Richmond daily Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1842-1861, 1860-12-12

/ .
for the goth u at Vicksburg, would contribute IN any
important degree 70 aid you and your compatriots 10
STAYING the progress Of the sentiment Whicn
precpitae your State into political vortex Wnicn III my
judgement would be no less fatal TO her own interests
than ruipous to those of her neghbors would, at any
personal sacrifice, have obeyed the summons OF my
friends but feeling no such confidence in my ability 10
serve them you ascribe 10 me in your letter. nave
Welded TO the force of circumstances which claimed my
attention at home. .
So far as nv views and opinions may have any weight
or influence In determining the OF portion oil
the people Of Mississippi in the present critical Jancure
they may be stated paper and suppose would be as
effective for the purpose Intended as tney "oulu DC
communicated in speech.
The question of chief importance to be considered,
and sEered Is whether the election Of Mr., Lincoln to
the Presidency considered in all its sgnihcancy and
bearings together with all precedent and existing grev-
ances would justify Mississippi or any other State or
States in Withdrawing from the Uniong In form the
election was in strict accordance with the regulations pre-
scribed by the Constitution and laws The objection to
il is that il effected by purely sectional party Or
ganized upon the principle OF hostility to slavery, and
having for its prime object the repression oil slavery as
permanent administrative policy with view to its ul-
innate extinction Il cannot be doubted that an admin
straton of the Government based upon this policy
could operate far eiectuay in bringing about the
execution of slavery in the South through Official inhu-
ence and patronage than by any more direct mode oil
| attack
But is clear that the Federal Government was estab-
lished for such purpose or object; Tor, however
strongly many Of the trainers OF the Constitution were
opposed to slavery it is notorious that it was owing to
their forbeance 10 insist upon their objections to the
clause in the instrument providing for the rendition OF
fugitive slaves their owners that we have any Federal
Union 1t was upon this question that the Convention
was at time, upon the point OF breaking up IN con-
fusion The policy Of making the Government an insIru'
mentality for the repression extinction Of slavery as Is
now attempted by the party which is 10 be in pow
err was never contemplated by the trainers OF the Con-
stitution.
Ihaye often expressed the opinion that the Of
purely sectional party, organized upon any principle
sentiment policy in strong anagonism 70 the inter-
ests and sentiments Of the opposing aud defeated Sec
tion would deeply imperil the Union; nor did believe
until the result Of the October elections became known,
that msjority Of the Northern people would ever so
far disregard the counses and warnings Of Washington
as 10 elect the candidate of such party 70 the Presiden
| cy The election Of Mr. Lincoln, by sectional party,
organized and sustained upon the distinctive principle
OF opposition to slavery it exists in the Southern
States and avoWing the policy OF its repression, and IL
nal extinction 10y prohibiting its extension into the
Territories was bold experiment upon the temper and
fobearance Of the South, and upon the strength OF their
LOYALTY to the Union. This experiment il not conceived
in spirit of disunion, made with reckless dsre
gard Of consequences No greater strain upon the ga-
mepts which bind the two great sections Of the country
together could be devised than the attempt TO establish
or nauguate permanent government policy upon such
principles The late Harrison Gray OTIS of Boston, one
| of the most distinguished and able OF New England
statesmen when called upon 1885, to give the weight
of his name and influence in checking the further pro-
gress OF rabd abolition spirit then beginning TO dilinse
itself over Massachusetts, and other States OF the East
and North in speech delivered in Faneui Hall, did not
hesitate to express the opinion that the plans and designs
of the Abolition Societies. or they then called
Anti Slavery Associations contemplated such an ntcrie-
renee with the domestic policy and institutions oil the
South would be violation both Of the spirit and let
ter of the Constitution and were in fact revolutionary in
their character and tendency.
