Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1860-11-21

/ business of the Government? How is the
excitement to be allayed, when every cleo
: tor in the land is made directly response
: bic for the slavery which the common con-
: stitution Bpholds and the common legisla-
ture is required to guard? Does not every
one see that slavery. thus completely ma
tionalized becomes the concern of every
citizen? That the conscientious convic-
tions. the economic views, and the social
sentiments of every voter, become at once
involved in the contest?
Clearly here is no settlement, but the
reverse. Even if Mr.. Breckenridge could
be elected on his platform. no peace on the
slavery question could follow. 1t is i'm
possible to convince a majority of the
iAmerican people that slavery is blessing
and benefit; and it is impossible to per-
suade them to acquicsce permanently in
direct responsibility for system which
they are persuaded is an injustice and an
evil.
The instructive sagacity Of the people
teaches them that the settlement they deS
ire is not to be found in this direction; and
therefore it is that notwithstanding the
great popularity with which ancestral de-
sert and personal merit has surrounded his
name, only meagrc minority of electoral
suffrages can be expected for Mr.. Breckin-
ridge
Whittier then shall We look? The sup
porters of Mr.. Bell and Everett propose
no plan of settlement whatever. In their
platform they ignore the very existance of
the slavery question. They declare them
selves for the Union. the Constitution and
the enforcement of the Laws; but all par
ties do the same They might as well de-
clare themselves for roast beef, sweet pota,
toes and sound digestion. Everybody
| think, could approve that platform
There is nothing which grapples with any
existing question or difficulty. They pro-
pose nothing different from other parties
but candidates; and these certainly reflect
credit on their supporters. ! know and
honor Mr.. Bel and Mr. Everett and |
would not, if could, detract grain from
that just repute for patriotism, integrity
and ability, which constitute their hOnora-
bic title to the respect and confidence of
their countrymen. (Applause.) But the
difficulty with these respected citizens and
the political organization which supports
them, is, that they DO not meet the want
of the times. They have no response for
the great question of the day, and, there
fore, the people cannot accept their leader
ship, or cntrust to their keeping in the
hour of peril, the reins of the government
What then do the friends of Mr.. Doug
las propose?
They claim to present plan entirely
adequate to the emergency perfect aud
complete solution to the question. They
insist that the doctrine of Non -Interven-
ton and Popular Sovereignty will answer
the purpose, ard they re er US to the Kan
as-Ncbraska for a full exposition of that
doctrine. Looking to that bill, then. what
do we find? First. an act of Congress
for the government ola Territory; secondly.
an arrangement for the appointment of the
Governor. Judges; and various other Ter
ritorial officers, by the President; and finally,
provision for the revision of all decisions
of the Territorial Courts by the Federal
Judiciary. And this act, we are told, fol-
lows the precedent of Jefferson in The Or
dinance of 1917, which is referred to as
authority for the principle claimed to be
the basis of the bill
Let us lock to this ordinance OF Jeffer-
son. 1t certainly does great honor to the
comprehensive and far seeing sagacity of
that illustrious man. It was prepared and
proposed at critical moment. Through
the cessicns of Virginia, New York, Mas
sachusetts and other States, Congress had
acquired for the people of the United States
the territory Northwest of the Ohio, and 1t
was well understood that further cessions
of territory were to be made by North Car
olina and Georgia. The duty of providing
for the creation of States out Of this terri |
tory, devolyed on Congress, and the plan
Of Jefferson embodied his IDEAS Of the pro-
per mode of executing this trust. He had
cherished the idea of inaugurating the nine
teenth century by sublime act of enfran-
chisement on the part of Virginia. lie
had drafted Constitution for his native |
State. which he proposed to submit to a
Convention expected to be called, one Of
the provisions of which declared that after
the year $500 slavery should not exist in
Virginia This provision would, Of course
have prohibited slavery in Kentucky, then
a part of Virginia But public sentiment
was not ripe for such a step. The Conyen-
ton was not called, and the Constitution
was not proposed.
Then Mr.. Jefferson transferred his pur-
pose to the Western Territory, and in the
plan to which l have just referred, he in
corporated a provision, that after the year
1900 slavery should not be permitted in
any territory,ceded to. or to sc ceded to the
United States. Under the articles of con-
it required The assent Of ma
jority of all the States to pass any prCPO
sition into law 1t so happened that only ]
nine States were then represented IN the
Congress The Jeffersonian proposition
received the votes of six ef these States,
and of sixteen of the twenty three delegates
present in Congress. Seven were necessa- Il
ry. One was wanting. Two States were
divided. In one the vote Of Mr.. jefferson I
was overborne by that of his two colleagues ]
A single vote in either of these States
would have decided the controversy for the l
prohibition, aud the question Of slavery In
the Territories would lave been pnt at rest l
forever.
Without this prohibition, however, the
Jefferson plan might now serve the purpose
Of settling the slavery question. for under
it that question would be referred IN good
faith to the people. 1t provided for the
division of all territory ceded or to be ced-
ID. into districts of suitable limits for new
States. 1t authorized the people in each
division to meet in Convention, and adopt
the Constitution and laws of some one of