The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-05-26

aA dERALD, SATUkDA1
TAs war Between the ststssnsa ana the
| JsuEnalises-Qrseisy's ReJsaAAsr &C.
| Raymond.
| We desire to draw particular sttention to
the publication, in another part of this journal,
Of Mr.. Greeleys reply to the amanuensis Of
| Mr. Seward, and the debate In the British House
| of Commons in both of which there are some
| important Developments a. to the position of
leading Independent journalist, conducting a
sslfsupportiDg newspaper, and directing public
opinion in far greater degree than any poll.
tc'ap, however successful can hope to do.
The deyelspemens made, almost ct the same
moment, in the British Parliament, and at the
general Convention of the republican party of
the United States, are exceedingly important,
because they are unmistakable indications of
the progress of journalism in both countrieA
Whenever and wherever the press has
been free it has always been felt
@ great power; but 1t Il only
latterly that the press has been free
anywhere. In Great Britain, for many years,
the newspaper was nothing more than an on
cial gazette, controlled, of course, by the 60.
vernment. One by one, however, successive
Parliaments, in obedience to the popular will
have removed the shackles imposed upon the
press. In Ike manner the leading journalists.
feeling the extent of their responsibilities, have
lsbored to make themselves worthy of the great
power which they wield-a power Of so much
importance as to have come to be considered,
nd Iluo abr Hal a Ia ~,
realm. In France, the first revolution made
the pen the governing power in the land, and
to-day the aphorism Of the First Napoleon as to
the comparative importance Of newspapers and
bayone,s holds as good as ever
In the United States the press has always,
except for a short time during the administra-
ton Of John Adams, been entirely free, so far
as the law is concerned. But there is q species
ofserfdom outside Of the law In the early
days of the republic, and even down
to 1880, the political editor was looked
upon as the bondman Of the party
leader. The slaves of Mr.. Jefferson, Mr.
Madison or Mr.. Monroe, or Mr. Jackson, or Mr.
Clay, or Mr.. Calhoun, and the servants of Mr.
Webster and Mr.. j. @. Adams, were not under the
control of those statesmen to greater degree
than the printers of the party organs. Like
the Roman centurion, the statesman command
ed the journalist to do such and such thing,
and he did it. II he rebelled he was turned
out, and a more plastic person assumed the
tripod. The raturd consequence of this
slavery was the utter prostitution of the press
to party purposes the editors lending them
selves to the politicians for the purpose Of
humbuggiBg the people, until the time came
when the people lost all confidence in either
one or the other.
Then came the new era. Then arose the in
dependent press Then the politicians, who
rarely learn anything until after every one
else has found 1t out, began to as
certain that they could not control
those journalists whose support was
worth having. That was the first
point gained. While the old race of po.
litical editors, were dying out new men as
sumed the direction Of the press. journalism
rose to the dignity Of . special profession; in
stead of being considered a. q refuge for small
politicians, with the collar of their masters
about their necks and the whip ever suspended
over their backs, II came to be acknowledged
as power equal to that of the government IL
self Instead of being made by statesmen, the
journalist made himself, and the statesmen ~
well The second point TO be considered was
whether or not the leading statesmen Of the
| day could be brought to such sense Of the
new order Of things that they would acknow-
ledge the fact that first class editor In first
class city welded an influence and occupied q
petition quite equal TO that Of first class
statesman. That question brings US to the
especial matter under onsideration-namely
the affair between Seward and Greeley.
When Nj Greeley came to this city. some
thing over twenty years ago, with nothing In
the way of personal or real property ex-
cept his historical white coat, seedy trowsers,
and hat Of doubtful color and in an advanced
stage Of decomposition, Governor Seward was
already q party leader. A man Of profound
talent, with manners at once suave and refined;
thoroughly well educated, patient, energetic
and persevering. his future could hardly be
other than bright. Greeley had popular char.
acteristics, and mental organization that quite
supplied all which Mr.. Seward lacked. So
Greeley was selected as Mr.. Stewards Man
| Friday, and served him faithfully during four.
teen years. During all this time the metropoli-
tan press had been keeping pace with the pro-
gress Of the city, and Mr.. Greeley was one Of
the leading Journalists He demanded GER.
tain recognition at the hands Of Mr.. Seward.
This, II appears, was denied, when the jour
| palist proceeded to inform the statesman that
henceforth they would walk In different paths
Mr.. Seward attempted to Gil Greeley's place
with Raymond; but there was no comparison
between the power Of the men. In the strong
holds Of the republican party the name Of
Greeley was of that time mightiei
i .AsAAala4h 4hau hat ~ Cauard hirnself