The Camden weekly journal. [volume] (Camden, South-Carolina) 1853-1861, 1860-04-24

ciplcs and powers of the Government, which
holds that We are united socially rs one peo
pie, and, therefore, may righttully ntemeddlt
with each others concerns, and by construction!
would permit maorities to extend the actor
of the Government beyond the limits defined by
the Constitution, leave the amplest scope fol
the violent cashing of all those adverse opin.
ions pertaining solely to the social system and
domestic affairs of the several States. Wherea:
the true view would confne all conflicts tc
political questions arising under the Constitu
ton, and IegitimateIy within the sphere Of
common Government.
i. If the people of New England and Ohio and
others could but understand the true ralations
of the States to each other, and of the Federal
Government to the States that outside Of the
purposes of the Government and beyond the
powers cxpressly " enumerated in the Constitu'
ton, they are, in fact, as foreign to each Other
rs are Great Britain and France, and would
demean themselves in accordance with the
logical result of such belief peace might be
restored and our system of government, like
the great system above, move harmoniousy on
yielding daily light and life and happiness tol
ages to come. But this, fear, may not be
The idea that there exists an irrcpressble
conflict between the two systems OF labor pre-
vailing in the States, is fanciful and superficial
No such conflict exists. On the contrary, the
two systems mutually aid each other There
is, however, confict-a conflict of ideas
irreconcaLle.. The opinions Of those who
give life and energy to the auti-slaverv party
touching government, society, the relations OF
man to both, and to each other, are radica!
and revolutionary. Ii these prevail, there can
be no peace, North or South, for they are bred
in confusion, and will deyelopc anarchy. These
gentlemen SEEM to believe that Government
may DC impr6viscd- it is a sort of machine
ry which is invented, can be patented, and
may Le made in the same mould 10 suit the
customers Of every cline, whether Of Asia,
Africa, Europe or America. They argue as it
society was the artificial and not the natural
state of nan-Hence they speak Of his natural
rights as matters outside OF, and in antagonism
to, the claims of society, and of which society
deprivcs him.
According to this theor,,', his relations to
society and government is naturally one ofwar
Thus they would lay the foundations of govern
ment in anarchy. This fatal error arises too,
ont of the untenable postulate that all men,
under all governments, are naturally and
equally entitled to liberty, without reference
to the wcll-bcing Of society, or to their own
fitness to enjoy and preserve it. Thus. in the
face of history; in the face of nature, and III
contravcntion to the everyday experience OF
the world, they hold "that all men are created
equal; that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inaenabe rights, among which
arc life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness
Let us examine this with impartial minds
Let us see whether these rights are original
absolute, and unlimited, or qualified, relative
fTd subordinass ajt all men arenot created
NJ Tii;e man, ) f'sllil& our 1 tnts begiinE55
see, and are partially inclined to admit l
draw this inference from certain passages in
the speeches OF the Senator from Illinois Mr..
Trumbu'l] and the Senator from New York
I Mr.. Seward.
First, the Senator frcm Illinois holds this
language in speech which lie delivered here
early in the session; lie confessed tho inequality
Of the races, in my judgment:
II know that there is distinction between these
two races because the Almighty himself lr's marked
il on their very faces, and in my judgment man can
not by legislation or otherwise. produce perfect equa
ty between these races
The inference draw from that Is, that tho
Senator from Illinois begins to see, and is in
clined to admit, that the African is not the
equal of the white man. also quote from the
Senator from New York passage which Think
points to the same conclusion. The Senator
from New York says:
Suppose we had the power to change your social
system: what warrant have you for surprising that
we should carry negro equality among you we
know, and would show you. il you will only give
heed. that the equality which our system OF labor
works out is the equality of the white man.
In the South the equality Of the White man
is already established. 1t is not the equality
of the negro that the system works out. infer
from that, the Senator from New York begins
to see the inequality Of the races, and is ncll'-
cd to admit it. I therefore pass ovcrltllat sub
icct; take it for granted that mankind will
hold the idea that all races are not equal, be-
cause the fact starcs them in the face. We
have only to make profcrt. Bring one OF
each into court, and who acknowledges the
equality? No one. That all men arc endowed
with lifcis unqucstsnable but whether it may
not he rightfuiIy taken away, without the &C con
sent of its poscssor, is another question: Ihls
rocs to the root Of society. Its well-being, 1t:
preservation, upon which sthc existence and
development OF the human race depend, Otter
require that it should be done.-llcnce We SCI
that, in every age, in all countries, and under
every form of government, it has been done
Thus we have the testimony OF all ages and al
mankind that even this precious boon may be
come rirhtfullv alicnated or taken away; ant
is made suLscrvcnt to the safety and vel!
being ofsocietv.
When gentlemen affirm this inalienabl'
right to liberty. what do they mean DO the!
predicate this right of man i'll. a condition ol
absolute solitude, and disconnected from human
society and government! II they do this, wt
ran have no argument with them, for they
speak of condition i'll which man has never
been found in history. and i'll which he cannot
exist. Their argument, Therefore, must be IN
CONSEQUENTIAL and futile. But if they affirm
this rs a natural right in political condition
and thus speak of civil liberty, the assumption
is no less absurd. The idea Of civil liberty l.
complex. 1t embraces, not only the liberty
individual, but also the civil and political idea
1t comprchcnds grants and restrictlons-th'
rights and powers Of the States, as wei! as tn
riThts and immunites of the citizen. In fact
the liberty of the citizen springs ont Of and
wholly dependent on constitution and govern
ment. To assert, therefore, that liberty thu
derived and thus sustained Is an Original, IN
dependent endowment, which cannot be alena
ted or taken away, is to assert anFabsurdity.
No hold to the teaching of the great STAG