Wabash express. [volume] (Terre-Haute, Vigo Co[unty], Ind.) 1841-186?, 1860-12-26
From Our Chicago correspondent.

dent" has been spending most Of the last
three or four weeks in Northern Indiana, toe
much occupied with professional engage
ments to take much part 10 the stirring
events Of the times. But I have not been
an inattentive observer, and had leisure
permitted, would have spoken out ere
this.
/ confess the surprise and mortificatisn
have felt at the treatment the secession
movement has received at the hands oil
some Of the prominent politicians. aud
journals Of the country. To plain man
having a common istersst in the govern
ment with other people ssd no more. is
surprising to hear them talk about peace
able secession" ss II such q thing were
possible. The Presidents constitutional
infirmity, weakness Of the spinal column
surprised no one. But his absurd and con
Trajectory positions should have led men
Of thought ana sober reflection to avoid
the quick.sauds in which they saw him
fioundering. With a glimpse at the true
theory Of the governmrub he declares thai
admitting the right Of a State 10 sscede.
the Union is but a rope Of sand; but the
next moment he declares that il IL does so.
there is no power 10 prevent il. In ease
State rebels, there is, he says, no power
conferred by the Corslitutien to force IL
into subsection; but before he i, through
he pitches into Kansas after the old fash
100, and gives lengthy detail of his ex-
petition for the subjugat:on OF the rebels
in Utah.
The course Of the President is eminent
ly Democratic, as Democracy now goes
That heterogeneous conglomeration, the
Democratic party, never had say consis-
tent ideas. They me, At Cincinnati, and,
we'll knowing that the whole South receiv-
I'd the resolutions Of SO 10 the sense Of Mr..
Calhoun's Interpretation, put them bodily
in their platforn (but witheu. daring to
publish them along side OF devotion to
the Union of the States; ADD Squattsr
Sovereignty along side OF constitutional
slavery; the FIRST antagouIsm to cut the
throat of the government, aud the other
Iha: Of the party. One result is fully &C
couplishsd, and the other is rapidly ap
preaching its consummation.
The President says he cannot subjugats
a revolti-g State. and puts the case upon a
want Of power. He finds no such grant in
the Consultation, and quotes Mr.. Madison,
to the effect that a State cannot be con-
PEELED by force to perform its obligations
under that instrument II was not to be
expected that the President would intro
duce into his annual message the full his
tory Of the proceedings Of the Convention,
on the occasion referred to, nor will space
allow me to do it; but surely he ought to
have employed better logic.
On the 29th Of May, 1857; Mr.. Edmund
Randolph, of Virginia, introduced into
the Convention six resolutions, containing
provisions. which he proposed to have in
corporated in the fundamental law. One
of these resolves contained six PROPOSE
tons. the last of which, Mr.. Madison OBJ
iectsd to. was in the following words:
and to call forth the force of the nation
against any member of the Union failing
to fulfil any duty under the articles there
Of" No draft of the Constitution had then
been submitted; but afterwards on the
same day, q draft was Submitted by Mr..
Piucknsy, OF South Carolina, containing
sixteen articles, nearly in the form, finally
adopted. The origional Constitution con
tanned q provision that q State might be
sued, and by the articles Of confederation,
tbes in existence, various duties were de-
yolved upon the States, and the whole con-
text shows that the words were employed
With no reference whatever to revolt or
rebsilion against the government, but as
they plainly import, TO failure to fulfil
its duties under it.
The President fnds ne grant Of power
in the Constitution TO suppress rebellion
in State by force. Where does be fnd
his pows or in the same instrument to sup
press it in q Territory The rule Of cen
strsction is msnifestly the same in both
cases.
But on principle. apart from the mere
Interpretation Of words, whatever may be
said in respect TO q Territory, there is no
doubt Of the power in question In respect
to State. There are but Two modes by
which Territorial sovereignty can be aba
ted. One is by treaty. aud the other by
force. There is no such thing as the VOL
antary eithdraval Of sovereignty. No
government can commit an act OF sui
eide. The State is corporation, legal
entity. ff South Carolina can revolt and
maintain her position by force. that 10 he
business; whether she car be permitted to
do it, is ours. That voluntary secession
can be permitted, is not only absurd but
childish.
But. 1t may be said, that although this
cannot be done theoretically, ii may prsc.
tically; and, there are men who advise it;
men who assume to be able to give good |
counsel TO the President elect, Ia matters |
OF government. Whence csme their wis
dom? Does the worl d furnish an rxamp pie? !
The American colosies revolted fron the |
parent government. and they were able 10
maintain themselves in their work after !
bloody struggle. The British government
fought rs. but finally either conceded the
business of our complaints or acquiesced in
a measure II bad not the ability to prevent.
Have we given the same cause Of offence
to South Carolinaf IL We have We ought /
to back down at once, and not attempt to
organize the incoming government. VIVA.
do these northern "submissionists" pro-
pose that Mr. LiHcoln shall dot Shall he
not be sworn to support the Constitution.
or, il sworn. shall be violate his oathY That
requires him to see that the laws are exc
cutsd. To my mind one Of two courses of
,.t;on Il ;ap.rafivo IN his mari a,lhsr 70