Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-06-02

best we could, in our humble way for the Demo
cratic cause. We went there having been chosen
delegate by the unsolicited voice of the Democrat
cparty Noticing able to obtain what we desired
at the hands Of the Convention, we thought it our
duty in the last resort to cooperate with the ma
tonal Democracy on the Cincinnati platform pure
and simple, with pledge on the part of that De-
mocracy to abide the decisions Of the Supreme
Court And having voted iftyseven times against
Stephen A. Douglas, and having come to the con-
clusion that his nomination was the best that could
be obtained under the circumstances; and believing
him to be sound on the question of slavery in the
States, and knowing from his own declarations and
the declarations of his friends that he stood upon
the platform recommended by our own delegation
as the second branch Of their instructions to Mr.
Avery, we determined to vote for him, and would
have done So on the last day of the Convention, if
that body had baoted again for President. In the
absence of instructions we determined to take the
nezt best step to unite the party and defeat the black
Republicans. That step have just Indicated
We may be wrong in this, but we know we are
honest in it. We cheerfuy assume all the respon-
sibility which attaches to our own conduct in this
the State say so; if we are right, let them say
We are their servant When we have instructions
VIC will always obey them, but when we have no in
structons We will do what we consider right, re-
CARELESS Of consequences. We did not and do not
feel bound to adhere to our State PLATFORM and
at the same time to oppose Judge Douglas to the
extremity of sectionalizing the party and of there
by paving the way for defeat first and dsunion af-
forwards. We beg to be understood, however, as
speaking only for ourselt with no intention to re-
feet in the slightest degree upon others.
But it is said that the Supreme Court may be, in
the future an unsafe tribunal for the South; that
the black Republicans will obtain control of it and
turn its decisions against the slaveholdng States.
That may be so. At present it is certainly a safe
tribunal for the South. 1t may be changed, and no
doubt will be if the black Republicans should obtain
possession of the government. But what of that
Must we wait until this change is made? Shall we
permit Lincoln to pervert the whole power of the
government and in addition to turn the Supreme
Court against us? We say, No. We are for meet
ing the enemy at the threshhold-for vanquiShing
him or being vanquished long before his law-hh
adjudicatons against us made. If the people OF
the South true to themselves and their posterity
they will never be troubled by the decisions of black
Republican Judges. But if they submit to the in
auguration and rule of black Republicans, they will
bind themselves to submit likewise to the decisions
of abolition Court 1t will be too late to resist
the Court after having submitted to the President.
That is our view Of it. Meanwhile the decisions Of
the Supreme Court are the law of the land. We
know no higher law" than the law of the land
We are, therefore, willing to stand upon the Kan
sasNebraska act upon the doctrine of non-interven
ton contained therein and upon the Cincinnati plat
form pure and simple, with the decisions Of the Su
preme Court upon the judicial question of the
rights of shareholders in the common Territories.
We do not desire Congressional protection. Hands
off now, as in 1850 Let the Courts decide; let the
President enforce the decisions of the Courts with
the whole power Of the government if necessary
and then, if he should lack men or money to execute
these decisions, let Congress vote to give him both
To this extent and to this extent only, do we adyo
cate Congressional protection.