The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1860-11-30
THE CRISIS OF THE UNION.
Patriotic and Interesting Letter from
Senator Douglas.
CORRESPONDENCE.


Hon. STEPHEN A. DoUGLAs-Sir: We,
the undersigned, citizens of New Orleans,
irrespective Of party, being DESTROYS of hear.
ing your views on the present condition OF
the affairs of our country, would earnestly
request you to designate time when it
would be agreeable to you to address your
fellow-citizens
Pitcher l. Goodrich, Hillard, Summers & Co.
Thos. K. Price, J. F. Shaw,
Fellowes Il Co., J. Altmeyer,
Martin, Cobb l. Co., II: L. Goodrich,
JIM. Lapeyre, l.. s. Holden,
Given, Watts Il Co., r. Geddes,
Jas. Turner Il Co., j. P. Harrison.
Sumpter Turner, Richard Lluyal,
p. A. Shaw, Horrel. Gayle & Co.,
And several hundred prominent citizens of
New Orleans.
MR.. DOUGLAS REPLY.
Gentlemen Your request to addressthe
citizens of New Orleans on the present
condition of the affairs of our country" has
just been placed in my hands. An invita-
ton so numerously signed by the most emf
nent business men of this great commercial
city implies q compliment which l duly APP
preciate, and am exceedingly reluctant to
decline.
These are not the times for patriotic men
to affect indifference, or to degenerate into
dependency, or to rush madly into violent
and extreme measures. Just in proportion
as our common country is environed with
peril, it becomes the imperative duty of
every patriot in the land to increase his
efforts and exert his utmost powers and
energies to rescue the Republic from the
disasters which threaten its integrity.
No man in America regrets the election
of MIR. Lincoln more than do none made
more strenuous exertions to defeat him
none differ with him more radically and ir-
reconcilably upon all the great issues in
volved in the contest. No man living is
prepared to resist, by all the legitimate
means sanctioned by the Constitution and
laws of our country, the aggressive policy
which be and his party are understood to
represent. But while / say this, am bound,
as good citizen and law-abiding man, to
declare my conscientious conviction that the
mere election of any man to the Presidency
by the American people, in accordance with
the Constitution and laws, does not, of itself,
furnish any just cause or reasonable ground
1t is not pretended, as far as am informed,
that any provision of the Constitution has
been violated in the recent election. Noact
has been done which impairs or destroys the
constitutional rights of any State or citizen.
Nothing has yet occurred to release any
citizen from his oath of fidelity to the Con-
stitution of the United States, which is the
supreme law of every State and of every
citizen. But while it is conceded that no
act has yet been done which impairs the
rights or endangers the peace and safety of
any portion of our country, it is apprehend-
ed that the election of Mr.. Lincoln carries
with it the assurance that the policy and
principles of the party by which be was
elected will prevail, and be carried into
practical effect in every department of the
Federal Government, and thereby will en-
danger the peace and safety of the slave
holding States. Is this apprehension well
founded? Do the results of the recent
election justify this apprehension The
President can do nothing except what the
law authorizes. His duty is to see the laws
faithfully executed. If be fails to perform
his duty be will soon find himself prisoner
before the High Court of Impeachment.
Fortunately that tribunal is so constituted
as to command the confidence of the people
of the entire South as well as of the con.
sentative men of the North. We have this
security that the existing laws will be faith
fully executed.
have yet to learn that the people OF the
South complain of the acts of Congress nom
on the statute book, upon the subject of
slavery, as applicable to the States or the
Territories, or to the District of Columbia.
These laws were enacted, mainly, if not
entirely, by the joint action of the conserva-
tive members of the North and South, in
opposition to the Abolitionists and Free.
sellers, and have been acquiesced in by the
Southern people, as well as by their Sena-
to.s and Representatives, under the present
and preceding administrations of the Fede-
raj government. Consequently, it is fair to
| presume that the South, 80 far from de-
mandipg the repeal of the existing laws
upon the subject of slavery as essential to
her safety and equality in the Union, will
insist upon their being retained upon the
statute book and faithfully executed. Nor
are we permitted to infer that the Southern
people require any additional legislation by
Congress on this subject, for the reason that
the Southern Senators and Representatives
have not introduced and advocated auy
changes in the existing legislation upon the
slavery question under the present Admin
istratlon and that of Mr.. Pierce, when the
Abolitionists and Free-soiers were in the
minority in both Houses of Congress.
Assuming, therefore, that the Southern
people and their Senators and Representa-.
tives deem their rights and institutions en-
tirely safe under the Constitution and laws
as they now stand, and only desire to be lei
alone, without any interference by Congress
with their domestic concerns, the question
arises whether Mr.. Lincoln and his party
will have the power, even if they have the
disposition, to disturb or impair the rights
and institutions of the South, either in the
States or Territories, or in the District o.
Columbia? They certainly cannot do il
under the existing laws. Will they have
the power to repeal or change these laws
or to enact others? It is well known thai
they will be in minority in both houses o
Congress, with the Supreme Court agains
them. In the Northern States there have
been elected already sufficient number o
Democratic members of Congress, bold ant
true national men, pledged to the Cincin
natl Platform and the doctrines of non
Intervention by Congress with the question