The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1860-03-10


1Gr. Stewards Great speech.
Mr.. Seward presented the memorial Il shs Log
isisturs Of Kansas praying for admission into the
Union, February 3sth). and addressed the Senate
AZ foiasws:
Mr. President The admiration al Kansas into
the Union, without further delay. seems to me
equally necessary, just and wise. In recorded de-
bstes have already anticipated the arguments Tor
this conclusion. .pf
In coming forward among the political astrolo-
gers, II shsll be nm error OF Judgment and mot OF
disposition, IL my Interpretation of the tsverish
dreams which disturbing the country shall tsnd
to fomfnt, rather than alay, the national excite
ment- shall say nothing unnecessarily Of per-
sons, because, In gystem, the public welfare
aud happiness depend chiefly on Institutions, and
very little on men. I shall allude bat briefly 10
incidental topics, because thsy are spheneral, and
because, even In the midst Of appeals to passion
truth 20 the deliberate eonsidsr alton OF an honest
and enlightened pcoplss
Ii will be an overA0wing source of shame, as
we'll ~ Of sorrow, Ii We, thirty milions,--E Euro
pesAs ~ extEAation, Americans by birth discip.
line, and Christians In faith, and meaning 70 be
suohin praotics.-cannot 20 combine prudence with
humanity In orr c0nduct concerning the one dis
turbtnguuhIeM OF slavery, as not only To preserve
cur uneq uallcd institutions of freedom, but also
to saloy their benefits with contentmsnt and har-
mony.
Wherever guiitless slave exists, be he cauea-
sian, American, Malay or African, he Ia the sub.
Ject of two distiact and opposite ideas,-ons that
he Is wrongly, the other that he IL rightly slave
The balance Of numbers on either side. however
great never completely extingnishes this difference
OF opinion, for there always some defenders Of
slavery outside, even liz there are inside
Tree state, while. Also there are always outside il
there are not inside of every slave State, many
who assert with Milton, that "no man who knows
ought can be so stupid to den that oil men ma
turatly were born free, being the image and re-
semhlance Of God himself, aud were by privilege
above 1.-THE creatures, born to comm and and not
70 obey" 1t often, perhaps generally, happens,
however, that in considering the subject of slavery,
society seems TO overlook the natural right per-
sonai interest OF the slsve himself, and to act en-
ci1slvely for the welfare of the citixen But this
Tact does not materially affect ultimate results for
the elementary question of the rightfulness or
wrongfulnessof slavery inheres In every form that
discussion concerning it assumes. What ID just to
one class OF men can never be injurious 10 any 9TH
err and what's unjust TO any condition of persons
IN state, is necessarily injurious in some dagree
10 the whole community. An economical question
early arises oct OF the subject Of slavery-iabor,
either OF freemen or of slaves 10 the cardinal
cessity OF society. Some States choose the one
kind, somc the other. Hence two municipal sys
TENS widely different arise The slave State strikes
down and Affects to extingaish the personality Of
the iaborer, not only Q member OF the political
oody, out Also ne parent, husband, child, neigh
Dor OF friend He thus becomes, in political view,
merely property, Sithout NOR al capacity and with
out domestic, mnral and social relations, duties,
rights and remedies,--a chattel, object of bar
gain, sale, gift, inheritance, theft. His earn
ings are compensated and his wrongs atoned, not
10 himself, bat to his owner. The state protects
NOT the slave as man, but the capital of another
man which he represents. On the other hand, the
State which rejects slavery encourages and ami
mates, and inyigorates the lAborer, by main tain.
ing aud developing his natural personality in all
hA re a. e A.
ly with the privileges OF citizenship In onc case
capital invested in slaves becomes great polite
al force, while in the other labor thus elevated and
enfranchised, becomes the dominating political
power. Il thus happens that We may, for con-
venience sake, and not inaocurAtely, call the
slave States capital States, and the free States La
Dor States. 80
So as State feels the impulse Of commerce
or enterprise or ambtson its citizens begin to study
the Ell cts of these systems OF capital and labor
respectively its ntellig is virtue Its tran.
guilty It's integrity or unity, its defence, Its pros
perity, its liberty, It's happiness, its aggrandige
ment, and ats fame. In other words, the greai
question arises. whether slavery 10 moral social
and political good, or moral, social and pal tica
evil. Thisis the slavery question at home. Blu,
there Is Q mutual bond Of smity and Brotherhood
between man and man throughout the world. Ma
tions examine freely the political systems a each
other and of all preceding umes, and :Accordingl
as they approve or disapproye of the two system,
of capital and labor respectively, they sanctios
and prosecute, or condemn and prohibits commerc,
In mon. Thus, An one way or another, the Hiaver,
question which 90 many among ~, who arc NOR
willing TO rule than patient in studying the con
ditions OF society, think IL accidental or
necessary question thai might andought to be set
tied and dismissed at once, ~, on she contrnry,
worldwide and enduring subject of political con.
sheraton and civil administration. Men, States
and Nations entertain IL, not yolnnt arii1 but be-
the progress Of society continually brings II
into their way. They divide upon 10. not perverse
ly, but because, owing TO the dif0nce Oh con
stitu1ion. condition OF circumstances, they osano
agree. VIII ss,1@e .3..s /
he Fathers of the Republic tsr cd a.
They even adjasted il 20 that II might have givss
us much less than present disqulet had not cir
cumstsnces afterwards occurred which they, Wis,
MS they were, had not clearly forexeen. ALTHOUGH
they had inherited, yet they generally condem nc.
the practice Of slavery, and hoped Tor ia dlscon
tinuance. They expressed this when thoy assertes
IN the Declaration o. Independence. ~ fanda
mental principle of American society, that all mel
are created equal, and have inAiielable rights /,
life, liberty and The pursuit Of happiness. Eacl
State, however reserved to itself exclusive polto
power over the subject Of slavery. within itsowl
borders Nevertheless, II unav0idably pIesen tex
itself in their consultations ON bond OF Fede, !
Dnion The new government WAS 10 be q repre- sxn nj
alive one Slaves were capital In some States. il
Others capital had no investments In labor. Shout,
.hose slaves be epresented as cxpitai persons
or should they not be represented or taxed 1t oil
ihe fatncFs disagreed, debated long, and compro
missed at ast. bach state they deter mined, shall
have two Senators in Congress. Three .6fths Of til,
slaves snail be elsewhere represented and be- taxet
I'D persons. What shou ia be done lie the slave az
caped into a labor state? Should that state con
less him to be IA ehattel, and restore him az such
or might II regard him rs person, and harbor a ~
protscs HIM as manG They compromised again
and decided that person held TO labor or seryis
IN one state, by the laws thereof shall by any In
or regulation of that State, be discharged for sue
iaeoT cr service, bat shall be delivered up on CLAIM
70 The person 70 whom the labor or service shall S
due.
Free iabcrers would emigrate, and slaves nigh
be imported into the United States. The father
agreed that Congress may establish uniform Law
OF naturalization. and IL might prohibit the IL.
portations after 1908. Commusities in the South
west, detached from the southern States, wer
growing ~ In the practice Of slavery, to be capita
states. New states would soon grow M Id III
Northwest while ne yet capital stood aIoof and Il
Dor hAd not lifted the axe to begin there its end
less but bsnehcent task. Tbs fathers authorize
TrSsv aGS IA raul la all ls..