New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-12-20
CONCEs sION.


South, propose a Compromise Now, what is u
Compromise Simply an agreement to settle
difference By a mutual concession. But Is this
what the South demands Not ut all, so far ~
we yet have any means of Judging. The propo-
stion of Mr.. Crittenden, fair representative oil
the most moderate Southern views, is not a
Compromise, but Concession, to be made alto
pether by the Free. Labor States, the other party
concedi1g nothing at all. 1t is better to under
stand this at the outset, and we shall simplify the
question by adhering to the right use of terms.
Seven months ago the Republican party adopted
platform at Chicago, and by virtue of the prlnc-
ples therein announced have elected President and
Vice.Presdent of the United States. That nslru-
ment declares that "tbe new dogma" that the Con-
stitutOn carries Slavery into the Territories Is
" dangerous political heresy," at variance with
the Constitution ITSELF with history, with lcgisla-
tive and judicial precedents and Revolutionary
" in tendency" 1t further declares that freedom
is the '.norma condition of all the territory OF
the United States, and it denies 90 the authority
I" of Congress, of Territorial Legislature, or OF
{" any individuals, to give legal existence to Slav-
cry" therein. This Is clear and explicit; it is
the faith of the party as whole, and OF the IN
diyiduas who compose it. Neither it nor they
have any intention of surrendering it.
Now. what is Mr. Crittendcn's proposition
He asks that the Constitution shall be amended
and amended irrepealably-so that in oil that re-
gion south of the latitude of 800 30, now be-
longing to this Government, or that shal here
after beiOng to it, Slavery shall be recognized,
shall not be nteriered with by Congress, and
shall be protected by all the Departments OF
Territorial Government, and that when States
carved out of that region, or even of that north
of So 30 shall ask for admission to the Union,
with or without Slavery, as the States them
selves shall please, the request shall be granted.
In other words, Mr.. CritteDden asks, On behalf
of the South, that that shall become an irrepeal-
able Constitutional provision, radical principle of
Government, which the Republicans, seven months
ago, declared is d" new DOGMA" dangerous
political heresy," violation Of the Constitu-
ton, which it is their duty to oppose by legisla-
ton whenever necessary. And what does he
propose to concede in return for this enOr
nous proposition! Only that north Of 36' ~
Slavery shall be prohibited in the Territories, while
any State thererom shall be admitted to the
Union on demand, Notwithstanding it may have
a Pro.Slaycry Constitution. If il be said that
this, practically is of no Importance, because
Pro-Slayery Constitution could be OF no service
where, il is assumed, Slavery cannot exist then,
it may be answered, the prohibition of Slavery
North of that line is OF no practical value. But
the truth is, il is promise made to the ear and
broken to the hope In that portion OF New
Mexico living North of 80 30, Slavery may be
prohibited while she is Territory, and flow into
it from the Southern section when she comes IN
as State So in Utah, where a condition of
society exists that is capable of any ,hing Slavery
may very possibly be introduced when she be-
comes a member of the Union. 1t is absurd to
call such proposition as this compro Mise. 1t
is concession of the most radical and vital
character. We made such bargain once, and
were ready to stand by it. The South chose to
break it, when after thirty years waiting there
seemed some chance of the North receiving her
share of its benefit We have thrown mp our
ndnus ana gwen lhtlH thc gdHlt TWICE dltdu!;
we are not disposed to do it q third time.
Mr.. Crittenden's second proposed amendment
IT, that Congress shall have no power to abolish
Slavery in the States. The imrlcatiOn here il
that some men, or body Of men, now propose to
exercise such power. We know of no such
assumption. The platform of the Republican
party especially repudiates it, We are not dis
posed to acknowledge the justice of the ACCUSE
ton by contessing judgment, and agreeing no, to
do what we have never pretended we had either
the intention or the power to do. We do not
choose in this way TO be put in the wrong by
accepting the implication.
The abolition of Slavery in the District is
question of expcdiency, and one which we are
quite willing to leave to the wisdom of Congress.
II is not likely to be done any sooner than it
ought to be, and it is safe to leave it where it
now rests. If the wishes of any distinct body of
people are to be consulted in regard to it, it
should be of those who are most ne-rly interest
ed-the people, namely, of the District itself, and
not of two States outside of it.
Nor do we see the reasOnabeness or propriety
of granting more TO Slavery in the Free States
than was given by the Trainers of the COnStitu-
ton. Slavery exists only through municipal law,
and is repugnant TO the common law and natural
justice. Our fathers felt that they had conceded
enough when they agreed that the fugitive slave
should not be discharged from service by State
legslatiOn; they did not agree that the slave
code should extend its jurisdiction over the Free
n,.I tl.4 H.. -
justice should be set aside for the convenience of
the owners of slaves We do not care to See
the port of New-York for instance, port of