The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1860-01-19

4 mistaken one; but it is very well established
in my own mind, that the discretion and power
which is given to us by the Constitution cannot
by us be transferred to another department of
| this Government, or to any individual to be
exercised by that department. or by that indi-
yidual-c certainly not any such high power as
that of declaring war.
The President seems to anticipate some OBJ
| lection to his request, for he quotes in his
message the authority given him by the last
Congress in regard to the expedition to Para
quay, as being an illustration of the principle
which he calls upon us now again to exercise
towards the Republic of Mexico Well, sir, in
regard to the Paraguay expedition, / confess
that have very serious doubts about the cor
RICHNESS, the legality, the constitutionality, of
| the vote passed by Congress on that subject
two years ago. j believe voted for it, but |
did so with great hesitation; and the more l
have examined the question, the more have
been satisfied that, at all events, it was the ex-
ercise of a very doubtful power; and should
not again, unless under very extraordinary
circumstances, vote in the same way. No
doubt it might make our Government much
more efficient one, if the Executive had the
war-making power entirely in his own hands.
He could act promptly; Congress slowly
sometimes very slowly. The men who made
our Constitution We're, however, not unmindful
of this, and they gave the power of making
war to Congress, not to the President.
Aside, however, from this principle of the
want of constitutional power in Congress to
grant the request of the President, it is, in my
opinion, entirely in violation of perfectly we'll
settled principles ofinternational law. We have
no right to interfere with the domestic concerns
of the Republic of Mexico, or of any other State
or nation. Such has been our avowed policy
heretofore. Such, think, is the well-settled
rule among nations /; and such, / think, ought
to be our continued practice. Mind your own
business" is a rule vastly useful between indi-
viduals. 1t is no less useful no less salutary,
as between nations. The violations ofthat pre-
cept make most of the difficulties in ordinary
life. The violation of that precept between ma
tons makes most of the difficulties which arise
between them. This principle find very clear
ly stated in a recent discourse of a very distin-
guished and learned divine in my own State,
the Rev. DR.. Bacon, of New Haven and when
/ state that it was laid down by him in order to
show that the late foray of John Brown into the
State Of Virginia was in violation of this prin-
ciple, and on that account, among others, to be
condemned trust that the principle will not
be considered any less worthy of respect on
either side of the Chamber:
'The great principle of the moral code which regu-
ates the natonsthe principle which guards
the peace the world and without which there
rity for Freedom where's that which forbds the inter-
Of any sovereignty with the internal legislation
administration of another by the moral power of
opinion and remOnstrance Whatever may be the right of
people down by instruction a Government which
they have found inolerabe, and to establish another its
steadwhaevsr may be their duty regard to the injustice
Incorporated with their laws with the their
Governments the less their right and the
less their duty defend themselves their SOIL their laws
and their sovereignty as Commonwealth against an armed
and military invasion from whatever quarter"
These principles deem among the everlast-
ing principles of justice between nations and
these principles will be violated directly by
placing an army, or any portion of our army,
under the direction of the President, with au-
thority to march that army into the Republic
Of Mexico, to obtain, as he says, "indemnity
for the past and security for the future" 1t is
to make war-that is what it is and the power
to make war is in us, and we cannot transfer
that power to the President. But it is utterly
in violation of the principles which ought to
govern nations, even if there were no objection
to the mode, because, as | have suggested, it
is a clear interference by one nation with the
internal concerns and domestic affairs of an
other. Let each nation take care of itself, and
not NEEDLE with its neighbors 1t is suggested
| know, that if we do not interfere in the affairs
of Mexico, some other nations will. Well, that
was the excuse of the robber, who took a mans
purse because if he did not take it somebody
to the robber as it would be to us.
Besides, sir, how do we know that any other
nation will interfere with Mexico? 1t will be
time enough to meet that exigency when it
arises. / am by no means disposed, in claim
ing that we should not interfere with Mexico
to assent to the proposition that should
stand by and let another nation interfere. Ny
doctrine forbids such an act altogether. What
course it would be incumbent on this nation to
take under such circumstances, it will be time
enough to settle when those circumstances
arise. Enough, it seems to me, is it now,
that we say that we will not NEEDLE with what
clearly does not concern Us, We have no right
to reform the Governmental Mexico, however
much it may need reformation.
What we should do with Mexico if we had
possession of the whole country, or a portion of
the country, might be very puzzling question.
| The country contains some eight Millions more
or less, of inhabitants. Considered chronological
ly, what proportion Of the whole number have
rights which we should be bound to respect,
according to the Democratic standard of hu-
man rights No doubt there are many per-
sons of education, high culture, we'll endowed
intellectually and morally, perhaps of the proper
complexion; but as to the great mass of the
| population, it can be no SANDER to say that
they are wholly untitled for selfgovernment
They have been demonstrating that fact more
and more clearly every year for many years,
and the demonstration now seems perfect. If
they cannot maintain free institutions, how are
they to be governed ? 1t is idle, and worse
| than idle, to extend over them our free Consti-
tuition.
There are many other suggestions which I
should like to make on this subject, but, after
the intimation of the Senator from Louisiana,
as to an Executive session, will not tax the
Senate longer at the present time.
There are other topics in this message on
which | should like to comment: one. partic-
ularly, is the Amistad claim, which the Presi-
dent again recommends for our consideration.
and thinks ought to be paid. l am so unfortu-
nate as to differ from him very widely on that
subject. / think the presentation of the Amis-
tad claim by the Spanish Government, if it is
presented by that Government to us to be paid.
is disgrace to that Government, and that it is
an insult to ours. That is the way view If
but am not going into that question now. It
will be time enough when it comes up for leg
islatlve action to occupy time, and / waive it at
the present.
/ think, then, Mr.. President, as suggested
In the outset, that this is not the time when we
should undertake to reform the evils and abuses
of a foreign Government We are suffering
under like evils, and are guilty of like abuses
at home; and until we have first reformed
them, we shall cut but sorry figure in at
tempting reforms abroad. In the next place,
the mode pointed ont is obnoxious alike to con
stltutional objections and to well-settled princi
| pies OF international law. And besides, sir, as
L think, the possession Of Mexico would be to
US like the apples of Sodom, fair indeed to the
/ lint reallv dusf ond oh