The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1860-09-28

FREE AND SLAVE LABOR.
Result of the Competition Between the
Two Systems.

IL mas Detu Dul d lew mOutnS SluCc LII
THAYER, of Massachusetts, was the idol of
the Republican party. AS the head of the
Emigrant Aid Societies, to transport emf.
grants from New England to Kansas, and
as the founder of the so.called Stree colony
of Ceredo, in Virginia, Mr.. THAYER was
looked to as a practical exponent of the Re-
publican doctrine, or theory, in regard to
free and slave labor.
Our Republican readers are aware of the
truth of all we say about Mr.. THAYER. Let
them, then, carefully read the following ex-
tract of a recent speech of his at Worcester,
Massachusetts, in which be sets forth facts
which led him to believe that there is no
need of Congressional legislation against
slavery in the territories
Mr.. PRESIDENT 1t has been charged
against me, fellow citizens, that have too
much confidence in the power of free labor
on this continent; that am not sufficiently
afraid of that effete and crippled power
which is so soon to die, called the slave pow
er. l do have faith in the power of free la
Dor, as a power that God has made, and
one that is destined to triumph over every
obstacle in this country, and everywhere
else that civilization shall extend. The
charge is brought against me that, in the
Congress of the United States, on the Oath
of February, 1859, l did use these words:
"Now, have advocated an open field, for o
foir of hofxu
systems of labor. If you, sir, claim that
slave labor is divine institution, and L, for
one, am willing that the two institutions
shall honestly contend and grapple, aud that
the stronger shall prevail and l will &C.
knowledge, that the one which shall prove
the strongest in a fair contest, is the more d.
vine."
Now, let us examine, and see whether I
thoughtlessly made that assertion-whether
uHwisely predicted the triumph of free
labor in this country. In 1890, there were
seventeen States in the confederacy, and
only two of those were free States. What a
field was there for q contest between free and
slave labor! Who then could predict with
any degree of assurance. that the results
which we witness to-day, would be attained
in the short space of seventy years? There
were then only two free States, out of the
seventeen, to contend against and triumph
over fifteen in which slave labor existed.
What is the position now? You and l
know when New Hampshire had 1853
slaves; Rhode Island, 952; Connecticut,
2,758; Vermont, IT; New York, 81 1854 [;
New Jersey, ll,423 Pennsylvania, 3,737.
These States, which are all now free States,
have become free States from the superior
power of free labor in those States, and not
by Congressional intervention. l do detest
the doctrine which robs the right arm of
free labor of the glory and triumph in this
conflict, and gives it wrongfully to the poll
tlclans. L cannot endure that, and | will
not endure it; denounce such doctrine
everywhere
But it is said that the ordinance of 1887
gave Illinois to free labor. Is that true? 1t
is everywhere claimed; it is nowhere proved.
What is the fact In 1S6O-and you know
the ordinance was passed in 1787-Indiana
had l35 slaves; in 1910, 237 in 1920,
100; in 1880, 3; in 1910, 3. The State
of Illinois had in 1900, none in 1910, 16O !;
in 1920, OH in 1880, TAI; in 1910, 33l.
Now, if the ordinance of 1887 was power
less to keep out of the State of Hi
nois in 1920, OF slaves, was it not
powerless to keep out Of that State $4,000,
if the people of the State had not desired to
have them? l tell you it is wronging the
right arm of free labor to claim that Con-
gressional Intervention produced free State
there. No; it was free labor. that pro-
no ulpr roculf nd oil %bo
should be'given to the citizens of Indiana
and Illinois, and not politicians at Washing
ton. 1 will never rob the people of their
rights, as against the politicians for, in this
battle which we wage for the people, against
the politicians, we may learn some truths.
But at the present time we have eighteen
Free States against fifteen Slave States.
There are three Territories prepared to be
admitted into the Union-Kansas, Nebras-
ka and Jefferson. 1t is expected that at
the next session of Congress some of them
will apply for admission. expect to see
them all admitted within the next, two
years. We shall then have twenty-one
States against fifteen. We have six other
Territories - Washington, New Mexico,
Nevada, Dakota, Arizona and Deseret-
every one of which will come in: as Free
States with free Constitutions. There is
no Slavery in either of them among the peo-
pie of these Territories, unless it be dozen
slaves in the Territory of Kansas, and it
may be, half dozen in the Territory of
Nebraska, which, of course, amounts to
nothing at all, when there is no Pro-Slavery
party in the Territories. We have been
told that the people of New Mexico desire
no slaves-S Slavery scas forced upon them
by Government officers, by Congress, and by
outsiders. l know that assertion is true.
There is no reason why Slavery should ex-
list there; there is no argument nor power
to sustain it there, aside from the disposi-
ton OF the people. Therefore, it is an alb
straction there; of no account, and as soon
as the non resident power is removed, Sla-
very ceases to exist there. Then we have
six Territories, applying to come to us as
Free States; not one Of them can come in
any other way.
!. Freedom Is sure of all of them. Then
there is portion of Nebraska and of Wash
lngton territories, to be Free States. 1t is
not, t2en, visionary to say, that within ten
or twelve years we shall have thirty Free
States, aside from any we may win from the
slave power, which now possesses fifteen.
Now, if such is the victory of free labor
in this confederacy, and if such is the pros.
pect for free States to come in from the