The Alleghanian. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1859-1865, 1860-12-13
ME PATH Y R6O

meuts. Unless this shall be done without un-
necessary delay 1t Is impossible for any human
power to save the Union. The Southern
States standing on the basis of the Constitu-
ton, have right TO demand this act of justice
from the States of the North. Should il be re-
fused them. the Constitution, TO which all the
States are parties, will have been willfully yio-
lated by one portion of them in u provision
essential to the Democratic security and hap
piness of the remainder. In that event the
injured States, after having first used all peace
ful and constitutional means to obtain redress,
would be justified in revolutionary resistance
to the Government of tire Union have pur-
posely confined my remarks TO revolutionary
resistance, because it has been claimed within
the last few years, that any State, whenever
this shall De its sovereign will and pleasure,
may secede from the Union in accordance
with the Constitution, and without any viola
ton of the constitutional rights of the other
members Of the Coufederacy. That each be-
came parties to the Union by the of its
own people, assembled in Convention, so any
one of them may retire from the Union III IL
similar manner. by the vote of such Conyen-
ton. In order to justify secession as con-
stitutional remedy, 1t must be the principle
that the Federal Government is Il mere yolnu-
tary association of the States, to be dissolved
at pleasure by any one Of the contracting par
ties. Ii this be so, the confederacy is IA rope
OF sand, TO be penetrated aud dissolved by the
first adverse wave of public opinion III any of
the States. In this manner our thrty-three
States may resolve themselves into as many
petty jarring, and hostile republics, each one
retiring from the Union without responsible
ty whenever any sudden excitement might im-
pei them to such II course. BY tlis process a
Union might be entirely broken into fragments
in a few weeks which cost our forefathers ma
ny years oftoil privation and blood to estab
Hsh. Such a principle is wholly iuconslstant
with its history, as it was framed with tie
greatest deliberation and care; it was submit
ted to conventions Of the people of several
States for ratification; its provisions were dis
cussed at length III these bodies, composed of
the first men of the country its opponents con-
tended that it conferred power upon the Fed
eral Government dangerous to the rights of
the States, whilst its advocates maintained
that under "A fair construction of the instru-
ment there was no foundation for apprehen-
sions. In that mighty struggle between the
first intellects of this any other country, it
never occurred to any individual, either among
its opponents or advocates, to assert, or even
to intimate that their efforts were all vain la.
Dor, because the moment thatany State felt
herself aggrieved she might secede from the
Union. What a crushing argument would this
have proved against those who dreaded that
the rights Of the States would be endangered
by the Cons nstitutions? The truth is, that it
not until many years after the origin OF
the Federal Government tn It suck PROPOSE
ton was first advanced il was then met and
rciute,l by the conclusive arguments OF General
jackson, who, in his message of the 10th of
January, 1898. transmitting the nulifying or
oinance o. South Carolina to Congress, employs
the follow NJ language; '' The l. ght Of the
people of single STATE to absolve themselves
ut will, without TIE consent OF other States,
from their most solemn obligations, and haZ-
ard the liberty and happiness of the millions
composing this Union, cannot be acknowledge
ed" Such authority is believed to be utterly
repugnant, both to the principles upon which
the General Government is constituted, and to
the objects which it was expressly formed to
attain. 1t is not pretended that any clause in
the Constitution gives c0urtcnancc to such a
theory; 1t IS altogether founded upon infer
ence, not from any language contained in the
instrument itself, but from the sovereign char
acter of the several States by which it was
ra tilted. But 1t is beyond the power ofa State
like an individual, to yield portion of its SOW
ereign rights to secure the remainder. In the
language of Mr.. Madison, who has been called
the Father of the Constitution q 1t was form
ed by the States-that is by the people of tie
: States acting in their highest sovereign capaG-
ity, and formed, consequently. by the same
authority which formed the State Constitu-
tions" Nor Is the government Of he United
States created by tue Constitution less gov
evnment in the strict sense OF the term within
the sphere of its powers, than the governments
created by the Constitutions of the States are
within their several spheres. 1t is, lihe them,
organized into legislative, executive and iudic
larry departments. 1t operates like them di-
rectly on persons and things, and like them it
has at command physical force for executing
the powers committed TO 1t. 1t was intended
10 be perpetual, and not to be aunulled at the
-,
Of the confederation, aud perpetual Union
between the States, and by the 18th article it
is expressly declared that the articles of this
confederation shall be inviolably observed by
every Sta te and the Union shall be perpetual.
The preamble to the Constitution Of the United
States, baYing express reference TO the articles
OF confederation, reiterates it established
in order to form more perfect union, and yet
it is contended that this more perfect union
does not include the essential attributes of
perpetuity. But that union was designed to
be perpetual appears conclusive from the ma
ture and extent OF powers conferred by the
Constitution the Federal Government
These powers embrace the very highest attri-
butes OF national soverei gnty-they place both
the sword aud the purse under its control.
CONSTITUTION AND STATE ENACTDENTs.
Congress has the power to make war and Il
make peace--to raise and support armies an
nayies, and to conclude treaties with foreig
governments. 1t is invested with the pOwe
to coin money, and to regulate the value there
of, and to regulate commerce with foreign na
tions and among the several States. ltis no
necessary to enumerate the other high honor
| which have been conferred upon the FEEDERS
! Government. In order to carry the enumera
| ted powers into effect, Congress possesses tn
! exclusive right to lay and collect duties c
! imports, and in common With the States t