Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-09-19

true, but with That tact nas BOhe Npialthtlo,
which nv opponents have never published, showing
that it was nv intention to be absent during the
canvass but not my intention to lose my vote
& You all know that at times citizen, that
cond vote any where in the State (beng before the
revision and adoption Of present constitutional
but it so happened that there were six or eght gen
stlemen accompanying me, all Of whom belonged 70
the Wing party, and they proposed to me tnat y
would not return 10 nay own town ana vote ,hey
would not II we had all voted, there would have
been six or seven votes cast for Taylor, and only
one cast for Cass and Butler. ICheers accept
ed the proposition, and we went hunting. Laugh
teri And if every man had done as well as myself
we would have carried the State BY forty thousand
majority. [Applause Among those with me, l
remember the names of three of my friends-Thos.
J. Redd, Nelson Butler and George p. Jewett
Another charge has been extensively circulated
throughout the Southern States that was an eman-
cpationist in 1849 at least voted for an cmanci
pationist at some time
TMr. B. here read an extract from letter from
Hon. George Robertson, published in a Southern
paper having reference to bis position on this ques
ton, and alluding to his private affairs, and COM
mented on II at some length and with much severity
come to the fact that the only time / knew Of
the question of emancipation being raised was in
1910, when we were electing delegates to the con-
vention to form new constitution. Then Doctor
Breckenridge and Mr.. Shy were emancipationists
Mr. Wicklife and canvassed the county to the best
of our abilities in opposition to emancipation, be-
leving that the interests of both in the COM
monweath would be promoted By the continuance
of their present relation At the polls, DIR. Brock
inridge voted against me, and voted against him,
Tcheers because we were representing opposite
principles, and Just so would it be again, under sm
lar circumstances. So much for that charge.
But have seen pamphlets published and circu
lated all over the Union for the purpose of proving
Al. 4 aofR t1pl
Laughter have no doubt that very consider
able proportion Of those listening to me were men,
bers of that order in that year, and it there IS
man among YOU who belonged to the order, who
ever saw me in one of your lodges, who did not
know that was recognized as one of the most I'M
compromising opponents Of that order-let him be
good enough to say so now. A voice: He amt
here believe was the first gentleman in Con-
gress who took position against the organization.
When returned home in the spring Of 1855, 1t
was making great progress in this commonwealth
and although had withdrawn from public life to
attend to my private affairs, opposed it in repeated
speeches all over Kentucky.
The statement may not be very acceptable to some
gentlemen within the sound of my voice, but do
not want to deceive any man. | stand upon my
principles, and am willing tn ow them without the
slightest regard to consequences. am represented
to this day as having said that would make diff
ference between one of my own religious belief and
another, and that between an unnaturalized and
naturalized citizen would make political differ
ence. / never uttered such sentiment Great
applause
The underlying principle with me was this: that
the condition of citizenship being obtained no
question, either Of birth religion, should be al
lowed to coinmngle with political considerations
/ applause. deem it only necessary to make these
statements here succinctly and pass on, because I
am speaking to assembled thousands who know
this injustice.
But feow-citizens, to come to more extended
topics it has been asserted that and the political
organization with which am connected, have aban-
doncd the ground on which we stood in regard to
the territorial question in 1854 and '56-that we
then occupied position which is now occupied by
the friends and supporters Of Mr. Douglas, and by
that eminent gentleman himself deny it. and /
shall now proceed to prove my denial both as to
myself and as to the party therein involved
There was body to whom could refer the
question, and we thought it unnecessary further to
dohate, each party agreeing to acquesce in the de.
cison rendered by the said body. | believe that
none of my speeches in this connection were pre-
pared by me, except by the briefest notes. Never
a single report of these speeches revised by me
or written out in full The reports of them are
those which various persons chose to make have
been amused to see various portions Of what they
call the Tippecanoe speech and the divers reports
of the reporters which they chose to make for the
different papers at different times
have in my hands report which reads as fol-
lows in reference to the territorial question: 1.-The
people Of the Territories under the Nebraska
act have the full right to abolish or establish sav-
ery-which principle is as old as republican gov
ernmcnt itself" .-......
Not only did never utter such sentiment, but
I have no reason to believe that anybody ever
thought / uttered it. I had never seen it in any
newspaper anywhere; but have no time to waste
in comments upon the propriety or delicacy of a
gentleman who is before the country for the office
OF President, in introducing the name Of one who is
also candidate with me, and giving his personal
testimony AS to that gentlcman's opinions, shall
waste time in the discussion of the propriety of
such course. wish 10 meet the accusation
The Hon. S. A. Douglas, in series Of papers
which he has been reading in various States and
even recently in Concord, n. HI give his own
language: There is not an honest man in all
America" says Mr.. Douglas, "that will deny that
JAS. Buchanan and Jno. C. Breckenridge, in 1856.
were pledged to the doctrine of non-ntervention by
Congress with slavery in the Territories" Mark the
word it is there non-interyenti0n a. made speech
es from the same stump with j. G. Breckenridge in
1896, when he was advocating his own claims to
the vice-presidency, and heard him go to the ex-
treme length in favor of popular sovereignty in the
Territories Then. speaking Of other gentlemen
from the South, who had Seen expressing themsel-
yes in the North, he says: ain every one of the
speeches they advocated squater sovereignty in its
broadcast sense" Here in the space of twelve lines
you see non-intervention, popular sovereignty
evidently conveying the same meaning-that held
doctrines Of nonintervention as it was originally
understood and engrafed into the legislation Of the
country, lcheers as viii proceed to show more
| fully, in another part of my speech But, I presume
that Mr. Douglas, in this statement, meant to de.
clare that in 1856. from the same stump with me,
that he advocated the doctrine that Territorial
Legislature had the power to exclude slave property
under territorial conditions; and also presume
that be uses this expression IN that sense and this
IS the question that has been the whole point Of
dispute.
wen, mt no time, either before or after the pass.
age Of the Kansas Nebraska bill in Congress- Aid
ever entertain or utter the opinion that Territorial
Legislature prior to the formation of State cons,
tuition, had the power TO exclude slave property
from the common Territories of the Union and nS