The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1860-03-09

hands in making and in presenting this as an
adjustment, never afterwards to bc opened,
disturbed, or even questioned, and the people
accepted it by majorities unknown before
The new President, chosen over an illustri-
Gus rival unequivocally on tho ground of
greater ability, even If not moro reliable pur-
pose to maintain the now treaty inyiolate,
made haste to justify this expectation when
Congress assembled. He said:
"When the grave shall have closed over all
who are now endeayoring to meet the Obliga-
.tons of duty, the year 1850 will be recurrcd to
as period filled with anxiety and apprehen-
sion A successful war has just terminated (;
peace brought with 1t great augmentation OF
territory. Disturbing questions arose bearing
upon the domestic institutions Of portion OF
the Confcleracy, and involving the constitu-
tonal rights of the States. But, ,notwithstand-
ing differences ofopinion and sentiment, in re-
lation to details and specific provisions, the ac-
quicsence of distinguished citiIers, whose de-
vOtion to the Union can never be doubted, has
given renewed yigor to our institutions, and re-
stored sense of security and reposs to the pub
lie mind throughout the Contsdcracy. That
this repose Is to suffer no shock during my
official term, II have the power to avert It,,
those who placed me here may be assured
Hardly, however, had these inspiring
sounds died away, throughout a ieassured
and delighted land, before the national re-
pose was shocked again; shocked, indeed, as
it had never before been, and smitt,n this
time by blow from the very hand that had
Just released the chords of tho National harp
from their utterancc of that exalted synpho-
ny Of peace.
KANSAS And NEBRASKA.
Kansas and Nebraska, the long-dcyoted
reservation of labor and freedom, saved in
the agony of national fear in 1920, and saved
again in tho panic of 1850, were now to bo
opened by Congress, that the ncver-ending
course OF seed time and harvest might begin.
The slave capitalists of Missouri, from their
own wcll-assured homes on the eastern banks
of their noble river, looked down upon and
coveted the fertile praries of Kansas; while
a sudden terror ran through oil the capital
States, when they saw a seeming certainty
that mt last new labor State would bc built
on their western border, inevitably fraught
us they said, with near or remote abolition
of slavery. What could,be done? Congress
could hardly be expected to intervene direct
ly for their safety 50 soon after the compro-
mise of 1850. Tho labor hive Of tho free
States was distant, the way new, unknown,
and not without pcrils. Missouri was near
and watchful and held the keys of the gates
of Kansas. She might seize the new and
smiling Territory by surprise, If only Con-
grcss would remove the barrier established in
1920. The conjecture was favorable. Clay
and Webster, the distinguished citizens whose
unqucstionablc devotion to the Union was
manifested by their acquiesencc in the COM
promise of 1850, had gone down alrcad..g in
to their honored graves. The labor States
had dismissed many of their representatives
here for too great fidelity to freedom, and
too great distrust Of the efficacy Of that now
bond of peace, and had replaced them with
partisans who were only timid, but not un-
willing. The Democratic Prcsidentand Con-
grcss hesitated, but not long. They revised
the last great compromise, and found, with
delighted surprise, that it was so far from
confirming the law of freedom of 1920, that
on tho other hand, it exactly provided for
the abrogation of that vcnerated statute |;
nay, that the compromise itsclfactually kill
ed the spirit of the Missouri law, and devolv-
ed on Congress the duty of removing the life
less letter from the national code. The deed
was done. The new enactment not only re-
pealed the Missouri prohibition of slavery,
but it pronounced the people OF Kansas and
Nebraska perfectly free to establish freedom
or slavery; and pledged Congress to admit
them in due time rs States, either Of capital
or of labor into the Union. Tho Wing rep
rcsenttiyes of the capital States, in an hour
of strange bowildcrmcnt, concurrcd; and the
Whig party instantly went down, never
to rise again. Democrats seeded, and stood
aloof: the country was confounded; and
amid the pcrplexities of the hour, republic
en- party was seen gathering itself together
with much carncstncss, but with little show
of organization, to rescue, il it were not now
too late, the cause OF freedom and labor, SO
unexpected and gricvously imperiled in the
Territories of the United States.
TIE SEQUEL.
will not lingcr over tho sequel. The
popular sovereignty of Kansas proved to be
the State sovereignty of Missouri, not only in
persons of =, rulers, but even in the letter
of an arbitrary and cruel code. Thepcrfect
freedom prove to bea hateful and intolerable
bondage. From 1855 to 1860. Kansas, sus-
tanned and encouraged only by the Republi.
can party, has been engaged in successive and
cver-yarying struggles, which have taxed all
her virtue, wisdom, moderation, energy, and
resources, and often even her physical strength
and martial courage, to save herself from
being betrayed into the Union as a slave
State. Ne'haska, though choosing freedoms
is, through the direct exercise Of the Execu,
tive power, overriding her own will, held us
as a slave Territory; and New Mexico has
rclapsed voluntarily into tho practice OF
slavery, from which she had redeemed her.
self while she yet remained part of the
Mexican Republic. Meantime, the Demo-
cratic party, advancing from tho ground OF
popular sovereignty as far rs that ground is
from the ordinance of 1887, now stands on
the position that both territorial governments
and Congress arc incompetent to lcgislate
against slavery in the Territories, while they
are not only competent, but arc obliged,
when it is necessary, to lcgislate for its pro-
lection there.
HOW TIE DEMOCRATIC PARTY MASKS ITsELr.
In this new and extreme position the Demo-
cratic party now masks itself behind the
battery Of the Supreme Court, as If 1t were
possible true construction of the Constitu-
ton, that the power of deciding practically
forever between freedom and slavery in a
portion of the continent far exceeding oil
that is that is vet organized, should be
rcnounccd by Congress, which alone possesses
any legislative authority, and should be u.s.
sumcd and exercised by court which can
only take cognimncc Of the great question
collaterally, in a private action between in
dividuals, and which action the Constitution
will not suffer the court to entertain, II 1t
m a IL Al.