The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-02-18

OF the value Of $e3 600 000eaying stock in hand OF
bales These figures outsrp the statistics Of all
former years regarding this article Flour was In better
request, with rather more doing, closing with hrmer
feeling Wheat was firmly held. Tho chief sale com
prised Southern white private terms Corn was quiet
and sales were limited at rates given elsewhere. Pork
was active and 1rmer, with sales Of mess on the
spot at SIS 81 SIS 30, and Of prime at better prices
Sugars firm with sales Of COO 700 hhds. and 600
boxes at rates given in another place Coffee was quite
arm, but sales limited cargo Of Rio reported
sold but could not trace IT, The tea sale drew good
company and all the green's offered though not ofthe best
quality, sold at full prices. large portion Of the
blacks withdrawn for higher rates Freights
steady, with fair amount Of engagements.
The Strike OF the Natick Cobblers-sena-
tor Wilson's Theories In their Homo APP
pltcatiOn.
1t is but few days since Senator Wilson,
popularity known as "the Natick Cobbler," de-
livered on the floor of the Senate his rhetorical
appeal against the institution of domestic
slavery in the South; and to-day the cobblers
of Natick reply to him in the celebrated words
of John Randolph to the solicitor of aid for the
Greeks: go home, sir-the Greeks are at your
door"
New England is convulsed with the uprising
of its laboring classes against their employers.
1t is the old misunderstood and misdirected
war Of labor against capital. The shoemakers
of Lynn, Natick, Beverly Marblehead, Haver,
hill and other neighboring towns have deter
mined to make their wrongs manifest; and in so
doing, the arguments, the rhetoric, and almost
the very words which Senator Wilson used so
protusely in his attack on Southern slavery, are
paraded by the orators Of the striking shoe
makers. The claims of '.free labor are ad-
vaDced in first rank, Bunker Hill and Licking
ton are appealed to, the Revolutionary senti-
ments of our fathers are applied to existing So
cial evils, and men who claim to be the
descendants Of those who flung the tea into
Boston harbor, to escape tax Of three pence
in the pound, have selected the day of the an
niversary Of the birth of Washington as the day
on which they will strike for higher wages,
from employers who now pay them only three
or four dollars for fifteen hours daily labor
during six days in week. This breaking out
of the hideous sores of society in New England,
the cradle and hotbed of the antislavery fana.
ticsm that at this very moment threatens to in
volve the entire Union in revolution and ruin,
comes as providential and practical comment
upon the teachings of the social and political
fanatics who are organizing under the black
banners of abolitionized republicanism.
Without entering upon an inquiry as to the
rights and wrongs of the wages question, be-
tween the laborers and the employers of Massa-
chusetts and New Hampshire, we may trace
these social evils to their true source This
lies not in the fact that a man receives five or
ten cents, more or less, for making a double
soled and heeled welt, but in the persistent
inculcation by the philosophers of New Eng
land Of the fallacy that political prin.
ciple, must also be applied to social
rights. In amenability to the Deity, and to
the laws established for the government
Of the community, oil men are equal but no
man has greater claim upon society than the
service he renders to society. The lame the
lag, the ignorant, the provident, the active and
The skiiful do not render equal services, and
can have no claim to an equality of reward.
But the pernicious reasoners of the French
school, starting from the illexpressed and am
biguous formula that all men are equal, carry
it to the absurd in abstract deduction, and
advocate the impossible in practical applica.
ton. 1t is true that all do not 60 to the de-
gree Of its universal extension to politics and
society; and so protean is the character of the
fallacy that hardly any two exactly agree as to
the point and grade where its application
should cease Some-but these are the few
insist that all men should eat the same, drink
the same, work the same, play the same, sleep
the same, enjoy the same, and accumulate
the same and, in fact become the slaves of
system, as in the phalansteries of the pure So
cialist. But the great mass Of these fallacious
teachers avoid the universal application of
their distractions and take up some particular
idea or hobby. Thus, some apply it to the ne
gro, and labor to prove that in all things he
has equality with the white man. Others ex.
tend their philosophy particularly to women
and tine rights of these are philosophical upon
Others, again, apply their theories exclusively
to the rights of labor; and those of the sewing
girls in cities, the factory operatives of country
towns, the workmen at the forge, loom and
anvil, and the shoemakers of Lynn and Natick,
are all defended with the same theories, argu.
ments and rhetorical appeals that so abound in
the speeches of Wilson, Sumner, Helper, sher.
man, Phillips, Parker, and their fellow NH.
losophers.
The movement now working in New Eng
land is the same with the black republican cru
SADIE against slavery, and the results must be
the same that flow from similar teachings in
Europe, and particularly France, where these fall
lacies have the most active hold on the minds of
SO large portion Of the community. The object
is social and not political revolution and
such q revolution has but one nossihle nafh To