Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1860-06-29

70 be tree is simply malicious slander.-
TApplause1 Some Of you generously ad-
nit that no Republican designedly aided or
encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair; but
still insist that our doctrines and declera-
tions necessarily lead to such results. We
know we hold no doctrines, and make no
declarations which were not held to and
made by "our fathers who framed the gov
ernment under which we live" Applause.
You never dealt fairly by us in relation to
this affair.
EFFEors OF THE INVASION ON LATE ELEo-
TIoEs.
When it occurred, some important State
elections were near at hand, aud you were
in evident glee with the belief that, by
charging the blame upon us you could get
an advantage of us in those elections. The
elections came, and your expectations were
not quit fulfilled. Laughter. You did
not sweep New York, and New Jersey, and
Wisconsin, and Minnesota, precisely like
fire sweeps over the prairie in high wind
ITLaughter1 You are still drumming at
this idea. Go on with it. If you think
you can, by slandering woman, make her
love you, or by villifyipg a man make him
vote for you, go and try it. Boisterous
laughter and prolonged applause Every
Republican know that, as to himself at
least, your charge was slander, and he
was not much inclined by it to cast his vote
in your favor.
Republican doctrines and declarations
are accompanied with continual protest
against any interfence whatever with your
slaves. Surely does not encourage them to
revolt. True, we do, in common with sour
fathers, who framed the government under
which we live" declare our belief that sla-
: very is wroug,--[applausel but the slaves
do not hear us declare even this; for ev-
erything we say or do, the slaves would
scarcely know there is Republican party,
believe they would not, in fact, generally
know it, but for your misrepresentation oi
us 10 their hearing. In your political con-
> tests among yourselves, each faction
. charges the other with sympathy for the
T. Black Republicans; and Then, to give point
: : to the charge, define Black Republicanisn
to simply be blood, thunder, and insurrec
tion among the slave. Boisterous laugh
ter and applause.
. SLAVE INSTRUCTIONS.
: Slave instructions are no moro common
@ now than they were before the Republican
t party was organized, What induced the
O Southampton insurrecton twenty years ago
!. in which at least three times as many lives
r were lost as at Harper's Ferry9 You car
P scarcely stretch your very elastic fancy tc
It the conclusion that Southampton was go
t up by Black Republicanism. Laughter
n In the present state of things in tho Uni
t ted States l do not think a very general
or even very extensive slave instruction
is possible. The indispensable concert Of
p action cannot be attained. The slaves
: have no means of rapid communication
/ nor can inccndiary free men, black or white
D supply it. The explosive materials are ev
It erywhere in parcels, but there neither are
d nor can be supplied, the indispensable con
d Meeting trains.
o Much is said by Southern people abou
9 the affection of slaves for their masters anC
= mstresses, and part of it, at least, is true
d A plot for an uprising could scarcely be de
D. vised and communicated to twenty individ
a uals, before some one Of them to save tn
ur life of favorte master or mistress, woul
IN divulge it. This is the rule; and the slav
of revolution in Hayti was not an exception
is it, but case occurring under peculiar ci
D. cumstances. The gunpowder plot of Bri
Of ish history, though not connected wit
O. slaves, was more in point. In this case onl
le about twenty were admitted TO the secre
ut and yet one Of them, in his anxiety to sav
" friend, betrayed the plot 10 that frienC
', and consequently averted the calamity. o.
casional poisonings from the kitchen, an
open or steathy assassinations in the fiel(
and local revolts, extending to score {
= so, will continue TO occur as the natural r.
!" " suits of slavery; but no general insure,
io ton of slaves, as l think, can happen
o this country, for long time. WhoevC
70 much fears, or much hopes, for such a
i = event, will be alike disappointed.
: VIEWS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.
- In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttere
to many years ago, at is still in our power
direct the process of emancipation and d
rs portation peacably, and in. such slow d
t. grees, as that evil will wear off insensibl
ne and their places be, pari passu5 filled |
he by free white laborers. Loud applause
,s- II, on the contrary, il is left to force itse
ne on, human nature must shudder at Il
to prospect held up" Mr.. Jefferson did n
nc mean to say, nor do /, that the power
les emancipation is in the Federal Governmer
m- He spoke of Virginia; and, as to the pow
ne of emancipation, speak of the slavehol
on ing States only. The Federal Governme
lar however, as we insist, has the power of |
ID strainiug the extension Of the institution
-or the power to insure that a slave insurecti
ID shall ever occur on any American soil wbi
of is now free from Slavery. Applause
mt John Browns effort was peculiar. 1t W
not a slave insureetion. Itwas an attem
ow by white men to get up revolt amo
lry slaves, in which the slaves refused to pI
= ticipate In fact it was so absurd that
On slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plain
-ge enough it could not succeed. That affa
on in its philosophy corresponds with
- many attempts, related in history, at t
ery assassination of kings and emperors.
= L. 4. L. -