The Hillsdale standard. [volume] (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1851-1909, 1860-03-13
SPEECH OF
William H. Seward,
DELIVERED IN THE U. S. SENATE, FED. goth,

DELlN EkED IN lliE " .. SENaiE ~StHi 'oVV'
In the United States Senate, on Welnes-
day, Mr. Seward having presented the me
mortal Of the Legislature of Kansas pray
ing for admission into tho Union, spoke rs
follows:
Mr.. President, the admission Of Kan
sas into the Union, without further delay,
seems to me, equally necessary, just and
wise. In recorded debates | have already
anticipated tho arguments for this conclu-
sion.
In coming forward among the political
astroogers, it shall bo an error Of judg-
ment and not of disposition, if my inter
probation of the fcverish dreams which
are disturbing the country shall tend to
torment, rather than to allay, the national
excitement. shall say nothing unneces'
sari'y of persons, because, il our system,
the public welfare and happiness depend
chiefly on institutions, and very little on
men. | shall allude but briefly to inciden-
tai topi's, because they are cmphomeral,
and because, even in the midst Of appeals
to passion and prejudice, it is always safe
to submit solid truth to the deliberate con
sideratiou of an honest and enlightened
people.
It will be nm oycitlowing source Of shame,
AS well rs of sorrow, if we, thirty millions
Europeans bv extraction, Americans by
birth or discipline, and Christians in faith,
and meaning to be such in practice--can
not so combine prudence with hamanity,
in our conduct concerning the one disturb
inc subject of Slavery, as not only to PIE
servo our unequaled institutions of Free
dom, but also to enjoy their benefits with
contcntmeut and harmony.
Wherever a guiltless slave exists, be he
Caucasian, American, Malay, or African,
he is the subject Of two distinct and oppo
site ieas--oLo that he is wrongly, the
other that ha is rightly slave. The bal
ance Of numbers on either side, however
great, never completely oXtingushcs this
difference Of opinion, for there IRE always
some defenders Of Slavery outside, even if
there are mono inside a Free State, while,
also, there are always outside, if there are
not inside, o. every Slave State, many
who assert with Milton, that "no man
who knows aunht can be s. stupid to deny
that all men naturally were born free, be
ito .he image aud resemblance of God
himself, and were by privilege above all
the creatures. bora to command and not to
obcy.n Il often. perhaps generally, han.
pens. however, that n considering the sub b
ct OF Slavery, society sec MS to overlook
the ua ural tight or persona. interest Of the
slyc himself, and {, act exclusively for
the welfare Of tho citizen But this fact
does not materially affect ultimate results,
for the elementary question Of the right.
fu!rcss or VIC, aruInc,s Of Slavery iuhercs
in every form that discussion concerning it
assumes. What is lust 70 one class of men
can ncycr be injurious to any other; and
what is unjust to any coudition Of persons
in State. issnccc,sary injurious in some
4 Gree to the whole community. An econ.
om,al question carly arises out IF the sub
iect Of slaycry-,alJr either OF frecmcu or
If slave, i, tne cardinal necessity Of so-
cicty.
Some States choos, the one kind, some
the other Hence two municipal systems
widely dihcren, arise. The Slave state
strike, down and affects to extjnguish the
personality Of the laborer, not only as a
parent, husband, child, pcighbor or friend.
lie lhus becomes, in political view, mere.
lv property without moral capacity, and
without domestic, moral, and social roa.
tons, duties, rights, and remcdies-a chat.
tel, an object Of bargain, sale, gift, inheri.
tanca, or theft. Iii, earnings are compan.
,atrl and hi, wrongs atoned, not to himself,
but to his owner The State protects not
the slave as n man, but the capital Of
another man, which he rcprDsents. On the
Other hand, the State which rejects slavery
encourages and animatcs and invigoratcs
tho laborer by maintaining and developing
his natural personality in all the rights and
faculties Of manhood, and generally with
the privileges Of citizenship. In the one
case capital invested IN slaves becomes
great political force, while in the other Ia.
Dor thus elevated and cufranch,cl, be.
comes the domn.tinr political power. II
thus happens that we may. for convenience
sake. and not naccurately, call slave States
c,rit,l Staios. and Free States Labor States.
- soon rs a State feels the impulse Of
commerce or enterprise or ambition. its cit
izens hooin to s,udv the effects Of these
systems Of canitol and loLo, re.pectiyclv on
Intelligence It's virtue. its tranquility. its
INTEGRITY or unity lis deranso IFS nro,no,i
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