The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1860-04-13


hrgro-s Increase, ard YOU viii soon reach that
noinl wtlrfr i.e s)ii viii not produce enough
10 feed .h. slaves thrn hem in, and let them
slarv4 on,-let them die out by starvation.
That is the nolcy-hem them in, and starve
them out. D1 as the French did IN Algeria,
when the 4 Ara5s took 10 the caverns-smoke
them out, by making fires al the mouths of the
! cayerns, and keep them burning until they die.
! TIE policy IS TO keep up this agitation along
] the line make slave property insecure in the
/ border States; keep the master constantly in
apprehension Of assault, till he will consent TO
abandon hrs native country, leaving his slaves
behind hlm, ar 10 remove them further South.
Il y3u can torce Kentucky thus TO abolish sia-
very, you make Tennessee the border Stale, and
/ bSg,n thr same operation upon her.
| But, sir, TT Us see whether the Senator from
| New York did not proclaim the doctrine that
| free States and slave States cannot permanently
/ exist IN the same Republic. He said
st is an irrepTeSsbe conflict between oppo-
| sing and enduring forces and 1t means that the
| United States must and will, sooner or later,
become either entirely slavehodng nation or
! entirely free-labor nation.'
| The opposing conflict is between the States
the Union cannot remain as il now is, part free
/ and part slave. The conflict between Tree
! States and slave States must go on until there
| is not slave State left, or until they are all
! slave States. That is the declaration of the
| Senator iIom New FORK. The Senator from
! Maine tried TO make the Senate believe that /
! had miSrepresented the Senator from New York
and MIR. Lincoln Of Illinois, in stating that they
referred to conflict between States. He said
| that all they meant was that it was conflict
! between free labor and slave labor in the same
State. Now, sir, let me submit TO that mans
| candoT whether he will insist on that position.
! They both say the contest VIII 90 on until the
| States become all free or slave. Then, when
is the contest going to end When they be-
! come all slave? Will there not be the same
conflict between free labor and slave labor, alter
every State has become a slave State, that there
is now IT that was the meaning, would the
conflict between slave labor and free labor cease
even when every State had become savehol-
ding Have not all the slavehodHg States
large number OF free laborers within their limits
and if there is an irrepressible conflict between
free labor and slave labor, will you remove that
conflict by making the States ali slave Yet,
the Senator from New York says they must be-
come all slave or all free before the conflict
ceases. Sir, that shows that the Senator from
New York meant what | represented him as
meaning. 1t shows that man who knows the
meaning of words, and has the heart to express
them as they read, cannot fail TO know that
that was the meaning of those Senators. The
boldness with which charge Of misrepresenta-
ton may be made in this body will not give
character to If when it is Contradlcted by the
facts. dislike to have to repel these charges
Of unalrness and misrepresentation yet the !
Senator began with series OF lnuendos, with a !
series OF complaints Misrepresentation, showing !
that he was afraid 10 meet the real issues Of his
party, and would make up for that By person. |
al assaults and inuendos against the opposite |
party.
He goes back to a speech of mine in oppo-
sitlon to the Lecompton constitution, in which |
!; said that If you would send that constitution |
back and let the people of Kansas vote for or a.
gainst it, if they voted for free State or slave
State | would go for 1t without caring whether
they voted slavery up or down. He thinks it |
is aagreat charge against me that ] do not care |
whether the people vote il up or vote it down. |
Mr.. FEssENDEN. The Senator is mistaken |
as to the speech TO which ] referred. It was !
one of his speeches made on his southern tour /
that referred to.
Mr.. DOUGLAS. The idea is taken from |
speech in the Senate-the first SPEECH ] made
against the Lecompton constitution. II was
quoted all over Illinois by Mr.. Lincoln in the
canvass, and ! repeated the sentiment each tune
it was quoted against me-, and repeated it in the
South as we'll as the North. | say this: if the !
people Of Kansas want a slave State, It is their |
business and not mine; If they want free |
State, they have right to have it; ; and hence,
DO not care, so far as regards nv action. |
whether they make il free State Or not It is |
none Ct my business. But the Senator SAYS he |
does care, he has preference between freedom |
and slavery. How long would this preference /
last If he was a sugar planter in Louisiana, re-
siding on his estate, instead of living in Maine |
Sir, hold the doctrine that a wise statesman |
Will adapt his laws to The wants, conditions and |
interests Of the people TO BE- governed BY them.
Slavery may be very essential in one climate
and totally useless IN another. IF were a
citizen OF louisiana | would vote for retaining
and maintaining slavery, because | believe the
good OF that people would require it. AS
citizen of Illinois ] am utterly opposed to it, be-
cause our interests would not be promoted by
it, should like 10 see the Abolitionist who
would go and live in southern country that
would not get over his scruples very soon and
have plantation as quickly as he could get the
money TO buy ii.
/ have said and repeat that this question of
slavery is one of climate, of political economy,
OF seif-lnterest, not question of legislation.
Wherever the climate, the soil. the health ofthe
country arr such that il cannot be cultivated
by white labor you will have African labor,
and compulsory labor at that Wherever white
labor can be employed cheapest and most prof.
tably, there African labor will retire and white
labor will take lis place.
You cannot force slavery By all the acts of |