The Evansville daily journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1848-1862, 1860-03-24

present array OF parties. L am cOeVal With
the Missouri question of 18l9-20, having
begun my political life in the midst of that
! struggle. { / Atlthat time my position requir-
ed me to seek all the means of knowledge
within my reach, and to study the princi-
pies involved, with all the powers of my
mind and arrived at conclusions then,
which no subsequent events have induced
me to change. The existence of negro
slavery in our country had its beginning in
/ the early time of the Colonies, and was i'm
posed by the mother country, against the
will of most of the coIonsts. At the time
of the Revolution, and long after, it was
commonly regarded as an evil, temporary
in its nature and likely to disappear in the
1 course of time, yet while it continued, "a
misfortune to the country, socially and politi-
cally.
Thus was { tanghtiby those who made
/ onr government, and neither the new light
/ of modern civilization, nor the discovery of
a new system of constitutional law and
social philosophy, has enabled me to detect
the error Of their teaching. 3tI1l 4
I Slavery is " a social relation "a domes-
| tic institution. Within the States, it exists
by the local law, and the Federal Govern
ment has no control over it there The
| Territories, whether acquired by conquest
4
dinate not sovereign, like the States. The
nation is supreme over them, and the ma
tional government has the power to permit
or forbid slavery within them. Entertain
ing these views, am opposed to the extern
sion of slavery, and, in my opinion, the
spirit and policy of the government ought to
be against its extension.
Does the Constitution carry slavery
+ into the Territories =
| answer no. The Constitution of the
United States does not carry slavery into
the Territories. With much more show of
reason may il be said that it carries slavery
into all the States. But it does not carry
slavery anywhere. 1t only acts upon it,
where it finds it established by the local
| law. .--f AtA 20
In connection with this point, am asked
to state my views of the Dred Scott case,
and what was really determined by the
Supreme Court in that case. 1t is my opin-
ion, carefully considered, that the Court de-
termined one single point of law only, that
is, that Scott, the plaintiff, being negro of
African descent, (not necessarily a slave
could not be a citizen of Missouri, and there
fore could not sue in the Federal Court; and
that for this reason, and this alone, the Cir
cult Court had no jurisdiction of the cause,
and no power to give Judgment between
the parties. The only jurisdiction which
the Supreme Court had OF the cause was for
theipurpose of correcting the error of the
Circuit Court, in assuming the power to de-
eide upon the merits of the case This
power the Supreme Court did exercise, by
setting aside the Judgment of the Circuit
| Court upon the merits, and by dsmissing
the suit without any judgment for or
against either party. This is all that the
4. 4 4 Al
/ ful power to do - ~ - i-sf.tt-es7-s-
T. / consider il a great public. misfortune
that several of the learned judges should
have thought that their duty required them
to discuss the various questions outside of
the case, as the case was actually disposed
/ of by the Court. Ali sueh opinions are ex-
tra- judicial and Of no authority. But be-
| sides this, it appears to. me that several of
the questions so discussed by the judges are
| political questions, and, therefore, beyond
! the cognizance of the judiciary, and proper
only to be considered and disposed of by the
/ political departments. If | am right in this,
! and it seems to me plain, the precedent is
most unfortunate, because it may lead to
! dangerous conflict of authority among the
| coordinate branches of tile Government
! 3. AS to the colonization of the free blacks.
! For many years | have been connected
4 w ",
! which the rising young State of Liberia is
the first fruit. L consider the object both
| humane and wise, beneficent alike to the
! free blacks who emigrate, and to the whites
| whom they leave behind. But Africa is
| distant, and presents so many obstacles TO
rapid settlement that we cannot indulge the
hope of draining off in that direction the
1 growing numbers of our free black popula-
ton. The tropical regions of America,
/ think, offer far better prospect, both for
US and for them. ~
4. As to any inequality of rights among
American citizens:
! l recognize no distinctions among Ameri-
can citizens, but such as are expressly laid
! down in the Constitution. And hold that
our Government is bound to protect all the
citizens in the enjoyment of all their rights
/ everywhere and against all assaiIants. And
as to all these rights, there is no difference be-
tween citizens born and citizens made such
/ by law.
! 5. Am | in favor of the construction of a
| railroad from the valley of the Mississippi to
! the Pacific Ocean, under the auspices of
/ the General Government? rt-.
a Yes, strongly. l not only believe such n
! road of vast importance as the means of in-
creasng the population, wealth, and power
of this great valley, but necessary as the
means of national defense, and preserving the
! integrity of the Union. : = 7ts-=s.
g. Am | in favor of the, measure called
the Homestead Bill?
Yes; am for guarding the public lands,
] aSswell as possible, from the danger of be-
coming the subject of common trade and
sneculation-for keeping them for the
actual use of the peopIe-and for granting
tracts of suitable size to those who will
actually. inhabit and improve them
Z. Am | in favor of the immediate adj
mission of Kansas, under the Wyandot Con-
stitution
/ think that Kansas ought to be admitted
without delay, leaving her, like all the other
! States, the sole judge of her own Coustitu-
! ton.
Thus, gentlemen, | believe have an
swered all your inquiries in a plain, ntelli-
gible manner, and hope to your satisfaction.
/ hsKxr q ,ffn