Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1860-01-24

Mr.. FEssENDEN--That's only squatter SOW
ereignty-the senator's favorite doctrine No
one ever pretended that the government could
Interfere with the institutions of the states.
lie controyerted the idea that diversity of in
stltutons was essential TO the general prosper
lty OF The country. He asserted to the fullest
extent that the government could not interfere
with the institutions of the states; any charge
that the Republicans favored this doctrine is
untounded. He asked if the senator from llli-
nos said the Republicans not only wanted to
repress, but to make war on slavery IN the
states.
Mr.. DoUGLAs-I did.
Mr.. FEssENpEN-I deny it. 1t cannot be
found in the party creed. The Republican
party was formed to prevent the introduction
of slavery into the territories. lie denied the
ripht of southern men to take slavery into
territory, unless the law there recognizes slave
nv. He hated and loathed slavery, but did not
hate the Shareholders. The object of the north
ern Democrats was to infiame the south against
all but themselves, so as to get political power.
He was opposed to slavery in the abstract, but
did not wish to interfere with it where it exist
ed. When it was charged that the Republi-
cans were warning on the south, it must be re-
collected that they hold the doctrines of the
fathers of the Republic. The senator from
Virginia admitted that the views of southern
men on slavery are not now what they were.
Mr. Mason said that the south, after full
consideration and experience, had arrived at
the conclusion that slavery enobled both races.
Our early fathers were not abolitionists. They
did not think it practicable or expedient to
abolish slavery. but thought by cutting off the
slave trade slavery would die off of itself.
The ordinance Of 1887 aimed at the slave
trade. 1t was thought that by reducing the
ola h., A. IL,
trade would be stopped.
Mr. FEssENDEN said the senator had admit
ted all he desired. The early men of the Re-
public thought that by restricting slavery the
institution would die out. They wanted it to
die. That is the position of the Republican
party. The senator from Illinois was indif
terent whether slavery was extended or not
Born in a free state, for himself he preferred
free insttutions-that was the whole offence of
the Republican party. We have been further
told that if we elect a man Of our views regu.
larly, and in the constitutional form, President,
the Union will be dissolved While the sena-
tor from Illinois was devising means to re-
press the invasion of one state by another he
might have suggested a provision for the
threatened contingency.
Mr.. DOUGLASS said he had introduced his
resolution because occasion called for it. 1t
was not necessary to put in claim for the
contingency referred to, as it was an event not
within probability.
Mr.. FEssENDEN said the Senator had great
confidence in his powers-quite likely he had
higher opinion of them than any one else 1t
was singular they were constantly threatened
what would be done in certain event not
likely to occur. The inference he drew was
that the gentleman on the other side was quite
apprehensive on the subjec This talk OF dis
IT.,,.. II
peared every few years. The people of the
free states don't care about it. For himself, if
the election of a President in the constitutional
mode was to be the cause of dissolution, the
sooner the question is settled the better.
Mr.. DOUGLAS said some men could not
conceive Of an action flowing from patriotic
motives. He had brought in his resolution
because he thought the time had arrived for
practicable legislation. He had referred to the
causes which produced outrage, and pointed
out that they still exist. If Senators on the
other side would vote for such a bill as he pro
posed, he would think very great change
had occurred. When they agreed to make
conspiracies to run of fugitive slaves a felony,
he would think they had indeed changed In
the towns and cities of the North, where the
Republicans have majority. the fugitive
slave law could not be executed. Could it be
executed in the town where the Senator from
New York lived Did they recolect the
Jerrey Rescue!
Mr.. FEssENEEN sad he would go as far as
any one to prevent conspiracy in one state
to invade another. He could not say what he
would do in regard to running off fugitive
slaves. He would meet that question when it
arose.
Mr.. DoUG LAs-Why not permit the running
off of slaves as well as the running off OF
horses The impunity with which the crime
of running off slaves can be perpetrated keeps
up the irritation. When it was made peni.
Tertiary offence to conspire against property in
another state, then we would get at the root of
the evil. The Republicans are no doubt ready
to vote for a law, fair in its terms, but not cal
culated to be etfectual i'll its operation 1t is
only necessary to refer to the Philadelphia
platform to show the hostility of the Reput-
lican party to slavery, where slavery and polig
amy are cassed together as relics of bar
buisr, and the polyglmists and Shareholder
ale placed in the same category. He saw that
the Republicans were lowering their flag. Ii
he could attribute it to good motive he would
be glad of it. They being farthest from the
negro and knowing least about him were the
most solicitous for the poor slave. In the
southern portions of the free states which Dor
der on the slave states, you find good feeling
slaves is, and in proportion as you go north
the feeling increases.
Mr.. DOUGLAS then again REQUIRED to Mr.
Stewards speech, to show that his interpreta-
ton OF it was correct, and that he maintained
the doctrine that the Union could not exist
half free and half slave. The object of the
Republicans was to hem in slavery in order to
smother it out,-starve it out, as the French in
Algeria starved out the Arabs when they re-
treated into the caverns. The idea was, to
keep up agitation along the line of the border
states, so as to render slave property insecure
and drive it farther south; then when Ken
lucky, by this process, was made free, the
same system was to be pursued till slavery was
extinguished. He quoted from Mr. Stewards
speech, to show that he meant that the "irre-
pressible conflict" must go on, till either there
was not a slave state left, or all had become
slaveholding. In regard TO the charges of in
difference whether the states adopt free or slave
institutions, what he meant was that it was
none of his business whether the people Of
Kansas adopted freedom or slavery. 1t was
their business, and they would act according
to their wants. He was opposed TO slavery in
Illinois, because it was not adapted to their re
quiements. Slavery would go where it could
be proftably employed it could not be kept
out by enactments. Illinois adopted slavery
Ill splte Vi INC orulndnce Vi 1910, anu dDOl
ished it when it found it did not suit. Slave
ry was a question of political economy,
and not proper subject of legislation.
The people interested were the best judges of
what they desired He wanted them to decide
those institutions for themselves, and if allow
ed to carry out their wishes, he did not him
self care how they decided. He repealed the
charge that the Kansas. Nebraska bill produced
agitation. The political friends of the Senator
from Maine had sent desperadoes to Kansas,
to create disturbances and regulate the cleo.
tions there. Just such combinations he wish
ed To reach He wanted the neonlo there IN