New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-03-13
From WASHINGTON
WHAT WE SHALL DO WITH THE NEGRO.

The Negro question deyc'' pes al sorts OF ldess,
Aep the Iry epressble Coofict doctrine to that
w,ieh esieems human Slavery to be the fruit of
divine hem fcence. Ingenuity is taxed on side
md the otter of the case, uatil all it's relations aud
associations have become wearsOme. 1t is not boo
much to Say that every measure in Congress turns
emit Every debate Oh public affairs is based on
IL Every flight of oratOry lie winged by it. Every
peRcnal outrage here grows out o, it, Au political
movements find their source in it, All social ar
fragments are shaped by it. The loves and the
hates the paItsanihips the prjudces, the ass 'cla
tion and communion, OF ali men aud women OF the
Federal capital, are cOOTed, guided, and 'Or the
meat part created, by the Negro question
In view of this pApabe fact, what question SO
natural as. "Wbere is all this to end 7" 1t seems
- me there can be but one answer. This Is, IN the
elimination Of the negro from our controversy
Rat how ia he 10 be got out Only in one way
"A, asmissipg him from among us. By separa'
ksp of The White and Black races. Nothing is
more certain than that great democratic republic
sannot forever submit TO the anomaly Of negro
slavery IN iss bosom. In e1tineuishipg this anon
al,, the ignorant and feryile race viii not and can
no, be smancipated and raised to the enjoyment of
sqaal civil lights with the dominant and intelligent
race; they VIII be driven out This may DO
suuel and unchristian process, but it is natural.
Ard this is the only solution the question of African
gkyery admits of among Us. Oar statesmen, phi
losopbers, and philanthropsts, have long perpexed
tAemelves over this subject. They have all ad.
sitted the extreme difficulty Of the problem. Ard
Al IA .o,,,,t nc ka;r dsEhoy stions has oenaralv
bean TO remit the whole case 10 the Almighty, as
enc too complex and too difficult for human man.
agsment. The AbOlition;sts, seeing and feeling the
upusersble horrors Of the slave system, horrors
hat mortal pen has never described, have
used instant emancipation. But this plan IN
yslves charges of the social system of the
eA slaye-hOlding communities among us, that
rssier il wholly impossible. Nothing short Of
ne reeonstructOn Of society, wherever the black
race prevails in state of rervtude, would be ne
ssssitated BY abolition. And who recOnstructs so
cistyf The individual members OF i'll BY no
means. Society is only reconstructed by the slow
s,srstion of hidden forces, evolved from eombina-
san, Of Circumstances with which man, in his IN
AiviSual capacity, has generally very little to do.
Iut Slavery was abolished in various islands OF the
caribbean Sea- SO it was. But this was done by
powerful Governments existing three thousand miles
away, acting on weak and defenssless cOlonisss
! kw in numbers. But suppose the question Of emsn-
sipatoD had been let to the shareholders of those
y communities, what theni Not .lsve would have
sbiained his freedom. The entire generation Of
men who had TO submit to the loss of their favorte
system have gene to their graves cursing its authors
Our Government cannot act, if it would, on the
abolition Of Slavery in our Slave States. 1t has no
power. II it had, il is very doubtful II it would
sxeIcise it. The difficulty under our system, in
treating the subject, is the necessity Of comforting
DeiticAl power by the act of liberation. The black
mass is IS great as the white, in some Of our Slave
States. LiberAte and give to that mass Of black
hsrbsrisn political power, and what would become
of eur free systemi Liberate, and refuse it. and
what an iDturgent element would be sreatedf /
do rot say that lofty political wisdom elevated to
aetatoria power would be incompetent to treat the
evil Of Slavery in these States in harmony with the
dictates of justice and humanity. But this is an
abstraction. The philanthropy and mercy of SEN
sitiye human hearts may wall out their protests
against it's sin and its miseries. One &c sesashcal
bS6y may ask for q mitigation of its worst fes-
tSres, and then may pretend 70 defend the system
with s6ghter notifications. One set Of politicians
NAV deelaim over the virtue Of arrangements that
kek to its extirpaticn through diffusion. Another
may dia,e upon the matchmaking process, or some
ether paDaeea for its treatment All the while,
Slavery remains, dire, formidable, increasing,
fsownrg in biedOus proportions over hall the land.
The system, with its roots firmly entwined In the
deep foundations of all social and political life in
ne Slave States, laughs to scOrn all these ideas.
The rm slavehOlding philosopher if such there be,
knsws how vain they are. He fears nothing but
Ne blind forces of the enssved mass, or the great
storms Of political action, breaking from prescribed
hOuLdariss, aud acting with whiTlwind force,
thIestenDg Slavery and society alike with sure and
overwhelming destruction He knows that when the
Slavery of the lower Slave States gees the exciting
society there goes with it. Hence the slayehOlders
ftTce exhibitions Of temper, bis violence, his imPo-
tsst threats of pulling down the pillars of the po-
htics communities associated with him in COM
mon government Seeing ruin for himself, he ma
hsiously hopes TO siict it upon those whom he Will
insist are It's authors.
We thus conceive that the only sound national
policy touching Slavery is to hedge it in within the
narrOwest possible limits, with the view to ulti-
mately slough the mass Of barbarism off, when the
burden shall get too heavy to carry any longer II
We treat the question thus we can fight the battles
Of Freedom against Slavery with more distinct
e6eets, and more mighty power, than BY taking any