Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-05-05

Popular sovereignty any man Win MS shgie sia'e
his five or ten slaves would venture now to enter
and settle in solitary Territory within the United
States. It may be said by my distinguished friend
from Ohio that the principle we are contending for
is an abstraction. 1t may be an abstraction, for
Democratic principles are all distractions; they do
not become practical questions until you come to
egslate and pass founded upon those prin-
ciples All the principles we lay down abstrac-
tons; they intended to control and govern the.
legislation of this country for the present, and it
may be for the future. We have reported to you
from both the majority and minority, a resolution
for the acquisition of Cuba We all say privately
and publicly, if the bonds of the Union are to be
preserved and perpetuated, and we are to live in
concord and harmony, that the flag of this great
country must float all the States of Central
America, and over the whole of Mexico, unless that
country should remodel its form of government
and change the principles which control it. There
IS then, in the future opening of a country for
us, which should develope and increase Southern
labor; and yet the principle proclaimed in the MI
nority report-the principle which is said to be en-
bodied in the Cincinnati platform-the principle of
Popular straightforward exclude every South
man, with his slaves from all the Territories of
Mexico and Central America, if acquired in any
manner by the government of the United States
ask you, in that event. what would be the destiny
of the people of the South2 1t is case of life and
death with them. We regard this principle as more
important in its ultimate effects than any principle
ever discussed before in America, so far affects
the future fate and destiny Of the people of the South
If you establish the doctrine of Popular Sovereign
ty-if you establish Gordon of free States on the
Gulf extending across from the Pacific to the Allan
tic Ocean, ask you where, in the future, the
South to emigrate? Where is the negro population,
when it becomes redundant, to be placed? Are you
prepared to bring on, in the future, or at present
that irrepressible conflict which has met with the
indignant rebuke of every Democrat in the United
Statcsg tell you that the nonslaveholding con-
StituencieS whom represent here are more bitter
" hostile to this doctrine of Popular Sovereignty
than the shareholders of the States which we repre-
sent
If you exclude slavery from the territories; if
slavery increases, and there is outlet to it. until
that population ceases from its very numbers TO be
proftably employed at the South ask you. if there
must not be emancipation or an irrepressibe con-
tlict? When emancipation cones, the non-Slave-
holders know that then comes equality between the
poor white man and the slave; they know that the
result will be the same Us in the Northern States
| tell you that the poorest man in my State resents
insult, the intimatiOn that the negro must be
free and placed on the equality with him. | say to
you, Mr.. President, that this doctrine of Popular
Sovereignty finds no reSpone in the hearts of my
constituents, whether they be the owners of slaves
not.
But we are told that in advocating the doctrine
we now do, we are violating the principles of the
platform is Popular Sovereignty platform; that it
intended to present and practically enforce that
great principle. Now, who made this report de-
ny that this is the true construction of the Cncn-
natl platform. We of the South say that when we
voted for the Cincinnati platform understood from
the fact that the Tcrri;o les stand in the posi-
ton as the District of Columbia that non interfer-
and non-nterventon in the Territories that
same sort of non-interference and non-interventon
forbidden in the District Of Columbia. Now, We
maintain that Congress has right to prohibit or
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Why?
Because it is an existing institution. 1t becomes
the duty Of Congress under the Constitution to pro-
tect and cherish the right Of property in slaves in
that District because the Constitution does not give
them the power to prohibit establish slavery
Every session Of Congress, Northern men, Southern
men, men of all parties legislating to protect,
cherish and uphold the institution Of slavery in the
District of Columbia What we say is, that the
Constitution of the United States recognises slavery
in the Territories of the United State that it does
not carry it there; but when the slave owner takes
his property with him, that then the broad agS Of
the Constitution which spreads that Territory,
protects that property from invasion; tat it is the
duty Of Congress- not of the Territorial Legislature,
if that property is invaded 10 intervene it docs
in the District Of Columbia. Why, we have every
day intervention by Congress. 1t was but the 9th
er day statute was passing solemnly by the House
Of Representatives repeating a statute of Utah re-
cogniZIng polygamy. Do you not call that interven
ton! II they can intervene to repeal OdiouS
law, connot Congress intervene for the purpose OF
passing law to protect the rights of persons and
property IN any Territory?
What principle of Sel:preservation exists with re-
spect to our Northern brethren what great nation
al interest of theirs is to be affected if they were to
abandon this doctrine Of popular sovereignty? No
one proposes to exclude you from the Territories
No such proposition has been made no such prop
equality TO every citizen in all the States Of the
Union. My Democratic friends who opposed to
say that they are disposed to surrender it when
ever the Supreme Court of the United States shall
decide that question. Now, Mr. President it has
been said that this is altogether judicial question
deny it; and say it is not altogether judicial
question | say that there are thousands of ways,
by indirect legislation whereby the owners Of slaves
may be kept out of the Territories, whereby we
may be deprived Of our rights whereby our rights
may be invaded and there be no power in the judi
cal arm to remedy the evil. l need not stop to
enumerate any of them, because those who are ia
miliar with the subject that there is many
mode whereby the negro may be stolen, whereby
man may secure the possession of negroes, and no
form of law, known to the Federal laws to be en-
forced by the Supreme Court would reach, or fur
nish. or give a remedy to the party aggrieved.
say then, that the Supreme Court does not furnish
an adequate remedy; and ask Northern friends
if there be doubts upon this subject whether they
ought not to surrender them ana give the benefit
of such doubts. know it is said that the sentiment
of the North is such that they dislike to be thrown
into association with men who are the owners Of
slaves. gentlemen Of the Convention, | ask you as
| Democrats to correct that sentiment on behalf Of
Northern men, for it is that sentiment that feeling
of antagonsm which they think exists between
Shareholders and non-slaveholders, between South
ern men and Northern men, which has created the
6issentions which now exist at the North. | ask
you now not to press question which must lead t
greater excitement throughout the country thar
we have had yet
The preservation of the Union depends upon thu
| Democracy of the North We of the South YotI