Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1860-10-13


not only to ignore oil constitutional opinions IA
yoroble to liberty, but virtually to ignore all the
moral sentiments he had ever protested on the
subject With a deliberate hoarilessness, 50 mon
strous as to DO disgusting, he treated Of four nil
lions Of human b~oipgs-hayiog the same natural
rights with himsclf-aud having also, in his own
estimation las We thiuk) equal political rights
with himself, undor tho constitution he had sworn
to support-we say he heartlessly treated Of these
four millions of men, and their posterity, as 50
much capital-not, perhaps, the best form Of cap.
i'al- but whether, or not, the BEST fern of capital,
was for the owners to judge, and for experience to
determine. And if, before this experiment! shculd
lie closed, any body should presume to recognize
them as mon, and attempt to convert them from
capital into men or recognize them as citizens OF
the United States, and 60 to their rescue las any
one, On the by hypothesis Of their being such citizens,
might legally do) such a person, said Mr.. Seward,
must necessarily, and may justly, be hung.
Thus this shameless man stood oct, and strip.
pei himself before the eyes Of oil people, and la.
bored, in their presence. to cover himself all over
with this moral aud political filth, in order tc
dcaden the hated odors of liberty, humanity aut
justice, which he feared might be still clinging t.
him, as relics Of his former professions land prin
ciples, if he ever had any, and thereby fit himself
if possible, to become the candidate Of his faction
And the infamous character Of the faction itself i
to be inferred from the fact, that all this self.defle
ment, on his part, was unsuccessful to secure fol
him their confidence. They feared that at leas
the smell of liberty might still be upon him and
! tbaraGnra Gvah chair chCica upOn ~ tvhO if M
more clear of all real love for freedom, was at leas
less suspected Of any such disqualification.
What we have supposed to be true of Mr.. Sew.
ard, we have good reason to believe to be also true
of several, perhaps many, other Republican mem
bers oil Congress, viz, that, believing the slave
in this country to be. in the view Of the %constitu
ton of the United States, full citizens Of the Unit
ed States, equally with themselves, they neverthe
less, for the sake of gaining power, publicly &C
knowledge and declare their enslagement to b
constitutional, and that the general government
t has no authority to liberAte them.
We think the friends of liberty, in every cor
gressionaI district, should look sharply after thei
representatives on this point. We do not wish
send men to congress, who will belle the constitu
ton, they swear to suppot. We do not even wis
to send them there to give US essays on the moro
nature of slavery. We understand that matter n
ready. But, as John Brown would say, W. war
men there, who, believing the constitution give
liberty to all, piH PIT the thing through.
We understand the reasons given, IN private, b
these men, why they do not declare slavery is III
constitutional, and that the general governmer
has power to abolish it, to be, That tile people al
not ready for il! That the Republicans mu
first get possession Of the government! That is
say, these men must persist in their false asseveri
tons, that the general government has no pOwt
: to abolish slavery but will, on the contrary su
tain it in the States where il is-they must persi
in these asserverations, until they get the geuer
government into their hands then, as they wis
it to be inferred, they will avow the fraud
which they obtained their power will take it fC
granted that The people are ready to be iniorme
what the constitutional law Of the country reall
is and will proceed to put it into execution, b
:. giving liberty to all.