The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1860-09-20
seknouledxed admission OF the civilized

The Declara ion Of Independence asserts
tina, life. liberty aud the pursuit OF happi
ness are among the inaisesable sig h : OF man
The right OF life implies the right of pFo.ec-
ton by every power of lsw-ah- night of
and preserving II wheE attacked
or in danger-,hs night OF appearing in
courts OF justice. aud OF ,estitying against
the iujurer Of those rights whether black or
" hite. The right OF liberty implies the
right OF motion. OF emigration, OF freedom
fiom all Illegal Restraints, arrests and I'M
pr'sonmenss. and ali other iafris,s ement OF
this natural rlgtt"
The committee then refer 10 the law rela .
tive to giving free papers OF assisting
slaves 10 escape" which is in these words:
If any person. without proper authority,
shall give tn any one owing service IN any
Stale or Territory within the United States,
certificate OF other testimonial of eman-
eipation, or shall knowingly harbor or en-
ploy any such one owing service as ator--
said. OF held as slave. who may have come
into this State without the consent OF his or
her owner, or stall encourage or assist any
such one 10 desert or not go with his or her
owner, or shall use any violence or other
means to prevent. let. hinder any person
IN lawfully recovering any fugitive slave or
person owing service, such person So often
ding shsll. upon conviction thereof. be fined
in any sum not exceeding five hundred dol.
lars. and be liable TO damages TO any per
son or persons injured by any OF the said
acts"
They then add, This law whilst it APP
pears on its face as an act OF justice to our
sister States of the South. 10, in iaet, evil
IDENTITY against the ve,y first principle of
humanity. the freedom Of man, and strikes
at the root OF liberty. What! How is
that? A law preventiuga man from steal
ing another's property against The very
first principles of humanity, the freedom of
a man and striking at the root of liberty -
Is the idea not shockingl The sentiment
seditious9 Did any national Democrat (aud
the Judge and friend Evans were both such
ever utter such reasonable language? Won
der il Sumner, Hale or Giddings could have
had anything 10 DO wifh this? II Sounds
SO much like .'old Gid's." speech IN the
Starr tia !. that inquiry is provoked 10 sus-
picion-
The Judges friends however claim for
him the beueti' OF repentance and the stat
ute OF limitation. Repentance may save
him. AS to the statute oil limitations,
whether he ought 10 have the benefit OF
that depends upon The character Of the re
slander being one year, that lets him out
Ii ii was treason (and who doubs Nd lie
can't escape as . statute does not run
against treason. Once a traitor always n
traitor. But has the Judge repented? In
his late Julian letter. intended as another
mistletOe operation. he said he had not
May it not be that this revolving orb in poll
tics has borrowed from the sun % Dough-
ray Of light on squstter sovereignty?-
The inner man Of both is exercised in about
the same way. The exercises commenced
about the ri hit time with the later To re-
fleet vitality int the former. On he 9Th
OF January lS45, Mr. Douglas advocated the
PROHIBITION Of slavery in the States to he
made out OF part of the Texas territory. On
the 22d of October lS49. the Missouri Com
promise was a sacred Thing with him can
nonzed IN the hearts of The American p-o-
pie. and he was willing to extend it TO The Pa.
cific ocean On the 18Th Of MAJ CHI liz beiiev-
ed Congress might exclude slavery and
banks from The Territories. and that it was
not unjust to the people of the South to ex
clude slavery from them. On the 23d of De.
CEN Der 1851, he resolved never to make an
other speech on the slavery question. On The
9Th oil F bruary 1854, he helped TO vote
down popular sovereignty embodied in
Chase's amendment to tie Karsas and Ne
braska set. On The I2tt Of March 1856. he
believed the rights OF the people Of the Ter
ritories were held in abey ance on the slavery
question until they could make a consti,u
ton. On the I'd of July. popular sover
cignty became with him a question for the
Supreme Court The Supreme Court de
cided that every citizen had right to take
with him into the Territory any article o.
| u fhu nf L.
United States recognizes as property; tina,
slaves are property, and that an &C: OF Con
sress prohibiting citizen Of the Unit ed
States taking with him his slaves when he
removes to the Territory. is an exercise o.
authority over private property not warran
ted by the Constitution, and therefore void
% the 18th OF June 1857, be endorsed the
hole decision, and like Judge Reid, said
the Declaration Of Independence cid not
| mean "all men," On the 9th of Decem bel
1857, he didn't care whether slavery would
be voted down or voted up. In his Free
port speech on The 22d Of August 1858, he
said it matters not 10 what way the Suprem,
Court may hereafter decide as TO the ab
! s.ract question whether slavery may or may
not go into Territory under the Coustitu
ton, the people have the lawful means I,
introduce II exclude it as they please =
/ On the 29tb OF November 1858. in hi
Memphis speech be thought slavery ,ner'
, question o. dollars and cents. and tina, tn
, Almighty had drawn the line on this Con
f tinent on the one SIDE OF which the sol
must be titled by slave labor. On the 16,i
OF May 1850, he told JEFF Davis in ths
Senate that squatter sovereignty had CONVEX
T ted a tract of free Territory tn slave Terri
tory in New Mexico. more than FIVE time
!. as large the great 5 ate of New York
Wickllffe's resolution ir the BALTIMORE Con
veu,ion, and adopted by the Convention il
to the effect that Whatever the Supreme
Court had decided, and viii hereafter dec de
on the subject of slavery 10 the Territories
shall be enforced with promptness and fde'
ity. In his hitter of acceptance Mr.. Doug
las approved this resolution, well knowing
what that Court had decided aud would
, decide; and l ask what becomes OF sqnatter
sovereignty under the decision OF the Courll
If The Constitution Of the United States