The Lansing state Republican. [volume] (Lansing, Mich.) 1855-1874, 1860-07-04

Mr Madison thought WRONG 20 admit in the Constitute
the idea Of property in msn.-Dsbates an tie Fsder
Co"raa'i0n, 2tM August, 1857.
Speech Of Hon. Charles Sumner, on I'll
BsU for the Admission of Kansas a
q Free State. In the United State
Senate, Jane 4, 1860.
MIR. President Undertaking now, after a S
lence Of more than four years, to address tn
Senate on this important subject, should SUP
press the emotions natural to such an occasion
If did not declare On the threshold my grattud
to that Supreme Being, through whose beng
care l am enabled, after much suffering AM
many changes, once again to resume my dutie
here, and to speak for the cause which is g.
near my heart. To the hOnored Commonwealth
whose representative ! am, and also to my i'm
mediate associates in this body, with whom
enjoy the fellowship which is found in thinkin.
alike concerning the Republic, l owe thank
which seize this moment to express for the in
diligence shown me throughout the protracteG
seclusionenjoinedb by medical skill; andI trust tina
it will not be though. unbecoming in me to pu
on record here, as an apology for leaving my
seat so long vacant, without making way, by re
signaton, for a successor, that acted under the
illusion of an invalid, whose hopes for restora.
ton to his natural health constantly triumphed
over his disappOintments.
When last 1 entered into this debate, il be-
came my duty to expose the Crime against Kan.
sas, and to insist upon the immediate admission
OF that Territory as State of this Union, with O
constitution forbidding slavery. Time has passed
but the question remains. Resuming the dis
cussiOn precisely where left it, am happy to
avow that rule of moderation, which, it is said,
may venture even to fix the boundaries of wisdom
itself. ! have no personal grieis to utter; only
q barbarOus egOtism could intrude these into this
chamber. have no personal wrongs to avenge
only barbarOus nature could attempt to WELD
that vengeance which belongs to the Lord.
The years that have intervened and the tOmbs
that have been opened since spoke have their
voices too, which i cannot fail to hear. Be-
sides, what am I-what is any man among the
living or among the dead, compared with the
Question before us? 1t is this alone which l
shall discuss, and open the argument with that
easy victory which is found in charity.
The crime against Kansas stands forth in pain
full light. Search history, and you cannot find
its parallel. The slave.trade is bad; but even
this enormity is petty, compared with that elab-
crate contrivance by which, in a Christian age
and within the limits of Republic, al! forms of
liberty were perverted; by which
all the rights Of human nature were violated,
and the whole country was held trembling on
the edge of civil war while all this large ex-
lberance OF wickedness, detestable in itself, be-
comes tenfold more detestable when its origin is
traced to the madness for slavery. The fatal
partition between Freedom and Slavery, known
IS the Missouri Compromise, the subsequent
overthrow of this partition, and seizure of all by
Slavery; the violation of plighted faith the
conspiracy to force Slavery at all hazards into
Kansas the successive invasiOns by which all
security there was destroyed, and the electoral
franchise itself was trodden down; the sacrile-
gious seizure of the very polls, and, through pre-
tended forms of law, the imposition of foreign
legislature upon this Territory; the acts of this
legislature, fOrtifyipg the usurpation, and, among
other things, establishing test-oaths, calculated to
disfranchise actual settlers, friendly to Freedom,
and securing the privileges of the citizen to &C.
tual strangers friendly to Slavery the whole
crowned by a statute-"the be-all and the end
all Of the whole surpation-through which
Slavery was not only recognised on thi, beauti-
full soil, but made to bristle with Code of Death
such as the world has rarely seen; all these /
have fully exposed on former occasion. And
yet the most important part Of the argument was
at that time left untouched; mean that which
Is found in the Character of Slavery. The ma
tural sequel, with the permission of the Senate,
propose now to supply.
Motive is to Crime as soul to body and it is
only when We comprehend the motive that We
ran truly comprehend the Crime. Here, the mo-
live is found in Slavery and the rage for its ex-
Tension. Therefore, by logical necessity, must
Slavery be discussed; not indirectly, tmidly,
and sparingly, but directly, and thoroughly. 1t
~ ho bshita1 ia. o1lyo IN ,t,. MI
and in its animating character, so that not only
ts outside but its inside may be seen.
This is no time for soft words or excuses
ALI such are out of place. They may turn away
wrath but what il the wrath of man? This is
no time to abandon any advantage in the argu-
ment. Senators sometimes announce that they
resist slaveryo on political grounds only, and remind
US that they say nothing Of the moral question.
This is wrong. Slavery must be resisted not only
On political grounds; but on all other grounds,
whether social, economical, or moral Ours is
holiday contest is it any strife of rival fac.
lions; Of white and Red Roses; of theatric
Neri and Bianchi; but it is solemn battle be.
tween Right and Wrong; between Good and
Evil. Such battle cannot be fought with ex-
cuses or with rose-water. There is austere
work to be done, and Freedom cannot consent to
aing away any of her weapons.
If were disposed to shrink from this discus
sion the boundless assumptions now made by
Senators on the other side would not allow me.
The whole character of Slavery as pretended
form of civilization is put directly in issue, with
\ pertinacity and hardihood which Danish all
reserve on this side. In these assumptions,
Senators from South Carolina naturally take the
lead. Following Mr.. Calhoun, who pronounced
81 Slavery the most safe and stable basis for free
institutions in the world, and Mr.. McDuffie,
who did not shrink from calling it the corner
stone Of the Republican edifce," the Senator
from South Carolina Mr.. Hammond insists
that +" its forms of society are the best in the
world" and his colleague Mr.. Chestnut takes
up the strain. One Senator from Mississippi Mr..
Davis] adds, that Slavery is but form of civ.
il Government for those who are not fit to gov.
ern themselves" and his colleague Mr.. Brownl
openly vaunts that it /" is great moral, social,
and political blessing-a blessing to the slave
and a blessing to the master" One Senator
from Virginia Mr.. Hunter in a studied vindi.
cation of what he is pleased to call "the social
system Of the slaveholding States" exalts Slave
~ as "the normal condition of human society :"
"benefcial to the non-slave-owner as it is to
the slave owner" - "best for the happiness of
both races" and, in enthusiastic advocacy, de-
clares, that the very keystone of the mighty
arch, which by its concentrated strength is able
to sustain our social superstructure, consists in
the black marble block of African Slavery.
Knock that out" he says, and the mighty fab.
ric, with all that it uphods, topples aud tumbles
to its fall" These were his very words, uttered
in debate here. And his colleague, Mr. Mason, I
who has never hesitated where slavery was in
question, has proclaimed that it is " eanobiing
to both master and slave word which, 50