The Lansing state Republican. [volume] (Lansing, Mich.) 1855-1874, 1860-03-13

lou say that the Republican party is q Sec
lohai one. Is the Democratic party less Sec
uona Is II easier for TO bear your sectional
sway than for you 10 bear ourss Is itunrcason-
able that for once should alternates But is
Tue KepuoAcan party sectional. Not unless the
Democratic party is. The Republican party pre-
walls IN the House OF Representatives sometimes;
the Democratic party in the Senate always.
Which of the two is the mos. proscriptives
Come, if YOU will, into the Free States. INTO the
State OF New York, anywh,r, from Lake Erie 10
SAG Harbor, among my neighbors Ia the owssco
Valley. Hold your conventions nominate YOUR
Candidates, address the people, submit To them,
fully, earnestly, eloquen,y, all YOUR complaints
and grievances Of Northern disoyalty, oppres-
sion, perfdy; keep nothing back, speak Just as
freely and as loudly there as you do here. You
WIZ have hospitabie welcomes, and approaching
audiences, with ballot boxes open tor all the
votes You can win. Are you less sectional thar
this? Extend 10 us the same privileges, and
viii engage that you will very soon have in the
South a. many Republicans as We have Demo.
Gratis IN the North. There Is, however, a better
test OF nationality than the accidental location OF
parties Our policy of labor in the Territories
Vas not sectional in the first icrty years of the
hepubhc. lite nature inheres. IL viii be ma
tonal again, during the third forty years, and
forever aiterward. Ii is not wise and benefcent
p
are equal, and the same for Us all
You accuse the Republican party Of ulterior
and score: designs. How can a party that
counts It's votes in this land NJ free speech and
free press by the hundreds ol thousands, have
any secret designs! Who is the conjurer, and
where are the hidden springs by which he can con.
troll it, uncongregatei and widely dispersed mass
es and direct them Ia objects unseen and purpo-
ses uuavowcd? But what these hidden pur-
D Nm L..
troduce negro equality among YOU. Suppose
we had the power To change Your social system,
what warrant have you for supposing that We
should carry negro equality among yous We
know, and We will show YOU, II YOU will only
give heed, that what our system OF labor works
out, wherever il works out ANYTHING is the
equality Of white men. The laborer ia the Free
States, matter how humble his occupation, is
n white man, and he is politically the equal of
his employer. Eighteen of thirty three
States are Free Labor States. There they are:
Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Yer
mont, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York,
New Jersey. Pennsylvania, Ohio. Michigan, H.
linos, Indiana, Winconsin. Minnesota Iowa,
California, Oregon. 1 do not array them in con-
tIast with the capital States. l am assaant
I Of States. All the States are parcels of my own
| country--the bost of them not SO wise and great
as am sure il will hereafter be- the State least
4 developed and perfect among them all Is wiser
/ snd better than any foreign State know. l.
! it then in any, and in which, OF the States l
/ have named that negro equality oiiends tho
white mans pride? Throughout the wide world,
where is the State where class and caste are
utterly extinguished they in each and ey-
crv one of them? Let the European immigrant,
who avoids the African II hls skin eXhaled
contagion, answer. You find him always ia the
State where labor is ever free. Dad " ashington,
Jefferson and Henry, when they inn, lored you
to relinquish your system and accept the one We
have adopted propose 10 sink you down Ia the
level of the African, was II their desire to
exalt all white men 10 common political ele-
vaton?
trude, our sys,cm on YOU We are excluded
Justly, wisely aud contented,y from all political
, mower and responsibility IN yogr capital States.
/ You aIe sovereigns on the suucc, ~ slavery
/ within your own borders, we on the same
subject within our borders. IL is well and wisely
so arranged. Use your authority to maintain
what system YOU please. We are not distrusiul
of the result We have wisely, as We think, en-
erciscd ours to protect aad perfect the manhood
of the members oi the State. The whole SOW
rcignty upon domestic concerns within the Union
is divided between Us by unmistakabie bounda-
ries You have fifteen distinct parts; We eigh-
teen parts, equally distinct. Zach must be main
tanned in order that the whole may be preserved.
If ours shall be assaied, within our without by
any enemy, or for any cause, and We shall have
, need, we shall expect you to defend il. II yours
shall be so assailed, in the emergency, no matter
, what the cause or the pretcXt, who the foe,
We shall defend your sovereignty as the equiya-
lent of our own. We cannot, indeed, accept
: your system Of capital OF its ethics. That would
be 20 surrender and subyert our own, which We
esteem to be better. Besides, If We could, whn1
nsed for any division into States at all. You are
, equally at liberty TO reject system and it,
!, ethics, and to maintain the superiority Of your
: : own by all the forces of persuasion and argu-
ment We must, indeed, mutually discuss both
systems All the world discusses all systems
, Especially must we discuss them since we have
= 10 decide as a nation which Of the two ought
> 70 en- graft on the new and future States grow
: ing up in the great public domain. Discussion,
" then being unavoidable, what could be more
. wise than to conduct il with mutual federation
= and in a faternal spirit:
{ You complain that Republicans discourse too
:, boldly and directly, when they express with con
fdence their belief that the system of labor viii, in
. the end be universally accepted by the Capita
= States acting for themselves, and in conform
y ty with their own Constitutions, while they sane
y ton too unreservedly books designed to advo
= cate emancipation. But surely you can hardly
!, expect the Federal Government the potica
u parties Of the nation TO maintain censorship o
~ the Press or Of debate. The theory Of our sys
TEN is, that error of opinion may in all cases safe
IL be tolerated where reason is left free 70 CON
u bat it. VIII it be claimed that more OF mOders
:" ton and tenderness in debate are exhibited ol
: your side of the great argument than our own
q, We all learned our polemcs as well az our prin
:, ciples from a common master. We are sur
A., a., that we DO not on side. exceed bis lesson
al and example Thomas Jefferson addressed Dr
= Price, an Englishman, concerning has tgeatse o.
!. emancipation in America, in this fashion
'south-srd Of he Chespeake, your 5o4k vii hB! bJ
a. readers concurring wtB Il IN sentiment on the sui
.e. ct Of S.v.-y From tie mouth 90 the bead Q. u
al Chesyeak. the buk - the pe0fle si approve in ~
oyr vii End a re-Jsctabi. minority ready To ~co
it practice n minority WI cl, Tor weight and worth
re character, rTepoaderzte- against tie greater numb
10 Who not The 10 dTsst their families Il
m property which however kegs their con-ciences
gu e.. NOfthWsr8 oi the .Eespeske yoa may ind be
l and there opponent your d9ctrne may fr
ly here and there robter lnrdster bq, in gre
"a ,umber- This fKiryina) ~ tie De
state - which may eyes for the interests
- .rect,c Of Justice eonlc; with and oppTe
sioua conflict gbe-e the sacfs. ce gaining daily ne
IN recruit. fo the inaax nt9 oee RI young
= ana growing up- Be not, then, Gi-eou
i' aged wha. you have written Eli 90 grea: ceai
TO- good and could you still ir0abe your-ef about our W
ns fare is more abe 70 hep The lsooring sice
1e. You see, Sir, that whether We 20 for or again
er- Slavery anywhere, we must follow Southe,
rs, guides. You may change your pilots with q
1ce Winds or the currents; but We, whose nativit
u-ili IL bqz ro~Tovel I