Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1860-07-19

unless persons under this local law and hold.
ing properly by authority Of that law, cen
90 into new territory and there establish
/ that local law to the exclusion Of the gen
eral law.
MIR. President, il was a maxim OF the civil
law that between Slavery and freedom, free
dom should always be presumed, and Slay.
cry must always be proved. Slavery 10 an
exception to the general rule. Such, sup
pose. is the general law Of msnkind. An
individual is TO be presumed TO be free until
law can be produc ed which crestes owner
ship in his person.
| Now our friends seem to think that an in
equality arises from restraining them from
going into the Territories, unless there be a
law provided which shbil protect their owE-
ership in person. The assertion is that we
create an inequality.
Is there nothing to be said on the other
side in relation to inequality Sir, from the
date Of this Constitution, and in the couD.
sells that formed and established this Con-
s,itution, and suppose in all mems judg-
mept since, it is received as settled truth,
that Slave labor and free labor do not exist
well together. have before me declara-
lion OF Mr.. Mason, in the Convention that
formed the Constitution, TO that effect. Mr..
Mason, as is we'll known, was a distinguish
ed member from Virginia. He says that
that the objection 10 Slave labor is, that ii
puts free white labor in disrepute; that cause
labor to be regarded as de:oga,ory to the
character CT The free white man, and that
the free white man dsspises to work. to use
his expression. where Slaves are employed.
This is a meter Of grea: interest to :he
free States, IL it be true, ss to great ex-
tent it certainly is, that wherever Slave la.
Dor prevails, free white labor is excluded or
discouraged. Wherever labor is mainly
performed by Slaves, it is regarded as de-
grading 10 freedom
The Freemen OF the North, therefore have
deep interest in keeping Labor free, ex-
clusvely free, in the new Territories.
But, sir, let US look further into this al
ledged inequality. There is no pretence
that Southern people may not 60 into Ter
ritory which shall be subject to the Ofdin-
ance of 1887. The only restraint is, that
they shall not carry Slaves thither and con-
,inue that relation. They say this shuts
them out altogether. Why, sir, there can
be nothing more il accurate in point Of fact
thar this statement. | underst and that one
half the people who settled linois, are peo'
pie, or descendants of people, who came
from the Southern States. And suppose
that one third OF the people Of Ohio are
those, or desce rdents of those who emigra
ted from the South; and venture to say
that, in respect to thass two States, they
are at this time settled by people OF South
ern origin, in as great proportion as they
are by the people of Northern origin, uc-
cording to the general numbers and proper.
tion of people, South and North. There il
only the exclusion of a peculiar local law
Neither in principle nor in fact is there any
inequality.
The question now is, whether il is not
competent for Congress, in the exercise OF .
fair and just discretion to prevent the further
increase of Saveholding States. That II
the question; see no injustice in it, to the
potoer OF Congress. have nothing to ado
to what said the other doy. CONGRESS
, HAS FULL POWER OVER THE SUBJECT.
, haue said that / shall consent TO no erten
sion of The area Of Slavery upon this Con
, tinen, nor 10 any increase of!XSpe representa-
. lion in The other House Of Congress. l have
r now stated my reasons ior my conduct AM
my vote We, of the North. have already
a gone. in this respect, far beyond all tha
any Southern man could have expected, Of
did expect, at The time of the adoption O
+ the Constitution. repeat the statemen
holling Sta,es out Of newly acquired terri
tory. We have done that which, If thos
who framed the Constitution had foreseen
:, they never would have agreed to Slave re
a presentation. We have yielded thus faI
. q aud we have now in the House OF Repre-
a sentatives tcenty persons voting upon thl
;. very question, and upon all other questions
who are here only in virtue OF the represer
:. tation of Slaves.
Let me conclude. therefore, by remsrkin
T" that, while am willing to present this a
: showing my own judgment and pas,tion i
:, regard to this case, and beg it to be an
- derstood that am speaking for no oihe
=. ;han myself, and while ! am willing to o
20 fer it 10 the whole ,oorld as my own justific'
tion, rest on these propositions:
!. First, Tint when this Constitution wa
- adopted, nobody looked for any new acqu
- sition of Territory, to be formed into Slave
= holding States. .......
= Secondly, That the principles OF the Coz
!" stitution prohibited, and were intended
', prohibit. and should be construed TO pro
"' hbi,, all interference Of the general gov
=" ernmen, with Slavery as it existed, and I
~ it still exists in the States And theI
~ looking to the operation o: their new acqu
- sitons, which have, in great degree. hs
=, ~ the effect of strengthening that interest
" " the South, by the addition Of these 6'
- States, feel that there is nothing unjut
:" nothing of which any honest man can con
~ - plain If he is intelligent. and feel that the
~ ~, is nothing with which the civilized world
-, they lake notice Of so humble person
,,s myself, will reproach me when say, as
~, ~ said the other day, that have made up n
:! mind for one, tina, under no circumstsnc
-, will consent to the further extension
'a the area Of Slavery in the United States,