Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1860-12-21

legislation. The Republican party in the
north, and in Ohio in particular hold the same
opinion, so far as L know, with regard to this
peculiar institution, that is held by all civil
lied nations in the world We don't differ In
public sentiment from England, France. Ger
many or Italy, or any other civilized nation
on Gods earth. tell you frankly you will
never find community who are in love with
E#ur peculiar institutions. Now the senator
Z = m Texas told us that cotton was king. and
could overdue by its influence, II do but use
his worlds, and compel men to come down
that 1t had subjects in Europe. | will say to
that senator that they are rebeous subjects,
and are talking very disrespccttully Of their
king Fey tell you they sympahze with
those you call black republicans. Therefore
nope we shall hear no more of the toast that
Cotton is King" and is going to overue all
nations and bring them under its tootstool 1t
never will be done. But have our southern
friends any complaints to make of the plat
form L tell you frankly that did lay
down the principle that we would prohibit. if
we had the power, slavery from invading an.
other inch OF free soil territory of this gov
eminent. | stand there to day | have ar.
gued it to half a million of people, probably,
and they stand there-and they have commits.
stoned me to stand there forever and so
help me Cod l will l say to you, while
we hold this doctrine to the end, there is no
republican, or convention of republicans, or
paper, that pretends we have any right in your
states to interfere with your peculiar inStitu-
tons. On the other hand, our platform re
pudiates the idea that we have any right, or
intention even, to invade your constitution in
your own states. Now, what do you com
plain OF You are going TO break up this
government. You are going to involve us in
war and blood out of mere suspicion that we
shall transcend that which we stand here to
vindicate. How would you be justified in the
eyes of the civilized world to take so mon
strous position, and predicate it on mere sus-
picion We don't like slavery. Didn't you
know it before to-day? Everything remains
as it did a year ago. But all at once, when
we meet here, find all gloom and gentlemen
rise up to say we are on the eve of breaking
up this government. Seven or eight states
are going to set up hostile government-and
they look implorngy over to us and say, "you
can prevent it," What can we do ? You
have not condescended TO tell us what you
want done If we should give up the verdict
of the people and take up your platform,
don't know but you would be satisfied, and |
think the senator from Texas mr. Wigfall
rather ntimated, and the senator from Georgia
Mr.. Iverson) rather more than intimated that
if we would take what is exactly the Charles
ton platform, on which Mr. Breckenridge was
placed, and give up that on which we won our
victory, you would grudgingly and hestating-
ly be satisfied.
Mr.. lverson said he wished the senator would |
read his speech before he quoted 50 much from
it. He had not said they would be satisfied
with any such thing.
Mr., Wade read from Mr. Iverson's speech,
reported in the Globe that he supposed there
would be no overt act on the part OF Mr.. Lin
coin, but the power of the government would
be so executed against slavery that il would
not last ten years, and continued Then you
are not going to wait for any overt act but
are going to proceed upon the suspicion that
. o;oably he might. | have dsavowed any
intention on the part OF the republican party
to harm hair on your heads. We hold TO no
doctrine that can possibly work you any in.
convenience. We have been faithful to all
the laws. 1t is not, then, that Mr.. Lincoln is
expected to do any overt act by which you
may be injured. You won't wait for any
But, anticipating that the government may do
you an injury, you will put an end to it, which
means simply this-that we intend TO rule or
ruin this government. There is where it
comes. We do not like your Institutions, you
say. But we never liked them any better,
and you might as well have dissolved the
Union at any other time as now. We stand
precisely where we STOOD repudatng your
institution as q matter Of morals, but ad-
hitting that, when it is out of our jurisdiction,
we have no hold upon it and no designs
upon it. Is there anything in the character
vi tnc pfeSluenJ eject OF which you com
plain Has he not lived a blameless lte,
never violated any law; has lie committed
any violation of duty? Why, then, are you
suspicious that he will Now then, | have
shown that having the government in your
hands all the time, you have brought il to the
verge of destruction and the people, beev !
ing was time the sceptre should depart from
your hands, have placed it in more competent
hands. If this is so you have no constitutions |
al rIplt to CDmDaip when W all 1SaVOW ~
intention so to make use of that victory we |
have won, as to in lure you at all.
This brings me to the question of compro-
mise. The first day of this session senator |
rises and offers resolution to inquire into the /
evils between the different sections, and to as. |
certain what could be done to settle the diff |
Guilty. AS to compromise, | supposed we had |
agreed that the day of compromise was at an
end The most solemn we have made have |
been violated and where are they Since ] |
have had a seat in this senate one of consider.
able antiquity was swept away from our sta
tute book and when in the minority | stood
up here and asked you to withhold your hands
that it was sacred compact between see
tions-what was the cry! That is was moth
ing but an act of congress, and could be swept
away by the same majority that passed it, !
That was true, i'll fact, and true in law, and it |
showed tie weakness of compromises Now, |
| only speak for myself, and that in view of |
the manner III Which compromises have |
been treated, | should think hardly any two |
members of the democratic party could look
each other in the face and say Compromise"
without a smile. A compromise to be brought |
about after the experience we have had is abb |
soutely ridiculous. What are we to compro
mise? | am one of those who went with zeal
to maintain the principles Of the republican
party. In constitutional way we met and
nominated our candidates. You did the same
The issue was made and we went to the peo
pie with it, and, although usually in the minor
lIy usually beaten, the justice of our princi-
Pies and the bad administration of the govern
ment convinced the people that change
ought to be brought about, and after trying
your utmost, and we our utmost we beat you
We beat you on the painest and most palpa
Bile issue ever presented to the American peo-
pie, and one they understood the best and
now, when we come to the capital, we tell you
that our candidates must be inaugurated and
administer the government precisely as their
predecessors have done.
1t would be Illuminating and dishonorabe to
US we listened to a compromise by which we
should lay aside the verdict OF the people
when it comes to that you have no govern
ment, but anarchy intervenes and civil war
may follow, and all the evils that human i'm
"Bnallon can raise may be consequent upon
such course as that The American people
would lose the sheet anchor of liberty, when
ever II is denied on this floor that a majority
mlrly given shall not rule. | know not what
Others may do, but | tell you That with that
verdict of the people in my pocket, and stand
Jug ON the platform on which those candidates