Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1860-01-31

to stand by my State; | mean to stand by my
neighbors; I mean 10 stand by mYs.indivldual
rights: I mean to stand by my rights Of pro-
perty: above all, I mean to stand by my moral
rights of honor; and | mean to stand, last but
not least. by my political rights in this nation,
the highest Of which, in 4 national point OF
view, il the right to the Constitution and the
Union of these States. If any Black RePubli-
can, if any abolitionist, if any fanatic, if any
fool, if any worse than foUl-if wicked men IN
high or low places, wish TO take this Union or
any of nv rights in it from Inc, they shall not
do it. / mW .hiyht first" And when com
PEELED to fight, whether they or will be guilty
of treason, will depend upon the right and the
law Of the case. and the success of the conflict
will be and shall be determined by arms. If
they assail me and ! conquer them in the tight,
and I have the Constitution and the law
on my side. will hang them as we
did John Brown, and Cooke and Coppoc.
If they conquer Inc, and I have the right and
the law on my side, they cannot hang me for
treason, though they may hang me by brute
force. If am ever guilty of what they mis-
call treason, they may hang Inc il they can
catch me-no hanging without catching! and
that will he determined by the arbitrament Of
arms.
What | would say more expressly is, that |
| will defend all my rights together and alike
| have my rights Of proprrty-my right in
slave property as well a. other propcrty-and
mean 10 defend that right to the last, and by
force of arms if | must. And ] have my po-
liticaI right in the Union among others; and
mean to defend that political right Of Union as
will defend my personal property in slaves.
/ will not DC so weak as To yield any one Of
my essential rights in order to maintain ;no-
thcr. know of no worse or more incnicacious
means of preserving one right than by relin-
nuishing another right. The best means, and
the means | prefer 10 adopt, is 10 maintain and
defend all my rights. With all respect to those
who differ from INC, | must say, it seems to me
that that. man forgcts his courage will not
say he is Il coward, but he forgets his courage
furscts, at least, what Is due his honor, who,
when his slave property is threatened, seeks 10
keep that property by running away from an
other precious property, his political property
in the Union. ICries of good. Any man
who will give up his right Of Union, and give
it up readily-who will run away aud leave it,
in the vain hope that by rclinquishing one
right, he will be relieved from the necessity Of
fighting for the protection Of another right
should be unwilling to rely OH that inan even
for the protection ofpcrsnnal property itself. As
for lie, will have the Union and the negroes
both! Enthusiastic and prolonged cheers. +
That is my position, and if cannot maintain it
otherwise, will have revolution, lgrcat APP
plausc. and the end Of that revolution shall he
to defend the Constitution and restore the
Union.
have a faith pledged to inc in the Union, i
right guaranteed to me in the Union, Il protec-
ton in the Union, 4 hope in the Union, Il pal
ladium of liberty in the Union, historical glo-
ry and rcnown in the Union, u covenant in
the Union. III obligation of duty in the
Union, and countless and incStiurahlc bless
ings in the Union, which | will no more yield
because bad men invade them than | will yield
the safety Of my property, or my life, or my
limb, or anything else that is mine, when SINH
larry assailed. If the Union is to be taken
away from any one, | will take it away from
my assailants. They shall not take it away
from mr. 1t carries too much advantage and
power and purchase in tin its armies and
nayies and public lands and treaties and trea-
sures-to allow Black Anything to take it away
from Inc and mine, and to appropriate its pow
ers TO my damage and destruction. Under the
rule laid down by my sovereign State, she has
the power, indeed, To scccdc, for good cause,
from the compact Of this confedcracy. ! be-
licvc in this right Of secession, if my State
chooses to exercise il. have ever believed in
it. But !, for one, will not choose to exercise
this right of seeding and retiring from Il COM
pact so advantageous, if it can be righteously
maintained, so long as | can do better than to
scccdc, and thus yield all its advantages. And
at this time the Southern States are not pre-.
pared to secedc and take with them their share
OF the common property of the Confcderacy
and powers Of the General Government. They
would be compelled to yield all, or 10 fight for
their share, at all odds. IF the last extremity
must comc--il separation must take place, !
am for preparing first to take the de .Jacto and
de jure power OF the COnfcderacy into our
own lran,ls, and not for leaving them in the
hands of enemies who would endcavor to hang
me for treason
But some gentlemen tell us that any species
Of resistance to aggression upon our rights,
short Of secession, does legally amount 10 trca.
son. | deny it. Treason! What do you mean:
What makes one mode or measure Of redress
when rcsorted to By 4 sovereign State in vindi-
cation of her rights, any more treason than
another mode or measure Of redress: The
whole idea is Il ~fincspun abstraction, the very
tcnuity Of which bears witness to lis entire
unsorlndneSs. More than that, it is directly OPP
pvscd TO the doctrine Of State sovereignty As
laid down in Yirginia's own resolutions, which
leave to every State Il broad option among al
the modes and measures Of redress. 1t is ldlc
to say that if We remain in the Union and re-
sist nnconstitutional aggression, we may be
hung as traitors. The same power which
would thus hang State resistance, on Il false
charge of treason in the Union, would resist
your right to seccde, and as easily, and 10 more
wrongfully, make It's exercise the ground Of an
indictment for treason.
The truth is. and the sooner it is realized
and admitted the better, you cannot separate
the States Of this Union without conflict, with.
out n civil war over the division which may be
claimed. Whenever either party resolves upon
n separation, that party must he prepared for
intestine war, whether the first measure Of re.
~sistancc be 4 declaration Of secession, or armed
or unarrncd resistance in the Union. And, until
that party is prepared for war, it had better re-
main at peace. The man who fixes upon
''pcaccablc secession" Us the only %ultimat,m in
the last extremity, is virtually and in fact no
thing more nor less than an absolute submits
~sioniSt. lie who is not ready to fight for his
rights if invaded, will be ready 10 yield them
whenever they are invaded.
And, sirs, tell you, that if as brave and
faithful men. we show ourselves indeed ready
aud earnest in the intent to strike the actual
blow Of armed resistance against aggression,
the aggression itself will he withdrawn and
atoncd for before the blow can possibly be
stricken. Once ~convicc the Black. Republicans
and Abolitionists of the North that you will
fight, and fight ut once, for the maintenance Of
your rights, and they will not only abstain
from further aggression, but you will promptly
drive them back to the walls Of the Constitu'
ton and the munilncnts Of the Union. Instead
of stirring up intestine war, as some gentlemen
50 TREMENDOUSLY predict, you will put an end 10
nil apprehension Of strife, and especially to
that war of sectional hatred and malice which
is now raging against you with a virulence and
continually increasing disaster worse than any
calamity which could result from a just and
risrtrul appeal to the God Of battles. You have