Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1860-05-11
WHOLE NO. 1896.

ground that these subordinatos wero instru-
ments through whom he acted and spoke. 1t
can certainly not be necessary to transcribe
what appears throughout tho journals Of Con-
gross, that each House has continually claim
cd and exercised the necessary power Of in
specting, inquiring into and supervising the
different Executive Departments and opera
tons Of the Government. II it be true that
close and intimate connection insisted upon
exists between the President and others APP
pointed by him, and exercising Executive
trusts, the reason is not manifest why the
management of tho ono should not be made
as plain and patent as tho other. The most
rational and plausible conclusion at least would
be, that the prctcntious tenets Of the protest
have been seriously awakened, if not destroy
ed, by the force Of its admissions.
The necessity for the full and unrestricted
exercise Of the power in question is so over
ruling as TO prevent It's surrender.
/. With a view to impeachment.
,. For the purpose Of legislation.
3. To protect the privileges Of Congress.
Tho constitutionality, the legality, and au-
thorizcd cxpedioncy Of the inquiry proposed
by the resolutions being, as is believed, am
ply vindicatcd, no question remains in respect
to il, except such as might address itself TO
the discretion Of the House. If, by the pro-
cceding5 to remedy a mischief. greater mis-
chief would be likely to follow, then a well
regulated prudence would indicate It's aban-
donment The President in his protest sug-
gcsts such danger, and rests his resistance
upon it. 1t is thus oxprcssod "The whole
proceeding against him justifcs the fears Of
those wise and great men who, before the
Constitution was adopted by the States, APP
! pretended that the tendency Of the Govern
ment was to the aggrandIzement Of the lcgis-
latiye at the expense Of the executive and lu-
dicial departments It. indeed, fears Of leg
islatvc aggrandizement should ever have ex-
isted, the cause of those fears is left in great
obs"urity. The history Of the Constitution,
through all the stages Of its formation, its
adoption by the several States and the con-
spicuous differences between the great politi-
cal parties at the time. would seem to deny
the existence of any such apprehension Tho
strong sentiment Of the Democratic party
through its whole struggle with the Federal
lists, until the election Of Jefferson, was d-
roctly the reverse of the Presidents state
ment. In the Convention which formed the
Constitution, jealousy Of the Executive branch
Of the proposed Government was as great
even, as the kindred jealousy against the pro-
bable encroachments OF the Federal Govern
mcnt upon the independence and sovereignty
Of the separate States. In that body it was
even proposed that the Executive should be
removed by the Legislative, without impeach-
ment or conviction of high crimes and msde-
mcanors As further manifestation Of that
feeling. it was proposed that the Executive
should be plural. Madison and Randolph
urgently supported it a measure of protec-
tion against the aggrossions of the Chief Mag
istrato upon the rights of the coordinate
branches Of the Government. Mr.. Randolph
Governor of Virginia and Attorney General
under Washington), speaking upon this sub
iect, said "Ihe situation of this country is
peculiar; the people are taught aversion to
monarchy; all the constitutions arc opposed
to it. Why cannot three execute 2" The
incliglbility of the Executive, after ono term,
was also insisted upon a necessity TO pre-
vent usurpation Jefferson declared his wish
to be that the President should be elected for
seven years, and be ineligible afterwards.-
Mr.. Randolph also made use Of this remark
able expression "Thc Executives may ap-
point men devoted to them, and then bribe
the Legislature" Hamilton, after the adop-
ton of the article of tho Constitution relating
to the Executive, addressing Governor Lewis,
used still more striking expression you
nor |, my friend, may not live to see the day,
but most assurodly it will come, when every
vital interest Of the State will be merged in
the all-absorbng question Of who will be the
next President So numerous are the proofs
that the wise and great men of our earlier
history entertained forebodlngs of The very
opposite character to those which the Presi-
don't ascribes to them, that it is difficult to
] 70
the President to accomplish the purpose Of
/ his protest. The suspicion on the part Of tho
/ people has become so great, that they are CON
tnually reducing executive power. In many
of the States the Governor has become but a
mere Chief of Police. This is not, however,
to be attributed to legislative or judicial agen-
cy, but to the fact that chief executives so
use their patronage as to produce a tendency
to Capitalization of power dangerous TO the
liberties of the people. The world is but a
great battle field for power; and If universal
history teaches any lesson it is this "that
power is always stealing from the many to
tho few /" that executive heads of nations alb
sorb popular rights and that all revolutions
are on the part Of the people, not to establish
thrones, but to regain that which has been
wrosted from them by the throne. The ciu-
zon Of the United States has reason 20 fear
that which every other nation has suffered
The Committee, entertaining the views hero
10 expressed, recommend the adoption of the
following resolution:
Rssoiref, That the House dissents from the
doctrines Of the special message Of the prcsi-
dent Of the United States, Of March 28, 1860
That tho extent Of p Iwer contemplated in
tho adoption Of the resolutions Of inquiry Of
March 8, 1860 is necessary to the proper dis
charge Of the constitutional duties doyolved
upon Congress
That judicial determinations, the opinions
Of former Presidents, and uniform usage sane.
ton its exercise; and
That to abandon it would leave the execu-
tive department of the government without
supervision or responsibility, and would be-
likely 10 lead TO a concentration Of power in
the hands of the President, dangerous to the
lights of a free people.
/ SET HIN BAcK.-There is good story
told OF an old gentleman who made it rule
I that his children should dine at side table
until they were sixteen years old at which
ave they wero permittod TO eat with tho older