The national Republican., 1860-12-29

think there is) there may be in this, in the long
run, its sudden execution is impossible. II
they were all landed there in day, they would
perish in the next ten days; and there are not
surplus shipping and surplus money enough in
the world to carry them there in many times
ten days. What then2 Free them all, and
keep them among us as underlings2 Is it quite
certain that this betters their condition3 l
think would not hold one in slavery at any
rate; yet the point is not clear enough to de.
nounce people upon. What next2 Free them,
and make them politically and socially our
equals2 My own feelings will not admit of
this and it mine would, we well know that
those of the great mass OF white people will not.
Whether this feeling accords with justice ard
sound judgment, is not the sole question, il,
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feel.
ing, whether well or ill founded, cannot be
safely disregarded. We cannot, then, make
them equals. 1t does seem to me that sys.
tens Of gradual emancipation might be adopt
ed {; but for that tardness in this respect, ]
will not undertake TO Judge our brethren of the
South
"When they remind us of their constitutional
rights, | acknowledge them, not grudgingly
but fully and fairly and l would give them
any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugi
tives which should not, in its stringency be
more likely to carry free man into slavery
that our ordinary criminal laws are to hang ali
innocent ne."-Speech at Ottopa, Ill.,, Aug.
q, 1858. =. =,
Has anything ever threatened the existence
Of this Union, save and except this very institu.
ton of slavery2 What is it that we hold most
dear amongst us? Our own liberty and pros.
perity. What has ever threatened our liberty
and prosperity, save and except this institution
of slavery II this is true, how do you propose
to improve the condition of things by enlargng
slavery-by spreading it out, and making it
bigger -
person, and not be able to cut it out, lest you
bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure
it to engraft it, and spread it over your whole
body. That is no proper way of treating what
you regard as a wrong."-Specch al Alton, Oct.
10, 1858.
81 suppose most Of US (I know it of myself)
believe that the people of the Southern States
are entitled to a Congressional fugitive slave
law. AS the right is constitutional, l agree
that the legislation shall be granted to it, and
that not that we like the institution of slavery.
We profess to have no taste for running and
catching negroes; at least, profess no taste
for that job at all. Why, then, do yield sup.
port to fugitive slave law? Because do not
understand that the Constitution, which guar.
antics that right, can be supported without
it."-Speech at Ikton Oct. l5, 85S.
"The real issue in this controversy-the one
pressing upon every minds the sentiment on
the part of one class that looks upon the insti
tuition of slavery as a wrong, and of another
class that does not look upon it as a wrong
The sentiment that contemplates the institution
OF slavery III this country as wrong, is the
sentiment of the Republican party. They look
upon it as being a moral, social, and political
wrong; and while they contemplate it as such,
they nevertheless have due regard for its actual
existence among u.s. and the difficulties of get
ting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all
the constitutional obligations thrown about it.
Yet having due regard for these, they desire
policy in regard to it that looks TO its not ere.
ating any more danger They insist that it
should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong {;
and one of the methods of treating it as a
wrong is to make provision that it shall grow
no larger. If there be man among us who
does not think that the institution of slavery is
wrong in any of the aspects of which have
spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with us. And if there be man amongst us
who is so impatient of it as wrong as to dis
regard its actual presence among ms, and the
difficulty of getting rid Of it suddenly in sat.
isiactory way, and to disregard the constitu,
tional obligations thrown about it, that man is
misplaced if he is on our platform" ."-Speech at
Alton, Oct. Is, 1858.
FEW WORDS TO THE SOUTH.
ave the Republicans, and others, forming
the opposition of the country, intend to stand
by our guns to be patient and firm, and in the
long run to beat you. When we do beat you
you perhaps want to know what we will dc
, with you. l will tell you, so far as am au
thorized to speak for the opposition, what we
mean to do with you. We mean to treat you
as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington
Jefferson, and Madison, treated you. We mean
to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution to abide by every com
promise of the Constitution and, in Il word,
coming back to the original proposition, to
treat you as far as degenerated men five have
degenerated) may, according to the examples
, of those noble tathers-Wa Washington, Jefferson
and Madison. We mean to remember that you
are as good as we are that there is no diff
ference between us, other than the difference
, of circumstances. We mean to recognise anG
, bear in mind, always, that you have as goot
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or a
! we claim to have, and to treat yOu accord
= ingly.-Speech at Cincinnati, Sept. II, 1859.
! DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON PLATFORM
h Resolved, That we, the Democracy of tn
t Union, in Convention assembled, hereby dc
e clare our afirmance of the resolutions unan
l. mously adopted and declared as platform @
J. principles by the Democratic Convention a
Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing tia
e Democratic principles are Interchangeable i
J their nature, when applied to the same subjec
d matter; and we recommend as the only furthe
g resolutions the following:
h Resolved, That it is the duty of the Unite
t. States to afford pie and complete protectio
1t to all its citizens, whether at home or abroat
e and whether native or foreign.