Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1860-07-21


of SIR. Van Buren, and the administration
This question was very fully discussed in
the Senate in 1885, will extract a few
passages, relating to this point, from the
speeches of several gentlemen of the Admin
istration patty, who took part in that de-
bate. l will first present yon with short
extract from the speech of the Honorable
ISAAC HILL, whose opinions have already been
referred to on another point:
Deny (said Mr.. HILL the right of petition
to the misguided men and women who are
induced, from no bad motive, to petition for
the abolition of slavery in the District. and
you do more to increase .heir numbers than
will thousands of dollars paid to the ennis
saries who traverse the country to distribute
abolition tracts and to spread abolition doc
trines."
I must now introduce you, a second time
to the Hon. Mr.. NILES, Postmaster General:
They are now in the wrong public opin-
ion is against them. and ! would be careful
to give them no advantages; to do no act
calculated to check the strong current which
is setting against their proceedings should
be sorry to see, either here or elsewhere. any
course pursued towards these misguided and
Iulstdhtu ucu CdlCuidbeu W Keep I'D excite
ment, which the peace and best Interests of
the country require should be allayed. Moth
ing but injustice, or injudicious measures. in
opposition to their proceedings, can prevent
q speedy extinction of abolitiouism amonp
an Intelligent People, who, jealous of their
own rights, will be careful not to invade the
rights of others-a People with whom truth
and reason bear controlling sway, and
public opinion is the supreme law from which
there is no appeal"
This abolitionism of the new school is an
excitement, and like all other excitements.
II will soon pass away, unless kept alive bv
persecution. or some other uniustifiable and
unwise measures of resistance to it, and not
leave trace behind. This, sir, is an age of
excitement; almost every year is character
lied by some excitement"
''Butdid not this motion involve anv sacrifice
of principle, did it not conflict with the let
ter or spirit of the Constitution, I could not
vote for it. 1t is inexpedent, and calculated
to keep alive, rather than to repIess, the spirit
of abolitionism. To refuse to receive their
petitions is probably the very course the abnli-
tionists would wish you to pursue. This
would, at least, have the appearance OF in-
justice, If not of persecution. VIII you shut
your doors in the face of American citizens
who wish to present any subject. no matter
what, before Congress? This will be furnish
ing them with ground of complaint it will
excite sympathy and tend to form a collate-
raj issue, intimately connected with aboli-
tionism it would be putting weapon into
their hands. which they can use to advant-
age. L would not give this class of people
any advantages, by treating them uni Justly.
or denying to them auy rights to which they
are entitled in common with any American
cit zen.'
trtn WI oft To tho
sentiment of the Hon. Mr.. Wall. Senator
from New Jersey -
''Sir, we all, North and South. abhor abo-
litionism and incendarism. But what is il?
1t is crimsoning the religion of peace with
the blood of our fellow-men. 1t is setting
fire to the whole, in order to purify it from
the stain of single spot. This, sir, is mono
maniaism; it is fanatical. How, sir, can this
be put down? By persecution? No, sir; it is
its life's blood, it's aliment. Sir. the only
way to put down fanaticism is, by infamy or
ridicule. The history of fanaticism in all
ages, and in all countries, teaches us this les
son."
Now hear the strong language of Senator
BUCHANAN, of Pennsylvania, on the right of
petition and the duty of receiving those on
the subject of abolition:
'Let it once be understood that the sacred
right of petition and the cause of the aboli-
tionists must rise or must fall together, and
the consequences must be fatal. l would
therefore warn Southern gentlemen to reflect
seriously in what situation they place their
friends in the North, by insisting that this
petition shall not be received
1--WE have just as little right to interfere
with slavery in the South as we have to
touch the right of petition. Whence is this
right derived? Can a Republican Govern
ment exist without il? Man might as well
attempt to live without breathing the vital
air. No Government, possessing any of the
elements of liberty, has ever existed, or can
ever exist, unless its citizens enjoy this
right"
Hear now, my dear sir, the voice OF one of
the most respectable and intelligent of your
own Georgians, and who is at the same time
a supporter of Mr.. Van Buren,:
"However unpatriotic, then, Gsaid Mr.
Kingl these petitioners may be: however de-
luded, however mischievOus in every sense,
and however we may reprobate their con
duet, they are still citizens of the United
States. 1t was acknowledged that these me-
morialists are highly respectable and peacea-
BILE citizens, as those belonging to the Society
of Friends usually are. However this might
be, they were certainly citizens submitting
to the operation of the Government and
to its support, and must,
under its theory, be allowed, like other
citizens, TO petition the Government, the
Government having perfect right to
reject their prayers after receiving their
petitions. The simple right of petition was
the most harmless and inoffensive of all pos
sible rights if it be treated properly. 1t en-
fnrnad 1ofTa aA oil l,,,t hot
Government thought proper to yield to it.
The peaceable exercise of the right, however
idly employed, could rarely be productive of
mischief, though it might sometimes be evil
dence of mischieyous intentions. The great.
est danger was In imprudently and unsuc-
cesstully resisting it. All history was full
of the most warning Instances in which men
of the most worthless principles had been ell
evated to unmerited consequence by oppor-
tunities incautiously given them of throwing
themselves into the breaches of violated
Constitution"
If 1 cannot be acquitted Of the charge of
voting to receive and refer abolition petit
tons from bad motive, when 1 am support
ed by names which stand as high upon the
administration calendar as Isaac Hill, of New
Hampshire, Niles of Connecticut, Buchanan
of sylvania, Wall of New Jersey, and
King of Georgia. it will be useless to at
tempt any further defense. I have only to
add, upon this point, that when, at the meet
ing of Congress in 1888, 1 saw, or thought
saw, in the increased number Of abolition
petitions, and the great number of remon-
strances against the violation of the right of
feared would result from the injudicious treat
ment of former petitions, 1 resolved to ex-
press my sentiments on that subject at least
by vote, which was all could expect to do
under the gag of The previous question; and
did so by recording it against Mr.. Ather-