The Potter journal. [volume] (Coudersport, Pa.) 1857-1872, 1860-03-22
Mr.. PRESIDENT, Tie admission of

MR. PRESIDENT, 1he admission or
Kausa5 into the Union, without further
delay, seemed to be equally necessary,
Just and wise In recorded debates |
Lave already anticipated fhe arguments
for this concIaSion." In c6hfng forward
among the political astroIoecrs, ii shall be
an error of judgment, aud not Of disposi-
ten, if any interpretation Of the feverish
dreams which are disturbing the country
shall tend to foment, rather than to al!ay
the national excitement. [ shall say
nothing unnecessarily of persons, because,
in our system. the pubiiewelfare and hap
piness depend chiefly on institutions, and
very little on men. shall a,Iude but
briefly to incidental topics, because they
are cphemeraL and because, even in the
midst Of appeals ePassl9n and prejudice,
it is always safe to subnit solid truth to
the delib .rate consideration Of an honest
and enlightened people. 1t will be an
overfowihg source Of shame, rs well as OF
sorrow. if we, thirty rnillious-Europeaps
by extraction, Ameriears by birth or dis
cIpline, aud Christians in faith, and meau-
ing to be such in practice--conuot 50
combine prudence with humanity, in our
conduct concerning tue one disturbing
subject of Slavery, as not only to preserve
our unequailed institutions Of Freedom,
but also to enjoy theF benefits with con-
tentment and harmapy. ~. -.
Wherever a guilless slave exists, be
he Caucasian, AMERICAN, Malay er Afri-
can, he is the subject Of two distinct and
opposite idcas-onG that he is wrongly,
the other that he Is rightly slave. The
balance Of numbers on either side, how
ever great, never completely cxtingulshes
this difference of opinion, for there are
always souie defenders Of Slavery outside,
even if there are none inside Of Free
State, while, also, there are always out
side, if there are not inside Of every Slave
State, many who assert with Milton, that
"no man who knows aught can be so
stupid as to deny that ali men were nat
uraIlY born free, being the image and re-
semb!ance Of God himself, and were by
privilege above all the creatures, born to
command and not to obey" 1t otter,
perhaps generally, happens, however
that in considering the subject Of Slavery,
e.ely seems to overlook the natural right
or per>oual interest Of the slave himself,
ard 10 act exclusively for the welfare of
the citizen. But this fact does not ma
tcriallv affect ultimate results, for the ol-
emcntary question of the rightfulness or
wrongfuncss Of Slavery inheres ia every
form that discusslon concerning it as
sumes What is just to one class Of men
can never be INJURIOUS to any other; and
what is unjust 10 any condition Of persons
in State, is necezsarially injurious I'M
some degree to tie whole community.
An economical question carly arises out
of the subjecC of Slavery--labor eithercf
treemen or Of slaves is..tbe ca dinal ne
cessity Of society Some States choose
the one kind, some the other. Hence
two municipal Systems widely different
arise. Tie Slave State strikes down and
affects to cxtinsush the personality of
the laborer, not only as member of thel
political body, but also as a parent, hus-
band, child, ncighbor or friend. He thus
becomes, iu political view, mere prop
erty without moral capacity, and without
domestic, moral, and social relations, du
ties, rights and rcmedies-a chattcl, AMI
object Of bargain, sale, gift, Inheritance
or theft His earnings are compensated
and his wrongs atoned, not to himself, !
but TO his owner The State protects
the slave not as man, bat the capital of
another m2n, which he represents On
the other hand; the State which relj
slavery encourages and auimates and M
vigorates the laborer by maintaining and
developing his natural personality in all
the rights and faculties of manhood, and
generally witt. the privileges of citizen
ship. In the one case capital invested
in slaves becomes great political force,
while in the other labor thus elevated and I
cnfranchised, becomes the dominating
political power, 1t thus happens that
we may, for convenience sake, and not
call Slave States capital
States, and Free States Iabor States.
So soon as a State feds the impulses
Of commerce or enterprise or ambition, its
citizens begin to study the effects of these
systems of capital and labor respectively
on its Intelligence, It's virtue, its tranquil
ity, its integrity or aulity, its defence, IFS
its liberty, its happiness, Its
aggrandizement. and its fame. Ip other
words, the great question arises, whether
Slavery is a moral, social and political