The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-12-12

the 9Th June, 1877, when incidentally advert
t ing to the subject he said: ANY Government
} | for the United States, formed on the supposed
L practicability of using force aeainst the nm.
constitutional PROCEEDINGS Of this State would
prove as visionary and fallacious as the govern
nent of Congress-" evidently meaning the
then existing Congress of the old Confedera-
tien,r
Without descending to particulars it
may be safely asserted, that the power
i to make war against a State is at var
| lance with the whole spirit and intent
of the Constitution Suppose such war
should result in the conquest of q State, how
are we to govern it afterwards Shall we
hold it as province, and govern it by despotic
power In the nature OF things we could
| not, by physical force, control the will Of the
people, and compel them to elect senators and
representatives to Congress, and to perform
all The other duties depending upon their own
volition, and required from the free citizens of
a free State as constituent member of the
Confederacy
But, if we possessed this power, you'd it
pe wise to exercise it under existing circum-
stances The object would doubtless be 70
preserve the Union War would not only
present the effectual means of DESTROYING it;
out would Danish all hope of its peaceable
isecohs'rocnon. Besides, in the fraternal con-
nv vast amount Of blood and treasure
"ouiu DC expended, rendering future recon-
eLiauon between the States imnoss;ble Tn |
the mean time, who can Eoretell what would
DC the sufierlngs and priyations Of the peonle
during its existence rep-'
The TACT IS, that our Union rests upon pub-
Ic opinion, and can never be cemented by the
blood oil It's citizens shed in civil war. If il
,ttofI
must one day perish Congress possess ,nanv
means ofpreserving it by cancellation but he
sword was not placed in their hand to pre-
serve it by force
I.r. But may / ba permitted solemnly to invoke
4 my countrymen to pause and deliberate, be-
! fore they determine to destroy this, the gran
dest temple which has ever been dedicated to
| human freedom since the world began It
| has been consecrated by the blood of our faith
ers, by the giories of the past, and BY the
/ hopes Of the future. The Union has already
made us the most prosperous and, ere long,
| will, if preserved render rs the most power
| full nation on the face of The earth. In every
foreign region of the globe the title of Amer
can citizen is held in the highest respect, and
when pronounced in foreign land it
causes the hearts Of cur countrymen to swell
with honest pride Surely when we reach
the brink Of the yawning abyss, we shall re-
coil with horror from the last fatal plunge
By such bred catastrophe the hopes Of the
friends of freedom throughout the world
would be destroyed, and long night Of lead
en- despotisIn would enshroud the nations
Our example for more than eighty years
would not only be lost; but it would be quo
ted as conclusive proof that man is unfit for !
selfgoyernment.
1t is not every wrong-nay, it is not every |
greylous wrong-which can Justify resort to |
such fearful alternative. This ought to he |
the last desperate remedy ofa despairing peo-
pie after every other constitutional means
of Cancellation had been exhausted We should
reflect that under this free Government there
IS an ineessant ebb and flow in public opin-
ion. The slavery question, like everything
human, will have its day. ] firmly believe
thatit has already reached and passed the
eliminating point. But il, in the midst of the
existing excitement, the Union shall perish,
the evil may then become irreparable. Con-
gress can contribute much to avert it by pro.
posing and Recommending to the legislatures
OF the several States the remedy for existing
evils, which the Constitution has itself proyi-
ded for its own preservation. This has been
tried at different critical periods ofo1r history
and always with eminent success. It is to be ,
found in the 9th article providing for its own |
amendment Under this article amendments !
have been proposed by two-thirds of both :.
houses Of Congress, and have been ratified by !
the legislatures Of three-fourths of the several
States, )" ane have consequently become parts
Of the Constitution. To this process the
country is indebted for the clause prohibiting
Congress- from passing any law respecting an
establishment of religion, or abridging the
freedom OF speech or Of the press, or Of the
right of petition. To this we are, also, indeb-
ed for the Bill Of Rights, which secures the
people against any abuse Of power by the
Federal Government. Such were the appre- 4
lension Justly entertained by the friends of 4
State rights at that period as to have rendered v
extremely doubtful whether the Consttu-
ton could have long survived without these
lmendm ents.
Again, the Constitution was amended by
.he same process after the election of Presi-
lent Jefferson by the House Of Representa- il
ives, in February, 1903. This amendment I
was rendered necessary to prevent recur- i
renee of the dangers which had seriously !
threatened the existence of the Government | q
during slIc tSetasiOuvys Of~ sisut vlcvtivn. The
article for It's own amendment was intended !,
10 secure the afnicable adjustment of conflict
ng constitutional questions like the present,
which might arise between the governments I
II the States and that Of the United States.- t
his appears from contemporaneous history.
In this connection, / shall merely call atten-
ion to few sentences in Mr.. Madison's lust
y celebrated report, IN 1899, to the legislature
# Virginia. In this he ably and conclusiyely
defended the resolutions of the preceding le-
sislature against the structures of several other
State legislatures. These were mainly founded
ha of h.
.gainst the ALLEN and Sedition Act as "pal-
able and alarming attractions Of the Consti-
ution.n In pointing out the peaceful and t
constitutional remedies, and he referred to none
ther, to which the States werc authorized to 7
esort, on such occasions, he concludes nv
aging, shat the legislatures of the States Z
night have made direct representation to q
Congress- with view to obtain resembling of =
he two offensive acts, or they might have re- .
resented their respective senators in Con- q
,ress their wish that two-thirds thereof would
propose an explanatory amendment to the
Constitution, or two thirds OF themselves. IL =
uch had been their option, might, by an ap- II
,Iication to Congress, have obtained conyen. q
ion for the same object" d
This is tie very course which earnestly 2
ecotamend in order to obtain an "explanato. !,
y amendment of the Constitution on the Il
ubject of slavery. This might originate with b
congress or the State legislatures as may be !,
eemed most advisable to attain the object. n
d The explanatory amendment might be con- Of
med to the final settlement Of the true con-
truction of the Constitution on three special
,oints.
l. An express recognition Of the right Of
slaves in the States where it now
xists or may hereafter exist.
{ o he l,,t,v of .~-,k - Ill |
he common Territories throughout their ter
itnria existence, and until they shall be I'd
nirtcd as States into the Union, with or with
tut slavery as their constitutions may pre-
scribe.
3. like recognition Of the right of the 70
master to have his slave, who has escaped s.
rom one State to another, restored and ''deliv-
,rcd up to him, and of the validity Of the 10
fugitive slave law enacted for this purpose, m
ogether with declaration that all State laws "
mpairing or defeating this right are violations a.
If the Constitution, and are consequently null "
md void. asa.4
1t may be objected that this construction of v
he Constitution has already been settled by
Inc Supreme Court of the United States, and
what more ought to be required The an =
wer is, that avery large proportion of the peo-
lie of the United States still contest tho cor o
If this dacisinn and naver will SsaSo 9.
rom agitation and admit its binding force un.
il clearly established by the people Of the
everal States in their sovereign Character
Such an explanatory amendment would, it is a
,elieyeds forever terminate the existing dis !.
sessions and restore peace and harmony among >
he States.
1t ought not to be doubted that such an APP
zeal to the arbitrament established by the Con-
,titution itself would be received with favor
BY all the States of the Confederacy In any
went 1t ought to be tried in spirit Of concil-
alton before any of these States shall separate
themselves from the Union
When entered upon the duties Of the pre- !
sidential Office the aspect neither of our foreign