The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-05-30
NUMBER 90.


part in debate-Mr. Hamilton, in speaking of
the various powers necessary to maintain a
Government came to clause four;
81. Force, by which may be understood
coercion Of iatCs, or coercion of arms. Con-
gress have not the former, except in few cases.
In particular States, this coercion is nearly
sufficient; though he held it, in most cases,
not entirely so. A certain portion OF military
force is absolutely necessary in large commun-
tiles. Massachusetts is now feeling this ne
cessity, and making provision for it. But how
can this force be eXerted on the States collec-
lively? 1t is impossible. 1t amounts to a
war between the parties. Foreign Powers
also, will net De Idle spectators, They. will
ifiterpose, the confusion win increase and a
dissolution Of the Union will enstle"
The consequences was, the proposition was
lost. Ia support Of this same idea Of cemmun-
ity Independence which have suggested the
argument upon the proposition to give power
to restrain the slave trade shows that Northern
and Southern men, all arguing and present n
different views, yet concurTed in this, that
there could be no power to restrain State
from importing what she pleased. As my
friend from Vermont Mr.. Coliamer] looks
somewhat surprised at my statement, | will
refer to the book. Rutledge said:
Religion and humanity had nothing to do
with this question. Interest alone is the gov
ernpent principle with nations The true
question at present is whether the Southern
States shall or shall not be parties to the I'm
ion. If the Northern States consult their in
terest, they will not oppose the increase of
slaves, which will increase the commodities Of
which they will become the carriers."-El-
Hott's Debntes, vol. 5, p. 457
"Mr. Pinckney. South Carolina can never
receive the plan if it prohibits the slave trade.
In every proposed extension of the powers of
Congress that State has expressly and watch
fully excepted that of meddling with the i'm
portation OF negroes. If the States be all left
at liberty on this subject, South Carolina may,
perhaps, by degrees do of herself what is
wished, as Virginia and Maryland already
have done. Ibid, p 457.
''Mr. Sherman was for leaving the clause
as it stands He disapproyed Of the slave
trade; yet as the States were now possessed
of the right TO import slaves, as the public
good did not require it to be taken from them
and as it was eXpedient to have as few obiec-
tons as possible to the proposed scheme of
Government, he thought it best to leave the
matter as we find t''-Pape 457.
Mr.. Baldwin had conceived national OBJ
jects alone to be before the convention; not
such as, like the present, were Of a local ma
ture. Georgia was decided on this point
That State has always hitherto supposed a
General Government to be the pursuit of the
central States, who wished to have a vortex
for everything, that her distance would pre-
clude her from equal advantage and that she
could not prudently purchase it by yielding
national powers From this, it ight be un-
derstood in what light she would view an at
tempt to abridge one of her lavorite prero-
gatives.
'lf left to herself she may probably put
stop to the evil As one ground for this con-
lecture, he took notice of the sect of ,
which, he said, was a respectable class of peo-
pie who carried their ethecs beyond the mere
equality of men, extending their humanity to
the claims Of the whole animal creation."-
Page 459.
Mr.. Gerry thought we had nothing to do
with the conduct of the States as to slaves,
but ought to be careful. not to give any sanction
to it."-Page 459.
''Mr. King thought the subject should be
considered in a political light only. If two
States will not agree to the constitution, as
ststed on one side, he could affirm with equal
belief, on the other, that great and equal op-
position would be experienced from the other
States. He remarked on the exemption of
slaves from duty, whilst every other import
was subjected TO it. as an inequality that
could not fail to strike the commercial sagaci-
ty Of the Northern and Middle States"--
Page 46o
Here, as will be observed, everywhere was
recognized and admitted the doctrine of COM
munlty independence and State equality-no
interference with the institutions of a State
no interference even prospectively, save and
except with their consent and thus it follow
ed that at one time it was proposed to except
from the power to prohibit the further intro
duction Of Africans those States which insisted
upon retaining the power and finally it was
agreed that a date should be fixed beyond
which, probably, none of them desered to re-
tain it. These were States acting in their
sovereign capacity they possessed power to
doas they pleased; and that was the view
which they took of it. l ask, then. how are
we, their descendants, those holding under
their authority, to assume power which they
refused to admit, upon principles eternal and
lying at the foundation of the Constitution
itself?
If, then, there be no such distinction or dis
crimipation; if protection be the duty land
who will deny it p with which this Govern
ment is charged, and for which the States
pay taxes, because of which they surren-
dered theirarmies and their nayies; if gener-
al protection lie the general duty, ] ask in
the name of reason and constitutional right
| ask you to point me to authority by which
a discrimination is made between slave prop
erty and any other Yet this is the question
fTaught with evil to our country. 1t is this
which has raised the hurricane threatening
to sweep our political institutions before it
This is the dark spot which some already be-
gin to fear may blot out the constellation of
the Union from the political firmamento Of man.
kind. Does it not become us, then, calmly
to consider it, Justly to weigh it; to hold it in
balances from which the dust has been blown,
in order that we may see where truth, right
and the obligations of the Constitution re-
quire us to go?
1t may be pardoned to one who, from his
earliest youth up, has been connected with a
particular party, who has always believed
that the welfare and safety of the country
most securely rested with that party, who
has seen in the triumph Of the Democracy the
triumph of the Union, and who has believed
for years past that the downfall of Democra-
CIV would be its destruction--it may be par
doned, | say, under such circumstances as
these, to such person as that, to refer even
in this connection to that feature of the par
ticular point which | am discussing which
has been brought forward by the recent action
of that party. States met together to consult
as brethren to see whether they could agree
as we'll upon the candidate upon the creed,
and it was apparent that division had entered
into our ranks. After days of discussion we
saw that party convention broken. We saw
the enemies of Democracy waiting to be invi-
ted to its funeral, and jestingly looking into
the blank faces of those Of US to whom the
telegraph brought the sad intelligence. Ihope
| this is, however, but the mist of the morning.
have faith in the Democracy, and it still lives
| [ have faith in the patriotism and in the good
| sense of the Democracy, that they will, in
| due time assert the truth, boldly pronounce
| it. meet the issue, and l trust in the good
sense and patriotism Of the people for their
success.
/ In this connexion it may be permissible to
review our present party condition. For a
| long time two parties divided the people Of
| the United States The controversy was
mainly upon questions Of xpediency-some.
| times of constitutionality. They divided men
| in all of the States. The contest was some.
times won by one, and sometimes by the 9th.
er. The Wing party lives nov but in histo.
ry, yet it has a history of which any of il,
| members may be proud. 1t bore the high
| but not successful part of stemming the lid,
of popular impulse, and thus failed to attain
the highest power. Differing from them upo,
the points at issue, offer the homage Of m,
respect to those who, adhering to what the,
believed to be true so down sooner than fin.
success in the Abandonment of principle
With the disappearance of that party, and Der
hapS for the very reasons that caused its dis
appearance, up rose radical organizations VIII
strobe so far beyond progres i've Democracy
that Democracy took the place now left yacan
by the old Wig party, and became the reser
vior into which all conservatism was pourec
Therefore it is that so many of those mer
eminent in their day, eminent for their servi
! ces, eminent in their history, have approved I
the Democratic party, in the present conditio
Of the country, as the only conservative elG
ment which remains in our politics. In tn
midst of this rad caiism, Of this revolutionar
, 1 tnndnpny haenv,aaS vnf fha ,.n...,l - M,