The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-08-12

being made 10 spread the doctrines OF the SAINTS.
On this occasion the English Mormons elected
Brigham Young, the great potentate of Utah,
president, revelator, and seer Of the church
throughout the world
Napoleon's Last Peace manffesto.
The letter from Louis Napoleon to Count
Persigny, which appears in another column. Is
one of the most remarkable of the many infor-
NAL manifestoes that have emanated in this
shape from the imperial pen. Provoked By the
recent speech Of Lord Palmerston on the de-
fences of England. its object is ostensibly to
allay the disauietude created by his lordship's
declarations in regard to France; but in reality
II is an exposition of French policy, intended for
the benefit of the world at large. Like the
famous discourse, "L'Empirs c'eSt Ia rair,' its
purpose is to convince people that, while France
extends and perfects her military and naval or
raniza,on, she has no views Of conquest or ag-
grandizement her object being rather TO in
prove her natural advantages and to deyelope
the resources that she possesses within her own
territory, than to commit aggressions upon that
of her neighbors.
There is more probability in these assertions
than English statesmen are disposed to credit
Whilst we fully admit the restless ambition OF
the writer, we differ with his assalants as to its
scope and objects. We believe that the views
that he entertains as to the destinies of France
are based less on selfish motives than Oh patri'
otto calculations. He is, Of all living statesmen,
the most eminently practical and the least
crotchety. No man watches more attentvely
the current Of public opinion, or Is less dis
posed to run counter to it. The extra ordinary
attributed mainly TO this fact. Whilst appear
ing to lead the public mind Of Europe, he is in
reality only giving effect to its aspirations and
conclusions; and it is to the justice Of his per-
ceptions and the soundness of his Judgment,
rather than to his powers of origination, that
he owes the reputation for political genius that
he possesses.
But Il should be remembered, in addition,
that the Emperor cannot, il he would, give
fresh direction to the career which destiny has
chalked out for him. Europe is divided into
two hostile camps-the one progressive, the
other conservative, and, in fact, we might
almost say reactionary, in its principles. Cir
cumstances have placed him at the head
of the former, and his energetic aud restless
temperament renders him peculiarly fitted to
conduct It to the results at which ii aims. But
in doing this the greatest prudence aud circum-
spection are required. We're he to show his
hand too freely, or to suffer those opposed to
him to fasten upon him the imputations by
which they endcavor TO embarrass his plans
he would lose the hold that he possesses on
mems minds. 1t is in his apparent amenabiiity
to public opinion that the secret Of his great
iRHsPssa s sRa 1 asFaSEe i reserve
in which monarchs and statesmen usually in
volve'themselves, and communes in familiar
and informal manner with the world at large
He knows that in no more efectual way can he
paralyze and disarm the combinations that are
certain to be formed against him BY those in
teres.ed in thwarting his projects.
Whatever may be the temporary object of
the declarations put forth in the imperial cpis-
ties one thing is certain, and that is, that they
cannot alter the logical sequence of the writer's
acts. Thus, he may disclsdm any designs Of ag-
erosion against England, but it cannot be de-
MED that he is rapidly placing France in posi-
ton by which, fhe entertains such designs. they
may easily be carried out. We must not, there
fore, feel surprised at the susceptibility OF the
English mind on this subject, or at the En-
peror's anxiety to allay its apprehcnsions. OF
course it by no means necessarily follows that
because be desires TO place France on a par
with her powerful ncighbor in regard to her
fleet, he medtatcs any aggressive steps against
her. His conduct in Italy certainly entities
him to a more generous construction of his mo-
tves on the part Of the English people. Not
only has be adhered strictly to the doctrine Of
non-intervcntion propounded by hip in the
affairs Of the Duehies, but he still proclaims the
same doctrine in regard to Naples, where his
family interests might well have induced him
to hold back. If bis policy were purely a sell
fish one, he would have reserved, in connection
with that kingdom, the pretcnsions which Prince
Murat might reasonably QQt forth in the event
Of the election Of the Boo sons. In the matter
of Syria, whatever may be his ultimate object,
he cannot be blamed for giving effect to the
general sentiment Of horror and Indignation
with which the news Of the atrocities COM
mit,cd there was received by the French
public Ills proposal of an armed inter
vention was made TO England in two
forms, either in the shape Of delegated au
thority on the part Of the Christian Powers, or
conformity with them. That interference of
some sort was urgently called for no one will
deny, and the Emperor deserves credit for the
promp,ness with which he responded to the
general conviction on the subject. He may
have, and no doubt has, political motive 10
serve in taking the initiative; but he can hardly
be found fault with for that. Both Great Bri-
tain and Russia have exhibited too little scrrl-