Arkansas true Democrat., 1860-09-08

10 De admitted into the federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits Or recognizes the instisstion of slavery"
 That of the front street convention, is :, follows.
 kesofoed, That we, the democracy of the Union m convention assembled, hereby declare our af- irnration of the resolutions unanimously adopted ana declared as platform of principles by the democratic convention at Cincinnati in the year looo, believing that democratic principles are un- cnangeabie In their nature when applied to the same subject matter.
 Resotoed, That 1t is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati platform that du- ring the existence Of territorial governments the measure 0f restriction, whatever it may be, i'm posed by the federal constitution on the powers of terrtorialle the subject of domestic relations as the same has been or shall hereafter be finally determined by the supreme court of the United States should be respected by all good ct;- zens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the federal government.
 Referring to our platform, the Douglas committee says that nothing could be more vague and unsatisfactory than these resolutions; they deal in 'truisms' of the tamest significance. or rather, as the con- troversy then stood, of no significance at all." It may be we'll to pause here and point attention to the fact that this Douglas committee shrink from the task of taking issue with these resolutions, and that they thus virtually admit that they contain no doctrine to condemn. Let the Douglas speakers in the North who have been ring ing the charge of "slave code," |" slave code," take notice of the virtual admission of their executive committee that the reso- lutions contain no such doctrine.
 The committee were wise in not attack ing platform which defes assault.
 EXPOSITION OF THE PLATFORM OF THE
 NATIONAL DEMOCRACY.
 The first resolution emphatically declares that "the government of territory ogan ized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, thereby rebutting the con- cusions that such territory can frame any permanent institutions whatever, or can establish during its territorial existence, any fundamental law whatever. It is an incl,oate and imperfect government, insti- tuted for a brief period-the creature of Congress. This resolution in connection with the third resolution, which declares that "when the settlers in territory, hav- ing an adequate population, to form a State constitution, the right of sovereignty commences; and being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the federal Union, whether it's constituents prohibits or recog- nizes the institution of slavery" is entirely consistent with the Kansas Nebraska act. That the government of territory is pro- visional and temporary, that it Is the ctea- ture of Congress, the history of the terri tories concusively establishes. Congress has always either reserved the veto power over the acts of territorial legislatures, or conferred it upon the Governor of the ter ritory, appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.
 But, as in the Cincinnati platform, the third resolution emphatically declares that when the people come to form their perma- nent institutions; when they come to lay down their fundamental law, which shall go- vern not only the people. but their legisla- tive bodies and their judicial tribunals, then they are to decide for themselves whether slavery shall be an institution or not amongst them. Is the second resolution inconsistent with the first and third? It is in these words: that |" it is the duty oi the federal government in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends" Why is government instituted at all? Is 1t to raise armies? Is 1t to create navies? Is it to establish a postal system? Is it to collect revenue? Is 1t to build up magnificent capitol, ado oine1 with works of art and extensive and beautifully arranged grounds, and imposing edifces of granite and marble? Is it instituted to raise S100, ,000, 10000 in order to expend it to bring annually together, at the na' tional capitol Senators and Representatives, and then to send them home again-to establish courts and build prisons? No; nothing of the kind. Such are not the objects of government; but they are the ln- struments of government. These are purely the appliances, by means of which govern ment accomplishes its purpose. The object of government is to protect persons and property and nothing else. Thus we see, in order to accomplish what seems to be a simple and plain purpose, resort is had to the largest and most complicated means, in order to effect it with certainty and suc cess. Various countries have differed about their form of government; but with all these differences, the purpose has been ever the same-the protection of persons and property.
 The second resolution stands :nfexibly upon this proposition.' Our government has done much, from our earliest history, to protect the lives and the property of it's citizens on its public domain. Where are our armies sent? To protect our territories For what? To protect persons and pro- property, and nothing else. The citizens of our territories who have been environed by Indian foes, and have fought their way through Indian wars, realize the import. ance of this protection. Why was oul navy sent to Paraguay? It was on ac' count of citizen of one of the free States --a citizen of Rhode Island. It was a case of offense to property; and the navy wa' sent there in order that our government might do its duty in protecting that prop erty. A government is derelict to the very purpose of it's institution; it Is derelict tt its obligations to the individua. citizen, i it fails or hesitates in acting promptly t( protect the property as we'll as the persor of that citizen.
 These resolutions, taken together, dc not establish slavery in the territories, ol recognize the principle of tn, establish ment of slavery; but they declare that th' rights of property of the citizens of th' several States shall be protected by th' federal arm. They declare, in substance that if citizen of southern State shal go to our common territories with hi slaves, his property in those slaves shall b protected. They declare, in substance that this,,provisonal and temporary govern ment of territory shall not molest or in terfere with the right of southern man tt hold his slaves as property in the territory They declare, in substance, that if the ter ritorial legislature thus interferes, it is tn duty of the federal government to interpos and prevent this unauthorized, unconstitu tional action. But there Is no intimation there can be no inference, from the thre
 II Il ~