Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1860-03-10
s. S. FOSTERS LETTER.

be found a letter from our friend Foster, a few
POINTS, and but a few-of which We shall now
notice. He says. II have as much reason for sep
arating from Massachusetts, or Ohio, as from
South Csrolins." So have the 3isunionists, until
Massachusetts and Ohio separates from South
Carolina. But we certainly misunderstood our
friend when 10 Ohio last, il he did not then make
a considerable difference in favor of Massachu-
sotts. Whtn he pressed his plan OF Disnnion
political party as a measure that ought to be adop-
ted in Ohio, it was urged by some in opposition
that no one could hold a State Office here without
swearing to support the Constitution of the United
States in addition to that of Ohio. This oath Of.
allegiance to the U. S.. government, we understood
him to say, was not required in Massachusetts,
and that therefore a State officer migit there inno-
Gently hold Office. He speaks of "the %no-voting
theory" of the American A. S. Soci~ ~, as a point
upon which he had always been at variance with
his associates. We think he must have misundor-
stood his associates, or his associates have misun-
derstood him, for the "no-voting theory" of the
American Society is the same as that of our fIiend,
except, perhaps, his is a good deal more so. The
American Society holds that it is wrong to vote,
when the vote involves the support Of slavery so
does Stephen S. Foster. The American Society
does not hold that voting is wrong when it involves
the support of government based upon the sword;
but Stephen S. Foster holds-or used to-that
such voting is wrong, and is thus more Of a non
voter than is a majority Of the members of the
American Society.
lie thinks that as the agent Of that Society he
was no more called upon to investigate and decide
the slavery character of the Constitution, than the
slavery character Of the Bible. We disagree with
him in this. The American Society afirms-and
has for years-that the Constitution is pro-slavery;
but we believe it has never either affirmed or de-
niee that the Bible is pro-slavery. If it had pas
sed resolutions year after year declaring it to be
so, and tina! it was the duty of aboli,ionists to re-
ject the Bible, we should have expected the agents
of the Society to make themselves acquainted
with the character Of that book 30 far ID possible.
We have no disposition to underrate the legal
talents of "some Of the ablest lawyers in the city
of Worcester" but when our friend G~rayely
quotes their legal opinion upon this matter as be-
ing of any perceptibls weight in opposition to the
great mass OF the ableet lawyers throughout the
entire country, aud in opposition to the decisions
Of the U. S. Supreme Court, to the declarations
of the trainers of the Constitution, to the testimo-
ny of co.emporaneous history, and to the theory
and practice Of the entire nation, we CONFESS it
struck us as extremely ludicrous.
Our friend tells us that the people, and not the
Courts, are the legitimate expounders of the Con-
s~situiion. Admit this, for the sake of the argu-
ment, and the Constitution is certainty a pro.slave-
ry document, for the people have go declared it
in every possible way. But we must remember
that the people have agreed that certain men
shall be set apart in q certain way to judge of all
constitutional questions which may arise, and
which il is desired to have au'hOritatIvely decid'
ed and the authority of these men is thus set
forth 10 the Constitution
Th judicial power shall extend to all cases, in
law and equity, arising under this Constitution,
the laws of the United States, and treaties made,
or which shall! be made, under their authority -
10 all cases affecting ambassadors, other public
ministers, and consuls TO all cases of admiralty
and maritime Jurisdiction ito controversies to
which the United States shall be q party TO con-
troversies between two or more states between
citizens Of different states between citizens of
the same state claiming lands under grants of diff
ferent states, and between q state or the citizens
thereof and foreign states, citizens, or subjects.
In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public
ministers, and consuls, and those in which a state
shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have orig
inal jurisdiction. Ii all the other cases before
mentioned. the Supreme Court shall have APP
pellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with
such exceptions, and under such regulations as
the Congress shall make.
The people having agreed 20 the appointment
of such O tribunal of arbitrators, it is folly to say
that the power and authority of decision is no
vested in the Supreme Court, but belongs to the peo
pie. The people must have a mouth piece BY
which to ~speak-not thirty millions Of moutl
pieces-and having created the Supreme Court fol
that purpose. the decisions of the Court are, il
fact, the decisions Of the people, and no srgumen
can make them otherwise. unless sufficiently pow
erful to reason a mans nose of his face.
It is true the Disunionists have as get utterl,
failed to dissolve the Union. OF the ten round:
which constitutes the ladder leading to this OBJ
ject, they have, perhaps, mounted but six o. eight
but they had to climb them, before the remainder
could be reached. They have SO pressed ;heil
doctrine that the reverence which was formerly Gl
for the Union, hos given place to brawling, parti
ear, surface declarations Of a determination to man
tain it. People are now asking lie the Union wortt
what we pay for itf Does it bring anything t.
the North excep. an invaeion Of rights and politi
cal humiliation7 They are beginning to compre
bend its worthlessness. Any one can see the vas
change that has taken place in all these parIieu
lars within the last ten or fifteen years.
That some who are intellectually convinced o.
the truth Of our doctrine, and for a time anG
without them counting the cost-stood by us, blu
had not the moral stamina to MAINTAIN their posi
ton, ia foot. We are sorry for III it vas perhaps
moro their misfortune than their fault. W,
should be utterly disbeartened because Of these
and other seemingly adverse circumstances, were
We labOring TO build up a political party whose
strength and efficiency depended upon the number
Of noses it could count. But having faith in th'
Ultimate triumph Of principle, not as necessarily
manifested through political machinery, but as op