The Oxford intelligencer. (Oxford, Miss.) 1860-18??, 1860-11-14

power Indeed, think such action impossible
When the terms of the federative compact ar,
violated the State has but to secede, and the cen
tral government must recede from its course o
oppression.
This Is manifest No State, with the facilities
for protection thus designedly afforded by oul
system, will ever long submit to absolute injus
tice. No other States In the Union will ever con
sent to hold q reluctant State In subjection by
the constant employment within its borders Of
a hostile military force. A Union held together
by force is utterly repugnant to our conceptions
of poiicgj it would violate cardinal rule in
that great unwritten code of political ethics
from which our existing federation sprang A
people cannot rightfdlly be governed against
their will. Itnever was intended that one por.
ton Of our country should be forcibly held with.
in the Union by the armed power of the rest
The sacred links" of union referred to by
Washington were not formed of yulcanian met
al, nor were they designed to be held in their
place by martial force. Mutual affection, ce-
mented by mutual interest, is the only power
that can keep us united.
do not pretend that a State may remain in
the Union and disobey its authority nor do |
imagine that a State can ever secede without
just cause. In this respect look upon our ad-
mirable federative government as theocraey.
In the right tits invincible to work injustice, it
has no function; when wrong it is absolutely
powerless.
The South has sent forth its warning that it
will treat Lincoln's election as conclusive evil
dence that there exists at the North a fixed and
unalterable popular hostility to Southern inter-
ests that it will not await the preparation of
an overt act This Is called threat, and Is
treated with derision. Herein is a misconcep-
ton of which would disabuse the Northern
mind.
believe that the Republican party is COM
posed of two classes First, the ambitious lead
ers, who, without faith in their own doctrines,
have counted upon attaining power through dis
turbing appeals to misled public conscience.
Secondly, the honest and conscientious oppo-
nents of negro slavery. The former have incl
ted moral war against our brethren of the
South intending that its flame shall be quench-
ed the instant the incendaries shall have attain.
ed power. They intend to deceive their honest
followers and no doubt would seek to enjoy
their rpower and pelf in peace and security by
course Of policy which, under the circumstan.
ces, might well be pronounced treacherous. I
believe that within six months after his election,
Lincoln would be more hated by every honest
abolitionist than any other President ever was
hated, or than any of his present competitors
ever would be If elected. But the South does
not entertain this opinion; the South would
recognize, in preference for Lincoln, that Nor
thcrn sentiment is hostile to Southern interests,
and determined sooner or later to sacrifice these
interests to a remorscess and destructive prop
agandism.
In another aspectthe rcstiveness of the South
is unwisely treated as insignificant and inconse-
quential. 1t is said that our physical force is
vastly greater than theirs that our courage and
resolution are equal to theirs, and that an armed
collision would be brief-would be fatal to the
South. For the sake of the argument will ad-
NIT all this but what would be the result p
Who will depictitg
Would our Northern warriors, after bathing
their swords in fraternal blood turn them into
implements of husbandry-settlei in their newly
acquired territory, and employ themselves in ag-
riculture on cotton and rice plantationsl Would
they be willing, in their new condition, to sup
port by poor rates 1000 900 of their newly
emancipated and invincibly indolent negro fel-
low ctizens2 II not, what else would they do
with the desolatcd homes of the subjugated
Southe
will not follow out the considerations con-
nected with this fearful topic The man who !
believes that an armed collision of this sort can
ever arise between the military force of the Union
and the seeding South does not understand the |
fundamental principles Of our Union, and fails |
to appreciate the virtue of our people. The |
American citizen who would willingly witness
its occurrence, even to prevent secession, is a
traitor to those fundamental principles.
have said that in its political aspect, and in |
its immediate practical bearings as it relates to
governmental action, secession is measure eas- |
ly executed Let us look for moment to its |
Interior results. Ifinveterate hostility otis So
cal arrangements pervades the North, why |
should not the South secedes No very control |
ling reasons can be found in support of mega
tive conclusion to this question. Next think |
it plain that we can never make war upon the |
South to force that section back into the Union. |
Let us see what is the next chapter in the nat
ural course Of events
As an independent republic, perfectly armed
and equipped with all the formal and substantial |
elements Of order and good government in full |
action, what shall prevent the United States of
Southern America from being Immediately ad- |
mitted into the great family Of civilized nations,
and afforded every facility for direct trade with
Europei
All monarchical Christendom would hail the
birth Of this new empire with delight, and would
hasten to afford it every needful commercial
privilege The manufactures Of Europe would
be admitted into its ports without duties, or at
low rates The manufactures Of hated New
England and the hated North would, of course,
be excluded. The financial and commercial in
tercourse now existing between New York and
the Transatlantic nations, in connection with
Southern productions and Southern consump-