Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1860-12-07


opinion. The slavery question, like every.
lieve that it has already reached and passed the
eliminating point. Bat il, in the midst Of the
existing excitement, the Union shall perish,
the evil mag then become irrcparahlc Con-
grcsS can contribute much to avert it by pro-
posing and recommending to the Legislatures
of the several States the remedy for existing
evils, which the Constitution has itself prori-
ded for its own preservation. This has been
tried at different critical pcriols of our history,
and always with eminent success 1t is to be
found in the 9Th article providing for its own
amendment. Under this article amendments
have been proposed hy two.lhirdS OF both
Houses Of Congress, and have been ratified
By the Legislatures Of tlrcc-(ourths Of the sew
cral States" aud have consequently become
parts of the Constitution To this process the
country is indebted for the clause prohi.
biting Congress from passing any law re-
spcctIng an establishment Of religion, or
abridgns the freedom OF speech or Of the
press, or OF the right Of petition. To this we
are, also, indebted Tor the Bill OF rights, which
secures the people against any abuse of the
power by the Federal Government Such were
the apprehensions justly entertained by the
friends Of State rig hts at that period as to have
rendered it extremely doubtful whether the
Constitution could have long survived without
these amendments.
Again. the Constitution was amended by the
same process after the election Of President
Jefferson by the House Of Representatives, in
February 1908 This amendment was rendered
necessary to prevent recurrence Of the dan.
gers which had seriously threatened the exist
cnce Of the Government during the pendcncy
Of that election. The article for It's own amend
nent was intended TO secure the amicablc ad
! justment Of conflicting constitutional questions
like the present, which mi gh arise between the
governments Of the States and that Of the
United States This appears from cuntcmpo-
raneouS history, In this connection, | shall
merely call attention to few sentences in Mr.
Madison'S justly celebrated report, in 1899, 10
the Legislature Of Virginia. In this he ably
and concluSivclv defended tic resolutions Of the
preceding Legislature against the structures OF
several other State Legislatures. These were
mainly founded upon the protest Of the Virgil
mia Legislature against the Allen and Scditon
Acts, as ''papab!c and alarming ntractions OF
the Constitution" In pointing out the peaceful
and Constitutional remedies, (and he referred
to none othcr,) to which the States were all
| thorized to resort on such occasions, he con-
cludcS by saying, "that the Legislatures Of the
States might have made direct representation
to Congress with view TO obtain Il resembling
OF the two offensive acts, or they might have
represented to their respective Senators in Con-
grcSs, their wish that two.lhirds thereof would
propose an explanatory amendment to the Con-
stitution, or twothirds Of themselves, il
s,lcll had been their option, might, by an ap-
plication TO Congress, have obtained convcn-
ton for the same object
This is the very course which earnestly re.
commend in order to obtain an Explanatory
amendment Of the Constitution OH the subject
Of slavery. This might originate with Con-
grcSS or the State legislatures, is may be
deemed most advisable to attain the object
The explanatory amendment might be COIL
fined to the final settlement Of the true con-
structon of the Constitution on three special
points:
]. An express recognition Of the right Of
property in slaves in .hc States where il now
exists or may hereafter exist.
. The duty OF protecting this right in ali
the common Territories throughout their terri
toral existence, and until they shall br admit
slavery as their constitutions may prescribe
j: y like recognition Of the right Of the
master to have his sla"e, who has escaped from
one State TO another. restored and delivered
up" to him, and Of the validity of the fugitive
slave law enacted for this purpose, together
with n declaration that all State laws lmpairing
or defeating this right are violations of the
Constitution, and are consequently null and
void
1t may bc objected that this construction of
the Constitution has already been settled by
the Supreme court Of the United States, and
what more ought to bv bvrequircd? The answer
is, that a very large proportion of the people OF
the United States still contest the correctness
Of this decision, and never will cease from
agitation and admit its binding force until
clearly established by the people Of the several
States in their sovereign character. Such an
explanatory amendment would, it is believed,
forever terminate the existing discussions and
restore peace and harmony among the States.
II ought not to be doubted that such an ap-
peal to the arbitrancnt established by the Con-
sttuti0n itself would be received wltl favor by
all the States &c the Conftderacy. In any
event it ought TO be tried in spirit of concili-
alton before any of these States shall separate
themselves from the Unicn.
When entered upon the duties of the pre-
siIcntal Office, the aspect neither OF our TO-
reign nor tomcStic affairs was at all satistacto-
~. We were involved in dangerous compllca-
tionS with several nations, and t%o Of our Ter
ritorics were in state Of revolution against the
Government. \ restoration Of the African slave
trade hal numerous anil powerful advocates
Unlawful military expeditions we're counte'
nanced by many rf our citizens, and were sui.
fered in defiance OF the Government TO escape
from our shores, for the purpose OF making war
upon the unoilcn,iing people Of nclghborns
republics with whom we were at peace. In al.
dtion to these and other difficulties, we cxpe-
rienccd Il revulSion in monetary affairs, soon
alter my adrrnt tn pOTcr, ot nneXampleu Sc
verify and uf rillnonS consequences to all the
great interests o the country. When we take
q retrospect of what was then our condition
and contrast this with its material prosperity
at the time Of the late Presidential election, we
have abundant reason to return our grateful
thanks To that mcrciful Providence which has
never for.aLrn Ms as a nation in all our past
trials.
OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
GREAT BRITAIN.
Our relations with Great Britain are Of the
most friendly character. Since the commence
ment OF my administration, the two dangerous
questions, arising from the Clayton and Bull
wer treaty and from the right of search claimed
by the British government, have hecn AMIGA
bly, and honorabIy adjusted.
The discortlant constructions OF the Clayton
and Bulwcr treaty between the two govern
mcnts, which, at different periods Of the dis
chSsion, bore threatening aspect, have result
cd in Il final settlement entirely satisfactory to
this Government. In my last annual message
| informed Congress that the British govern
nent had not then completed treaty arrange.
mcntS with the republics of Honduras and
Nicaragua, in pursuance of the understanding
between the two governments. It's neverthe-
less confidently expected that this good work
will ere long be accomplished. This confident
expectation has since been fulfilled Her Bri.
tannc Majesty concluded a treaty with l1ondu-
ras on the 18th November. 1859, and with