Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1860-06-27
WEDNESDAY, JUNE "a, 1860.


The Future Of Parties.
II t;md gentlemen had not learned the
wortblessness of slaveholding faith, the fate of
the democratic party ought to furnish suffi-
cient example Others have shared the same
fate, but the lesson does not seem to have
been thoroughly learned. The wings began
to be disobedient, and at that moment their
organization began to be useless, and was de-
molished. Some short.sighted managers CON
ceiyed the idea of a national know nothing par
ty, but in its first national convention some of
the members hesitated about yielding abso-
lutely to insulting dictalion, when that preten
tious organization was brushed away, and was
not heard of again. The democratic party
took the warning, and kept its position by toll
Grating no dispute as to the infalbty of the
slave power, or its indefeasible right to rule.
The result was that, through the union Of the
slave states they kept possession of the gener-
al government, and used their power for its
Generalization and ruin. When it was sug-
gested, however by some of them, who snuff
danger easily, that change of policy was desir-
able, then that bad conspiracy, made for bad
purpose, treacherously exploded, and the
helpless fragments were left to dispense their
unwholesome fragrance wherever they have
been thrown.
Does any one expect they will ever be
brought together again, or that either of them
has one well grounded hope of success Not
at all. The rupture was logical and inevita-
BILE And in this contest they will have too
much to do in exploring the secret treasons
of each other, to offer effectual resistance to
the party established upon the theory of repub-
ican government, whose triumph is destiny.
Mr.. Gushing himself, though he may
''Play the orator as well as Nestor,
And deceive more silly than Ulysses could
cannot do a larger or better work than to in
tensity the discord which, fortunately for the
country and for the age, has begun to destroy
that powerful organization. 1t is matter of
slight consequence whether Mr. Breckenridge
Mr. Douglas carry the greater number of
the slave states, or kindly hand them over to
Mr.. Bell. The raining of separate tickets in
the doubtful free states, in which Mr. Lin
coin needs little, if any, adventurous aid, in
sures in advance his triumph in every one Of
them, except California.
When the time comes for re. organizing, it
will not be under the flag Of the Douglas dem
ocracy. His doctrine is simply cheat, de-
signed, in the hey-day of his political infu-
ence, for the benefit of slavery in the terrific
ries,-construed at the north as an impartial
and democratic rule Of policy, and at the
south as the last hope of slavery, when the
congress passes into the control and the inter-
eSts OF freedom. His adherents are not homo.
ge neous and consistent with each other His
platform is a contradiction, and one part of il
gives the lie to the other. He is weakened al.
ready by unexpected OBJECTIONS in the free
states he is assailed on the other hand by
wide spread and irreconcable distrust in the
slave states. He was unfortunate in the COM
binations which he was compelled to make in
the convention; he is unfortunate in the acct
dents which have betallen his ticket since that
convention adjourned. There is nothing in
the ambiguous policy TO which he is commit
ted, nothing in the political exigencies the
shade VS. Of which are clearly visible, to bright
en- the heavy cloud of Encouragement which
has descended upon his most hopeful support
ers. When the sting of personal disappoint-
ment is over, and the issues are more sharply
defined, some may attach themselves to the par
ty of slavery propagandists, some to their op-
ponents, while others will stand in the cold till
they die, cherishing the old delusion.
In this breaking up and Transformation of
the last and worst of the old parties, the first
successes OF the republican party will seem to
be little more than holiday service. 1t has
compact and homogeneous organization in
more than half the states. 1t has a well de.
fined and settled policy with regard to the
material interests Of the country. 1t has not
hesitated to adopt, as its paramount object,
the wise, prudent, and humane policy in rela-
ton to slavery which prevailed in our early
history, and which solemnly intended that the
new territories should never resound to the
tread Of slave. 1t has not yet been found
necessary to change front or policy for the
sake OF advantage. in a just cause there is
hXedness and consistency which cannot be
attacked with impunity We believe the time
Is lar distant, when either the hope of earlier
success, or the prospect Of greater ultimate
advantage, will be sufficient to Justify the mu-
tllatlon OF any Of the essential articles of its
faith, or the abandonment Of any of the con
stitutional agencies which are the recognized
barriers against the extension of slavery. Ger
tainly that is sufficiently strong, and sufficient
ly ugly, to need the resistance Of whatever
power the constitution, with most sagacious
forethought, places unreservedly in our hands.
Surely there is nothing in the nature of the
struggle, or in the danger of separation to
cause the republican party to be less coura-
geous than were the statesmen of all parties
and in all states when the crisis was less peri.
lous and commanding than it is now. ''The
lily and the bramble may grow in social prox-
unity but liberty and slavery delight in sepa-
ration" said VIM. Pinckney Of Maryland in
1888. The exigencies Of 1860 certainly do not
call for milder statement OF the issue.
The Great Eastern.
We have no admiration for monsters of any