The weekly Ottumwa courier. [volume] (Ottumwa, Iowa) 1857-1872, 1860-12-13

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drawn from the Confederacyg If answered
in the affirmative, 1t must be on the J'rinci.
pie that the power has been conferred upon
Congress to declare and TO make war against
a State. g3 70 2" ''fhea, 10 l' Igs
After much serious. reflection have arri.
we'd at the conclusion that 10 sue bpower has
been delegated to Congress or to any other
department Of the Federal Government. I,
is manifest, upon an inspection of the Con.
stitution, that this is not among the specific
and enumerated powers granted to Congress
and it is equally apparent. that its exercise is
not necessary and proper for carrying into
execution any one Of these powers. So fai
from this power having been delegated to
Congress, it was expressly refused by the
Convention which framed the Constitu
1t appears from the proceedings of tha,
body. onthe 3lst of May, 1887. that the
clause authorizing an execution of the force
of the whole against delinquent State came
up for consideration. Mr. Maids in opposed
it in a brief, but powerful speech, from
which shall extract but a single sentence
He observed: "The use of force against .
State would look mere like declaration o
war than an infietion of punishment, and
would probably be considered by the party
attacked as dissolution of all previous com
pacts hy which it might be bound" i.5a
Upon his motion the clause was unani
mously postponed, and was never: believe
again presented.
Soon after, on the 9Th of June, 1887
when incidentally adverting to this subject
he said "Any Government for the
United States, formed on the supposed prac
ticabiity of using force against the unconsti
tutional proceedings of the States, would
prove as visionary and fallacious as the
Government of Congress-" evidently mean
ing the then existing Congress Of the old
confederation. Without descending to par
ticulars, it may be safely asserted that the
I over to make war against State is at va
rance with the whole spirit and intent o
the Constitution. Suppose such wal
should result in the conquest of a State
how are we to govern it afterwards? Shall
we hold it as province and govern it by q
dcspotic power In the ma ture of things we
could not by physical force control tho will
of the people, and compel them to elect Sen
ators and Representatives to Congress, and
to perform all the other duties depending up
on their own relation, and required from the
free citizens Of a free State as a Constltu
ent m, mber of the Contederacy. But il
we possessed the power, would it be wise to
exercise it under existing circumstances:
The object would be doubtless to preserve
the Union. War would not only prove the
most effectual means Of destroying it, bu,
would Danish all hope of It's peaceable recon.
struction. Besides, in the fraternal conflict
vast amount of blood and treasure would
he expended, rendering future reconciliation
between the States impossible. In the mean
time, who can foretel what would be the
sufferings and priyations of the people du.
ring its existence. The fact is that our
Union rests upon public opinion. and can
never be cemented bv the blood fits citizens
shed in civil war. fit cannot live in the
affections of the people, it must one day per.
i>h. Congress possesses many means oi
preserving it by concilation; but the sword
was not placed in their hands to preserve i,
nv force. But may be permitted to sol
emnly invoke my countrymen to pause, and
deliberate before they determine to destroy
this the grandest temple which has ever been
dedicated to human freedom since the world
began. 1t has been consecrated by the
blood of our Fathers, by the glories of the
past, and by the hopes of the future; and
the Union has already made us the most
prosperous and ere long will, il
preserved, render us, the mos,
powerful nation on the face of the Garth.
In every foreign region of the globe the
title of American citizens is held in the high
est respect, and when pronounced in foreign
lands it causes the hearts of our countrymer
to swell with honest pride. Surely, wher
we reach the brink of the yawnine
abyss, we shall recoil with horror from the
last fatal plunge BY such a dread catastro
phe the hopes Of the friends of freedom
drought the world would be DESTROYED. and
a long night Of leaden despotism would en-
shroud the nation. Our example for more
than eighty years would not only be lost
but it would be quoted as. conclusive
proof that man is unfit for. self
government. 1t is not every wrong. nav. f
is not every grievous wrong. which can ius
tify a resort to such fearful alternative
This ought to be the last desperate remedy
.ofa despaiIing people, after every other con
stitutional means Of conciliation had beer
exhausted. We should reflect that under
this free government there is an ircessan
ebb and flow Of public opinion. The SLAYER,
question, like everything human, will hav.
its day. firmly believe that it has already
reached and passed the eliminating point
but If, in the midst Of the existing excite
'ment, the Union shall perish, the evil may
then become irreparable. Congress can con
tribute much to arrest it, by proposing and
recommending to the Legislatures Of the
several States the remedy for existing evils
which the Constitution has itself provided
for its own preservation. This has beer
tried at different critical periods of our his
tory, and always with eminent success. II
is to be found in the 9th article, providing
for its own amendment Under this article
amendments have been proposed by two
thirds of both Houses Of Congress, and have
been ratified by the Legislatures Of three
fourths Of the several States, and have con
sequently become parts of the Constitution
To this process the country is indebted fol
the clause prohibiting Congress from pass
ing any law respecting an establishment o
religion, or abridging the freedom of speech
or of the press, or the right Of petition. Tt
this we are also indebted for the bill of right:
which secured the people against any abuse
Of power by the Federal Government Suct
were the apprehensionsj justly entertained BY
the friends Of State rights at that period, a.
to have rendered 1t extremely doubtfu
whether the Constitution could have lons
survived without these amendments.
Again the Constitution was amended y,
the same process after the election of Presi
dent Jefferson by the House Of Representa-
tiyes, in February, 1903. This auendmen
was rendered necessary to prevent recur