New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-11-28
SLAVERY AS AN ELEMENT IN OUR
POrHTsCs.

about. A slight retrospect of our history will
serve TO show that the statesmen and politicians
of the North have never taken the lead in this
matter; that for twenty-five years past the
Slavery question as been persistently thrust upon
them: and that the SlayebOliing States have
themselves and their own Congressional champ.
ons to thank for having made this question the
turning point of our politics.
Commencing with the very first Congress, pc
ttions and memorials had from time to time been
presented to that body, from Quakcrs and 9th
ers who held decided opinions az to both the I'M
morality and injustice of Slavery, asking its abo-
Hton in the District of Columbia, and other such
action as might be within the limits of Con-
ercssional authority. The abolition of Slavery in
the British colonies and the discussions by which
that measure had been preceded, having given a
new impulse to the anti-Slayery sentiment, petitions
on this subject began again to come before Con-
eress-some from Quakers, and others from soci-
cites, often consisting principally OF women, and
utterly destitute Of any political influence. Had
these petitions been received and laid upon the
table. or referred to some Committee and SUI
fcred 10 sleep there, as had been usual, matters
would have gone on quietly, and the peti-
TONERS would sOOn have given over pro-
cedure BY which they took nothing. This was
the disposition of them which the Members
of Congress from both sections and all
parties we're generally disposed to make. At
that moment John G.. Calhoun stood alone in
Congress, or with only little handful of follow
ers, sOured and disappointed, and looking round
for some means Of putting himself anew at the
head of a party. He undertook to make
mighty matter Of these petitions, aud insisted
that they must be at once rejected. Mr.. Van
Buren, being at that time in nomination for the
Presidency, his Northern supporters in Congress,
in hopes TO secure Southern votes, yielded too
readily TO The imperious demands of Mr.. Cal
houn. Hence originated the gag-rue policy
which raised the issue of the right of petition
and the right of Congressional debate-pOints
upon which, after a long struggle the slave
holding interest found themselves oblg,t to yield.
The agitation of the Slavery question thus in
PRODUCED into politics recei7ed new and strong
impulse. given to if also by Mr.. Calhoun, from
tie project of Texas annexation-a project which
he set ON foot, and, with the support of the
South, successfully carried out. ayowedly for the
purpose Of increasing tine political power and IN
hucnce of the slayehOlding interest Discreet pol
iticians, South as well az North, had fOreseen
the danger which would inevitably attend any
agitation Of this question: Mr.. Van Buren,, as
President and Mr. Forsyth, as his Secretary Of
State, had discouraged the applications made on
behalf of Texas for admission into the Union.
The ostensible ground of objection was, that while
war was pending between Texas and Mexico,
and the independence of the former was unac-
knowledged by the latter, annexation could not
be brought about without adopting the war
against Mexico. The real reason undoubtedly
was the sectional ealousies to which such step
would naturally give rise.
BY undertaking, 90 Mr.. Tyler's Secretary OF
State, 10 bring about the annexation Of Texas
and that not for any reasons of common interest
in that measure on the part of the Union at
large, but exclusively OH slayehOlding grounds
Mr.. Calhoun again forced on Congress and the
country discussion Of the Slavery question and
gtitution. The additional cessions Of territory
obtained from Mexico at the conclusion Of the
war which naturally resulted from the annexa-
ton Of Texas, gave new Importance and
new urgency to this discussion.
A general acquiescencc in the compromises of
1850, such as they were, had again delivered the
country the political agitation of the Slavery
question, when the repeal of the Missouri Com
promise ard the attempt, by fraud and violence,
to exclude Frec-Statc settlers from Kansas, and
to force Slavery upon it, brought back again the
Slavery question into politics. and gave to il
greater prominence than ever before.
1t is true that the prime mover in this disas-
trOus business was Northern man, and it is
also true that two other Northern men, sitting
in TIE Presidential chair, gave to it the support
Of their whole official influence Still from begin
ming TO end, it was movement wholly and ex-
clusiyely in the sayeholdmg interest On the part
If TIE Northern men above referred to it was n
bid for Southern favor and Southern votes Men
of all parties at the South combined to give it
their support, and thus commenced that sectional
arrangement of parties Of which such loud com
plants are made, aud which is now set mp as
ailordng sufficient grounds Tor dissolution of the
Union by the secession of the slaycholdng States.
If the Southern States were unwilling to abide
the result Of a sectional struggle for the admin
siration Of our national affairs, why did they
Themselves illus first provoke and commence IT,
II, in ther opinion the social and political
character and results of the S.ayeholding policy
are matters exclusively for State discussion. and
not fit TO be introduced into Congress ana our
national politics, why have they taken course