Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1860-10-26

BG- The following letter, addressed by
Mr. Giddiugs to the editor Of the New York
Evening Post will be rad with interest;
Slave InsurrectlOns and Their Remedy.
This kind Of "domestic violence is be
coming frequent and viii probably be more
so in coming time. II is therefore proper
that our true constitutional duties should be
understood by the people. am reminded OF
this duty by the remarks of Senator Doolittle,
IN speech reported in the Evening Post Of
26th September, in which he is reported as
saying; " If they (the slayes) rise in lnsur-
rection, as they may, it (the Constitution)
binds us 10 put them down with ball and
bayonet. The truth is, and we may as well
open our eyes to the fact, that the strong arm
Of the federal government may be invoked
to hold them for their masters to work
them"
The Senator doubtless put forth these ideas
without that study and thought which should
have guided him when attempting TO ex-
pound our constitutional rights and duties.
The 4th section Of the 4th article of the Con-
stitution reads as follows: "The United
States shall guaranty to each State repnb'
lican form of government and shall protect
each OF them against invasion, and on ap-
plieation of the legislature, or of the execu-
tive when the legislature cannot be convened)
against domestic violence"
It would appear difficult to misconstrue
this language. Protection to the State and
its people is the entire object of this provis-
ion. It is not to put down insurgents By ball
and Bqyonet or by the halter and gibbet.-
Nor is it to hold slaves for their masters to
l. L., Ill Of
the Constitution, Mr.. Garrison might well
call it "a covenant with death and an agree
ment with hell" The State has right to
enforce its own laws if it can, nor has the
federal Executive the right to interfere until
called on for that purpose. But when called
on for protection, he must render such protec-
| ton in that way which shall be most consist
ent with justice and not with injustice. This
war power is an unlimited despOtisln lying
behind all constitutions and all laws, and is
! less understood by the American people than
almost any other feature of our government.
If necessary to protect the people the army
may be used to shoot down slaves; but if the
insurgent slaves can be paciied by having
their freedom, the Executive may protect the
people by giving the slaves their liberty, or
| by sending them out of the State or country,
as was practiced in the Florida war by Gen
erals Scott and Jessup and Taylor.
We know that this was the construction
| given by Mr. Adams, publicly, in the House
| ofRepresentatives. Southern members listen
ed to it, but no one dared deny it; nor did
| they in their arrogance even assert that we
were bound to hold their slaves for the mas
/ ters to work them, or that we were bound TO
put them down with ball and bayonet, when
| liberty and justice to them would equally
protect the people.
This construction governed the Executive
during the war Of 1872, and very distin-
| guished instance occurred in New Orleans:
! General Jackson was in command; the enc
| my was approaching; he ordered the i'm
! pressment of slaves, horses and carts, to erect
a breastwork behind which his troops could
shelter themselves during the expected bat
tie. In ordering this impressment of slaves
his object was to defend the city, and Mr.
Madison and his cabinet approved General
Jackson's total disregard of the masters
| claim to the slave, and his total disregard of
the laws of Louisiana. 1t was the exercise
of the war power lying behind constitutions
and laws. The slaves and horses were killed
by the cannon shot of the enemy, and the
carts destroyed. The masters called on Coz
! gress to paysfor the slaves, horses and carts.
That body approved the action of General
jackson, and paid for the horses and carts,
but promptly refused to pay for the slaves.
In the Florida war, the slaves Of that terri
tory and of the States of Georgia, Alabama,
and Mississippi left their masters, and joining
the enemy, waged a civil war against the
white people. These slaves when captured,
or when they surrendered to our army, were
unhesitatingly sent west whenever the officer
in command thought proper and General
Taylor went so far as to refuse masters per-
mission to see their black prisoners for the
purpose of ascertaining whether they owned
any of them or not. Gen. Jackson and Mr.
Van Buren, both of whom occupied the
Presidential chair during that war, approved
this action, and paid no attention to the pre-
tended claims of the masters; and just as
often as the question was raised in Congress
| that body sustained the action of the Execu-
tive by refusing compensation to the owners
of the slaves thus emancipated.
The whole theory and practice to which |
have alluded IS in perfect accordance with
the Republican platform, which declares that
! our government was "instituted to secure life
and liberty, and not 10 destroy the enjoyment
of these rights by shooting down slaves, or
! holding f'them for their masters"
JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. e.
jefferson, Ohio, October 10, 1860.
Democracy Assigned.