The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1860-12-06

Union The Southern States. standing on
the basis OF the Constitution, have right to
demand this act ofjustice from the States Of
the North. Should it be refused. then the
Constitution TO which all the States are
parties, will have been wilfully violated by
one portion of them in provision essential
to the domestic security and happiness OF
the remainder.
In that event the injured States, after hav-
ing used all peaceful and constitutional
means to obtain redress, would be justified
in revolutionary resistance to the Govern
mcnt Of the Union. have purposely con
fided my remarks to revolutionary resis
tance because ii has been claimed within
the last few years that any State, whenever
thi, shall be is sovereign will and pleasure,
may secede from the Union in accordance
with the Constitution; and without any vic
ation of the constitutional rights of the
other members of the ConfedeIacy: that as
each became parties to the Union by the
vote of its own people. assembled in conven-
lion. any one Of them may retire from
the Union in a similar manner by the vote
of such convention.
In order to justify secession as a constitu-
tional remedy. it must be on the principle
that the Federal Government is a mere vol
untary association of States, To be dissolved
at pleasure by any Of the contracting parties
II this be so, the Cohfederacy is a rope Of
sand. to be penetrated and dissolved by the
first adverse wave of public opinion in any
ofthe States. In this manner our thirty-three
! States may resolve themselves mo as many
petty, jarring and hostile republics, each
one retiring from the Union without rcspon
sibility. whenever any sudden excitement
drives them to such a course. By this pro
cess the Union might be entirely broken
into fragments, which cost our forefathers
many years of toll. privation and blood to
establish Such principle is wholly in
consistent with the history as we'll as the
character of the Federal Constitution.
Alter it was framed with the -,rstest de-
liberation and care, it was submitted to con
ventions OF the people OF the several States
for ratification Its provisiors were discus
sed at length in these bodies, composed Of
the first men of the country. The oppo-
nents contended that it conferred powers
upon the Federal government dangerous to
the rights of the States. while its advocates
maintained that under fair construction Of
the instrument there was no foundation for
such apprehension.
In that mighty struggle between the first
intellects of this any other country, il
never occurred to any individual, either a.
mong its opponents or advocates. t, assert
or even to intimate that their efforts were al
vain labor. because the moment that any
S'a'e felt herself aggrieved she might secede
from the Union. What a crushing argu-
ment would this have proved against those
who declared that the rights OF the States
would be endangered by the constitution. II
The truth is, that it was not until many
years after the Federal government that
such a proposition was fist advanced. 1t
was then met and refu'ed by the conclusive
arguments OF General Jackson. who. in his
message of the 10th of January 1888 trans
hitting the nuifying ordinances of S ,uth
Carolina TO Congress, employs the following
language:
j The right of the people Of single State
to absolve themselves at will. and without
the consent of the other States, from their
most solemn obligations. and haz ard the lib
erty and happiness Of the millions compo
sing the Union, cannot be aeknowledg ged
Such authority is believed 70 be utterly re-
pugnant. both to the principles upon which
he General Government is constituted and
TO the objects which it was expressly form
ed to attain. 1t is not pretended that any
clause in the Consti ,ution gives countenance
to such theory. 1t is altogether founded
tained in the instrument itself but from the
sovereign character Of the several States by
which i. was ratified.
But is it beyond the power Of State,
like an individual. to yield portion of its
sovereign rights to secure the remainder?-
In the language Of Madison. who has been
called "the father Of the Constitution" it
was formed by the S ates-that is. by the
l. oc H. 49,
highest sovereign cspacity-and formed.
consequently. by the same authority which
formed the Sta:e Constitutions. Nor is the
! Government of the United States. created
bv the Constitution. less a Government in
the strictest sense of the term, within the
sphere of its powers. than the governments
created by the Constitutions of the States
are within their several soperes.
1t is. like them. organized into Legislative,
Executive and Judiciary Departments. 1t
operates. like them, directly on persous and
things. and like them it has at command
physical force for executing the powers COM
mitted to it. 1t was intended to be perpet-
ual, and not TO be annullsd at the pleasure
of any one of the contracting parties. The
old articles of Confe 1erstion were entitled
ARTICLES Of Confederation and Perpetual
Union between the States" and by the 18th
article il is expressly declared that the arti-
cles of this Confederation shall be violably
observed by every State. and the Union
hall be perpetual.
The preamble 10 the Constitution of the
Uni: ed States having express reference to
the articles of confederation. that it was es-
tablished in order to form a more perfect
Union; and vet ii is contended that this more
perfect Union does not include the essen
ts attribute of perpetuisy. But that the
! Uuion was designed TO be perpetual, ap-
pears conclusively from the natsre and ex-
tent Of the powers conferred by the Conssi-
tuition on the Federal Government. Those
powers emb, ace the very highest attributes
of national Sovereignty; they place both the
sword and the purse under its control
I Congress has power to make war and to
make peace-to raise and snpport armies