The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-11-21
THE RESISTANCE MOVEMENT
IN GEORGIA.
PATRIOTIC MESSAGE OF TIE
GOVERNOR.

lcan, r,,
1t ali The Legislature of Georgia met at Mile
man vile on the 9Th inst, when Gov. Brown
hey in special message. The following is a s.
dor do, mary of the first half of the message:
He de thinks the constitutional rights Of
Fill people of Georgia have been violated bv {
the eral non-slaveholding States, to the exter
iii. Justlfylng, in the judgment of civilized matte
: n the adoption of measures necessary to
md / full protection of their rights.
ON lie referred to the patient spirit in the orr
ms OF our government, and portrayed the sci
ion OF unconstitutional and unfriendy acts 81
mp sequently. He is pointedly severe on Mas
mo chusetts law, and says if the laws of Mas
in. chusetts cause plumber from Georgia's citize
oil that State must be compelled to compens
them.
~. he advises reprisals, and says: "Let
at meet unjust aggressions and unconstitutior
y. State legislation with just retaliation"
IN recommends the enactment of laws autho
n izing the Sc ng of such amount of money
nj property of any citizen of such offending a,
a tathless State, for indemnifying the losses
ar citlzens OF Georgia. He recommends legisl
;s ton to drive the manufactured articles ofsur
N offending States out Of Georgia
n lie says Georgia has the right as soon ;
q tax them as she deems proper" He advise
. the passing eta law taxing goods and merehar
n disc twenty-five per cent, to be introduce
e alter the first of January, if manufactured i
q or brought from Massachusetts, Vermont
Michigan Maine, Rhode Island, New York
, Wisconsin, or any other non-slavehoIdin,
, states, and to be RENTED when the unfricndI,
legislation is repealed
Should such legislation prove Intellectual
he recommends the repeal Of all parts of thu
penal and civil code protecting the lives, liber.
ties and property of the citizens of the States
where such unfrendly laws exist. He says
in my opinion, the time for bold and decided
action has arrived, and he is unworthy the
confidence Of the people of Georgia who re-
fuses to vndicate her honor at any cost and
maintain her Constitutional rights at any haz-
ard"
lie believed the legislation recommended
will tend to strengthen rather than weaken
the ties of the union of the States 1t will
destroy sectional controversy, and narrow
down the issue TO 4 contest between individ-
ual States. He says: "If the Legislature
| fails to enact laws, | recommend that the peo-
pie should rise in their might, and at the bal
| fot-box demand their enactment"
The following concluding portions we give
! Ill hONeTnOr DfOWnS own words.
I earnestly invoke the attention of the peo-
/ pie OF Georgia to this subject ard trust the
| General Assembly may take prompt action
for the protection Of their rights, and the win
| dication of their homer. In my opinion the
times demand the legislation which now re-
commend, and the people, should it be denied
them, viii and ought to rise in their might,
and at the ballot box demand its enaetmNt.
Should the retaliatory laws be enacted while
| have the honor to be the Executive OF Geor-
gia, shall be prompt and decided in their en-
forcement. The present is most appropriate
time for this legislation.
The Black Republican party, organized
upon sectional issue, and standing upon
platform Of avowed hostility to our Constitu-
tional rights, have probably triumphed over
us, by the election of their candidate for the
Presidency and Vice Presidency. Should
such be the case, this domipant party in the
northern section of the Union, among whom
fanatcism rules the hour, and mob law too !
oftep maintains its asceiideney, will consider |
themselves as victors, and the people of the
South vanquished In that event, the adop- |
ton of other safeguards may become neces-
sary to the maintenance of the rights and |
honor of the slaveholding States as degrade /
tion insult and injury, will probably be the 1
only reward which Georgia and the other
slave States, can then except to receive, for
continued association with them in the Union,
and subsection to their foul domination.
