Mineral Point weekly tribune. (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1859-1868, 1860-08-14
SPEECH OF HON. JOHN HICKMAN, DELIVERED
AT PHILADELPHIA, JULY 25.

I
cess of a principle, rather than the ele-
vation OF man. He will feel this to be
the more incumbent upon him at such
tunes as the present, when the tenden-
cies OF parties are more distinctly mark
ed out than IN any previous campalgn.-
II Will be my object this evening, to en-
deavor 10 exhibit, in a distinct light, the
dividing line between the political par.
ties of TIE day, and to ascertain, if possi-
ble, what, in all probability, would be
the effect, upon the country. of the cleo
uon of the respective candidates for the
Presidency. ----..
IF this were strife merely between
individual men, It would possess but tri-
fling Importance, and | should not trouble
you with either remark or suggestion
But as | regard the contest, the determi-
nation will soon be made not alone as TO
our value In the confederacy, but as to
the destiny OF the nation itself.
The policy of our government is, in
many respects, underlined. The more
serious questions affecting US have but
recently become topics of careful consid-
GRAFTON. Our fathers were unable 10
foresee, during the formation of the Con-
stltutlon, the greater embarrassments to
which the future of the country was to
be subjected, and consequently no pro-
vision was made against them. Subjects
which distracted and divided them, In
their deliberations, have lost much of
their former consequence, and we seem
10 be more anxious TO ascertain what they
should have said further, than what they
actually did say. Even the controversies
IN which we ourselves have been engag-
ed within the las, decade have been SET
tied or lost sight of, and we are now
about 10 enter into that conflict which is to
define many of the most important pow
ers of the government, and to fix the
character of the dominent institutions of
the country. The propriety of e-ehgi-
bllty 10 office, the exact relations be-
tween federal and local authority, the
constitutonalIty of banks and internal
improvements, the regulation of the cur
| rency, and the distribution of the proceeds
OF the public lands, are no longer agita-
ted, and discussions upon them are only
to be found IN our past history, and the
| fossil remains OF extinct parties. 1t may
IN truth, be said that OLD things have
passed away and all things have become
new.
/ There was time, not very far back
IN the past, when Slavery was universal
| ly admitted TO be a wrong IN Sc, unwise
IN pracuce, detrimental to both individu-
ais and communities, and against the spir-
It and genius of our free system. Now,
however, it is declared to be divine in lis
origin, the hlghest type of human civil :
zatlon, and indispensable to the mainte-
nance of democratic republic. For
merly II was regarded as a condition 10
be constantly reduced, and finally 10 be
| eXtinguished. Now, on the contrary,
the demand is urged that it shall be ex-
| tended, and made controlling. Here
/ find the cause or source of the great DO
llucal Issue of the present. Shall Slave
ry become a national institution and a
governing power in the country; or shall
1t remain as the constitution left it2 This
is not an inquiry propounded 10y us of
the North, but forced upon us by our
brethren of the South. They require an
answer al our hands, aud we cannot
avoid response if we would. Silence on
our part, under the circumstances, could
not be constructed otherwise than as af-
firmative of their claims | make the
distinct avowal that slavery seeks the
acquisition of all our new States .or two
objects: first, TO secure the value of
slaves, and second, 10 direct the powers
of the Federal Government
The irrepressible conflict" SO fire.
quenlly commented on and denounced bv
the South. is constantly admitted and ac-
teJi.on by them. They are too astute as
observers, and Sagaclous as politicians,
not 10 know there is a necessary and un-
ending antagonism between liberty and
slavery. If they thought differently,
there would be far more peace and har-
mony between the sections. 1t is their
full appreciation of the struggle for the
mastery which arms them for the con
hIct, and induces them to ..restle for the
victory. There IS no more evident fact
than this, that the advocates of Slavery
seek It's extension SO as TO limit the intiu-
ence of the sentiment of Freedom. We
hate tyranny, and we would prevent such
a consummatlon. They ask that all who
toll shall be held as property-be regard
ed, IN the chasle language OF IN eloquent
Senator, as "mud-sills." We believe
that God created all men free, and i'm
posed labor upon them for their advan-
tage. Which hypothesis shall be prov
en- true? We viii see hereafter! But
knowing that the principles of Justice are
uniform and eternal, l presume to be-
lieve thai those principles will prevail,
and human rights be maintained. | am
not ignorant of the fact that those who
suppose they may righifully make mer-
chandISe OF mothers and their children
seem TO think they can shape the designs
OF Providence, and re-write the history
OF humanity, reversing everything our
fathers taught, and for The maintenance
of which they periled life and honor. /
must be pardoned for disagreeing with
them, and protesting against such con-
cluSIons
The extension of negro slavery into
The Territories OF the United States has
become a setlled policy q the Democrat
lc party. This reality canno! be diseuis-
ed, and ought ne. 10 be denied. Il Is
easily accounted for. Unity Of interest
and unity of desire Wi always produce a
perfect concentration OF strength. The
fortunes OF The South have become ,em-
PIetely Identified with their peculiar do
meStic relations. By their harmony they
have been enabled 10 govern the Demo
cratic party and Inns far tn crova-n the