Dayton daily empire. [volume] (Dayton [Ohio]) 1850-1865, 1860-07-23

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hesitation, resolved to pursue the principle OF
1850 to its logical consequence; to abrogate
the Missouri Compromise line so called, even
at the hazard Of new and more dangerous az
itation. 1t appealed TO the Wing party for as.
sistance, and some of the Southern Represen.
tatiyes of that party in Congress responded to
the appeal But the Northern Wings, with
few exceptions, abandoned their Southern al
lies, and uniting with the remnant of the old
Abolition party raised an alarm, throughout
the North, that the Democratic party had thus
renewed in Congress, the identical agitation
which it had solemnly promised TO discounie.
nance. This "fusion" of Northern Wings and
Abolitionists was largely strengthened by de-
| lection from our own ranks; men who aban.
doned us, not because they supported the
! Wilmot Proviso, but because they feared
the Democratic party was about to surrender
the doctrine of "non-interyention' by Con-
| gress, and become an active agent, through
the instumentality of the Federal Govern
ment, for compelling the Territories, one and
all, to accept slavery as an institution forever,
unaterable aud uncomfortable Time has
now disspated the fears of many and they
have returned to their old allegiance. The
people of the North are beginning to under
stand, also, that the true responsibility for all
the agitation which resulted from the Kan
sas-Nebraska Act is upon those who resisted
the application Of sound principle to a mere
| " formal change of circumstances But, in
1854, suddenly, and almost as if by magical
touch, the Democratic party of the North and
Northwest disappeared Only thirteen Dem
ocrats were elected to the House of Repre-
sentatiyes in that year from all the non-slave-
holding States, California included, and fonr
Of that number, almost one-third, were from
the State of Illinois. 1t required years of CON
slant effort to satisfy the Northern people
that the Kansas-Nebraska Act was not an act
Of Southern aggression, but an act for carry
ing into effect the principle established by the
compromise measure of 1850. The under
signed do not mean to palliate misconcep-
ton so gross, but merely to relate an indispu-
table fact Our leader in these eventlul con-
tests, now the candidate of the Democratic
party for the Presidency of the United States
did, almost without eXaggeration, travel from
Washington City to Chicago, in 1854, by the
light Of his own burning eiligies.
1t was after such disastrous consequences to
the Democratic party, and with hearts full of
apprehension, that our delegates from all the
States, North and South assembled at Cincin
natl, in June, 1856, to consult with reference
to public affairs, Confident in the justice of
our cause, and appealing to the sober judg
ment of the people, the Democratic National
Convention, by unanimous vote Endorsed
the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and resolved to
abide by It's principles.
The result is well known The nominees of
that Convention received a sufficient number
of Electoral votes TO secure them in the Presi-
dency and Vice-Presideney Of the United
States The fact was developed, also, that in
others of the Northern States-New York,
Ohio and Iowa, at least-the Black-Republi-
cans had prevailed by mere plurality and in
opposition TO oloar and definite aiority of
the popular vote AT no time since has the
Blacb-Republican party attained power in the
States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylva-
MIA Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, by its own
strength, but in every instance, by some com
bination with the remnant Of the American
party in those States q remnant opposed to
the administration Of Mr., Buchanan, but never
satisfied to cooperate with Aboltionists in a
Presidential election.
The Kansas-Nebraska Bill was compro-
mise Of conflicting opinions within the Demo
cratic party, some Of its supporters believing
that Congress had constitutional authority to
prohibit the existence Of slavery in the Terri
tories others that, while Congress had not,
each Territorial Legislature had such power
and yet others, that neither Congress nor a
Territorial Legislature could prohibit slavery,
but were both intrusted with the power, cou-
pied with tho duty Of maintaining and protect
ing that relation. To harmonize in support
of the bill such various opinions, and thus
unite the Democratic party North and South
upon n fair and final basis Of action, was the
81 81 A 4 /
his intellect and his influence. Democrats who
believed that Congress had power to prohibit
slavery within the Territories, upon the one
hand, or, upon the other to maintain slavery,
agreed to delegate the entire exercise of such
authority, whatever its extent or nature
might be, to the Territorial Legislatures,
as the agents and substitutes of Con
gress for that purpose while those
who believed that the Territorial Legisla-
lures had inherent authority over the subject
authority not delegated by Congress, but
arising from a right Of selfgovernnont-vcon
Cured in a solemn declaration that the action
of every Territorial Legislature should be sub
iect to the prohibitions, limitations and prin-
ciples expressed in the Constitution Of the
United States And, in order TO provide .
convenient method for attesting the eonst-
tutionality Of any act which n Territorial
Legislature might adopt, whether for the pro-
hibition or the maintenance Of slavery, in
case any citizen should feel aggrieyed by
such legislation, the right Of appeal to the
Supreme Court of the United States was so
enlarged by the 9th and 9th sections Of
the bill as to inclnde "al cases involving
title to slaves, decided by the Supreme
Court of a Territory, without regard to the
value Of the matter, property, or title in
controversy" and also all cases decided by
the court last named, or by any district court
of Territory, or any Judge Of either Of tho
said courts, "upon any writ Of habeas corpus
involving the question Of personal freedom.
The plain object Of these provisions was to
Danish all discussion Of the subject Of slavery
within the Territories except the enforce
ment ofthe Fugitive slave net, from the Con-
gress Of the United States, and thus local
ize, as far as possible, every controversy 10
which that subject could give occasion. II,
as in the case of Kansas, a Territorial Leg
islature should exclude slavery Or Us in the
case of New Mexico, should protect aud
maintain it, those who desired to contest the
authority of the Legislature, one way or an
other, could resort 10 the courts OF justice
with their claims, and, by the decision Of
the highest appellate tribunal-namely, the
Supreme Court Of the United States--all |
such claims would be determined II was
foreseen, as an argument for Withdrawing tho |
authority of Congress (eyen admitting the ex- (
istence Of such authority that slave labor
would seek only those regions whore It could 7,
be pro6taby employed and wherever It could /
be so employed, as in New Mexico, including
Arizona, it would be sufficiently protected
by local legislat on The result has shown
that slavery now prevails almost exactly where