Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1860-08-11

Il
| District OF Columbia. would be glad to
see all cause of disturbance and contention
| in the District wholly removed; but let me
say that this can never be done by the aboii-
| ton of slavery, unless it be accompanied by
some adequate provision for the removal or
| the effective control OF the slaves after they
shall be emancipated. With this qualfica-
ton, and in order to test the determination
| of the North in regard to any further and
1 continued aggression upon Southern feelings
and the security of Southern property, |
would be content TO see slavery in the Dis
| trict abolished to-day. In one aspect of the
| subject, am not sure that il would not be a
great conservative measure, both as regards
| the Union and interests of the South. The
District once relieved of all sources of dis
seDson, we should speedily be enlightened
| upon the question whether the North would
| stop there or raise new and more dangerous
/ issues. If all agitation should cease, then
would the whole country, in all its sections
and Interests, experience the blessings of re-
pose from this distraciing controversy; ON
the other hand, should the North manifest a
| determination to continue the strife, by at
| lacking at other points. the uncertainty which
| now hangs over the fortunes of the South
will be dispelled, and the people would have
the option of deciding their own destiny
without delay. They could either make up
| thei- minds to submit in quiet, and with be
| decree, or to take steps for successful resist
ance. Ii, Sir, it were proposed now to eradi-
cate slavery from the District, and at the
same time provide proper securities for the
| removal or effective control of the free color
ed population, am not prepared to say that
the South ought 10 resist the measure. 1t
| would depend upon the spirit and intention
with which it might be proposed. | repeat,
that fer myself l should be rejoiced, as the
| representative of a slave State, if this ques-
| ton could Ue now settled The Senator from
| Ohio (Mr. Clase) has notified US that we are
much mistaken if we suppose that the bill
for the suppression of the slave trade is the
last which we may expect on the subject of
| slavery. L would ike to see the question,
how far the North propose to go upon this
subject, brought TO practical test at once,
] if the excitement of the times admitted fair
| Interpretation OF the measure by the people
of the So. n. L want the State which have
| the honor 10 represent in part-I want the
| whole country South, to know what is the
| funniest limit t. which the North intend to
press the antl-.Iaycry policy, and whether
| they of the South may ever expect repose
| from these agitations. But | know, Sir, that
| 1t is not proposed to abolish slavery in the
District now, and l therefore forbear to re-
mark further upon that subject"
At the time that these remarks were made,
in the District of Columbia before Congress,
and the reference to the subject by Mr.. Bell
was casual and altogether of speculative
character. He would not utea had the ques
| tien been practical one and the power of
Congress clear and undoubted, have voted
for the abolition, because the South was in
| famed and not prepared to assent to it, and
because of the possible effect of such mea-
sure upon the two adjoining States. He
thought of such an enactment, only upon
the superstition and with the hope that it
might put an end to agitation, or develope at
| once that nothing was to be expected in fu-
ture from the forbearance and good feeling
of the North. He could contemplate the
abolition only in the view, that it should be
a measure of peace and a finality, thing to
be assented to by the Southern States and to
be enacted with proper regard to the comfy
due 10 Virginia and Maryland. But upon
his own reading of the Constitution Though
some able men had expressed contrary
opinion and thereby thrown doubt upon it)
he was of opinion that Congress did possess
the same power over slavery in the District
of Columbia, that the States possessed over
the same subject within their own bound
aries. How then is this question of mere
power?
In the LIST Article and Sth Section of the
Constitution of the U. S. defining and declar-
ing the powers of Congress, it is declared
that Congress shall have power to exercise
exclusive Legislation in all cases whatever
over such District (not exceeding ten miles
square) as may by cession of particular
States, and the acceptance of Congress, be-
come the seat of government of the United
States" This certainly gives to Congress
all Legislature power within the District of
Columbia; there is no reservation to any
other State or body. What then does Legis-
lative power embrace? 1t includes the right
of eminent domain, for it is alone through
Legislation that the right of eminent domain
can be exercised. If the land or the slave of
an individual is to be taken for public pur
poses and upon compensation how can this be
done except by Legislative enactment? With
in the limits of the powers conferred upon it,
Congress is as mach sovereign as any State.
The word :" exclusive repels any possible
ide athat power of this description could re-
main elsewhere, and the words sin all cases.
are still further cumulative. What then?
Congress either possesses this power or its
rests no where, and the absurdity follows,
that here is Territory over which there is
no where right of eminent domain. Has
not Congress the power to run Railroads
through the District of Columbia, and for
this purpose to take lands of individuals,
making them due compensation? Has not
it the power in war time, or any other pres
sing emergency or necessity, to use the labor
of the slaves of individuals in this District.
making compensation when the emergency
is past? And what are these but exercises of
the right of eminent domain the highest
sovereign and legislative power. There is
nothing then in the Constitutional provision
to limit the power of Congress. Congress is
sovereign in the premises. Whatever argu-
ments might be drawn from the nature of our
Union, being a union between slaveholding
and on-slaveholding States, as to our other
Territories and upon other exercises of power
there, do not apply here; nor is there any
thing in the Acts of Cession of Virginia and
Maryland that imposes limit upon this Con-
gressional power. Much might be said in
behalf of these two States, should an attempt
be made to exercise such a power without
their assent But arguments in that case
should be addressed to the sense of justice
and expediency in Congress and not employ
ed in attacks upon its power. The question
here presented is one wholly different from
that of TIE right of removal into the Terrific
ries with our slaves and to the use and pos
session of them there under the shield of the
Constitution. Upon our right to do so Mr.