New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-08-03
THE STATE OF EUROPE.
Prom Our Own Correspondent

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ing every day more probable. After the annexa-
ton Of Nice and Savoy, even the peace party be-
came convinced that Napoleon intends to crafty
the desire of France for the Rhine frontier Russia
tried to take advantage of this policy and to secure
her dominion over Turkey, but Napoleon thought
he might obtain all he wants simply by supporting
Prussia in helping herself to all Northern Germany.
Prince GorchakOf's complaints against Turkey
were but poorly seconded by NJ. Thouvenel, and
the visit TO Baden Baden was to settle the affairs
of Germany. The Prince Regent OF Prussia how
ever, invited some of the German Kings-in order
10 disarm their suspcions-tO the expected inter-
view: others came without invitation; and though
Napoleon's ambition might have been fattered by
this concurrence of kings and princes he could not
ut once carry out his schemes. The Prince Re
gents attitude made any French proposition for
altering the Federal Constitution OF Germany alto
pether impossible. Napoleon contented himself,
therefore, with expressing his good will toward
Germany and her princes, and ayowing his pacific
views, which were already known to all Europe.
Still even the imminent danger could not unite
the German princes, and lead TO practical meas
ures OF reform. The King Of Wiirtemburg, seeing
that the Austrian party in majority at Baden,
refused to accede to Prussa's proposition as to
the reorganization Of the Federal army. On the
contrary he called upon the Prince Regent to
abandon his dangerous policy aud tried to bully
the Duke of COburg for the protection he has
granted to the National Society, which endeavOrs
BY peaceful means and without revolution, to bring
about the unity of Germany, with the exception OF
the Auttrian provinces. The Prince Regent, how
ever declared bis unalterable purpose to maintain
his policy, though he would be glad if Austria
would gise up her reactionary tendencies aud come
to an understanding with him. The Prince of
Coburg, on the other hand, remains still more
PIuesian than the Prince Regent himself, and con-
times to sgitate, through the National Society in
order to confer on Prussia the leadership of Ger
many. Thus, we see Germany paralyzed by
internal disseDs ions, while Napoleon is laying his
traps and maturing his schemes with all the supe-
riority of his iron will. The King of Belgium,
whose throne ia scarcely worth five years pur-
chase, has made a new effort, through the English
Court, to bring about revival of the Holy
Alliance, and has succeeded go far that the German
party in Russia has gained sufficient strength TO
loosen the ties which bound France and Russia
together by the same policy. coalition between
RUSSIA, Austria, and Prussia, thus becomes prob
able, and the first opportunity for displaying such
new combination of forces is to be the Congress
about the neutral portion of the territory
of Savoy. England will have to side with
this coalition. Napoleon is too shrewd not to SEQ
the approaching danger, and he seems now to be
anxious TO give greater share Of liberty to the
French, in order to attach them still more to his
person. The organs of the Prince Napoleon are
putting forth articles which, the occasion OF old
Prince Jerome's death, remind the French OF the
liberalism of the Prince and of the lnfunce which
he is entitled TO exert on public affairs. The Mont
t,ur but feebly rebukes the indscretion of the
Opinion NatiOnale, and we may therefore soon see
Liberty reinstated in France. Against coalition,
Napoleon has but one course to pursue; that is to
say, to ally himsef with Italy and the revolution as
represented by Hungary and Poland. The eyes OF
those countries are thus actually turned toward
the Tuieries, for if Germany Russia, and England
should 20 for Despotism, Napoleon cannot fad to
20 for Liberty. The suppoiition is strange, but
not improbable. Let us await the events be.
fore we Judge. So much is certain, that the En-
peror feels DO longer any objection to the annexa-
ton Of Sicily; that he himself, by his advice to
Francis l., caused the proclamation Of the Consti.
tuition at Naples, and may very soon produce the
same result at Rome. 1t may be objected
that sincerely Constitutional Government
at Naples cannot satisfy the Italians, who
yearn for UNITY; that it establishes most dan
gerous dualism, which gives an opportunity for
foreign powers to play of the South and the PEN
insrla against the North. But those who have
deeper insight into Italian politics believe that the
Constitution of Naples, combined with the noto-
rious perfdy and insncerity of the King and of all
the Court, must work as a dissoving element,
fastening the downfall Of the Bourbons. In fact
we zee that nobody puts faith in the King, and
that Bombino himself sufficiently shows how little
sI cere were bis promises. He refuses to dismiss
the most notorious tools of his oppression from
places of trust and influence; he retains the COM
plete control Of his army, and restricts the power
of the Minister OF War, while he objects to nomi-
nate true friends Of liberty to any Influential Office.
Tins the distrust il increased and as soon as Carl
baldi is ready to attack the Continent, the whole
fabric will crumble into pieces.
But Garibaldi, too, has now serious obstacles to
contend with-as serious as those of Calatafmi and
Palermo. He must encounter intrigues and petty
ambitions. and various provincial views and hnan-
eial difieulties. A cabal against him was cum
Dingiy organized by La Farina one oil the clever,
.a men in Italy, whose reckless ambition and