The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1860-02-16
deed, a most ingenious expediens.

where the abstract admission OF right Is OF
decisive importance. Suppose, for arguments
sake. slave might escape from his owner
in Territory, without being IN actual dan
ger Of recapture; would that in any way At.
feet the constitutional right of the slavehol-
der 10 the possession and enjoyment of his
property. have already quoted Mr.. Doug
lass own answer to this question III,
SAYS he, ''slavery exists in the Territories
by virtue of the Constitution" (that is, If
shareholder has right to introduce his
STARE property" Uhere there as no other lac
but the Const4tutioa,) .thea Il becomes the
Imperative duty Of Congress. 70 The PERFORM
.ance of ,chich erery member as b0und by hts
oath and conscience, and from schich no con-
.stderatton Of policy erpeatency can re-
lease him. to proride ky larc such adequate
and complete protection as IS essential to the
enjoyment of that important right"
Aud Mr.. Douglas, after having emphatic
ally admitted the right of property in a
slave. where that right can spring from no
other law but the Constitution, then dares
to speak of unfriendly legislation. Where
is his conscience? Where is his oath!-
Where is his honor? Applause.
But Mr.. Douglas says more:
"The Constitution being the supreme law
of the land, in the States we'll as in the
wanna Just As well as in Kansas and in South
Carolina. and the irrepressible conflict is
'there.'
Aye, the irrepressible conflict IS there. not
ouly between the two antagonistic systems
of labor, but between Mr.. Douglass own
theories; Mr.. Doug lass own head. Laugh
ter and cheers Whatever ambiguous ex-
pr sssons Mr.. Douglas may invent, the di-
lemma stares him in the face. (and here put
myself on his own ground either slavery
is excluded from the Territories SO long as it
is not admitted by a special ac. of Terrific
rial leg islaton, or, if a stakeholder has the
right to introduce his slave property there
before such legislation is had he can pos
scss that right by virtue of no other but the
only law existing there. the Constitution OF
the United States. Either slavery has no
rights in the Territories. except those spring
ing from positive law OF local or munich
pal character, or. according to Judge Doug
lass own admission, the Southern construc.
ton of the Constitution and Of the principle
of popular sovereignty is the only legitimate
one, that the Constitution, by its own force,
carries slavery wherever it is the supreme
law of the land, that Congress is obliged to
enact slave code for its protection, and
that popular sovereignty means the power
of the people to vote for slavery, but by nc
means against it. There is no escape from
this dilemma
Which side will Mr.. Douglas take? VIII
he hold enough to say that slavery, being
the creature OF local law only, is excluded
from the Territories in the absence of posi-
tive law establishing it; or will he be honest
enough b to concede that, according to his
own proposition in his New Orleans speech
slavery exists in the Territories by virtue o.
the Federal Constitution He will neither
be bold enough to do the first, nor homes
enough to do the second; he will be coward
ly enough to do neither. Applause He
is in the position of that Democratic candi
date for Congress in the West, who, whet
asked: "Are you a Buchanan or Doug
rlas mani" answered, Il am Great laugh
ter and cheers. If you ask afr. Douglas
"Do you hold that slavery is the creature o
local law, or that a STAKEHOLDER has the
right to introduce his slave property where
there i. no local law" he will answer. 81
do" Continued laughter and applause
Such is Mr.. Douglass doctrine of pop
ular sovereignty. But after having giver
you Mr.. Douglass own definitions in hi
own words. | see you puzzled all tn,
more. and you ask me again: What is it?'
will tell you what Judgment will be passec
upon it by fu'ure historians. who may fnc
it worth while to describe this impoent at
tempt to daily and trifle with the logic o
lhings. They will say; ut was the dodgt
# man who was we'll aware that, in orde
20 be elected President of the L nited States
the vote of a few Northern States must b.
added to the united vote of the South Know
ing by experience that the Democratic roac
o the " bite House leads through the slave
holding States, he broke down the last geo
graphical barrier TO the extension of slavery
So he meant II secure the South. But i,
conceding undisputed sway to the slavehol
Hug interests, he saw that he was loosin:
his foothold In the Northern States necessar'
TO his election; he availed himself Of the lr
resistible pressure OF the Free-State move
nent in Kansas, and opposed the Lecomp
ION Constitution. So he saved his Senator
ship in Illinois, as the champion Of free la
bor But the South frowned and immsdi
ately after his victory he wen. into the slave
holding States, and admitted in his speeche
that slavery may 60 into the Territorie
without a special act of Territorial legisla
ton. Believing the South satisfied, an
seeing his chances in the North endangered
he wrote his Harper's Magazine essay, as
suming that slavery can exis, only by virtu
Of local law. The South frowniug again
he endeavored to make his peace with ,h
shareholders by declaring tina. he woul
submit to the Charleston Convention. and il
strucsing his nearest friends in the House
vote for the Administration candidate for th
SpeakershIp- So he endeav ored to cato
both sections of the Union successively
the trap of a double-facsd sophistry. n
tried TO please them both in trying to che
them both. Bat he placed himself beiwee
the logic Of liberty on one and the logic
slavery on the other side He put the swor
i of logic into the hands of his opponent
and tried to defend himself with the emp,
sesbbard of ..unfrie ndIy legislation" A,
plause. Unfriendly legislation. which
one case would have been unnecessary.
the other uncoastitutional-the invention