Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1860-02-10

pensate US for the absence of its living spir
it. 1t Is the most dangerous feature in the
Seward policy, that it proposes to accomplish
its purposes through the agency of the Con-
stitution. AS the Constitution is now ir-
terpretod, law which should exclude the
STAKEHOLDER from the Territories Of the T.
mon would be null and void But how lone
would it take Black Republican President
aud Congress, by dividing circuits where
the actual condition Of business in such as
20 require additional judges, and filing va
cancles IN the present court, to change it
composition, and give us decisions which
should bring the exclusion of slavery from
the Territories. its abolition in the District,
and the prohibition Of the trade between the
! States, within the range of Federal lcgislas
ton. A longer time must elapse before the
preponderance Of The North would enable it
through an amendment Of the Constitution
to take into its own hands the control of this
whole subject Of slavery, but sooner or later
it will come; and Mr. Seward in his expos-
ton Of the ''irrepressble conflict" signif-
cantly allndea to TIE foresight which was
displayed IN the construction of this part of
the instrument. When we reoollect that
every step iii this policy of wrong and ruin,
even TO its consummation in the abolition of
slavery, may be taken within the limits, and
under the sanction Of the Constitution, as
moulded by Anti-Slavery Courts, and en-
larged by the authority Of Northern ma
jorlty, ne must either prepare for disgrace
tul and unconditional surrender of our rights
or We must make up our minds to begin re-
slstance at some point, to measures and pro-
eeedings which are perfectly constitutional
in form.
Bet there is another delusiye phrase which
is used to lull our people into deceitful
security. Let us wait, it is said, for an overt
act Of aggression, aud then we will be pre-
pared for resistance. This, if we may cred
it Burke, was not the temper of our fathers.
''1hey augered misgoyerrment at distance
and snufled the approach of tyranny in every
| tainted breeze" | do not suppose that those
who advocate this policy Of delay, contem-
plate submission to every indignity and in
justice, which does not involve an actual in
reference with the possession of our slaves.
They think, no doubt, they will be prepar-
ed to dissolve the Union, il the fugitive
slave law is repealed, or slavery abolished
in the District of Columbia. | say, dissolve
the Union, because [ cannot imagine that
when the alternative is distinctly presented
between direct appeal to force in the Union
and peaceful separation from it, there can
De two opinions as to our course of action. =
The repeal Of the Fugitive Slave Law could
not be resisted in the Union. Nor can [ :.
believe that after submission to the desra-H
ding vassalage Of Black Republican ad-
ministration we would provoke civil war
for any other outrage even the abolition Of
slavery IN the District than direct attack
upon its existence in the States. Is there
anything short of this, which would be a
more serious aggression, whether we look
at lis immediate or future consequences,
than the election Of Black Republican
President? Can men be in earnest who de-
clare that this would not be for every sub
stantial purpose, an overt act Of Injustice
Would it not be declaration by the North
ern people of their final and deliberate in
tention to deprive US of our rights and priv
ileges under tn Constitution, as ascertained
and settled by the judgment Of the highest
court in the land /? 70 exclude the slave
holder from the territories Of his country,
and TO establish for the free negro Of the
North 2 right rot simple to an equal par
tioipation in Federal houors and Offices with
the white man, but right to 60 and come
whenjt suits him, into any Southern COM
munity, for business or pleasure, permanent
" or tfau6iently, are cardinal points of Black
Republican doctrine. Would not the inau-
guration of government committed to the
maintenance Of such principles, at once and
seriously impair the enjoyment Of our prop
ertyl Il would render the tenure of slave
y more precarjous, its support more oner-
ous Would we think it safe to lay aside
our arms? And is it no act Of aggression
that IN time Of peace we should be compell-
ed to endure the burthens Of war If the
centre of this agitation was removed from
New York and Boston to Washinc ton; if the
District of Columbia was filed with an ar
my Of Federal offceholders, imbued with
anti+slayery sentiments, and the most mode
rate representative ofthe party could not re-
sist the ardor prara cj0jam fuJentiam which
would clamor for these spols, would not
more vigilant patrol, aud larger military
reserve be demanded by the most obvious
of prudence
But it is no overt act Of Injustice to
place the whole power and patronage of
General Government, the command Of the
army and navy, at the disposal of man
who has pledged to use them for aggressive
and unconstitutional ends? Ifit Is no a.
vert act in a sectional majority to give the
Presidency to a Black Republican, it can
be no overt act in him to exercise his APP
pointing power upon the same principle,
and to gil every Cabinet Office, every for
eigu mission, every judicial vacancy, with
a view to the same object If it is no overt
act of aggression upon the South to place
the whole Government the hands Of hos
tile faction for one term of four years, it
would be no overt act to give it to the same
faction in perpetuity. The only difference
would be as to the duration Of the wrong
Would it be no overt act Of aggression to
make ansi-slavery sentiment through the
agency Of sectional majority, qualifica-
ton for Office? If the Constitution Of Vir-
ginia conferred upon the Governor the right
of appointing Judges, Sheriffs and Ma is-
tratos, and the West should undertake
crusade against slavery in the East, through
an organization founded upon similar prin-