The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-08-22
Mr. Breckinridge's "Iippecanoe"
Speech.

We regret that a full and correct report q
the speech delivered by Mr.. Brecknridg
during the Presidential canvass of 1856, a
Tippecanoc, in the State of Indiana, was neve
given to the world. In that speech he
represented to have said, "I belong to nj
party which has for its object the extension
of slavery" That isolated sentence, separated
from the context has been paraded in almos
every Opposition paper to show that Mr.
Breckenridge is unsolnd upon the slavery
question. They first endeavor to prove tina
he is the candidate OF the Southern wing G
the Democracy and standing upon a Southerr
sectional platform, ready to dissolve tht
Union if slavery is not protected, and they turr
around and try to prove that he is unsoun(
upon the slavery question BY quoting tbai
sentence from his Tippeeanoe speech. They
thus engage in the foolish game of setting VI
man of straw but to knock him dowI
again.
We have the authority of the National In
telligencer for stating that "no authentic report
of Mr.. Breekinridge's Tippecanoe speech was
ever furnished the press" but the Hon. W.
R. Miles, ofN. Orleans, was presentand heard
it delivered, and on the 9TH Of October 1856,
in aspeech, he took occasion, without attempt
ing to give the words used by Mr.. Breckin-
ridge" to state their purport as follows:
"Mr. Breckenridge insisted that no party
whose patriotism was bounded by geographi-
cal lines, or that fixed its attention exclusive
ly on a sectional interest, could honestly ad-
minister the Government This Mr.. FIRE.
mont's party proprosed to do. 1t proposed
to array the people of siateea States against
those OF fifteen States, not as man against man,
but as communities against communities
the one side led on by illogical prejudices
and unreasoning fanaticisIn, the other stand
ing firm in defence q property, life, and liber-
ty. If was against such parties that the Faith
er Of his Country had raised his warning voice
in his Farewell Address. In such contest
no man could doubt the result, and for such
a contest no true patriot had any heart. But
Confined Mr.. Breckinridge) it was said that
the Democratic party was also a sectional
party that it wishes to make the strong arm
of the Federal Government extend slavery.
That was not true. The Democratic
party rested its claims to national support
upon national principles; it stands upon the
principles of the Kansas Nebraska bill and
the Cincinnati platform. It asserts that the
Federal Government has no power to estab-
fish or abolish slavery. It asserts the princi-
ciple of non-intervention as the only true
principle, leaving to the people of the States
and Territories, under the forms of the Con.
stitution, the right to regulate the subject at
their own discretion. The Democratic party
could, therefore, no more make use of the
strong arm of the Federal Government to
extend slavery than it can propose to make
use of it to prohibit slavery"
This report was published in the n Orleans
Courier, when Gen. Miles forwarded copy
of the same to Mr.. Breckenridge, asking him
ifit was correct report, when Mr.. Breckin-
ridge wrote as follows in reply, under date of
October 81, 1856:
"You have reported me correctly, and l
thank you for it. As you know, my remarks
were reported in a meagre and imperfect man
ner; still, even as reported, there is nothing
to warrant the attack. Hands off the whole
subject by the Federal Government, Except
for one or two protective nurposes mentioned
q 91nggftltj0fsJ INC equal rights OF all
sections IN the common territory, and the
absolute power of each new State to settle the
question in its constitution these are my
doctrines and those of our platform, and, what
is more, of the Constitution To claim that
the Democratic party, in its Federal relations,
is an organization to extend slavery is to ad-
vance doctrine that is constitutionalIy un-
true, and, in its logical consequences ruinous to
the South"
Mr.. Breckenridge laid down the true and
Constitutional doctrine of non-intervention by
party or Government, except for protective
purposes. To say that 'it is the object of the
party to extend slavery" would make it a
Southern sectional party. A party must
carry out its objects through the instrument
tality of the Government, and it has always
been doctrine dear to every Democrat that
the Government can neither extend or restrict
establish or prohibit slavery. The justice,
and Nationality of this doctrine is abbey set
forth in the address issued by the Southern
delegates in Congress in l848, signed by 48
members among others such men as John c.
Calhoun, r. n. T. Hunter, Jefferson Davis,
A. G. Brown, R. B. Rhett, Alfred Iverson,
w. K Sebastian, r. NJ. johnson, VIM. R.
King W. s. Featherston, and Jacob Thomp-
son. In that address, after enumerating
the aggressive acts of the North upon the
South, they say:
"The North no longer respects the Missouri
Compromise line, although adopted by their
almost unanimous vote. Instead of compro-
mise, they avow that their determination is to
exclud slavery from all the territories of the
United States, acquired, or to be acquired
and, Of course, to prevent the citizens Of the
Southern States from emigrating with their
property in slaves into any of them. Their
object, they allege, is to prevent the extension
Of slavery, and ours to extend it, thus making
the issue between them and us to be the max.
ed question, shall slavery be extended or not
We do not deem it necessary, looking to the
object of this address, to examine the question
so fully discussed at the last session, whether
Congress has the right to exclude the citizens
of the South from immigrating with their pro-
perty into the territories belonging to the con-
federated States of the Union. What we pro
pose in this connection is, to make few re-
marks on what the North alleges, erroneous
", to be the issue between us and them.
So far from maintaining the doctrine which
the issue implies, we hold that the Federal
Government has no right to ertend or restrict
slavery, no more than to establish or abolish it.;
nor has it any right schatever, TO distinguish
betsceen the domestic institutions Of one State,
or section, and another, in order to ytdUor the
one and discourage the otter. As the federal
representative of each and all the States, it is
bound to deal out, within the sphere of its
powers, equal and exact justice and favor to
all. To act otherwise, to undertake to dis
criminate between the domestic institutions of
one and another, would be to act in total sub
version of the end for which it was established
Ito be the common protector and guardian
of all. Entertaing these opinions, zoe ask rot,
as tie North alleges ace do, for the extension Of
slavery. That soouM make a discrimination
in our tauor, as unjust and unconstitutional as
the discrimination they ask against as IN their
favor. IL is not for them, nor ion. The Federal
Government to determine, scsether our domestic
institution IS good or bad; or aohether it
should be repressed or preserved. 10 belongs to
us, and us only, to decide such questions. What
then, sce do insist ON, u.s. not to e1tend sIapery,
but that toe shall not Be prohibited fran immi-
grating, .0ith our property, into the territories
ofthe United States, because sUe are Shareholders;
or, in other words that we shall not, on that
account, be disfranchised of privilege pos
sessed by all others, citizens and foreigners,
without discrimination as to character, profess
sion, or color. All, whether savage, barbarian
or civilized, may freely enter and remain, We
only being excluded.
We rest our claim, not only on the high
grounds above stated, but also ON the solid
foundation of right. justice and equality"
This address was signed too by several
whom the Union party look upon as great