The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1860-09-04
Sion. B. F. perry VS.. pisunion.

RY letter OF August loth, Tor tne reuSon InaG u
is comparable with his past political history save
on one occasion when his love for the South was
paramount to his love for the Union. When q
horde of Northern barbarians came, sword in
hand, to murder the peaceable, quiet and Chris
tan STAKEHOLDER, and iberate his slaves, Maj. PER-
RY in our State Legislature made good resolves
which we are sorry to know that he has forgotten.
We do not doubt his patriotism, on the contrary
we believe that he loves the Union devotedly, but
we do doubt his craftsmanship at the present crisis
of our political affairs. This We say in all re-
spect to the ability of Mr.. PERRY, who is one of
the shining lights of our State, when the horrors
Of disunion do not obscure his mental vision. So
strong is his love Tor the Union that he would not
dissolve it though Lincoln be elevated to the Chief
Magistracy. We agree with the Hon. gcntl ian
that this presents 'sgrave and momentous qles-
ton, and that it should be calmly and dispassion-
ately considered" In this spirit VIC propose to
consider it, as far are able, while the memo
ries of this once glorious Union and the Fathers
of the Republic come crowding in upon us. There
is much in our country's history that the mind
can advert to with pleasure. We are willing to
venerate the names and characters of the men who
founded this Republic by throwing off the yoke of
foreign oppression, feeling confident that were
they living now, the same love Of justice and right
would cause them to resist unjust ahd oppressive
legislation at the hazard of disunion. What mel
ody and enchantment is there in the sound of I'm
ion, when there is no longer a Union of interest
and feeling? It is On empty sound, aud comes
not to the heart You may proclaim it from Ma
ryland to Texas, the response will be, 81 re us cur
rights, and by the names of our torcfathers re
will swear allegiance to the Union. The North
can preserve the Union by restoring to us our lost
rights-the South cannot unless she is willing to
yield the substance fer the shadow.
We are not one of those who would dissolve the
Union merely for the sake of disunion, or as they
are called, 'sdsunionists per Sc, Notwithstanding
we approved of the secession from the Charleston
Convention, the disruption which we ere told will
eyentuate in the election of Black Republican to
the Presidency. In which event. we say not
'sfearfully,' but foarlessy the Union must be dis
solved. Why should we fear when such men as
Messrs. Keitt, Orr and Boyce advocate the same
policy. This is worthy trio, without q Caesar.
o, Brutus! spare them, that they may servo their
country when the die shall have been cast, and the
flood Of disunion shall have subsidized.
We think the election of Black Republican to
the Chief Magistracy of this Union sufficient cause
for dsunion, because he goes into office with the
avowed purpose of carrying out measures inimical
to the South. But We are told that we must await
some overt act, that is until the President has vio
lated some principle Of the Constitution. Have
we not right to presume that Lincoln, if elected
will do all that he says he will do, if in his po,eri
Why does Maj. PERRY attribute to him untruthfu'
ness, and yet think him worthy to be President
If he believes Lincoln a truthful man, he must be.
party What did Mr.. Seward, in his Boston
speech, say would be the result of the election of
a Black Republican? We quote his language: 81
tell you, fellow citizens, that with this victory
comes the end of the power Of slavery in the Uni
ted States" Mr.. Seward is the oracle Of the par
ty, and he will be consulted He will inauguratc
his ehigher lay" doctrine, and the .'irrerressible
conflict will SO on-autil slavery is abolished
These are the things that Liifeelns ''wcak and
powcrless' administration are to perform. Shall
we look on until the ABOLITION schemes of the
Black RepublicaflkAsvll consummatcd before
we offer resistance, whenSSe are apprised by tue
leaders of that party Of the consequences of the
foolish as it is dastardly.
When government fails to give protection to
the persons and property of its citizens, the prr-
poses for which it is instituted the right of reyo
luton is unquestionable provided the sacrifice to
obtain them is not greater than the loss OF the
rights themselves. Would the horrors Of civil
war be greater to the South than the loss of the in
stitution of slavery? We cannot conceive Of any
thing that would bring greater calamities upon The
country than the sudden deprivation Of this inatl-
tuition. Could we entertain the views Of Mr.
PERRY, and regard slavery rs "out of the reach OF
the assaults of its foes, we, too, would cease to
regard the election of Black Republican as n
sufficient cause for disunion We would be willing
to give sold Abe' trial. and perhaps he would
ego out of office quite favorite with the South
ern people, This Abram, we fear, has never
been "justifed by faith" therefore, we are unEil-
ling to trust him. To prevent strife, we think the
herdsmcn of our CATTLE had better be separated
from the herdsmen of Abrams cattle.
We regard Mr.. PERRY as singularly unfortunate
in comparing Mr.. Lincoln to ex-Prcsidcnt Fill
more, and Us cgregiously wrong in saying that he
became President with worse record upon the
slavery question. Mr. Fillmore, when candi-
date for the Vice-Presdency in lS4S, said that he
sregarded slavery as an evil, but one with which
the national government had nothing to do; that by
the Constitution of the United States, the whole
power over that question was vested in the several
States where the institution was tolerated. If
they regarded it blessing, they had g consti-
tutional right to enjoy It's and if they regarded it
s,l .I.s l,.si ;la ana snny heSI INV