The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-03-02

the democrats, when it was himself and his
present followers who did it., and enter upon
an examination of his political philosophy, in
which he is one of the black republican apos-
ties.
The school of philosophers to which Mr..
Seward belongs are engaged in strenuous
effort to transplant and naturalize GER
tain European political and social the,
cries upon American soil. He there
fore tacitly assumes in his opening, and
proclaims before he closes that 'we
are of one race" This, which may be pro-
claimed in any or ell of the communities Of
Europe, cannot be truthfully asserted in any of
the Atlantic States, nor in Spanish America,
nor in the West Indies, nor in California, nor
in Australia, nor in India, nor wherever the
European has set his foot in Austral or Eastern
Asia. In all of these countries there are disso-
nant races, and the white race is engaged in
constant struggle to maintain its homogeneity.
1t is a natural conflict, and Mr.. Seward himself
recognises it in citing the example of "the
European immigrant, who avoids the African
as if his skin exhaled contagieR" In the
Northern Atlantic and the Western States it
elects the negro and the Indian from social
communion; in the Southern States it subjects
the former to domestic servitude; in California
and Australia it Is striving to drive the Chinese
from the community; in India it turns the
native into rightless ryot; and in China it is
quickening resistance to the advancing spirit
of European domination.
Nor is the struggle of races new one to the
world. Through all the pages of history it at
tends the marches of conquest and of migra-
ton wherever dissonant races have come in
contact. And in every instance the result has
been the same. Wherever the white race has
its homogeneity it has elected or
the inferior race, and maintained
Its own civilization. Wherever it has failed to
preserve its homogeneity it has lost its civil
izing power, and been absorbed in baser con-
licts. No hybrid or mongrel race presents a
single exception to the world. The mixed
populations of many of the Spanish. American
countries which have adopted Mr.. Stewards
theory, that 1--WE are all of one race" present
notable examples of this. And fattering as
such theory may be supposed to be to the
negro race, even that race rejects it, as is seen
in Hayti and the daily experience of Jamaica.
1t is this natural impulse which impels the
South unanimously to resist Mr.. Stewards
amalgamation theories, and to strive to pre-
serve in its midst the only social organization
that can preserve its homogeneity and the CO.
habitation of the two races.
Starting from a false position, Mr.. Seward
proceeds to erect fallacious theory, under
which, "for convenience sake" he de-
dominates "the slave States capital States,
and free States labor States"-meaning
to inculcate that in the social system
of the South the rights Of capital pre-
dominate, while in that of the North the rights
of labor are supreme. This fallacy is at once
destroyed in the mind of every Northern man
who migrates to the Southern States, by the
practical conviction that thero h. has social
position whether he has money or not; or, as
the popular expression phrases it, "a man is
gentleman here If he has no money in his
pocket, while in the North he is not looked
upon as such if he is poor" In TRUTH Mr..
SCWaIQ CloSSIuCdtlOA Vi CdptS1A Stdtc6 duU
''labor States" is the reverse of the fact. It is
in the Northern States that capital is rapidly
reducing the free laborer to a condition of de-
grading servitude. Mr.. Seward appeals to ''the
weavers and spinners of Massachusetts,, the
stevedores of New York, and the miners of
Pennsylvania" Let them speak. Let them
tell how they have to maintain their unequal
contest with capital. Let the union protec-
tons, the strikes innumerable, the professions
of starving workmen through the streets, speak
for them. Listen to the cries of the shoe
makers of Massachusetts,, that at this very
moment are ascending to heaven against their
oppressors. Hark to the whispered Injunction
of the mother to her dying daughter, crushed
in the falling death-trap Of the Psmberton
Mill: Hush, my child Would you deprive
your mother of bread"
In the truthful comparison of the two social
systems it will be seen that the free laborer of
the North has NO claim but upon the sweat Of
his brow, pressed forth by hunger; that capital
is in possession of the land, and when it has
done with the worker, or his youth or health
fails him, it dismisses him to die in poverty
and neglect On the other hand, an inferior
race in the South has claim upon both CAPT
tai and the land, which must be satisfied while
life lasts. The result of these two systems is
that the enc degrades the laboring portion of
the superior, and the other elevates the inferior
race. These are the two great fallacies of Mr..
Stewards philosophy, upon one of which he
bases, and with the other he sxemplifies his ad-
vocacy Of the doctrines of his brutal and bloody
speech at Rochester. They are all contained
in the present speech, but he has endeavored
to hide them by the use Of milder language
and palliative modes of expression. The effort
is failure, and to-day, when the eyes Of the
conservative classes are being opened to the
destructive tendency Of his political theories, it
is too late for him to endeavor to cover up his
abolition theories by political economy, talk,