The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-05-30

resolutions and their doctrines, and those of
some others before the Senate, particularly
those of my colleague who has twice criticised
mine, once very harshly when was detained
by Illness from the Senate. | will only say,
however. Mr. President that his second reso-
luton contains what | consider too near an
affiliation with his distinguished friend from
/ Illinois The admission that every Territory
when organized is to exercise legislative power
inclines rather too much in the direction of
Squatter Sovereignty. Atan earlier period
OF our history many Territories were organ
lied without Legislature, with simply Gov
ernor and Council, and if the Territory of
Utah was fitted for any in the form of civil
government, Governor and Council are as
much as IT ever ought to have had. thus
illustrate my opinion by case in point
These are the general views which | enter
| tain of cur right of protection and the duty of
the Government. They are those which are
entertained by the constituency / have the
honor to represent whose delegation has re-
Gently announced those principles at Charles
ton honor them. and approve their con-
duet. think their hearing was worthy of
the mother State which sent them there; and
| doubt not she will receive them with Joy
and gratitude. They have asserted and vim
Dictated her equality Of right. BY that asser
ted equality of right doubt not she will
stand. For veal or for woe, for prosperity or
adversely Cor the preservation Of the great
blessings which we enjoy, or the trial Of new
aud separate condition, | trust Mississippi
! never will surrender the smallest atom of the
sovereignty, independence, and equality to
which she was born, to avoid any danger or
any sacrifice to which she may thereby be
exposed
The sixth resolution Of the series declares
at what time State may form a constitution
and decide upon her domestic institutions. l
deny this right to the territorial condition, be-
cause the Territory belongs in common to
the States Every citizen of the United
States, rs joint owner Of that Territory has
a right to go into it with any property which
he may possess. The territorial inhabitants
require municipal law, police and government.
| They should have it, but it should be restric-
ted to their own necessity. They have no
right within their municipal power to attempt
to decide the rights Of the people of the States.
They have no right to exclude any citizen of
the United States from coming and equally
enjoying this common possession it is for
the purpose of preserving order, giving pro-
lection to rights of persO and property, that
a municipal territorial government should be
instituted.
The last resolution refers to a law founded
on provision of the Constitution, which con-
tains an obligation Of faith to every State of
the Union and that obligation Of faith has
been violated by thirteen States of the Confed-
eracy-as many as originally fought the bat
ties of the revolution and established the con-
federation. Is it to be expected that COM
pact thus broken in part, violated in its i'm
portant features will be regarded as binding
N all else Is the free trade which the North
sought in the formation of the Union, and for
which the States generally agreed to give
Congress the power to regulate commerce, to
be trampled under foot by laws Of Obstruc
ton not gwen to the citizens Of the South
that free transit across the territory of the
Northern States which we might claim from
any friendly State under Christendom: and is
Congress TO stand pOwerless by, on the doc
trine of non intervention We have right
to claim abstinence from interference with
our rights from any government on the earth.
Shall we claim no more from that which We
have constituted for our own purposes, and
which We support by draining our own means
for its support
/ Wehave had agitation changing in its form,
and gathering intensity, for the last forty years
! 1t was first for political powe-, and directed
against new States; and now it has assumed
a social form, is all pervading and has reached
| The point of revolution and civil war. For
it was only last fall that an overt act was com
mitted by men who were sustained by arms
and money, raised by extensive combination
among the non-slaveholding States, to carry
reasonable war against the State of Virginia,
because now, as before the Revolution, and |
ever since, she held the African in bondage. |
| This is part of the history and marks the ne |
cessity of the times. 1t warns US to stop and |
reflect, to 90 back to the original standard, to |
measure our acts by the obligation Of our |
fathers, by the pledges thus made one 10 the |
other, to see whether We are conforming to |
our plighted faith, and to ask seriously, sol
emnly-looking each other inquiringly in the
face-what we should do to save our country.
This agitation being at first one of sectional
pride, for political power, has at last de-
generated or grown up to (as you please
| trade There are men who habitually set |
| aside portion of money which they are an
| nually to apply to what are called "chartita-
bic purposes" that is TO say, so far as under
stand it, to support some vagrant lecturer,
whose purpose is agitation and mischief wher
ever he goes This constitutes, therefore,
trade; class of people are thus employed,
employed for mischief, for incendiary purposes
perhaps, not always understood by those who
furnish the money ; but such is the effect |
such is the result of their action and in this
state of the case call upon the Senate to az
firm the great principles on which our institu-
| tons rest. In no spirit Of elimination have
| stated the reasons why | present it. For
these reasons call upon them now TO restrain
the growth of evil passion, and to bring back
the public sense as far as in them lies, by ear
nest and united effort if it may be to crown
our country with peace, and start it once more
in its primal channel on career of progressive
prosperity and justice.
The majority section cannot be struggling
for additional power in order to preserve our
rights. If any of them ever believed in what
is called Southern aggression, they know pow
they have the majority in the representative
districts and in the electoral college. They
cannot, therefore, fear an invasion of their
rights. they need ne additional political
power to protect them from that. The argu-
ment, then, or the reason on which this agita-
ton commenced, has passed away; and yet
we are asked if party hostile to our insti-
tutions shall gain possession Of the Govern
ment, that we shall stand quietly by and wait
for an overtact. Overt act! Is not declara-
ton of war an overt act What would be
thought of country that, after a declaration
of war, aud whilst the enemy's fleets were
upon the sea, should wait until city had been
sacked before it would say that war existed,
or resistance should be- made The power
Of resistance consists, in no small degree, in
meeting the evil at the outer gate. | can
speak for myselE-and / have no right to speak
for others-when say that if | belonged to
party organized on the basis of making war
on any section or interest in the United States,
if know myself, | would instantly quit it
We have made no war against you. We have
asked no discrimination in our favor. We
claim but to have the constitution fairly and
equally administered. To consent to less than
this would be to sink in the scale of manhood;
would be to make our posterity so degraded
that they would curse this generation for rob {
bling them OF the rights their revolutionary /
fathers bequeathed them. IL
Is this expected ? Yet it is for the asser- :
ton of such thoughts, such intents as these, /
that we Of the South are arraigned as threat !
ening and attempting to menace the North. I
| understand the artful dodge which induces G
the use of that word menace" No portion I
of our people are subject to fear, nor are they
to be intimidated by threats. They all have '
much of that sentiment which feels pride in '
peril's hour; and therefore it is that our de- 8
mand of equal rights, our assertion Of the de- 8
termination never to surrender them, has been
tortured into menace TO those with whom a
we have ever sought to live il peace. 1t is n
not threat but warning; and that warming a
given in the spirit OF fraternity. When we a
say to those who have common destiny, a I
common interest with us, "stop here, your
tread is on an empires dust" it is not to des
troy, but to avoid the dread alternative we 1
call you to the sober reckoning of the account
before you. 1t would be idle to expect us to
be satisfied with mere declarations that the a
only purpose is to prevent slaves being taken "
into the Territories We have recent ex- o
ample, teaching melancholy lesson of the 81
madness and faithlessness Of abolitionism.-
When the British emancipationists met at
Old Jewry, they said their only object was to h
break up the slave trade but soon arose the b
rn,is des noirs of France at first they pro- 70
ha tl,l, ndIIca cf 4.