Richmond daily Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1842-1861, 1860-11-17

mentg Should the Government be- as il may at any time
be, indebted its stocks hundreds Of millions Of dol
lars its creditors could look, in Of secession ony
to the States which should remain united Those which
should have seeded and established Independent Gov
ernments could be reached The creditor could claim
OF them no per cenage Of liability They would plead
that they had contracted and that they had been
only stockholders in corporation 10 which there no
individual liability.
Nor could the continuing government Of the United
States compel the payment by the seeding Slate Of
portion Of the public debt There would be data from
which definite per cenage could be assigned to IT, nor
would Il have the ability pay. II South Carolina finds
it necessary to repudate at the outset by suspendng
specie payments and las already ei by Rnnu
ing even private debts due by It's citizens to those OF
other States 1t is plain tha. both ability and principle
will be lacking for payment Of her share f could be
alloed) Of the public debt There is court by which
any fixed could be established as due from her
on account of that debt which could issue execution
for its payment II results therefore that the seeding
State could only be compelled to pay any share of the
national debt contracted her account well that
OF other Sates) by and reprsals by the General
Government This puts end TO the idea OF peacesbe
secession and the right of secession.
But any OF the Democratic book-keepers tell Us
how If payment could be compelled) they could make
out the account current between the seeding State
and the government, so 10 strike balance between
expended by the government her account and within
her borders. Forts for her harhors ghthouses
houses, coast surveys cstomhouscs ronpayug posto-
and post routes and salaries CT the OF officers
and ecches aendsrt upon all these in addition TO her n1e
Enable share of the public debt have all been paid But
then she has credit side OF the also which il
will be impossible TO Adjust How are We to ascertain
the values and the proportions thereof to which she Is
entitled Of the public and ammuDitions OF war,
senas ceded places public edccs ships OF war and Of
the public andsg Is there any court, is there any
form Of action by which partition can be made of the
territories? This last item is very material one for the
only point of principle which the Fecessionss take is
with the Republicans as 70 the platform Of the latter
adopted Chcago is that Of carrying slavery into the
territories What co;hold property in the territories
will the seceders retain leaving tie Uron They will
be foreign States and believe it has not yet been
claimed by Judge Taney that the laws Of foreign
States extend proprio rigoye over the territories
Another difficulty in making up the account with South
Carolina would resut iron her claiming en- almost ia
calculable credit for the dproportion Of he public but
dcns which she ancs she has borne in the COnlrderacy
by of Ehat she considered the unequal operation
OF the various revenue laws.
Now this right Of secession, il It exist at all is
absolute one aud State Las as much right to exercise
il at time at ano;ter. II she may secede at will
she may do so In anticipation of war; in time of
II she srccde when she choose, ghe acg
10 the Government hour alter she decides TO
cede, but will then be jast independent Of the gov
ernment she 10 Of any other nation In the midst oi
war then, it will be the right Of any State not only TO
desert our own Government bu, at the same time to
ally herself to The enemy The Hartford ConventiDn
implanted that Kew England heavily taxed, but
not defended 10y the General Government, and merely
proposed TO ask tue consent Of tbe Government to
pend in the defence of New England the raised in
New Engl.Gd This was not claincd a right but the
consent of the Government to be sought This was
hardly approach 10 secession, but the Democracy OF
that day did tolerate the proposition, and the
Hartford Convention was execrated.
B1t the absurdity Of this doctrine Of the right OF
secession il too papabe iCr serious argument The go
yernment under such principle could not have twenty
four hours of assured existence Neither other nations,
it's citizens, could have confidence In its p9rma-
1t would lack the vital principle Of existence,
because il would wholly lack credit. Nobody would lend
It dollar for nobody could be that il would hold
;ogehet long enough to pay six months loan, TO say
nothing Of leans for long terms Of years. Toe public
fdih which alone all who deal with governments
can repose, would be utterly lacking. Business could
have security stability, for men would not embark
either their indus ~ their capital unless under the
shelter Of laws and institutions not iiahie 10 charge.
No-if State seceies 1t is revolution, and the sece-
ders traitors Those who charged with the exc
cutiye branch of The government recreant 10 their
Oiths II they fail to all lawful melTs to put down such
rebellion The people Cfno party base any confidence
either n the fidelity or nerve Of the Administration At
Washington, but fear they will prove, of th9m
from inclination aud Others from tmity, practical allies
of the revonionsls. They aud ber paisars have done
all in their power TO fiur ard mislesd the South, BY
charging npcn the Northern States the design Of ines
ierng with the rights OF the people Of the South and
the merCcnare3 here have coOperated in this false clam
aud deception. The Administration, in rclirquishing
the government will cneavor TO leave all possible
blrrassmerts in the Nay OF It's successors but much
stake il those ofis parans here who have been fore
most in tie false gor viii be the nfst with whom
the consequent mischief viii come home to roost