New Orleans daily crescent., 1860-09-04
GovER.SoR BROWNS LETTER.

Nobody need he told who Albert G. Brown of
Mississippi is. From the time that he arrived at
the requisite constitutional age, up to the present
moment, he has served the people of Mississippi,
with scarcely aa interval of exception, in high
official position. Member of the House of Repre-
sentatises, Governor of the State, and Senator in
Congress, which position ne now holds, he has an
influence and popularity in Mississippi which are
equaled by few, and probably excelled by none.
When such man speaks, his words cannot fail
u make a grand impression. The people look to
such men fer ha sortof Information which inferior
orators casnot give them, and which even the press
fails to supply or, if supplied, is distrusteG on
account of the bitter Eartisanshp which the press,
too oftsn, unfort hnatsly displays.
Gov. Brown has written letter to Mr. Galloway
Of Mississippi Published in the Sunny South of
Aberdeen where;n he discusses with his usual
ability the platfdrm and the position of the party
Of Breckinridge and Lane. He supports those
gentlemen in thd present canvass. butits manifest
that his supports not hearty and cordial. Hepro-
tests both against the platform upon which they
stand, and against the doctrines and sentiments of
the letters by which they signied their acceptance
of the nominations conferred upon them. Recol-
lect that this is not the incautious language Of a
popular harangNe, but the deliberate convictions
of Mississippi Senator written down in the re-
tirement Of his own home, and thus made portion
of the recorded history Of the country. And here
is what among other things, he says:
1t is certainly ruea you and all others familiar
with my antecedents may already have inferred
that am not altogether satisfied with the Charles
ton Baltimore platform as laid down by our friends
1t is equally true that have objected to both the
letters of Breckenridge and Lane, accepting their
respective nominations. But have not for q
moment thought Of doing otherwise than casting
my vote in their favor.
To save all cavil now, and all dispute in the
future as to my true position, | will briefly peint
cut my objections to the PLATFORM and to the let
ters Of cur candidates accepting their nominations.
This do mainly to secure myself against misrep-
resentaton HEREAFTER.
The second i'll the series of resolutions that con-
stitute our platform as find it published in the
Constitution newspaper of the 10th of July inst is
in these words That it is the duty of the Federal
Government in all its departments, to protect, |
eeftel necessary the rights of persons and prop
erty in the Territories, and wherever else its con-
stitutional authority extends
would have made the resolution more explicit |
In several particulars for instance, would have
inserted slaves included 2 after the word tprop-
erty,n and the words on the high seasn after the
word g Territories
But my main objection to the resolution consists
in the interectipn Of the words aclea necessary"
They seem to ME to be sadly out of place. OF |
course, no one wants protection when or where it
Is HOt necessary. Ihese W0rdS, as they stand IN |
the resolution before me, imply that there is no
present existing necessity for protection. You,
and all other men who have done me the honor to |
read my speeches, know that | think otherwise
If the resolution read, " 1t is the duty of the Fede
raj Government in all departments, now and at all
times, to protectthe rights of persons and property
slaves included in the Territories on the high seas
and where else its constitutional authority extends
should have liked it better.
IL is noteworthy that the resolution which offers
protection to foreigners at home and abroad does
not offer it when necessary but it offers pro-
lection absolutely. To say do not like the direct
ness IN the one case and the lack off in the other
IS the mildest form in which can express my dis
sent.
Mr.. Breckin|idge, in his letter of acceptance.
says: " The friends Of constitutional equality do /
not, and never hid, demand Congressional slave /
code, nor any other code,' in regard to property
In the Territories. They hold the doctrine Of non.
Intervention by Congress or by territorial egis-
ature either to establish or prohibit slavery, ETC."
do not see the use of such language il Congress
s in any contingency to pass laws prohibiting
slavery in the Territories and if this is never to be
done, then, in rly opinion, the controversy is much
ado about nothing
Gen. Lane uses much the same language in his
letter of acceptance. Neither he nor Mr.. greckin-
ridge gives that distinct assurance which should
like TO hear, that the whole power of the Govern
ment, in all its departments Is to be used SO soon
as get control of it, to protect our slave prop
erty in the Territories and ON the high seas in the
same way and to the same extent that other kinds
Of property areproteeted. Without such assurance,
my past record shows that cannot as an honest
man, say 81 am satisfied