Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1860-12-12
justified in revolutionary resistance to the
Government of the Union.

justified in revolutionary resistance to the
government of the Union.
THE RIGHT OF STATES TO sECEDE.
| have purposely confined my remarks to
revolutionary resistance, because it has been
claimed within the last few years, that any
State, whenever this shall be its sovereign
Will and pleasure, may secede from the Union,
in accordance with the Constitution, and with
out any violation of the constitutional rights
of the other members of the Confederacy that
as each became parties to the Union by the
votes of its own people assembled in Conyen-
tion, so any one of them may retire from the
| Union in similar manner by the vote of such
a convention. In order to justify secession
as constitutional remedy it must be on the
principle that the Federal Government is a
mere voluntary association of States, to be dis
solved at pleasure by any one of the contrac-
ting parties. If this be so, the Confederacy
is rope of sand, to be penetrated and dissol-
we'd by the first adverse wave of public opinion
in any of the States. In this manner our
thirty three States may resolve themselves
into as many petty, jarring, and hostile repub-
lies. each one retiring from the Union, with
out responsibility, whenever any sudden ex
citement might impel them to such course.
By this process Union might be entirely
broken into fragments in few weeks, which
cost our forefathers many years of toll, priva-
ton and blood, to establish. Such princi-
pie is wholly inconsistent with the history as
well as the character of the Federal Censti-
tuition. After it was framed, with the great
est deliberation and care, it was submitted to
conventions of the people of the several States
for ratification. Its provisions were discussed
at length in these bodies composed of the first
men Of the country. Its opponents contended
that 1t conferred powers upon the Federal
Government dangerous to the rights of the
nfna lyhy LIST ia On 0Infn Innhf hat
under fair construction of the instrument
there was no foundation for such apprehensions.
In that mighty struggle between the first intel
lects of this any other country, it never &C.
CURED to any individual, either among it's op-
ponents or advocates, to assert, or even to in
innate, that their efforts were all vain labor,
because the moment that any State felt her,
self aggrieved she might secede from the U
Mon. What a crushing argument would this
have proved against those who dreaded that
the rights of the States would be endangered
by the Constitution. The truth is, that it was
not until many years after the origin of the
Federal Government that such proposition
was first advanced. 1t was then met and re-
futed by the conclusive arguments of Gener-
al Jackson, who in his message of 10th JAM,
1883. transmitting the nullifying ordinance OF
South Carolina to Congress, employs the fol-
lowing language: "The right of the people Of
a single State to absolve themselves at will,
and without the consent of the other States,
from their most solemn obligations, and haz-
ard the liberty and happiness of the millions
composing this Union, cannot be acknowedg
ed. Such authority is believed to be utterly
repugnant both to the principles upon which
the General Government is constituted and to
the objects which it was expressly formed to
attain." 1t is not pretended that any clause
in the Constitution gives countenance to such
q theory. 1t is altogether founded upon in
farenca in
the instrument itself, but from the sovereign
character of the several States by which it
was ratified. But is it beyond the power of a
State, like an individual, to yield portion of
its sovereign rights to secure the remainder 2
In the language OF Mr.. Madison, who has been
called the father of the Constitution SIT was
formed by the States-that is, by the people
in each of the States, acting in their highest
sovereign capacity and formed consequent-
ly by the same authority which formed the
State constitutions eNor is the Govern
ment of the United States, created by the Con-
stitution, less a Government in the strict
sense of the term, within the sphere of its
powers than the governments created by the
constitutions of the States are, within their
several spheres. 1t is, like them, organiz-
ed into Legislative, executive, and Judicial
ry departments. 1t operates, like them, d-
rectly on persons and things; and, like
them, it has at command physical force
IT..
1t was intended to be perpetual, and not to be
annulIed at the pleasure of any one of the con-
tracing parties. The old articles of confcd-
Grafton were entitled "Articles of Confedera-
tion and Perpetual Union between the States;"
and by the 18th article it is expressly declared
that ssthe articles of this Confederation shall
be inviolably observed by every State, and the
Union shall be perpetual.'' The preamble to
the Constitution of the United States, having
express reference to the articles of Confeder-
alton, recites that it was established sin order
to form more perfect union.' And yet 1t is
contended that this ssmore perfect union,''
does not include the essential attribute of
POWERS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
But that the Union was designed to be per-
petual appears conclusively from the nature
and extent of the powers conferred by the Con-
stitution on the Federal Government. These
powers embrace the very highest attributes of
national sovereignty. They place both the
sword and the purse under its control. Con-
gress has power to make war, and to make
peace; to raise and support armies and navies,
and to conclude treaties with foreign govern
ments. It is invested with the power to coin
money, and to regulate the value thereof, and
to regulate commerce with foreign nations land |
among the several States. 1t is not necessary |
to enumerate the other high powers which
have been conferred upon the Federal Govern |
ment. In ORDER TO carry the ehuiheTateu pow
ers into effect, Congress possesses the exclu-
sive right to lay and collect duties on imports,
and in common with the States to lay and col |
lect all other taxes. But the Constitution has
not only conferred these high powers uponCon-
gress, but it has adopted effectual means to re-
strain the States from interfering with their
exercise. For that purpose it has, in strong
prohibitory language, expressly declared that
emo State shall enter into any treaty, alliance,
or cOnfed0ratiOnl: grant letters of mar1ue or
reprisals coin money emit bills of credit;