The Tiffin weekly tribune. (Tiffin, Ohio) 1859-1868, 1860-07-27
rrncits OF the IgcIrcnt.

AENcka OF NAle NclEcun
We give below few extracts IRON
different speeches, showing tho lifIeren
steps marking Douglas Abandonment o
the doctrine Of popular sovereignty Ii
1853, IN a speech at Galcsburq Illinois
he enuuciated that doctrine rs follows;
/ "Tte great 6urdamcniai principle oJ
our Gov5rnmeai Is, that the people OF
7 each State aud Territory slaY b perfect
! " free 70 decide for hcmselrss what Shall
be the nature aud character of their in
stitutions."
This is explicit. The absolute sove.
reignty orthe people Of the tcrritorie.
and their right to decide this question oI
slavery for themselves is asserted, With
out reservation. orcourse the fair and
only inference Ia that the constitution
recognizes that sovoreinnty and right
else why should il be asserted so positive
lyl
But the Southern people bad doubts "a
to the safety Of leaving the settlement Of
this question 70 the people orthc terri.
tories, and their fears must bo quletcd.--
Accordingly, they were soothcd with the
following concession in his speech at
New Orleans in December, 1893;
"SlaUes Gre regardcd as proPeriy, dnd
placed on an eqUd' footing with ali other
property. Hence the'owner Of slaves
the same as tho owner Of any other spe-
cics Of property, has right 10 remorc 10
anv terriiOry and carry his property riih
aim"
Two years olupse, and the country is
on the eve Of another Presidential con-
test. Mr.. Douglas is anxious to secure
the nomination Of the Democratic party,
which has always been controlled by liz
southern wing. That controlling power
must be propitiOtod, In his speech in
the Senate, last February, Mr.. Douglas
makes a deolorationin strange contradic-
ton to that uttered by him two ycurs be-
fore, at Galesburg. The people arc no
longer perfectly free to decide for them
selves' in this matter Of slavery. He a.
Dandons that fundamental principle"
and declares that the people have no
nowor except that which Is given them
by the organic act Of Congress. Hc says;
81 do not hold that squuttcr sovereign
y IL superior TO the Constitution. hold
hat no such MiRg as SOVerC ign pOusr a. |
aches to a Territory as Territory / I
iold that Territory POSSESSES whatever
,ower Il derives from the Constitution,
fRder tho organic act, and no more"
A few weeks later, to show the South |
low popular sovereignty had operated to
he advantage Of slavery, he declared in
ais speech in the Sluate---on tho 10th of
i0n the people Of New mexico have con-
'ertod tract OF tree Territory into slave
Territory more than fUe times Che sac Of
NE state Of Nei0 York"
Let the reader contrast these two last
extracts with the first one from his G alos-
,urg speech, and the extent of his de-
,arturc from the doctrine Of popular sove-
eighty, as originally laid down by him
elf becomes apparent. lie started out
With the principle that the people Of the
errtorios had sovereign control over the
ubject of slavery; and the advocates Of
his doctrine throughout the free States
,oastingy proclaimed that its effect
would be TO make the territories tree
And now, the author Of this doctrine no
onger asserts Il to be a fundamental
principle (Which must be independent Of
but mere contingency de-
pendent upon the will Of thut body; and
,e holds the reverse Of what his friends
n the North have held, that its opera
ion in New Mexico, has made slave ter
'itory of tract of free territory five times
IS large as the State Of New York.
Add to this tho declaration Of Herschcl
v. Johnson, at Rome, Georgia, and the
portrait of the representatives Of popular
sovereignty, as painted by themselves is
Property Of all kinds, slaUe as iosH as
any other, stands upon the snme constl-
tutional basis, and subject 10 the same
Of recognition aud PROTEC-
TION en- he LEGISLATIVE, Judicial
and Executive Departments Of The GeRsT-
al Government.