New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-08-25

Of Congress is a question that the Judiciary only
| cen dettrpine. The political question u, noo wn.'
nowers If any, the people of Territory may exer-
,e against the will without the authority OF Con
| rTess but what powers they ought to be permit
led to exercise, adm itiDg the whole power TO Dc
| in Congress; or in other words, whether Congress
oueht 10 egislate for them, permit them 70 legs-
ate for themtelves upon Slavery az well az all other
domestic questions Upon this question, the question
bet the National Democrats aud the
| supporters of Mr. Bell. Non intervention was the
doctrine of Clay and Webster Is the doctrine upon
which the compromise measures oil loo are
In its last National Convention, and to which the Amer
lean party pledged sef by the resolutions adopted
the Convention that nominated Fillmore and Done-
SON. We suppose there lie hsrdly single follower OF
Mr. Bell either in the North in the South, who is In
favor of present Intervention either for or glnst Say
ery though there doubtless many who maintain the
constitutional power TO intervene IL the doctrine OF
non intervention was not adopted by the National
Union Convention, it was probably owing in great
part TO an aversion TO the adoption OF any platform,
and partly perhaps to an unwlngness TO shut ont any
really Union mar whether from the North or from the
South who while not askDg Intervention, mig It be
unwilling to tbandon the claim, under circumstances
that may possibly arise hereafter.
While then, the Union men or many OF Them are
separated from the National Democracy by the recol-
lections of the past they drawn toward them by
the sympathies of the present We alike whether
UDionists or National Democrats, attached to the
Union, faithful to the Constitution, obedient to the
laws opposed to 5ec0n6lsm IN all It's forms, ana In
favor OF nonDterventon upon the subject Of Slavery
And Whist serves 10 draT Us yet closer together we
are hated and reved by all the Abotioaiss nulifers,
disunonsls, and sectional demagogues that afct the
land.
1t was doubtless the perception of this fact that in
duced the Uica Convention 10 vest large discretionary
powers in your Committee, with 3ect 10 the forma
ton of an Electoral ticket; and we'll the language
OF the resolution comforting such powers as the speech
es OF the members who supported it, and the unanimous
and enthusiastic applause which those speeches drew
forth show that the Convention contemplated union
of the forces of the Unons with the forces OF the Ma
tiOnal Democrats--a UNION OF UNION MEN 10 put
down sectionaism. AGING upon this understanding,
and being met by the National Democrats in like
liberal and coDeiatOry spirit we have placed upon our
ticket in conjunction with Electors who support our
nominees the names of number of the supporters Of
Mr.. Douglas; and the Democratic Convention having
selected the same ticket thus placing in nomination
number of the weknown supporters Of Bel and Ever
ett we now proclaim that The friends Of The Union
in the Empire State are Thoroughly and cordially
united upon a single Electoral ticket
We have endeavored 10 show, in the prect ding
marks that no principle forbds this union the reasons
of expediency that recommend it are very obvious
We are not numerous enough TO give the whole
Electoral vote of the State Bell and Everett What
ever votes we may obtain by union many votes
gained TO candidates But this is not all they gain;
every electoral vote given TO Douglas also TO
their benefit. In the pre- sent aspect of the contest it
is uIdeniable that Mr. Lincoln the candidate who has
the best chance Of success but by sectional vote If
the te OF NeW1Ork taken from hm his defeat lB
certain. Bell Douglas end Lincoln will, in that case,
probably be returned TO the House. and Hanlin and
Everett TO the Senate. 1t is our firm belief that, in
that event, John Bell-or if not John Bell then GER
family Edward Everett-will be President of the
United States. We frankly declare that this is first
object the end in which we aim, and to attain which
we adopt what appear 10 us the most practical and
effective means. But we declare with the same frank
ness that it, IL ibis, first wish, shall be disap
pointed if Douglas, and not Bell shall become Presi
dent we will welcome that result as greatly preferable
to the success of sectional candidates
Ii il said that this plan involves an election ny the
House of Representatives and hat that is great evil
But if go L is an evil for which are more re-
sponsble t6an the supporters of the other candidates
III we can prevent that evil by voting for M Lincoln
the supporters of DR. Lincoln have equally their
power to prevent it by voting for Mr.. Bell. Why
should we more than they, abandon the candidate OF
onr chocei We do not seek to throw the election into
the House, we seek to ect Bell and Everett Oy the
people; but congratulate ourselves opon tne TACT,
that if unable to do So shall still probably succeed
in the mode provided by the wisdom Of the trainers
of the Constitution, when the people fail to make
choice.
Bot let us consider what is the evil and wherein it
consists of an election Of President by the House OF
Representatives. in all human institutions, in all po-
Ii,ica action degree of evil is unavoidaby mixed. 1t
evil, and thing TO be regretted, that majority
of the people cannot agree that any one man shall be
President. But what is the remedy fci that evil The
remedy that the Constitution points out is that the
election in such shall be devOlved upon the House
OF Representatives and that majority Of the States
tha choose the President. The remedy that the Re-
pubIcans propose is that the voters shall vote, not
coriiDg 10 their preference and judgment, but ac-
cord the apparent chances of OF one OF the
candidates. thus leaving calculation OF chances and
not reason TO deter rhine the result. This would be TO
let minority Of the people choose President obnOx
ious 10 the majority, in order to prevent constitutional
choice by the representatives Of the people. We, on
the contrary believe that the ballot ought TO represent
the opinion OF the voter that reason, aud not fortune
shonId popnar choice: that the ballot box
and not the dice box, is the proper emblem of popular
sovereignty.
But admitting the evils of an election of President
by hs House Of Representatives. to be as great as Is
contended they yet bear comparison 10 the evils OF
an election Of President, by vote that is purely
sectional and against the sentiment Of an immense
majority OF the people.
Ii Mr. Lincoln should be chosen President, allowing
him to divide equally the Northern votes which, with
four candidates running is more than he could do
there would still be against him the unbroken South
comprising not less toan one million OF voters, even
after we have deducted the Germans OF St. Louis and
few scattering voters mainly of Northern origin, in
the border Ssles. sectional President, elected by
minority of one million Of the people, is anomaly
that our fathers never contemplated
Yet this lie not all The Republican party If some
thing more and worse than mere sectional party The
principle upon which MIR. Lincoln was nominated is
one that entirely excludes the great of the citizens
of the Southern States from office. No one upon the
platform Of that party can be presented as candidate
for popular outrage unless he is wholly opposed to
Slavery. Our Union is, and awaIs has been, union
of elaveholdiDg and non slave boldng States. In f
teen States of the Union, Slavery exists ~ virtue OF
the fundamental law OF those States. ANY ctzen of
slayeholdng State who uphods the constitutions fea
ture of IFS institutions u.s. by the Republican PLATFORM
ineligible to any office cerainlyso any one that de-
ponds pupular suffrage and according 10 the practice
of parties from any office whatever Thus 1t appears
that the Republican party s substantially, an organi-
zaon TO exclude the citizens of the Southern States
from all share in the government of our common coun