Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-04-18

objection. Ii your principe is righ, caiJ
Suppose gentleman should introduce proposl'lon.
to give s., 900 to each soldier in certain regiment
that served in the Mexican war. i may say 10
not think this ought to be done; but If you intena
to carry out such system, let us give each regi-
ment the same advantage" Gentlemen reply,
"That will take all the money in the Treasury.
That is no objection to my amendment 1t may pc
a good objection to the principles OF the oil. ~
would be ready means, perhaps, OF showing tha'
the bill was erroneous. II you 60 on the P''as,-
pic of giving land to the citizens it will not 90 lor
Won to stop and say ave can give to few ana
not to ALL" All who stand in that relation ought
to have the benefit
But again it is said-and have been surprised
at those who have made the argument-that 1t you
adopt this system, you will fail in the OBJECT you
have in view, which is to induce or compel pcoPle
to 90 into the new Territories, and become cultVa
tors of the land Let us look at that for moment
There arc countries in the world, Mr.. freSiuenl'
where the governments undertake to regulate LABOR
They say to one man, You shall follow this trade,
and to another, "You shall follow that" .Go into
India and there arc castles; some men are allowed
to do certain things and others not. Even IN mon
arches people are driven by particular circumstan-
ccs into some lime of employment; but had sup
posed that in the United States it was the privilege
of every man to select his own occupation. IL
seems we are in error in that respect and IN TINS
late day. after seventy or eighty years OF hoerty,
the government it is come in and to say, 1--WE think
YOU were wrong in following the bent of your in
clinations; YOU should not be mechanics, you
should not cultivate your lands as You choose in
the old States; we think YOU ought to 60 into the
new States and labor there to suit our purposes;
and some Senators have said that here, about the
cities, are great many idle loafers Well, suppose
| admit it. These men have right to be loaters II
they choose, and to stay in the cities How is 1t
L. a n
has right to 20 down here on Pennsylvania avenue
and saw to some man he meets, "You are loafing
about the streets; want to have you planted out
in the new Territories; | want to get you away.
That is the substance of the argument You do
not compel them directly. but you say to them,
"You must draw them off there" Would it be
iustice? Let us look at this question for moment.
Suppose owe man 500; would have right
to say to him, 81 will not give you this money,
that you are entitled to receive, here | think you
had better 90 to some other point of the country,
and will nav it to YOU there?' There is not JUS
tce in it.
I! strikes me, Mr.. Pr &c; lent, that this is most
extraordinary idea. can understand that in
monarchy where they claim to regulate the people;
| can understand that perhaps some of the old
Federalists in the olden times who thought were
getting too free in the United States, might adopt
that line of argument; but am utterly amazed at
this day, when everybody processes to be Repuhl',
can or Democrat in principle, and to allow equal
privileges at any rate to all free white men-we may
make distinction as to color in our States and
communities the idea should be preached
that this Congress is to be called upon, by such
line of argument to undertake to regulate the bust
ness Of the community and say TO one set, lyon
are idle oafers about the cities and we want to get
you off, and therefore we will not pay you what you
are entitled to; We will make division of the
property; we will cut you out of it."
The argument cannot be maintained for moment.
1t is just as bad as in fact it is worse than, the ss-
tenn that used to combat, and many men combat
now, of compelling our people to manufacture. A
school sprang up in this country at one time that
said the people were too generally farmers in the
United States, and that must have manufactures.
am in favor Of manufactures and mechanic arts.
but then am in favor of sound principles; and if
they will pay, if individuals can embark in them
and make them pay, let them do it; it is good
thing But there was school which said We
must compel men to manufacture; too much agri-
culture is going on produce is too low" Now,
that system is to lie reversed, and we are 10 swing
like pendulum over to the other side. 1t is nov
said: "AIl this was mistake; we have too many
mechanics in the country we have got the cities
crowded with handicraft men manufacturing, and
we must get them off to the frontiers and settle
them there" The result is, however, that either
the people the Treasury are to suffer under both
schemes In Gods name let us abandon them
both.
Under my proposition you leave these men free
to do as they please; 10 stay in the cities Of they
want to do so, or to emigrate. Again, it is most
preposerous idea, anyhow, that you will get rid Of
those who are idle loaers, hangcrs-on to society by
this bill. Take one of those men and put him into
the forest, and give him an axe, and do you think
no cte n ont mhcrS a nf
lie would walk or ride until he could get to some
city, where he could consult his own taste and fol-
low his own occupation.
But there is another objection which was made
to my amendment, in some little conversation We
had about it in the Senate year or two ago, when
brought up similar proposition. 1t was said,
"If you pass this proposition you will reduce the
price of the public land very much; it will he worth
very little" admit that for arguments sake; but
it will reduce it no more than the other The 9TH
proposition destroys its value for sale. If every
body who wants land can get it for nothing, Of
course it has no price-it cannot have price
Lands that lie in the far West may bear certain
price here in Washington. Why? Because man
only get it by paying certain sum, and he may
pay for it here but if everybody who goes into the
western country get land for nothing, he will
not pay. OF course, the price will 60 down very
much under this bill any way and think perhaps
just as much as under my proposition. But suppose
it turns out that there is very large reduction
in the price, gentlemen from the new States will
not be inured the actual settlers will get the land.
very low. If nobody buys them, at least they viii
be settled up as they were in North arolina and
] do not believe there is very much in the notion
that spectators will monopoze these lands. Ir
my own State our lands were held at five cents ar
acre as long as can remember, and yet they wcr.
never bought up in large quantities. If there il
very little land offered to be got at spectators
will buy it to hold it up but when land is plenty
like water, when you fill the whole country will
warrants, you put down the price, l admit to |
very low rate. But even suppose there should b
an inconvenience to the new States if it SHOULD
happen, contrary to my expectations, that specua
tors get great deal Of this land they must see tina
is an inconvenience brought upon themselves by thei
own conduct We had very good land system
that kept it out of the hands of SPECTATORS and
you choose to break that down, you cannot complain
that We in the old States take our chance to get
share of the money.
Mr. President when got up did not wish t
sneak at length on this OueStiOn hut merely IN ca