The Yazoo Democrat., 1860-03-03

ity to public policy, forbids or controls this
strong tendency to emancipate. For forty
years Georgia has had to interpose by law to
check this feeling and prevent tho Common
wealth being overrun by free negro popa-
lation. These fraudulent pretenders to
principles Of these patriots have seized upon
the personal opinions of these patriots, and
attempt to ingraft them on the policy of the
Republic in direct violation of the Constu
ton. Washington, having no direct decend'
ants, emancipated his slaves; left them that
"heritage of woe;' and the result has been,
nearly the whole of them are extinct, and
the survivors are curse to themselves and
the communities among which they are cast.
Jefferson died STAKEHOLDER, and left his
slaves to his heirs and creditors. Madison
died stakeholder, and left his slaves to his
widow and other persons. Washington, by
no word or act of his life, countenanced the
dogma that the Constitution Of the United
States gave the least authority to the FEEDER
al Government to limit, or restrain, or abol.
ish slavery. John Adams, in 1898, extend
ed the ordinance of 1877 over all the terrific
ry owned by the United States by virtue Of
the war of independence, excluding the anti.
slavery clause of that ordinance. Does New
England repudiate her own fathersS If she
does, let her not SANDER mine
Jefferson acquired slave territory larger
than all the rest of the Union put together.
He bought this slave territory, protected it,
nurtured it, extended slavery over it, by
protecting all shareholders in any of the
then existing States in emigrating to and
settling in it. Under his policy Louisiana
came into tho Union; Missouri was trained
for admission and when she was prepared
for it, Mr.. Jefferson had retired to Month
cello But the voice of Northern federalism
reached Lis retreat; and he sternly rebuked
the evil spirit which he had quslled during
his administration, but which again dared
to raise its reasonable crest
Jefferson was alive when the eighth section
of the act of 1920 was before the American
Congress. He spoke for himself. In the
face of your constant decarations-cold,
calculating wilful misrepresentation of him
hear him speak for himself. | thunder
it in your ears. | would to God my voice
could reach those whom you deceive and
betray.
In his letter to John Holmes, of Maine
dated 29th April, 1920, MIR. Jefferson strong,
y condemned both the geographical line
and the attempt to prevent the "dilfusion OIL
slavery over greater surfoce;" and adds
"An abstainance too, from this act of power
would remove the jealousy excited by the under
taking of Congress to regulate the condition ol
the different descriptions of men composing q
State This certainly is the exclusive right Of
every State, which nothing in the Constitution
has taken from them and given to the Genera
Government Could Congress, for example, say
that the non-freemen of Connecticut should bt
freemen, and that they shall not emigrate into
any other Statc!'
This was his argument in favor Of exten,
sion. He then goes on to denounce the
restrictiouists Of his day as political suicides
and traitors against the hopes of the world.
Such were the opinions entertained by tht
author Of the ordinance of 1887, of the
Missouri restriction If 1920.
Again, Mr.. Jefferson, in letter to Mr.
Madison, says:
"I am indebted to you for your two letters o
February and 10. This Missouri question, b,
q geographical line of division, is the most por
tentouB one have ever contemplated"
[Gensrally understood to be Rufu
King1 "is ready to risk the Union for any chance
of restoring his party to power, and wrigglin,
himself to the head of it; nor is" =
'without his hopes, nor scrupulous as to tn
means of fulfilling them"
Mr.. Madison, also, in letter to Mr.
Monroe in 1920, says:
"0n one side it naturally occurs that the right
being given from the necessity Of the case, an
in suspension of the great principle of self gov
ernment, ought net to be extended further no
continued longer than the occasion might fair
require"
Mr.. Madison says further:
1.-The question to be decided seems to be-
81. Whether territorial restriction be an as
sumption of legitimate power, or
~. A misuse of legitimate power and, if tn
latter only whether the injury threatened to tn
nation from an acquiescence in the misuse, O
from a Illustration of it, be the greater
I" On the first point there is certainly room 70
difference of opinions; though, for myself,
must own that | have always leaned to the belle
that the restriction Wds not within the true scope
the Constitution"
There Jeferson's and Madison's denunca
tion of congressional prohibition-the ident
ical question; and these men have the au
dacity to stand before the civilized world
even in the assemblies of their countrymen
where at least there ought to be some intelli
gence, and say their principles are in con
formity to the policy of tho carly fathers
The audacity of mendacity can be carrie
no further.
| have already shown you the practices c
Jefferson Mr.. Madison's were in perfec
harmony with those of his friend Jefferson
Perhaps norman of the revolution knew a
well the whole scope, intent, and meanin
of the Constitution, as Mr.. Madison. lie
often called its father. Yet this bastar
tribe Of abolitiouists, with unmistakable mai
ural marks of their own paternity, dare t
call him one of their fathers Mr.. Madiso
bore express testimony to the direct fac
that this principle of the party is agains
the Constitution Of their country. Sirs,
you will continue your mad career, if 20
0ra datnrmiuo1 n rr;v ~,o,r aovDt,,x