Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-03-21
Ihs.Stapdato.
spEEtn OF GOV. ELLIS,

s..ss - Il
SPEECH OF GOV. ELLIS,
ezissrea before sde Democratic State Convention,
IN Raleigh Aarch 9, 1860:
Mr.. President, AND %
GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION:
Your committee has communicated to me the &C.
toR of the Convention, and am here to express to
you my profound Obligations for the high confidence
YOU are pleased to repoSe in me. nomination ior
the office Of Governor of the State, by this intel-
.gent body of gentlemen is compliment OF when
any man might justly feel proud; but when 1t IS
recollected that you are the representatives OF q
great political party-expressing their sentiments
and Speaking their wshes-your action excites
in me emotions of gratitude and pleasure to
which can give no adequate expression
The cordial approval of my administration Of the
affairs of the State as expressed by this Convention
and BY my fellow citizens in their primary meetings.
is esteemed by me as the most valuable reward
Of office, and, as such, shall be gratefully cherished
and remembered
And. Mr.. President, will take this occasion to
acouit myself of debt of gratitude towards my
fellow-citzsns of all political parties in every part
of the State, by thanking them most sincerely Tor
the generous indulgence received at their hands
while in the discharge of my official duties 1t is
true, my action has at times been misunderstood
and occasionally misrepresented but of these things
make no complaint we'll knowing that they are
almost inseparable from that rigid scrutiny to which
the conduct of all public servants is rghtfuly sub
jected at the bar Of public opinion.
accept gentlemen, your nomination. and with 1t
the responsibilities and burthens it imposes; and
shall undertake the duties of this position with
deep and solemn conviction that they were never
more vitality responsible than in the present juno
ture of public affairs.
Sixteen years ago, in this Hall, participated in
the first political meeting of my life, and like this
it was Democratic Convention; but IN every other
respect how widely different the circumstances that
now surround us Then, We had two great national
parties each with organization extending to every
State in the Union; now, we have but one national
party-the other great political organization OF the
country being so exclusively sectional as not to be
able to procure single vote in one entire section Of
country embracing an area of $50 thousand square
miles, Then, the subjects of controversy between
the two parties were merely questions of domestic
policy, important it is true, but not vital; now.
questions affecting our liberties people, and, it
may be- our existence as nation, are under discus
sion. f 4.
Upon these questions the parties are arrayed, and
the contest approaches. Upon the one side the
Democratic party, buoyant with the recollection of
many victories gained in the cause of the country;
on the other Freesoiers Black Republicans and Abo
litionists, consolidated and combined These, sir,
the two great contending political forces that
divide the country. All others are mere political
atoms, that cannot and will not be felt, except
far as they may affect the contest between the two
main organizations.
Such, gentlemen, are the parties to the contest.
The issue between them should be clearly under
stood, especially here at the South. l assert, and
shall maintain it with the proofs, that this issue is,
whether African slavery shall he abolished here in
the States, where it now exists? Let not be de-
ceved upon this point Men may talk about our
riuhfc in no hut how
are not the questions now in issue. The abolition
of slavery here at home is the design of oppo-
nents This is the bond that cements all the anti
slavery elements in one solid column against U.S.
What says VIM. H. Seward, above all others, the
true exponent of the sentiments of the abolition
party" The party Of freedom seeks complete and
unicersat emancipation. 1t slavery
can be and must be abolished, and you and can
and must do it, 1t requires Only to
tollow this simple rule Of action To do erery,ehere
and on eoery occasion rhat can, and not to ne
glect or refuse to do ohat zee can at any time BE-
cause at that precise time>and on Mat particular
occasion, ace cannot do more" Everywhere and
upon all OCCASIONS in power and out of power, this
man and his party seek, in his own language, com
ptete and unirersal emancipation" Can proof be
clearer or evidence more convincing?
Of the same tenor is the notorious Rochester
speech of this man, delivered ten years after the
sentiment quoted: at is an irrepresssble conflict
6etoeen opposing and enduring forces and it means
that the United States must and aciN sooner or
later, became either entirely slareholding nation
or entirely free labor nation" Here, sir, is the
bold announcement that state of hostilities exists
between the North and the South, which shall not
cease until the party the other be conquered
and trodden under the feet of the victor. 1t is
declaration Of war against the South by this man
and his partizans. Give them power and it will be
NEED in the nf hot AVN
Navy, and hundreds of millions Of revenue annually
and as much more as they may choose to extort
from the people, will all be directed against this de-
voted people.
But is it perfectly certain that Seward speaks the
sentiments of his party? The proof upon this point
too, is clear and conclusive. In book of Infamous
notoriety, which has received the full and complete
approval Of the black Republican party, and is now
circulated by them as campaign document, is
this sentiment among others, equally reasonable:
Our purpose is as firmly 1fred as the eternal pill
lars Of Heacen. We haze determined to abolish
slarery, and so help as God aJolth it ace DiL"
Senator Of the Empire State OF the Union, un-
der his own hand, endorses this book, after care.
full perusal; Governor of the same State con.
tributes 500 towards its circulation here among
the best customers of his people. This shame
brought upon the Empire State by unworthy sons
and faithess public officers, is destined, trust, to
be gloriously wiped out by the Democracy in the
coming contest, when the land of Silas Wright will
once more stand proudly forth among the States oil
the Union, without a spot or stain upon her es
cutcheon.
Is further proof wanted of the designs of these
men? Does the tragedy of Harpers Ferry teach us
nothing? when traitors and assassns found men to
lament their failure and mourn their discontinue
when the graves of executed felons drew forth copi
GUS tears, as though ore distinguished for patriots
service to the country had falleni
But the apologsts Of this man Seward and his fol
lowers boast that we have Constitutional guarantees
that will protect our property, even though he OF
one OF his associates be elected President and the
Aboitionists placed in power. What, the Constitu
ton stand in the way of the Abolitionists! Wha
says this same Mr. Seward on that point? Heal
his adnonitions to some of his more innocent fol
lovers, who really thought in the simplicity of the
hearts that the Constitution Of the United States
Gid possess some binding force: Correct your ow,
error that slavery has any Constitutional guarant,
tohach may not be reeased and ought not to be re
ttnquashed." Think YOU that the Constitutio,