The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-08-08
From The VscESetTg 90.
Aid and Comfort TO the Ene1nT-@-The
Cloven Foot Visible.

Our neighbour of tie Vicksburg Wing, ate
eyhausting his versatile powers in attempting
TO yindicate the first of living American
statesmen from the charge of recognizing II
Congress the power to abolish slavery IN th'
District of Columbia finally pleads guilty io
his client, and proceeds to justify hun IN nj:
heresies He no longer attempts to disguise
the views of Mr. Bell as to the power
Congress to abolish slavery in the District o
Columbia" but boldly asserts that congress
has that power, and with equal boldness de-
mics to Congress the power to protect slave
property in the public territories.
We are not prepared to endorse the ortho
doxy of such teachings, still less to approve
of them as Southern sentiments, and stu
less to admire the good taste OF the author
in thus practically giving aid and comfort to
the enemies of his country. While it argues
well for the amable temper of our people,
and for the unlimited freedom of the press,
that journal of some pretensions can thus
illuminate and defend dogmas utterly at wal
with our best interests, and disseminate SEN
timents which have hitherto belonged pecu-
larly to rampant Abolitionists, it does not
argue well of that patriotic spirit which
should animate every free people. 1t rather
argues that our country has no fixed lati-
tudes The chilling winds of the North
gradually encroach on the sunny plains OF
the South. Hitherto it has been supposed
that there were quite enough organs and ora
tors at the North to define and defend the
villainous usurpations of power claimed for
the Congress- of the United States over the
subject of slavery, and that it was not very
proper nor patriotic for Southern men to aid
them in their impouS laborS. But new era
is being inaugurlted, a new line Oh pollcy
must be adopted. Abolihonism Is not savage
enough in It's assaults upon us-its appetite
must he whetted by continual reminder OF
constitutional right and constitutional power.
Their insidious step Is not rapid enough al
reaiy--they must be beckoned on, toquicken
their Vandal march.
The doctrine that Congress has power to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,
is stupid assumption that could scarcely
have found Judgment in any welI-flled
be propagated through the public press, or
promulgated under the sanction of great
political party.
In the Wing of July 9th appears the fol-
lowing article:
'Mr. Bell thinks the Constitution of the e.
S. has conferred this power upon Congress.
and unlike those who contend for Congress
sional power to grant protection to slavery in
the Territories, not one syllable of which is
to be found in the Constitution of the United
States, Mr.. Bell points to the exact clause and
the precise words of the Constitution, which
gives this power over the District of Column
bia to the Congress of the United States
The authority given to Congress over the
District of Columbia, is no implied power,
inferred from the treaty making power, and
so inferred as matter of necessity. 1t is no
vagrant power, that may be located in any
of the Constitution that an ingeni-
Gus but disingenuous reasoner may think it
is hid away in. But it is an express power,
given in plain and unmistakeabIe words
which it would be we'll for those would-be
politicians, who have not yet learned the
alphabet of craftsmanship, to read often and
study. The power is given in the Sth sec
ton of the first article of the Constitution,
and is in these very comprehensive yet very
definite words: The Congress shall have
power*&*to exercise exclusive legislation in
Ill cases whatsoever over such District, mot
exceeding ten miles square) as may by ces-
sion of particular States and acceptance of
Congress, become the seat of the government
IF the United States.' This is the full
power, so far as it relates to the District OF
Columbia. 1t could not possibly be given in
uIier or broader terms. Exclusive legisla-
ion in all cases whatsoever! The prob bition
# slavery and of the slave trade in the Dis
riot of Columbia, appeared to Mr.. Bell to be
he exercise of legislative power in given
anil how tn r..
limited grant of power to Congress, to exer-
Use exclusive legislation in all cases whatso-
ver for the District. And we suspect that
Mr.. Bell is not so utterly devoid Of sense or
idelity to his section, as those pol teal wise
ores who cannot see an inch beyond their
roses when political opponent is concerned,
would have us believe. For Mr.. Bells in
elect and judgment in holding that "exclu-
i've power of legislation in all cases whatso-
'yer," conferred power to legislate over
layery III the District, we have no apology to
'ffer, or vindication to make. He finds both
n the explicit words of the Constitution"
The great confounder of the Constitution
who perehes upon the tripod Of the Eicl-4-
burg Wing, confounds exclusive power with
unlimited power. Congress has
exclusive power, that is, power to the
exclusion of State power, or any other politi-
cal power. but not absolute power over the
life. liberty or property of single Citizen
Suppose Congress should choose to pass a law
citizens of the South from hold
ing property at all in the District Of Column
bia According to the memorable logic" of
the Wing, Congress has exclusive and
therefore absolute power to do so, or to do
anything else, right or wrong, that a majority
Of Congress might choose to do.
Congress has exclusive power to legislate.
How? In accordance with the Constitution
Of the United States. Does that Constitution
empower Congress to abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia, or anywhere else?@-
Does it say anything about abolishing slavery?
Does it give to Congress the power to destroy
the right of property in slaves, or in any other
species of property? Just show that Con-
gress has the power to abolish slavery ct all,
and then you may, with some pretence of
proceed to show that Congress has
power to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia.
Congress has exclusive" power to regulate
commerce with foreign nations and among
the several States' Has Congress the power
to abolish the slave trade between the several
States? Such, according to the "inexorable
logic'A of the Wing, would be the fact. This
may be the opinion Of Mr.. Bell, Mr.. Partridge,
and Mr.. Everett, but it was not the opinion
of the valiant Union men of 1850, who con-
sidered any attempt on the part of the Fed
eral Government to exercise such power, as
cause for very serious apprehension, if not
something worse.
The power of Congress to regulate COM
merce is ''exclusive"-that is, it excludes all
other powers, but it is by no-means absolute.
So with the power of Congress over the Dis
trict Of Columbia.
1t wonld be well for ''half- fedged politi-
Clans to limit their political fights to simple
deniais, or to the collation. of bogus statistics
from bogus periodicals, and not venture, like
little wanton boys that swim ON bladders,"
thus Ear beyond their depth.
The views of our neighbor and his idol on
the subject of slavery in the Territories, are
equally as heterodox, alien and untenable, as
his opinions in regard to the District of Co.
lumbia, but the length of this article prohib-
its us from oserthrowing him on that point at
this time.
o. A letter from the Hon. d. S. Dckin-.
son, addressed to resident OF Jamaica, L. |.
IS published by the Farmer of that place, as
follows:
DESIGNATIONS, July II, 1860.
''DEAR SIR II see no way for the Nation
al Democracy but to support Breckinridgc.-
The party has fallen into the hands of gam
blers and stricksters. 70 get up a fusion
ticket would only perpetuate their corrupt