New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-09-07

cen, your opposition 70 Va. never on eartn Ola inc
Republi san party propose to employ the power Of
the Federal Government to abolish Slavery. Indi-
viduals may have suggested this, but the Re-
publican party never. Its object with respect to
Slavery is simply, markedly avowedly, its restriction
to the existing Slave States--an object which you
dare not csrdemn nor openly oppose.
You quote from The Express something wnicn "
attributes to me, amounting to this, tna' anu
Slavery men should be content with our Po.''y u
restriction to-day, as that is the only Prac''0ao''
road 70 Abolition hereafter. / cannot say no"
foir,, Hi. ia uoted. but accept it. L have no
Doubt never did doubt-that had INC pouo' u
Restriction been vigorously upheld nom the nrs.'
Slavery would have gradually dwindied ana UNI
,,.to,v died. think now, as the Fathers thought,
that Slavery Restriction must lead TO slavery OK,
t;nctiop But that / ever proposed or meditatsd
Addition otherwise than by tho voluntary action OF
tbe Slave States, DEFY, and your citation fails to
prove. I Think now that Freedom in Kansas VIII
kill Slavery in Missouri; but do Dot expect nor
desire the legal Abolition Of Slavery In missouri
otherwise than through Convention OF the Peo-
ME of that State. You understand this perfectly;
yeu used to regard the whole matter as 90; why
should you misrepresent it
Finally, you recur to the necessity OF Fusion
of all the anti Republicans of our State on one
Electoral Ticket in order to defeat Lincoln and
Hamlin. On this point / heartily agree with
you. think it will take the whole o.
YOU and few more of the same Sort will help
your Fusion so far as can, fyou will only make
il honestly. Estimate the relative strength oil your
several factions, and give each number of Elect
OTIS proportioned to its supposed strength, and l
will say, Good boys go ahead But this is what
your managers refuse to do, resortlng instead to
concealment and equivocatiou, and therefore they
must fail, because they deserve to fail. They put
on ten Electors whom you call Bell men, AID say,
I'VE can lely upon their known principles and
preferences, and upon their personal honor
What are the 4" known principles and preferences
of James Kidd / cannot discover; and doubt
that you understand them any better than do
l know he has been az active and useful tool Of the
"Solt" Democratic wirewO kers Of our State for
years; Idonot belle he has voted any other tn
straight Democratic ticket since 1856. How Is 1t
with William Kent He is said to have voted for
Fremont aud has b. en- reg arded from our side as
rem moderate Re publican. How is it with Gen.
Ross7 understand him to have of late aSowed
principles Identical With those Of the Breckenridge
men,
Mr.. Ketchum all that ia asked of you Fusionists
lie that you shall sag eH0etly plIat ioH mean. Ii
your candidates are SO honorable as you assert
they will scorn to win votes BY false pretenseS. II
six, or eight, or ten of your Electors will vote, if
chosen for Bell and Everett let them say so under
their own hands, and nothing more is desired. II
there are more of them for Bell, say that, and
we are satisfied. If you propose to bring IN the
Breckenridge men, by giving them definite num-
Der Of Electors on the Fusion ticket, very well.
If you think you can get them for nothing, or for
a few local crumbs distributed to their leaders, 80
%be it. All we Republicans ask is that you shall
say just what you propose to do in tbe premises.
and do just what you say. If you thilk you caa
get Oh better by duplicity-by assuring the Irish
and Dutch that your Electors will all vote tor
Douglas, the Americans" that ten Of them vii
vote for Bell, and the Breckenridge men that your
ticket embraces all the elements of opposition to
Republicanisp, when "you don yturkey once" to
them, so be it. But if you attempt this Confidence
Game, il is ny business to expose AID defeat 1t
poss bic, and Think il is At all eyents, l shal
try HORACE uREELEf'
Ntu.York Sept g. 1860.