Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1860-03-07


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Eloquent Extracts from the recent
Great Speech OF William H. Seward.
Kansas and Nebraska, the long-devoted
reservation of labor and freedom, saved in
the agony of national fear in 1920, and
saved again in the panic Of 1850, were now
TO he opened by Congress, that the never
ending course of seed time and harvest
might begin. The slave capitalists of Mis-
soure, from their own well assured homes
on the eastern banks of their noble river,
looked down upon and coveted the fertile
prairics of Kansas; while q sudden terror
ran through all the capital states, when
they saw seeming certainty that ut last
new labor state would be built on their
western border, inevitably fraught, as they
| said, with u near or remote abolition of
slavery. What could be done2 Congress
| could hardly be expected to intervene di-
rectly for their safety so soon after the
compromise of 1850. The labor hive of
the free states was distant, the way new,
souri, was near and wntchful, and held the
keys of the gates of Kansas. She might
seeize the new and smiling territory by
surprise, if only Congress would remove
the barrier of 1920 The conjuncture was
| favorable. Clay and Webster, the distin-
guished citizens whose unquestionablc de-
votion to the Union was manifested bytheir
ncquicscence in the compromise of 1850,
had gone down already into their honored
graves. The labor states had dismissed
many of their representatives, here for their
too great fidelity to freedom, and too great
distrust of the efficacy of that new bond of
peace, and had replaced them with parti-
sans, who were only timid, but not uuwil-
ling. The democratic President and Con-
gress hesitated, but not long. They re-
vised the last great compromise and found,
with delighted surprise, that it was so far
from confirming the law of freedom of
1920 that, on the other hand, it exactly
provided for the abrogation of that vener-
utcd statute; nay, that the compromise
itself actually killed the spirit of the Mis-
souri, law, and devolved on Congress the
duty of removing the lifeleSs letter from
the national code. The deed was done
! The new enactment not only repealed the
Missouri prohibition of slavery, hut 1t
pronounced the people of Kansas and Ne
bruska perfectly free to establish freedom
or slavery, and pledged Congress to admit
them in due time as states, either of capital
or of labor, into the Union. The whig
representatives of the capital states, in au
hour of strange bewilderment, concurredj
and the whig party instantly went down,
never to rise again. Democrats seeded
and stood aloof; the country was confound-
ed; and amid the perplexities of the hour,
a Republican party was seen gathering
itself together with much earncstness, but
with little show of organization, to rescue,
if it were now not too late, the cause of free
dom and labor, SO unexpectedly and grie-
vously impcrillcd in the territories OF the
| United States.
! will not linger over the sequel. The
popular sovereignty of Kansas proved to
| be the State sovereignty of Missouri, not
only in the persons Of the rulers, but even
in the letter of an arbitrary and cruel code.
The perfect freedom proved to he hate
full and intolerable bondage. From 1855
to 1860, Kansas, sustained and encouraged
only by the Republican party, has been
engaged in successive and ever-varying
struggles, which have taxed all her virtue,
wisdom, moderation, energies, and re-
sources, and often even her physical
strength and martial courage, to save
herself from being betrayed into the Union
us a slave State. Nebraska, though
choosing freedom, is, through the direct
exercise of tho executive power, overriding
her own will, held as a slave Territory;
aud New Mexico has relapsed voluntarily
into the practice of slavery, from which
she had redeemed herself while she yet
remained part of the Mexican Republic
Meantime, the Democratic party, adYanc-
ing from the ground of popular sovereign.
ty as far as that ground is from the ordi-
nance of 1897, now stands on the position
that both territorial governments and
Congress are incompetent to legislute
against slavery in the territories, while
they are not only competent, but are
obliged, when it is necessary, to legislate
for its protection there.
In this new and extreme position the
democratic party now masks itself behind
the battery of the Supreme Court, as if it
were possibly true construction of the
Constitution, that the power of deciding
practically forever between freedom and
slavery in a portion of the continent far
exceeding all that is yet organized; should
be renounced by Congress, which alone
possesses any legislative authority, and
should be assumed and exercised by a
court which can only take cognizance of
the great question collaternlly, in a private
action between individuals, and which
action the Constitution will not suffer the
court to entertain, if it involves twenty dol
lars of money, without the oyerruling in
tervention of jury of twelve good and
lawful men of the neighb6rhood where
the litigation arises. The independent,
ever-renewed and ever-recurring repre-
sentative Parliament, Diet, Congress or
Legislature, is the one chief, paramount,
essential, indispensable Institution in a
Republic Even liberty, guaranteed by
organic law, yet if it be held by other
tenure than the guardian care of sucha
representative popular assembly, is bnt
precariously maintained, while slavery,