New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-09-15


,:o..J of which / spoke last week. individuals,
800. n,s and otl ers embrOider the common
theme with variations listening to which the atten-
tive ear catches, now note OF Pdrtant pour Ia
Svr;e now of the MarsettLdise even-here some
thing Iike God "tother" The Qucea Of England, and
there like the csstrated wall Of the Roman Msereres
OF the variations presently If time serves.
The most noticed aud notabeof all these spec hes
is that of Perseny the French Minister at the CUT
of st. James, who left his post there two weeks
ago. in time to have interviews with the Emperor
at Paris or st. Cloud some days before the depart
ure of the latter on his stamping tour through
SOUTHEAST I'm France and the newly annexed DIS
tricts of Savoy and Nice, and then went on to st.
Etenne where he delivered his inaugural discourse
last Monday. It is very long; would fiji ten col
umns Of THE TRIBUNE. If you do not give the en-
tire text you will doubtless make room for faithful
analy sis 1T. It's Importance deserves such atten-
ton. The speaker is one of the very few French
men of mark to-day IN whom the Empe or can have
confidence, and who may well be supposed to Dc IN
his confidence. Whatever else may be thougnt OF
Persigny j, nOrance of historical facts alone can
doubt the sincerity of the mans fidelity to Napoleon
In that at least his sincerity is proved by facts long
antecedent to 1852. The important posts he has
since filed sufficiently prove the sincerity OF Napo'
Icons faith in hun. PenigDys speech, then, at st
Fhenne NAV be considered AS edited by the Empe-
ror Whether it expresses his Maiestys opinions of
the present state and imminent future OF Europe, is
an open question; that it expresses the opinions
which his Majesty would have pass for his, is not at
all a question.
This discourse is almost entirely taken up with a
defense of NapoleOns foreign policy, and is on the
whole, the abest defense of that policy that has
vet got to print. 1t is one sided, of course; it
often Emps in its argument, and hats and jumps in
its logic; but thoughtful readers who are not One
sided Of there be any such) and who are emanci-
pated from the prejudced stupidity that makes all
N8pOleOnic policy wrong simply because 1t Is Ma
poleOnic will agree with the speaker that Napoleon
was not Gas no one man ever has been in similar
cases, by possibility can beg the author of the
Crimean war; still less of the Italian war of last
year. That in those wars the NapOleOnic policy
was eminently the French national policy, is also
clearly enough presented. The singular and limp
ing part of Persgnys argument Is that in both cases
the primary purpose of the war has been fully at
tanned. Here he falls into the most illogical OPP
| timism. He admits that the Ottoman Empire is
| exposed to imminent dismemberment, despite the
| Crimean war, and that the Italians by their own
fault are TiskiDg the independence that France has
secured to them, by violating the principle of nom
Intervention which is ITS guaranty; but he asserts
| his belief that the Eastern Question and the Italian
Question are nevertheless, by virtue OF the treaty
of Paris and of the NiatraDca and Zurich treaties,
become secondary questions and fallen quite within
| the domain and control of diplomacy. TO show
not the weakness but the direct sef-cOntradictiOn
| of NJ. dc PerigDy's discourse in these respects
would be waste OF tine and paper. Any one who
| at all iUtercsts himself in the matter would regard
| such demonstration as essentially supererOgatory
For the rest, let not such an one nor any one
overlook the eminenty sensible remarks of Persgny
bearing upon the AnglO-FIench alliance. The ALI
aDce o. the two great civilized nations of Europe
rests, thank Heaven on much iirmeT bases than di
plOmaCy can furnish or withdraw; and exists in
dependent of diplomacy and Of foolish newspaper
editors and foolish parliamentary takers. The two
nations do not and cannot love each other; but their
leaders know that their interests, political as well
material, bind them in community of action. Stu
pid as they are in many respects, Louis Napoleon
and Palmerston, any other leaders Of the French
and English States, have on the whole brains enough
to see this. That they do not see more and more
clearly is the fault Of their profession as orthodox
statesmen Napoleon not being orthodox, sees
further than PalmerstOn. The common run of
statesmen and politicians in Europe are like the
common run OF statesmen and politicians with us.
How many of our Old-fashiOned, respectable pOti-
clans four years ago. came up to or could take in
the sense of the great popular movement of Freedom
against Slavery The regular practitioners in poll
tics, or medicine or theology, all the world over
are all alike: cling to the old formulas, and deny
the circulation Of the blood insist that their patients
should die by prescription rather than get well by
secret of NapoeOns is that he is not afraid
Of being quack. But this is wandering somewhat.
The prominent feature Of all the mum berless
speeches delivered within the past ten days is their
pacific feature. The significance Of this feature is
Immensely frightened by the fact that they are in
sort edited by Louis Napoleon.
That the man really desires peace for the next
few years / have, and for months have had no
doubt whatever. The development Of his really
grand scheme Of pohtico-econoncal reforms
qulTes several years of peace. The scheme is one
Of his Oldest iayOrite hobbies But circumstances
quite beyond his any one mans control threaten
70 upset the canoe a-diddleum Balance Of Power in
Europe. Not because his personal word is one par
ticle more worthless than the word of anv other
prominent European or American power, be he now
Minister Prince or Kaiser-but because of his I'M
controlled autOcratic position and because of his
capablly to put himself at any next moment at
the head of the French National idea of conquest
Many of the other Powers of Europe, in the actual
extremely tickish vibration Of the balance, in
duge in tuspicOns, whose foundation real or fanci-
ful, rests not so much on proof of what this man
las done as on the souvenirs Of the old French
revolution Of which, under cuiOusy altered forms,
he is the fatal representative.
need not tel the student OF current history that
Europe is, not on the eve of but, already entered
into a great revolution. In fact we are but con
tiuuiDg the movement of 1913 resuming it. swollen
and complicated by the Eastern aud Italian side
currents.
What the orthodox powers specially fear is Louis
Napolcon'S independent position and the tradition
ally revolutionary drift Of France. Louis Napoleon
IL no NOR" friend TO human rights and free nation
atty than Francis Joseph, but be has the mmeasu-
raJlc advantage Of Francis Joseph Of being free Of
traditional entanglements, aud of being capable at
any moment of putting himself ut the head of the
revolutionary movement, that IL, at the head Of the