The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1860-07-07

| throughout the North on announcing the
nominations for yics President:
/ From the Rochester az / From Rochester Union
| NJ Union. June 2bl june "a
The nomination for The deolenson of
| Vice President is onesFitzpatrick, and the
most eminentlv ct toIsubsttution OF Her
/ be made. Benz. Fitz Ischel V. johnson of
4 patrick s one of thejGa., for Vice Presi-
/ abest statesmen in the dent. produce most
| South, and by ser salutary change in the
| vice of ten or twelveID emoeratic ticket
| years in the u 3. SEN Fitzpatrick voted for
ate, has attained ma the jeff Davis resolu-
tional reputation ambitions, and he should
standing. His pecu- never have been put
liar Illness Tor the du upon the same ticket
ties OF Vice president.aith Steph. A. Doug
and his personal pop-Ilas. But the Alabama
ularity among his COL idelegationwanted him,
leagues, are shown hyiand they were graft.
the fact that since his fed at the expense of
entrance into the Sen consistency and pro-
ate be has invariablyIpriety. His declina-
been chosen PresldentItion makes everything
pro TEN. at every ses-iright again.
sion OF Congress.
The Douglasites all regarded Fitzpatrick
as most capital nominee till be declined,
and then they all thought he sought not to
have been placed on the same ticket with
Douglas" because be is Lecomptonite and
voted for jeff. Davis Slave Code Resolution,
ga most salutary change"
Now Mr.. Hersehel v. johnson happens to
have record of his own, and we should be
pleased to learn what there IL in that record
TO show that he is to DO preferred by the
anti-Lecomptonites to bis illustrious prede-
cessor Fitzpatrick.
johnson was appointed by the Governor
OF bis State to Eli vacancy in the Senate OF
the United State, and in July, l84s he made
a speech on the Oregon bill, which lie pub.
lshed in the Appendix to the Congressional
Globe. This speech was Of the most ultra
pro-slavery character, and johnson on that
occasion was more violent than JEFF. Davis
himself, with whom he acted. We have
space for but few brief extracts, but thew
are to the point and leave no doubt as TO
where johnson stands. Having argued with
vehemence then unprecedented against the
right of Congress to prohibit slavery, he
turned to the consideration Of the question
as to "the right of the people of the Tersi-
tory to regulate their domestic institutions
in their own way"
/ Ii remains now to consider the question
involved in the amendment proposed by the
Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Davis.) That
question is, whether it is the duty Of Con-
gress TO guarantee to the STAKEHOLDER, who
4 hall W. ala ,Y,tn Re
of the United States, the undsputed enioy-
ment of his property in them, so long as it
continues to be Territory. Or, in other
words, whether the inhabitants of Terrific
~, during their territorial condition, have
the right 10 prohibit slavery therein.
/ For the purposes OF this question, it mat.
ters not where the power of legislating for
the Territory resides--whether exclusively in
! Congress, or jointly in Congress and the in
habitants, or exclusively in the inhabitants
OF The Territory; the power is precisely the
same--no greater in the hands OF one than
the other. ln no event can the STAKEHOLDER
Of the South be excluded from settling in
such Territory with his property of every
description.
1 sQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY sQUELCHRD.
But suppose that Congress have the right
to establish Territorial Government only.
and that then all further governmental con-
troll ceases, can the Territorial Legislature
pass an act prohibiting slavery? Surely
not. For the moment you admit the right to
organize Territorial Government TO exist
in Congress, you admit necessarily tho sub.
ordination of the people of the Territory
their dependence on this Government for an
organic law, to give them political existence
ABSOLUTE CONGRESSIONAL SOVEREIGNTY VS.. NON.
INTERVENTION.
, 1t is idle, however, to discuss this aues-
tion In this form. For if Congress possess
the power to organize temporary govern
ments, it must then possess the power to leg !.
islate for the Territories. If thew may per
form tho greater, they may the less the ma
Jor includes the minor proposition. Hence,
Congress has, in all eases since the founda.
ton OF our Government, reserved veto upon
the legislation OF the Territorial Govern.
ments 1t ~ absolutely necessary, in order to
restrain them from violations OF the Consti-
tuition, and heterogeneous Of the rights of
the States, as joint owners Of the public
lands. III, therefore, an act Of the Terrific
rial Government, prohibiting slavery. should
sent up TO Congress for approval, they
would be bound TO withhold it, upon the
ground OF It's being an act which Congress
, themselves could not pass.
THE PEOPLE CANNOT KxcLupE SLAVERY FROM
TERRITORY.
But suppose the right of legislation for the
Territory be In tie inhabitants, can they pro-
hibit slaverya Surely not; and for reasons
similar to those which show that Congress
cannot.
Further on in bis remarks, Mr.. johnson
, sad
'coSGREssIosAL Protection.
Tho institution of Slavery is guaranteed
by the Constitution Of the United States. and
/, IT has The same protection thrown around it,
which guards our citizens against the grant
: ing OF titles Of nobility, or the establishment
OF religion therefore Congress would be AZ
I much bound TO veto an act of Territorial