Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1860-03-02
FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH ?, 1861


the land. Another compromise was made.
Specific enactments admitted California as a
labor state, and remanded New Mexico and
Utah to remain territories, with the right to
choose freedom or slavery when ripened into
states, while they gave new remedies for the
recapture OF fugitives from service, and abol-
lshed the open slave market in the District of
NolumDla. these new enactments, collated
with the existing statutes namely the ordi-
nance of 1877, the Missouri prohibitorv law of
loZO, and the articles of Texas annexation,
disposed by law OF the subject of slavery in
all the territories of the United States And
SO the compromise of 1850 was pronounced
full, final, absolute, and comprehensive settle
ment of all existing and all possible disputes
concerning slavery under the federal authority
The two great parties, fearful for the Union.
struck hands in making and in presenting this
as an adjustment, never afterwards to be OPEN
ed, disturbed or even questioned, and the peo-
pie accepted it by majorties unknown before.
The new President, chosen over an iustrious
rival unequivocally on the ground of greater
ability, even If not more reliable purpose to
maintain the new treaty inviolate, made haste
to justify this expectation when Congress as
sembled. He said:
"When the grave shall have closed over all who are
year 1850 will be REQUIRED to period filled with
iety auiapprehenson. successful war has just ermi
mated peace brought with II great augmentation
territory Disturbing questions bearing upon the
domestic institutions of portion of the Confederacy
and involving the constitutional rights States But
notwithstanding differences in opinion and sentiment, in
relation to details and specific provisions acquies
cence ofdstngushed citizens whose devotion to the
Union can never be doubted has given renewed vgor
our institutions and restored of security and
pose to the public mind throughout the Conederacy.
mat tbs repose to suffer no shock during my official
term If have the power to avert it, those who placed
me here may be assured"
Hardly, however, had these inspiring sounds
died away, throughout a treasured and de-
lighted land, before the national repose was
shocked again shocked indeed, as it had
never before been, and smitten this time by a
blow from the very hand that had just released
the chords OF the national harp from the ut
terance of that exalted symphony of peace.
Kansas and Nebraska, the long devoted res
ervation of labor and freedom saved in the
agony of national fear in 1920 and saved again
in the panic of 1850, were now to be opened
by Congress, that the never ending course of
seed-tlme and harvest might begin. The slave
capitalists of Missouri, from their own well as
sured homes on the eastern banks of their no.
bic river, looked down upon and coveted the
fertile prairies of Kansas while sudden ter
ror ran through all the capital States when
they saw q seeming certainty that at last new
labor state would be built on their western Dor
der, inevitably fraught, as they said, with a
near or remote abolition of slavery. What
could be done ? Congress could hardly be eX.
pected to intervene directly for their safety so
soon after the compromise of 1850 The labor
hive of the free states was distant, the way
new, unknown, and not without perils. Mis-
souri, was near and watchful, and held the keys
of the gates of Kansas. She might seize the
new and smiling territory by surprise, if only
Congress would remove the barrier established
IN 1870. The conuncture was favorable. Clay
and Webster, the distinguished citizens whose
unquestionable devotion to the Union was man
ltested by their acquiescence in the compromise
OF looO, had gone down already into their hon
ored graves. The labor states had dismissed
many OF their representatives here for too
great fidelity to freedom, and too great dslrust
ofthe efficacy of that new bond of peace and had
replaced them with partiyans who were only
tmld, but not unwilling. The democratic
president and Congress hesitated, but not long.
| They revised the last great compromise, and
found, with delighted surprise, that it was so
| far from confirming the law of freedom of 20,
that on the other hand, it exactly provided for
! the abrogation of that venerated statute; nav
! That the compromise itself actually killed the
! spirit of the Missouri law and devoved on
| Congress the duty of removing the lifeless let
ter from the national code. The deed was done.
The new enactment not only repealed the Mis-
souri, prohibition of slavery, but it pronounced
| the people of Kansas and Nebraska perfectly
| pledged Congress to admit them in due time
as states, either of capital or labor, into the
Union. The wing representatives of the cap
ltal states, I'D an hour of strange bewilderment,
concurred; and the wing party instantly went
down, never to rise again. Democrats seeded,
and stood aloof; the country was contounded
and, amid the perplexities OF the hour, a re-
publican party was seen gathering itself to-
gether with much earnestness, but with little
show of organization, to rescue, if it were not
too late, the cause of freedom and labor, so
unexpectedly and grievousy imperiled in the
territories Of the United States
will not linger over the sequel The pop
ular sovereignty of Kansas proved to be the
state sovereignty of Missouri, not only in the
persons OF the rulers, but even in the letter of
an arbitrary and cruel code. The perfect free
dom proved to be hateful and intolerable
bondage. From 1855 to 1860, Kansas sus-
tanned and encouraged only by the Republican
party, has been engaged in successive and
ever varying struggles, which have taxed all
her virtue, wisdom, moderation, energies and
resources, and often even her physical strength
and martial courage, to save herself from being
betrayed into the Union as a slave state. Ne
braska, though choosing freedom, is, through
the direct exercise of the executive power,
overriding her own will, held as a slave terri
tory, and New Mexico has relapsed vountari-
rly into the practice of slavery, from which
she had redeemed herself while she yet re-
manned part of the Mexican republic Mean
time, the Democratic party advancing from
the ground of popular sovereignty as far as
that ground is from the ordinance of 1887,
now stands on the position that both territorial
governments and Congress are incompetent
to legisate against slavery in the territories,
while they are not only competent, but are
obliged, when it is necessary, to legislate for
its protection there.
In this new and extreme position the Dem.
ocratic party now masks itself behind the
battery of the Supreme Court as if it were
possible true construction of the constitution
that the power of deciding practically forever
between freedom and slavery in a portion of
the continent far exceeding all that is yet or
gained, should be renounced by Congress,
which alone possesses any legislative author
ity, and should be assumed and exercised by
a court which can only take cognizance of the
great custom colIaterally, in a private action
between individuals and which action the
constitution will not suffer the court to enter
tain, if it involves twenty dollars Of money,
without the oYerruling Intervention of a jury |
Of twelve good and lawful men OF the neigh
borhood where the litigation arises. The in
dependent, ever-renewed and ever.recurring |
representative Parliament, Diet Congress- or
Legislature, is the one chief, paramount, es-
sential, Indispensable institution in a republic
Even liberty, guaranteed by organic law, yet
if it be held by other tenure than the guardian
care Of such a. representative popular assem-
bly,, is but precariously maintained, while
slavery, enforced by an irresponsible judicial
tribunal, is the competest possible develop
ment Of despotsm.
Mr.. President, did ever the annals of any
government show more rapid or more COM