Clarksville chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1857-1865, 1860-08-31

Of mad anti-slavery worldwide sentiment and the
positive Intervention Of unfriendly Territorial LIE
gisatures and people, render present remedies ut
terly nugatory? We must insist that government
every department in its appropriate sphere, shall
keep remedies efficient for all time and against
all enemies, wherever the authority of that gov
ernment extends.
have given reasons enough to show the cor
rectness Of the great leading thoughtto be insisted
on as the true solution Of the question in this can
vass.
The next inquiry is, for whom shall we vote in
order most eliecualy to secure the triumph of this
principle2 To secure this triumph and make it ef-
fectual, we must have constant and honest eye to
two things
1st. We must endorse the principle by our Hote
I'd. We oughtso TO endorse it, as to restore peace
to the country, quiet the agitationsand thus pre-
serve the stability of the Government
1t is needless to say we cannot support Mr.. Lin
coin. But why2 Because he says it is the right
and the duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in the
Territories. This is n claim of power other than
TO protect and therefore, one which we deny and
because, also, his election will not restore peace
but increase the distraction and endanger the gov
ernment 1t is idle to debate the proprety, the
right or wrong of the fact If the experiment is
forced, it will turn out to be, in my humble judg-
ment, that this Government and Black Republican,
ism cannot live together. If our Northern friends
wish to imperil the Union, they can vote for Mr.
Lincoln. II we wish to insure the continuance OF
the first they must make certain the defeat of the
latter. AT period of the worlds history have
four thousand millions of property debated whether
it ought 10 submit to the rule of an enemy The
South may furnish the first example, but wise men
will not precpitate the hazard. a. .
We cannot support Mr.. Douglas. True, he says
Congress shall not prohibit slavery. But he says
the Territorial Legislature, provisional arm of
the Federal Government, may prohibit slavery in
two ways-by non-action and unfriendly legisla-
tion. deny the correctness both of the premise
and of the conclusion. UnfriendIy. legislation is
not only to deny the duty Of projection, and the
rights to refuse such additional remedies as time
and circumstances may show to be necessary, but
may also interfere with and render nugatory exist
ing remedies He claims this power under the
Kansas bill. Ii is claimed that the South has
agreed to the non-interventon and denial of pro-
lection clauses and doctrines as contained in that
bill Here, my brothers of the Constitutional De-
mocracy, is the fight for you to make. It is not for
me. All the world knows WE never agreed to that.
No, thanks to the sweet recollectons which strug-
giles for truth always fix in the mind, we were no
parties to that agreement nor partners in the spos
WE cannot therefore, support Mr.. Douglas. The
difference between us is one of principle. 1t is
dical fundamental and | sear incurable-certainly
so unless he shall change. AS intend this day to
speak canddy, and do full justice even to an enc
my, will add that outside of this question see
much in Mr.. Douglas to admire On other ques-
tions, and on many occasions, he has been a bold
able and fearless defender of our rights. He GER
tainly fights the Republican party maniully, and if
there is man North of Mason & Dixons line whom
above all Others could wish to be- not almost but
such as we are that man is Stephen A.
Douglas. But on this question have always diff
fered with him widely, and must continue to differ.
But will do him the further justice to say never
unie IL,
by denying, in 1876, that he held these opinions
He was too honest to affirm their denials, and the
truth is now manifest. The masses of Southern
Democrats have been deceived, and for that decep-
ton they curse Mr. Douglas. The curse should be
on those who deceived them, rather than on Mr.
Douglas.
The issue is thus narrowed down to Mr.. Bell and
Mr.. Breckenridge. With perfect willingness on
my part for the election of which ever of these two
would most efiectually secure the principle enun-
ciated, have examined this question and have ar
rived at conclusion to which, think, unprejudi-
ced investigation will bring every Southern man.
In no event will | make voluntary war on Mr..
Breckenridge, but am fully convinced that the
policy and the safest patriotism requires us to sup
port Mr.. Bell will proceed TO give my reasons,
and beg you, felleS-citizens, to leave party and
and prejudice behind while you listen to me.
admit here, that the new platform which
MIR. breckenridge stands, is ON this subject sound.
This Gov. johnson proved last night, and could
have proved much more concusivey than he did.
But, for myself if Mr.. Breckinridge gets on the
platform, and thus recants his errors, | will admit
him as sound as the platform. No issue with me
here.
Mr., Bells platform does not define the question.
His platform is the Constitution, the Union and the
Laws. To know how he nterprets the Consttu-
ton, and what laws he will enforce we must go to
the record If his record fails, then he and his
platform must fail. If his record is sound it gives
meaning to his platform, and strength to him. To
this record he refers in his letter of acceptance
and to the record let us go.
My first proposition, and which shall establish
without doubt, is, that John Bell is as sound as
the platform on which Mr. Breckenridge is nomina-
ted
This platform contains three distinct PROPOSE
tions;
lst That Congress has no power to abolish slave
ry in the Territories.
3D. That the Territorial Legislature has no such
power
3. That on the contrary, it is the duty of the
Government to protect property slavery undersood
whenever necessary.
These are three sound propositions, and cover the
whole ground of power and duty.
About the 5th day of June, 1850, Mr.. Seward, o
New York, offered the following rs an amendment
to the Compromise measures in the Senate
"Nelther slavery nor Involuntary Seryltuue, oth'
erwise than by conviction for crime, shall ever be
allowed in either of said Territories Of Utah anC
New Mexico"
This is the Winot Proviso. John Bell voted no
and thus endorsed under oath the first position O
the platform.
On the same day, Mr.. Berrien-that great man
from Georgia, offered the following amendment;
"But no law shall be passed interfering with tn,
primary disposal Of the soil, nor establishing Of
prohibiting African slavery
This was against Squatter Sovereignty Johr
Bell voted yeS and thus endorsed the second propo
siton Of the platform.
On the 9TH of May, Of the same year, Mr. Pratt
Of Maryland, and Mr.. Davis, of Mississippi, agreed
upon, and Mr.. Davis offered the following amend
ment to the same bill:
" "Proyided, that nothing herein contained shal
be considered so as to prevent any Territorial Leg
isatue from passing such laws as may be necessary
for the protection of the rights of property Of every
kind, which may have been or may be hereafter
conformidable TO the Constitution and laws of th,
United States, held in, or introduced into said Ter