Newbern weekly progress., 1860-11-20
WHAT OF THE FUTURE?

The press of the South now furnishes a fair
idea of the effect that the news from the late
elections has had upon public opinion in the
several States 1t cannot be denied that, in
many quarters, it has created a feeling of uncer-
tainty in regard to the future, and given the
present election gravity never before apper-
tanning to such an event. The result-not en-
tirely unexpected even by those who Welded a
partial confidence to the estimate of strength
arrayed against the party of sectionalism-has
weakened the confidence OF all men in the readi-
ness of those who have never favored Northern
heresies, to unite heartily and cordially to re-
sist their triumph.
From some Southern States come notes of
preparation for an event which has been as
sumed as closing the door to hope of Justice
Active politicians, who for years past have been
prophets of evil, believe their vindications on
the point of becoming realities, and they are
prompt to improve the occasion to deepen the
gloom and stir the heart of the people to viii
ling resistance.
Under such circumstances, it is all inpor-
tant that prudence and sound judgment retain
control of the public mind. If there be real
danger, if a crisis were unmistaksblv at hand on
which hangs the destiny of the South, nothing
can be gained by rashness or by permitting
States action without deliberate consulta-
ton of the popular will through the medium
of the ballot box, to direct the course of
events.
It has been unusual for Legislatures and Gov
ernors of States to assume, of late, the posses
sion of powers with which they have not been
clothed, and though they have not yet comwo-
missed the people by their improper exercise, we
are not absolutely secure in period of popular
excitement.
Representatives in Congress may resign their
seats, but they cannot by such an act change
the relations of their State to the federal Un-
ion. Legislative bidies may appoint delegates
to Southern conventions, but convention so
constituted has no power to act in the name Of
the people of the several States to effect q
change of their allegiance. Governors ofStates
may assemble to consult On the course to be
pursued, but whatever measure they may adopt
must be ratified by popular assemblies of the
great body of electors before they have the
Slightest VITALITY All these representatives of
the people have been sworn to preserve the
Government as it is; not to change or destroy it.
The necessity existing of consulting the pop
ular will before any act can place single State
in an attitude of hostility to the Federal Gov
ernment the result of the late State election,
or even the triumph of a sectional party in
November, does not bring with it that degree
of hazard which the utterance of the more radl-
cal portion of the Southern press seem to indi-
cate.
It is by no means certain that the conserva-
tism of the country will be defeated. The pros
pect, though hattering, is not hopeless Mar
rowed down by single point of controversy
relieved of State issues and the complications
of local politics--the canvass may be followed
by different issue, even where sectlonallsm
has achieved triumph. Thelate elections re-
vealed the fact that, though weakened by local
divisions and separated by little jeaousies, the
allies of the South are neither small in number
nor weak in influence.
But if the worst fears Of the least hopeful
are about to be realized, the people Of the
South cannot fail to resist precipitaucy in ac-
ton. They are not now ready to resort to
revoluton simply because they have not sue
cecded in elscting the men Of their choice, and
one dlstastcful, nay even protesting doctrines
hostile to the equality Of the States, is elevated
to the Office of Chief Mag;ctrate of the Union.
Revolution, even when government becomes
intolerable, must be based upon general consent,
and the accord in the movement of the people.
But while, without division, the South as one
man, will resent and resist direct, open vio-
lation Of the constitution by the President, or
by Congress, they cannot un te upon such an
issue as is presented by the election of Re-
publican President.
Nor is it the part of wise men nor of those
earnest for the South alone to resort to extreme
measures before the time and necessity demand
their adoption. The late elections have almost
secured majority in the House, as we'll as in
the Senate of sound national men. A section
al President, if chosen, will therefore hold a
barren honor. He will be utterly powerless
for evil. He cannot even exercise the privilege
of appointments to Office without check His
recommendations, if not liberal and national,
will be but idle breath. There is therefore,
no imminent peril treading on the heels of the
Presidential canvass. There is no call for the
sounding of the tocsin of alarm, OR good ground
for the belief that any popular impulse shall
precipitate the South into disunion.
Every man should understand the position
in which this election is likely to place him.
He should have decided before he casts his
ballot that, result as 1t may far as the election
of President is concerned, neither public safety,
nor State honor no business interests, nor in
dividual patriotism, calls upon him to enter
tain the idea of Immediately resorting to revo
luton. We say revolution advisedly for there
is no possible dismemberment of the Union
but by the sword. There is no State seces-
sion, peacefully. There is no reorganization
of the South but through a baptism of blood.
There is also no certainty that Republican in
sttutions will succeed the destruction of the
prospect before us, the public cannot be unex
cited, but it need not be bewildered with un
certainty. A plain duty lies before every vo
ter in all the States, to labor for the safety
the Government which has been SO benficient
and to which all we have of national charac
! ter, general prosperity, of individual happl
ness and of future hope, are so clearly due
-Neao Orleans Picayune.