Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1860-05-24
ELECTORS Tor PRESIDENT & vICE-PREs
For the State at Large

va ALnOugn not 30 prominently lQenLlneu VIII
higher law" and irrepressibe conflict" theories as
Mr.. Seward the record and declarations of Mr. Lincoln
the Republican nominee for the Office of President, are
not less decided and hostile than those of the Senator
from New York.
At Chicago on the 10th July, 1858, he said in reply
to Mr. Dougs The Republican party of the North is
made up of those who will oppose the extension OF
slavery, for its ultimate determination"
And again he remarked, ." Judge Douglas RECALLED us
last evening with the terrible enormtes that take place
by the mixture of the races that the inferior race
bears down the superior But do not let them get
together in the territories, they wont mia there
It is said that house divided against itself cannot
stand We don't expect the house to fall, but we in
tend it shall cease to be dtUided, and become all one
thing-either all free States or all slave States"
This we think takes fully advanced ground as that
occupied by Mr.. Seward. 1t avows belief in the in
compatibility of the two systems of labor existing in the
same conederacy also determination to prevent the
existence of two such incompatible systems by opposing
the extension of slavery, for its ultimate determination.
We have now before US the programme, or at least
the character of the candidate brought forward by the
Republicans at Chicago. The nominations of Lincoln
and Hamblin much stronger than those of Fremont
and Dayton, and we honestly think that Lincoln is
more dangerous man than VIM H. Seward. Seward
represents sentiment in opposition to Lincoln en-
bodies system with avowed object that object being
the ultimate determination OF slavery
AS for the third party-the Constitutional Union
etc.-tha really makes less difference it is exceed
ngy doubtful whether can carry any one State in the
Union. John Bell has not the strength that Fillmore
had and with the experience of 1856 the people will be
less apt to throw away their votes for no object
Of course under these circumstances the greatest po
tcal interest centres upon the approaching
Element of the Democratic Convention at Baltimore as
upon it must devOve the duty of bringing out the only
candidates that present any real chance of defeating
Lincoln and Hambin. Under the very best auspices
with all that the Democrats and conservatives generally
can do the business will be no easy one.
ba~ We copy the subjoined article from the New
York Day Book, paper with whose ultra do
thorty Of B. F. BGer, 81 MASS, We know 10 ut the e=
rate although the position of New York, as under
stood it, three votes majority for Mr. Douglas instead
of one as here stated We think Mr. Buffers satem nj
is the correct one.
By the way, we have read carefully Mr.. Douglas las
speech in the Senate. 1t is marked by the strong will
and we must admit, by that apparent, and, think
real honesty ofpurpose which distinguishes all the efforts
of the able Senator from Illinois, There is little in it
however that is little nothing that Mr.. Pugl
did not bring forward quite ably in his reply to Mr.
Yancey at Charleston.
But to the record
Was MIR. Douglas Candidate a Majority of tn,
Convention 3
The partisans of Mr. Douglas, and he himself in biz
late Senatorial effort claim the most extravagant
sderatons, from the circumstance of his having ma
orty of the electoral vote in the Charleston Convention
True, the majority only IL votes, but still il
was a majority. We have before remarked that this
majority was alone procured under the operation of thu
unfair unit rule, which completely swamped the voices
of large minores in certain northern delegations Fol
lowing we give statement of the actual preferences
of the delegates expressed in their several
The States marked ~ compelled to vote units
Our authority for the vote of those States is Gen. B.
Butler, of Mass, and his late speech at Lowell -
For Douglas. ODnosed tC