Daily national Democrat., 1860-01-18
Daily National 1rmotrat.
Division of the State.
lCoNCLUDED.1 |

no one would burden his conscience with tht
gust reproaeh, that he had voted for intro
ducing here those immense calamaties, whicl
would rastrain our northern brethren from
coming here, and augment the burden of gov
ernment in the remaining part of the State
We do not trouble ourselves with reflections
whether slavery is right or wrong, let that be
the business of those who have it; do not an
prove the crime of Brown, think he deserved
auily the extreme penalty he suffered; but
cte "'ortuis nal nisi bene He stands now be
lore the tribunal Of the Supreme Judge Of the
Universe. We do not suppose that Seward
is in earnest, He perfectly well knows that
there are no legal means to abolish slavery
and if there were, that it could not be done
without paying damage to slave holders only
amounting to a trifle of about three thousand
millions and that even if they would charge
nothing, and set their four millions of slaves
free now, there could not occur any calamity
more enormous to the United States than
shis Think only, these unhappy beings, not
IN the habit of taking care of themselves, to
conduct themselves by free choice, but only
having fear of fogging for their motive
think them let loose what could become of
them more than to be tigers, incendiaries,
highwaymen, murderersl How many white
men would lose their lives before they were
all slaughtered. This would be the end oft.
did they in the South change their threat of
dissolution of the Union to abolition of their
slaves, think they could effect something
thereby And that may be the reason why
the Republicans will have fence around the
South, for bringing abe slaves there, when
the South lets them loose.
Most of us are yet or have before been la
boring men. Many have by bodily work
gained the means by which they obtained the
more easy and comfortable position which
they now occupy. We can do our work our.
selves, do not want slaves to do it for us;
give gladly to those who help us, part of
the profits made by their work. Labor is
honorable in California. Upon the laboring
class depends the progress and welfare of the
land. Under slavery, California must take
retrograde course. We, the laboring class,
will certainly not vote for our own exclusion,
and see slaves take the places where we could
earn means to enjoy life.
Mr. Latham is right Had the Lecompton
majority in the legislature done as the con-
stitution Of the State prescribes, as they by
colana, oafk hoI II - l.. - Al.
pie decide themselves whether they would
have their State divided or leave it so, as it
was formed in the constitution within the
boundaries fixed in the 18th article they
would unanimously have voted no alteration
in the boundaries and no alteration of the
18th article, and they know it very well.
That was the reason why they would not ad-
NIT the people to vote, usurped the right of
the people, took refuge in Jesuitism, covered
their violation of the constitution, which
they had sworn to obey, under one word
%egiSIature," that common sense forbids to
accept in any other meaning, than the
one that agrees Mith common sense. And so
tits exactly with the rules of law interpre-
tation, at least not half a century ago was
not yet introduced the rule, that the most
absurd meaning of a word in law, was the
one which the interpreter, should use. On
the contrary, all Professors in five different
Universities where studied law taught that
should always look for such meaning of
word as would agree with reason and all
other laws. And when l found such mean
ing, then | might be assured that it was the
right one And this experiment l applied to
said word Legislature" 1t agreed with com
mon sense, the California constitution, with
the Federal constitution, with the interest of
the people, with the idea of Republic with
the truth, that the States had resigned some
of their powers to the General Government,
but retained some, that among the latteris
found the right of the people in State to
determine for themselves what extent of
legislative power they will confer upon their
legislative servants See said | to myself,
with all this agrees the word Legislature"
understood to mean that the legislature can
only consent to division of the State when
they previously have heard the people, have
obtained the permission of their sovereign,
the people, to consent and consequently in
form Congress that the people consent, and
that now Congress may make it out whether
at be desirable to the Nation at large to trans
fer part of State back again to National
territory.
And then l looked at the state Of things
when the Federal constitution was framed,
and observed that there already, by the
formation of the first constitution, the articles
of confederation, had been q great dispute
among the States, because Virginia, Georgia,
North and South Carolina upon charters
which they had obtained from the King of
England, whose authority and charters were
thrown overheard by the Declaration of In
dependence claimed to extend so far west
ward or to the Mississippi even to the South
sea, as they called the Pacific formerly, while
the other States maintained that those four
States had only right to so much of it as was
granted to individuals in those States, the
balance being yet in the hands of the Indi-
ans, and had to be gained from them or from
the King of England by the blood and trea
sure of ALL and ought therefore to be a com
mon property, to be held by Congress for the
benefit Of all States, granted out, sold and the
money applied to pay the cost of the war ant
the debts Of the Nation. But the four States