am not able to discriminate between the character,
spirit and tendency of the antslavery principle and the
slavery repression policy of the Republican party con-
sered in connection with the torrent OF niammatory
publications and invecyes against the domestic insttu
tons and social relations OF the South, which Is daily
poured forth by Republican journals and orators and the
character tendency and designs OF the Abolition Socie
ties and the incendiary publications which find their way
to the public under their auspices The only essential
difference can perceive between the spirit and tendency
OF the doctrines and avOwed policy OF the Republican
plrty aud those of the doctrines and avowed policy Of
Abolition Societies is in the extent and degree OF the
mischies which may be inflicted upon the South by one
or the other and the deliberate intention TO inc them
bv the Abolition Societies which il would be unfair and
uniut to impute 10 the whole body OF the Republican
party But both obnoxious to the charge Of pursuing
policy which in violation of the spirit ii not OF the let
ter of the Constitution and revolutionary in its tenden
cy The policy Of both tends strongly to stir up inter
nal strife in the Southern States to excite dissensions
aud Instructions among the slaves 10 produce alarm
aud 4 of insecurity, both TO lille and property,
among the white population Of every Southern State and
nay to influence the whole South to revolt against the
Government The degree and extent Of the mischief
EheA R FfOHegeiUr P Which Iced not state
will be readily Acknowledged, will be ten'fod greater
than any which the Abolition Societies have 1t in their
power to inhct-
with having a policy which, In ts character, tendency
aud practical operation is in conflict with the spirit II
not the letter. Of the Constitution can be made manifest
in very few words One OF the important objects 10 be
accomplished by the adoption Of the Constitution as de-
clared in the preamble was to ENSURE domestic tran
ouy" and the power was expressly given to the Fede
raj Government by that instrument 70 suppress insur
rectous" The simple announcement 70 the public that
great party at the North opposed TO slavery, has sue
ceeded in electng its candidate for the Presidency dis
guse it as may, is well calculated TO raise eXpecta-
tons among the slaves and might lead TO serve insur
recons in the Southern States. II such an event. which
il more than possible, should really happen 1t might be-
come the duty of Nc. Lincoln 10 restore the tranquility
which the policy OF the party had disturbed ana TO sup
press an Instruction which the policy had excited
In stating the exceptions which may be fairly akea by
the South to the election Of Mr.. Lincoln have pur-
posey presented in the strongest light the dangers to
which Southern rights and interests are exposed, that 1t
NAV not be supposed that had considered COM
pretended the full extent OF the injurious consequences
which may result from the present menacng attitude OF
the North upon the slavery question, before ined an
opinion upon the grave question, whether the election
OF Mr. Lincoln in all its bearings, together with the
precedent grievances Of which the South has right to
compllin furnish any sufficient to justify the
render by the Southern States Of their interest in the
rich and glorious heritage OF the Union, and to seek
safety and the undstarbed enjoyment OF their rights in
| a Southern Confederacy. With this explanation, am
nov prepared TO say unhesitaiiugiy and unequvocay
that il would not; and the confidence feel in the So
Edity OF the grounds upon which give this will
be justified by the following considerations:
ist Mr. Lincoln it is well known, does not hold eK-
IRENE opinions the subject of slavery. 1t is certain
that he has expressed decided opinion that the South
has constitutional right demand The faithful execu-
ton Of the Fugitive Slave Law; aud that under certain
circumstances he would feet his duty not TO oppose the
admission of new slave State into the Union His dec
arltion on this point little satisfactory to the South
but neither that declaration the opinion expressed
BY him the subsc of the Fugitive Slave Law is at
all satisfactory to the extremists OF bis own party.
| Upon the whole Mr.. Lincon's public declarations on
TIE subject OF slavery 10 be considered the true
opponents of his future policy and il he possesses the
moral courage adhere to them in opposition to the
counsels Of the extreme Of his party land it IL just
and fair to presume that he does possess that virtue
no serious mischefreed be Appreciated during his ad-
mnistraon except the usual evils attending the perpet
! ull agitation oil the slavery issues.
. But it is assumed by that Mr.. Lincoln has dis
gused his true sentiments that his true character has
not been understood aud that he will be under the
troll of the worst OF his party. do not think So
have every confidence that his future policy will be
found 10 be in strict conformity with his past decara-
tons But apart nom this, it is now generally known
that he viii be pOwsrless for mischief except to very
limited extent duiog the first two years Of his admins
tration uues the Southern Senators and Representa-
ves elected the Congress should rashy and
think neXcusaby resign their seats or retire from Con-
gress and thus voluntarily surrender the control in both
al, f..h Ihavg