Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-05-23
episste slavery into and maintain it in the Terrific

vantageOusly under these circumstances? put IL
to the common sense of everybody if that can DC ex
pected. will not say, as southern gentleman
said to me the other day, who was in favor OF .
Gabriel was put upon slave-code plank he would
be defeated all through the North. l do not know
anything about what sort of run angels would
make; but am clearly of the opinion that it would
weaken any candidate We run in the North. Why
All men have pride of opinion; all men have re-
gard for consistency. If this were new question,
and no ground had been taken upon it. it pos
sibe that VIC might bring up many gentlemen TO tne
point of passing proposition to protect slavery III
the Territories; but when they have stood upon
non-intervention for ten years; when all their con-
venions have adopted it, ask you if it is possible
that they can be prepared at this time to turn right
about and 20 for Intervention. II does not help
the matter at all that this thing is held in uturo
Suppose it be said that whenever it is necessary;
Congress must legisate to protect slave property
the Ab0tionsts build say in this canvass, ut Will
be necessary as soon as the presidential election is
over if you carry the day" They will say that OF
course. Our friends, perhaps, may dispute il, and
say they think it will be long time before It is nee
essary; but that is the argument they will have to
meet. The Abotionists will hold up all the bloody
slave codes from the time of Draco down, and tell
the northern people that this is the music they have
got to face. If we are going to legislate at all,
have no doubt upon earth it would be better for us
to pass statute now declaring that slave and all
other property should be protected in all the Terri
tories of the United States during the territorial con-
diton: because men would see that statute, would
know what it meant, and have a better chance to
defend it.
But again, Mr.. President, it is argued that there
are differences of opinion the subject of nonn-
PREVENTION and the meaning of the Cincinnati plat
FORM really do not think there is any difference
of opinion as far as the action of Congress is con-
cerned l think no man can read that platform, or
the Nebraska BILL the speeches on that OCCASION
without seeing that are all agreed so far as con-
gressional action is concerned. have extracts from
the speeches of many southern Senators and Rep
resentatves upon the occasion Of the passage Of the
Kansas Nebraska bill, but do not choose to read
them. In the first place, the argumentum ad hor-
nainem is not very convincing one to an intelligent
mind. In the next place, to show that this was the
universal opinion of the party then, as could do in
this way, should have to take up the time of the
Senate to too great length, and | should Also per-
haps. oblige gentlemen to make explanations of their
positions. But l think it abundantly clear that
Congress not to interfere with the subject; that
the difference Of opinion upon the point after that
what would be the effect of congressional nonin-
PREVENTION. Some gentlemen said that the Terrific
ries might legslatc to protect slavery, but not to
prohibit it. Others said they might egislate either
to prohibit it or not This question, from necessity,
is one that the courts must determine. Suppose a
law is passed by Territorial Legislature; who de-
termines its constitutionality and validity The
courts Our opinion will not control the courts
Suppose the Senate should resolve unanimously
that particular thing was legal and constitutional;
the Supreme Court, or any other court, would not
be bound to adopt it at ALL There is, in fact, no
difference as far as the action of Congress is re-
qulred, on the subject. We differ as to what the
court will decide about the power of Territory
I, for example, believe, ard have said again and
again that think the court will hold that Terri
torial legislature has right to protect property,
and cannot ;egislate against it. think so. Some
body else entertains an opposite opinion. 1t is ne
cessariy judicial question.
But again. sir, it is said that the Cincinnati plat.
FORM with the doctrine of nonintervention. is
strued differently by different people So is the Con-
stituti0n Of the United States; and vet VIC have
never thought proper to make new constitution.
So is the Bible the churches have divided about it
for the last two thousand years or more; and yet
Providence has not thought proper to favor us with
new Bible Nobody has asked it. Perhaps am
wrong-I believe the abolitionsts have said that the
times demanded an anti-slavery constitution an
ti.slavery Bible and anti-slavery God; and they
have made for themselves new constitution in the
higher law" and, for aught know, they may
adopt Joe Smiths Mormon Bible. They have casl-
ly found divinity in John Brown; and some of them
are relying, they say, "on him. ard him hanged"
But ! do not find that any considerable portion of
the Christian world asks for new divinity or a
different Bible, ard yet they differ about it. So
with regard to the constitution. Itturns out there
FORE that the Cincinnati platform stands in the same
position with these other great instruments in this
respect.
hail,
of the convention when that platform was adopted
at Cincinnati, and it was unanimously adopted and
was satisfactory. What has occurred since? |
know OF nothing that is supposed TO have any bear.
ing upon it. except the bred Scott decision. If gen.
tlemen say that that ought to be part of our plat
form, doubt whether anybody will object Every
Democrat that know of yields to the decisions Of
the courts on questions of that kind | prefer
though, taking the decision itself to any man. com
mentary upon it, just as 1 would prefer adopting
the Bible to the views any commentator. If should
attempt to read in any court what somebody said
was former decision, the judges would stop me
and say "Give us the decision ITSELF" because the
Judges know their opinions, and can express then
better than anybody else.
But, Mr.. President, may say that look upor
platforms for candidates very much as do upon tn,
weights that are put upon horses. | think the les
OF platform you hamper a candidate WITH gener
orally, so you express your principles clearly, tn
better; inst as the less weight you put upon hors
the better race he runs. have great many right
that were not in the Cincinnati platform. do no
expect to have them all put intoit getthem there
should have to have the Constitution of the Uni
ted States certainly all there and the constitution
my own State, and no doubt some other great natu
"a! rights that are not in either. My friend from
Missouri mr. Green) suggests to me the Bible also
Are we to expect everything to be put inf If W
do, do not know how large we should make it.
1t would be just as absurd as if man who had
horse that was going to run great race, and o.
which he had bet largely, should put upon his bac
all the property he had in the shape of kettles, mil
stones or anything else cumbersome That woul
be the height of absurdity. tell you further, M,
President after we get candidate in the field, an
ne is running against our adversaries over the way
the very gentlemen who now may be disposed t
bubble, and who want to insist on this and that
they saw that he was hampered ana was likely t
lose support, would be very sorry that he wa
thus placed in false position. My real liking fc
the Cincinnati platform was, that it had been fou
years before the country, everybody understood i