Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-08-22
The STANDARD.
LETTER FROM WIN. B. R0DMAN, ESQ,
Elector for The Second Congressional District Q,
Norkh-NtrnLind . ,-,-..

Elector for he Second Congressional Distriet q
North Uurotiaa -,..-.
WASHINGTON, N. c., Aug. 8, 1860.
10 tie Editors Of the Enquirer:
GENTLEMEN: The Convention which nominated
me Democratic Elector, did not anticipate that
there would be two candidates for the Presidency
claiAAing to be Democratic.
That circumstance imposes on me the duty OF
asaking publicly known what my course Will be IN
case Of nv election. have delayed doing SO in
the expectation that State convention might as
semble and declare authoritatively the position Of
the party; that seems now improbable | shall
vote for Breckenridge and Lane as President and
Vice President In my opinion North-Carolina
owes to them firm and united support. In case,
however, it shall clearly appear that the vote Of
North. Carolina, If given to them, will be thrown
away; and il given to Douglas or Bell, would de.
feat Lincoln reserve to myself the right of voting
q in my opinion will accomplish that object If |
supposed that the course which propose to myself
would not meet the general approval Of the Demo-
crats of the District would retire from the posi-
ton they have assigned me. But have no reason
so to suppose To this statement Of my position,
l will add some reasons in support Of it.
We cannot conceal from ourselves the fact that
the only real issue between parties is the question
oil slavery and there be no peace until that is
settled We may deplore it; We may shut our
eyes to the R6ct nevertheless, it exists as fact
The different ways in which parties propose to treat
this question constitute the difference between them
The Republicans call slavery barbarsm, and sin
which ought to be extirpated They propose, as
Mr. jefferson said ito give the slaves freedom and
. dagger" Some Of them are for doing it immedi-
stay.
The plan of the more moderate, which they say
is strictly within the Constitutional powers of Con-
gress is to hem in the slave States with free terri
tory Thus, no outlet will be allowed to the slaves,
and thus in few years. the increasing numbers Of
the two races, confined within limited area, will
render the slaves useless, then bring a struggle
for existence, and finally, conflict Of extermina-
ton. Southern State thus situated, would pass
through scenes of horror over which the eye of day
would close 1T would be pandemonium, Of which
the black holein Calcutta was feeble type. The
ultimate result Of the plans of all of them is the
same The only difference between the plans of
Garrison and Lincoln, is Of time and means
Such are the designs Of the Republican party,
openly avowed, and they have now every prospect
Of eecting President pledged and willing to carry
them out Are they in violation of the Constitu-
tional compact? Are they insulting to the honor
and dangerous to the peace and safety of every
Southern State? On these points there can be no
difference Of opinion. There three parties claim
ing-and 80 far as their Southern adherents are
cerned, no doubt, sincerely claiming-to be opposed
to these designs.
They propose different methods of meeting them;
the difference in these methods constitutes the diff
ference, and the only important difference between
the parties Of which Douglas Bell and Breckenridge
are the respective representatives.
will briefly state these different methods of op-
position and leave it to the people Of North Carolina
to decide which is most likely to be effectua They
were never called upon to answer more important
question.
The position Of Douglas is that although Con.
gress has no power to prohibit slavery in terrific
~ yet the legislature Of the territory may rghtful
ly do So either directly indirectly, by unriendly
legislation. Such position, in my opinion, has no
warrant in the Constitution, and is subject to the
absurdty of giving to the legislature, which is the
mere delegate of.Congress power which the prin-
cipal has not. will answer this position by the
mastery argument Of Mr. Calhoun. He says:
IL have now shown trust beyond controversy,
that Congress has no power whatever, to prevent
the citizens Of the Southern States from emigratng
with their property into the territories of the Uni
ted States orto give an exclusive monopoly to the
North. [ propose now to 60 one step further and
show thatneher the inhabitants of the territories,
nor their legislatures, have any such right very
few words will be sufficient for the purpose; for of
oil the positions ever taken, hold that, which
claims the power for them, the most absurd If the
territories belong to the United States-if the own
ership, dominion, and sovereignty over them, be in
the States of this Union, then neither the inhabi-
tants Of the territories their legislatures can
exercise any power but what is subordinate to them
but if the contrary could be shown, which hold
to be impossible, it would be subject to the restrc-
tons, to which have shown the power of Congress
is; and for the same reason, whatever power they
might hold would as in the case supposed, be sub
IN fhn troll, b NV bo
nature ard character of our political institutions
But If the reverse be true-if the dominion and
sovereignty the territories be in their nhabi-
tants, instead Of THE United States--they would
indeed in that case have the exclusive and absolute
power of governing them, and might exclude whom
they pleased, and what they pleased. But in that
case they would cease to be territories of the Uni.
ted States, the moment We required them and per-
nitted them to be inhabited. The first half dozen
q ssuatters would become the sovereigns with full
d0msai0n and sovereignty over them, and the con-
quered people of New Mexico and California, would
become the sovereigns of the country as soon as
they became the territories of the United States,
vested with the full right of excluding even their
conqueross. y Works of Calhoun, VOL W. y. 45S.
But, it is urged, that however weak or absurd
this proposition is Constitutional doctrine, vet it
ought to be accepted as a compromise, and for the
sake of peace because it takes the slavery agitation
OUT OF congress, Wnere IL Is dangerous, and trans
fcrs it to the territories where it is not
1t does indeed transfer the agitation to the terri
tories to be fought out there by emigrants, armed
and sent out by Emgrant Aid Societies; the terri
tories are desolated by fratricdal strife and the
whole country is stunned by the noise Of it; but
then the question comes back to Congress, in form
more complicated unmanageble and dangerous than
ever. Experience shows this to be so. Witness
Kansas! The agitation was carried there, but did
the country gain peace9 Did not the agitation re-
turn to Congress, more enyenomed than ever? The
proposition has as little to recommend it as mat
ter Of expectancy as it has as Constitutional doctrine.
The Douglas plan is at best but compromise,
and = compromise which, in effect gives up our
claim. Looking at the history of Kansas and the
superior power Of the North from the tide of for
eigu population constantly flowing into t-enough
annually to make Shte-who can expect that any
territory which we may hereafter acquire, no matter
where situated can be settled slave State under
the doctrine of Mr.. Douglase
The party which proposes Mr.. Bell as its candl.
date, proposes no solution of this question at all
they shut their eyes to the fact that the agitation
= - Il o,~l Nnks