The Oxford intelligencer., 1860-08-01
.Cops,,tency. thou arr a yeweI.''

/
THE Union convention which met at Jack
son on the first Monday in November, 1881
laid down six distinct propositions, the en-
actment of either one of which BY the Fed
eral Government, would, in the opinion o.
said Union convention, "amount to 'nfo|
era5l oppression and justify resort to meas
ures of resistance" One of those PROPOSE
tons was couched in these terms:
s. Any action of Congress, on the subject
of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in
places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress,
incompatible with the safety and domestic
tranquility-the rights and honor of The
slave-holding IStates.iHg sgfisioS adf
Yet that same a Union" American
aKnow Nothing, /" opposition party the
present day is advocating the claims for the
Presidency, before the people of Mississippi,
Of man who is in favor of the abolition OF
!Siarery in tine District of Columbia.
On the l4th day ofSeptember, 1850, John
Bell of Tennessee, in the Senate of the United
States, delivered himself in the following
manner:
with regard to the constitutional power
of Congress over this subject, would say
that the only doubt have Of the existence
Of the power either to suppress the slave
trade or to abolish slavery in this District, is
inspired by the respect have for the opin
ions of so many distinguished and eminent
-, ,f h.,l Il
that Congress has no such power. Reading
the Constitution for myself, | believe that
Congress has all the power over the subject
in this District which the States have within
their respective jurisdiction.
But, however great my respect may be for
the opinions of Others on the question of
power, there are some considerations of such
high account as, in my Judgment, to make it
desirable that, unless by common consent the
project OF abolition shall be wholly given up
and abandoned, the remnant of slavery ex-
isting in the District should be abolished at
once /; at the present moment, however, the
excited state of public sentiment in the South,
growing out Of territorial questions, seems to
forbid such course. For myself, if the
sentiment of the adjacent States and of the
South generally were less infamed, would
prefer that course to keeping it an open
question. Slavery in the District Of Columbia
is now the only remaining ground Of conten-
tion--tbe only remaining point of objection
and assault, on the part Of the Anti-slavery
North. |
would he glad TO see all the cause of distur-
bance and contention in the District wholly
removed but let me say this can never be
done by the abolition of slavery, unless il be
accompanied by some adequate provision
for the removal or the effective control of the
slaves after they shall be cmancipated. With
this qualification, and in order to test the de-
termination of the North in regard to any
further and continued aggression upon south
ern feelings aud the security of southern
property, would be content to see slavery in
the District abolished to-day. IT,
sir, it were proposed now to eradicate slave
ny in the District, and at the same time pro-
vide proper securities for the removal or cf-
fectivc control of the free colorcd population,
| am not prepared to say that the South
ought to resist the measure"
What say you, Union" men of Mssis-
sippi to such doctrine as this; John Bell says
you ought not to "resist" the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia. You
have said, in the most authoritative and sol
emn manner known 10 free people, that
such measure "would amount TO intolera-
bic oppression" and that you "would resist"
even to the " breaking assunder of every tie
that binds you to the Union.' VIII you
stand up to your solemn declarations or will
you desert them! We shall sec what we shall
see.