cast
| than to go before free-soil Congress with
the vain demand for its friendly interposi
tion. When the lamb can t.ust to the lor
for protection, then may the South ash
Congress to throw over slavery shelterine
egis.-[ Herschel Y. johnson.
g.,
ton, the Southern States have agreed tc
the doctrine of intervention by Con.
gress, in State ani Territories, and t hat the
people Of the territories may determine The
question of slavery for themselve; " in theil
own way, subject only to the Constitution
of the United States. ."-[ HerseAel y
johnson.
| EE Few. at the South, deny the power
of Congress to pass laws for the protection
of slave property in the Territores-I GER
tainly do not. But it is denied by many O
the strongest intellects in the United States
Indeed throughout the entire extent of til,
free labor States there are few who do mo-
doubt it, and many able lawyers believe il
the doctrine of popular sovereignty. IT.
then, we award to others the same honesty
which we claim for ourselves, we must ad-
NIT that the right of Congress to intervene
for the protection of slavery is questiona-
BILE.
Therefore, when the South demands it.
she assumes an attitude of very doubtful
policy. She affords the free soicrs plau-
sible pretext to say she yields Jurisdiction
on the subject of slavery she has always
denied. She departs from her cherished
doctrine of strict contraction by asking the
exercise of questionable power. She sur
renders herself to the mercy of an infuriat
ed free soil majority Hersehel Y. JoAn-
son.