The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-11-19

credality as to the action Of some, at least, OF
the Southern States arising out of the election OF
hr. Lincoln to the Presidency. In South Caro-.
lima federal authority stands now but the sbs-
dow of name The forts, the Custom House
and the Post Offices are still held, to be sure,
in the name OF the general government; but
beyond hese there is no recognition Of its au-
thority. The populsce of Charleston have, with
singular unanimity, declared against any
further continuance in the Union, and have in
sugurated the new movement by substituting
the palmetto flag for the stars and stripes. Ali
that is wanted for the fnal contamination Of
the secession programme Is the formal act Of
the State Convention, which Is to assemble on
the 18th OF December, and possibly the ratio
cation of such aot by the people at the ballot
box And no one who has observed the course
of things in South Carolina for the last fort
night can reasonably entertain the idea that
there will be any difficulty or delay either on
tho part OF the Convention or Of the people.
Other SouthernSta as for instance Georgia,
Alabama, Mississippi and Florida, are ready to
fellow where South Carolina may lead. There
may be still q strong conservative element ia
those States which would restrain them from
precieitate action; but the FIRST attempt to
coerce South Carolina into submission to the fe-
deral government would have the effect Of neu.
Trailing that element Of conservatism, and of
placing those States alongside of her in her
struggles against the federal power.
There is, therefore no blinking the startling
fact that the nation stands, this day, in a posi-
ton of the most appalling danger. We have
been much in the habit Of boasting that the
American people were the first to give to the
world the glorious example of free popular
government; but what cause for Boosting will
we have we should now be forced into the
humiliating confession that after ALL the govern
ment which our fathers framed with 30 much
wisdom and through 80 many sacrifices was
not capable Of existing longer than the ordinary
| lifetime OF man? Present indications are that
we shall have to undergo that humiliation, and
to confess that our principle Of government
while beautiful in theory, was impossible in
practice
And such modification Is by no means the
worst that We will have to suffer A breaking
up of this confederacy, under such unfriendly
feelings as now exist between North and South,
would inevitably beget hostilities between the
two sections /; and upon the Northern hemis-
phere of this continent would be repeated, in
still moro aggravated form, the scenes of civil
war which have 80 long desolated and drenched
with blood the cities and savannahs of South
America. Our trade has already begun to
feel the direful effects Of this insane agitation.
The wheels Of commerce are blocked; indus
try languishes; manufactures are on the verge
of being closed; merchants realize that hope
lees bankruptcy is staring them in the face; the
banks are securing themselves against the gene
raj paralysis that menaces all commercial ope-
rations; the securities Of the general and State
governments have already sustained q large
depreciation; and a. for railroad and other
stocks, they are affected as they were by the
panic Of 1857.
And, In the name OF common sense, to what
are all these evils, present and prospective, to
be attributedS Have the people Of the United
States been afflicted with madness, that they
should thus combine to destroy the government
which their wiser and more patriotic fathers es.
tablished? Are the peace and progress and
prosperity Of the nation to be ruthlessly sacri-
feed at the bidding, and to satisfy the ambition,
Of political demsgogues North and SOUTH We
trust not II this is popular government let
the voice Of the people, and not that Of con-
tempuble brawlers, be heard. The people can
themselves settle any difficulty that may exit
Let them but zee clearly what that difficulty 10,
and they will know how to remedyit
The whole trouble Is about this miserable ne
gro question. The South demands, first, that
the common territories Of the Union
shall be free as we'll to the shareholders
as to the non shareholders. Well, there
Il nothing inequitable In that. although
II Ia an unsubstantial idea and all fair minded
men at the North will readily assent to II as an
abstract question Of right Again, the South
claims that the fugitive slaves which escape
from her borders into the free States shall on
demand be delivered up. Is that an inadmis.
sible claim, No; common justice sustains It,
and the constitution Of the United States pro-
vides for It. Why should there be any difficulty
about III Because the negro question has been
too long made the shuttlecock Of politicians
North and South; and while the one set has
been striving to obtain for 1t more advantages
than perhaps II was fairly entitled to, the other
set has been depriving II Of those rights which
had been hitherto unquestioned. The politi-
clans have bad 1t all their own way, and hence
the present critical condition Of the country.
OF one thing the South Is justified in COM
plainin0. and that n that nataad NJ tho Norfh-
ern States cheerfuily and faithfully carrying
out the constitutional provision for the return
Of fugitive slaves, many OF them have passed
Laws, not only rulliying that provision Of the
constitution and the Congressional enactment
passed in accordance with IT, but making II q
penal offence on the part Of their citizens to at
tempt to enforce the federal law In that regard.