Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-02-07

It home are really contemplating 50 suicidal an
enterprise as that Of destroying 1he system on which
hey are Obtaining their daily bread. Il Is rather
he device Of the capitalist and the politician. who
seek to silence the just complaints Of labor BY
staele that stands in the way Of relief The whole
question as to an lrreconciable antagcnism between
free and slave labor megsae stated N a few words
capital has eXacied from labor its earnings until Ia
Dor Is reduced . Che starving point; in this condo
ton labor calls on capital for relief; capital replies
that there is conflict between free and slave labor
which must be terminated III the overthrow Of slave
labor before relief can come; labor accepts the ex
cuse as true. submits TO its destiny and off iH
the crusade against slave lacor while the capitalist
goes on enrching himself upon the plumber exacted
from labor. and the politiean obtains power and /
place uDon the votes Of free labor
In the remarks already made, have taken an ex-
e,siva nolitical view Of the relations subsistng be-
bor. Viewed in this light. l have sought to show
that so far from the existence Of an irrec0ncla5le
antagonism between them, they are peculiarly adap
ted to the laws of nature, winch govern IN their re-
spective localities; that they harmonze with each
other in the legitimate pursuit OF their respective
interests that they mutually promote and sustain
the prosperity of each Other; and that their com
bined exertions and influence give strength to the
Federal Union. and prosperity ana glory 70 the
whole nation The deduction Is logical and una
yoidable that all who attempt to create disseEsion
and collision between the two systems are either
misguided or reckless enemies Of the true interests
4 Of both systems Of labor.
But, Dir. President, however harmonious the TWO
! systems may be when administered with single
eye to the interests of both, have to deal with
the fact that there is a conflict growing out eI ehe
subject of slavery which IS full OF danger 70 ING M
tegrity of the Federal Government lnls Is noI 50
1 much conflict between the two systems Of LABOR
as an antagonism Of opinion as to the nature anc
character Of slavery and especially as 20 us moral
ity. Whether that antagonism or opinion IS lncom-
4 patible with the permanent union OF the Two SET
tons under our government is the mDmentous pro-
blem that now challenges the earnest cOnsiderauOh
Of the whole country
The conflict under examination consists in this;
on one side it is maintained that African slavery Is
a moral wreng-on the other that 1t IS moral rag ~
The morality of the institution is the great point at
issue. But how such an issue be legltlnately
raised? The parties to the contest constitute DIS
tinct separate and independent communities, so ian
as all questions of morality are involved by what
authority then, does the assume 70 arraIgn the
other on a matter Of conscience Virginia Is
sovereignty on all questions Of morality. Massa
chusetts is sovereignty on all questions OF moran
tv Why NAV not Virginia and Massachusetts, II
: the enjoyment Of their undenIable rights OF con
science entertain different opinions on the lnhoceAc
or the sinfulness of slavery without getting INTO
political conflict? May not Virginia well say TO Mas
sachusetts my conscience Is at ease on the suojec
of slavery; after thorough investigation OF the ques
: ton and after appealing to the recognized standar'
n 4 Of true morals am satisfied that slavery g IN
! nroner condition of the African within my limits
@ and that assigning him TO that condition. Vlolat
T ! no law of Christian morality. You have rlgh
upon your Investigation, to believe that freedom
e the true condition of the African WITHIN your I'M
its and that to assign him to the condition Of SLAYER
# would be wicked and criminal according to you
3 code of mOrals but having eased yolr conselehc
e nv exhibiting the sin Of slavery within your oW
d dominion; how do you justify your ntei ierene
z with the exercise Of my conscience Wlthlnny uonl
1t ion or why should your conscience be aiflcued d
n cause mine is not disturbed
e And this raises the question whether the Inte
poiati0n Of the morality or lmnOfAIy
. slavery into our national political contests ca
= be justified on any principle consonant with GU
= relations as a brotherhood of sovereignGes, {
= our obligations as msmbers Of constitutional Col
If federation
= The genius of our institutions recognizes r
!, Iirion and morality as indispensable supports
# the dispositions ana habits which lead TO ponuc
% prosperity" but these are expressly exclude
= from the Jurisdiction of the Federal Leglslatur
: The free exercise Of religious faith Is reserved
i the people Of the States. As a moral or reilSio'
m question, therefore, slavery IS IN express SerH
= excluded from the Federal Government and co
+ fined TO the sovereignty Of the States 1t Is on
= in those political aspects of the subject that al
a. expressly recognized by the Constitution IN
IS Congress can take any jurisdiction OF Inc SUD- g
n 4 State possesses plenary powers 10 leSisii
~ ai+la, for the abolition or tie establishment
If slavery and there is ne limitation to the reaso
= on which its legislation may be based BIZ WIT
: Congress exercises its limited Jurisdiction; IL ca
= not enthusiastically be gevernes BY other than par
:, Iv neiitiesl considerations. The Constitution
Il made the supreme law Of the land, and TO secu
~ its observance as such. the sanction OF Chrlst
70 eath Is required CT all public officers nat lhe
al is the dutv of public man eonsclenuously OPpos
~ to slavery, whose official obligation requires I'm
= act on 4he subject? Must he follow his censcIen
or his obligation to support tie constitution
% the supreme laws If he follows his conscience.
~ substitutes that as a law higher than the CoIsul
q ton. Thus is precisely what every man uoes !"
r, | mites himself to political organization WIG
~ vitaliznr principle is a sentiment OF reHglO
~ orr,sitiou To slavery and whose ultimate object
an its humiliation wherever It exists Dy mems Of %
- ,rressioual LEGISLATION. He allows ms reHgio
!, faith to take the place OF a supreme law OF I
"a land in the direction of his political conduct.
" Is entity of a double violation Of the Consul
ton: first in making it his object to abolish sla'
nj Nv in States where it legally exists and secohu
making his religious conviction the test OF MS pom
M cal action. ~
f The conclusion follows unavOidably, that the @
~ stitution must be maintained the supreme rule
no political action, or 1t must be repudated SET asil
he or evaded at the bidding OF a religious Dehei.
III this consists the real conflict Il the C0nsutnti
ON prevails there is conflict Hrel,gous oelieI pi
6o walls as the supreme law, there Is conflict n
one that is irrepresslbe and fatal TO the Confedel
cy The solution Of the difficulty IS PLAIN he
q" matters of religion distinct anu e parss'c LlV' III
ters politica in matters Of religion let the apps
a be made to the Christian standard as the suprel
n law; but in matters political. let the Consutuu
prevail as the supreme law.
This is is not only the solution of the conflict as
g is clearly laid down in the Constitutions but 1t Is
IS solution which is furnished by the example OF I
ol6 wise natriots who founded our Government Nh
IS tl 1T to,,otber tn make .'more perfect UniOI
os, they we're embarrassed in their action by this sal
ms conflict about slavery. The opposition to 1t was
Az marked then as it is now. The obstacle to the
nation of the Union was the same that now star
in the way Of its preservation It was solved u
s9s bv separating lis political FORM its moral aspects
s6s assigning the one to the arbitrament OF the Cons
o9 tuition as the supreme law, and the other to the
, s. rum of conscience under the reserved rights
powers of The otEtes,
~ CONCLUDED TOMOEKOW)