New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-04-13
boren for verdict on Mr.. Haldeman's philos ,p-'s
agsDss Mr. Haldeman's party. .
I3ut Let us hear him expatiate:


"WBsnce i We discover the score, Of 1t 70 consist IN
that vague ben the equality Of all Of men, which lies at
The s's z various Places. By hsr and
sIhoueh nsny the party ignorant Of the principle which
s ine tho acs and 0S Of The E.pSuSc
ton derived from underlined conception that all races Of
men are equal "
Now, 80 far is it from true that the RepubI-
cans believe all races of men to be equal, that we
undoubtingy assert that not one in ten OF them be-
leves in the positive, perfect equality OF individuals
Of the same race. We for instance, do not believe
an idle, dissipated bar.room loafer and rowdy the
equal of an honest mechanic or farmer who earns q
GOOD living by his faithful daily toll, nouri'hng and
educating family of virtuous, Godfearing children.
No matter how white or how black his skin may be,
or may have been we insist that that loafer is, In
very important respects the inferior of that tenn
perate frugal worker Diversity, inequality, is
Natures rule; sameness her rare exception. There
are not many of Mr. Haldemsn's townsmen who
are his equals in fortune; we only insist that the
poorest have as clear and indefeasible right to
whatever is honestly their own as he has to his am
pier possessions. One man can earn hundred dol
lars day; another but fifty cents weprotest against
any equalizing Of their earnings; but we insist on
the equal right Of each to whatever he may have
earned. The son of Congo who to-day earns fifty
cents by wood saving boot-blacking has just as
clear right to that pittance as Mr. Haldeman has
to his bounteous patrimony; and the law which
would take the negros four bits and give them to
some enc called his master would be just as much
an act of spoliation and robbery one which con-
fiscsted Mr. Haldemans estate and divided it
among the loafers and vagabonds of Harrisburg.
We cannot conyeive it necessary to make this
truth palmer; yet see how utterly Mr.. Haldemau
ignores it:
But nJ oeS ope Of be eous rights privileges and
capabilities Ask them directly whether the Negro
,bsT Argument Is based upon the the negro M
for liberty and ought to have It."
DO you see how neatly that is donel Equal
rights," the assumption that the Negro is equal
the Caucasian" is the deprecated premise; de-
nia that the negro ia fit for liberty" is the conclu-
sion. But il not the deduction monstrously forced
one Suppose some one were to say, MIR. Hal
" demap, you are not equal in intellect to Webster,
in logic to Calhoun, in stature to Gen. Scott, 10
wealth to Rotbschid, in eloquence to Gladstone,
in piety to Claiming or Summeriield; ergo, you
are unfit for liberty, would he not protest against
that deduction as quite too sweepingl If he might,
what becomes Of his syllogism above quoted
of course, Mr.. Haldeman pitches into the
philosophers of the last century, especially Jean
Jacques Rousseau, and regards Mr.. Jefferson with
suodued pity as partially their dupe, though pre-
vented by bis native good sense from going the
whole hog-coudemns the French Revolution and
its master-spirits, and lifts up his heels against
" ideologues" and social architects generally. OF
course too be pitches into the Negro race as
brutes and slaves from the dawn OF History, ar
gupg thereirom the natural fitness Of making and
keeping them brutes and slaves evermore-a logic
rh s..,s On ~. h.d q H. Missionary cause
Feiee islander find some better use for his captive
than to eat him. OF course, he "comss out
"stropg" on ethnology, the rise and fall of empires,
and I" the great Arian or Teutonc stock" {" to
which the world is indebted for its budget of
ideas, for its material comforts for its religion"
and its Haldemap. Of course, he goes of at the
proper points into such blue fire and rocket exhi-
billions as this:
have now face to face Ia this Country the Africans
aide the deren. branches fthe eutOc the
other ask whether the superior Is 10 be sacrificed TO the in
feIior whether in for equality which does not
sIi whether with an insane idea Of sevans the negro
level which be has reached vital stab to be gwen to
the civilization Of the world The Aboi0nts Of this
do for branch Of the white race IN france They wish By the
aid Of John Browns pixies. 70 do what the French
10 ssS hbs 'Ss O. s
@ ss1 BE ahn IF hsis race aOO rS ing that
stamped an etemAlineriorityv
lis it possible that the Negro even in his lowest
stage of Hottentot existence, ever reasoned so in
sanely as this Suppose We admit to the last iota,
his premises that the Negro never was, is not can
not be the equal of the Caucasian. What then
Why not leave him to his natural, eternal inferior
i.y, instead of superimposing on this an artificial,
legal inferiorityi Ifbe can only earn half dollar
per day, is not his need of this doar-the last
cent of it-more urgent than that of his neighbor
who can earn SIS, $40, or $50 per day Here are
quito number of Eastern States, wherein
his legal and even political rights are
exactly those of any Whte-no less, no more.
"Why. he is still negro" says in substance
Mr.. Haldeman. To be sure he is. Gle
4" is not the equal of White man." Very well;
we admit it. Now, how is I" the superior to be sac
I" rilced TO the Inferior" Where is your "yital
" stab to the civilization Of the worldl" Where is
your sea of blood 2" If you only mean by this
suited rhetoric that Negroes are undesirable in
New.York, in Boston, in Harrisburg, we agree
with you. But being there, they are no more
nuisance, no more aperil, when owning themselves
than when owned By Mr.. Haldemans Democratic
brethren-no more awful when allowed equal rights
with White men than when denied any humsn
rights whatever. Mr.. Haldeman has evidently read
the wrong histories-thOse written by the Tories