The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1860-03-07
CADlz OHIO, WEDNESDAY, MARCH I, 1860.

trouble, and probably led 10 an attempt 70 J0fcs
her into the Union; thus commencing our ca
Ieer with oppre ession If success rul, or civil war
and run0us connections, such as might have
led to despotic form of government, if unsuc-
cessfJl At hest, canker worm would have
been planted in the heart Of the Tree Of Liber-
ty, which, sooner or later, would have eaten it
to decay and prostrated it before the storms Of
faction.
But happily for us-happily for the world at
large and the hopes Of mankind everywhere,
the prophecies Of Despots without and the jeers
was a complete success, and the enemies offree
government were completely at bay. Foiled in
their hopes, Disconnected in their plans, crowns
and imperial robes have covered uneasy occu-
pants ever since, and the oppressed have taken
! fresh courage and are hourly demanding conces-
SONS from their oppreSsors. We preach by
example-we subdue by kindness and friendly
relations--we convince by honest purposes and
fair dealing, and what was once an experiment
is now a matter OF blazOned success on the
pages of fhistory, bedacked in jewels and writ
ten in letters of gold. Monuments of marble
and granite are being reared to the memories
OF the founders of our glory, and the richest
fields of oratory sought, to impress the hearts
Of our generation with the greatness OF their
deeds.
At last we have Union Of the States, un-
der the General Government. The powers to
be exercised were defined in written Consti-
tuition. All others were reserved to the States
and the people. Then came the great contest,
to fix, as a rule Of action what those powers
were. Those who had opposed the Revolution
whose heart still clung to the mother coun-
try; and all those who doubted the capability oi
the people for self government; who opposed
the extension Of suffrage to 1chite man-tor no
one then thought of claiming such right for the
negro--ralied to the side of a strong govern.
ment and most liberal construction. This
party was led by men who had done good SER
vice in the Revolution-men Of powerful intel
lects-and they collected followers from all
|
more strict construction Of the provisions Of the
Constitution, and ireer thought and action
| The strict constructionists embodied the living
mass Of the actors in and defenders Of the sepa-
ration from Great Britain. They cordially
despsed all despotic forms Of government, and,
from recent causes, especially the King and
Government OF England. They opposed des.
potts IL both over the body and over thes mind,
an? were literally denounced as irrelisious by
the then strong church party, which naturally
enough, united with the strong government
party.
One party (the Democratic) dreaded the pow
er Of the Government; the other (the Federal)
that Of the people.
The strong government, and the strong
churchmen, placed at their head John Adams
Of Massachusetts. Their opponents selected as
their standard bearer Thomas Jefferson Of Vir-
ginia The issue was fairly joined, and on the
result hung the fate Of a new world and the
material and humane progress Of an extraordi
nary deople.
Mr. Adams had succeeded General Washing.
ton, and, during the four years his admins
tration, the practical effect Of the general wei
fare" doctrne--an expression in the Constitu
ton from which the most unlimited power was
endeavorod to be drawn--started the revolu
tionary spirit, still fresh and vigorous, and Mr.
Jefferson, the great champion of State Rights
of strict construction, and the rights of man,
was elected and inaugurated on the fourth o
March, 1901 The first great crisis, under the
Constitution, was passed, and the Government
took new tack; and the great Democratic or
ganizaton was thoroughly established and it
principles we'll defined and imprinted on thu
laws of the nation. 1t was then, as now
f thoroughly national disregarding all sectional
issues as an invasion of State Rights, and al
intermedlings with what the Constitution hat
expressly reserved to tho States themselves ant
, the people.
Here originated that very agitation Of which
, we are now in the last throes--the origin Q
the very Bill now before me, ,and the occasion c
| this very paper. The seeds then sown hav
, grown to full maturity. The fruit is fully ripe
and the political reapers are in the field wit
sickles yell sharpened, and with much create
ardor than they ever labored to garner whea
industry.
r In forming the Constitution, our ever to b
venerated fathers saw and felt the dIfficultie
! that surrounded them on this very question {
: Negro Slavey. While in the numerical aggre
gate the negro was counted in the column
{ humanity-in all that concerned political right
they were excluded. While treated with del
t cacy and humane care, as of the human famil,
they were not recognized as part of our poll
ical franchisement They were clothed an
d. fed and housed, and for this they owed thei
f protectors, for such they were in reality, "Sel
s vice or labor" To this extent the Constitutio
. recognized them, and no further. All else wa
1 left to the action Of the free and sovereign
e States to take care OF and regulate in their ow
= way. AS Slavery then existed in all the State
: BY positive law or by sufferance, even in tn
f land of William Penn, no restriction or require
/ ment whatever was made in regard to their az
3 ton on the subject. Such States as chose
3 abolish it had right to Go so, or not, as migt
| suit them best. The restriction, under the Az
. of1797, in regard to the Northwest Territor,
remained as it was created by the Congress
t the Confederation; yet Slavery existed, in POI
9 tions Of that Territory from the passage ofth;