The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1860-08-16

An American cn the CcnfIics
Gen. Scroggs, one of the leaders OF the
straight at American party 10 the State OF
New York, made speech the other day in
which be took the position that the Ameri-
cans had no nominees for President and Vice
President, and were therefore at perfsrct
liberty to make their own selections. He
announced himself in favor of Lincoln and
Hamlin and spoke as follows OF the issue OF
the day:
The American party attempted to occupy
q middle conciliatory ground on the perplex.
ing question. IL has been all in vain. We
have been crying peace, peace, bat there 10
no peace. The agitation OF this question
has increased and spread, until il now shakes
the whole country from its centre to its re-
hottest borders. All other questions OF prin-
eiple or governmental policy have sunk into
insignifcance, and il alone has become the
issue OF q Presidential campaign. We ex-
tended our lines and barred our breasts in
1856 20 meet and Qnell this sgitation.-
" hat has been our fate? Our lines have
been broken on all sides--our ranks most
sorely thinned, and the shattered remnant OF
our once gallant band is now so hemmed in
by the striving forces i'm the conflict, that ii
must be ground TO powder If IL continue to
remain In its present untenable position.
What, then, 10 to be done? To me our
course is plain. We must choose between
these striving forces. 1t is useless 30 remain
neutral unless We retire and wrap ourselves
close In the mantle OF Indifference. Such as
have temperament adapted to such = state
of torpitude may congratulate themselves.
For nv part do not envy them. ! cannot
look on indifferently. For myself | must
take one side or the other. We all must.
The issue between these forces must be met
and passed upon. Then let Us, while in the
vigor OF our physical and intellectual strength
enter this conflict, and, by determining, end
it. lt would be unmanly to defer il until
the infrmities of old age shall have disqusl-
fled Us for the service, or to saddle our pos
terity with o task which our proerastinstion
shall have rendered so much the more oner-
Gus.
Those opposing forces are nothing more
and nothing less than the Slave Power on
the one side, striving against it's op.
ponents on the other side for the ascendency.
This slave power has assumed within the
past few years most mighty proportions
From a domestic Institution, regulated by
local law, it has plunged to The very founda-
ton Of our Government, and nsurped the
place of Liberty, the corner stone on which
it was erected. Ii has scared ID the sum
NIT CT the arch which spans our Union, and
claimed itself the keystone. Verify, ssthe
stone which the builders rejected las become
the head Of the esrner.''
supposed our Revolutionary struggle,
which ..caused throb in avery heart that
loved liberty, and wrang q reluctant tribute
even from discounted oppression" hsdbeen
presided over and directed by different geni-
as than the Slave Power would fain per
| suade Us. supposed that when that struggls
for Liberty was ended, and our forefsthers,
with the smell of the battle field yet on their
garments, laid the foundation of our Govern
ment, and reared the superstructure thereon,
which has been esteemed the palladium OF
mans rights, meant it for what ii seemed,
rather than for a citadel of refuge for him
who lived and thrived upon mans wropgs.
SO you have also supposed. Rave we been
mistaken? III we have, let US submit and end
this strife III We have not, let rs maintain the
integrity of the trust committed to us by our
forefathers, and show the world that the al
| legations OF the Slave Power are libels on
their memory, as base as its assumptions are
false and gronndless, by shearing it OF its
high pretensions, curbing the range Of its
power, and defining boundary beyond which
j it cannot pass. In fact, this slave power
must be made subordinate to federation, ra-
Their than suffered to be dominant over all re-
straint. A Slave Code may be necessary,
but not for the encouragement OF slavery,
but for It's limitation and regulation within
| it's present limits. Ii may be told plainly
1 I'd ha mn
understanding or mistake, that within the
States where IL DOW exists, IL shall remain
undisturbed by any interference from the
free States, and that all the Constitutional
rights and immunities TO which it 10 legally
and justly entitled, shall be faithfully en-
forced and preserved; and that beyond this
il cannot and will not be suffered 60 20.
Until the ascendency OF slavery 10 perma-
nently established, or it's limits emphatioally
aud definitely defined, there will be no rest
from the agitation with which We are now
afflicted; neither can questions of the great
est moment to our country's welfare receive
any attention whatever, much less that at
tention which their impor ance demands.
Then let US meet il msnfully, but in spiri,
OF kindness, justice, patriotism, and philsn
throphy. IL may sorely try the strength OF
our Union, but sooner or later il must en-
dure the test. II it's endurance will not bear
the settlements Of questions which disturb and
distract it's harmony, let Us know its weak
ness and suffer the consequences. IL 10 bet
!" ter TO dwell in Q corner of the house TOP
than with brawling woman in wide
"house.'
lie considers the proposition for a Union
with the Douglasites, and scouts it as q
"stealing the livery of the devil to serve
Heaven i'm" and thinks it entirely too stu.
pendous scheme of political shysterism fol-
hOnest men to engage 10, and too hopeless
OF success to be inviting even to knaves
On the whole he concludes with the rAllying
cry Of God and the Right; Lincoln and
Victory"