So soon as the Government shall have
passed into Black Republican hands, portion
Of our citizens must, if possible, be bribed into
treachery to their own section, by the allure
ments of office or o hungry swarm of Abo-
lition emsSaries must be imported among us
bo1J 20 nt,f bck
sulS us with their arrogance, corrupt our
slaves, and engender discomfort among them;
while they flood the country with infamma-
tory Abolition documents and do all in their
power to create in the South a state Of things
which we must ultimately terminate IN war
of determination between the white and the
black races
Whether eight millions of freemen in the
Southern States will consent to permit this
state of things to exist among them, and will
bow the neck in willing subsection to the yoke,
is question to be determined by them in
their sovereign capacity.
Whether the sovereign will of the people ,
of the Southern States shall, in this crisis, be
by general convention of all the /.
States, hereafter to be called, and all shaliact
together in concert, or whether each State
shall decide for herself, without conference .
with the others, are questions upon which !.
diversity Of opinion may exist. (.
l entertain no doubt of the right of each
State to decide and act for herself The
MON is compact between the sovereign
States q which it is composed. Each State in
he Union is in point of sovereignty, the equal of
,very other, and neither is dependent upon
mother for any of the attributes of sovereign
y. So long as all the States abide in GOOD
aith by their Constitutional engagements to q
ZACH other, and the compact is not violated, -
10 State can withdraw from the Union with
tut being guilty of bad faith to the others
II, however, the compact is violated by the .
.efusal of part Of the contracting parties to
hide by it. and submit to its burdens, while n
hey receive the benefits arising from it, the
Jther parties are no longer bound by it, but
nay declare it nullity, and refuse to abide
,y it on their part 1t is an essential part of G
he law of contracts, that both parties are !,
pound, or neither is bound, and if one violates d
he contract the other is no longer tound.
But may be asked who is to judge of the !,
rotation Of the contract? | answer that each D
sovereign State, from the very nature of the
case, must judge and decide for herself v
There is no common arblter between them I
Each being sovereign acknowledges no higher
power on earth. The Federal Government is r
no right to assume to dictate to the principals, q
rom which it derives all the power it posses I
ses, nor to sit injudgment upon the conduct
Of the creator, whose creature it is, and by I
whose consent alone it exists for single day. !
1t is not to be presumed that State will Sc Z
cede fi0m the Union without just cause. Of "a
the sufficeucy of the cause each sovereign a
State must Judge for herself. When her de-
cision is made, no one has a right to reverse
the Judgment, because no higher power exists
to which an appeal can be taken. The right of
a State peaceably to secede from the Union, !
whea, in the judgment Of her people, the com
pacts Of the Constitution have been violated,
can only be denied by those who deny the
sovereignty OF the State.
am aware that some have attempted to
analogue the right Of a portion of the State OF
he Union to secede from 1T, even for jus.
cause, TO the right of the colonies to secede
from the British Government; and as the
colonies possessed only the right OF revolution,
it is argued that the sovereign States OF the
Union possess no other right There is no
lust analogy between the two cases. The
colonies, prior TO the revolution, were not
sovereign They were subjects of the British
Government, created by it, and. belonged to
it. They had never even claimed to be the
EQUALS OF the British crown, nor had that Gov
ernment ever recognized them as such, or
formed any compact with them as sovereign
powers.
VIXEN, therefore, they withdrew from the .
Government Of Great Britain, it was case of
rebellion on the part of the subject, against
the power Of the sovereign-in other words, it (
was revolution-and upon their success de-
pended their exemption from the penalties of
treason to the Government whose subjects
mot equals) they were, till they had establish
ed their right of sovereignty by force of arms.
But the States Of the Union are not the SUBJ |
jects of the Federal Government; were not !
created by it and do not belong to it. They |
created it ; from them it derives its powers;
to them it is responsible, and when it abuses
the trust they repoSed in it, they, as equal
soyereigns, have right to resume the powers
respectively delegated to it by them.