The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1860-03-30

Mr.. Yulee. from the pOstothce committee,
reported bill in relation to undelivered |
letters. 1t provides that persons, by in
dorsing their names on letters sent can have
them returned free of additional charge,
when undelivered. The bill was passed.
Mr.. Toombs presented petition in favor
of the homestead bill.
Mr.. Bright introduced bill for the pros
ecution of the work on the capital. Re-
ferred.
Mr.. johnson, from the committee on
public lands, reported back the House
homestead bill, amended by su distributing the
Senate bill.
On motion of Mr.. GwiD, the Pacific teie-
graph bill was taken up, in order that GER
tain amendments might be introduced and
printed, which was ordered.
The homestead bill was taken up, when
Mr.. Wade moved to substitute the House
bill.
Mr.. Clingman explained the amendment
offered by him, which proposes to give at
once to every man in the United States who
comes within the provisions of the bill
warrant for 16O acres, with power to retain
the land, or sell it out if unsuitable. The
present bill requires man to work five
years continuously on the land in order to
get title.
Mr.. Pugh spoke in favor of the passage
of homestead bill.
Mr.. Hale spoke at length on the same
side, in the course of his remarks expressing
sympathy with the strikers in New England,
and hoping their combination would COM
tinue until they obtained the highest wages
compatible with the general good,
MIR. Wade advocated his motion to take
up the House bill, which he. showed to be
more liberal than that of the Senate.
Mr.. johnson, of Arkansas, opposed Mr..
Wade's motion. and referred to Mr.. Hale's
remarks as insincere and demagogueish.
He wanted to hold on to the cana'lle of
New England by the cry of " free homes for
free men," fearing that under the pressure of
starvation they would desert him and bis
party.
MIR. johnson, of Tennessee knew the
House bill could not pass this body, and the
true friends of the homestead principle
should take that which they could get lie
opposed making this party question.
Mr.. Wade withdrew his motion.
Mr.. Wigfall regarded the matter as a
party question, involving, as it did, the
power of the federal government. If this
government is eleemosynary-if it was es-
tablished to provide for the halt, blind,
lame, deaf &c.,-if it could give land to the
landless, why not niggers to the niggerless.
1t might open the African slave trade on
missionary ground, and bring negroes here
to be converted. He then went into an
examination of the powers of the federal
government, and contended that, as the
trustee of the sovereign States, it had no
right to vote away their land,
In the course Of his remarks he said. it
was nonsense to talk of a state committing
treason. The thing was impossible He
owed allegiance to the state of Texas, which,
conjolntly with the other states, exercised
the same portion of sovereign power; when
ever she declared the federal government no
longer her agent, then it would be bis duty
to return to his state, and if be should be
, captured fighting under the lone star, under
the law of nations, he could not be treated
as a traitor.
Mr.. johnson, of Tennessee, remarked
that there were precedents of the policy
, proposed in the bill.
Mr.. Wigfall was sorry to hear any Demo-
crat refer to precedents if they are accept
ed, banks, tariffs internal Improvements, &c:
, could be justified. He then denounced the
, policy of New England, which, by liberal
legislation, got rich, and kept the other Sec
tions poor. He thought nothing better
could occur than dissolution of the Union.
New England would then beg the South to
come back. Her spindles would cease to
turn and her ships rot at the wharves. Her
sailors and operatives, turned out to starve,
would burn and steal. He also drew a
picture of mob of deceived and Infatuated
people bearing on polees the heads of Seward
! and Hale. If these men only knew the
South was in earnest, they would keep quiet.
They were not the men to "coin their heart s
blood for drachmas." He denied that these
were threats. These mere days of farces
have gone by. He would speak his mind
freely, and say that he believed that no
Black Republican ever could be inaugurated
President. Northern men talk of subduing
the South, but be believed that Southern
army would winter in Boston before a
Northern one could reach Texas. He would
like to know how they were going to take
the South. Let them look around the
chamber, and they would see on the Repub-
lican side but one man who ever saw the
flashing of gun, while he particuarized
, numbers on the Democratic side who had
rendered signal military services. The mill
tary chest was the first matter of considera-
ton in war, and where would the North get
the money to fill it? The South could send
out her cotton, tobacco, &C., in the bottoms
which would carry them the cheapest.
Where would the Senator from Rhode
Island (Mr. Simmons) get the money for his
calico? They might talk of blockading the
Southern ports, but their officers and men
would want money, and where could they
get it? Cotton was king, and without it
Queen Victoria's crown was not safe. The
Union was nothing more than compact
between confederates, which the North had
broken, and then tried to persuade us it was
of divine origin. Our forefathers shed their
, blood, not for this Union, but for liberty.
He compared the federal government to a
lens which communicated and applied the
powers conferred by the sovereign states,
"a the lens communicated the rays of the