The Emporia news. [volume] (Emporia, Kan.) 1859-1881, 1860-03-17
TIE ADNISSI0V OF KANSAS
Position of the Republican Party.
SPEECH OF VIM. Fl. SEWARD,
DeIpered in the U. s. Senate Feb. %, 1860.


seems to me equally necessary, just, and
wise. In recorded debates, have already
anticipated the arguments for this conclu-
sion.
In coming forward among the political
astrologers, it shall be an error of judgment,
and not of disposition, if my Interpretation
of the feverish dreams which are disturb
ing the country shall tend to foment, rather
than to allay, the national excitement. ]
shall say nothing unnecessarily of persons,
because in our system, the public welfare
and happiness depend chiefly on institu-
tons, and very little on men. / shall al
lude but briefly TO incidental topics, because
they are ephemeral, and because, even in the
midst of appeals to passion and prejudice,
it is always safe to submit solid truth to the
deliberate consideration of an honest and
enlightened people.
It will be an OVERLOOKING source of shame,
as well as of sorrow. if we, thirty millions
Europeans by extraction, Americans by
birth or discipline, and Christians in faith.
and meaning to be such in practice-can-
not so combine prudence with humanity. IN
our conduct concerning the one disturbing
subject of Slavery, as not only to preserve
our uneQualed Institutions of Freedom but
also to enjoy their benefits with contentment
and harmony.
Wherever a guiltless slave exists be he
Caucasian. American, Malay, or African,
he is the subject of two distinct and oppo-
site ideas-one that he is wrongly, the 9TH
err that he is rightly. slave. The balance
of numbers on either side, however great,
never completely extinguishes this difference
of opinion; for there are always some de-
tenders of Slavery outside, even if there are
none inside Free State; while, also, there
are always outside, if there are not inside.
of every Slave State. many who assert with
Milton, that mo man who knows aught
can be so stupid as to deny that all men
naturally were born free, being The image
and resemblance OF God himself, and were
by privilege above all the creatures, born to
command and not to obey 1t often. per-
haps. generally happens, however. that, in
considering the subject of Slavery. society
seems to overlook the natural right or per-
sonal interest of the slave himself, and to
act exclusively for the welfare of the citi
zen. But this fact does not materially affect
ultimate results; for the elementary ques-
ton of the rightfulness or wrongfulness of
Slavery inheres in every form that discus
sion concerning it assumes. WHAT is just
to one class of men can never be in furious
to any other; and what is unjust to any
condi ion of persons in a State is necessari-
" injurious in some degree to the whole
community. An economical question early
arises out of the subject of Slavery-labor
either Of freemen or of slaves is the cardi-
nal necessity of society. Some States choose
the one kind, some the other. Hence two
municipal systems, widely different arise.
The Slave State strikes down and affects TO
extnguish the personality Of the laborer,
not only as a member of the political body, |
but also rs parent, husband. child, neig h
Dor, or friend. He thus becomes, in a po-
litical view, merely property, without NOR
al capacity, and without domestic, moral,
and social relations, duties, rights. and rem
edies-a chatIel, an object of bargain, sale,
gift, inheritance, or theft. His earnings
are compensated and his wrongs atoned.
not to himself, but to his owner. The State
protects the slave not as man, but the cap
ital OF another man, which he represents.
On the other hand, the State which rejects
Slavery encourages and animates and invig-
crates the laborer by maintaining and de-
veloping his natural personality in all the
rights and faculties of manhood. and gen
orally with the privileges of citizenship. In
one case, capital invested in slaves becomes
n great political force; while in the other la
Dor, thus elevated and enfranchised. be-
comes the dominating political power. IL
thus happens that we may, for convenience
sake, and not inaccurately, call Slave States
capital States, ana Free States labor States.
So soon as State feels the impulses. Of
commerce or enterprise or ambition its cit
izens begin TO study the effects of these sys-
TENS of capital and labor respectively on its
NJ :,
integrity or unity, its defence, its prosperi
ty, its liberty, It's happiness, its aggran
dizement. and its fame. In other words.
the great question arises, whether Slavery
is a moral, social, and political good, or a
moral. social and political evil. This is the
Slavery question at home. But there is
mutual bond of unity and brotherhood be-
tween man and man throughout tie world.
Nations examine freely the political systems
of each other. and Of all preceding times.
and accordingly as they approve or disap-
prove of the two systems of capital and la
Dor respectively. they sanction and prose-
cute, or condemn and prohibit, commerce
in men Thus. in one way or another, the
Slavery question. which so many among US,
who are more willing to rule than patient in
STUDYING the conditions of society, think is
a merely accidental or unnecessary question,
tina. might. and ought to be settled and dis
missed az once, is on the contrary world |
wide and enduring subject of political con-
sidera,ion and civil administration. Men, |
states, and nations entertain it, not volunta-
rilv. but because, the progress of society
continually brings it into their way: They
divide upon it, not perversely. but because.
owing to differences of constitution, or Cir
cumstances. they cannot agree.
The fathers of the Republic encountered
it. They even adjusted it so that it might
have given US much less than our present
disquiet. had not circumstances afterward |