Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-05-09

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Popular Sovereignty, any man. with his single slave,
his FIVE or ten slaves, would venture now TO enter
and settle in solitary Territory wtnin tne onllea
States It NAV be said by my distinguished friend
from Ohio that the principle We are contending for
is an abstraction. 1t may be an abstraction, tor
Democratic principles all abstractions they DO
not become practical questions until you come to
leeisate and pass measures founded upon those prn-
ciples All the principles We lay down are abstrac-
TONS they are intended to control and govern the
legislation of this country for the present, and u
may be for the future. We have reported TO- you
f.om both the majority and minority, resolution
for the acquisition of Cuba We all say privately
and publicly, if the bonds Of the Union are to be
preserved and perpetuatcd. and we are to live in
concord and harmony, that the flag of this great
country must float over all the States of Central
America, and over the whole of Mexico unless that
country should remodel its form OF government,
and change the principles which control it. There
Is, then, in the future no opening of country for
us, which should develope and increase Southern
labor; and yet the principle proclaimed in the mi
nortv reportthe principle which is said to be en-
bodied in the Cincinnati platform-the principle OF
Popular Sovereisnty-wogld exclude every South
crn man. with his slaves from all the Territories Of
Mexico and Central America, if acquired in any
manner by the government of the United States
ask you, in that event. what would be the destiny
OF the people Oh the SOulu IL 10 Tart vi anu
death with them. We regard this principle as more
important in its ultimate effects than any principle
ever discussed before in America so far as affects
the future fate and destiny Of the people of the South
If YOU establish the doctrine of Popular Sovereign
ty-if you establish Gordon of free States on the
Gulf extending across from the Pacific to the Attain
tic Ocean, ask you where, in the future, are the
South to emigrate? Where is the negro population,
when it becomes redundant, to be placed? Are you
= -. 4 c.k.,.
that irrepressible conflict which has met with the
indignant rcbuke of every Democrat in the United
States? tell you that the non-slaveholdng con-
sttuences whom We represent here are more bitter
ly hostile to this doctrine of Popular Sovereignty
than the shareholders of the States which we repre-
sent
If you exclude slavery from the territories; if
slavery increases and there is outlet to it, until
that population ceases from its very numbers to be
proftaby employed at the South, ask you if there
must not be emancipation or an irrepressible con-
fict? When emancipation comes, the non-save
holders know that then comes equality between the
poor white man and the slave; they know that the
result will be the same in the Northern States
tell you that the poorest man in my State resents,
insult, the intimation that the negro must be
free and placed on the equality with him. say to
you, MIR. President, that this doctrine of Popular
Sovereignty finds respone in the hearts of my
constituents whether they be the owners of slaves
or not
But We are told that, in advocating the doctrine
we now do, we are violating the principles of the
Cincinnati platform. They say that the Cincinnati
platform is Popular Sovereignty platform; that it
was intended to present and practically enforce that
great principle Now, we who made this report de-
ny that this is the true construction of the Cncn
natl platform. We of the South say that when We
voted for the Cincinnati platform understood from
the fact that the Territories stand in the posi-
ton the District of Columbia that non Interior
ence and noninterventon in the Territories was that
same soil of non-interference and nonnterven,ion
forbidden in the District of Columbia. Now, We
maintain that Congress has no right to prohibit or
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia Why?
Because it is an existing institution. 1t becomes
the duty of Congress under the Constitution to pro-
tect and cherish the right Of property in slaves in
that District because the Constitution does not give
them the power to prohibit or establish Slavery
Every session of Congress, Northern men, Southern
men, men of all parties are legislating to protect,
cherish and uphold the institution of slavery in the
District of Columbia. What VIC say is, that the
Constitution of the United States recognises slavery
in the Territories of the United State that it does
not carry it there but when the slave owner takes
his property with him, that then the broad egis of
the Constitution which spreads that Territory,
protects that property from nvasion t. at it is the
duty of Congress- not Of the Territorial Legislature,
if that property is invaded TO intervene, it does
in the District Of Columbia. Why, we have every
day intervention by Congress. 1t was but the 9TH
er day statute was passing solemnly by the House
of Representatives. repeating statute of Utah re-
cognizing polygamy Do yon not call that interven'
tiong II they can intervene to repeal odious
law, connot Congress intervene for the purpose of
passing law to protect the rights of persons and
property in any Territory?
What principle of selfpreservation exists with re-
spect to our Northern brethren; what great nation
al interest of theirs is to be affected if they were ia
abandon this doctrine of popular sovereignty? No
No such proposition has been made; no such prop
osition will be made. We would secure perfect
equality to every citizen in all the States Of the
Union. My Democratic friends who are opposed tc
say that they are disposed to surrender it when
ever the Supreme Court of the United States shall
decide that question. Now, Mr.. President, it has
been said that this is altogether judicial question
l deny it.; and say it is not altogether judcia
question. I say that there are thousands of ways
by indirect legislation whereby the owners of slaves
may be kept out of the Territories. whereby VIZ
may be deprived of our rights; whereby our rights
may be invaded and there be no power in the judi
;ial arm to remedy the evil. / need not stop tt
enunerate any of them, because those who are ia
niliar with the subject aware that there is many
mode whereby the negro may be stolen, whereby
man may secure the possession of negroes. and M
'rm of law, known to the Federal laws, to be en-
,rced by the Supreme Court, would reach, or fur
ish. or give remedy to the party aggrieved.
~, then, that the Supreme Court does not furnish
adequate remedy; and ask our Northern friend
there be doubts upon this subject, whether the.
ught not to surrender them ana give us the beneti
fsuch doubts. know it is said that the sentimen
the North is such that they dislike to be thrown
ITO association with men who are the owners 0
,aves. Gentlemen of the Convention ask you a
| Democrats to correct that sentiment on behalf Q
Iorthern men, for. it is that sentiment that feeling
+ antagonsm which they think exists between
Iaveholdcrs and non-slaveholders, between South
IN men and Northern men, which has created tn
issentions which now exist at the North. l as
now not to press question which must lead t
re have had yet (. 90 w sa :
The preservation of. the Union depends upon tn
democracy of the North. We, of the South, vot