Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1860-12-20

a the North, and IN OniO IN paFECulHIi hOVu
he same opinion, SO far as l know, with re-
ard 10 this peculiar Institution that Is held |
" all civilized nations in the world, We
lon't differ in public sentiment from Eng
and. France, Germany, or Italy, or any other
civilized nation on Gods earth. tell you
fauklvs you viii never find community
gho are In love With your peculiar institution.
Now. the Senator from Texas told US Cotton
vas King, and could override, BY its inHu-
ence, II do but use 1his Rords) and compel
men to come doWn--that It had subjects IN
Europe will say to that Senator that they
are rebsilious subjects, and are talking very /
Of their King. They tell you
they synpathize with those you call Black
Therefore, hope We shall
hear no more Of tue toast that Cotton is |
King" and is going TO overruls all nations
and bring them underits footstool. It never
will be done. But have our Southern friends |
any complaints to make Of the platform?
tell you frankly thatw did lay down the
principle that we would prohibit If we
had the power, Slavery from invading
another inch Of tree-soil territory OF
this Government l stand here to-day.
have argued ito half million OF people,
probably, and they stand there-and they
have commissioned me to stand there forever,
and so help me God viii. | sag 70 you,
while we hold this doctrine to the end, there
is no Republican, or convention of Republi-
cans, or paper, that pretends we have any
right in your States to interiors With your
pecuiar institutions. On the other hand, our
platform repudiates the idea that We have
ahv right or intention even, to invade your
institution 10 your own States. Now, what
do YOU complain Off You are going TO break
up this government. You are going to in
volvs us in war and blood out of a mere sus-
picion that we shall transcend that which we
stand here to vindieate. How would you be
justified in the eyes of the civilized world to
take so monshous position, and predicate
it or, a,raere suspicion r We don't love Slay-
ery. Didn't you know it before to-day'2-
EVERYTHING remains as it did year ago.
But all at once, when we meet here, ma
all gloom, and geutlemen rise up TO say we
are on the eve Of breaking up this govern
ment. Seven or eight States are going to
set up a hostile gOyernment-and they look
impleFingly over to US, and say syou can
prsveut itl' What can we do2 You have
not condescended 70 tell Us what you want
done. If we should givenp the verdict OF
the people and take up your platform, don't
know but you would be satisfied, and think
the Senator from Texas Mr.. Wigfall) rather
| intimated, and the Senator from Georgia Mr..
/ Iyersou1 rather more than intinated that if
We would take what is exactly the Charles
ton platform, on which Nj Breckenridge was
placed, and give up that on which we won
victory, you would grudgingiy and hestat-
ingly be satisfied.
Mr.. TVERSON said he wished the Senator
would read his speech before he quoted SO
much from it. He had not said they would
be satisfied with any such thing.
Mr.. WADE read from Mr.. Iverson's speech,
reportsdin in the Globe, that be supposed there
i would be no overt act on the part-of Mr.
Lincoln, but the power of the Government
would be 30 executed against Slavery that i
would not last ten years, and continued =
Then YOU are not going to wait for any over
act, but are going to proceed upon the spspi
eiOn that probably be might, 1 have disa
vowed any intention on the part Of the Re
publican party to harm a hair Of your heads
We hold to no doctrine that can possibly
work you any inconvenience. We hay'
been faithful to all the laws. It is not then
that Mr.. Lincoln is expected to do any ever
act by which you may be injured. You Won
wait for any. But, anticipating that To
Government may work you an injury, yo'
will put an end to it, which means simpl.
this-that we intend to rule or ruin thi
/ Governmsht There is where itcomes. w
, do not like your institutions, you say. Bu
tEssI them any better and 20
where we stood, reppdiating your institution
as matter of morals, but, admitting thai
when it is out Of our Jurisdiction, we hav
no hold upon it and no designs upon it. l
there anything in the character of the Presi
dent elect Of which you complain Has b
not lived a blameless life, never violated an,
,lsR; has he committed any violation of duty
Why then are you suspicious that he will
Now then, l have shown that having tn
Government in your hands all the time, yol
have brought it to the verge Of destruction
and the people, believing it was time tn
scepter should depart from your hands, hav,
placed it in Elore competent hands. If thi
is 50 you have no constitutional right to com
plain, when We alldisaVow any intention 81
to make use Of that victory We have won, a
to injure you at all. This brings me here Il
the question Of compromise. The first day
of this session q Senator rises and offers /
resolution to inquire into the evils between
different sections, and to ascertain what coulC
be done to settle the difficulty. l tell tha
Senator / know Of no difficulty. As to com
promise, 1 supposed we had agreed that the
day Of compromises was at an end. The
most solemn we have made have been viola
ted, and where are they Since I had a sea-
in this Senate one of considerable ANTIQUITY
was swept awsy from our statute book; and
when in the minority l stood up here ana
asked youto withhold your hands-that il
vas sacred compact between nseotiOns-what
was the cry? That it was nothing but an
act of Congress, and could be swept away by
the same majority that passed it. That was
true, in TACT and true in law, and it showed
the weakness of compromises Now, / only
speak for myself, that in view of the manner
ia which compromises have been treated |
should think hardly any two members of the
Democratic party could look each other in
1 the face and say Compromise without a
smile. A compromise to be brought about
after the experience we have had, is absolutely
ridiculous. What are we to. COMPROMISED
am one OF those who went with zeal tomain-
tain the principles Of the Republican party.
In constitutional way We met and nomi-
mated our candidates. You did the same.
The issue was made and we went to the
people with it, and, although usually in the
minority, usually beaten, the justice Of our
principles and the bad administration of the
Government convinced the people that q
change ought to be brought about, and after
trying your utmost and we our utmost We
beatyou. We beat you on the plainest and
most palpable issue ever presented to the
American people, and one they understood
the best-and now, when we come to the cap
ital, we tell you that our candidate must be
inauguraied and administer the Government
precisely as their predecessors have dom It
would be humiliating and dishonorable to Us
if we listened to compromise by which we
should lay aside the verdict of the people,
When 1t comes to thtt, you have no Govern
ment but anarchy intervenes and civil war
may follow, and all the evils that human