The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-10-10
\ our fellow Citizen

In iiC az HIS Gbtile. ne WIG
t 9allles IS in danger and no who doubts !,
t damned"
t Your fellow Citizen,
= q. BROWN.
, To Messrs. J, Il. George, G. +. Neil. ]. p
Scales, Dr. w. w. Liddeu, w. Ray, W. B.
5 Helm. Carrollton, Miss
Mr. Cushing on Black Republicanism.
Mr. Gushing lately delivered speech at
the fremont Temple, in Boston, at Demo
cratic mass meeting. We give extracts from
his speech. To the conclusion we specially
call The attention Of our readers:
But declare do not see how or where,
IN all Northern States, either Mr. Bell or Mr.
Douglas IS to obtain a single Electoral vote.
or how 1t ever was possible, at any time, that
either Of them should have obtained single
Northern vote, save and except by the aid and
the help Of the friends of Ir. Breckinridge-
am not now discussing the political charac-
ter or pretensions Of either Mr. Bell or Mr.
Douglas. l merely state an opinion as to
availability. That opinion is strinkingly con-
ilrmed by the late election in Vermont and
Maine, which show that Mr.. Bell has no
strength there, and Mr.. Douglas no special or
personal strength, over and above the mere
strength of the Democratic party That is to
say, the Democratic party would have done
at least as well in Vermont and Maine and |
think better, with any other Democratic favor
lite for the Presidency
In fine, as to Mr.. Douglas, my opinion is
that, ii he had been nominated at Baltimore,
with regularity of form and substance, so as
to make him the true party nominee, which
he was not; or even if he had been nomina-
ted utopposition at ChaIleston-he could
! not have carried a single Northern State nor
more than one Southern. | think bis own
| confidence of self-asscrtion and the zeal of
| partzanS had gotten up for him semblanco
| Of personal strength at the North which he
never possessed in fact, that his particular
I dostlas possess no strength whatever at the
North, and have from the beginning constitu-
ted sufficient nsurnountable bar to his car
| rying a single Southern State, except, perhaps
Missouri With Mr.. Douglas regularly in the
/ field, Mr. Lincoln would have swept the
| whole North, and some other person might
/ have been nominated at the South competent
| to sweep the whole South. At any rate, in
| the present state of things, the election of Mr.
! Douglas, either by the Electoral Colleges or
| by the House, is contingency maniiestly
and undeniably out Of the limits of all moral
| possibility and his candidature secure no pur-
I pose save only to distract the Democratic par
| ty in some Of the Southern States and in |
| those few of the Northern States in which |
| there is any possibility ofotherwise defeating |
Mr. Lincoln.
Then, as to Mr.. Bel-in the first place, |
what Northern State can he carry [. do |
heartily and sincerely wish | could see one; |
but do not. Vermont and Maine have al |
ready spoken for themselves decisivoIy on this |
point. In all the rest of New England Mr.. |
| Bell has no show OF strength, ont Of Mas |
sachusetts. VIII Massachusetts accord even |
the poor boon Of her Vice Presidential vote to |
the highest and foremost of her living states
men, Edward Everett Would that she |
might will not say single word to chill |
tle ardor OF in g,e c t zen OF Massachusetts |
who entertaius the lSpe. Possibilities ofhalf |
a dozen votes, more or less, to be grudgingly |
conceded to Mr.. Bel i may be, in a coniuins |
Electoral Ticket, by the friends of Mr.. Brock
inridge and Mr.. Douglas in New York, and |
possibilities of couple more votes of the same |
sort in New Jersey, and that IS all for Meth
er in Pennsylvania or in any Of the States Of |
the Northwest or Of the Pacific is there the |
faintest shadow OF show Of Electoral votes |
for Mr.. Bell. lie, therefore, cannot get the |
thirty-two needed Northern votes necessary |
to elect him if he had in his hands the whole !
South.
