The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1860-12-07


the day.
The proposition of Mr.. GREEN, of Missouri, in
the Senate, looking TO the establishment Of police
along the line between the free and slave States,
with a view to the preservation Of the peace and
the proper execution of the fugitive slave law, we
regard as one CT the most important in prac-
cal point of view, which has yet been made for the
purpose of composing the difficulties between the
sections. We do not, of course, understand that
gentleman's precise idea, but we have long
entertained the opinion that q proper
measure, of the kind indicated is one of
the best, in ITSELF and the least Objectionable
that could be devised to obviate the annoy
ances growing out of the reclamation of fugitive
slaves. In this difficulty, as in most others, an
ounce of prevention is worth pound of cure 1t
is far easier more humane and polite, to in
terpose an almost insurmountable barrier against
the escape of slaves over the border, than to ar
rest and restore them after that line has been
crossed The North has shown no genuine COM
ity for the negro. 1t rejects his citizenship on
equal terms, and treats him so codly and inhos-
pitably that, were the ranks of its colored class
not recruited by continual accessions from the pro-
life South, they would soon be empty. Annihi-
lation is the sure fate of the negro in the free
States; and it is only when he appears in the guise
Of a fugitive from the hated name of slavery, that
tie smallest interest can he excited in his fate.
Under these circumstances it would be a real boon
10 the free States to keep all negroes out Of their
limits, but most especially so great and dangerous
cause OF disturbance as fugitive negro slave.
We are among those who believe that any eff
feCtual and useful execution of the fugitive slave
law in the free States is impossible. 1t is ground
ofiust and serious complaint that the legal author
ty ofthase States should be lent 10 its nullifca-
ton in any form; but as practical measure of re-
dress, it is and always will be ofsmal avail. Some
Of the Northern presses of influence, approaching,
we trust the constitutional obligation, and at the
same time despairng of n literal fnlflment Of it,
are proposing the substitution of compensation for
the value of the slave, instead of his surrender.
The proposition in this shape is full of practical
difficulties, and does not as we have heretofore en-
deavorcd to point ont, fully meet the difficulty.
The pecuniary loss engendered by the escape of
slaves is really an insignificant matter The New
York T INES estimates the annual loss by the es-
cape of slaves at million Of dollars, viz 900
fugitives at 81, 900 apiece. At the same rate the
slaves Of the South are worth about four Housnad
millions of dollars, SO that the annual loss does not
amount to one0rtidh Of one per cent. on the entire
value Of slave property percentage at which no
seErespecting Fire Insurance Company would I'M
derwrite family vault in Greenmount Cemetery.
If this were the whole story it would not be worth
quarrelling about. The slave, Or his value, or his
total los, ,,ou1I ho of almost edual
import But it is not because the negro is not
returned but that the right to his return is denied,
that the South complains. 1t is because there is
no common understanding between the sections as
to who is properly the man-stealer-the individual
who runs away with the slave, or the one
who runs after him. Now, we do not propose
TO discuss that question ourselves, and wish to
prevent its further discussion by others. We as
sumo that there is such an institution as
domestic African slavery in fifteen States o.
the Union with laws and regulations of its
own, as necessary for the preservation Of that
peculiar institution as the laws of Massachusetts,
are for her flvorite forms of society. We assume
that the entire control of, and responsibility fol
this institution, whether good or bad, rest within
the States which tolerate it, and that tn
other States have solemnly agreed to respect tina
right ofcontrol, and do not share the responsibility
We assume, further, that if the North interferes
with that right, there will be a rupture between
the sections, and that the line between the slave
and free States will thereafter become the bound
airy of distinct governments. We assume all this
because we believe it is all too plain to admit Of
dispute 1t therefore follows, thai if we are to re
main together as one nation, this fugitive slav,
business, which has been perpetual running sore
keeping the body polite in continual irritation,
should, ifpossble, he healed up. Cure this, and
you have almost restored the patient to health
The fugitive slave law has been tried, and has not
improved the matter, if it has not made it worse
The Northern say that the arrest ola fugitive
in quiet Northern community, with all the circum
stances of which it is impossible to divest the act
makes more abolitionists than fifty BEECHERs or
GREELEYs could do. Ifthis is true-aud we believe
there is much truth in tit is better that such ar.
rests should not be made; and not to make them
the necessity for making them should be avoided
In other words, the escape of slaves into the free
States, SO far as in the nature of the cas-,
it may be possible, ought to be prevented
We presume that this is one of the main objects o.
Senator GREENS measure, and we have not the
slightest doubt that with proper details, it would
not be difficult to Illustrate at least nine out of ev-
cry ten attempts at evasion on the part of negro
slaves Our idea would include police force in part
mounted in the pay of the General Government
stationed upon the border, with telegraph under
its control along the entire boundary connecting,
of course, with Southern lines. By this means the
running away of slave would be known a long
time in advance of his arrival upon the border.
Very little experience would give great efficiency
to the force All the agencies at present organ.
lied for facilitating the escape Of slaves would
soon be detected, broken up and punished. To
guard against all abuse there should be depots
along the line, to which all parties who might be
arrested for any cause should be brought by the
police, and have their legal rights determined by
competent United States tribunal, which wodld
be enabled to decide each case with calmness and
substantial justice without fear of tumult or res
cue. Without further elaboration, the idea strikes
us as one eminenty worthy of consideration by
wise, conservative and humane people on both
sides of the line. The North is, in the main,
willing to observe its constitutional duty-at
least, we trust so, the case is hopeless-but its
feelings are aroused by the spectacle of slave es-
Gaping from bondage, and upon an impulse which
we can understand, it fails to do what it has pro-
missed. But if there no fugitive, there would
be no sympathy-no commotion-no denuncia-
ton o: the South-no failure Of pledged duty
Now let MS look for a moment on the other side
of the line. 1t were difficult to tell what
practical evils to slaves have grown out
of encouraging them 10 escape The one
first to abscond is generally the most
worthless on the whole plantation-idIe. in
subordinate, iiisol"rii He leaves hel nd him the
contented, orderly, Industrious slaves who are
well satisfied with their condition and well treated
What is the result? The master, in moment o.
alarm or irritation, ships off every slave he has TO
the South, or becomes douby jealous and suspi-
cious and exacting if he retains them In all this
transaction it is difficult to see any good, or not
to perceive much evil. The whole institution i:
demorazed by its insecurity and its bad point
developed into bold relief, while all its goot
ones are driven out of sight.
This border police might be appropri