Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1860-02-10
n 20. 6.
Extract frOEa tFae q DC ress OF Fret
James p. Eg0sGOEsbe, before
the ARbensarEe FSeetERg.
but there is another and decisi

vention at this time. We are unanimou
! in determination to resent or resist, i
some form, the Transfer Of the power ant
patronage of the Governmant into the hand
of Black Republican President; but "
are divided in opinion as to the mode ant
measure of resistance Some propose tt
prevent his inauguration BY force-other
to suspend all intercourse Of friendship o.
business With the North, and wait with arm
in our hands for some positive aggression
in the shape of law-others to Withdraw a
once from Confederacy which, so fan from
insurins domestic tranquility, establishing
justice, and promoting the general welfare
is being actually used for the destruction o
those great ends of its formation. If there
are any who desire that the existing rela
tions between the two sections should re
main undisturbed by so deliberate and inju
ricus an expression Of purpose from tht
Northern people, and that we should rely
only for our future security upon appeals
hitherto unheeded, to their sense of justice
and good faith, if there are men to be founc
amongst us who would be willing thus t.
place the great interests Of our society at the
mercy of sectional and fanatical majority
I can only say, that, like the dark spots on
the disc Of the sun, their very presence is
unobseryed amid the widespread blaze Of
l5yal devotion to Southern rights and hon
or. Now, it is impossible to give vigol
and efficacy to our resolutions without i'm
parting to them unity, and unity Can only
be attained by conference, in which, whilst
wisdom shall restrain the spirit of rashness,
generous magnanimity may preserve pru-
dence from degenerating into an ignoblc
fear 4 determination which shall obtain
the general sanction of the slayeholding
States, will either secure TO us our rights
in the Union, or will enable US to leave it
in peace and honor En- the absence of such
a convention, our distracted couusels may
bring us to the very brink Of ruin. [ see
frequent reference to resistance in the u
Mon. If peaceful measures, snch as non.
intercourse, are intended by this phrase,
they meet my hearty appreciation, so long
as there is any likelihood oftheir producing
the desired result, and as it may be safe to
rely upon them alone. If it is meant that we
should remain in the Union, and resist the
Inauguration of Black Republican Presi-
deut by force, more dangerous and inju-
dicious policy could not, in my judgement,
be suggested, The appeal to arms must
necessarily lead to general civil war, Of
which no man could foresee the end II
successful, the interregnum during which
all the functions of the General Govern
ment would be suspended. must be period
of anarchy from whose paral lying influence
if constitutional forms should ever regain
their ascendancy, the energies of the coun-
try could not recover for generations But
| am far from contemplating submission, #
an event SO mnch to be deprecated should
occur Submission would involve the loss,
first of independence, and eventually of prop
erty. To withdraw from the Union peace
ably, unless compelled to take arms in de-
fence of our rights, appears to be at once,
the path Of honor and the path Of safety
Are there any obligations Of duty to forbid
this course? 1t is said that we are bound
to submit to the decision of constitutional
I answer that when all people
value or cherish is in danger. they cannot
be controlled by technicalities. According
to the principles Of free government, the
best evidence of the will and the interest Of
all which can be ordinarily procured, is the
voice of constitutional majority. But
the theory pra-supposes the existence of
substantial identity and harmony ofinterest
between the people of a State, and divisions
Of opinion only as to the policy which will
promote it. Where there is a great natu-
raj and permanent antagonism between the
interests of different sections, the only es-
cape, which is open to the weaker section,
IS to establish a distinct gcvernment-or to
obtain adequate constitutional limitations
lpcn Che power Of the majority. Repre-
sensations according to their numbers in the
British Parliament would not have recon
,iled the patriots of the revolution to the
claim of legislative authority, tor it would
have been a worthless security against op-
Between the North and the South
there is no real antagonism, but the Black
Republican organization proceeds upon the
assumption ofone 1t declares that between
the free labor of the North, and the slave
labor of the South, an irrepresaible conflict
must take place Until one gives way to the
other. There is no analogy between this
party and any other, Federal, Republican,
Wing or Democratic, which ever sought the
favor of the american people. All previ
GUS parties have been founded upon differ
ent views of common interests, and the citi-
zens of every State in the Union have been
more or less equally ranged under their req
pective banners But the party is com
posed exclusively with exceptions too in
significant to deserve remark) of the citi-
zens of the North, and its declared purpose
ia through the sheer force Of numbers to
maintain the institutions and build up the
prosper ity of the North, at the expense Of
Che South. E is faction IN the worst and
crayest sense of that term-nor could 1t be
more perfectly described than in Mr.. Madi-
Ions admirable definition "a faction,
laid he in the Federalist, sis number Of
Eitizens. whether amounting to a majority
h minority of the whole, who are united and
)ctuated by come common Impulse OF GAS
lion or interest, adverse to the rsghts ofoth
\ citizens, or to tire permanet and aggre
late interests Of the community" Aud be
oes on to prove that where the impulse and
he opportunity coincide Gas in this instance
under our Constitution as it now stands, J
40 cure from its mischiefs is possible Now
when party degenerates into faction which
must be fatal to liberty, submission ceases
q he tie dutv Of freeInen.