Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-05-23
The Standard.
SPEECH OF
HON. THOMAS L. CLINGMAN,

SPEECH OF
HON. THOMAS L. CLINGMAN,
OF NoRTH.cARoLINA.
On the ssS;eet Of Congressional LEGISLATION as %
tho risAts of property in the 7esrtto' ses. 70
Hueycd in the Senate Of the United States, Aay
7Es, 1860.
1CoNrINUED FROM FOURTH PAGE.
fit be true as the Senator from Mississippi con-
tends that the bred Scott decision settles the qoes
ton and supports the right of Shareholder IN
Territory then there is another strong reason why
we should acquiesce in non-ntervent'on al thls
time. This, therefore, is third reason; ana NOW
propose to give one or two Others why person IKE
myself who originally did not adopt IT, may 10"
be for it.
1t has been adopted as the policy of the country
for ten years. Can We now pass through resoiu-
lions or bills to establish protect slavery IN tne
Territories That is the question. Recollect, II Is
only in case where the people Of Territory are
hostile to our rights; it is only where they are so
hostile that they refuse to protect u.s. or even egs
late against US that have been called upon to exer
else this power Nobody prctends that there Is any
necessity for our going into New Mexico, or otner
Territories that favorable 20 u.s. with this egis
laton Therefore, the question presented is simply
this: suppose Territory is hostile to us, and its
legisates against it. will Congress intervene? First,
is there any political possibility that we can pass
such law through the two Houses? We have had
test on the question already. Here is the Terri
tory of Kansas which not only does not give US any
protection, but which, am informed, has leglslated
adversely, One Senator from Mississippi mr.
Brown has brought forward proposition to inter-
fere for the protection Of slavery in that Territory
and yet he has not gotten one southern man to BACK
him; and if you were to submit the question to
body of southern Senators have very great doubt
whether you would get them to agree to such legis
lation Why is it? If we of the South are willing
to impose the nstitution-that is the common
phrase-on Territory against the wish OF major
ity, why IS it that gentlemen do not come up and
support the proposition Of the Senator from Mssls
sipp? Is it because it is felt that it is politically
and morally wrong to interfere in this way? Is
that it or is it because gentlemen know that such
legislation would be unavailing? l ask why we
have not induced southern Senators yet to come up
and vote for the establishment or protection OF
slavery in Kansas notwithstanding the adverse leg
islaon of the territorial authorities? leave every
gentleman to give his own reasons. But suppose
every southern Senator went for il, We could not
pass it and how many northern men are there who
are ready to vote for it? How many northern men,
bers are there in the other House for it? 1t will
take thirty northern Representatives to pass through
such bill. We all know what camor was raised
two or three years ago by the botionistS-falsely
it was alleged that Congress intended
to force slavery upon the Territory of Kansas wheh
er it wished it or not. Now, if we undertake to pro-
tect or maintain slavery in a Territory against the
wish of the inhabitants, l ask you how many north
men are likely to sustain us in it? At present
We have no southern men for it that know of ex-
cept one. There may be others but they have not
xko,,oI Oft n ohofo of he To
state the fact But suppose they come up and do it.
how many men will you get from the North?
hold that it is political impossibility that should
pass such measure; and, as shall presently en-
deavor to show, nothing but mischief will result
from the attempt.
But suppose there were nothing in this fourth OBJ
lection of mine and that Congress should actually
pass law of that sort, how much would It be worth
in Territory where the people are thoroughly ad-
verse to it and unwilling that the institution should
exist or be protected? If you are going to enforce
the law, you must send either an army or an i'm
mense number of officials and scatter them all over
the Territory. Gentlemen know now how difficult
it is to recover runaway negro from the free States
From some of these States you can only get him by
the help of an army. 1t was stated the other day,
in speech by member of the Republican party,
who, suppose, kncws-1 mean Mr.. Raymond, who
was once Lieutenant Governor of New York-that
of the runaways who went to the North not one in
i've hundred ever was recovered and yet it is much
easier to send posse or body of troops there to
get single negro at one point and return him. than
1t would be to support army and protect it over
= whole Territory. But, nevertheless, suppose you
could maintain it there what then? Everybody on
our side of the House admits that when they make
State constitution, they have right to exclude it.
Have YOU or l, or any other man, the least doubt
that W a do
they would make it antislavery? Anv community
on earth who had forced upon them system to
which they were adverse would inevitably throw it
off when they could. What would be the result
Every State brought into the Union under these cir
cumstances would not only be free State but
would probably be abolitionizcd probably, strong
anti-savery features would be thrown into its con.
stituton. What advantage is that to us of the
South, l ask gentlemen? We would like to have
slave States they would give us additional strength
IN the two Houses of Congress; but slave Terrific
rles are worth nothing to us they give us no
strength. We should like to have slave Territories
that might be formed into slave States; but if we
can only have them under system which is almost
sure to make them terminate into free and hostile
States, they are of no advantage whatever to us.
have now, Mr.. President, given some five rea.
sons why. in my Judgment even if nonntervention
had not been right originally, it would be the true
policy now; but gentlemen say if it is our right to
have protection, let us insist upon it. take it for
granted that every man believes he has rights which
he cannot insist on at all times. No man will insist
on an abstract, remote sort Of right which he can
turn to no practical advantage and thereby merely
incur very great losses. If man believed that he
had certain valuable property in the moon, nobody
would expect him to attempt get at it there either
by balloons or otherwise. Everybody would regard
it as an impossioty, and any expenditure of time
and money that he made to effect it would be resar
aed as thrown away am free to say that, in nv
Judgment there is about as much probability of ef
fecting thing Of that sort as there is Of getting
through Congress and maintaining system Of Leg
slation to protect slavery in Territories that are sc
utterly hostile to it that they make their Legislature
act against it. and then to bring them in as slave
holding States. One is political the other phvs
ical lmpossibility. think we shall lose by the On
Grafton; and this brings me to another class of OBJ
jections. '' VI v"
If we take this system of congressional interven
ton for the protection of slavery we must act in on
position to the settled policy of the Democratic par
y lot the last'tsn years. Then you necessarily di
woe the party. The movement will not divide on
opponents; they,yYill all stand nc tho., ,orr a. C