Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1860-03-02

than the accidental location of parties. Our
policy of labor in the territories was not Sec
qonai IN the first forty years of the republic.
us nature inheres. 1t will be national again,
during the third forty years, and forever after
%drus' IL IS not wise and benefcent for us
aIo"e, OF injurious to you alone. Its effects
are equal, and the same for us all
You accuse the Republican party of Interior
and secret designs. How can a marty that
counts Its votes in this land of free speech and
free press by the hundreds of thousands have
any secret designs? Who is the coni,Irer and
where are the hidden springs by which he can
control its uncongregated and widely dispersed
masses and direct them to objects unseen and
purposes unavowed? But what are these hid
den purposes You name only one That
one is, to introduce negro equality among YOU
Suppose we had the power to change your So
clal system; what warrant have you for sup
posing that we should carry negro equality
among you! We know, and we will show
you, If you will only give heed, that what our
system of labor works out, wherever it works
out anything, is the equality of white men.
The laborer in the free states, no matter how
humble his occupation, is white man, and he
IS politically the equal of his employer.
Eighteen of our thirty,three states are free
labor states. There they are Maine, New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont Rhode
Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Illinois, In
diana, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, California,
and Oregon. | do not array them in contrast
with the capital states. | am no assailant of
states All of the states are parcels of my
own Countrywide best of them not so wise and
great as | am sure it will hereafter be; the
state least developed and perfected among
them all is wiser and better than any foreign
state know. Is it then in any, and in which,
n hov oil hat
lty otfends the white mans pride Through
out the wide world, where is the state where
class and caste are SO utterly extinguished as
they are in each and every one of them
Let the European immigrant, who avoids the
African as if his skin exhaed contagion,
answer. You find him always in the state
where labor is ever free. Did Washington,
Jefferson, and Henry, when they implored you
to rellnqulsh your system and accept the one
we have adopted, propose to sink you down to
the level of the African, or was it their desire
to exalt all white men to a common political
elevation! But we do not seek to force, or
even to intrude, our system on you. We are
excluded justly, wisely, and contentedly, from
all political power and responsibility in your
capital states. You are sovereign on the SUBJ
Ject of slavery within your own borders, as we
are on the same subject within our borders. 1t
is well and wisely so arranged Use your au-
thorlty to maintain what system you please.
We are not diStrustful of the result. We have
wisely, as we think, exercised ours to protect
and perfect the manhood of the members of the
state. The whole sovereignty upon domestic
concerns within the Union, is divided between
us by unmistakahle boundaries. You have
your fifteen distinct parts; we eighteen parts,
equally distinct. Each must be maintained in
order that the whole may be preserved. Ii ours
shall be assaied, within or without, by any
enemy, or for any cause, and we shall have
need, we shall expect you to defend it. If
yours shall be so assailed, in the emergency,
no matter what the cause or the preteXt, or
who the foe, we shall defend your sovereignty
as the equivalent of our own We cannot, in
deed, accept your system of capital or its eth
les. That would be to surrender and subvert
our own, which we esteem to be better. Be-
sides, if we could, what need for any division
into states at all You are equally at liberty
to reject our system and its ethics, and to
maintain the superiority of your own by all
the forces of persuasion and argument We
must, indeed, mutually discuss both systems.
All the world discusses all systems. Espec-
tally must we discuss them since we have TO
decide as a nation which of the two we ought
to ingratt on the new and future states growing
up i'll the great public domain. Discussion
then being unavoidable, what could be more
wise than to conduct it with mutual federation
and in a fraterna spirit? You complain that
republicans discourse too boldly land directly,
when they express with confidence their belief
that the system of labor will in the end, be
universally accepted by the capital states, act
ing for themselves, and in conformity to their
own constitutions, while they sanction too
unreservedly books designed to advocate
emancipation. But surely you can hardly ex-
pect the federal government or the political
parties of the nation to maintain censorship of
the press or of debate. The theory of our
system is, that error of opinion may in all cases
be safely tolerated where reason is left free to
combat it. Will it be claimed that more of
moderation and tenderness in debate are ex-
hibited on your side of the great argument
than our own? We all learned our polemics,
as well as our principles, from a common mas
ter We are sure that we do not, on our side,
exceed his lessons and example, Thomas JET.
ferson addressed DR.. Price, an Englishman,
concerning his treatise on emancipation in
America, in this fashion,:
"southward of the Chesapeake, your book will find but
ee 9 ~ inc on the .h
G SnI n The bulk Of the people viii in
in practice; minority which, FIR weight and worth of
character preponderates against the great number who
which, however keeps their coDscenees unquiet North
opponent your you may And here and there
roDDer or murderer but in no greater numberN*
may eyes for the Interesting spectacle Of Justice
to conflict with ayarice and opprcssoa conflict where
uT INTO ofiice of young men grown and growing up.
,, Be not. then, DISCOURAGED What you have written
Will do great deal of good; and could you still trouble
yourself about our welfare no man is more able to help
the laborlng side"
You see, sir, that whether we go for or
against slavery anywhere, we must follow
southern guides. You may change your pilots
with the winds or the currents; but we, whose
NOT VII al fho
rendered us somewhat superstitous, must be
excused for constancy in following the guild
ance of those who framed the national ship,
and gave us the chart for its noble voyage. A
profound respect and friendly regard for the
VicePresident of the United States has in
duced me to weigh carefully the testimony he
has given on the subject of the hostility
against the South imputed to the republican
party, as derived from tho relations of the re-
representatives. of the two parties at this capital.
He says he has seen here, in the representa-
tives of the lower southern states, a most reso-
lutte and earnest spirit of resistance to the re-
publican party that he perceives sensible
loss of that spirit of brotherhood and that feel
ing of loyalty, together with that love for a
common country, which are at last the surest
cement of the Union, so that, in the present
unhappy conditions of affairs, he is almost
tempted to exclaim, that we are dissoving
week by week and month by month that the
threads are gradually fretting themselves asun-
der and stranger might suppose that the Ex-
ecutive of the United States was the President
of two hostile republics. 1t is not for me to
raise doubt upon the correctness of this dark
picture, so far as the southern groups upon the
canvas are concerned, but must be indulged
in the opinion that / can pronounce as ac-
curately concerning the northern or repub-
ae \