Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1860-01-14
LETTER FROM THEODORE PARKER TO
A FRIEND IN BOSTON,
WORTH.

Il a. "
umns at this time:
America is rich in able mon, in skilful writer's,
in ready and accomplished speakers. But few men
5 dare treat public affairs with reference to the grea,
{ principle OF Justice. and the American Democracy;
) nay, few with reference to any remote future, or
|; even with a com prehensive survey of the present.
Our public writers ask what effect will this opin-
ion have on the Democratic party, or tho RepuL-
lican party; how will il affect the next Presidential
elections; what will the great State of pennsylyu-
MIA, or Ohio, or New York, say to it2 This is
very unfortunate for US all, especially when the
people have to Zeal practically and thus speedily
with a question concerning the very existence of
Democratic institutions in America; for it lie not to
be denied that we must give up Democracy, if We
keep Slare'y; or give up Staeery if we keep De-
mocracy.
l greatly dcplorc this state Of things. Our able
men fail to perform their natural functions, to
give valuable instruction and advice to the people;
and at he same time they debase and degrade
themselves. The hurrahs and the Offices they get
are poor compensationsf for falseness to their o Hn
conscience.
In my best estate, | do not pretend to much po-
litical wisdom, and still less now while sick, but
| wish yet to set down a few thoughts for your
consideration. They are, at least, the result of
long meditation on the subject; beside, they are
not at all new nor peculiar to me, but are part
Of the Public knowledge of all enlightened
men.
l. A man held against his will as a slave has n
natural right to kill every one who seeks to pre-
vent his enjoyment Of liberty. This has long been
recognized as u self-evident proposition, coming 50
directly from the primitive instincts Of human
nature, that it neither requires proofs nor admits
them.
:. 1t may be a natural duty of the slave to de-
veiop this natural right in a practical manner, and
actually kill all those who seek to prevent bis en-
joyment Of liberty. For if lie continue patiently
in bondage: First, he entails the foulest of curses
on bis %childrcn; and second, he encourages other
men to commit the crime against nature which he
allows his own master to commit. 1t is IN duty
to preserve my own body from starvation, If |
fail thereof through sloth, | die, but incur the
contempt and ~loatLing of my Gciuaintancos while
| live. It's not less my duty to do all that is in
my pGwor to preserve my body and soul from Sla-
very; and il l submit to that through cowardice,
l not only become q b~ondman, and suffer what
tbralion inficts, but | incur also the contempt
and foathing of my acquaintances. Why do free.
men scorn and despise u slave? Because they
think his condition is a sign Of his cowardice, and
believe that he ought to prefer death to bondage.
The Southerners hold the Africans in great con-
tempt, though mothers of their children. Why?I
Simply because the Africans are slaves; that is,
because the Africans fail to perform the natural
duty CT securing freedom by killing their oppres-
sors.
3. The freeman has a natural right to help the
slaves recover their liberty, and in that enterprise
to do for them all which they have a right to do
for themselves.
This statement, l think, requires no argument
or illustration.
4. 1t may be a Natural Duty for the freeman to
help the slaves to the enjoyment of their liberty,
and as means to that end, to aid them in killing
all such as oppose their natural freedom.
II you were attacked by O wolf, l should not
only av5 a right to aid you in getting rid of that
enemy, but it would be my duty to help you in
proportion to my power. If it were a murderer
and not a wolf, who attacked you. the duty would
be still the same. Suppose it was not a murderer
who wouli kill you, but a kidnopper who would
enslave you, does that make it less nv Guty to
help you out of the hands of your enemy? Sup
pose it is not kidnapper who would make you a
b%ondman, but a Shareholder who would keep YOU
one, does that remove my obligation to help you?
s. The performance Of this duty is to be con.
trollcd by the freeman's power and opportunity
to help the slaves (the impossible is never the OBJ
ligatory) cannot help the slaves in Dahomey or
Borneo, aud am not bound to try. | can help
those who escape TO my own neighborhood,
and ought to do SO. My duty is commensurate
with my power; and as my power increases, my
duty enlarges along with it. If | could help the
~bondmen in Virginia to their freedom as easily
and effectually as l can aid tho runaway at nv
own door. then ] ought to do so.
These five maxims have a direct application to
America at this day, and the people of the Free
States have o certain dim perception thereof,
which, fortunately, is becoming clearer every
year.
y
find it is said in the Democratic newspapers
that Capt, Brown had many friends at the North.
who syn.pathized with him in general, and in
special approved of this particular scheme IF his;
and they furnished him with some twelve or TWEEN
ty thousand dollars, it would seem.' think much
Of that is true of US. If he had succeeded ia run.
ming off ono or two thousand slaves to Canada.
even at the expense Of u little violence and blood
shed. the majority of men iu New England would
have rejoiced, not only in the erd, but also in the
means. The first successful attempt of a consid-
cradle number Of slaves to secure their freedom Ly
violence will clearly show how deep is the sympa-
thy of the people fur them, and how strongly thoy
embrace the FIVE principles l mentioned above. A
little success of that sort will serve as printing
for the popular cannon; it is already loaded.
OF course, | Was not astonished to hear that an
attempt had been made to free tho slaves in a GER
tain part of Virginia. nor should ! he as,onished
if another 'insurreciion' or rebellion took place
in the State Of, or q third ia -, or a
fourth In -. Such things arc to be expected;