Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1860-03-03


slave market in the District Of Columbia
These new enactments, colated with the ex>
isting statutes namely, the Ordinance Of l7S7,
the Missouri ProhibilOry law Of 1920, and the
articles of Texas annexation, disposed by law
of the subject of Slavery in all the Territories
Of the United States. And 80 the Compro'
mise Of 1850 was pronounced full, hnal, aD.
solute and comprehensive settlement OF all
existing and all possible disputes concerning
Slavery under the Federal authority. The two
great parties, fearful for the Union, struck
hands in making and presenting this as an ad-
iustment, never Afterwsrd to be opened, dis
turbed or even questioned, and the people
accepted it by majOTities unknown before. The
new President, chosen over an illustrlous rival,
unequivocally on the ground Of greater ability,
even if not more reliable purpose to maintain
the new treaty inviolate, made haste TO justify
this expectation when Congress assembled
He said:
when the grave shall have closed over all
who are now endeavoring to meet the obliga-
tions OF duty, the year 1850 will be reeurred
TO as a period filled with anxiety and appre-
hension. A successful war had just terminated;
peace brought with it great augmentation of
territory. Disturbing questions arose bearing
npon the domestic institutions OF portion of
| the Confederacy, and involving the cOnstitu-
tional rights of the States. But, notwithstand-
ing the differences of opinion and sentiment,
| in relation to details and specific provisions,
the aeduiescence Of distinguished citizeus
whose devotion to the Union can never be
doubted, has given renewed Vigor to our insti-
tutions, and restored sense OF security and
repose to the public mind throughout the Con-
federacy. That this repose is to suffer no shock
during my official term, if have the power &c
avert it, those who placed me here may be
assured"
Hardly, however, had these inspiring sounds
died avay, throughout a reassured and delight
ed land, before the national repOse was shocked
again-shocked, indeed, as it had never before
been, and smitten this time by blow from the
very hand that had just released the chords Of
the national harp from their utterance OF that
exalted symphony of peace.
Kansas and Nebraska, the long devoted
reservation of labor and freedom, saved in the
agony Of national fear in 1920, and saved again
in the panic of 1850, were now to be opened by
Congress, that the never ending course of seed
time and harvest might begin. The slave cap
italists of Missouri, from their own we'll
homes on the eastern banks OF that noble
river, looked down upon and coveted the fers
tile prairies of Kansas; while a sudden terror
ran through all the capital States, when they
saw a seeming certainty that at last new
Labor State would be built on their west>
ern border, inevitably frsught, as they said,
with a near or remote abolition of Slavery =
What could be done! Congress could hardly be
expected to intervene directly for their safety
SO soon after the Compromise of 1850. The
labor hive of the Free States was distant, the
way new, unknown, and not without perils.-
Missouri was near and watchful, and held the
KEYS of the gates of Kansas. She might seize
the new and smiling Territory by surprise, If
only Congress would remove the barrier estab-
lished in 1920 The coniuneture was favorable.
Clay and Webster, the distinguished citizens
whose unquestionable devotion to the Union
was manifested by their acquiescence in the
compromise of 1850, had gone down already
I into their honored graves. The Labor States
had dismissed many of their representatives
here for too great fidelity to Freedom, and too
great distrust of the efficacy of that new bond
of peace, and had replaced them with partisans
who were only timid, but not unwilling. The
Democratic President and Congress hesitated,
but not long. They revised the last great com
I, promise, and found, with delighted surprise,
that it was so far from confirming the law OF
freedom of 1920 that, on the other hand, it
exactly provided for the abrogation OF that
venerated statute; nay, that the compromise
> .volyed on Congress the duty of removing the
, lieless letter from the national code. The deed
: was done. The new enactment not only re-
pealed the Missouri prohibition Of Slavery, but
> it pronounced the people of Kansas and Me-
; braska perfectly free to establish Freedom OF
Slavery, and pledged Congress to admit then
in due time as States, either of capital or Labor
into the Union. The Wing representatives o
capital States, in an hour Of strange bewilder
I ment, coneurred; and the Wing party instantly
went down, never TO rise again. Democrats
t, seeded, and stood aloof; the country was con
founded; and, amid the perplexities of the hour
I Republican Party was seen gathering itsel
] together with much earnestness, but with LITTLE
> show of organization, to rescue, If 1t were no
now too late, the cause of Freedom and Labor
so unexpectedly and previously imPerlled II
the Territories of the United States.
will not linger over the sequel. The pop
ular sovereignty of Kansas proved to be tn
! State sovereignty of Missouri, not only in thu
persons of the rulers, but even in the letter o
an arbitrary and cruel code. The perfect free
! dom proved to be q hateful and intolerabl'
: bondage. From 1855 to 1860, Kansas, sustain
! ed and encouraged only by the Republican
party, has been engaged in successive an(
ever varying struggles, which have taxed al
l her virtue, wisdom, moderation, energies, an'
u resources, and often even her physical strength
- and martial courage, to save herself from being
BETRAYED into the Union as a Slave State. Ne
! braska; though choosing Freedom, is, through
3 the direct exercise of the Executive power
i overriding her own will, held as a Slave Terri
! tory; and New Mexico has relapsed voluntarily
:. into the practice Of Slavery, from which sht
: had redeemed herself while she yet remaineC
! part of the Mexican Republic Meantime
= the Democratic party, advancing from th'
u ground of Popular Sovereignty, as far as tha
ground is from the Ordinance of l7s7, nov
stands on the position that both Territoria
. Governments and Congress are incompetent t.
lepisIate against Slavery in the Territories
while they are not only competent, but ar
obliged, when it is necessary, to legisate for 1T
: protection there.
Z In this new and extreme position the Demo
! cratic party now masks itself behind the bat
terv of the Supreme Court, as if it were pos
sibiy true construction of the Constitution
: that the powers of deciding practically forever
between Freedom and Slavery in portion
: the continent far exceeding all that is yet or
: Iganized, should be rsnounced by Congress
\ which alone possesses any legislative authority
Il and sbould be assumed and exercised by
4 court which can only take cognizance OF the
great question collateTaly, in private actor
} between individuals, and which action the Con
stitutiop will not suffer the court to entertain
: if it involves twenty dollars of money without
u the overriding intervention Of jury OF twelve
Z, GOOD and law ful men of the neighbOrhood where
the litigation arises. The independent, ever re-
!. pewed' and ever recurring representative Par
} lament, Diet, Congress, or Legislature, is th'
one chief, paramount, essential, indispensable
institution in a Republic Even liberty, guar
antsod by organic law, yet if it be held By
other tenure than the guardian care OF such
; representatiYe popular assembly, is but pre-
cariousIy maintained, while Slavery enforcsPt
! bv an irresponsible Judicial tribunal, is the
! coompletest possible development of desPOtisn
e Mr.. President, did ever the annals OF any
U 4, -. = ...nrn ranid nr mora com