Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1860-07-06

iastrument the slave is alluded to, be is called
= = person :" and wherever his masters legal
sieaH In relation to him is alluded 70 u Is
aroken Of as service or labor due" as 3 debt
nsvnble in service or labor. Also, it would be
otSrs 10 show, by contemporaneous history,
thst this mode of alladipg 70 slaves and slave
~, instead Of speaking to them, was employed
cu uarposa 70 exclude from the Constitution
the idea that there could be property in man.
Torshow all this is easy aud certain
when this obvious mistake Of the Judges
shaII be brought to their notice, is it not rea-
sonable to expect that they will withdraw the
enisfakeu statement, and consider the conclu-
sion based upon it?
And then if ie to be remembered that our
Mfhers, who framed the Government under
which we live the men who made the
Ccustisution-decidedt this same constitutional
question IN oar. favor, long age-decided It
xithout 4 division among themselves when
making the decision without division among
skemselyes about tie meaning Of it after it
was made, and 90 far as any evidence - leit,
without basing it upon any mistaken statement
Of facts.
Under an these circumstances, do you really
esel yourselves justified to break up this Gov
eminent. unless such court decision as yours
is shall be aE once submitted to as couclu-
eive and fnal rule Of political action? p
but you will not abide the election Of q Re-
publican President. s In that supposed event.
yoa say, you win destroy the Union . and
shen you say, the great: crime OF having
destroyed Il will be upon rs = gls.bassel IS.
That is COOL A highwayman holds pistol
d. my ear, and mutters through his teeth,
stand and deliver, or shall kill you, aud
sken yoa win be q murderer s
To be sure what the robber demanded Of me
my money-was my own and had clear
sight 70 heep it bat il was no more my own
ehAn my vote 10 my own; and the threat OF
dsstruesion TO the Union, 10 extort my vote,
snn scarcely be distinguished in principle.
A few words now 10 Republicans. Il IS
axceedinely desirable that all parts of this
great Confederacy shall be at peace, and in
harmony, one with another. Let Us Repnbli-
cans do ear part to hare it Sd Even though
mach provoked. let US do nothing through pas
sion and III temper. Even though the South
en- psople will net 90 much as listen to US,
let as calmly consider their demands, and yield
% them il, in cur deliberate view of our duty,
we possibly can. Judging by all they say and
De, and by the subject and nature OF their con-
srosersy with us, let US determine, if we can,
what will satisfy them.
Win they be satisfied il the Territories be
anconditioualIy surrendered to them? We
know they viii not. In their present COM
plants against us, the Territories are scarcely
naentioued. Inyasious and instructions are
she rage now Will it satisfy them if. in the
sature, we have nothing to do with invasions
or insurrectionsf We know they will not
We so know because we know we never had
anything to do with invasions and insurrec-
tions; and yet this total abstaining does not
saempt us from the charge and the denuncia-
ton -.
The question recurs what will satisfy them !?
Bimply this. We must not only let them
alone, but we must. somehow, convince them
that we do let them alone. This, we know by
experience, Is no easy task. We have been SO
trying to convince them, from the very begin
ming Of our organization, but with no success.
In oil our platforms and speeches we have con-
stantly protested our purpose to let them
alone but this has had no tendency to con-
vince them, Alike unavailing to convince
them Is the fact that they have never detected
. man OF ns in any attempt to disturb them.
These natural, and apparently adequate
sscaps all failing, what will convince them p
This, and this only: cease to call slavery
Crong, and join with them in calling it right.
Aud this must be done thoroughly-done IN
aefs as web as scords Silence will not be tolera-
ted-we must place ourselves avowedly with
them. Douglas new sedition law must be en-
acted and enforced, suppressing all declaration
that slavery is wrong, whether made in poll
tics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private. We
must arrest and return their fugitive slaves
with greedy pleasure. We must pull down
cur Free State Constitutions. The whole at.
uaosphere must be disinfected from all taint OF
opposition to slavery, before they will cease to
believe that all their troubles proceeded from
/ am quite aware they do not state their
ease precisely in this way. Most of them
would probably say to us, Let US alone, do
nothing to ua, and say what you please about
slavery
But we do let them alone-have never dis
turbed them-so that, after all, it is what we
say, which dissatis6es them. They will con-
tinue to accuse us of doing, until we cease say
ing.
am also aware that they have not as yet,
IN terms, demanded the overthrow of our Free
State Constitutions. Yet those Constitutions
declare the wrong of slavery. with more SOL
emu emphasis than do all other sayings against
It; and when all these other sayings shall have
been sileuced, the overthrow of these Constl-
tutions will be demanded, and nothing be left
10 resist the demand. 1t is nothing to the con-
trary, that they do not demand the whole Of this
Just now. Demanding what they do, and for
the reason they do. they can voluntarily stop
nowhere short of this consummation. Hold
ing, as they do, that slavery is morally right,
and socially elevating, they cannot cease to
demand full national recognition of it, as a
legal right and social blessing.
Nor can we justi6ably withhold this, on any
ground save our conviction that slavery is
wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts,
laws and constitutions against it, are them
selves wrong, and should be silenced, and
swept away. If it is right, we .cannot justly
object to its nationality, its universally if it
Is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its ex-
tension-ts enlargement All they ask, we
could readily grant, if we thought slavery
right all we ask they could readily grant, if
they thought it wrong. Their thinking it
right and our thinking it wrong, is the precise
Sact upon which depends the whole controyer-
~. Thinking it right, as they do, they are
not to blame for desiring its full recognition,
ss being right; but, thinking it wrong, as we
do, can we yield to them? Can we cast our
votes with their view, and against our own p
In view of our moral, and social responsible
ties, can we do this?
Wrong as we think slavery is, we cannot yet
afford to let it alone where it is, because that
much is due to the necessity arising from its
actual presence in the nation but can we,
while our votes viii prevent it allow it to