Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-06-13

for The Vice Presidsncy) d&1fs his % Non - thu
deutine Of the Denosratid panty on IT, quii llos
in sths following cisar md atses8 lar6iafsA 6as6
speech b made h Es1lh9 touI KY, in 3uns, 4SteS
vsry their position is clear. The wholes pQwer Of
the Democratic organisation IS pledged 70 the fol-
lowing propositions: That Congress shall not in
tervene upon this subject in the States in the Terri
tories OF in the District Of CDubia; that the peo-
pie Of each Territory shall determine the question
for themselves and b admitted into the Union upsn
footing Of perfect equality with the original States,
without discrimination on account of the allowance
or prohibition Of slavery. j., a.,it a$ i .it,s
Yet how many Of those who Aould cruelty Doug
las for avowing just such sentiments are ready TO
But again: You all brow that Gen. 10 Lane has
been prominent carldate for the Presidency. In
speech made at Concord. N. H., in September,
1856, in defending the Nebraska Kansas act he said
with soldiers boldness p @ atf's* s.
"Thcre is nothing in the law. gentlemen but
what every enlightened American heart should APP
prove The idea incorporated in the Kansas-Ne-
braska till IS the true American principle; for the
bill does not establish prohibit slavery, but leaves
the people of these Territories perfectly free to reg
ulste their own local affairs in their own way. Is
there any man who can object to that idea? Is
there any American citizen who can oppose that
principle?
Gentlemen, desire to say to you that the princ-
pie incorporated into the Kansas Nebraska bill is
the very principle in defence Of which your forefa-
theirs entered into the service of their country in
the revolutionary war; for the American colonies,
two years previous to the Declaration Of Indepen
dence, asserted this same principle we now find in.
corporated in the Kansas Nebraska bill F"
Again: Mr.. Chase of Ohio, moved to amend the
amendment to the Nebraska Kansas bill (which
have quoted) by adding after the word Constitu-
ton, the following words: "under which the peo-
pie shall have the right to ercl.de sldrery." Mr.
Shields proposed to him the propriety of putting in
the alternative, Tor to aliou slare,y" He (Mr
Chase declined to receive it. Mr.. Badger opposed
the amendment with much earnestness, upon the
ground that its adoption would be distinct lesis-
latve explanation that so far as slavery is concern
ed. they 0he people, shall have the right. under
this BILL to act only for the exclusion Of Slavery"
Mr.. Cass said at did not give the right of govern
ment to the people" Mr.. Badger replied-"1t un-
questionably does not give the right which this bill
proposes to give them, to regulate thinys for them
seloes. Mr.. President, the matter is clear. Some
Of US Think distinguished Senator from Mich
gan (Mr Cass) is of opinion, that to the people of
the territory alone belongs this power. Now, do
not agree with him. think with the Honorable
Senator from Indiana, (Mr. PettiD that Congress
has penary power Of government to legislate over
these territories But with regard to that question
Slavery We have agreed-some of us because we
thought it the only RICH: mode, and some Of us be-
cause we think it right mode, and, under existing
circumstances, the preferable mode, to confer this
porer upon the people Of the Territories"
Now, can such facts and such language be misun-
derstood? Is not their meaning too plain for cnvi!
At another time, during the same debate, Mr..
Badger used these words: "The language Of the
bill, as amended on motion Of the Chairman oi the
Committee or Territories (Mr. Douslas) is full,
complete and ample, giring the people Of these Ter
riories through their gorernmenfs the unrestrefed
and unqualified right to decide upon ALL their do
nestle relations, SLAVERY INCLUDED"
1t is hardly possible for clearer and stronger Ian
guage to be used And yet this is not clearer or
stronger than the exposition of the meaning Of the
act given by many Southern Senators and Repre-
sentatives who engaged in the discussion. | wish
had time to read other extracts all going to sustain
the construction placed on it by Senator Douglas.
Non-interrention has been recognized as the doc
trne Of both parties at the South for the last ten
years. The whole history of her political conven-
tons and legislatures proves it beyond all question
1t has been regarded the very sheet-anchor Of our
peace and safety. He who opposed it or gave it a
cold and ungenerons support was put down as worse
than Turk or in6del. His political coffin was at
once ordered.
And pray what are we now required to do, under
u u
shall be broken up, and those at the South who op
pose the demand shall be held up a. traitors to their
section! Why, when there is but one territory in
which slavery can possibly exist when that
territory has already adopted slavery-when there
is only the remotest probability of acquiring addi
tional slave terrtory-when we have not slaves
enough by millions to till the lands now possess
are most arrogantly required to abandon the po
stion have held for the last ten ycarsto violate
the plighted faith of both parties at the South to
each other, to abandon our Northern friends who
have heretofore confded in us, and 60 back to the
doctrine of Congressional intervention on the sub
ject Of slavery in the territories to demand Of
Congress a territorial sLre CODE The doctrine is
| in my judgment fraught with the greatest injury
to the South / shall not cease to oppose and de
! nounce it.
! With non-intervention by Congress. with slavery
in the Territories and the bred Scott decision
what more does the South want? What more doe
she need? Who is to be benefited BY this agita
ton of the territorial slave code doctrine! Ar,
there any territories that requre-that need such
code? Is the principle one Of any practical impor
lance? Is there any necessity that it should b.
pressed even to the disruption of the Democratic
party-securing thereby the election Of black Re
publican to the Presidency! " '4
The status-the condition of the territories, as t
slavery, is fixed by an immutable Ian, which render
futile all human enactments, either for its establish
ment or prohibition. Wherever, from soil and eli
mate slavery be made profitable, it mill 90 and
protected, and wherever it would be improbable o
worthless, no human ennctments can .force 1t. Why
then, exhaust our energies on mere impracticabl
issue? Does any man fancy that the issue whic
is presented by the black Republican party, is to
fought over the territories? Is that the "irr,
preSsble conflict" to which Seward and his rockies
followers have challenged us? No, by no means.-
Far from it Their aim is wider, deeper-far NOR
dangerous.
The blow they are aiming is far more vital.
seek not to wound the extremities only it strikes
the heart. The axe is applied, not to the branches
but to the root Of the tree It is blow aimed
our very hearths-at our domestic rghts-at on
peace and safety The exclusion from the Unto
Of any other slave State-the abolition of slavery
the District Of Colnmbia-the Introduction Of tt
slave trade between the States-the repeal Of tt
fugitive slave law-the extinction, total-enti
extinction Of slavery throughout the Union-by LEI
slation, il possibility force and bloodshed, if ne
essary-are not these the inevitable purposes ar
ends Of their doctrines the momentous issues