The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-11-24
VOW a.d Theu-ls7o, 1850.

PARLIAMENTARY OommltJee felatlvo 70 the fepea
OF the American Stamp act, was asked what
was the temper of America towards Great
Britain previous to 1858. The Doctor replied,
THE very best in the world. They submitted
willingly to the governmen mt of the crown, and
paid in their courts obedience to acts OF Par
lament Numerous as are the people In the
several old provinces, they cost you nothing In
forts, citadels, earrisons or armies to keep them
in subsection. They were governed by this
country at the expense only Of little PEN Ink
and paper they were led by thread. They
bad not only a respect, but an affection for
Great Britain-for its laws, Its customs, Its
manners, and even fendnees for Its fashions,
that greatly increased It's commerce"
If we 60 back ninety years and re-
view the political history of the colonies
without prejudice, we shall see that, from
the smallest and most apparently Insignificant
causes, the respect and love which our fore
fathers bore toward the old land was changed,
in lees than twenty years, to feeling of the
bitterest enmity. The earliest encroachment
made upon the rights of the colonists was In
l7GI, when the enforcement of the act levying
duties upon sugar, molasees, &c, was attempted
by means Of "writs of assistance" which en-
powered the Kings officers to search for arti
Giles supposed to have been smuggled. These
writs were often served in violent and Illegal
manner, and many complaints were made to
the home government These remonstrances
we're unhee ded, and the commanders Of British
men. ofwar were authorized to seize and confs
cate vessels engaged In contraband trade be-
tween the ports OF these colonies and the Vest
Indies thug almost annihilating our com.
merce with the West Indies. OF the
same character was the Boston Port
BILL which stirred up Hancock and Otis
to sound the first notes Of rebellion. The
colonial Assemblies claimed the sole right
| of imposing taxes upon their fellow
citizens, and sent rem onstrances to the King
embody ing the cardinal principle -"taxatiou
and representation are inseparable." On the
other eide of the water it was claimed that the
monopoly Of the colonial trade was inherent in
the British crown. Thus the direct issue was
rsised, and the quarrel brought to q eliminating
point in l7G5, when the Stamp act received the
royal assent The first Colonial Congress assem-
bled In October, 1885, and adopted Declare
ton Of Rights, a Petition to the King, and Me-
| mortal to both houses of Parliament The resist
| ance Of the colonists to the Stamp act was so
violent that 1t was repealed; but in 1867 tariff
acts equally Objectionable passed the House Of
Commons, and Commissioners of Customs were
sent out to enforce the new laws Between
this time and 1872 the coloniss poured In re-
moDs'rances upon the home government A few
| English statesmen-Pitt, Colonel Barre and
| other clear headed men endeavored TO stay the
| coming storm but without effect. The King
and his nearest advisers looked upon
the colonies as naughty children, to be
classified into submission. 1t must be re-
membered that up to this time the idea of sepa
ration from the crown was not entertained by
any considerable number Of persons in the
colonies. There had been riots at Boston, and
collision between the townspeople and the
British soldiers; but the same scenes might, in
deed, have been often enacted in England. 1t
was not until l776, fifteen years after the 'writs
| OF assistance" were first issued that the repre-
sentatives of the old thirteen colonies declared
that they were, and Of right ought to be, free
and Independent States. The colonies had
been literally bullied into this course. The
home government, boastful of Its superior
strength, its wealth, its army and navy, sneered
at the respectful remonstrances Of the Ameri
cans, and, as the Declaration says, spurned
them from the foot Of the throne. Then, during
seven long. weary years, that despised minority
stood up, with arms In their hands, battling for
their rights, and freedoms battle was won at
last.
All this may be a twice told tale; but |, will
do US no harm to take the most familiar exam
pie Of the grea, historical fact that under con
stitutional governments the minority Is never
go weak as TO be utterly contemplate. And II
we look at the attitude Of the Southern States
to-day and compare II with the position Of the
colonies ninety years ago, we may discover
valuable warning to the black republican jour
nalists who are doing their best to drive the
cotton States into open rebellion.
The cause which led TO our War Of Indepen-
dence was indeed trivial compared with that
which our Southern brethren have for diseatis-
faction. Our forefathers did not 20 TO war
with George the Third because they objected
to paying a few pence duty on their tea and
sugar They took up arms upon a matter Of
principle, to resist the encroachments Of an In
solent majority and the tyranny OF unfriendly
legislation. The South stands In similar atti-
tude. 1t is not mere tariff matter, as In
1882, this impending crisis Of 1850. The re-
publican leaders have declared, over and over
again, that the election Of Lincoln would be
the commencement Of the "irrepressible con-
fict," the issue Of which Is TO decide the great
question as 10 free and slave labor. The cot
ton States cannot 60 on without slave labor.
The moment that their present system Is broken
up, ruin and desolstion await them The de-
faDt attitude Of the black republican party ex