Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1860-12-14

and in the genial Inspiration -Hhich-breatheS
from it.
The influence of our form of government
upon the destinies of other peoplez and other
States, may be appealed to in testing its value
It has been looked TO by the oppressed of every
land, as the great exemplifcation of human
/ liberty It's name has been xatchword in
many bloody battlefeld-on the hastings and
in the Senate, The war cry of ''United
Italy" has rang across the Atlantic from amid
the crumbling monuments Of antiquity, Ike
the voice of political resurrection. We cannot
contemplate such a heroic struggle without
emotion, and we would auogate but little in
assuming that our own<example has had no
small share in producing the mighty inspira-
ton. Indeed, our Union is regarded by all the
world, and up to this time, by ourselves also,
as the embodiment of our liberty, as it has
been of our strength, Its dissolution would be
| viewed as the end of our career in the path of
selfgovernment. The American citizen, as he
now roams over the earth, commands respect
every where, like the Ancient Roman, on ac-
count of his country. The story of our indie
pendence has Travelled beyond the boundaries
of civilization, and mingies in the wild song of
the Arab, as he watches his flock, or reads the
stars by night Our government could. not be
destroyed without producing painful vi5ra-
ton throughout the ranks of human society
But it was not my object in writing this let
ter, to pass mere euIogy on the Union There
was a time, however, when such labor was
pleasant both to the writer and the reader.
Now, whoever attempts it, incurs the imminent
hazard of sharp ridieule, and is fortunate if he
is not placed in the sophomore class
It is sufficient to say that without 1t, we
would have been nothing. With it, we have
become far more than our forefathers ever an
ticipated We have acountry possessing every
| variety of climate and soil, and adapted to
| every species of growth and pursuit; and we
have a government, it seems to me, in as COM
pIete harmony with our natural advantages and
condition. as if it had been the work of Divine
Wisdom itself
The General Government was made for gen.
eraI purposes, and Is supreme within its sphere.
1t was not designed, as some insist, to inter
fere with local questions and local interests
These are exclusively underth the powers reserved
to the States and the people The General
Government re7OIYes within its orbit in majes
tic grandeur-the chief luminary in the con
steIlation The States, within their sphere,
have equal independence and dignity, and dis
pense their power for local purposes alone.
Thus all the wants of society, general and local,
at home and abroad, are Accommodated, and
in 4 manner that would have been impractical
bic By the General Government alone, or by
the States alone. Our form of government
has been considered, heretofore, by all classes
Of our statesmen, as approaching perfection
itself. Scarcely a grave criticism has been
made upon the Constitution, even by the most
morbid and dissatisfied; and believe no seri-
Gus movement has been attempted for several |
generations to procure amendments. In fact, |
the unparalleled success which has attended us
up TO this period, has been a standing exem-
plifcation of the wisdom of the trainers and /
the perfection of their work. The complaint,
even now, is not of the form of government,
but of the violations of the provisions of the
Constitution. I admit that this complaint is
well founded, and entitled to the gravest re-
spect. am not 50 strong in my love for the
Union, as to be for 1t right or wrong, for that
would be spirit of slavery. This government,
or any other, ought to be broken up whenever
it ceases to perform its pledges, or comes to
be habitually used as an engine of oppression
by the strong against the weak Result as it
may, and cost what it may, a free people can
not and viii not submit to be enslaved or NAL
treated, even under the forms of constitution
and law / am also a firm advocate of South
ern rights, in the fullest sense, as l understand
them, and would never consent to theirsurren
der under under any circumstances. Among
these rights is that of holding slaves which is
fixed and settled by the constitutions and laws
of all the Southern States, and recognized by
the Federal Constitution itself. This species
of property stands, in my opinion, upon the
some basis, in every respect, as any other spe-
cies of property held in the South or the North;
and there is no power on earth, except in the
States where it exists, that is authorized
to interfere with it in any way, and
|
slave law, there is no general law, and cannot
rightfully be any, to operate upon it, and that's
for the protection of the rights of the owner.
Such, have no doubt, was the spirit and inten-
ton and expectation of the trainers of the Con-
stitution; and such, l have as little doubt, was
the spirit, and intention, and expectation of
the people of the different States, when they
adopted it. Such believe, too, is clearly de-
ducible from the instrument itself. And if
confirmation of all this were necessary, it is to
be found in the fact that twelve of the thirteen
States that adopted the Constitution, held
slaves, and it would be to arraign theirwisdom
and common sense, to suppose them SO indif-
ferent to their own interest as TO leave it wholly
mere special municipal institu-
ton, distinguishable in any respect in its rights
from other property. In short, Congress has
no power over the question of slavery in any
way, either to propagate or to prohibit it, ,ex-
cept to pass a fugitive slave law in such form
Is to render it efficient and to make it meet the
mandate of the ConstitutiOn-and outside of this
property in slaves stands on the same footing +,
As any other prOperty-no higher and no lower.
Of course, l mean to insist that the owner of
slave has as much right to take him to a ter
.itory belonging to the United States as he has
my other property, and keep him there with
out molestation, during the whole territorial
,areer, and can be made TO yield to.nothing,
except the Constitution, wnen adopted by the /
people, should it exclude slavery. The NOR '
llity or immortality of the institution has moth
ing to do with the subject, in the aspect am t
now viewing it-and- appeal from every such s
question to the Constitutional the contract {