, 1860-10-29
THE COMMON BLOOD AND
THEA A$t!Xfftss ARGUMENT.


Minnesota organ.
THE aComnON BLOOD AND
TKEASUR1s'' ARGUMENT.
The favorite argument Of shareholders is
the "common blood and treasure ono.
The territories were acquired, they say, by
The common blood and treasure Of the
whole nation-lhe South as we'll MS the
NORTH; therefore, Shareholders have an
equal right to take with them into the ter
ritories their tslayc} property that Northern
people have their personal property, Of
whatever kind Ignoring the moral aspect
Of the slavery question, and this demand OF
the shareholders seems fair and plausible,
It is very true That the territories were ac-
quircd by the common efforts OF people
in ail tho States, Shareholders as well as
non-s1archoldcrs. But will it be asserted
that shareholders fought more brayely, or
spilled more of their blood, or expended
more treasure in proportion to their num-
hers, than those who owned no slaves?
He who AYERS the affirmative asserts
1alsehood.
The territories being the common prop
crty of all the citizens, the rights Of each
are equal Every man has an undivided
interest in the public domain Of the same
extent Of any other man. A STAKEHOLDER is
entitled to no larger parcel than free labor
citizen. If the unsold public lands would
subdivide to equal n quarter section to each
white man in the United States, would
Congress dare to pass bill cndowing the
class who whip their living out Of ne
Eroes, with section apiece, and those who
earn their bread by the sweat OF their
brovs, with only 40 acres each? Arc
slaychclders entitled to more than their
pru-rata share Of the territories? Docs
equity, or good faith, or fraternity require
ity Certainly not The rights and inter
ests Of a frcc-labor man arc aa dear to him
rs they are to tho owner Of negroes.
The proportion Of territory that would
fall TO tue share Of the slaye-owncrs should
correspond will their relative numbers.
There are less than 400, 600 Of this class in
the Union. And reckoning all Of them as
heads Of famiGes, and giving to each wife
and three children, the entire number
of persons interested directly or indirectly
in slaves. falls below two millions. The
white population Of the United States, ex-
cceds twcnty-six millions; hence the class
Interested in slaves arc only one in Thirteen
of the whole. The shareholders, with
their families, are t.oenty.J(our millions.
Conceding the common blood and treas
ure argument" the Shareholders are entitled
to one-thirtecnth part ofthc public domain,
acquired by the United States, since the
War Of Independence Have they received
no more than this? Whatever portion oi
the pubiic domain they have secured, ex.
cceding one thirteenth, has been taken from
the share rigluully belonging to the Free
Labor classes. A glance at the map Will
show which side has been cheated.
aBut," interposes 4 doughface, "o'l
aslavc-i,olding brethren arc entitled in thu
epartitior Of the public domain to pro
81 portion equal to themselves and slaves
ATheir whole class should lie taken togcth
der All the members Of their household
%should be counted, as they practice tn
"patriarchal system Of society,""
We might plead the fatal objection to thi
r,.;m. that the STAKEHOLDER regards Iii
alavcs as chaaez. a:d not as persona, ant
1hat the free laborer NAV with equal pro
priety, claim more land on the basis OF Iii
shop, ships, steam engines, or cattle. bu
rs the Constitution reckons five slaves q
equivalent to three free persons, in -Hedera
representation, We will for sake Of the al
pumcnt with Mr. Douglifacc, let slave
count the came rs citizens. Then we hav
four millions Of slaves to add 10 two mil
lions Of slave owners (including their fam
iues>-total, six millions; against twenty
four millions Of white citizens having n
interest. near or remote, in slaves Til
alaye-holding class on this basis, compr5
ses one;f}zA part Of the American people
bond and free; and, the selflaborin
whites embrace jour:f0hs Of the Who'll
7opulation Of the United States. Thcs
Proportions have substantially existed zinc
the Declaration Of Independence
At the first partition Of territory a1(e
the. Revolutionary War, the Shareholder
coo1,- appropriated to their share, kcr
4ucky. Tennessee, Alabama and MississiI
nj The free-labor masses, representa-
four-ffths, as we have shown, Of the whol
nonulation. got Ohio, 1ndiana, Elinol
Michigan and Wisconsin. They were clca
" entitled to 90 1er cent Of the public d.
min and the shareholders, with their hi
man chat1les, to 20 per cent But the u
ter grabbed 40 per cent, and cheated ffe
Iahor out Of Kentucky and Tennessee
which belonged to it, not only by popul'
tion. and tho expenditure Of blood IN
treasure; but by the laws Of climate an
production. Kentucky would be the whit
man,s pa.aiisc, if rid Of Slavery; IN
Tennessee is admirably adapted 10 the ust
of free white labor. We never hear dough
faces complain Of this glaring usurpatio
on the part Of the Oligarcly, whcreb
freedom was swindled out Of the soil
those two naturally free-labor States
Shortly after the above mentioned part
lion, Floridr and the province Of Louisiar
we're purchased from Spain md Franc
and paid for By tue common treasure.
1our~f{ths Of the money coming ont Of Il
rockets Of the free-labor class Of citizeI
The Louisiana purchase embraced a w
territory, from which the States Of Lou
lana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa and Minr
sofa have been carved. The slaye-holde
promptly seized upon the lions sha:
They took Florida, Louisiana, Arkant
and Missouri, leaving Iowa and Minnest
-: to the people who had paid eighty per &C
Of the purchase money: By all rules
honesty. equity, or population, rs well
by the laws Of climate soil and prod
tons, Missouri and Arkansas belonged