The Tiffin weekly tribune. (Tiffin, Ohio) 1859-1868, 1860-09-14

a w NtNNiNiAAt aNNiNANANtAi W EANNWaA
9s,h, contains soluminous document Of
four closely printed columns, designed as
a protest Of csrtain Democrats against
wicklIt resolution adopted by tho Bal
l,imore Convention, and which was es-
pecially endorsed BY Mr.. Douglas In his
letter Of acceptance. The oprotcst,"
(which is ably written, oncr quoting the
I"wiokline resolution" and stating that
il in specific terms "ontiroly extinguish-
os the great and vital principle Of Popu-
lar Sovereignty, subieeeng /, in unequiv-
ooul terms to the decision Of the suprem-
Court, virtually pledging the pdrty to ace
bidc BY such decision when mado-ifnot
lalrcady madc--and 20 carry Il out IN cy
cry department Of the general govern
ment," goes on to say;
We call special attention TO the lan-
guage here employed. "Evcry branch
of the General Govcrnmcntn certainly
includes Congress; and why that branch
of government should not, ifaoting In ac-
oorjRneo with such a resolution, contrib
ute TO the onloroenen by legislating In
the form Of a slave code, would seem diff
; 6cult 10 determine. And how could that
I be done and yet the principles Of non.in-
tevention, and Popular Sovereignty be
saved, would seem slill more inexplicable
And yet these strange contradiction arc
. embodied and endorsed IN the sbme plat
form. An unchangeablo principle, and
one 80 vital that tho party has siaked It's
sacred honor, aud is very existence up
on its maintenance, is to be left 10 the de-
cision Of nine mortal men, who may an
nihilato Il tomorrow, IL they have not
done 10 already,
In one breath we are pledged TO the
principle Of non-lntervention as The only
sound and safe solution Of the slavery
qucstion--in the next we are pledged TO
leave the whole questiou 20 the solution
Of the court, and if that prouounccs our
cherished principle horcsy, we shall be
bound 70 call il a heresy also, and ifneed
bc--if the people Of any Territory shall
ever attempt. after such decision, 20 re-
alize any ofthose results Of selfgovcrn-
ment which we have promised them, aud
which we are still promising them IN the
name Of the Democratic pRrty,--we win
be bound by this resolution to forfeit our
, pledges, 70 deny the principle upon which
, the struggles Of the Revolution were
fought, and upon which our Government
( 10 founded, aud 1t will become our duty
to crush out with all the force 1.-THE gem
eral government acting through It's sew
erul departments, tho lastspark of Popu-
> lar Sovereignty, and reduce to ubso.
, lutte subsection any people who may
dare nssortitl
Against this resolution we protest, as
1 being plain Contradiction to the princio
) pies held and acted upon by the Demo.
cratic party from is earliest history
down, .,frr4. o.1ad. 5.,4 aH5 5fsrl
The proiestunts go into a review ofthC
party nom the organization of the fedcr.
al government down to the PRONUNCIATION
by Douglas at Freeport OF the doctrine.
: of "Unfriendly Legislation quoting his
} language In ullon that subject, and show
ing the difference between his opinions
then and the spirit Of the resolution
: which hc now endorses. To show the
practical working Of the resolution, they
say;
Suppose NJ. Douglas should become
the next President Of the United States,
aud should adhere TO this platform. Sap
pose during his administration this ques-
ton should como before the Court and
that tribunal should decide that slavery
7 Is carried into and maintained In all the
territories Of the United States by the
Constitution, and that nothing short
e Of change Of the Constitution can pre-
Z vent IL. Now suppose the people IN the
: Territories should believe us-that Il mat
D ters not how the Supreme Court should
Z decide the question--and should endeGv-
: or by unfriendly legislation to maintain
their birthrights and prevent slavery be-
/, ing forced upon them without their con-
sent What next! Il becomes the duty
: ofthe Executive and Congress 10 enforce
Z with promptness and fidelity the decision
, Of the Court.
Congress will be bound 10 puss law
IA slave code, II you please, 10 protects
slave property In the territories Il will
} become the duty Of the executive 70 en-,
force these laws, and IL the people at.
tempt 10 resist such enforcement BY "un.
I, friendly logislation,' or local police reg.
ulations, their acts will become treason
II will be treason for them TO maintain
forcibly what Mr.. Douglas defines to be
their inalienable right, aud what he tells
them they have a right TO maintain,
{ l"whateVer may be the decision the Su-
= preme Court" And by resistance to
1 these Federalluws they will become trail
! tors to their country; and iftheywill not
: cease resistance--ifth they will still assert
/ that il is their Observation-Disclosures
d when formed into political communities
to prevent slavery being forced upon
ithem"--and II they attempt TO drive
J out, according tohis directions, BY force
I Of their local police powers, the Presi-
b dent will be bound 20 come forward and
. enforce the slave code-@and see that the
! traitors who resist pay the forfeit Oftheir
B lives. ,sl, =. f,,-. IA 81 br-
81 Thus we find BY the inevitable opera
, ton Of this new doctrine, the great Cham
pion Of Popular Sovereignty himself
l might be reduced 10 the eneDsbsity oflhat-
} ING mea hang for doing precisety s0hafAo
1 ROi0 tcHs toRl fhey hGpe a riqht 10 do, and
for asssrtihq IL heir acts ikoss ideaiieal
/ principles Of Popa'Gr SOUer5tghfy upon
l0hick he e H0io fuiigiag (0r Qs highest
Office Of ths AmsrioaR People. ai.
There would b. no avoiding Qit His
indiyidual opinions w0nIdbenothing; his
wishes to carry out his former pledges
would be nothing; Populas Sovereignty
would be worse than nothing. The de-
cisioh Of tie Court would be everything.
! AT ita breath an bic good intentions would
become paraliz6d, there would he no AZ
ternatiye other than 70 submit 10 anti
carry out the decision Of the. Court, us