The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1860-12-07
THE MESSAGE-HOw 1T is RE-
CEIVED.

We continue to give the comments Of such of the
influential journals of all parties received since our
last issue: !
From the Boston, Adrcrtiser-R Republican,
1t is not possible for us at this moment 10 enter
into any detailed examination of the Presidents
proposition. But we cannot avoid the duty of
warning ali, how they regard this in any sense
a compromise. plan for settlement it may be,
but not a compromise under which the contendiag
parties mutually cOncede and forbeaT. The North |
is to recognize rights, either already conceded
not material to the great matter in dispute; it is
also to recognize that doctrine respecting the ter
ritories against which, and with the help of the
better part of the South, it has contended for so
many years; it is to abandon its ground totally and
for ever, in Difference to the violent demands of
tain sectionasts not we believe majority of the
South-to abandon it under compulsion and
threats. 10 call this compromise n plan for
reconciliation would be misnomer. 1t is to be
viewed and decided upon solely as plan for the
unconditional submission of of the parties to
the dispute--a submission which could hardly
quench single heart-burning, or do more than
postpone danger which it avoids, but does not
overcome
From the Ne,onrL az. ~ Adrertiser- Republican,
On the whole, we look in vain for anything re-
commended to be done by the South to help on the
good work of Cancellation, and the message must
therefore be pronounced partial and one-sided. Mr..
Buchanan can expect nothing from his labored
document for quoting the country since he has not
laid the least foundation for requiring important
concessions of one section OF the Union in any COR
responding equivalents to be expected of the other
and has, moreover, not proposed such concessions
as will after all be satisfactory to the South.
From the Alexandria (Tal SentineI.-Secessioa.l
The arguments of Mr.. Buchanan upon secession
and coercion, we still think, devour each other If
a State has right to secede it would seem newt
able that the Federal Government has right, by
fair and necessary implication, to oppose and pre-
vent such secession by adequate force. If 1t be
conceded that there is right to employ this coer
cion the right to secede is thereby admitted with
all its rational and necessary corollaries.
From the Philadelphia neutrality-suspicious.
The message suggests no practicable remedy for
difficulties. 1t leaves US where ewere, though
in less cheering position, because we are now
convinced that the President is unable unwilling
to do anything to save the Union. Up to this time,
| the sanguine friends of the President had some
| hopes of him. These hopes he has himself
| tingushed.
From the NercarE, IN. ~ Msrcury-R Republican,
There is no point in issue before the American
people, so far as slavery is concerned upon which
Abraham Lincoln does not entertain exactly OppO
site opinions to James Buchanan, and we rejoice
that the time is not far distant when shall hear
from the former the noble doctrines and principles
which were taught by the earlier Presidents.
[From the Ne,o York Participation
We will now content ourselves with stating
conviction that neither the amendment proposed,
| nor any other that the South will ask, is likely to
| be adopted, unless coupled with repeal of that
| clause of the Constitution which conlcrs federal
| representation upon slave property. Until the
| owners OF slave property are put upon the same
pOlitlc2llY,
kind of prOpertyt is not worth while for the South
! to ask any modification of the Constitution in be.
half of slavery, least of all such an express recog
ton of the right Of property in slaves as forms the
basis of the Presidents first proposed amendment.
| From the Ney York Erpress-U nion.1
But the crisis that South Carolina is start
ing, and other States preparing to follow, is
| pidy coming to head, and as the conflict to
must soon demonstrate whether this is govern
ment, or a rope of sand, it becomes ques-
| tion OF the highest Importance to know what the
Executive '1iH do, or do, in order to save the
| government the existence of which, Govern
ment, he recognizes, and declares his duty to main
tain 1t will be perceived, from the Message
| what has been before stated in the Ecpreys that
the President himself has really little power,
without the CO operation of Congress. The acts Of
lTS5 and of 1907 of no avail for this cri-
| sis, than those acts available for Gen. Jack
| son in 1928. state of things is seen in
! South Carolina far more deplorable than then No
Federal authorities exists there to enforce the Fe-
| deral laws.
| From the ". Y. Courier and Enq,rirer-RepuJlican
| But let us not be misunderstood. We are for
saving the Union. The Republican party has
achieved great victory and can well afford to be
| magnanimous; and there is nothing which can be
asked of us, which, If it does not involve sacrifice
| OF principle, we will most cheeriully grant. Wipe
out the unfriendly legislation of the North, modify
the fugitive slave law by rendering it more effective
| and less obnoxious, restore the Missouri Compro-
mise; pay literally for every slave which q commu-
nifty refuses to surrender r0Wn down and br and as
traitors both abOlitiOnists and dsunonsts-in Short
do anything and every thing not incompatible with
our principles and the principles Of the Constitu
ton, to preserve the Union; but preeerre the Coast
tuition as Il as.
From The Petersburg, "a, hpteIli3encer
We have read the annual message of the Pres
dent, and find in his treatment of the perous rela
tiOns existing between the different Sec
tons of the country much to commend
| The South do not feel aggrieved at any
particular acts of hostility towards their peculiar
institutions, but at the ous, which at the bottom
underlies Northern sentiment and Northern action.