The Oxford intelligencer., 1860-07-11
From the Pennsylvania Enquirer.
The Status of the Negro AT the Rev
Oiuti0n.

Mr.. EDrToR:-There are few things, in my
opinion, more plainly indicative of the fren'
zied fanaticism that has possessed the minds
of many Northern people, than the constant
assertion that the Declaration of Independ-
ence was designed to cover thel back man as
well as the white; that both orders of men
were considered at the time as being equally
interested in our Revolutionary war; and that
as consequence, slavery in the United States
ceased to exist on the 4th of July, l776. So
continuously has this absurd falsehood been
repeated, in and out Of Congress, that | do
not doubt of great many well-meaning peo-
pie being deluded into belief of its absolute
truth. There is no use ia wasting time on
the character and motives Of those who prop
agate this proposition suppose we all know
what to think of the man who deliberately
declares a thing to be true, which is not only
absolutely false, but which is shown TO be
false on the least investigation. Bat to give
an idea of the actual condition of the ease,
will recite few of the leading authorities
that bear upon it.
In the first place it must be remembered,
the earliest attempts at an army against Brit
ain were made in New England. The pro-
vince of Massachusetts Bay set on foot an
armed organization against Cages troops in
Boston. Ii was soon found too costly and in
expedicnt an undertaking for the few New
England colonies to maintain, and when the
Continental Congress met at Philadelphia,
they were very glad to have United America
assume the contest aud expense of what had
hitherto been purely local business. Thus
the New England became a Continental Ar
my!
1t thus becomes proper to examine fist,
the position of the negro under the New Eng
land regulations; and next, to ascertain how
he was regarded after Congress took the cou-
test of the army.
On the Sth July, 1875, the Massachusetts,
Committe Of safety, expressly instructed the
officers of the several regiments of the Mas
sachusctts Army, that they should not enlist
into the service "any stroller, negro or vaga
bond" This was not an inconsderatc nor an
idle STEP The Committee were virtually the
Executive of the colony, as the Provincial
Congress was its legislature; and that on this
particular question both bodies were of one
mind, sufficiently appears by the proceedings
of the Massachusetts, Provincial Congress Of
9th June, l775, and Of 25th October, l77i; on
which last named day that body considered
a letter that was addressed to it. This com
munication was to the effect, that in their
own efforts to preserve themselves from
slavery, they ought to "take into cORsidera-
ton the state and circumstances Of The Nero
.Slares IN this ProciRcc" The matter was
debated, and the whole business voted down,
without even a reference to a committee.
Thus we see that up to the time the New
England army went into Continental service,
the negro, bond or free, hal no acknowledged
existence in it. Let us see how this status
was affected by the transfer.
Among the very first orders issuel after
taking command in the name of
Congress was regulation by Gates, the new |
Adiutant General, (lOth July, l775,) forbid |
ding the enlistment of any negro. On the sth .
October, 1775, council Of war was held: !
present, General Washington, Ward, Charles,
Lee, Putnam, Thomas, Spencer, Heath, Sui
ivan, Green and Gatcs-of whom one was
1 Virginian, two were of English birth, and
he remaining seven New Englanders. The
question came up again; and it was unani-
nously agreed to reject az siares from the ar
ny; and by great majority 10 rJsct all mr.
7roes altogoher Further, in the SAME month,
conference was held between Washington,
Committee of Congress, and the chief civil
of all New England; ard it was
iCain decided that negroes should be excluded
rom the army. (See Forces American Ar
hicyc, Attn series, vol. /, p si2-vol. II. p.
362, 1892, l62O-vol. III. p. 1899, 1850,
171) And it was standing order to seize
nd punish any negro found struggling about
he line after tattoo.
Thus we see conclusively what the black
mans position was down to the Declaration of
1t differed not at all from his
ondition IN slave State today. He was a
nenial character in no respect the white mans
quail; nor possessing the same political rights.
Ie was a subject, not a citizen. Did the De
laration alter this state OF affairs II did ,
ot; unless we are to suppose that every part
f the Union swarrned with knaves and vii
lins, whom we call TODAY patriots. Now | ,
an not interfere with Northern gentleman I
ronouncing himself a rascal and a liar: he
nav possibly tell the truth in the assertion.
But object to his fixing the charge Of fraud
nd perjury on his grandfather, when that
randfather's glory belongs to the whole +
ountrv. We all know that the Declaration
-as the handiwork of Thomas jefferson. If .
was meant to prohibit slavery, how comes
that jefferson continued STAKEHOLDER
L-,,,,.I tbo ros4 If l;a ffo We al lno,T