Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1860-03-08
The Position of Parties on the Question Of
Slavery.
A SPEECH
DELIVERED IN THE U. s. SENATE, FEB. %, 1856
BY HON. WIN. H SEWARD.

the Union, without further delay, seems 10 me
equally necessary, just and wise. In recorded
debates have already anticipated the argu-
ments for this conclusion.
In coming forward among the political astrol-
ogers, it shall be an error of judgment, and not
Of disposition, if my Interpretation of the fe-
versh dreams which are disturbing the coun-
try shall tend to foment, rather than to allay,
the national excitement. | shall say nothing
unnecessarily of persons, because, in our sys-
TEN, the public welfare and happiness depend
chiefly on institutions, and very little on men.
shall allude but briefly to incidental topics,
because they are ephemeral, and because, even
in the midst of appeals to passion and preju-
dice, it is always safe to submit solid truth to
the deliberate consideration of an honest and
enlightened people.
1t will be an OVERLOOKING source of shame, as
well as of sorrow, if we, thirty mIllions-Eu-
ropeans by extraction, American by birth or
discipline, and Christians in faith, and meaning
to be such in practice-cannot SO combine pru-
dence with humanity, in our conduct concern
ing the one disturbing subject of Slavery, as not
only to preserve our unequalled institutions OF
freedom, but also to enjoy their benefits with
contentment and harmony.
Wherever guiltless slave exists, be he eau
1AmoIlCdu, Mdluy VI AlllCdu, Ho 10 Ilo
lsubject of two distinct and opposite ideas-one
that he is wrongly, and the other that he is
rightly, slave. The balance OF numbers on
either side, however great, never completely ex-
tingushes this difference of opinion, for there
are always some defenders of Slavery outside,
even if there are none inside of free State,
while also there are always outside, if there
are not inside of every slave State, many who
los with Milton thot g. No hO Ennxuc
aught can be SO stupid as to deny that all men
naturally were born free, being the image and
resemblance of God himself, and were by privi-
lege above all the creatures, born to command
and not to obey" 1t often, perhaps generally,
happens, however, that in considering the sub
ject of Slavery, society seems to overlook the
natural right or perso nal interest of the slave
himself and to act exclusively for the welfare of
the citizen. But this fact does not materially
affect ultimate results, for the elementary ques-
ton of the rightfulness or wrohgfulnesS of
Slavery inheres in every form that discussion
concerning it assumes What is just to one
class of men can never be injurious to another
land what is unjust to any condition of persons
in State, Is necessarily injurious in some degree
to the whole community. An economical ques-
ton early arises out of the subject of Slavery
labor either of freemen or Of slaves is the car
dinal necessity OF society. Some States choose
the one kind, some the other. Hence two mu-
nicipal systems widely different arise. The
slav3 State strikes down and affects to extin-
lgush the personality of the laborer, not only
as member of the political body, but also as a
parent, husband, child, neighbor, or friend
He thus becomes, in political view, merely
property, without moral capacity, and without
domestic, moral and social relations, duties,
rights, and remedies-a chattel an object of
bargain sale, gift, inheritance, or theft His
earnings are compensated and his wrongs atom
ed, not to himself, but to his owner. The State
protects not the slave as a man, but the capt.
tai of another man, which he represents. On
the other hand, the State which rejects Slavery
encourages and anlmates and invigorates the
laborer by maintaining and developing his nat
ural personality in all the rights and faculties
of manhood, and generally with the privileges
of citizenship. In the one case capital invested
in slaves becomes great political force, while
in the other labor thus elevated and enfranchis-
ed, becomes the dominating political power. 1t
thus happens that we may, for convenience
sake, and not inaccurateIy, call slave States
capital States, and free States labor States,
So soon as State feels the impulses of COM
merce or enterprise or ambition, its citizens be-
gin to study the effects of these systems of cap
ital and labor respectively on its intelligence
it's virtue, its tranquility, its integrity or uni
ty, its defense, its prosperity, its liberty, its
happiness, its aggrandzement, and its fame
In other Words the great question arises wheth-
er Slavery is a moral, social and political good,
or moral, social and political evil This is
the Slavery question at home. But there
is mutual bond of unity and brother
hood between man and man throughout the
world Nations examine freely the political
systems of each other, and of all preceding
times, and accordingly as they approve or dis.
approve of the two systems of capital and labor
respectively, they sanction and prosecute, or
condemn and prohibit, commerce in men,
Thus, in one way or in another, the Slavery
question which 80 many among us, who are
more willing to rule than patient in studying
the conditions of society, think it merely un-
necessary or accidental question that might and
ought to be settled and dismissed at once. is,
on the contrary, a worldwide and enduring
subject of political consideration and civil ad-
ministration. Men, States, and nations enter
tain it, not Voluntarily, but because the pro-
gresS of society continually brings it into their
way They divide upon it, not perversely, but
because, owing to differences of constitution.
condition, or circumstances, they cannot agree.
The fathers Of the Republic encountered it.
They even adjusted it SO that it might have
lgiven us much less than our present disouiet
had not circumstances afterwards occurred
which they, wise as they were, had not clearly
foreseen. Although they had inherited, vel
they generally condemned the practice of Slave.
ry, and hoped for its discontinuance. They
expressed this when they asserted in the Declar
ntinn of Inhenendence az a Fundamental -