The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1860-06-27

ReSol, ed The undersigned members the Republican
Press of Western New York. feel the necessity for
recommend the organization OF, Western New York
Republican Editorial Association that the first meeting
of the be held the second Thursday of August
next at II o'clock and that Hon A. NJ Clapp be the first
President thereof VIM. Stuart, Esq, ePresdent and
e. b. Thompson, Secreta Y.
Chi bono! Democratic Editors will next form
editorial association, and then Union men and indie
pendrnts. One would think from the signs of the
times there was quite enough of political asperity
In the Press of the country to break, rather than
strengthen the dividing lines. Men may be party
men sometimes, but not always.-N- Y. cypress.
PROTEST OF PRESIDENT BUCHANAN
AGAINST THE ACTION OF THE COvODE
To the House Of Representatives.:
In my message to the House of Representatives of
2Sth March last solemnly protested against the ere
alton OF Committee, at the head of which was
placed my accuser, for the purpose of investigating
whether the President had "by money, patronage,
or other improper means, sought to influence the
action of Congress, any committee thereof, for
or against the passage of any law appertaining to
the rights of any State or Territory. protested
against this because it destitute of any speci-
cation, because it referred to no particular act to
enable the President to prepare for his Defence be.
cause it deprived him of the Constitutional guards
which, in common with every citizen fthe United
states, he possesses for his protection and because
it assailed his constitutional independence as CO.
ordinate branch of the Government.
There is an enlightened Justice as well as beaut-
tul symmetry in every part of the Constitution
This is cOnspicuously manifested in regard to i'm
peachments. The House of Representatives DOS.
sesses s'the sole power of Impeachment" the
Senate 'the sole power to try all impeachments''
and the impeachabe offences are ''treasOn, bribery
or other high crimes or misdemeanors." The
practice of the House from the earliest times had
been in accordance with its own dignity the rights
of the accused, and the demands of justice. At the
commencement of each judicial investigation which
might lead to an impeachment, specific charges
were always preferred, the accused had an Oppor-
tunity OF cross-examining the witnesses and he
was placed in full possession of the precise nature
of the offence which he had to meet. An Impair
uai and elevated standing committee was charged
with this investigation, upon which no member in
sPlre9 with the ancient sense of honor and Justice
would nave served, had he ever expressed an Opin-
ION against the accused. Until the present occa-
sion IL was never deemed proper to transform the
aceuser INTO the Judge, and to confer upon him the
selection of his own committee.
The charges made against me in vaoue and cana
raj terms, were of such false and atrocious char
acter that did not entertain moments apprehen-
sion for the result. They were abhurrent to every
principle instilled into me from my youth, and
every practice of my life; and | did not believe it
possible that the man existed who would so basely
peril himself as to swear to the truth of any
such accusations. In this conviction | am inform
ed have not been mistaken. In my former pro-
test, therefore, truly and emphatically declared
that 1t was made tor no reason personal to myself
but because the proceedings of the House were in
violation of the rights of the coordinate executive
branch of the Government subversive of its con-
Stltutonal independence, and, if unresisted, would
establish precedent dangerous and embarrassing
to all my successors. Notwithstanding all this if
the COMMITTEE had not transcribed the authority
conferred upon it by the resolution of the House Of
Representatives, broad and general as this was,
should have remained silent upon the subject What
| now charge is, that they have acted as though
they possessed unlimited power, and, without any
warrant whatever in the resolution under which
they were appointed, have pursued course not
merely at with the constitutional rights of the
Executive, but tending to degrade the Presidential
office itself to such degree as to render it un-
worthy of the acceptance of any man of honor or
principle.
The resolution of the House, so far as it is accu-
satory of the President, is confined to an inquiry
whether he had used corrupt or improper means
to influence the action of Congress- or any of its
committees, on legislative measures pending before
them. Nothing more, nothing less. | have not
learned through the newspapers, in any other
mode, that the committee have touched the other
accusatOry branch of the resolution, charging the
President with a violation of duty in failing to eX-
ecute some law or laws. This branch of the reso-
luton is, therefore, out of the question. By what
authority, then, have the committee undertaken
to investigate the course of the President in re-
gard to the convention which framed the LecOmp-
ton constitution By what authority have they
undertaken to pry into our foreign relations for
the purpose of aSsailng him on account of the in
structions given by the Secretary of State to our
minister in Mexico relative to the TehuantepeC
route? By what authority have they inquired
into the causes of removal from office, and this
from the parties themselves removed, with view
to prejudice his character, notwithstanding this
power of removal belongs exclusively to the Presi
dent under the Constitution, was so decided bv the
first Congress in the year l7S9 and has according
ly ever since been exercised? There is in the re-
solution pretext of authority for the committee
to investigate the question of the printing of the
Post Office blanks; is it to be supposed that
the House, if asked, would have granted such an
authority because this question had been previous
iy committed to two other committees, one in the
Senate and the other in the House. Notwithstanding
this absolute want of power, the committee rushed
into this investigation in advance of all other sub
Jects.
