New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-12-28

state OF aaars-referrng te his very long letter.
which letter, by the way, too many OF The
Geerris papers treated with . cruel earelsssness
that he hardly knew what TO talk to them about
Having thus prepared the way for any length and
latitude of rambling. he began tho time-honored
recital of "the wrongs suffered by the South
at tho hands Of the North" His speech had
for its direct purpose, however, to demonstrate
the necessity Of immediate secession, and the use
lessnem of waiting for cooperation. lie dis.
posed Of the argument for delay drawn from the
hope Of concessions from the North In few
words, bis position, 10 sti1 shorter space. may
be summed up thus: the only, or chief, con.
cession the North can make will be the repeal Of
personal liberty bills. Now the personal liberty
bills, said be, were passed becaW 0, as the Aboli.
tionists ayerred the United States officers sp-
pointed by Pierce and Buchanan, were al Pro-
slavery men, and consequently there must be
some check put upon their negro-hunting pro-
cliyities; now, however, the United States
officers appointed by Mr.. Lincoln will be Adolf
tionists themselves and there will be no need Of
personal liberty bills. Hence the North can well
htiOn men for Abolition measures. Would the
South 0bs satisfed with such concessions. He
rather thought not.
~ More At length be busted himself with consid-
ering the point of the so-called reaction of public
sentiment at tho North, shown in the turn some
municipal elections had taken, and in the Union
meetings held in various places. As 10 the mu'
njcipal election in Boston, he said that the city
give a majority against Lincoln At the Presiden-
tial election, yet the State went Republican BY
an overwhelming majority. Now the city has
again done the same thing Ia contest on local
issues; and for this the cry goes out: Oh, there
IL A reaction Boston ia sound Massachusetts il
srousing herself to sense Of her duty! which
the honorable gentleman ayerred was all stuff Did
the Republicans vote against their candidate for
the Mayoralty1 he asked. Were the Abolition
ists changed Were they not just where they
we're before they voted for Lincolnl Then az to
the Union meetings. He took up paper on
Friday last containing full report of the meet
ing at Philadelphia; be was delighted with the
general tone of the speeches, they were such
speeches a. would have been listened to with
pleasure in Georgia. Perhaps the Philadelphia
orators will consider this as compliment. But
when he came 10 examine the record, searching
for the name Of single prominent Republican,
he found not one. Mayor Henry was Bell
man; Mr. Ingersol was Bell man; Others were
Douglas men; still others for Breckenridge, not
any Republicans. What, then, did this meeting,
so much trumpeted amount to- Nothing. We
all knew What the Bell party thought and wish
ed; We needed no arguments or resolutions %
assure us that the Douglas and Breckinridge
men were sound on the Slavery question. What
we wished TO know wss whether the Republicans
had begun to retrace their steps, and We had
not received the first reasonably satisfactory
token Of this. There vas q triAiug resction
caused by the cowardoe of the people, he said.
and there was reaction resulting from,
their alarmed ayarice. But nothing more. The
Abolitiouists were usually tOlerably quiet when
they were frightened; but it was too troublesome
and expensive 3 business TO BE- frightening them
all the time. This talk about reaction at the
North in fine, was al noDssnse. The Republ-
cans had not changed their doctrines or their SELL
timents. Mr. Lincoln had not changed. They all
knew what they we're voting for when they voted
for On Abolition President, and they meant 10 do
what they had done, 10 stick 10 it after they
had accomplished il.
Just here a dispatch was brought 10 the
speaker, which he read aloud; il was 10 the
effect that the New.York Republican delegation
in Congress bad held Caucus and decided to
sustain the laws, and TO carry out the principles
Of their party, The dispatch also contained the
information that an officer Of the Army, whose
name ! did not catch, had resigned his commits.
sion. Mr.. Cobb turned this dispatch to account
in his argument, for the purpose Of showing that
there wss really no reaction III the Northern
mind. One remark of the orator must en-.
desyor to give in bis words, ~ it shows the
tone of his speech. He was speaking OF the
President elect and used the phrase /" this man
Lipcoln;" he then went on thus: " If seom 10
speak disrespec!fuly Of him, il Is because feel
so toward him. have no respect for him rs a
mon, because know from personal acquaintance
(or obserystion) that be is unworthy of respect;
and President Of the United States, God help.
ing me, be shall never be !" This sentence vas
received with loud applause .,...
Mr. Cobb then gave q short sketch Of the
Charleston Convention, which be had attended
for day, and pledged that State 10 cooperation
with Georgia after Georgia should have followed
her lead and have seeded. He argued strongly
In favor Of separate State action, because the
sovereign State could speak with . more author.
tstive voice BY herself, because il was necessary
for 20 oil -