Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1860-03-15
THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT.
History Of Slavery as Political Issue.
THE ORIGIN AND AIM or MODERN
PARTIES.
SPEECH OF HON. WILLIAM II. SEWARD IN THE
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.

SPEECH OF HON WILLIAM II. SEWARD IN THE
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
In the United States Senate, on "Wednesday.
Feb. 29th, Mr.. Seward. having presented the me-
mortal Of the Legislature Of Kansas, praying for
admission into the Union, spoke as follows:
Mr.. President the admission of Kansas into the
Union, without further delay, seems to me equally
necessary, lust and wise. In recorded debates
have already anticipated the arguments for this con
clusion.
I'm coming forward among the POLITICAL astr0lo-
gers, it shall be of Judgment, and not OF
disposition. if my Interpretation of the feverish
dreams which are disturbing the country shall tend to
foment, rather than allay the national excitement
cause they are ephemeral, and beci use, in sys
TEN, the public welfare and happiness depend
chiefly on institutions, and very little on men.
shall allude but briefly incidental topics. because
they are ephemcral, and because, even in the midst
of appeals to passion and prejudice, it is always
safe submit solid truth the deliberate consid-
Grafton of an honest and enlightened people
1t will be All over1owing source OF shame, as well
as of sorrow, if we thirty Acknowledgements by
] extraction, American by birth discipline. and
Christians in faith, and meaning to be such In prac
tice-cannot combine prudence with humanity, in
our conduct concerning the one disturbing subject
of slavery, as not only to preserve our unequa'led
/ cfts with contentment and harmony.
! Wherever a gutlcss slare exists, be he Cauca.
sian, American, Malay or African, he is the sub
ject of two distinct and opposite ideas that he
is wrongly, the other that he is rightly slave
The balance of numbers either side, however
great, never completely extinguishes this differ
cnce OF opinion, for there are always some defeEd
ers of Slavery outside. even if there are none in
side free State, while, also, there are always out
side. ifthere are not inside Of every slave State
many who assert with Milton, that mo man, who
knows ausht can be stupid to deny that all mcT
naturally were born free, being the image and re-
sem5lance of God himself and were by privilege
| above all the creatures, born TO obey" II often
perhaps generally hlspcns, however, that in con
sidering the subject of Slavery, society seems to o
veriook the natural right or personal interest of The
slave himself an!to act exclusively for the welfar'
OF the citizen. But this fact does not materially at
feet ultimate results, for the elementary Question
/ the rightiulness or the wrons;uness OF avery IN
heres in every form that discussion concerning il
J assumes WHAT'S just to one class Of men can new
er be injurious any other; and what is unjust L
any condition OF persons in the State. is necessarily
| injurious i'm some degree to the whole community
An economical question early arises out of the ub
ect Of Savcry-labor either offreemen or OF slave
lis the cardinal necessity of society Some State
choose the one kind, some the other. Hence tive
municipal systems widely different arise. Tn
Slave State strikes down and affects to extinguisl
the personality Of the laborcr, not only n mem
Der of the political body, but also as parent, hus
band, child, neighbor. friend He thus becomes
in political view, merely property, without mora
capacity, AMI without domestic, moral, and socia
relations, duties, rights, and remcdies-a chattle
an object of bargain sale, gift. inheritance, or theft
His earnings are compensated and his wrongs atom
ed, not to himself, but 10 his owner- The Stat
protects rot the slave n man, but the capital o
another man, which he represents On the othe
hand. thc State which rejects Slavery, encourage
and anmates and inyiSorates the lab rer. by main
all the rights and faculties of manhood. and gend
ally with the privileges Of citizenship. In the on
case. capital invested in slaves becomes great 20
ltical force, while in the other labor thus elevate
and enfranchsed becomes the dom n tin; politc,
power. 1t thus happens that nay. for nveni
ence sake, and not inaccara,ely call Slave State
lc,ptal States, and Free States labor States.
So soon as State feels tho impulses OF fc0mnerc
or enterprise, or ambition, its citizens begin {
study the effects OF these systems OF capital and IN
Dor respectively its intelligence. its virtue, il
tranquility, its integrity or unity, its defence. &c
prosperity, its liberty, It's happiness. ITS agrinizc
ment. and its fame In other words, the Grea
question arises. whether Slavery is moral, sccia
and political good, 4 moral, social and politica
evil. This is the Slavery question at home. Blu
there i mutual bond of amity and brotherhoo
between man and man throughout the world Ma
other, and Of all preceding times, and accordingly
they approve or disapprove of the two systems o
capital and labor respectively they sanction an
prosecute. or condemn and prohibit commerce il
men. Thus, m one way or another, the SLAYER
question which so many among us. who are NOR
willing TO rule than patient in studying the cond
tons of society, think is merely accidental
necessary question that might and ought to be set
tied and dismissed at once, is. on the contrary,
worldw and enduring subject of political consid
erition and civil administration Men. States an
nltions entertain it. not voluntarily, but secIus
the progress Of society continually brings it int
Their way. They divide upon it, not perverscly
but because, owing to differences of constitution
condition or circumstances, they cannot agree.
The Fathers Of the Republic encountered it,
They even adjusted it so that it might have give
US much less than present dsquiet, had not cir
cumstances affcrward occurred which they. wise a
they were. isd not Gle ,rly foreseen. Althoushthc
had inherited, yet they generally condemned, th'
practice Of Slavery. and hoped for its discontinu
ance- They expressed this when they asserted j
the Declaration of Independence, as a fundament,
principle of American society," that all men are ere
ated equal. and have inalienable rights life, lib
erty, and the pursuit of happiness. Each State
however. reserved to itself exclusive political pow
er over the subject of Slavery. within its own Dor
ders Nevertheless, it unavoidably presented il
self in their consulta ions on bond of Fedora
sentative one. Slaves were capital in some States
in others, capital had no investments in labor
Should those slaves be represented as capital or
persons or should they not be represented or taxe
at all? The fathers disagreed, debated long, an,
compromised at last Each State. they determined
shall have two Senators i'm Congress. Three fit h
of the slaves shall be elsewhere represented, an,
be taxed as persons. What should be done il tn.
slave should escape into a labor State7 Shoul,
that State confess him to be chatt!e, and restor
him as such, or might it regard him person
and harbor and protect him a man: They com
promised again, and decided that person held t.
labor or service in one State, by the Laws thereof
shall by any law regulation Of that State he dis
charged from such labor service. but shall be de
livered up on claim to the person to whom such Ia
Dor or service shall be due.
Free lahorers would emigratc, and slaves nligl,
be imported into the United States. The father
/ agreed that Congress may establish uniform law
of natuI alztion, and might prohibit the importa
ton of persons after 1903. Communities in The
Southwest, detached from the Southern Suites, wer
growing up in the practice of slavery, to be capita
States. New States would soon grow up in tn,
Northwest, while "a yet capital stood aloof, ane
labor had not lifted the ak to begin there its end
less but beneficent task. The fathers authorizcl
Congress TO make all needful rules and regulations
concerning the m mlnagement and disposition of the
public lands, and to admit new States So the
Constitution while does not disturb or affect the
system of capital in slaves existing in any State
under its own laws, does, at the same time, recog
nize every human being, when within any excu
s've sphere of federal Jurisdiction, not as capital
put as person.