Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-04-14


to give 81 900 to each soldier in certain regiment
that served in the Mexican war. may say, 81 do
not think this ought to be done; but if you intend
to carry out such system let us give each regl-
| ment the same advantage" Gentlemen reply
"Tbat will take all the money in the Treasury"
That is no objection to my amendment 1t may he
good objection to the principles of the bill 1t
would he a ready means, perhaps, of showing that
the bill was erroneous. If you go on the prlnc-
pie of giving land to the citizens, 1t VIII not do Tor
you to stop and say, 1--WE can give to few and
not to ALI All who stand in that relation ought
| to have the benefit.
Rut arain il is said-and have been surprised
| at those who have made the argument-that 1t You
adopt this system, you will fail in the object you
| have in view which is to induce or compel people
to 70 into the Territories, and become cultlva-
tors of the land Let us look at that for moment.
There are countries in the world, MIR President,
where the governments undertake to regulate labor
| They say TO one man, You shall follow this trade
and to another You shall follow that" Go INTO
India and there castles; some men are allowed
to do certain things and others not. Even IN mon
arches people arc driven by particular circulnStan-
COS into some lime of employment; but had sup
posed that in the United States it was the privilege
| of every man to select his own occupation. 1t
seems we are in error in that respect and IN this
late day. after seventy or eighty years oil liberty,
the government it is in and to say, 1--WE think
You were wrong IN following the bent OF your IN
| y
should not cultivate your lands as you choose IN
! the old States; we think YOU ought to so into the
| new States and labor there TO suit our purposes;
! and some Senators have said that here, about the
! cities are a great many idle loatcrS. Well, suppose
| admit it. These men have right to be loaicrS II
| they choose and to stay in the cities. How is 1t
| that any Senator has become great man that he
has right to go down here on Pennsylvania avenue
| and say to some man he meets, "lou are loaiing
! about the streets; | want to have You planted out
| in the new Territories ! want to get you away.
| That is the substance of the argument. lon do
/ not compel them directly, but you say to them,
| You must draw them off there" Would it be
Justice? Let us look at this question for moment.
Suppose owe man 500; would have right
! to say to him. II will not give YOU this money,
that You entitled to receive, here; think you
had better 20 to some other point of the country,
and will pay it to you there There is not jus
tice in it.
/. strikes me- Mr.. President. that this is most
extraordinary idea. | can understand that IN
monarchy, where they claim to regulate the people;
| can understand that perhaps some of the old
FelCraliStS in the odcn times, who thought we were
getting too free in the United States. might adopt
that line of argument; but am utterly amazed at
this day. when everybody processes to bc Reruhli-
can or a Democrat in principle, and to allow equal
privileges at any rate to all free white mcn--wc may
make a distinction rs to color in States and
communiticS-that the idea should be preached
that this Congress is to be called upon, by such
line of argument to undertake to regulate the huSi
ness Of the community, and say TO one set "lou
are idle loaerS about the cities and want to get
vO; Off and therefore we will not pay yOu what YOU
are entitled to; we Will make division OF the
property; We will cut you out Of it.
The argument cannot be maintained for moment
1t i< Just bad as fact ii is than, the SyS-
TEN that used to combat, and many men combat
now, Of compelling our people to manufacture
school Sprang up in this country mt one time that
said the people were too generally farmers in the
United States, and that we must have manufactures
| am in favor of manufactures and mechanic arts
but then am in favor of Sound principles; and if
they will pay. if individuals embark in them
and make them pay, let them do it; it is good
thing. But there was 4 school which said: 1--WE
must compel men to manufacture; too much agri-
culture is going on 4; produce Is too low. Now,
that system is TO he reversed, and we 10 swing
like pendulum over to the other side. 1t is nov
said: "All this was mistake; we have too many
mechanics in the country; we have got the cities
crowded with handicrait men manufacturing, and
must get them off to the frontiers and settle
them there" The result is, however, that either
the people the Treasury to suffer under both
schemes. In Gods name, let Us abandon them
both.
Under my proposition You leave these men free
to do as they please; to stay in the cities Of they
want to do so, or to emigrate Again. it is most
prepoStcrouS idea anyhow, that YOU will get rid Of
those who IDLE lOacrS hanGcrS-on to society, by
this bill Take one Of those men and put him into
the forest, and give him an axe, and do you think
he would stay there to crt timber: Not lit Of it.
lie would walk or ride until he could get to some
CITY, where he could consult his own taste and fol-
! low his own occupation
But there is another objection which was made
to my amendment in some little conversation we
had about it in the Senate year or two ago when
| IrOr NM imi Cail
"lf you pass this proposition you will reduce the
price Of the public land very much; it will re worth
very little" admit that for arguments sake; but
it viii reduce ii no more than the other The 9TH
proposition destroys its value for sale If every
body who wants land can get it for nothing. of
course it has no pricc-it cannot have a price
LaEdS that lie in the far West may bear a certain
price here in Washington. Why? Because man
can only get it by paying certain sum, and he may
pay for it here; but if everybody who goes into the
western country can get land for nothing he will
not pay. OF course, the price will 90 down very
much under this bill any way; and think perhaps
just as much as under my proposition. But suppose
even it turns out that there is very large reduction
in the price, gentlemen from the new States will
not he iuurcd the actual settlers will get the lands
very low. If nobody buys them, at least they will
be settled up they were in North Carolina; and
do not believe there is very much in the notion
that spectators will monopolizc these lands. In
my own State our lands were held at five cents an
acre as long as can remember, and yet they were
never bought up in large quantities. If there is
very little land offered, or to be got at spectators
will buy it to hold it up; but when land is plenty,
! like water, when you fill the whole country with
warrants, you put down the price, | admit to a
very low rate. But even suppose there should be
! an inconvenience to the new States if it should
happen, contrary to my expectations that spccua-
tors get great deal of this land they must sec that
inconvenience brought upon themsevesb by their
own conduct. We had very good land system
that kept it out Of the hands of SPECTATORS and if
you choose to break that down. you cannot complain
that we in the old States take our chance to get
share of the money
Mr. President, when l got up did not wish to
speak at length this question, but merely to call
attention to these particular objections that were
made to my proposition some two years ago