The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1860-01-26
Richmond, Wayne County, Indiana,

ted States, l say would be doing injustice
were l not to vindicate him from all tha;
which is unjustly imputed TO him here. A,
other times and in other places that Senator
is perfectly competent to yindicate himself
but here in Kentucky where that vindicatioa
on account Of the censorship of the press,
and in part, the refusal TO allow the constitu
tional freedom Of speech he will hardly else
be vindicated imagine l shall not be con.
sdered At all intrusive If answer one or tw Q
of those charges made by those distnguishe
gentlemen.
The first denunciation that comes to Us
with regard to Mr.. Seward is that he is a
higher law man. Let US look at that for a
moment-a higher law man. intend to be
very distinctly understood on this subject
In this time as great issues-issues unparal-
leled in their consequence in the world are
dependent upon the principles advocated by
parties, You should not go away with doubt
upon your minds, and you will allow me to
go into details as TO the true meaning of this
term. l understand. then gentlemen. in the
common sense in which this term is used, BY
higher law, an enactment that has the sa-
credness, the weight and the power that be-
longs to no human law. Now are we Chris
tian people, and is there any man that claims
to be one of the common brothe rhood Of
Christianity that will deny that there is an
overriding Providence who governs the uni
verse by eternal and immutable laws which
will prevail, the vicious or sacrilegious at
tempts of man to the contrary notwithstan-
ding! There is no man who will be so re-
gardless of the sentiment Of Christian good
ness 10 utter any such idea that. That
then is the '.hgber law" which is acknowl-
edged, and although do not quote him from
the book. will state his position specifcal-
ly: it was on the question of admitting the
Territory on the Pacific free State when
he said that California ought rot only to be
free, but home for those driven out from the
Slave States By the competition Of unpaid
labor. and for others driven from their homes
by the competition of capital in the Free
States; but there was "higher law" even
than Constitutions. TO which this new cons;i-
tuition should be couformed l put it to ev-
cry Democrat who hears me to night, if that
is not the true doctrine. If that be not so,
how dares President Buchanan to make his
recommendations to Congress, in the name
of the Almighty God?
That, then, is the assertion It is not an
assertion that brings anarchy upon COM
munity. but it is the only principle of
right and justice upon which the permanent
good of the community can rest; it is the on.
ly permanent security for goods. property,
reputation, lives and opinion, and that was
the sense in which g. e-~-.a mas us.
Iered tnat sentiment, and he has again and
again said when Constitutions were made
and laws enacted, not that we should cast ig-
nominy and reproach upon them. or disobey
them, but that we should acquesce in them.
obeying them until they are changed by an
intelligent constituency. acting through the
Legislative department, of the government
That is what he said, and there 1 stand by
him, here and elsewhere. now and forever,
and there is not man here tonight that does
not stand by US, acknowledging that princi-
pie. that higher law. that reliance upon God, if
he dare speak his honest sentiments.
We had great deal OF it at least, in this
same Representatives, Hall from which we
are excluded tonight. The opposite party
was that Divine and Omnipotent God? 1t
and earth, and all constitutions and laws
1t is found in the Constitution we are told
or it is higher than that Constitution; and
since that time we have heard nothing of
the "hgher law of Senator Seward. That
thing is naturalzed as chemists say-done
for, as common men may urge.
Another allegation is made against that
Senator, intended to affect the Republican
organization. 1t is now alleged that he has
announced in his Rochester speech, this
much abused and cant phrase of a conflict;
that there is conflict between slave labor
and free labor all through this government;
and that that conflict has been going on and
will go on until one or the other utterly tri
hat . RI
edge tive own up. So let US examine it
Why, gentlemen, l understood that to be tbs
declaration Of our fathers in 1776. under
stood that to be the openly avowed sentiment
of Washington. Madison and Jefferson.
understood that TO be the declaration of the
resolution in Virginia, for which your candi
date for Speaker of the Democratic party
Mr. Bocock, voted some years ago. under
stood. Furthermore, that that was the decla
ration of the late South Carolina Legislator,
| and above all. I have it here, taken from til.
/ Louisville Courier. the leading organ OF tht
Democracy in Kentucky. made mole than tel
years ago You would like TO read it. The
will you have the goodness to turn to th
files of that journal. and see il lie OF not
| (Cries Of "read it,
! THE speaker was interrupted by heav
fall of rain, which forced him 10 retire int
the rotunda OF the State House.
II I viii read the extract which | cut wit
nv own scissors from the Louisville Courie
and by referring to the files of that paper
you will find it in the words which to-nigt
quote:
Il presume that it will not be denied tn;
free labor and slave labor are incompatible
The white man is unwilling to labor by tn
side of the slave, and the slave is equall
averse to laboring by the side of the whit
man. There exists . mutual repugnancJ
and it follows, of course. that the mass Of til
labor of Kentucky must be wholly the labo
of the white man. or wholly the labor of th
slave
} What think you of that, coming from tn
high Democratic authority? Mark the e1
, tent to which this gentleman carries the ide'
) No, only that there is a conflict. but he goe
further. He says not only does the whit