The Buchanan County guardian. (Independence, Buchanan County, Iowa) 1858-1864, 1860-10-09


such force as Il e may deem necessary to pre-
vent the preparation of such outrages, and t.
obtain just redress and satisfaction for the same
when perpetrated, and it shall be his duty t.
lay the facts of each case, with the reasons fol
his action in the premises, before Congress at
the earliest practicable moment, for such further
action thereon as Congress may direct"
This bill was introduced at time
when vessels belonging to the British
navy, in the Gulf of Mexico, undertook
to stop and search American merchant
men on the suspicion of their being sla
vers. The bill did not pass but when
ever there was an opportunity, be it in a
discussion on appropriations for the ma
Wy, or on the occasion of some foreign
difficulty, he again and again has tried
to bring about a fatal transfer of power
1t was on the 18th Of August, 1859,
when he disclosed his views more fully
and emphatically than ever before. The
President, in special message, asked
for special authority to protect American
citizens on the Transit route. Then Mr.
Douglas expressed himself as follows:
I" / think the President ought to have the pow
er to redress sudden injuries upon our citizens,
or outrages upon our flag without waiting for
the action of Congress. he Executive of ev-
cry other nation on earth has that authority un
der their respective forms of government =
y l go further, Sir. | would intrust the
Executive with the authority, when an outrage
is pcrpetrated upon our ships and commerce, to
punish it instantly, when he thinks the interest
and honor of the nation require prompt action.
l would make this principle general in its an.
| nllpDtIDD | InSira tho prao; -. 7
States to have as much authority to protect
American citizens and the American FLAG
abroad, as the Executive of every other civil.
lzed nation on earth possesses
was willing to adopt the principle that this
authority shall be vested in the President of the
United States rightful authority and a per-
manent rule of action, applicable all over the
world, whenever HE thinks American interests
ana American honor require it to be exerted =
When it is known that our Executive
has the same authority outside of the United
States that the British Premier and the French
Emperor, or the head Of any other nation pos
sesses, you will find there will be less number
OF outrages, dc.
If Mr.. Douglas had brought forward
propositions like this in the heat of de-
bate, aroused by warlike excitement, we
might excuse him on the plea that his
temper ran away with his judgment But
the frequent, deliberate, persistent reiter-
alton of his views must urge the convic
ton upon US that they have become with
him settled political doctrine. Did he
ever consider the extent and consequent
ces of the change he demands ? Does
be know what 1t means, that the Presi-
dent s! al have the power, without wait
ing for the action of Congress, to use the
army and navy when he-not when Con-
gress, but when he thinks the interests
OF the country require it Suppose the
President be a man of excilable temper
of more valor than discretion-or a
man of inordinate ambiton-or a willy
politician, INSCRIPTIONS enough to in
vove the country in war in order to di-
vert popular attention from home diff
culLies. Suppose such President has
the power 10 use the armed forces of the
United States when he thinks fit. Will
not our peace and security be entirely at
the mercy of his temper, his ambition, or
his unscrupulousness
This is not SO dangerous, says Mr.. Douglas,
W. hbt every pClHSSFduL acJ Itaus 10 war.
No, certainly not; but if there is anything in
the world apt to lead to war it is a 6elligerent
act. 1t is true, according to Mr.. Douglass bill,
the President will have to report to Congress
. at the earliest practicable moment" but will
not the President be able, by an indirect use of
the army or navy, to involve the country in
war, to array nation against nation long before
that earliest practicable moment" arrives >
1t is true Congress will, after q while, have
power to stop the war; but are You not aware
that ours is Government which depends not
always a calm public opinion, but some
time also on the passions of the people If
once, by the measures of the President, we are
IN active hostilities-f once the intoxicating
music of artillery has started the warlike en-
thusiasm of the peope-if once the fighting
spirit of the masses Is aroused by the sight Of
blood, will not then what was commenced
against the judgment of the people be pushed
on by their passions
Mr.. Douglas urged his proposition as often as
there was speck of war in the horizon But
those difficulties with Great Britain and the
Central American Republics, for the prosecu-
ton Of which he demanded that the Executive
be invested with power to adopt warlike meas.
ur2s, have been settled by diplomatic transac-
tons. Our peaceful relations with foreign Gov
ernments were hardly disturbed Not a drop
of blood was shed. The honor of the Repub-
lie remained intact, the Constitution inviolate
Suppose Mr.. Douglass notions had prevailed,
and he had been President of the United States.
clothed with discretionary power he demanded
ask you most seriously, and invite Won to
ponder the question, what would have been the
result then How many outrages, real or inn
aglnary, would he have punished with the ar
my OF navy, " without waiting for the action OF
Congress p How often would he, unrcstraned
by Congress, have deemed instant redress ne.
cessary Into how many follies would his
childish hatred of Great Britain have betrayed
him? In how many wars would his sensation
policy have involved us within these last few
years? With the blood of your sons you would
have paid the price of his indiscretions Let
the President have the power that Mr. Douglas
demands for him. and the question Of peace or
war, of prosperity or desohtion, will depend
upon the temper Of single individual Put
Mr.. Douglas in the Presidential chair and give
him, as he demands. the power Of the French
Emperor, andh he will furnish not the prudence,
bat certainly the arbitrarness.
But he contends that our Executive must
have the power, because Me Erecntice Of ecery
other nation has IL. Indeed Does he not know
that just there is the difference between our sys-
ten Of Government and those of other countries?
Did 1t never occur to him that the establish
ment of imperial power in this Republic would
require the entire overthrow of our system of
checks and balances? Does he not know that
even In the hands of a British Premier this
power is less formidable than it would be in