The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1860-12-21

SOes~A
Laws, the Southern States will be justified
in revolution. -
Is this honest language in the mouth Of
an Executive, who, in the same breath,
proclaims that the Federal Government,
equally with the State Governments, is the
work Of the people, and acts directly on the
people, and that, within the scope Of its
powers, it is sovereign over the whole peo-
pie, the States to the contrary, notwith.
standing ?-of an Executive, too, who pro-
claims that, during his administration, the
Fugitive Slaw Law has been carried into
effect in every instance? The President
himself declares that the Personal Liberty
Laws are void, and asserts that the Federal
Government has uniformly so regarded
them, and, without exception, has enforced
its own laws in opposition to them. Where,
then, is the reason for revolution now, that
has not existed, with equal force, for ten
years past?
But the point we have noticed does not
embrace the worst of the fallacies and abb
surdities Of the Presidents message. He
declares that, under the constitution, there
is no right of secession and yet, that, in
case Of the revolution of State, Congress
has no power to employ force to put it
down ; or, to use his own language, "to
compel State to remain in the Union"
He then asserts, that, to hold that Congress
possesses such power, would be equivalent
to holding that Congress has power to
make war on State. And, in contradic.
ton of such theory, the President adds /:
$50 far from this power having been dele.
gated to Congress, it was expressly refused
by the convention which framed the consti-
tution;" because, the "clause authorizing
an execution of the force of the whole
against delinquent State, was opposed by
Mr.. MADISON, and on his motion unani.
mously postponed"
According to the President that degree
of intelligence which courtesy requires us to
concede to statesman of his years and
experience, we must here hold him guilty of
deliberate attempt to mislead the country,
both as to the facts in the case, and as to
the argument based upon them. The con-
vention was appointed to meet May IA,
1887; but delegations from majority of
the States did not attend till the 25th May.
On the 29th Of that month, Mr.. RANDOLPH
introduced q series of fifteen resolutions, the
sixth of which authorized the, government
to call forth the force of the Union
against any member of the Union failing to
fulfill its duties under the articles thereof"
Now, when it is remembered, that the
ostensible purpose of the Convention was to
amend the Articles of the Confederation,
that, under the Confederation, the chief
difficulty had been the refusal of the States
to comply with the acquisitions of the CEN
trail government, and that the purpose of
Mr.. RANDoLPH's resolutions, as expressed
in the first, was to enlarge and correct
the Articles of Confederation" the object of
the sixth resolution is readily perceived.
1t was to enable Congress to enforce its
acquisitions on a recusant State. And the
remarks of Mr.. MADISON were simply to
the effect that such an enlargement of the
powers of the Confederation would be i'm.
practicable and unwise, for the reason that
it would be more like levying war on a
State than an infiction of punishment"
This speech of Mr.. MADIsoN's was made
before the project Of framing a new consti-
tuition was really entertained; for the
records show, that it was not until the 18th
of the following June, that the idea of
amending the Articles Of Confederation was
finally abandoned.
In the Federal Constitution the difficulty
as to enforcing acquisitions was overcome
by providing that the government should
act directly on the people, and by making
the people, and not the States, responsible
to it, and it to them. The assumption, then,
that the enforcement of the laws is decla-
ration of war, because all the inhabitants of
a certain district of country choose to rebel
against them, is wholly ridiculous. It is
impossible that President BUCHANAN does
not know and believe differently nor is it
possible that be was honest in his quotations
from the speeches of MAD1soN-speeches
that did not refer to the Constitution at ALL
but to amendments to the Articles Of Con.
federation. The truth is, that in this case
as in almost all others, he was afraid to
speak the truth afraid to adopt bold,
open, manly line of policy. .,doolG 10
Why did not the President frankly say to
the South: "You have some cause of com o.
"plaint, and yet SO has the North. But,
"however great your cause of complaint, the
"remedy is plain, clear, and perfectly within
a.