Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1860-11-21
Tbe Risht Of Peaocablo Secession.

are most likely 10 overlook Ia bne organic
principle Of their own government, perhaps
it might be said that this is the thing Of
which, in general, they have the least practi-
cal conception. We all admit that the
organic principle Of our form of polity is the
right of self fgovernment-the will of the J
people constantly active in the framework |
and administration. Wehold that the right |
of selfgovernment is a native right, in aerent |
in humanity, and vested, for its own pur-
poses, in every body Of people; and yet weare
prone to forget that as corollary from this |
idea, we have no title to impose any species |
of copstraint upon the selfgoverning power
of other communities.
So it has been in all ages of the world.
The Greciau Republics saw nothing in
consistent in their claim to exercise despotic
authority over their provinces. The Repub-
lies of Switzerland had their subject can
tons, which they taxed and governed regard
less of the principle upon which they founded
their own title to independence; and the
people of the thirty odd Republics of the
United States find it impossible to get over
the notion that their brethren in the Terrific.
ries need some sort of outside permission be-
fore they cen attain to the right to govern
themselves.
South Csrolina-we employ the name
a single State to indicate the whole of those
be they more or less, who assume a similar
position-South Carolina talks of seeding
from the Confederacy of North American
States; and the question-urgent in proper
tion to the probability that she will carry
her talk into Effects, What then2 We
suspect that the question is purely fancy
one; like thousands of others which the
people will, and therefore the journals are
obliged to discuss but it is up; and we
should be, as the orators say, 'recreant to
our duty" if we should fail to meet it with
solemnity commensurate with its possible
importance.
We believe that the right of any member
of this Confederacy to dissolve its political
relations with the others and assume an
independent position is absolute-that, in
other words, if South Carolina wants to go
out of the Union, she has the right to do so,
and no party or power may justly say her
nay. This we suppose to be the doctrine of
the Declaration of Independence when it
afIirms that governments are instituted for
the protection of men in their lives, liber-
ties, and the pursuit of happiness; and that
whenever any form of government becomes
destructive of these ends, it is the right of
the people to alter or abolish it, and to insti-
tute new government, laying its foundation
on such principles, and organizing its powers
in such form, as to them shall seem most
likely to effect their safety and happiness"
Whether the Government of the United
States is such an one as is best calculated to
protect the lives, liberties and so forth, of
the people of South Carolina, is question
which they alone are legally qualified to de-
eide. We may have our opinions; butour opin-
ions, whatever they may be, are not, and can
not be made, binding upon them. When
the people of the British Colonies declared
the Government of the Mother Country in
toIerabIe, they did 1t as the result of their
own reflection and experience; nor did they
deem it necessary to inquire whether King
George, his counsellors or his home subjects,
ooncurred in their convictions. They
thought it wrong and burden, and there
fore they threw it off. The world has pro-
nounced a clear verdict in favor of their
right to choose, and Of the correctness of
their conclusions.
If this view of the legal aspects of this
case is correct, it goes to settle the entire
question. What is to be done2 Simply
nothing. Will we go to initiate the conduct
of the "British tyTant," which we have in
30 many thousand forms condemned, and
send armies and navies to South Carolina to
reduce her to subjection2 The idea of fore
ing men to belong to and carry on their
share of the machinery of a governmental
which the very essence is the free will Of
the constituent parts to act as they please
or not to act if they prefer, is to the last
degree preposterous. Let South Carolina
in Gods name, go if she wants to. The fact
that she does want to, constitutes all the
title that is necessary. Let her go in peace
and the States of the North would be vio
lators of the fundamental doctrine of thu
Declaration of American Independence, i
they should take any forcible measures tt
prevent her departure.
If our opinion were asked upon the point
we should say that South Carolina has N
good reason to offer for leaving the Union
nor any substantial cause of complain
against it, and that her conduct at the pres
ent time is as unjust in its professed aims a
it is ridiculous in its demonstrations. Bu
this misjudgment and folly works no di;
franchisement. She has still the right I
judge, and to act upon her Judgment an
the only party to which she is responsible
for the correctness Of her decision is hersel
1t is curious circumstance, however, that
is in the South we find the advocates both
the right of secession and of the right Of cC
eTcion. The general voice Of the North
we believe, in favor of permitting South Ca
olina TO 90 out of the Union, or not to go o.
of it, as she prefers. 1t is otherwise with Il
South, where the doctrine Of the right Of C
ercion pretty generally obtains. The Sou
may, therefore, be quite safely left to
self nor is it improbable that upon this vel
point Of the right of peaceable secession the
will be an almost iTrepressible conflict.
b. SANDERS PIATT vaeates the chair edit
rial of the Aae-G-ehesk Press, in the Ia
number of that journal, and John Robi