Randolph County journal. [volume] (Winchester, Randolph County, Ind.) 1855-1862, 1860-07-19

represented Thus. whichever wa,
we approach II, the absurdity of thi,
pretcns;on becomes manifest. As.
suming the prctension Of property il
man under the Constitution. YOU slaI
in the face the whole theory OF STATE
equality. for you disclose a gigsnti,
inequality between the slave State,
and the Free States: and assuming
the equality Of States in the House oI
Representatives as elsewhere, you slar
IN the face the whole prctcnsion OF
property in man under the Constitu.
tion.
disdain to dwell also on that othe,
argument. which. in the name of Pop.
ular Sovereignty, undertakes to secure
TO the people in the Territories the
wicked power-somtime called, by
coniusin of terms. right-to enslave
their fellow men; as if this pretcnsion
was not blasted at once by the Dec
laratlon of independence when il
announced 'all governments derive
their just powers from the consent OF
the governed, and if any where within
the jurisdiction OF the Constitution,
which contains no sentence, phrase or
word sanctioning this outrage, and
which carefully excludes the idea of
property in man. while it surrounds
all persons with the highest safe
guards of citizen, such prctensions
could exist. Whatever it may be
elsewhere Popular Sovereignty with
in the sphere of the Constitution has
its limtiations. Claiming for all the
largest liberty of true civilization,
it congresses all within the con-
straints of justice; nor does it allow
any man to assert right to do what
he pleases, except when he plcases to
do right. AS well within the Terri
tories attempt to make king as at
tempt to make slave. But this pre-
tension,
Where behold factous band agree
To call it freedom where themselves are
Free
proceeding originally from a vain ef-
fort to avoid the impending question
between Freedom and Slavery-assum-
inga delusive phrase Of Freedom as a
cloak for slavery-speaking with the
voice cf Jacob while its hands are the
hands of Esau-may be dismissed
with the other kindred pretensions
for slavery, while the Senator from
Illinois Mr.. Douglas |, who has wan
dered SO tar in its support, may
-'Remember Milo's end,
Wedged in that timber which he strove
To rend.'
And here | close this branch of the
argument, which have treated less
fully than the first, partly because
time and strength fail me, but chiefly
because the barbarism Of Slavery
when fully established, supersedes all
other inquiry. But enough has been
done on this head. At the risk of
repetition, | now gather it together.
The assumption that slave masters.
under the Constitution, may take
their slaves into the Territories and
continue to hold them as in the States,
stands on two pretensions-tirst, that
man may hold property in man; and
secondly, that this right is recognized
in the Constitution. But we have
seen that the pretended property in
man stands on no reason, while the
two special arguments by which it
has been asserted-first all alleged in
feriority OF race, and secondly the an
cient curse of Ham-arc grossly in
sufficient to uphold such pretension.
And we have next seen that this pre-
tension has as little support in the
Constitution as in reason; that Sla-
very is of such an offensive character
that it can find support only in posi-
tive sanction, and words OF 'irresisti-
bic clearaess;' that this benign rule,
questioned in the Senate, is consistent
with the principles of an advanced
civilization; that no such positive
sanction, in words OF irresistible
clearness, can be found in the Consti-
tuition; while, in harmony with the
Declaration of independence, and the
Address of the Continental Congress,
the cotemporaneous declarations of the
Conventions in substituting service
for 'servitude,' on the ground that
the latter expressed the condition OF
slaves, all attest that the pretension
that man can hold property in man
was carefully, scrupulously, and COM
pletely excluded from the Constitu-
tion, so that it has no semblance oil
support in that sacred text; nor is this
pretension, which is unsupported in
the Constitution. helped by the two
arguments. one in the name of State
equality and the other in the name oil
Popular Sovereignty, both of which
are properly put aside.
Sir, the true principles which re-
versing the assumption OF slave-mas-
ters. makes Freedom national and Sla.
very sectional, while every just claim
of the Slave States is harmonized
with the irresistible predominance oi
Freedom under the Constitution has
been declared at Chicago. Not ques-
tioning the right of each State, wheth.
er South Carolina or Turkey, Virgin.
ia or Russia. to order and control it.
own domestic institutions according
to its own judgment exclusively, the
Convention there assembled has ex.
plicitly announced Freedom to be til,
normal condition of all the territory
OF the United States, and has explic,
lilly denied the authority of Congress
of Territorial Legislature, or OF any
individuals to give legal existence tS
Slavery in any Territory of the United