New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-05-25

prejudice il justified by lite contents h"a"-
time, only say that, when had fully decided that
7 voud no longer be devoted TO Gov. Stewards
rersopul fortunes, it seemed due to candor and
fair dealing that should privately but In all frank
ress opprise him Of the fact. II was not possible
tint could in any way be profited by writing that
letter; well understood that it involved On abd-
cato of all ropes OF political advancement; YET
il seemed due to my own character that the letter
should DO written. OF course, l never dreamed
that il could be published, or used as 1t already
has been; but no matter-let us have the letter IN
,rint-abd let the public judge between its writer
aud his open and covert assailants. L. at all
events, ask no favor, and fear no open hostility.
A. There are those who will Mt all events believe
that nv opposition to Gov. Stewards nomination
at Chicago was impelled by personal considera-
lions; and among these should expect to find the
Hon. Henry J. Raymond. With these, have no
time for controversy; in their eyes, desire no
vindcation. But there is another and-happily-
far larger class who will realize that the obstacles
10 GOV. Stewards election were in no degree OF my
creation, and that their removal was utterly be-
yond my powers. The whole course of THE
| TRIBUNE, from the day of its first appearance,
| dency Of a statesman cherisbing the pronounced
Anti-s Slavery views of Gov. Seward; it is only on
| questions of Finance and Public Economy that
there has been any perceptibe divergence between
us. Those anti-Democratic voters of Pennsylva'
| mia, New-Jersey, Indiana and Illinois, who could
| not be induced to vote for Gov. Seward, have de-
| rived their notions of him in some measure from
| The Tines, but in no measure from THE TRIBUNE
| The Delegations from those States, with the
| candidates for Governor in Pennsylvania and
| Indiana, whose representations and circumstances
rendered the nomination Of Gov Seward, in the
eyes of all intelligent, impartial observers, clear
act of political suicide, were nowise instructed or
impeled by me. They acted on views deliberately
formed long before they came to Chicago; they
acted as the settled determination Of their fellow
citizens had prescribed and the preservation and
| success of the Republican cause demanded. 1t is
not my part to vindicate them but whoever says
that they were Influenced by me, other than as
| was by them, does them the grossest injustice.
| To my mind, it was the imperative duty Of the
| Convention to regard the triumph OF the cause
first, and the qualification of personal feelings or
aspirations long way afterward wished first
of oil to succeed; next tOstrengben and establish
our struggling brethren in the border Slave States.
| Cose as many suppose the contest is destined to
| be- and doubtful as they may deem its issue, /
would row gladly give away the ten sure votes of
| Rhode Island and Connecticut to gain the nine
votes Of Missouri. After this, if it had seemed to
me possible to obtain one more vote in the doubtful
States for Gov. Seward than for any one else, l
should have struggled for him as ardentlyas did
against him, even though had known that the
Raymonds who hang about our party were to be
bis trusted copnselors and / indexibly shut out
from his confidence and favor. If there be any
who do not believe this, / neither desire their
friendship nor deprecate their hostility.
HORACE GREELEY.