Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-02-08

they ought not to be conceded. What are these de-
mands2 First. that tbe power Of Congress e pre-
vent the extension Of slavery shall be given up We
make no such demand; but what we say IS. that
Congress has no such power, and we demand that
Congress shall exercise no power that the Nonstltu-
ton does not confer. It is an issue between us, /
then, as to the construction Of the Constitution. Who
is to decide between rs. The Constitution answers
that It shall be decided by the Supreme Court. We
claim that the supreme Court has decided the ques-
ton in our favor Without attaching undue laip0I-
lance to the decision we may at least claim Tor Il
the respect and confidence awarded 70 all the adJu-
dicati0ns OF the highest judicial tribunal The de-
cision NAV possibly be reversed by some subsequent
eourt-buu until such reversal the South is at least
relieved from the charge Of having been 'aggres- I
sive in denying the power Of Congress to prchbit
the existence OF slavery in cur Territories.
1t is SAID IN the second place. that slavery Is ag
gressiTe because the South claims that the Const-
tuition of its force guarantees the right to take
and hold slaves, under its protection, In our Terri
tories. Our opponents JOIN issue with US on this
proposition. II IS constitutional question: and can
only be decided by the constitutional tribunal for
adjudicahng such issues We have the advantage
Of having the adjudication of the question il our
favor by that tribunal Until the court is changed,
or it reverses its decision we stand acquitted Of the
charge Of being aggressive.
The result then is. that the Republicans are con
scientousy Of opinion that the supreme Court mis-
understand and miseonstrue the Constitution, and
therefore they declare that they are determined to
these decisions Of the court are reversed
Let Us inquire seriously if this is a sufficient rea-
son for continuing the conflict Upon this pro
gramme, how long is the country TO be afflicted
with this perious strife. As the supreme Court Is
organized under the Constitution It may require
ten twenty, OF thirty ormore years, to make such
change in its composition to secure reversal Of
the decisions complained of. Does any rational
man believe that the bonds which tie TINS Con1ec
eracv together are strong enough to Withstand the
COLL 1eiou w q
riod indicated for the continuance Of the conflict
The first great object Of the Republicans is to get
possession Of the executive department Of the Gov
eminent. Suppose they should succeed and the
Union should survive the shock how much nearer
would that bring them to the accomplishment Of
their object! A Republican, President might for
swear himself and refuse to execute the law and en-
force the Constitution, but the decisions of the SUI
preme Court would stand unreversed. Deaths or
designations might possibly enable a Republican
President to secure the desired reyersals hut is it
upon the calculation Of possible chances and con-
tlngences like these that the country is to continue
to be convulsed by sectional agitation?
But The subject is susceptible OF sun more prae-
teal view. You assure US that the primary mot
the only object of your organization is to prevent
the expansion of slavery. As long as the question
as to tine existence Of slavery in Kansas was open,
there was some small amount Of plausbility in the
avOwed purpose of your organization But even
that slender pretext is now swept away. There Is
10 other Territory into which It is probable; if in
deed possible that slavery can be carried and main
tanned. Southern Shareholders know too well the
laws which regulate the value OF slave labor to be
guilty Of the folly of carrying it into any of our
present Territories The acquisition Of additional
territory Of any kind, and especially Of character
to invite slave labor, is too remote contingency to
/ be counJed within the range Of possibility What
then is there that is practical in your organization.
In the great contest about Kansas we had the empty
triumph of a change of the law by the court in
| favor; but you had the substantial triumph Of
/ verdict by the jury in your favor. We have the
consolation of having the law on our side; you have
the consolation of having the jury on your side.
What more do you WANT After pFotFacted CON
/ fict putting to hazard the COnfederacy, you may
possibly succeed in getting the court well as the
| jury on your side But the expansion of slavery
would be no more efectuaHy prevented then than
! it is now
1t is difficult to believe that for the accomplish
ment Of an object so remote and contingent means
so greatly disprOpOrtiOnate can be designed. Your
organization is confessedy powerful, possessing the
political control of nearly all the free States, work
ing through machinery that exerts its political in
huence throughout their vast limits, animating its
adherents with religious political zeal that dwarfs
all subjects except slavery into utter insignhcance,
and struggling for ascendancy in the Federal Gov
| eminent with stubborn persistency OF purpose
| that is wholly regardless of consequences.
