Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1860-12-06

/ AAgAN MUA hkuAh9k . lANAu 10 Ak NhIAa4ee
with the whole spirit Of the Constitution
Suppose such war should result in the
conquest Of State, how are we 10 govern
it afterwards. Shall we hold il as q prov
ince, and govern it by despotio poWeri In
the nature Of things we could not, BY physi-
cal force, control the will Of the people, and
compel them to elect Senators and Repre-
sentatives to Congress, and to perform all
the other duties depending upon their own
Volition, and required from the free citizens
Of free State as q constituent member Of
the confederacy.
But, If we possessed this power, would it
be wise TO exercise It under existing cir
oumstances2 The object would doubtless be
70 preserve the Union. War would not on
/ ly present the most effectual means Of de-
stroying H. but would Danish all hope Of its
| peaoeable reconstruction. Besides, in the
| fraternal conflict vast amount Of blood
and treasure would be expended, rendering
future reconciliation between the States
impossible. In the meantime, who can
foretell what would be the sufferings and
priVations Of the people during its eXis-
tence2
The fact is that our Union rests upon
public opinion and can never be cemented
| by the blood Of its citizens in civil war
II it cannot live in the affections of the peo-
pie, it must one day perish. Congress pos
sesses many means Of preserving il by con-
| oiliation; but the sword was not placed in
their hand TO preserve it by force.
But may be permitted solemnly TO in
| woke my countrymen to pause and deliber-
ate before they determine to destroy this,
the grsadest temple which has ever been
| dedicated to human freedom since the world
began? It has been conseerated by the
blood Of our fathers, by the glories Of the
past, and by the hopes Of the future. The
Union has already made US the most pros
porous and, ere long, will, if preserved, ,
render US the most powerful nation on the
face of earth, In every foreign region of
the globe the title Of American citizen is
held in the highest respect and when pro-
nounced in foreign land 1t causes the
hearts Of our countrymen to swell with hon
est pride, Surely when we reach the brink
/ of the ysWning abyss, We shall reooil with
horror from the last fatal plunge. By such
sdread catastrophe the hopes Of the friends
of freedom throughout the world would
be destroyed, anda long night Of leRden
despotism would enshroud the nations
| Our example for more than eighty years
would not only be lost but it would be
quoted as conclusive proof that man is
unfit for f-goVernment.
1t is not every Wrong-nsy, it is not eV-
/ cry grievous WFong-Which can justify a
resort to such fearful alternative. This
ought to be the last desperate remedy Of a
despsiring people, after every other consti-
tutlOnal means of Cancellation has been ex-
hausted We should reflect that under this
free government there is an incessant ebb
and flow in public opinion. The slavery
question, like everything human, will have
its day. 1 firmly believe that it has al
ready reached and passed the eliminating
point But if, in the midst OF the existing
excitement the Union shall perish, the
evil may then become irrepsrable. Con-
gress can contribute much to avert il by
proposing and recommending to the legis-
lstures of the several States the remedy
for existing evils which the constitution
has itself provided for its own preservation.
This has been tried at different critical Pc
riOdsof our history and always with emil
nent success.
It is to be found in the fifth article pro-
viding for its own amendment Under this
article amendments have been proposed by
two-thirds of both houses of Congress, and
have been "rati6ed by the legislatures of
three-fourths Of the several States" and
have consequently become parts of the con-
stitution.
To this process the country is indebted
for the clause prohibiting Congress from
passing any law respecting an established
religion or abridging the freedom Of speech
or OF the press, or Of the right Of petition.
To this, we are also indebted for the Bill
Of Rights, which secures the people against
any abuse Of power by the Federal Cover
ment Such were the spprehensions justly
entertained by the friends Of State rights
at that period as to have rendered it ex-
tremely doubtful whether the Constitution
could have long survived without these
amendments.
Again, the constitution was amended BY
the same process after the election Of Presi-
dent Jefferson by the House Of Representa-
tiYes, in February, 1903. This amendment
was rendered necessary to prevent a recur-
renee of the dangers which had seriously
threatened the existence of the government
during the tendency of that election. The
article for its own amendment was intended
to secure the amieable adjustment Of conflie-
ting constitutional questions like the present,
which might arise between the governments
of the States and that of the Unit, d States.
This appears from contemporaneous history.
In this connection, l shall merely call atten-
tiJn to a few SENTENCES in Mr.. Madison's Just
ly celebrated report in 1899, to the Legisla-
ture of Virginia. In this he ably and con-
clusiyely defended the resolutions of the pre-
ceding Legislature against the structures of
several ,otner State Legislatures. These were
mainly founded upon the protest Of the Yir-
ginia Legislature against the "Alien and Sc
dition acts" as "palpable and alarming in
fractions of the constitution" In pointing
out the peaceful and constitutional remedies
and ne referred to none other-tO which
the States were authorized to resort on such
occasions, he concludes by saying "that the
Legislatures of the States might have made
a direct representation to Congress with a
view to OBTAIN resembling Of the two often
sive acts, or they might have represented to
their respective Senators in Congress their
wish that two-thirds thereof would propose
an explanatory amendment to the constitu-
ton, or two-thirds of themselves, if such had
been their option, might, by an application
to Congress, have obtained a convention for
the same object"
This is the very course which earnestly
recommend in order to obtain an 'explana-
tory amendment" of the constitution on the
subject of slavery. This might originate
with Congress or the State Legislatures, as
may be deemed most advisable to attain the
object.
This explanatory amendment might be
confined to the final settlement of the true
construction of the constitution on three
special points,
L. An express recognition of the right of
property in slaves in the States where it now
exists or may hereafter exist.
2. The duty of protecting this right in all
the common Territories throughout their ter
ritorial existence, and until they shall be
admitted as States into the Union, with or
without slavery.
3. A like recognition of The right Of the
master to have his slave, who has escaped
from one State to another, restored and /" de-
livered up" to him, and of the validity Of the
Fugitive Slave law enacted for this purpose,
together with declaration that all State laws