Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-01-14
The Standard.
Message of the Governor of Virginia.

oil Governor LetcneF, which was read ana, on mo-
ton Of Mr.. Thompson, was laid on the table and
1000 extra copies ordered to be printed:
Gentlemen Of the Senate and House Of Delegates:
commence nay term Chief Magistrate of the
Commonwealth of Virginia at an important and
eventfl period in the history the State and Of the
Union. No one ofmy predecessors has taken upon
himself the duties and responsibilities of the'oce
under the same circumstances The Legislature ana
the people expect from me- therefore, an expression
of my views upon the absorbing question OF the
day, and some suggestions looking to the future
The Constitution of the United States, as ordaln-
cd and established by our fathers, designed ito
form more perfect union establish justice, insure
domestic tranquility, promote the general welfare;
and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves ana
our posterity" They construed 1T with reference TO
these desirable objects, and, might have been ex.
pected, union, harmony and brotherhood existed
between the different sectonS-aw and order pre-
vailed-justice and right were respectcd-the rights
of person and property were fully recognzed-and
each State permitted to regulate Its own domesuc
institutions without interference from citizens oil 9TH
er States Confidence and raternal affection existed
between the people of all the States in those earlier
and better days of the Republic.
This happy condition of things continued for
many years. and was interrupted only by the inter-
ference of citizens of the Northern States with the
rights and institutions of the Southern. But for
the war which has been so perseveringy waged
against the institution of domestic slavery as it cX
lists amongst us, institution with which they have
no right to intermeddle, we would have continued
to live tremendously together and the tics of fra
terna feeling and affection would be strong now
as ever before in the history of the Confederacy.-
This wanton interference thus commenced, and so
Extensively persisted in, has produced the present
alarming crisis, and has brought the | Mon OF the
States to the verge of destruction.
The Northern people now insist that there must
be 70 more slave territory slave States, and
7 ha lnl
SO essentially modified as to render it valueless for
the recovery of slave property. In Massachusetts,
Wisconsin, Vermont and perhaps other non-Slave-
holding States, the Fugitive Slave Act has been
practically and efectually nuled and rendered in
operative.
The Massachusetts act declares that the writ of
habeas corpus may be issued by either of their
Courts and even by ANY justice of the peace" in
term time or vacation, and upon the return of such
writ, the fugitive slave may demand trial by jury,
and if the jury shall disagree the issue may be sub
mitted to another jury, or continued to the next
term, at the discretion of the Court; that
fesSions, admissions declarations of the alleged
fugitive against himself shall be given in evidence
upon the trial; that the Governor by and with the
advice and consent of the Council, shall appoint
commissioners IN each county to defend fugitives
who are to pay all witness expenses, clerks fees
officers fees and other expenses and they are to
have these and all reasonable charges for their
services as attorney and counsel in the case
paid by the State Treasurer and the act also pro-
hibits their ails prisons other places Of confine
ment, from being used for the Imprisonment Of per-
SONS claimed as fugitive slaves. (See Session Acts
1856, page 92+.) The act of Wisconsin is
stringent in its provisions for the protection
Of fugitive slaves than the act of massachusetts,
(Sec revised Statutes 1858, page 912) The act of
Vermont declares that no person within the State
shall be considered as property, subject as such
to SALE purchase delivery that the fugitive slave
have 4hol HtOfo fr;,l hat,
person who may have been held as a slave who
shall come, or be brought, or be in the State with
without the consent of his or her master mis-
tress, who shall come, or be brought, or be in
voluntarily, or in any way in the State, shall he
free; and denOunces against every person who shall
hold the fugitive slave the penalty of imprison
ment for not less than one nor more than fifteen
years, and fine not exceeding two thousand dol
lars (See Session Acts, 1858 page 42.) In other
of the nOn-saveholdng States, Gf am not mis-
taken) similar legislation has been employed to de-
feat the execution of the law, within their limits
They maintain the doctrine of an 'rrepressibe con-
flict" between free and slave labor, which. under
their teachings has produced its first fruits in the
shedding of Virginia blood upon our own soil. The
friends of this kind of legislation and the support
crs of these mischievouS doctrines, wieli the En-
ccutive, Legislative and Judicial authority of the
nOn-SlavehOltng States with scarce an exception
In the Senate of the United States the Republican
party numbers upwards of twenty, and in the
House of Representatives more than ore hundred
all elected by the votes of nonslaveholdng States
and all endorsing and approving these obnoxious
doctrines and measures. A few years ago this par
ty was very small in each branch of Congress and
We were assured that they represented a compare
lively small number of fanatics, with whom the
great body OF the Northern people had no Sympa-
thy, and who entertained no principles and doc
trines in common with them on these questions.
1t is readily and cheerfuly conceded that a large
thn off Of fl,o ,clo,- Hin,
States are loyal to the Constitution and the Union;
but 1t is not to be disguised, that large number are
indifferent to BOTH and would prefer dissolution of
the Union to the extension of slave territory or the
increase of slave States. They desire to confne
slavery to the States in which it now exists and the
sympathy manifested for John Brown and his asso-
clatcs IN crime gives reason to fear that they not
prepared to aid IN putting down attempts to inter-
tere with the institution, in the States where
it is recognized and protected by law.
This lamentablc state of things, between the two
sections of the country has its origin in the con-
structlon placed by the Northern people upon the
Constitution of the United States They construe
1T to the prejudice of the honor rights and nstitu-
ton OF their Southern brethren. They insist that
the Constitution authorizes the adoption of measures
Tor the exclusion of slavery from the Territories
the common property of all the States-and they
spare no effort to affirm their construction by the
legislation OF Congress. In the carly history of the
government, territory was acquired, and territorial
governments were organized without enouirinp
whether they were free or slave-free and slave
States were admitted into the Union pari passu-
The Constitution was construed fairly and Justly
according to its terms and sprit-we lived IN har
mony-and our prosperity as a nation was steady
and unparalleled. When the Northern construction
began to prevail, strife arose. bitter feelings were
engendered, elimination and recrimination followed.
and now we find that the ties of brotherhood have
been sundered, mutual distrust has succeeded. and
the kindly feelings of affection have been smothered
by bitter sectional hatred that now bids fair to out
i've inc existence OF the Union. The only founda-
ton upon which the government can rest in securi
ty, is the affections of the people If this founda-
ton has not been entirely undermined it is so near
y gone that it becomes the conservative patriots of
the nation to unite and determine upon line of
policy that shall govern thpir f,turo oot;o. T -