Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1860-03-29

souri, question OF 1890, having begun
my political life in the midst oi that strug.
gle.
At that time my position required me to
seek all the means Of knowledge within nv
reach, and 20 study the principles involved
with oil the powers Of my mind, and I ar.
rived OF the conclusions which no subsequ
ent events have induced me to change. The
existence Of negro slavery In our country
had its beginning in the early time Of the
colony. and wus imposed by the mother
country, against the v i'll OF most Of the col.
onists At the time Of the Revolution, and
long after, 1t was commonly regarded as an
evil, temporary 10 its nature, and likely to
disappear in the course Of time; yet while
Il continued, misfortune to the country,
socially and politically. Thus was tsugh,
BY those who made our Government, and
neither the new light OF modern cviliza.
tion nor the discovery of-a nav system oI
constitutional law and social philosophy has
enabled me to detect the error of their teach.
ing. i'
| Slavery Is a social relation, domestic
institution. Within the States II exi is by
the local law, and the Federal G,vernme mt
has no control over it there, The Territories
whether scquired by conquest or peaceable
purchase, are subject and subordinate, not
sovereign, like the States. The nation is
supreme over them, and the National Gov.
vernment has the power to permit or forbid
| Slavery within them. Entertaining these
views, am opposed TO the extension oi
Slavery, and in my opinion the spirit and
the policy of the Government ought to be
against it's extension.
2D-DoEs THE CONSTITUTION CARRY sLAv.
ERT INTO THE TERRITORIES,
answer no! The Constitution of the
United States does not carry Slavery into
the Territories. With much more show OF
reason, may il be said that it carries Slav.
cry into all the States. But IL does not
carry Slavery anywhere. 1t only acts upon
il where it finds it established by the loca
law. In connection with this point, am
asked to state my views Of the Dred Scott
case. and what was really determined by the
| Supreme Court in that case. 1t is my opin-
ion, carefully considered, that the Court de.
termined one single point Of law only
\ That is, that Scott. the plaintiff being a
negro, of African descent, not nece ,snrily a
slave, could not be a citizen Of Missouri q nd
therefore could not cue in the Federal Court
and that for this reason and this alone, the
Circuit Court had no jurisdiction Of the
cause and no power to give judgment be-
tween the parties. The only jurisdiction
wl-ch the Supreme Court had OF the cause
was for the purpose of correcting the error
Of the Circuit Court in assuming the power
to decide on the merits Of the case This
power the Supreme Court did exercise by
setting aside the Judgment of the Circuit
Court upon the merits, and by dismissiDg
the suit without any judgment for or against
either party. This is all that the Supreme
Court did, and all that it had lawful power
to do. consider it great public misfor.
tune that several of the learned Judges
should have thought that ,her duty requir-
ed them to discuss and give opinions upon
various questions outside Of the case, as the
case was actually disposed of by the Court
All such opinions are extra judicial and Of
no su,hority. But, besides this, it appears
to me that several Of the questions SO dis
cusset by the Judges are political questions
and therefore beyond the jurisdiction Of the
judiciary, and proper only to be considered
and disposed of by the political departments
| IL am risbt in this.-ana IL eee"s to ms
plain, the precedent is most unfortunate
because it may lead to dangerous contlic
Of authority among the coordinate branches
of the Government.
3d--As TO THE COLONIZATION OF THE FREl
i BLACKS
For many years have been conpecte,
with the American Colonization Society, O.
which the rising young State of Liberia il
the first fruit. consider the object both
humane and wise, beneficient alike to tht
free bllcks who emigrate, and to the white
whom they leave behind. But Africa is dis
tant, and presents so many obstac este rapi'
settlement tina. we cannot indulge the hop,
of drawing off in that direction .he grow
ing numbers of our free black population
. The tropical regions Of Amerlca, think
; offer far better prospects both for US an
for them.
: 4TH-As TO ANY INEQUALITY OF RIGHr
!, AMONG AMERICAN CITIZENS.
recognize no distinctions among Amer
can citizens. but such as are expressly lai
D down in the Constitutions; and no Id ths
g our Government is bound TO protect all tn
e citizens in the enjoyment Of all their right
: everywhere, and against all assnilants; an
: as 10 these rights there is no difference b
9 tween citizens born, and citizens made sue
j. by law.
i 5TH-AM FAVOR OF THE CONSTRUCTED
70 cYA RAILROAD FROM THE VALLEY OF TT
MISSISSIPPI TO THE P,CIFIc OCEAN, VI
u DER THE AUSPICES OF THE GENERAL Co
ERNMEsr!
!, Yes, thoroughly. LIDO not only belie'
- such rosd 10 be of yast importance as II
means OF increasing the population, veal,
!. and power Of this great valley, but nece
sary as the means OF national defence al
n of preserving the integrity of the Union.
v. 6TH--AM Tin FAVOR OF THE MEASURE CAL
dI ED THE HoMEsTED BILL.
rel Yes. am for guarding the public Ian
10 as well as pbssible from the danger Of b
Az of