The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-05-21


cracy.
The nomination of Lincoln and Hamlin
does not touch the heart of the black
| republican party. It is evident that the
acute and practiced minds which had built
up the organization have been set aside, and
the dangerous doctrines and fallacies which
they proclaimed as mere political watchwords
have been adopted as truths by their follow
ers who place themselves under the lead Of in
ferior and less sagacious men.
Lincoln If the echo of Seward without his
practical acumen, the follower Of Spooner With
the rabid spirit Of Helper, and the worshipper
of John Brown without his pluck. Animated
by the same sentiments, but with q far differ
ent spirit from that which sent Brown across
the Susquehanna, he vauntingly proclaimed
in one Of his public speeches that he "did mean
to go ON to the banks of the Ohio and throw
missiles into Kentucky to disturb them in their
institutions" Such Is the man whom the
fauatical black republicans have brought for
ward az their choice for President of the
! American confederation, and for whom they
have rejected every man with conservative ten.
denotes, practical statesmanship, or national
views, to be found within the party ranks
There can be but one result to such fatuous
course. The party deprived Of intellectual
power and practiced sagacity in leadership
must awfndle down TO the grasp of the intel
lect that controls 1t, and both eventually dis
appear in the pool ofdemonstrated foolishness
While the black republicans are thus making
clear the path which must conduct them to de-
feat, some signs Of return to common sense
are beginning to develope themselves among
the democratic leaders. The debate in the
Senate resulted in weak defence of political
distractions, and turning up of few old
fossils in politics, but 1t did not exhibit that
personal acrimony among the leaders, nor was
1t kept up with that spirit that many expected
to see. The discussion, too, was not brought
on to the ground Of the present and living is
sue, and the speeches Of Davis, Douglas and
Mason, and address of the Southern Senators
and members of Congress, all exhibit
evidences Of disposition to come
| together on some common platform
for the coming fight. To-day we publish else
| where in our columns speech Of Mr. Butler,
delivered In Massachusetts,, and 'one of Mr..
| Yancey, delivered In Alabama, both Of which
| exhibit the same tendencies. II will be
remembered that the first Of these gentle
men was the proposer Of the second of the MI
nority platforms In fhs Ch.-i--s.- 0sHs oHsfvn,
and that the second was Chairman Of the Ala.
bana Convention and leader of the seeding
delegations. Mr.. Butler makes some revela.
lions of occurrences at Charleston which exhi-
bit disposition on the part Of the friends Of
Mr.. Douglas to effect compromise, which were
not before known. The fact is, events are
plainly demonstrating that though the Illinois
Senator can be stalworth rebel, his becoming
one would give the electoral vote Of half the
Southern States to Bell and Everett, and throw
the election into the House Of Representatives.
In view Of such contingency, there ID an evil
dent disposiHon on the part Of all sections Of
the old democratic party to listen to reason.
The Tennessee resolution, which was present
ed In the Charleston Convention short time
previous to It's sudden adjournment, but on
| which no discussion or expression Of feeling
| took place, IL o medium ground between the
Northern and Southern sections of the democ-
racy, on which all can stand, and which, there
fore, may unite the party: but In order to do So
both Mr.. Davis and Mr.. Douglas must abandon
their personal claims. In the present crisis in
our public affairs neither Of them has any
right TO make his personal ambition q cause
Of danger to the country, and both Of them
stand in the same personal relation TO the odi-
Gus Kansas Nebraska act which reopened this
Pandora's box Of sectional discussion. One
was the leader of the Southern fire eaters In
poor Pierce's cabinet, and the other was the en-
eineer and defender Of the bill In Congress.
The conservative feeling the country can.
not accept any man who, in q great national
crisis, prefers his personal interest 10 that Of
the whole country; and to-day the impulse Of
people Ia to oppose that revolutionary aud de-
structive spirit Of innovation which would con
vert the constitution Of the Union into an abo
lition instrument, and the government
into great promoter Of religious ani
moral reform, OF woman's rights, the divi
sion Of landed property, and the displacement
OF The family by social phalanxes The discus
sion Of slavery In the Territories Is only al
abstraction, which, II admitted, leads 70 SINH
lar discussions In Congress; and the violation
Of popular rights In the inchoate States car
only result In their violation in complete States
These destructive innovations must be met
and the sooner this Is done the better II viii b.
for all. But In order 10 meet them, politicians
must give up their hair.splitting practices or
political fallacies, and take ground on conser
vative principles. This Is what the country
waits TO see the Baltimore Convention do; and
II II is not done, one.haH Of the Southern ani
Middle States win throw their votes for Bel
and Everett, and black republican plurality
will carry most OF the Northern and North