Your organization is so emphatically based upon
! one idea that, when we appeal TO you 10 restore
! peace and harmony TO the country by dropping
the slavery question from political conflicts,
/ you answer us in candor that TO do that would
| be to disband your party. Your answer suggests
! a conclusive reason why your organization ought
| to be disbanded. You cannot exclude the slavery
question from your platform withous disbanding
your organization, for the plain reason that oppO-
siton to slavery Is its vital principle The pre-
vention of the extension of slavery Is the form in
/ which you present the issue; but you will not
deny that your opposition to its extension Is based
/ upon intense, active, and incorporating hos
tillty to the institution. This sentiment is infused
I into and impressed upon the northern mind from
the cradle up through all the stages of education
| to manhood. To hate slavery as a great sin Is a
standing theme for the pulpit The consequence
has been the formation of a public opinion which
violates without hesitation all that class of obi
cations which are leg1timately implied under a con-
federation of sovereign communities. These obi
/ cations rest upon the golden rule, Do unto others
as you would that others should do unto you
| They obligations dependent entirely for their
fullment the plighted faith Of the parties They
! cannot be enforced by legal means, and on that
account ought to be regarded and observed as hon
/ Orary pledges of friendship binding together a
| brotherhood Of sOvereiguties. These obligations
require such an exercise of the reserved rights and
powers on the part of each sovereignty as not to
interfere needessly with the enjoyment Of the re
served rights Of any other sovereignty OF the Con
federation. The freedom of conscience, Of speech,
and Of the press are all reserved rights, and each
| sovereignty has the unlimited exercise CT them !;
but the obligation of fraternity requires that they
shall not be exercised for the purpose Of affecting
iniuriousy the rights of other members Of the Con-
! federation. Can it be uuthfUlly said that these
! fPqternal obligations have been faithfully kept
The sentiment Of hostility to slavery has been so
intensified by the teachings of the schools and the
pulpits aided by the most unbridled license OF the
press and the freest exercise Of speech that pub
lie opinion will tolerate no legislative recognition
Of the legality of slavery in the States where it
exists by law 1t goes further; it seeks by legis-
lation to dissolve the relation Of owner and slave
! when the former either business or pleasure,
! makes a temporary visit into its jurisdiction. II
slave escapes into free state, pubic opmon
sanctions his concealment from pursuit, and even
tOlerates the giving of assistance in insurlng his
final loss to his owner. But it does not stop with
a violation Of the honorary obligations OF brother
| hood; it repudiates the express Obligations I'M
/ posed by the constitutional compact not only by
refusing 10 enact the laws necessary to the execu
/ ton of an express provision of the Constitution
! but by passing laws designed to prevent It's exc
| cution. The power of this public opinion Is mani
tested in the temples Of justice, Obstructing and
defeating the administration Of the law; IN the
temples of religion, converting them into arenas
for political agitation and in the halls Of legls-
latiOn, influencing them in the passage Of laws for
the obstruction and notification OF the constltu-
tional legislation of the Federal Government 1t
enters into old, long established political assOcia-
lions; dstr9ctS their harmony; corrupts their prn
ciples destroys their nationality abolishes their
| organizations and blots out their names Pre-
text after pPeIeHp Is selZeQ upon 70 Increase Thu
1 strengthen sectional jealousies and pPejudices
until a powerful antslavery sentiment is prepared
ready to be moulded by political ambition into
great sectional organization for the control Of the
Federal Government
The proposition TO give territorial governments to
Kansas and Nebraska in 1884, furnished the occa-
sion and the pretext for approprGting this powerful
sectional sentiment to party purposes The original
bill Of the Senator from Illinois Mr.. Douglas for
organizing Kansas, IN the exact language of the
acts of 1850. organizing New Mexico and Utah.
The bill was made to conform faithfully to the
nonntervention principle Of the legislation of 1885,
because that principle had been Endorsed by beth Of
the great national parties in 1852, and ratified by
the result of the popular After such evidences
that congressional nOn-intervention the fixed
solution Of the slavery question, itwonld have been
an nexcusable violation of the pghted faith Of the
two sections if the Senator from Illinois, rs chair
man of the Committee on Territories, had not fol-
lowed strictly the legislation of 1850. Immediately
after the introduction Of the bill, when its language
was identical with thatOf the acts Of 1850, violent
assault was made upon the measure in a circular
letter issued by several prominent Republicans Of
this body and of the ether House, in which strong
appeal YES made TO the aHtslayery sentiment at the
North in opposition to the sppllcftiGq Of the non
. %1,C .rre1 Nah al-a