Gazette and sentinel., 1860-09-01

| ton prohibits or recognizes the institution OF
slavery" is entirely consistent with the Nan
sas- Nebraska act. That the government OF a
territory is provisional and temporary tnat IL
il the creature of Congress, the history OF the
territories conclusively establishes. Congress
has ALWAYS either reserved the veto power over
the acts of a Territorial Legislature, or con-
ferred it upon the Governor of the territory,
Amounted bv and with the advice and consent
of the Senate.
But, as in the Cincinnati platform, the third
resolution emphatically declares that when
people come to form their permanent in
stituuons: when they come to lay down their
fundamental law, which shall govern not only
| the people, but their legislative bodies and
their judicial tribunals, then they arc to de-
eide for themselves whether slavery shall be
an institution or not amongst them. Is the
second resolution inconsistent with the hrst
and third? 1t is in these words: that SIT Is
the duty of the Federal Government, in allits
departments, TO protect, when necessary, the
rights of persons and property IN the terrific.
rIes, and wherever else its constitutional
authority extends" Why is government in
stituted ut all? Is it TO raise armies! Is 1t to
create navies! Is it to establish a postal sys.
tenn Is it to collect revenue Is it to build
| UD a DlHnHluCtul tdllibis dNol "aNA 'N
of art and extensive and beautifully arranged
grounds, and imposing edifces of granite and
MARBLE Is is instituted to raise 500, 600, OOO
in order to expend ito bring annually to-
gether, at the national capitol, Senators and
representatives and then to send them home
apain-to establish courts and build prisons !
No; nothing of the kind. Such are not the
objects of government: but they are the in
of government. These are purely
the appliances, by means of which govern
ment accomplishes its purpose. The object OF
government is 20 protect persOnsand property,
and nothing else. Thus we see, in order to
accomplish what seems to be a simple and
plain purpose, resort is had 20 the largest and
most complicated means, in order to effect 1t
with certainty and success. Various countries
have differed about their form of government;
but with all these differences, the purpose has
been ever the same-the protection of persons
and property.
The second resolution stands infexibly
upon this proposition. Our Government
has done much, from our earliest history,
to protect the lives and the property of its
citizens on its public domain. Where
are our armies sent : To protect our
Territories. For what? To protect persons
and property, and nothing else. The citizens
of our territories who have been environed by
Indian foes, and have fought their way through
Indian wars, realize the importance Of this
protection. Why was our Navy sent to Para
quay? 1t was on account of a citizen OF one
of the free States-a citizen of Rhode Island.
1t was a case of offense to property and the
Navy was sent there in order that our Gov
eminent might do its duty in protecting that
property. A Government is derelict to the
ve.y purpose of its institution it is derelict
a. Il lI::o.. a. tha ipI;p,Iual oittzap III
it fails or hesitates in acting promptly TO pro-
tect the property as well as the person OF that
citizen.
These resolutions, taken together, do not
establish slavery in the territories, or recog
pize the principle of the establishment OF
slavery but they declare that the rights OF
property of the citizens of the several States
shall be protected by the Federal arm. They
declare, in substance, that If a citizen OF a
Southern State shall 90 TO our common terri
tories with his slaves, his property in those
slaves shall be protected. They declare, In
substance, that this provisional and temporary
government Of a territory shall not modest or
interfere with the right of a Southern man to
hold his slaves as property in the territory.
They declare, in substance, that if the Terri
torial Legislature thus interferes, it is the duty
: of the Federal Government to interpose and
Il DTtNtul tuls uuuuLht ILCi,
action. But there is no intimation. there can
{ be no inference, from the three resolutions,
that the old policy, that Congress can neither
establish nor prohibit slavery, has been de-
; parted from in the slightest degree. 1t Il
I purely a question of property it is purely 9
question of the protection of the rights Of
Southern men equally with the rightso of North
ern men. 1t is not q concession OF the North
Q they yield none of their rights. 1t is simply
g an act of equal justice upon the part Of thu
North it is a demand of right upon the par
of the South. - H
> BRECKINRIDGE n LANE FALSELY CHARGED
r WITH SUI SENTIMENTS.
: The effort is made to charge disunion senti
ments upon Breckenridge and Lane, becaus'
Q some individuals now supporting them hav'
!, at some period of their lives given u~ttersnc'
: to extreme sentiments. See with what weigh
{ and point the charge goes home to the From
Street Theatre candidates, Douglas and John
r son. One of their staunchest and most elo
g Quent advocates on the floor of the Conven
: ton, was Col. Gaulden of Georgia, who at tn
4 Charleston sitting advocated the re-opening o
/, the African slave trade. We quote from tn
Y official report: 2
Sol. Gaulden said he would do all b,
; could to reconcile his friends in Georgia Z
this doctrine, and denounced Congressiona
protection as an abstraction. In the course o
his remarks he referred to Virginia as slav'
trading and slave breeding Virginia"
"A delegate from Virginia objected to tn
designation applied to that State
"Mr. Gaulden.-Well, FL say slaye-tra
ding Georgia, then. l don't object to the de
signation-I am n slave breeder face thu
music. Come down to my plantation and III
show you a fine lot of young niggers there
and pure Africans, too. p .|f
"Col. Gaulden then proceeded to advoeat'
the revival of the African slave trade, anc
i hol;aral Massaahnsa4ts harSalf urarld shartlx