Dallas herald. [volume] (Dallas, Tex.) 1849-1873, 1860-12-19


pacts by which il might be bound
Upon his motion tho clause WA
almost unanimously postponed, ant
was never believe, again presented
: Soon afterwards, on the 9TH Gay
of June, A. ID. 1887, while incident
ally advcrting to the subject, he sale
that any Government forthe unitct
States, formed or the supposed prac
ticabiiity of using force agalust th'
constitutional proceedings of The
State, would prove as visionary
and inllacioas rs the GoYcrpipept.q y
Congress evidently meaning thecX
isting Congress OF the old conlede'
ton. Mlthout descending TO par
ticularize it would be safely assert
cd that the power TO make wal
against II State is at variance with
the whole spirit and intent of the
Constitution.
Suppose such q war would result
consequent upon the action of Il
State, how are we to govern it after
wards? Shall we hold it as pro-
vince and govern it by despotic pow
cr? In the nature Of things, we
could not, by physical force, control
the will of the people so far rs to
compel them to elect Senators OF
REPRESENTATIVES to Congress, or to
perform all the other duties depend
ing upon their own volition and re-
o6ired from the free citizens Of a
free State as Constitutional mem
Der of the confederacy But if we
were possessed of this power, would
it be wise to exercise it under the
existing circum stanaes? The OBJ
iect would doubtless be to preserve
the Union.
War would not only present the
most etfectual means Of destroying
it but it would Danish all hope of
its peaceable reconstruction. Be-
sides, in.the fraternal conflict, much
blood and treasure woull be eX-
pended, rendering future concilia-
tion between the States impossible
In the meantime, who can fore
tell what would be the sufferings or
privations of the people during the
existence of such Il war? But l
may be permitted solemnly to in
woke my countlymen to pause and
deliberate before they determine to
destroy this grandest temple which
has ever been dedicatN to human
freedom since the world began. 1t
has been consecrated by the blood
of our fathers, by the glories Of the
past, and by the hopes Of the fu-
| ture.
The Union has already mude us
the most prosperous, and ere long
will, if preserved, render us the
most powerful nation on the face Of
the earth. In every foreign region
of the globe, the title of American
citizen is held in the highestrospect,
and when pronounced in foreign
land,,. it causes the hearts Of her
countrymen to swell with honest
pride.
Surely, when we reach the brink
Of the yawning abyss we shallrecoil
with horror from the last fatal
plunge. BY such dread catastro
phe the hopes of the friends Of free
dom throughout the world would be
destroyed, and long night Of lead
en- despotism will enshroud the ma
tons. Our example for more than
eighty years would not only be lost,
but it would be quoted as a proof
that man is unfit for self-govern-
ment.
1t is not every wrong nay, it is
not every grievous wrong, which
can justify a resort to such q fearful
alteinative. This OUGHT TO be the
last desperate remedy Of a despair
ing people, after every other con
.stitutional means Of conciliation
has been exhausted. We should
reflect that under this free govern
ment there is an incessant ebb and
flow in public opinion.
The slavery question, like every
thing human, will have its day. !
firmly believe that it has already
reached and passed the eliminating
point, but if, in the midst of the ex-
isting excitement, the Union shall
perish, the evil may become irrepar
able.
Congress can contribute much to
avoid it. by PROPOSING and recon-
mending to the Legislatures of the
several States the remedy for ex-
isting evils, which the Constitution
has itself provided for its own pre-
Eservation-
This has been tried - different
critical periods of our history, and
always with eminent success. 1t is
to be found in the fifth article, pro-
viding for its own amendment
Under this article, amendments have
been proposed by two-thirds of
both Houses of Congress, and have
been ratified by the Legislatures of
three-fourths Of the several States,
and have consequently become parts
of the Constitution. To this pro-
cess the country is indebted for the
clause prohibiting Congress from
passing any laws respecting an es-
tablishment of religion, or abridg-
ing the freedom of speech, or of the
powers, or of the right of petition.
To this we are also indebted for
the rights which<secure the people
against any abuse of power by the
Federal Government. Such were
the apprehensions justly entertain
ed by the friends of State rights at
that period, as to have rendered IT
extremely doubtful whether the
Constitution could have long sur
vivcd without these anondments.-