The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1860-05-22
BALTIMORE.
TUESDAY, MAY %, 1890

Whatever do1bts may exist as to the position
Of the Constitutional Union Party in the COM
ing contest, growing out of the refusal of
the Convention recently held in this city, to
publish any formal exposition of the principles
which it professed-whatever uncertainty there
may be as to the position of the Democratic
Party, occasoned by the late rupture at Charles
ton, and the inability of the party managers, up
to this time, to repair the breach which was there
made-about the position and purposes of the
Republican Party there can be no mistake. The
programme laid down at Chicago has the merit
of being sufficiently ineligible. There is no
ambiguity in the phrases employed, and no ques-
ton as to the meaning intended 10 be conveyed.
That meaning is as plain as words can make it
admits of but n single construction-and requires
the aid of no gloss or comment TO interpret and ex-
plain it. 1t is stern, Incorporating hostility TO
the institution of Slavery. Against the extension
Of that institution beyond the borders OF the
States in which it exists, the Republican Party
has set IFS face as flint in terms of unusual
emphasis. The idea that the Constitution, "of its
Gown force, carries Slavery into any or all of the
Territories of the UNITED STATES" is pro-
nounced "a dangerous political heresy'' it
is declared TO be cat variance with the explicit
"provisions of that instrument ITSELF with lis
''contemporaneous exposition, and with Ieeisla-
'tive and Judicial ent;-revoluonar in
''its tendencies, and subversive of the peace and
"harmony of the country" "The normal con-
edition of all the territory of the UNITED STATES.
is affirmed to be chat of freedom" and esthe
authority Of Congress, of Territorial Legisla-
'ture, or of any individuals to give legal exist
''ence to slavery in any Territory of the
"UNITED STATES is explicitly denied Language
more sweeping than this it would be difficult to
imagine. 1t cuts-not loosens-the GoRDIAN
knot of difficulties in which the question has
hitherto been thought to be involved. 1t pro-
poses to exclude Slavery from the Terrtories--not
by the exercise of any legislative power of pro-
hibition, or the application of the WILMoT Pro-
viso-not by submission of the question to the
people themselves, and the verdict of Popular
Sovereignty-but by the adoption ola construction
of the Constitution which denies the existence of
any power, anywhere or in anybody, to give legal
sanction to Slavery. The power of Congress TO
legislate for the Territories and to admit or ex-
clude Slavery at its own sovereign will and plea
sure, and the right Of the people, through their
Territorial Legislature or in any other way.
to regulate their domestic institutions to suit
themselves are equally denied. The doctrines of
Squatter Sovereignty and Congressional Sove-
reignty are alike thrown to the winds as afford
ing no satisfactory solution of the question, which
is summarily disposed of by declaring that all the
Territory of the UNITED STATES is free and that it
cannot, by any possibility, become otherwise than
free. No matter with what unanimity the inhabi-
tants of Territory may desire the introduction of
Slavery-no matter how strongly circumstances.
both OF soil and climate, may invite the en-
ployment of Slave labor, or indeed. pre-
cIude the employment of any otber.-ac
cordlng to the Chicago Platform-they can
neither legalize the Institution themselves nor can
Congress legalize it for them More ultra ground
with reference TO the nou-extension Of Slavery has
never been nor could be taken. 1t, in fact, leaves
no question to be settled-but determines, once
and for all, the limits of Slavery to be those with
III which II now exists. These are limits which it
cannot pass;-how it may be approached and as
sailed within them, the Platform further proceeds
to show. In this respect, the conclusions it au-
thorlzes are as extreme as the most extreme mem.
bers Of the Party could desire The logic of the
Platform is the logic of Mr. LovEJoy's speecb.
latey reviewed in these columns 1t is the simple
programme OF Ahoitionism. No Congression-
al interference with Slavery in the States
IS contemplated desired On the contrary.
The right of each State to order and control its
own domestic institutions according to its own
Judgment exclusively, - is expressly recognized;
INT the clause in which this recognition is con-
tanned can only be properly construed with refer
ence TO other portions of the Platform and to the
whole Platform. Following this simple and ia
mlliar rule Of Interpretation, we find in previous
section of the Platform, the Convnnt;o-, st~r-'.
're-assertng 1.-The sell: evident truths that all
''men are endowed by their Creator with
certain inalienable rights, among which
Care those of life, liberty and the pursuit
''of happiness; that governments are Instituted
Ito secure the enjoyment of these rights" we
do not suppose that there can be any reasonable
doubt as to the meaning of these words in the
mouths of Republicans and in the connexion in
which we find them. They mean simply that
every Negro Slave in the South is entitled to his
liberty-that his right to freedom is ''inalien-
cable right "A right which no legislation can
take away or impair. All State laws, therefore,
legalizing or protecting Slavery must be null and
void-all pretended rights of property in Slaves
must be wholly illuSory. Being entitled to free
dom, the right of the Slave to the use of whatever
means requisite to establish and preserve
that free iom, must be equally conceded-his
right to run off and make his escape, if he can
his right if any attempt is made TO stop or re-
take him, 10 make use of force in order TO make
good his escape. Right being on his side, and not
on that of his mdser-any law passed for the pur-
pose OF securing his return to state of Slavery is
against all conscience, and void; and they who as
sist in the enforcement of such law or partici-
pate in the arrest rendition of fugitive Slave
are equally guilty with those who should steal
Negro from his hut on the coast of Africa or kidnap
a free man of color in our streets. For the same
reason, right to give harbor to fugitive Slave
to assist him in making his escape-to provide him
for that purpose with food, clothing money, and,
if necessary, arms. The cause of the fugitive or
revolted Slave, being a righteous cause, is entitled
10 the sympathies of every free man, the use of the
Federal power, therefore, for the purpose of sup
pressing servile Instruction in any State, would
De clearly illegal and unjustifable, while contri-
buttons OF money and arms in behalf of the in
Surgents would be a work of Christian philan-
thropy. All these are the logical consequences of
the principles of the epublicans-consequenc
nowhere accepted or avowed, it is true, in the Plat
orm, but which have over and over again been
stated IN speeches and pamphlets by leading men,
oers OF the Party, and of which the Platform fur
lishes the direct and immediate premises The
express denial, in the eighth section of the Plat
orm OF the power ''of Congress, of Territorial
Legislature, or of any individuals" to legalize
slavery IN the Territories, is not without meaning
Inc solemn re-assertion, in the second section of
The lnaenable right of all men to life liberty and
the pursuit of happiness, is not without pur-
pose. The former principle deprives Slavery OF
all legal protection under the Constitution and in
the Territories the latter strikes at its existence
and at the validity of the laws which uphold and
protect it, within the States. The Republican Plat
form is declaration of war against Slavery-a
war of ,erminaton-a conflict which is in its
nature ''irrepressible' which is tempered by no
spirit of compromise or conciliation-which can
)nly cease with the existence of the institution
tself This we believe to be the meaning of the
spirit of the Party-the sentiments
If its Candidate. We have said that The Platform
reeds no gloss or comment-nor does it. The fol-
r. H., Ill, I