The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1860-03-14
,usa''ye h slave who takes refuge at our frcsido


There yod ind his doctrine clearly laid down,
that the Constitution Of the United States is in
violation oil the Divine law, and therefore, is not
to be oHeycd. You find the declaration that
the clause rsiating to fugitive slaves, being in
ylnlalicG. OF the Divine law, is not binding on
mari6ind. This has been the doctrine Of the
Senator from New York for years. have not
heard it IN the Senate to day for the first time.
have heard in my own State, for the last ten
years, this same doctrine, that the Declaration
of Independence recognized the negro and the
white man as equal; that the negro and white
man are equals by Divine law, and that every
provision of our Constitution and laws which es-
tablishes inequality between the negro and the
white man is void, because contrary to the law
of God.
Tho Senator lrcm New York says, in the
very srecch from which have quoted, that
New York is yet slave State. Why? Not
that she. has a slave within her limits, but be-
cause the constitution OF New York does not
allow negro to vote on an equality with
white man. For that reason he saws New
York is still slave State; or that ason eve
ry otter State tlat discriminatcs between the
negro and the white man is slave State leav-
ing but very few States in the Union that are
free from his objection. Yet, notwithstand ing
the Senator is committed to these doctrines,
notwithstanding the leading men OF his party
are committed to them, be argues that they
have been accused of being in favor Of negro e.
quality, and says the tendency of their doctrine
is the equality Of the white man. He intro
duces the objection, and fails to answer it. lie
states the proposition and lodges it, to leave
the inference that he does not endorse it. Sir,
desire to see these gentlemen carry out their
principles to their logical conclusion. lfthey
will persist in the declaration that the negro is
made the equal OF the white man, and that any
inequality is in violation of the Divine law, then
let them carry it out in their legislation by con-
ferring on the negroes all the rights of citizen
ship the same as on white men. hold that
tho Declaration of Independence was only re-
ferring to the white man-to the governing
race of this country who were in conflict with
Great Britain, and had no reference to the ne
gro race at ALL when 1t declared that all men
were created equal.
Sir, if the signers Of that declaration had un-
derstood the instrument then as the Senator
from New York now construes it, were they
hat l., ~, 10
mancipatc all their slaves? IF Mr.. Jefferson
had meant that his negro slaves were created
by the Almighty his equals, was he not bound
to emancipate the slaves on the very day he
signed his name to the Declaration Of IndPpend-
ence? Yet no one of the signers Of that decla-
ration emancipaied his slaves. No one of the
States in whose behalf the declaration was sign
ed, emancipated its slaves until after the Rev
olution was over. Every one of the original
colonies, every one OF the original thirteen
States, sanctioned and legalized slavery until
after the Revolution was closed. These facts
show conclusively that the Declaration Of In
dependence was never intended to bear the con-
struction placed upon it by the Senator from
New York, and by that enormous tribe Of lee
turers that go through the country delivering
lectures in country school houses and easements
of churches to Abolitionists, in order to teach
the children that the Almighty had put his seal
of condemnation upon any inequality between
the white man and the negro.
Mr.. President am free to say here-what
I haze said over and over again at home-that,
in my opinion, this Government was made by
white men, on the white basis, for the benefit
of white men and their posterity forever, and
should be administered by white wen, and by
none other whatsoever.
Mr.. DooIITTLE. l will ask the honorable
Senator, then, why not give the Territories to
white men?
Mr.. DOUGLAS. Mr.. President, am in favor
Of throwing the Territories open to all white
men, and all the negroes, too that choose to go,
and then allow the white men to institute the
government and govern the Territory. Iwould
not let one of the negroes. free or slave, either
vote or hold office anywhere, where l had the
right, under the Constitution, to prevent it. |
am in favor Of each State and each Territory OF
this Union taking care fits own negroes, free
or slave Irthey want slavery, let them have
it; if they desire to prohibit slavery, let them
do it; it is their business, not mine. We, in Il
linois, tried slavery while we were Territory,
and found it was not profitable; and hence we
turned philanthropsts and abolished it, just as
our British friends across the ocean did. They
established slavery in all their colonies, and
when they found they could not make any more
money out Of it, abolished it.. hold that the
question OF slavery is one Of political economy,
governed by the laws Of climate, soil, produc-
tons, and self-interest and not by mere statu
tory provision. l repudiate the doctrine, that
because free institutions may be best in one eli
mate, they are, necessarily, the best everywhere;
or that because slavery mayb be indispensable in
one locality, therefore it is desirable every
where. | hold that a wise statesman will al
ways adapt his legislation to the wants, inter
ests, condition, and necessities OF the people to
be eg0verned by 1t. One people VIII bear differ
ent institutions from anotAer. One climate de-
mands different institutions from another.
repeat, then, what have oten had occasion to
say, that | do not think uniformity is either
possible or desirable. I can see no two States
pre risoly alike in their domestic institutions in
this L MON. Oar system rests on the supposi-
ton tha. each State has something in her con-
dition or ch mate, or her circumstances, requir-
inc laws and institutions different from every