Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1860-08-31


them their slaves, and the great portion Of
the people are willing that it should be
done. We have some people who interfere
with this thing, We have imprudent men
at the North as well as at the South. But
how is it possible to escape tho consequences
Of these difficulties by separations l know
that men can swell themselves into great
deal of excitement and passion by excIama-
tions about their constitutional rights. l
believe, as much as | believe that l exist,
that | have the constitutional right to de-
mand that slavery shall not be extended.
| know that it was the intention Of the fra
mers of the government, and the design
and expression of all the States, that they
were, in short time, to get rid of slavery.
/ know what all our great men have said on
the subject; but the profound truths laid
down by them are now regarded as heresies
or as treason.
Now, l ask my Southern friends in all
candor-for have not particle of feeling
against single State or indivdual-to
weigh these matters with little more pru-
dence than they have been in the habit of
doing; and ask my own friends, when
they discuss this question, to discuss it in a
spirit Of kindness and frmness. But we
have got a notion recently, that there is a
kind of pluck necessary to be shown in ev-
cry speech, otherwise we would be regard
ed as backing down. do not think lack
pluck because do not abuse my neighbor.
Would any Of you in discussing difficulties
with your noighbors, be influenced by the
slang which is in use hereby the term
"Black Republican If member on
either side of this House says an mprudent
thing, it is seized upon by another, as if it
were a fundamental principle of party ;
and the people are excited by the belief
that something very serious is approaching.
Now, if we would act like sensible men,
and treat the subject with that candor and
care which its Importance demands, instead
of that shyness which we see manifested
among members, we should see respectful
greetings when we meet each other Let
me tell you my friends-and | have had
some expcrence-that the very moment
the first blow is struck for separation, Sc
cession or dissolution, that very moment
will the grandeur and magnifcence that
have been portrayed in such glttering and
glowing terms, fade away, and we will be-
come a ruined, broken-down and destroyed
nation.
Mr.. REAGAN,-The gentleman from Ohio
has announced that there is no doubt tina
the original policy of the Government wa
to limit slavery to the States in which i
existed Now, it has occurred to me tha
reference to the dates when Tennessee,
and Kentucky were admitted into th
Union, and when Mississippi and Louisiana
were created Territories, might perhaps de
serve consideration from him, before b,
comes to the conclusion which he seems t,
have come to very sincerely.
Mr.. BNGHAM.--If my colleague will al
low me, beg leave to remind the gentle
man from Texas
Mr.. CAREY.--I will answer the gentle
man myself. | want the gentleman t
know that 1 understand the history of thu
time. The territory of Kentucky belonged
to the State of Virginia, and slavery haC
extended there. 1t never belonged to thu
United States as Territory, Neither die
the others.
Mr.. REAGAN The Northwestern Terri
tory belonged to Virginia also.
Mr.. CAREY.--Slavery did not exist ther
to any extent; and she ceded the Territor,
with the condition that it should not exis
there.
5 Mr.. REAGAN.-It is true that the cessior
, of the Northwestern territory was matte
of compact before the formation of tn
present Constitution; and it is also tru
that Kentucky was taken from the Terrific
! ry of Virginia, and Tennessee from the tel
rtory of North Carolina, after the Const
tuition was formed, and that slavery wa
permitted to exist in both; but the point t
which my attention was called by the gen
} teman's remark, was the statement tha
t slavery was regarded by the fathers as a
| evil which must be limited to the State
where it was existing. If that was thei
. conviction, how was it when they had th
, power to exclude saveholdng States fror
, coming into the Union, that they admitte
> the States of Kentucky and Tennessee wit
t slavery; and that, in providing for the Tel
, ritorial Governments of Mississippi, Louis
{ ana, Arkansas, Alabama, Florida and 9th
1 ers, they expressly recognized slavery i
Q those Territories, and made no attempt
! abridge it in the States where it existed ?
. Mr.. CAREY.-The States from whic
= these Territories were derived had alread
n extended slavery over them, and they woul
n not surrender them unless that principl
= was yielded. This / understand to be th
e political history of that whole matter. l
:. the case of Louisiana, it was treaty stipr
o lation which could not be got over.
e But, Mr.. Chairman, / think it is too lat
i in the day to begin to question the view
d which our fathers entertained on this sui
Q iect. | have read the views of all the dis
tinguished men of the United States upo
/. the subject of slavery. l have recent
}, read all that Mr. Jefferson said on the sui
n iect. l have read his correspondence wit
o with A, B, and G, not only in the Unite
Ir States but in foreign countries He al
horred slavery, and believed il would b
y abolished by the States themselves. Ispea
J. now Of the time of the organization of th
n government, and for many years after il
d but admit that Mr. jefferson changed h
Il opinions somewhat, after the Missourique
IS ton had awakened excitementin the countr
i Mr.. RRAGAN.--lt has been declared her
A l. LIZ,