Daily national Democrat., 1860-09-28
The Political Field.

.
cy, the chief issue between the Democracy
and the Republicans, was in relation to the
to the power and the right of Congress to in.
terfere with slavery in the Territories The
Republicans claimed, as they claim now,
that Congress possessed the power under
the Constitution, to prohibit the introduction
of slavery into the Territories. To meet
/ this dangerous doctrine fairly and squarely
/ the Democratic National Convention which
met at Cincinnati and nominated James
Buchanan had adopted resolutions setting
forth the doctrine Of their party on this ques-
ton One of these resolutions aiiirms that
the Democratic party will resist all attempts
at renewing in Congress or out of it,, the
agitation of the slavery question, under what
ever shape or color the attempt may be
made" Another atlirms that "the American
Democracy recognize and adopt the princi
pies contained in the organic laws establish
ing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska,
as embodyug the only sound and safe solu-
;ion Of the slavery question" upon which
the great national idea of the people of this
whole country reposes in its determined con-
scrvatism Of the Uuion-non-interferenc by
Congress with slavery in State and Territory,
or in the district Of Columbia"
Non interference by Congress with slavery
in State and Territory, or in the District of
Columbia Is not this plain enough English
The Secedets say motor at any rate they
attempt to misconstrue its meaning, by say
ing that whereas the Territory is coupled
with the state and District Of Columbia
it only means that Congress should not pro-
hibit slavery in the Territories But this is
z mere qubbling of the Soceders. For they
should remember that the Convention avowed
3 it the doctrine Of the Democratic party to
Danish the whole slavery question from Con
gress. How then could there be Congress
sional interference in the Territories unless it
originated in Congress itself 1t was in those
halls that whatever peril there might be in
intervention was supposed mainly to exist.
True, at the time of the Cincinnati Conven-
, ton the dogma as to the right of Congress
to interfere for the protection of slavery was
, not sprung upon the country; and why
Because whatever difference of opinion there
3 may have been on the subject, it was con-
= ceded that the question had been settled by
8 the Kansas-N ebraska bill, which said "The
! legislative power of the Territory shall cx-
6 teud to all rightful subject of legislation
Z consistent with the Constitution of the United
q States aud the provisions of this act" Thus
! was every proper subject Of legislation con
! sistent with the Constitution, entrusted to
the Territorial Legislature
On the 4th of January, 1854, the Com
mttees on Territories to whom the Kansas
Nebraska bill had been referred, reported
chat all questions pertaining to slavery in
the Territories and in the States to be formed
] therefrom, are to be left to the decision of
the people residing therein 10y their appro-
pirate representatives, to be chosen by them
) for that purpose . and "that all cases iuyolv-
I ing title to slaves and questions of personal
! freedom are referred to the adjudication of
5 the local tribunals, with the right Of appeal
. to the Supreme Court of the United States. -
Z That portion referring the whole subject
. from Congress to the people of the Terrific
ries was warmly opplauded by almost every
3 Democratic Senator and Representative at
the time
: On the 25th of May, 1854, Mr. Benjamin
2 addressing the Senate said of the bill;
at proposes to announce TO the people of
I tba ITpifol a.,
ment is not to legisate at all upon the ques
tion of slavery 1t is not to legislate to
extend it it is not to legislate to prohibit it
it is forbidden subject; the flaming sword
ought to guard all access to it. No impious
, feet ought to endeavor to tread within ita
sacred precincts That is the principle which
| find in this BILL and that is the principle
wise to see established in the country-and
! when it shall have been established, ii will
! be in vain for fanatics, either n orth or South
to endeavor to create any permanent excite
meut in the minds of the American people
The ailment is gone-you may light the
flame but the fuel may be wanting-it will
S die out Of itself"
+ Now, this very Senator is among the fore
e most in opposing the author of that bill, for
= what he and the rest of the Seceders party
b allege to be his squatter sovereignty heresies.
t The records show that nearly all the Senators
and Representatives from the slave holding
J States regarded the Kansas Nebraska bill as
p Mr.. Benjamin did.
But say the Seceders, "Mr Douglas will
not abide the decision of the Supreme Court,
y rendered in the Dred Scott case Without
S any further remarks, we now quote from a
= speech delivered by Hon. Reverdy johnson
d at Baltimore, on the 7th of June last. Speak
e ing of the Dred Scott he said
Having argued that case twice and with
J, every right, because with every means. to
speak of it with all becoming confidence. |
confidently aver, that that decision is not the
D decision 10y which the question of the Terri
n toriul Legislative power over. or Of the con-
stitutionul right to slave property, was to b.
decided. A few words, will, think, make
:, this plain. These several opinions were en-.
e terained when the bill in questions was
! passed. lst. That Congress had power 10
prohibit slavery. 2d. That it had not 3D.
That independent of that power, a Territorial
| Legislature had an inherent right as prin-
ciple of selt-goyernment, to legislate either to
" prohibit establish or protect it as a domestic
n institution properly and legally concerning
- themselves alone-or in the language of Gen.
r, Cass, as given to US by Mr.. Benjamin. it twas
a power inherent in every people with whom
= the doctrine of selfgovernmeut was anything
q more than an empty name" Ar agreed in
t these views lst. That whether the Con-
, gressional power existed or not, it was not
, advisable to exercise it, 2d That if did exs,