Who, then, is to carry the South, the ride |
| South If either of the candidates can do |
this, he will approach so near to an election |
that he may reasonably hope for additional |
| thirty two votes at the North to be given to |
him, or at all events, to be east against Mr.. |
Lincoln We have already seen, all the world |
sees and knows that Mr.. Douglas has no
electoral show at the South, outside of Mis-
souri, II, as some Of his partizans in the |
Southern States proiessedly intend to do, |
| they desert the Democratic party to vote for |
Mr. Bell-they will destroy Mr.. Douglas |
without benefitting Mr.. Bell. Strangely fall |
laeious expectations are founded on this by |
the friends of Mr.. Bell in Massachusetts, all |
these expectations assuming that the South |
ern States in body are to be frightened into |
voting for Mr.. Bell by the imputed disunion- |
| ism OF Mr.. Breckenridge.
confidently believe that these devices of
faction will fall, and that the Democratic par
ty of the South will be victorious over all enc |
| miles, and return its unanimous vote for Brock |
| inridge But, however that may be- know |
t a. Mr.. Bell cannot obtain The unanimous |
vote of the South, even by the aid of Demo- |
cratic deserters or by coalition with the parti-
sans OF Mr. Douglas, and therefore | know
that Mr. Bell cannot possibly be elected Pre-
sident.
What remains | say that, dealing now
openly with the question of election by the |
Electoral Colleges, Mr.. Breckenridge, and he /
alone exhibits any chances Or possibilities of |
success against Mr.. Lincoln.
TO the contrary OF this. the election Of Mr. |
Breckenridge would be the true and sure !
means OF perpetuating the Union; for his |
election, and that only, would tranquilize the |
Southern States, and dispel every image fdis- |
session or secession whilst, if he be not cleo |
ted, no man is wise enough to answer for the |
future, and the conspicuous advocates of Mr.. |
Breckenridge, Mr.. Bell, and Mr.. Douglas, at
the South, all concur in predicting the worst
effects from the election Of Mr. Lincoln.
Let us not deceive ourselves nor each 9TH |
err The nominal or apparent issue before !
the country is Of certain temporary and SUI |
hordinate accidents of slave labor, such as fugi-
tive laws, territorial provisions or jurisdiction,
rights Of transit and sectional or class jeat- |
ousies, but the true and real question is
of the continued existence Of slave labor IL
SELF |
You know how it is with organized anti
slavery societies, in which Mr.. Garrison, MIR. |
Phillips, Mr.. Wright, and the other men OF
that school figure; they avowedly attack slave
| labor not Ike so many insinceFe party aGita- !
tors in the Territories where it is not, but IN
the States where it is: and seeing that there
| the constitutional rights of the States protect
| it, they moyo towards the States through as
| sault on the Constitution They speak and
| they mean revelation.
| You know there is another school OF anti
slavery men, like Mr.. Garrit Smith and MI.
! Snooner. who have studied the Constitution
| through antislavery spectacles until they
cannot sec the States, or their original sover-
eighty, or their reserved powers, or the lini-
/ ted and special field in which the Federal
Government acts They also speak and pur-
pose attack on slavery in the States by means
revolutionary in fact though not 50, perhaps,
in conscious intention.
| Then how is it with such men, political
men, as Mr.. Sumner, Mr.. Wilson, Blr. Bur
Iiingame, and Mr.. Andrew, of Massachusetts,
Mr.. Fessenden and Mr.. Hainfn, of Maine,
Mr.. Loyejoy, of Illinois, Mr. Wade and Mr.
Giddings, of Ohio? Is all their passion
against slave labor to be regarded as nothing
but fancy eloauence, college defamation,
moot court disputation-in word, as mere
fustain and rant ? By no means. Mr. Sum
ner, for instance, dedicates himself to war on
certain incident of human society, enforced
{. labor, which has existed i'll all countries and
all ages, just as inequality ofproperty has ex-
isted. Would he not, II he could, abolish
J that incident sugly. He has not yet
stated how he thinks that is to be done. IT
is ready and complete answer to all he says,
that, being legislator, with power to intro
duce bills, he practically admits the lallacy or
or impracticability of all his views by not in
Producing bill on the subject. 1t was thus
{ that Victor Hugo, Eugene Sue, Proudhon,
, and the other socialistic labor theorists Of
France, wore answered and silenced in the
i French Assembly. They were called upon,
: nay, tainted and defined to put their gilt
/, tering generalites" in a bill, and could not