The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1860-12-17


Territories of all their Territorial officers.
Third-The donation Of one hundred and sixty
acres Of land to each actual settler.
Fourth-The delegation of legislative power over
a Il subjects not inconsistent with the Constitution
of the United States.
Fifth-Whenever there shall be sufficient num-
Der of inhabitants to form State government
they shall be admitted as State, with or without
slavery, as the people may decide by majority
vote, fairly taken, provided their Constitution is
Republican in form.
Mr.. Kellogg spoke at some length in support of
his proposition, and then proceeded to defend Mr..
Lncoln's policy. He declared him to be opposed
to any interference with slavery in the States
where it exists under the Constitution; that Mr..
Lincons wish is to bring back the question where
the fathers had placed it that he was in favor of
an efficient Fugitive Slave Law. Mr.. Kellogg
argued that the fathers of the country OPP
posed to the further spread Of the institution of
slavery, and so is Mr.. Lincoln. He said the ''irre
pressble conflict doctrine frequently charged
upon Mr.. Lincoln, was the result of the opposing
forces on the subject within the slave States them
selves, the systems of free and slave labor being
tagonistic Mr.: Kellogg sustained his positions by
copious quotations from Mr.. Lincoln's published
speeches, and bis remarks were frequently inter
rupted by Southern members, who questioned Mr..
Kellogg relative to Mr.. Lncon's views.
Remarks were made by others, but to no import
ant point.
The committee adjourned to Monday next-Cor.
Ne,g York Herald.
THE sIGNERs OF THE SOUTHERN MANIFESTO.
The following is full and corrected list of the
names of the Southern members of Congress who
signed Reuben Davis manifesto to the cotton
States:
J. j.. Pugb, of Alabama.
David Clopton, of Alabama.
Sydenham Moore, of Alabama.
j. l.. M. Curry, of Alabama.
j. A. Stallworth, of Alabama.
J. w. II. Underwood, OF Georgia.
l.. j. Gartrell, of Georgia
James Jackson, of Georgia.
John j. JONES' of Georgia.
Martin J. Crawford, of Georgia.
Alfred Iyergon, U. S. Senator, of Georgia.
George S. Hawkins, of Florida.
T. G. Hindman, of Arkansas.
Jefferson Davis, U. 5. Senator, of Mississippi.
A. G. Brown, U. S. Senator, of Mississippi
VIM. Barksdale, of Mississippi.
Reuben Davis, of Mississippi.
Burton Craig, of North Carolina.
Thomas Rufiin, of North Carolina.
John Slidell, q. S. Senator, of Louisiana.
j. P. Benjamin, U. S. Senator, of Louisiana.
j. Nj. Landrum, of Louisiana.
Lewis 7. Wigfall U. S. Senator, of Texas.
John Hemphill, U. S. Senator of Texas.
J. IL. Reagan, of Texas.
NJ. l.. Bonham, of South Carolina.
W. Porcher Miles, of South Carolina.
John Mcqueen, of South Carolina.
John ID. Ashmore, of South Carolina.
LETTER FROM Ex-Gov. WISE.
Ex-Governor Henry A. Wise thus defines the
meaning of the phrase ''fghting in the Union," to
a gentleman of Columbia, Ca, who wrote him on
the subject
RoLLIsToN, near Norfolk, Va, Dec. l, 1860.
Dear Sr;-Yours of the 22d ult. was late COM
ing to hand. | now thank you for it. As to my
doctrine of "fghting in the Union" it is one Of
true policy.
l. If sovereign State is Judge of the infraction
well as of the mode and measure of redress, she
may remain in the Union TO resent or resist wrongs
well as to do so out of the Union.
pth thar hav-o mfr a1 lba mir
she, the State wronged is bound to defend the Con-
stituton and Union against those who have infrac-
ed the one and threatened the other. Logically the
Union belongs to those who have kept, not those
who have broken, its covenants
3. The Union is not an abstraction; it is a real,
substantial thing, embracing many essential and
vital political rights and properties. 1t has nation
atty lands, treasury, organization of army, navy,
ships, dock-yards, arsenals, &C., &C., &c. Shall
we renounce these rights and possessions because
wroDg-doers attempt to deprive of other rights?
Is it not c0Wardy to renounce right to save
another? Are these rights not as precious as the
mere right of property in negroes? But,
4. If YOU secede, you not only renOunce the Union
and its professions, but you fail to unite your peo
pie, because you do not renounce these rights
Wake man up to destroy the Union and COEsti-
tuition and he will stare at you and turn away. But
tell him that the Constitution is intracted and the
Union threatened by black republicans and call
him to aid you in defending both against those who
would destroy BOTH and he will act heartily with
you.
5. Then how is this to be done? The third clause
of the tenth section of the first article of the
Constitution of the United States permits a
State to keep troops and ships of war in time of
peace, and to engage in when actually inva-
ded, or when in such imminent danger as will not
admit of delay. Now, are we not actually invaded?
Is our danger not imminent? Does it admit Of de-
lay? May not sovereign State so decide2
G. And what is the difference? VIII it not be
revolution and war in either event?
| say, then, stick to all your rights renounce
none, fight for all and save all!
Yours truly, &C., HENnY A. WISE.