Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1860-10-12
The Equality Of the states-ImpOrtaut Facts
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1 - ~ A@ANAANANAa
The advocates Of the right Of the slavehold-
ers to carry their slaves into the Territories,
on the same footing that other property is
taken thither, have much to say about the
equality Of the States" All the South
asks according to Mr.. Yancy, is, that the
people thereof shall have the same power to
60 into the Territories that the Northern peo-
pie have; nothing more and nothing less
The meaning Of this is pertineutly remarks
the Boston Traveller that as a Massachusetts,
farmer can take his horse and oxen into Ne
braska without molestation or question, 50
Carolina planter should be allowed to do
the same thing with his slaves. This, the
Southrons say, is the question at issue. Were
this the question, a Northern man who is
Indifferent to the morality of slavery might
still find cause for obieeting to the spread of
that institution into those new countries from
which American States are hereafter to be
made; and be would base his opposition on
the ground of the inequality that is involved
in the very system Of servile labor that exists
in this Union. So far is it from being true
that equal rights to the South are denied,
when the extension of slavery is opposed,
that the South demands inequality when she
asks that her shareholders shall be permitted
to take their "people" to the Territories
after the manner that cattle are taken TO
them by free State farmers. The horses, OK
en-, COWS, sheep, and so forth, which are tax
en- to the Territories by Northern men, are
counted as property only, and do not have
the character Of human beings, while the
/ "people Of the planters are regarded as
men in taking the census, and for a certain
number Of them Representative in Congress
is allowed, and also Presidential Elector-
There are more than twenty members of Con-
gress that represent nothing but negro slaves,
and as many Electors Of President who vote
only because there were more than three
million of such slaves in the South in 1880
The slaves are counted as being equal to
three-ffths ofthe same number of white peo-
pie, which will give & Representative slave
/ population, this year. of more than two-and-
a-half million, and probably the political
strength Of the shareholders viii not be di-
rectly reduced much when the next appor-
tionment shall be made. How this system
VI eAlNE representation MNIh1 VIII APnEdA
from comparison Of the power that Maine
has in tbs House Of Representatives with
that which South Carolina has in that body.
South Carolina has six members of Congress,
and eight Presidential Electors, and Maine
has precisely the same number Of Electors
and Representatives that is possessed by the
Palmetto State. What is the precise num-
Der of voters il South Carolina we have no
means OF knowing, as she does not hold any
State elections that can enable US to Judge in
the premises; but if we take such facts as
are furnished by her Congressional elections,
and judge therefrom, it is the height of hber-
aity TO say that she might, possibly, at the
close Of q very exciting contest, cast 10000
votes. Now Maine, at the election she held
last month, cast 124 900 votes, or more than
twice as many as South Carolina could throw,
and probably three times as many as she
polled at any election she ever had Yet we
see that the power in Congress and in the
Electoral Colleges which is possessed by
South Carolina is as great as that which
Maine possesses. The population of Maine,
in 1850, was 5s3, 100, and the free popuis-
ton of South Carolina, at the same date, was
1885, ,523. But in spite of this vast difference
between the numbers of the free populations
of the two States, South Carolina has as
much power as Maine in making national
! laws and in making Presidents of the nation.
Maine has one Representative for every 97,-
900 of her people; and South Carolina has one
for every $4,000 of her people. Maine has
!. one ElectOr for every $4,000 of her people
j, South Carolina has one for ever 35, 800 oI
I her people. South Cardinals people, in
1850, were not so numerous as Names peO-
3 pie by three hundred thousand, but the one
\ State has as much direct political power as
= the other. Why is the difference It is be.
Il cause South Carolina is allowed to have hel
y property in slaves represented in the Electo
d raj Colleges and in Congress, while Names
. representation in those bodies is confined Il
men. South Carolina had 2s4, 4,993,'slaves II
1850, and for these she has three Representa-
2 lives, and as many Presidential Electors
Her free population entities her to just threI
Representatives, and she has six; to fvt
Electors, and she has eight The free popu
lation of New Hampshire is greater by 35,
\ 900 than the free population of South Caro-
lima, and yet New Hampshire has but half a
many Representatives as South Carolina
r Massachusetts, at the last apportionment wa
ie allowed a Representative for every 90, 400 c
her people; and South Carolina was allowe
one for every ~, 400. Such is the system {
q Il "equality" we are called upon by the SOutt
and by the democratic party, either to favo
ID or to tolerate. The Breckinridge party ask
y US to favor it; the Douglas party asks U
Y. to tolerate it. It viii be time for US to
either when the South expresses its willing
a ness to allow the property Of the free STATE
E, to be represented in Congress and in the Elec
is. toral Colleges, just as its own property
represented in those Sodies. We cannot il
terfere to redress this inequality in the State
> because it exists by virtue Of aconstitutioni
Id, compact, but we can prevent its extension il
- to new lands; and we mean to try our bes
- within the limits law, to prevent any sue
U extension Of an unequal system.
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