Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1860-12-25
LETTER FROM HON. JOHN BELL
NASHVILLE, Dec. 9th, 1860

Gla a NASHVILLE, Dec. 9Th, 1860.
DEAR SIR:-Could have flattered myself thai
any argument could address to the Mass Meet
ing appointed tor the 29th ult., at Vicksburg
would contribute in any important degree to aie
you and your compatriots in staying the prog
ress of the sentiment which threatens to precip
itate your State into political vortex, which, il
my Judgment would be no less fatal to her owl
interests than ruiuous to those of her neighbors
/ would, at any personal sacrifice, have obeyet
the summons of my friends; but feeling no suct
confidence in my ability to serve them as yor
ascribe to me in your letter, have yielded tc
the force of circumstances which claimed my at
tention at home. R
So far as my views and opinions may have
any weight or influence in determining the
course of any portion of the people of Mississippi
in the present critical junctnre, they may be sta
ted on paper, and suppose wonld be as effec
tive for the purpose intended, as they would b.
if communicated in speech.
The question of clief importance tc be con
sdered, and answered Is, whether the election 0
Mr.. Lincoln to the Pres'dency, oonside cd in al
its signi6canny and bearings, together with al
precedent and existiDa grievances, would justify
Mississippi, or any other State or States in with
drawing from the UEion? In form, The electiof
wss in strict acccrdaloe With the regulations
pl lescribed by the Constitution and laws. The
objection to it is that it was effected by pure
ly sectional party, organized upon the principle
of hostility to slavery, and having for its prime
object the repression of slavery, as permanent
administrative policy, with view to its ulti-
mate extinction. 1t cannot be doubted that az
administration of the government, based upon
this policy, could operate far more effectually in
bringing about the extinction of slavery in the
South, through official influence and patronage
than by any more direct mode of attack.
But it is clear that the Federal Government
was established for no such purpose or object
for, however strongly many of the trainers of the
Constitution were opposed to slavery, it is nOto-
rious that it was owing to their torbearance to
insist upon their objections to the clause in the
instrument, providing for the rendition of fugi
tive slaves to their owners, that we have ann
Federal Union. 1t was upon this question that
the Convention was, at one time, upon the point
OF breaking up in confusion. The policy of ma
king the Government an instrumentaity for the
repression or extinction of slavery as is now at
tempted by the party which is soon to be in
power, was never contemplated by the trainers
of the Constitution.
have often expressed the opinion that the
success of purely sectional party, organized up
on any principle, sentiment, or policy, in strong
antagonisln to the interests and sentiments of
the opposing and defeated section, would deeply
imperil the Union nor did believe till the re
suit of the October elections became known, that
majority of the Northern people would ever
80 far disregard the counsels ard warnings of
Washington as to elect the candidate of such a
party to the Presidency. The election of Mr..
Lincoln by sectional party, organized and sus-
tained upon the distinctive principle of opposi-
tion to slavery, as it exists in the Southern
States, and avowing the policy of its repression,
and its final extinction, (by prohibiting its ex-
tension into the Territories was bold expert
ment upon the temper and forbearance of the
South, and upon the strength OF their loyalty to
the Union. This experiment, if not conceived
in a spirit of disunion, was made with reckless
disregard of consequences. No greater strain
upon the lgaments which bind the two great
sections of the country together could be devised
than the attempt to establish or inaugurate a
permanent Government policy upon such princi-
pies. The late Harrison Gray Otis, of Boston.
one of the most distinguished and able of New
England statesmen, when called upon, in 1885.
to give the weight of his name and influence in
checking the further progress OF rabid abolition
spirit, then beginning to diffnse itself over Mas
sachusetts and other States of the East and the
North, in speech delivered in Faneuil Hall. did
not hesitate to express the opinion that the
plans and designs of the Abolition Societies or
as they were then called, Anti-Slavery Associa
tions, contemplated such an interference with
tie domestic policy and institutions of the South
as would be violation both of the spirit and
letter of the Constitution, and were in tact revo
lutionary in their character and tendency.
am not able to discriminate between the
character, spirit aud tendency of the anti slave.
ry principle and the slavery repression policy ol
the Republican party, considered in connection
with the torrent of infammatory publications
and invectives against the domestic institutions
and social relations of the South which is daily
poured forth by Republican journals and orators
and the character, tendency and designs of the
Abolition Societies, and the incendiary publica-
tions which find their way to the public under
their auspices. The only essential difference
can perceive between the spirit and tendency O
the doctrines and avowed policy of the Republi-
can party and those of the doctrines and avowe6
policy of the Abolition Societies, is in the extern
and degree of the mischief which may be in.
flicted upon the South by one or the other. anf
the deliberate intention to nflict them by th.
Abolition Societies, which i5 would be unfail
and unjust to impute to the whole body of tn,
Republican party. But both are obnoxious tt
the charge of pursuing policy which is in vio-
laton OF the spirit, if not OF the letter, of th,
Constitution, and revolutionary in its tendency
The policy of both tends strongly to stir op in
ternal strife in the Southern States, to excite dis
sentions and Instructions among the slaves, t.
produce alarm and q sense of insecurity, both a
to life and property, among the white popula-
tion of every Southern State, and finally to in
fuence the whole South to revolt against th
government. The degree and extent of tn
mischief which the Republican party may be a.
BILE TO infiict by its anti slavery policy, for rea-
sons which l need not state, it will be readil,
acknowledged, will be ten-fod greater than an,
which the Abolition Societies have it in the
power to lnhct.
That l do not unjustly charge the Republica,
party with having adopted policy, which ii
its character, tendency and practical operation
is in conflict with the spirit, if not the letter, 0
the Constitution, can be made manifest in We
ry few words: One of the important objects t.
be accomplished by the adoption of the Con.
stitution. as declared in the preamble, was tt
''insure domestic tranquility" and the powe
was expressly given to the Federal Government
by that instrument to suppress Instructions.
The simple announcement to the public that
great party at the North, opposed to slavery
has succeeded in electing its candidate for the
Presidency, disguise it as we may, is we'll calcu
lated to raise expectations among the slaves, ant
might lead to servie Instructions in the South
ern States. In such an event, which is NOR
than possible, would really happen, it might be
come the duty of Mr.. Lincoln to restore th
tranquility which the policy of his party ha.