The Lansing state Republican. [volume] (Lansing, Mich.) 1855-1874, 1860-06-13


the calamity. Occasionally poisionings
from the kitchen, and open or stsalthy a.
sassnations in the field, and local revolts
extending to score or 20, will continue to
occur as the natural results Of Slavery;
but no general insurrection of slayes. a.
think. can happen in this country for a long
time. Whoever much fears, or much hopes,
for such an event, will be alike disappOin.
ted
In the language Of Mr.. Jefferson. utter
ed many years ago: 1t is still in our
power to direct the process of emancipa-
tion. and deportation. peaceably. and in
such slow degrees as the evil will wear of
insenslbly; and their places be. fdvyi, pas.
sn. filled up with white laborers. Ii. on
the contrary. it is left to force itself on, hu.
man nature must shudder at the prospect
held up
Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor
do |, that the power of emancipation is in
the Federal Government He spoke of
Virginia and. as to the power Of emanci.
patton, speak of the slaveholding States
only.
The Federal Government, however, 40
We insist. has the power Of restraining the
extension Of the institution-the power to
insure that slave insurrection shall never
occur on any American soil which lie now
free from slavery.
John Browns effort was peculiar. 1t
was not a slave insurrection. Ii was an at
tempt by white men to get up a revolt
among slaves. in which the slaves refused
to participate. In fac: it was 50 absurd
that the slaves, with all their ignorance.
saw plainly enough that it could not sue.
ceed. That affair, in its philosophy. cor
responds with the many attempts related
in history, as tho assassination of Kings
and emperors. An enthusiast broods over
the oppression Of the people till he fancies
himself commissioned BY Heaven to libs-
rate them. He ventures the attempt.
which ends in little else than in his own
execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Ma
poleon, and John Browns attempt at Har-
per's Ferry. were. in their philosophy.
precisely the same The eagerness to cast
blame on old England in the one case. and
and on New England in the other. does
not disprove the sameness of the two
things.
And how much would it avail you. If
you could. by the use of John Brown. Hell
per's book, and the like. break up the Re.
publican organization! Human action can
be modified to some extent, but human na.
ture cannot be changed. There is judg-
ment and feeling against slavery in this
nation, which cast at least million and a
J half of votes. You cannot destroy that
judgment and feeling-that sentiment-by
breaking up the political organization which
rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter
and disperse an army which has been
formed into order in the face Of your heav-
J lest fire. but if you could, how much would
! you gain BY forcing the sentiment which
l created it out Of the peaceful channel Of the
, ballot box into some other channel? What
, would that other channel probably be !
! Would tho number of John Browns be
, lessened or enlarged by tho operation
5 But you will break up the Union rather
than submit to denial Of your Constitu-
l tional rights.
That has somewhat reckless sound
r but it would he palliated, if not fully just.
fed. were We proposing, by the mere force
!. of numbers to deprive you Of some rights.
plainly written down in the Constitution
But We are proposing no such thing.
When you make declarations you have .
= specific and we'll understood allusion to an
o assumed Constitutional right of yours. to
: take Slaves into the Federal territories. and
j to hold them there as property. But nc
# such right is specifically written in the Con
u stitution. That instrument is literally 81
= lent about any such right. We. on the
: contrary. deny that such a right has any
y existence in the Constitution, even by i'm
If plication.
e Your purpose, then, plainly stated, il
9 that you will destroy the Government. un
d less you be allowed to construe and enforc,
l. the Constitution as you please. on all point
+ in dispute between you and US You vii
IS rule or ruin in all events.
e This plainly stated, is your language t.
d Us Perhaps you will ray the Suprem.
2 Court has decided the disputed Constitu
1t tional question in your favor. Not quit
s 50. But waving the lawyers distinction
d between dictum and decisions, the Court
=. have decided tho question for you in sor
y Of way. The Courts have substantial
If said. it is your Constitutional right to tax
q. Slaves into the Federal territories. and 3
T. hold them there as property.
e. When say the decision was made in
to divided Court by bare majority Of tn
n Judges, and they are not quite agreein
D. with one another in the reasons for maxim
it; that it is SO made as that its avowe
IN supporters disagree with one another abou
An its meaning; and that it was mainly base
le upon a mistaken statement Of fact-th
rs statement in the opinion that. the right {
~ property in Slave is distinctly and ez
= pressly affirmed in the Constitution"
:ic An inspection of the Constitution wi
Do show that the right Of property in . slav
be is not distinctly and expressly affirmed
IS, it. Bear in mind the Judges do not plede
ry their judicial opinion that such right is in
le. pliedly affirmed in the Constitution; b
lot they pledge their veracity that it is distinc
of ly and expressly affirmed there" distinc
~ ly" that is not mingled with anything ell.
be :" expressly that is in words meaniu
,r- Just that, without the aid Of any interfe