The Lansing state Republican. [volume] (Lansing, Mich.) 1855-1874, 1860-04-03


eaa' deltrered in tie House Of Re-
'ese"tattres, MARCH, IA, 1860.
The House being in Committee of til
whole on the State Of the Union
Mr.. LEACH said:
MI. CHAIRMAN: On the 5th day G
: December last We assembled in this Hal
Immediately. almost before we had take
our seats. the Democratic side of the Hous
commenced to "agitate " the slavery oues
ton. Loud as that party has ever been il
Its denunciations of agitation" it com
menced, with indecent haste, and carrie,
on with unparalleled virulence for man,
weary weeks. series of most exciting dec
lamations upon this all-absorbing topic
We Republicans sat quietly in our seats
even when our principles were misrepre
sented. our motives impugned, and fou
asperslons cast on those whom we deligh,
to honor. We did this because we believed
our Jnst duty was to organize this House
We believed that the discussion INDUCED
In to be wholly irrelevant; and hence we
would net, and did not to any considerable
extent, participate. 1t was most emphati.
cally, Democratic discusson, originating
with, carried ON by, and designed exclusive.
ly for, the benefit of that party.
But, sir. do not regret this discussion.
The country has learned from it more than
one sound and profitable lesson 1t has DEM
onstrated the truth of what we Republicans
have been telling our constituents for the
last two years, namely: Mat the so-caiied
Den'ocrattc partyis essentially and un-
msstakably pro slarery an its character.
This charge has usually been met with a
fiat denial by Northern and Northwestern
Democrats. But denials will no longer
answer. The acts of the party on this
foOr, and the declarations here made by
gentlemen from various sections of the Tn.
ION, leave no room for doubt That every
Democratic Representative on this floor
from TIE slaveholding States is a justi6cr
and upholder of the peculiar institution will
not bo the questioned. And, cir, of the
ntnety-three Administration Democrats in
the House, Sirty-seren are from slavehold-
ing States, and may hence, as they are in
good standing in the party, be certainly
classed as pro-slavery.
l will not attempt to state in my own
language the position which this large ma
jority of the Democracy on this foor occu-
Py on this subject They shall speak for
themselves; and, to save both time and
space, l will introduce but single extract.
ln discussion which took place on the
18th day Of January, between the gentle.
man from New York Mr.. CARTER and
the gentleman from Mississippi, Mr.. Nc
RAE, the following occurred:
"Mr. CARTER. l want to ask the gentleman
from Mississippi at what period of time slavery
first exists in Territory?
"Mr. MCRAE. / will answer that question
That was the question would have answered
after having my opinion read but the gentle
man wanted my opinion, and did not want all
argument Therefore l confined myself strictly
to the privilege which understand hold from
hm-simply to answer his question.
There seems to have been an impression all
the time, in regard to this question of slavery
in the Territories, that the Constitution of the
United States, in some shape or other, carried it
or fixed it there. There seems to have been an
impression that it was fixed or prohibited there
by Congressional legislation. / do not hold to
either Of these doctrines. l will tell the gentle
man when slavery commences in Territory.
Ii is when citizen of State, who owns slave
as his property, moves into a Territory with
that slave as his property then slavery is estab.
lished there. That is the position. Slavery ex-
isted anterior to the Constitution. The COnsti-
tuition did not create, and it cannot prohibit, slave
ry. Territorial legislation does not create, and
it cannot prohibit, slavery. Slavery, sir, s that
natural relation which the negro bears to the
white man as property, and is general and uni
versal where it is not excluded by local law.
That is the position. Gentlemen want to make
out that slavery is local. because it exists in par.
ticular places. Slavery is general and universal.
1t is natural right, growing out of the natural
relation in which that race stands to the white
race. That is the position.
Mr.. CARTER. Then it is national institu.
ton.
"Mr. McRAE. 1t is q universal institution of
God and of man, nature and christianity, earth
and heaven, Laughter, having its origin in the
law of God, sustained by the Bible, sustained by
the laws Of all nations sustained by all history in
all parts Of the world"
This statement Of the gentleman from
Mississippi Mr.. McRAEl gives truthfully.
l believe, and IN few words, the position
Of the Southern Democracy upon the slave
ry question. 1t announces. clearly and
emphatically, their belief in the divine
origin" Of the institution, its harmony with
the truths Of the Bible, and it. light to
limitless expansion. Sir, will not stop
here to say what l think of this monstrous
idea Of the Divine nature and origin of slave
~; but will say that l blush for my
country when such sentiments are uttered
by her Representatives here in this great
council-hall of the nation. And will say,
farther, that when contemplate this gigan-
tic fraud upon the rights of man, wide
spread as it Is; when reflect that its
friends WELD the mighty power Of this
Government to still farther extend and
strengthen it; when l hear the President,
the acknowledged head and leader of the
party in power. declare that neither Con-
gress nor a Territorial Legislature, nor
any human power, has any authority" 10
prevent its extension to the Territories !;
and when great party rises up in its
pride and its strength, and asserts that it
is an institution of the Bible and Of Hsav.
en-" will say, sir. for 1 cannot refrain
from saying, in the language Of the great
apostle Of American Democracy, Thomas
Jefferson, Il trsmble for my country when
l reflect that God 10 just. and that His JUS
tice cannot sleep forever"