The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1860-12-07

earth. In every foreigh UBo" VI .he s'vo
the title of American citizen 10 heid IN the
highest respect, and when pronounced In
foreign land IL causes the hear" OF our couh'
trymen to swell with honest pride. surely
when we reach the brink Of the yawning ..
byss, we shall recoil with horror from the
last fatal plunge. by such dread eata',ro-
phe the hopes OF the itiends OF Seeaom
through out the world would be des-
troyed, and long night Of leaden despot.
| ism would enshroud the nations. Our ex.
ample for more than eighty years would not
only be lost, but IL would be quoted as q
conclusive proof that man Is unit Tor SELL
government.
1t isnot every wrong-nay. II Is not every
prieyous wrong-whieh can justify resort TO
such fearful alternative. This ought to DO
the last desperate remedy Of desparing
people, after every other constitutional
me ans of Cancellation had been exhausted.
We should reflect that under this free govern
ment there is an incessent ebb and How IN
public opinion. The slavery question, like
everything human, will have its day. l
firmly believe that IL has already reached and
passed the eliminating point But II, in the
midst of the existing excitement, the Union
shall Perish, tho evil may then become IRE.
parable. Congress can contribute much TO
avert II by proposing and recommending to
the legislatures of the several States the REM
edy for existing evils, which the Constitution
has itself provided for Its own preservation.
This has been tried at different critical peri
DDS of our history, and always with eminent
success. 1t is TO be found in the fifth article
providing for It's own amendment. Under
this article amendments have been proposed
by two. thirds OF both houses of Congress,
and have been "rstiied by the Legislatures OF
three. fourths Of the several States, and have
consequently become parts Of the Constitu.
ton. To this process the country is indebted
for the clause prohibiting Congress from
passing any law respecting an established
religion, or abridging the freedom Of speech
or OF the pres., Ut Of the right OF petition.
To this we are, also, indebted for the Bill OF
Rights, which secures the people against any
abuse of power by the Federal Government.
Such were the apprehensions justly enter.
tanned by the friends of State rights at that
period as to have rendered IL extremely
: doubtful whether the Constitution could
have long survived without these amend
m,nts.
Again, the Constitution was amended by
J the same process after the election OF Presi.
dent Jefferson by the House Of Representa-
tives, in February, 1903. This amendment
wa, rendered necessary to prevent Iecur'
renee of the dangers which had seriously
threatened the existence Of the government
during the tendency Of that election. The
article Tor its own amendment was intended
: 10 secure the amicable adjustment Of con-
. tiicting constitutional questions like the pres.
ent, which might arise between the govern.
! ments of the States and that Of the United
States. This appears from contempornneous
history. In this connection, / shall merely
, call attention to few sentences in Mr. Mad
ison's justly celebrated report, in 1893. to the
, Legislature OF Virginia. In this he ably and
cnnclusiyely defended the resolutions oil the
, preceding Legislature against the structures
| of several other State Legislatures. These
/ were mainly founded upon the protest OF the
Virginia Legislature against the 'Alien and
Sedition Act" as "palpablo aud alarming In
fractions of the constitution In pointing
out the peaceful and constitutional remedies
! and he referred to none other-to when
the States were authorized TO resort ON sueh
| occasions, he concludes by saying "that the
5 Legislatures Of the States might have MADE a
: direct REPRESENTATION to Congress with view
TO obtain resembling OF the Two offensive acts,
or they might have represented to their re-
, spective Senators in Congress their wish that
two. thirds thereof would propose an explain.
atory amendment to the constitution, or two
, thirds of themselves, ii such had been their
option, might, by an application to Congress,
, have obtained convention for the same oo-
} ject."
This is the very course which earnestly
recommend in order to obtain an "explana.
f; tory amendment" of the Constitution on the
/ subject of slavery. This might originate
! with Congress or the State Legislatures, MS
I NAV be deemed most advisable to obtain the
object.
: This explanatory amendment might be
confined TO the final settlement OF the true
construction of the Constitution on three
; special points; i.
; /. An express recognition Of the right Of
proper,y in slaves in the States where 1t now
, exists or may hereafter exist.
, 2. The duty OF protecting this right in all
! the common Territories throughout their ter
! ri,orial existence, and until they shall be
9 admitted a States into the Union, with or
without slavery.
, 3, A like recognition Of the right Of the
master to take his slave, who has escaped
, from one State to another, restored and "de-
1 liyered up" to him, and OF the validity Of the
= Fugitive Slave law enacted for this purpose,
/ together with a declaration that all State
laws, imparing or defeating this right, are
I violations of the Constitution, and are conse.
6 quently null and void.
: 1t may be objected that this construction
y of the Constitution has already been settled
, by the Supreme Court OF the United States,
and what more ought to be requiredi The
answer 10, tina, very large proportion Of the
1 people of the United States still contest the
: correctness of this decision, and never will
!. cease from agitation and admit its binding
Y force until clearly established by the people
/, of the several States in their sovereign char
: actcr. Such an explanatory amendment
c would, 1t is believed, forever terminate the
: existing dissensions, and restore peace aud
i harmony among the States.
: 1t ought not TO be doubted that such an
: appeal TO the aIbitrsment established by the
4 Constitution itself would be received with
. favor by all the States of the Coniederacy.
/. In any event 1t ought to be tried in spirit
of Cancellation before any OF these States shall
separ ate themselves from the Union.
b When entered upon the duties Of the
. Presidential office, the aspect neither OF our
u foreign nor domestic affairs was at all salts
!, factory. We were involved In dangerous
= complications with several nations, and two
i Of our Territories were in state OF revolu-
ton against the government. A restoration
9 of the African slave trade had numerous and
4 powerful advocates. Unlawful military ex.
{ petitions were countenaneed by many Of our
{ citizens, and were suffered, in defiance OF the
!. efforts OF the government, TO escape IRON our
: shores, for the purpose OF making war upon
{ the unoHending people Of neighboring repub.
lies, with whom we were at peace. In addi-
ton to these aud other difficulties, We expe-
rienSed a revulsion in monetary affairs, soon
after my advent TO power. OF unexampled
e severity and of ruinous consequences to oil
9 the great interests Of the country. When We
y take retrospect Of what was then our con.
I dition, and contrast this with its material
! prosperity at the time Of the late Presidential
! election, we have abundant reasons to return
. our grateful thanks TO that merciiul Provi.