Clarksville chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1857-1865, 1860-08-31
8 p e E @ H
B EN- JAMIN II. HILL
DELIVERED AT
Macon, Georgia,
JUNE 6th, IS6O.

tDe regarded as precedentrequiring me to responC
to similar calls in the future. am no politician tC
fill bills TO order, but if | WERE should draw my
own bills. Do not suppose speak thus because
am not settled in my convictions as to what We
ought to do in this canvass for on that point have
no hesitation OF doubt; yet because would not
regard respectfully the wishes of my friends
Whithersoever the changes of the future may draf1
us, the affection feel for every true American
with whom have struggled so long for those
truths which make up patriotism, is part of my
heart. and the two must live and die together.
But my health, though almost entirely restored
is such that must be allowed to direct my own ac-
tions during this canvass.
| The very distinguished gentleman (Gov John
son. who addressed you last night, said his miss
ion was to speak to the Democracy-his own, ,divi-
ded brotherhooda Mine is very different. shall
speak to the, people. Democrats, Wings, Ameri-
cans-countryuen, all, my word of warning is to
YOU. This land of the free is full If corruption
strife and distraction. Party party party has done
il all Oh, that the God of the patriots would
cast out from people these devils of par
ty, which bave already well nigh ruined us
If shall utter word on this occasion which
shall appear to be harsh, assure you do not in
tend such meaning certainly have no such
feeling.
Let us determine first what great principle is in
voved in this canvass, which we ought to support
and secondly, for whom, patriots we should vote
in order most effectualy to secure and promote
that principle
In my opinion, the whole nation is now called on,
the first time in its history to decide at the ballot
box what power has the general Government over
the subject of slavery This question has often
been voted on in Congress, in State Legislatures
and by factions, but now the whole nation must
vote upon it directly at the ballot-box Whatever
may be our opinions as to the wisdom, or necessi-
ty good evil to result from such an ISSUE still
politicians and events have thrust.it upon us and
we must decide it. as far the ballot-box can de-
eide it.
Then, in my opinion, as the issue is made, the
people ought as national men and patriots, by this
election to declare that the Federal Government
''has no power over the subject of slavery except
the power, coupled with the duty, of guarding and
protecting the owner in his rights"
We ought to so declare first because it is LAW
The supreme judicial tribunal of the nation has in
language so declared. If we do not maintain it,
we shall simply subject the stability of the law to
the whirns of the multitude, and are in an anarchy
We ought SO to declare in the second place, because
it is right
Protection to the person and property Of the cit
izen is the first duty of every Government and il
is the whole and sole power and duty of the
Government of the United States. II was made
for this only, and it can do nothing else Every
act OF every department of the Government can
have no other scope purpose, or Interpretation
1ooNOihhicbt CTttte iOtnlIH can destroy noun
ing, unless creation or destruction in given speci-
fled instance be necessary to general protec-
tion. Whether we declare war or make peace
whether it build navy or levy an impost-what-
soever it does must be done to this end. The wis
dom of every Speech the redress of every wrong,
the duty of every Office, the legitimacy of every
action, must depend upon and be measured by its
fitness for and its directness towards the great
goal-the protection of the person and property OF
the citizen. Human Government has no other
claim even TO existence, and that form of govern
ment must be the most perfect which most perfect
ly secures this object.
But do not demand slave code. Southern men
who demand it, think, reason badly. They leap
over truths and jump to a conclusion, which, il
granted might render even the right questionable
The demand for a separate specific slave CODE ad-
mits that the tenure to slave property is peculiar
different from that by which other property is held
and therefore needs different quality of legisla
tion. The great original ground of this demand is
taken from the idea that slavery is the creature of
and solely dependent upon municipal laws. 1t is
upon the doctrine that non-action is said TO be eff
fectual to exclude slavery from the Territories
Some persons say if there be no law directly to au
tEorize slavery, it cannot exist The slave with.
out the law is FREE Therefore, if the Legislature
will provide no law-do nothing-non-act, slavery
is excluded. If we admit the premise, the conclu
sion is irresistible. This is the foundation of argu
do not believe itRorrect. Slavery is the creatur
of Divine Law He who originally gave man do
minion over the beast of the field and the fish o
the sea, and the fowl of the air, afterwards made
Japhett master of Canaan and decreed Canaan Il
servitude forever The first decree is older in date
but not higher in authority than the last and it i
not for me to question the authority of either. HI
knows best and there can be no wisdom OF righ
which does not submit to His will.
The slave, then, is property. The title is no
made by human law. If | had only human Law
for my right or title to my human slave l woulC
lose him before the sun goes down. Slave proper
ty differs from other property, not in the RIGHT bu
in ito USE He who made the servant prescribe
rules and injunctions for his human treatment AM
for this the master will be responsible, and surel
for its abuse he will be punished. / demand G
government that which we have-a proper code 70
protection of all property, and therefore of slave:
But again, | will not now demand of Congress
slave code, because the laws as they now stand
outside of the Kansas bill, are sufficient for on
protection. If the government is honestly admin
stereG, the citizen has ample protection under tn
remedies now provided. On a former occasion,
explained this. 1t is sufficient at present to stat
the general fact that we have sufficient legal rem
edies for present purposes (outside of Kansas an
Nebraska in which protection TO slavery was re
fused by the organic act. But it may be said
we have sufficient laws already, why now insist U
the power and duty of Government to protects
) We must insist upon il first because this rigl
and duty have been denied, and they who deny az
seeking to get control of the government. The
success is triumph of the denial. Already ha
this doctrine of protection been denied by actul
legislation in one case--in the Kansas and Nebra!
ka bill.
Again, all experience shows, that remedies whc
are sufficient for the present become inefficient NJ
Is der the changes Of ever progressive and Gggresst
events. Why do your Legislatures meet annually
Simply to pass such new laws and 10 remedy sue
defects in existing laws AS time and experience cor
stantly show to be necessary Thus in 1898, Coz
grcsS enacted fugitive slave law, 20 carry out
plain and constitutional provision. For that da
aud for years after that day, that actwas suhicen
But the ever-growing madness of ant-slayery fl
naticism, aud the interference of anti-slayery IL
}. gislatures, rendered utterly nugatory the act
1898. Hence, it became just rs much necessit
= and just as much dG.y, TO pass new and mo-
efficient law, as it was 70 pass the original act.-