The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1860-05-25
xxxvIth CONGREss-FIRsT SESSION.

SENATE-Certaln departmental cOmWu.
nications were received. !.
Mr.. Pugh introduced bill in addition to
the acts for the punishment of crimes against
the United States. Referred.
The noise and confusion in the galleries.
which are crowded, is so great that scarcely
anything can be heard.
On motion of Mr.. Pugh, the bill amenda-
tory of the act to establish a territorial
government in Utah, was taken up.
After some discussion, the subject was
postponed until Monday next.
The bill for the relief of Anson Dart,
Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Oregon,
was taken up.
Mr.. Lane explained the bill.
Without action, the special order, Davis
territorial resolutions, came up.
Mr.. Douglas said he had no taste for dis
cussion as to the personal or political posi-
ton of any Senator. He had no assault to
make on any one and no impeachment of
any ones record. He did, however, com.
plain of so much of the speech of the Sena.
tor from Mississippi as arraigned his con-
duct. 1t would be necessary to refer to that
Senator's course in order to explain his
own, and be would take as his text certain
extracts from the speech of Mr.. Davis,
which he caused to be read. Douglas said
the extract had conclusively showed that
the doctrine of popular sovereignty did not
originate with him. 1t was presented in
l848, with Gen. Cass as the nominee, on
the basis of non-intervention. 1t entered
into the compromise measures of 1850, was
reaffirmed in the platform of 1852, and in
the Nebraska bill of 1854. Douglas then
showed that it was contained in Cass'
Nicholson letter, which, prior to its publ
cation, was shown around among Southern
and Northern Senators, and was endorsed
by Southern and other Senators who were
now opposed to him.
He read DIckinsons resolutions. offered
during the pendency OF this question, to
show that he recognized the doctrine. He
was not aware that either Dickinson or Cass
had modified their views. Yet his record
was held up as though he stood alone, a
hereto now unworthy of recognition in the
Democratic family. He cited resolutions
OF the Legislature of Florida of 1847, to
show that the doctrine of non.intervention
was not then deemed political heresy. Also,
resolutions adopted at Milledgevile in 1847,
and afterwards adopted by several southern
conventions, opposing all legislation by
Congress on the subject of slavery in the
territories. He remarked that many gen.
tlemen who then approved of these resolu.
tons were conscientiously opposed to them.
Ii be could forgive them for their change
they ought to be willing to forgive him for
adherence to his own principles. Cass, on
the 4th ballot, had "a southern votes. Even
South Carolina, when she found she could
not elect her own favorite, yielded to the
voice of the majority, and gave her adhe.
sion to the champion of Squatter Sover.
eighty.
The next day the platform was adopted,
declaring against Congressional intervention,
and that interference by Abolitionists or
others was dangerous. What others why
those who now want a slave code. They
were then classed by the Democratic con-
vention bad as Aboltionists. On the sue.
ceediDg day Yancey brought in a report
protesting against the action of the conven-
tion for recognizing the power of the terri
tories on slavery, which was Identical with
the views which caused his withdrawal from
the Charleston convention. He meant no
disrespect to Mr.. Yancey. They had per-
sonal relatives of the kindest character. He
admired the candor and consistency with
which he expressed his views, but shrunk
with horror from results likely to follow
their adoption. Mr.. Yancey's report was
rejected-ayes sc, nays 261. Among the
nays were Delaware 3, Maryland 6, Virginia
II, North Carolina IL, Mississippi 6, Lou
isiana 6, Texas 4, Tennessee IL, Kentucky IL
many of which have now withdrawn from
Charleston, because this doctrine was not
incorporated in the platform. He left the
people to decide who had changed.
He thought he had conclusively proved
that the Democracy proclaimed the doctrine
of intervention in l848. The Senator
from Mississippi was one of the few who
refused to acquiesce. He opposed the doc
trine but supported the squatter sovereign.
ty nominee.
Douglas next showed that the principle
was incorporated in the compromise mea.
sures of 1850, and that Clay and Cass then
asserted the power of the people Of the ter~
ritories over the question of slavery. He
also read from his own speeches to show
his position was the same as now. The
Senator of Mississippi's appeal to the peo>
pie was unsuccessful. Mississippi elected
Foote Governor. In Alabama the result
was the same and Yancey and his COL
leagues were told the State had respect for
the laws. Georgia sustained the doctrine
of non-intervention by 2l,O0O majority.
The secessionists were obliged to become
submissionists, and 10 South Carolina your
Rhetts and Calhouns were put down by the
Union men.
Mr.. Douglas said the Democracy par
doned Mr.. Davis on the ground of his &C.
quiescence in the compromise measures, and
he granted him quarter.
Mr.. Davis with intense feeling)-I scorn
your quarter.
Mr.. Douglas-Yes, as 1 scorned yours
the other day. He thought it strange that
those who had been forgiven should now
undertake to prescribe. The Democracy
had now no intention to prescribe those
who entered into their organization and
were willing to support the regular nomi-
nee. He then took up the Kansas Nebras-
ka bill, to show that the same doctrine of
non.intervention entered into that, and read
resolution of the Georgia Legislature of
1854, after its passage, to show the country
understood the measures as he did. The
House of Representatives understood in the
same Wav, and MIR. Richardson. who report.