Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1860-03-16

History of Slavery as a Political Is
sue.
The Origin and Aim of Modern Par
ties.

The Origin and Aim of Modern Par
| ties.
In the United States Senate, on "Wednesday
| Mr.. Seward, having presented the memorial O
| the Legislature of Kansas, praying for admis
sion into the Union, spoke as follows:
Mr.. President, the admission of Kansas in
to the Union, without further delay, seems tc
me equally necessary, just and wise. In nrecor
| ded debates have already anticipated the ar
guments for this conclusion.
| In coming forward among the political as
trologers, it shall be an error Of Judgment, and
not of disposition, if my Interpretation Of the
| feverish dreams which are disturbing the cour
! try shall tend to foment, rather than to allay
the national excitement. 1 shall say nothing
unnecessarily of persons, because, in our sys
ten, the public welfare and happiness depend
chiefly on Institutions, and very little ON men
shall allude but briefly to incidental topics
because they are ephemeral, and because, even
in the midst of appeals to passion and preju-
dice, it is always safe to submit solid truth to
the deliberate consideration of an honest and
enlightened people.
1t will be an overhowing source of shame
as well as of sorrow, if we, thirty millions
Europeans by extraction, American by birth
or discipline, and Christians in faith, and
meaning to be such in practice-cannot SO
combine prudence with humanity, in our con-
duct concerning the one disturbing subject OF
slavery, as not only to preserve our unequaled
institutions of Freedom, but also to enjoy
their benefits with contentment and harmony
Wherever guiltless slave exists, be he eau
casian, American. Malay or African, he is the
subject of two distinct and opposite ideas
one that he is wrongly, the other that he is
rightly slave. The balance of numbers on
either side, however great, never completely
extipguishes this difference of opinion, for
there are always some defenders of Slavery
outside. even if there are none inside a free
State, while, also, there are always outside, il
there are not inside of every slave State, many
who assert with Milton, that no man who
knows aueht can be 50 stupid as to deny that all
men naturally were born free, being the image
and resemblance of God himself, and were by
privilege above all the creatures, born to COM
mand and not to obey 1t often, perhaps
generally happens, however, that in consider
ing the subject Of Slavery: society seems to
overlook the natural right or personal interest
of the slave himself, and to act exclusively for
the welfare of the citizen. But this fact does
not materially affect ultimate results, for the
elementary question of the rightfulness or
wrongfulness of Slavery inheres in every form
| that discussion concerning it assumes. What
| is Just to one class of men can never be iniu-
rious to any other and what is unjust to any
condition Of persons in the State, is nccessiiri-
iy injurious in some degree to the whole COM
munity. An economical question carly arises
out of the subject of Slavery-labor either Of
freemen or of slaves is the cardinal necessity
Some States choose the one kind, some the
other. Hence two municipal systems widely
different arise. The Slave State strikes down
and affects to extinguish the personality of the
laborer, not only as a member of the political
body, but also as a parent, husband, child
neighbor, or friend. He thus becomes in a
political view, merely property, without moral
! capacity, and without domestic, moral, and
social relations, duties, rights, and remedies
chattel, an OBJECT of bargain, sale, gift, in
heritance or theft. His earnings are compen.
sated and his wrongs atoned, not to himself
| but to his owner. The State protects not the
/ slave as man, but the capital of another man
which he represents. On the other hand, the
| State which rejects Slavery encourages and
animates and invigorates the laborer, by main
tanning and developing his natural personality
in all the rights and faculties of manhood, and
generally with the privileges of citizenship
In the one case, capital invested in slaves be-
Games great political force, while in the 9th
er labor thus elevated and enfranchised be
comes the dominating political power. 1t thus
| happens that we may, for convenience sake
and not inaccurately call Slave States capita
States, and Free States labor States.
So soon as a State feels the impulses of com
merce or enterprise, or ambition, its citizen;
begin to study the effects of these systems o
| capital and labor respectively on its intelli
gence. its virtue, its tranquility, its integrity
or unity its defence, its prosperity, its liberty
its happiness, its ACKNOWLEDGEMENT, and its fame
In other words, the great question arises
whether Slavery is moral, social, and poiti
cal good, or moral social and political evil
This is the Slavery question at home. Blu
there is a mutual bond of amity and brother
hood between man and man throughout tht
world. Nations examine freely the politca
systems of each other, and of all preceding
time, and accordingly as they opprove or dis
approve of the two systems of capital and la
Dor respectively they sanction and prosecute
or condemn and prohibit commerce in men-
Thus, in one way or another, the Slavery ques
ton which many among us, who NOR
willing TO rule than patient in studying tn
conditions of society, think is merely acc
dental or unnecessary question that might an
ought to be settled and dismissed at once, is
on the contrary, worldwide and endurn
subject of political consideration and civil ad
minstration. Men. States and nations enter
tain it, not voluntarily, but because the pre-
gress of society continually brings it into thei
way. They divide upon it, not perversely, bu
because, owing to differences of constitution
condition or circumstances, they cannot agree
The Fathers of the Republic encountered il
, They even adjusted it so that it might hav
given US much less than our present Dispute
had not circumstances afterward occurre
which they, wise as they were, had not clearl
l 1 foreseen. Although they had inherited, ye
they generally condemned the practice of SIs
very, and hoped for its discontnuance. The
expressed this when they asserted in the De-
- - laration of Independence. as fundament;
: principle of American society, that all me
: are created equal, and have inalienable righ
! to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness
u Each State, however, reserved to itself excll
sive political power over the subject of Slav
ry, within its own borders. Nevertheless,
unavoidably presented itself in their consult
tions on bond of Federal Union. III
= :. new Government was to be a represent,
tive one. Slaves were capital in some States
:, in others, capital had no investments in labo
= Should those slaves be represented as capt.
y or as persons, taxed as capital or as person
> or should they not be represented or taxed
all =? The fathers disagreed, debated long, al