The committee proceeded for months, from 22d
March, 1860 to examine, parte and without an
notice to myself, into every subject which could
possibly affect my character. Interested and vim
dictive witnesses summoned and examined
before them; and the first and only information OF
their testimony which, in almost every instance,
received, was obtained from the publication of such
portions of it could injurously affect myself in
the New York journals 1t mattered not that these
statements were, so far have learned, disproved
by the most respectable witnesses who happened tC
be on the spot. The telegraph was silent respect
ing these contradictions. 1t was a secret commit
tee in regard to the testimony in my defence; but il
public in regard to all the testimony which
could by possibility reflect ON my character. Tht
poison was left to produce its effect upon the pub
mind, whilst the antidote was carefully withheld.
In their examinations the committee violated the
most sacred and honorable condolences existing
among men. Private correspondence, which
truly honorable man would never even entertain
distant thought of divulging, was dragged to light
Different persons in official and confidential rela
tions with myself, and with whom it was supposed
l might have held conversations. the revelation o.
which would do me injury, examined. Ever
members of the Senate and members of my owl
cabinet, both my constitutional advisers, were
called upon testify, for the purpose of discover
ing something, if possible, to my discredit. Tht
distribution of the patronage of the Governmen
is by far the most disagreeable duty of the Presi
dent Applicants numerous, and their applica
| tions pressed with such eagerness by thei
friends both in and out of Congress, that the seleC
ton of one for any desirable office gives offence t
many. Disappointed applicants, removed officers
! and those who for any cause, real or imaginary
| had become hostile to the Administration, present
| ed themselves, or were invited by a summons t
| appear before the committee. These are the mos
dangerous witnesses. Even with the best intentions
they so influenced by prejudice and disappoint
ment that they almost inevitably discoor truth
| They swear to their own version OF private conver
| satiOns with the President without the possibility
| of contradiction. His lips sealed, and he i:
| left at their mercy. He cannot a co-ordinat
| branch of the Government, appear before com
mittee of investigation to contradict the oaths o
| such witnesses. Every coward knows that he cal
employ insulting language against the Presden
| with impunity, and every false prejudiced wit
! ness can attempt to swear away his character be
| fore such a committee without fear of cOntradc
| ton.
Thus for months whilst doing my best al
| one end of the avenue to perform my higl
| and responsible duties to the country, has ther
| been a committee of the House of Representative
in session at the other end of the spreading
| drag net, without the shadow of authority froI
| the House, over the whole Union, to catch anv d
| appointed man willing to malign my character
| and all this in secret conclave. The Lions mOut
| at Venice, into which secret denunciatons weT
| dropped, is apt illustration of the Covode Con
mittee. The Star Chamber, tyrannical and odiou
l as it was, never proceeded in such manner. FO
centuries there has been nothing like it in any civ
| ized country, except the revolutionary tribuna
| of France in the days of Robespierre.
| Now, undertake to state and to prove, tina
| should the proceedings of the Committee be sane
! toned bv the House, and become precedent 70
| future times, the balance of the Constitution vii
| be entirely upset. and there will no longer renal
the three coordinate and independent branches
the Government-Legislative Executive, and Jt
dicial The worsts fears of the Patriots and States
men who framed the Constitution, in regard to tn
usurpations of the Legislative on the Executive an
Judicial branches will then be realized In tn
language of Mr. Madison, speaking ON this very sui
iect in the 4Sth number of the Federalist: sin
/, Representative Republic, where the Executive nj
gistracy is carefully limited both in the extent an
duration of its power, and where the Legislatv
power is exercised by an assembly which is inspire
by a supposed influence over the people; with
intrepid confidence in its own strength; which
sufficiently numerous to feel all the passions whic
actuate multitude, yet not so numerous to be il
capable of pursuing the objects of its passions
means which re ason prescribes; it is against the e
terprizing ambition of this department that the PEE
pie ought to indulge all their Jealousy and e'
haust all their precautions" And IN the EXPIRE
anfh Mr. lnffn "