Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-11-21

question now before the country.
Yours very respectfully.
H. X. BURGWYN.
TnOuSBrRd PLANTATION,
Northampton Co.. N. c., Nov. IA, 1Seo.}
Jno. w. SHINE, Esq.,, Editor Register:
DEAR SIR; Not doubling but in the present
alarmed condition OF the country, the columns OF
YOUR Journal are open to a fair discussion of the
serious questions at issue; indeed, having already
shown this in publishing the very influential letter
of Mr. Moore, trust you will not close them to the
herewith communication, which takes different
view Of the matters therein discussed.
Very sincerely and respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
H. K. BURGWiN.
In this the time of trouble to the State, when
mems minds are deeply agtated, passions even
aroused; when the wisest and purest patriots are
uncertain what is the best for the country to
pursue in the emergency before it. and tremble lest
they be mistaken in their own convictions it is EN-
inently proper that those who, by their intelligence
and probity command the respectful attention OF
the citizens and fill the public eye, should come for
ward to their duty-should give their opinions;
should impa.t their information and, if SO impeed,
even advise their countrymen what course is best
for the State to be by them directed in this its day
of danger.
Such | recognize as the motives which have i'm
PEELED Messrs B. F. Moore and j. H. Bryan to lay
their views on the great question Of the day before
q highly respectable convention of portion of our
citizens recently assembled at Salisbury and yours
Mr. Editor in laying them before the people through
your influential journal.
These gentlemen occupy position in our State
inferior to nome Their intelligence is acknowledged
by all, and their sincere patriotism, not less than
that of him who now addresses you. But he,
though he claims not the same high position in the
State the same acknowledged intelligence, does
claim an equally patriotic desire to see his Statethe
country of his forefathers for generations past
weather the storm that is now in her teeth; or if it
be Judged best, boldly dash through the dangerous
strait and gain haven of quiet and safety beyond!
Therefore, while justly admitting the sincerity of
these gentlemen in their views, he claims the same
for himself in examination of the statements and
arguments as given by them, and which, as citizen
Of the State equally interested in her well being, he
has felt it his duty to make. So different has been
the result of his inquiry. that he has been induced
to believe he might add his mite," if only by cor
recting errors to the information of his countrymen
who, perhaps, have not been, like himself engaged
for years in those transactions of general trade and
commerce in the great national mart of country
which tend to make one acquainted with its materi
al interests, and their bearing and influence on for
egn nations well as on the different parts of our
own.
For the present will confine myself to the letter
of Mr.. Moore as ind here, chiefly difference be-
tween his statements and my information between
his arguments and my experience and convictions.
This examination is made in no carping spirit The
time has passed away with the recent election
When any feeling, save that of brotherhood, exists
with me towards every goou citizen of the State,
sense of imminent danger makes me draw closer to
those who must share this danger with me. Differ
ences must exist,-let them be met by friendly ar
gument This is no time for men to be engaged in
vain contention, much less in the bitter disputes of
party strife; and though shall use plain words, 1t
will be only to make the palmer point In my
heart there will still be the respect and regard
for those who are now, and trust will ever be-
friends.
In the first part of Mr.. Moore's letter occurs the
following passage:
II fear that when the disunionists, under the plea
of protecting slavery shall demand Of the people to
calculate the value of the Union, not few of them
in the agony of their feelings in the prospect of
misery and the increase Of their burthens will be
induced, in the excitement of the times, to retort
and demand in turn the value of slavery"
Let us examine this "value of slavery" which
Mr.. Moore here supposes will be demanded by peo-
pie, "in the agony Of their feelings" consequent
upon an assumed "misery and increase Of their bur-
thens," (Which it shall be my endeavor to show will
not tall upon the citizens of Southern Confederacy
ut least should We decide to form one)
This value is not to be estimated by the mere
amount in dollars and cents though this in itself is
not less than two hundred and fifty millions of dol.
lars but in considering this question, we must ask,
What would be the condition of the State without
this slavery?
A short enquiry will soon show U.S. The most
reliable calculations make the population of the
State, in round numbers, about seven hundred thou
blacks That is, our labor, which we can at all
times obtain and CONTROL (Which the free States can
not do, and which is all important is foursevenths
Of our whole population. Now, remove this amount
Of labor, for freeing the negro all experience has
taught is the same as losing his labor, and how
could you supply the loss! By foreign emigration?
You cannot for that is in too great demand in the
Northwest You are anticipated there for MANY
years to come, by free Homestead bills" &C., and
the New York "emigrant runners" would leave
you far behind in promises of HAPPY lands" to the
unlnsky new comers land at best it would be but
sad alternative to get such population as that vom
tied on our shores from the vice and feverinfected
emigrant ships Of Europe.) You would then get
your labor, you say, from the neighboring States;
but would you not have to wait till MARYLAND and
Virginia were first filled up? And even then after
waiting long years-perhaps generations we
should all have passed away, at what cost would
that labor have been obtained? And where would
be the resources Of our good old State in the mean
while! Robbed of her labor, she would likewise be
robbed of her lands for the one would be useless
without the other. Her means, for many years at
least would be all gone. She has no other resource
except agriculture,-no manufactures, no commerce
(st least none worth considering in this relation.)
Truly, in this case, the result would be "a repudi
alton of every bond of the State" or ian emigration
to some more favored land"
But this question: "the value Of slavery" to the
State is emphatically and peremptory settled thus:
We have within our borders some $50, 900 negroes.
Now all the shipping Of the State could not carry
away from our Shores their inc, ease, and the
neighboring States will not allow this immigration
even in limited numbers. So they mast remain with
us till Providence in his own good time shall remove
them. Remaining, they must be either "bond or
free if free, the two races could not live together
on the same soil! The negro would soon demand
privieges-would demand to VOTE to enjoy the
school fund to be elected constables, members of
the Assembly, as they now are in Jamaica: to be