New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-01-31

frustrated by the dominant influence OF inc save
States inexorably crushing every effort to promote
it.
Mr. Barbour. however, complains that the Re-
nnbcan party bas Interior designs lying back OF its
ayowed object of checking the spread oil slavery
and which look to abolition in the States wheee
slavery e.sts or, at least, to making war upon the
;nst,tuton there. He finds his warrant for this
declaration in the following reasons:
!. Because the Philadelphia resolution says tnat
Shaver, and Poly gamy are "twin relics OF baroar'
ISM"
9. Because Republican leaders have said tnere
was an irrepressible conflict between Slavery ana
Freedom. which must advance till one or the other
is triumphant
2. Because the Free States have legislated
against the Fugitive Slave law.
4. Because sixty -four Republican Members
Congress have indorsed Mr. Helpers book
S. Because Of the offensive tone OF the Northern
press and pulpit and of public meetings, on the
Slavery question.
6. Because the whole argument against the ex-
tension of Slavery may be made, by very slight
DETECTION. TO bear against the existence OF Slavery,
and thus anti.e1tension DO made to merge itself In
abolition.
7. Because the teachings of the Republican party
lead 10 John Brown inyasions.
These plain and simple propositions embrace the
whole Of Mr.. BaIbourscase against the Republican
party We may say also toey embrace the whole
of the case of the Sayeholdlng States against the
Free States. Diyested of wrath and rOdomontade,
they contain the entire substance of the complaints
made by the South against the North. We are
clad of an opportunity of dealing with them in the
same spirit Of caDdor and frankness with which
they are stated By Mr.. Barbour. We will take
them in their order:
/. To call Slavery "relic of barbarism," can
not fairly be regarded as an untrue statement, or
an unjrendy act. 1t comes down from barbarous
ages: it has existed, and does exist in most bar
baIous countries, and it has fled before the advanc-
ing progress of civilization. We conceive the
proposition TO be but the enunciation of historical
truth, which Mr.. Barbour himself cannot ganssy.
2. TIE "irrcpressible conflict" s certainly Illus
trated in tie history of Slavery thus far. Slave
Labor and Free Labor are not, and have not been,
copeepial companions; and when they come to-
gether in a community, the one or the other does
sooner or later predominant We believe this to
be an unquestionable historical fact. Not TO go
into detail, it is amply exemp6ed by the history OF
Slavery in tie Free States, and in the Slave States
1t is stIkipely exhibited this hour in the State Of
Delaware, ard in the City OF Baltimore, where this
came "iIrepressible conflict" is rapidly driving
Slavery out. MIR. Seward undertakes to apply the
proposition to the workings Of the two systems OF
labor in Independent States, coDjoned under fec
eral system. If in this application it is alleged
that Mr.. Seward bad generazed hastily, it is but
On abstract proposition which cannot possibly have
sDytbipg TO 60 with our political action, unless we
undertake to revoluiionize the Government, which
il not in the programme of any sane member Of the
Republican party.
3 WHY have the Free Statesegislated against the
Fugitive Slave lawl That law was an offense and
an abominaton from the start. IL never had one
dsys, if il had one hours discussion in Congress
before it's passage. Ii one OF the make-weighfs
of the Compromise scheme of 1850, and went
tn, opeh under the shadow of other measures, then
recboned to be far more obnoxious When il came
10 light its needlessly barsb, and seemingly insulting
features, were everywhere condemned in the North
Its execution was early attempted, rather to show
power than establish right, and this reused spirit
Of resistance which has shown itself ia personal
liberty bills, aDd kindred legislation. Tue whole Of
this legislation is retaliatory legislation, provoked
by The character Of the act in question. More
than this; it were needless TO deny that slave
catching in the Free States is esteemed to be ID
human and disreputabe. If slave has got life
and love of liberty enough in him to prompt him to
reach Free State, every honest and honorable i'm
pulse of every uudegraded human soul bids the
Door devil run. We believe such an impulse ami
mates Mr. Barbour, aud every other gentleman,
and every man who stands uncontaminated by the
putrefacfops of that decaying civilization whichw
deeply fear is gnawipg at the yitalsof this Republic
Our idea of Fugitive law, if one must be passed
by Conpress-a proposition very generally denied
in the Free States on the ground that our greatest
iurists long ago declared that the whole subject
belonged TO the States-Our idea of an unexcepton-
able law, which would not be objected to- ls one
which shall give the right Of trial BY jury to every
person claimed as fugitive. This is fair. II it
should prove Intellectual even, az it would some
times, that is no valid objection to it. No Fugitive
law is valuable simply as guaranty against the
loss of property.
As to the 4th, 5ih and 9TH points-in these Dir.
Barbour simply objects to Anti-Slavery discussion
and its influences. This discussion it is Impossible
to abridge, as Mr.. Barbour must know. People
will talk, and they will write; and in the ardor Of
political contests they will be sonnet mes guilty OF
extravagance. The Helper book is nothing but an
Anti.Slayery pamphlet, with some over.ardent