Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, 1860-12-13

'Ef 10. lSOO.
an inspection of the Constitution, that this
is not among the specific and enumerated
powers granted to Congress and it is equal
ly apparent that its exercise is not "neces
sary and proper for carrying into execution"
any one of these powers. So far from this
power having been delegated to Congress,
it was expressly refused by the Convention
which framed the Constitution.
1t appears, from the proceedings of that
body, that on the 3lst May, 1887, the
clause "authorizing an eaertion Of the
force Of the aOhole against a delinquent
State" came up for consideration. Mr..
Madison opposed it in brief but powerful
speech, from which I shall extract but a
single sentence. He observed: "The use
of force against State would look more
like declaration of war than an infiction
of punishment; and would probably be
considered by the party attacked as dis
solution of all previous compacts by which
it might be bound" Upon his motion the
clause was unanimously postponed, and
was never, I believe, again presented
Soon afterwards, on the 9Th June, 1887,
when incidently adverting to the subject,
he said: Any Government for the United
States, formed on the supposed practicable
ity of using force against the unconstitu-
tional proceedings of tie States, would
prove as visionary and fallacious as the
government of Congress- evidently pean-
ing the then existing Congress of the old
Confederation
Without descending to particulars, it
may be safely asserted, that the power to
make war against State is at variance
with the whole spirit and intent Of the
Constitution. Suppose such war should
result in the conquest of State, how are
we to govern it afterwards Shall we hold
it as province, and govern it by despotic
power? In the nature of things we could
not, by physical force, control the will Of
the people, and compel them to elect Sen
ators and Representatives to Congress, and
to perform all the other duties depending
upon their own volition, and required from
the free citizens of free State as constitu.
ent member of the Confederacy.
But, if we possessed this power, would We
be wise to exercise it under existing cir
cumstances The object would doubtless
be to preserve the Unior. War would moi
only present the most efectual means o.
destroying it, but would Danish all hope o.
its peaceable reconstruction. Besides, il
the fraternal conflict, a vast amount O.
blood and treasure would be expended
rendering future reconciliation between the
!. States impossible. In the meantime, VIII
can foretell what would be the suffering
i. and privations Of the people during its ex
istence?
}, The fact is, that our Union rests upor
public opinion, and can never be cementet
by the blood of its citizens shed in civi
war If it cannot live in the affections o
the people, it must one day perish. Con
gresf possesses many means Of preserving
it by ronciliation but the sword was no
placed in their hand to preserve it by force
But may I be permitted solemnly to in
! woke my countrymen to pause and delibe
, rate before they determine to destroy this
J the grandest temple which has ever beer
{ dedicated to human freedom since tht
world began? 1t has been consecrated b.
the blood of our fathers, by the glories o
, thu past and by the hopes of tho future
, The Union has already made US the mos
: prosperous and, ere long, will, if preserved
render US the most powerful nation on tht
| face of the earth. In every foreign regior
of the globe the title of American citizen!
! is held in the highest respect, and wher
pronounced in foreign land it causes the
, hearts of our countrymen to swell with
) honest pride. Surely, when we reach the
7 brink of the yawuing abyss, we shall re-
coil with horror from the last fatal plunge
By such a dread catastrophe the hopes O.
!, the friends of freedom throughout the
world would be destroyed, and long nigh
of leaden despotism would enshroud the
nations. Our example for more than eigh
ty years would not only be lost, but it woult
J be quoted as conclusive proof that mar
, is unfit for self.government.
1t is not every wroug-nay, it is not eve
ry grievous wrong-which can justify re
sort to such a fearful alternative. Thi
ought to be the last desperate remedy Of
despairing people, after every other con
, stitutional means of cancellation has beer
exhausted We should reflect that unde
this free Government there is an incessan
: ebb and flow in public opinion. The sla
very question, like everything human, vii
: have its day. firmly believe that it la
: already reached and passed the culmina
} ting point. But if, in the midst Of th'
t existing excitement, the Union shall per
, ish, the evil may then become irreparable
> Congress can contribute much to avert i
: by proposing and recommending to the
legislatures of the several States the rene
dy for existing evils, which the Constitu
, tion has itself provided for its own preser
, vation.
This has been tried at different critical
periods of our history, and always with
eminent success. 1t is to be found in the
5th article providing for its own amend
meut. Under this article amendments
have been proposed by two-thirds of bott
Houses of Congress, and have been "rati
} fed by the Legislature Of three.fourths o.
IL CIalae ..l la-a aA.naa.a.4