The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1860-10-17

| political representatives have their agents.
| All men necessarily fall into some political
/ party, and into some religious sect. Ambi-
tion sways in both parties and religious scots.
| To gain Office in q political party and share
| it's favor, when the nation was dem0ralised,
| il became necessary that the candidate should
| be tolerant of slavery. So religious scots
were ambitious to extend their ecssiasticai
I sway. The consequence WAS that year by
year slavery had party upon party; slavery
had religious sect upon religious sect !;
church after church. But alas | until the
dawn of that year, freedom had no party and
no religious sect throughout this whole coun-
try.
people who arc dem oralxed are easily
operated upon; they are easily kept persist
emily 10 the same erroneous habit whieh has
snoralized them. The first agency for con.
tinning TO extend the power OF slavery upon
this continent, is that of alarm. Fears of
all kinds are awakened in the public mind.
The chief or them IL the fear OF tur bulenoe,
of disorder, OF civil connections, and OF civil
war The shareholders In the slave States
very justly, and truthfally, and rightly as.
sumo that slaves are the natural enemies of
their masters and, OF course, that slaves are
insidious enemies of the State which holds
them, or requires them TO be held in bond
ange that iusdious enemies are dangerous:
and, therefore, IN every slave State that has
ever been founded in this country, policy
is established which suppresses freedom OF
speech and freedom of debate, so far as lib.
erty needs advocates, while il extends the
largest license OF debate to those who advo.
cate the interests of slavery. This lack of
freedom Of speech and freedom of debate 10
followed in slave States by the necessary
consequence that there IL no freedom OF suf
frage. So that at the last Presidential cleo.
tion--tho frat when this question was ever
distinctly brought before the American peo.
ple--there were no slave States IN which a
ballot-box was open fer freedom, or where
free men might cast their ballots with safe.
ty. If one side only is allowed to vote in
State, it is very easy to see that that side
must prevail. Laughter and applause.1
If the condition of civil society 10 such
that voting is not to De done safely, few men
will vote. Every man who wishes to express
his choice is not expected to be q martyr
The world produces but few men willing to
be martyrs, my frends, and such, am sor-
~, have not been very numerous in our day.
Nearly ne-half of the United States, then
that is, all the slave States--are arroyed on
the side Of slavery, and behold them! They
tell Us that Republicanism, which invites
them TO discuss the subject, is sectional, and
they are national. But the slave States are
not willing to rest content with this exclusion
of all freedom of suffrage, of speech and Of
debate on the subject of slavery within their
own Jurisdiction, but they require the free
States to accept the same system for them
selves. They insist that although they NAV
be able at home to keep down their slaves,
If we will be quiet, yet they cannot tolerate
discussion Of slavery in the free States, as
We thereby encourage the slaves in the slave
States TO instruction and sedition. This
argument might fail to reach and convince
US, inasmuch rs we, ourselves, are safe
from any danger of instruction in the slave
States.
But they bring II home to our fears BIZ de-
claring that their peace is Of more impor
lance than the interest Of the nation that
they prefer slavery even to union that If We
will not aoqulesoe in allowing them TO main
tain, fortify and extend slavery on unequal
terms, then they will dissolve she Union, and
We will all 60 down together, or We will all
suffer common desoation. There are few
men-and there ought TO be very fe~--wno
would be so intent on the subject OF estab-
iisbipg freedom that they would consent TO
"a subversion of the Union 20 produce it, be
CAAsS tuG 0utbE bbsltlFc Ddhcuty HdNs gil
absolute necessity, and to save the Union,
men NAV. naturally dare TO delay. Most
men, therefore, very oLeerfully prefer TO let
the subject of slavery rest for some bettor
slme--for some better occasion = for some
more fortunate circumstances, and they are
csntent to keep the Union With slavery if ID
cannot be kept otherwise.
You sec how this has worked in democrat
izing the American people. Less than thirty
years ago the uovernor of Massachusetts
that frat and freest OF the States--actualy
recommended the Legislature to PASS laws
which should declare that, the meetings of
citizens he'd to discuss the subject of slavery,
should be deemed sedillous, and should be
dissolved by the police! The Governor Of
the State of New York who preceded me in
that high Office, during bis administration,
and within your lifetime and mine, actually
made the same recommendation To the legis-
ature OF that State. What was recommend
ed, bat not carried out iu those States by
law, became custom and practice; for, as
you know, when the laws did not dissolve the
pubic assembly, there was a period OF near
twenty years in which no public meeting of
men opposed to the extension or sggrsndlEe-
ment of slavery, could be held without be-
ing dispersed by the mob, acting in concert
with the general opinion Of the country.
lTo De CONTINUED