Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1860-02-03


Of the government since its foun-
dation, and where is the necessity now of
repeating this compromised Why, although
you had the influence of the government,
both in its foreign and domestic policy, un-
der pretence of subscribing the rights of the
people, you have used them to maintain
the rights of slavery, and after a race Of
nearly three-quarters of century, you arc
entirely behind. The North has grown in
population and material and intellectual de-
velopment far beyond your growth, ,-"theI
sceptre is about to depart from Judea;" and
what nowi Why we must repeal the Mis-
souri, compromise, and take start upon
the progressive area of freedom, and check
this power of conflict that the Louisville
Courier and Gov. Seward speak of, and
thus we may maintain our supremacy
That was i'll Why, although you have di-
vided the territory between the North and
the South, that territory, you say, was pur-
chased by the common blood and treasure,
and therefore you have right to go into
it and carry your slaves, when you do not
allow the man who goes there from Ohio
to carry them there. You have passed
laws prohibiting the African slave trade; {;
you monopolize the carrying of slaves
among yourselves.
Although you divide that territory ceded
to this government, and make out Of it
Louisiana, Arkansas and Missouri-three
slave states-and when the North comes to
take possession of her portion Of the bar
gain, consisting Of all the territory north
Of thirty.six degrees, thirty minutes, you
say, "No, gentlemen, that game is out, we
must have a new deal" Laughter Well,
now my honest friend, what do you mean
by a new deal? Are you going to put up
stakes and begin anewl Are you going to
put up Louisiana, Arkansas and Missouri
and see in the struggle whether freedom OF
slavery is the stronger? "Oh nop nothing
of that kind; we hold all we have got, and
we intend to play the game of snatch and
get all we cant" Laughter.
DOUGLAS DREAM.
Come on again thenl Mr.. Douglas, fo
the purpose of gaining political power, K
the loss of his constituents and for the pur
pose of maintaining the interests of slavery
aud shareholders, against the great voting
population of the country both North anC
South, and to make slavery predominant
tells us that the Missouri compromise o
, 1920 is unconstitutional. This man who
: few days before had come into the Senate
of the United States, admitting that thi
! compromise was sacred and must not bt
touched, some two or tbree days after haC
t dream and the result is that he finds on
that he had been mistaken, that our faith
! Fers wero mistaken, that the action taken il
| 1888 was o mistake, that the action wa
t the nou-extension of slavery that was re
t enacted under the constitution in 1875
and carried out under every President from
Washington to Monroe, in having declare,
r that they had right to restrain the sprea'
of slavery, was mistake. He suddenl
i found out that our fathers did not know
t anything about the matter; their actiol
e was unconstitutional, it was unconstitutior
!, al to pass this great measure, and therefore
the Democratic party repealed it, and Doug
las helped them do it.
Well, what did the Northern men do? 2
, What did the Republican party do? Why
2 they said, gentlemen, it is lamentabl
1 thing that the declaration of the constitl
+ lion ITSELF gives the power expressly to Coz
y gross to regulate the territories-that is th
i word, "to regulate" the territories--makin
G no Limitation, but giving absolute powe
IT and yet you deny the constitutionality
d action under it. As said before, the vel
u first action under the constitution in l78
was an exercise of that power to "make a
needful rules and regulations respecting tt
IS territory" and following down as long
D. the Presidents that were alive at the sig
as ing of the Constitution, lived, and comir
10 to our own times as late as when OregC
/ was formed into territory, to few da.
it AGO, this action has been deemed constit
ge tional, when all at once these measur
Of were found out to be based upon fallac
0. and it was discovered that we had no po
ID er to carry them out. What did we do? 2
of Because we loved the Union; because "
le North and South, had fought the comm
le battles of the country, and joined in t
at love Of common liberty, standing should
n to shoulder, we will try the thing on
to more; we believe free labor is competent
of sustain itself; we will 90 into the Territo
it apply the test, and see whether or not
A. shall be free or slave.
lo DEMOCRACY AS 1T WAS.
n Gentlemen, let me read few Den
P cratic platforms to show how this thing we
lis along. / will read you the Democra
n platform of 1852, two years before
n passage of the Kansas.Nebraska bill, so
at as it touches upon the subject of Slavery
'"l "That Congress has no power under
Ie- Constitution, to interfere with or cont
TO the domestic institutions of the seve
NJ States, and that such States are the S
cd and proper judges of every thing app
re- tanning to their own affairs, not prohibit
lr- by the Constitution; that all efforts of
D" Abolitionists or others, made to indl
Congress to Interfere with questions of S
'ar very, or to take incipient steps in relat
Sc thereto, are calculated to lead to the m
nt, alarming and dangerous consequences"
'ut What say you to that, DemOcrats9
lth though you declared in black aud wi
i"t that it was dangerous to interfere with
lat subject of slavery, what have you do
oy Did you not say it was dangerous to in