New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-12-03
CONFIRMATION, NOT RENDITION.


The great problem Of American statesmanshp
to-dsy is how to reconcile the aspirations, inter
ests, and prejudioes Of shareholders with tho
moral convictions and conscientious scruples oil
Anti-Slayery communities.
An "irresistible conflict" exists. 1t must con-
Time TO exist, in the very nature OF the case
Irness il can be removed from the arena OF
national politcs the Union cannot long continue.
Every day the breach widens. Neutrality be-
comes impossible. If anything can be done to
avert the catastrophe, it must be done speedily
All humane and intelligent men deprecate war
l,s the most barbarOus and unsuitable mode OF
kljusting disputes. The greatest value oil the
Rsrsent Union of Slave and Free States is, that
: It affords possibility, perhaps the only pos
sibility, of settling their present and prospective
controversies by a more rational and peaceiu
method than a resort to arms.
Let US frankly admit the great and growing
discrepancy of principles and prejudices. Let us
acknowledge the danger OF rupture. Inc
ouestion for our consideration remains Does
common ground of amty and cooperation De-
tween North and South still exist and is IL
attainable
If 40, it cannot be had by deception, or
double dealing Neither brides nor threats will
suffice. No persuasion nor coercion will avail.
No sacrifice of conscientious convictions OF duty
nv the North can be- tolerated. No concessions
of Southern rights and honor can be expected.
There is but one permanent ground of Union.
II ia TO divorce the Federal Government from oil
connection or completely with the peculiar insti-
tuition. The existence of Slavery in the States
must be treated as a question of purely domestic
concern. Under purely National jurisdiction, 1t
must be prohibited, as repugnant to the sentl-
ments of the North and unnecessary to the peace
or welfare of the South. Instead OF the present
Fugitive Act, so stringent in its provisions, YET
30 abortiye in its effects, we must substitute
legal provision for q pecuniary recompense 70
to the STAKEHOLDER instead of the personal rendl-
| ton of the fugitive.
If the South is wise, it will favor the pro-
posed change. In the present state OF pubic
opinion, it is simply conceding to the North me
| rjoM 10 be honest Nine-tenths of the people OF
the Free States believe in the absolute equality
of Human Rights, irrespective OF race or condi'
| ton Their only experience OF Slavery Is III VIII
Messing the painful spectacle of a man flying from
| oppressiop pursued by human boodhOunds. Our
| Northern agents, in the execution OF this law,
are usually the yilest and most contemplate OF
men. No decent person will engage IN so 0dlous
| task. Hence we hazard nothing in estimating
that every runaway negro returned creates, upon
| the average, one hundred uncompromlslng Adolf
tionists. The rapid growth of the Anti-Slavery
| party since 1850 has been 10 part the Legitimate
fruit of this Fugitive Slave law.
Moreover by thus substituting pecuniary com
pensation for personal rendition, the South will
obtain, instead of Disconnected and troublesome
servants, their equivalent i'll value, and VIII do
so in cases where they now succeed with danger
| and difficulty. And, however Onerous the tax
upon the Government may be, it will be cheer
| fully borne by the North, as an evidence that
moral and not pecuniary considerations are the
basis OF their present opposition.
| Let it be the business of our Republican Sem
ators and Representatives at the approaching
session of Congress. whenever compromises shall
| be In order, TO prepare und tender to the coun-
/ try a well.consdered and sensible substitute fol
the present Fugitive Slave law. II presented al
the right time and in the proper spirit, it may
proye an olive branch indicative of final and
peaceful settlement of our political Ark upon the
Ararat of an honorable and judicious policy o.
| Federal Non-Interyenton. Let " compensation
Il" not Rendition be the Republican motto.
l