The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1860-07-21

seem, ii cannot be denied that the right OF q
man 10 himself the right OF husband to
his wife--the right Of parent 10 his child
tho right of man to instruction--the
right OF d man to the fruits Of his own Ia
| bor--al these supreme rights, by the side of
which other rights are petty, arc trampled
down, in order to organize that 6ve-headed
selfshness, practically maintained by the
| laeh. which, look at as ypu will, has for its
single object COMPULSORY LABOR WITHOUT
WAGES.
| That Slavery thus constituted, can be
| be coed for the master, is one of the hallu-
oinations of the system-something like the
halucnation of the opium eater. Fascina-
ting, possibly, IL may be for a time, but de-
basing and destructive is must be in the end.
That slave masters should be violent and
tvrannical-t that they should be regardless OF
| all rights, especially where slavery is in
question and that the higher virtues of
character should fail ia them- all this might
be inferred, even in the absence OF evidence,
according 10 the irresistible laws OF cause
and effect. No man can do injustice with
IMMUNITY. lie may not suffer In worldly
condition, but he must suffer in his own ma
ture. And the very Inconsistencies in which
he lives, aggravates the unhappy influence.
Nor can f6miNhTftF Win tHC eccuoc ol kIhVe-
ry fail to exert q hardening influence.
Persons become accustomed TO scenes OF
brutality, till they witness them with indiffer.
ence. Hogarth, that master OF human ma.
ture, has portrayed this tendency in his pic.
ture IF dissection at a medical college,
where the President maintains the dignity of
insensibility over a corpse which he regards
simply as the object of lecture. And
Horace Walpole, who admired the satire of
this picture, finds in it an illustration of the
truth that 'sthe legal habitude of viewing
shocking scenes hardens the human mind,
and renders ii unfeeling." And this simple
truth, in it's general application, illustrates
the condition Of the slave master. How can
he show sensibility for the common rights of
fellow citizens, who sacrifices daily the most
sacred rights of others merely to secure la
Dor without wages. With him false stand
ard il necessarily established, bringing with
il a biuntsd moral sense, and ciouded per-
ceptions, so that when be does something in.
trinsicallv harbarous or mean, he does not
blush to find il fame.
Here, again, forbear all details. The
reason of the intellect blending with the
reason OF the heart; the testimony of histo-
~ fortified bv the testimony OF good men !;
an array of unerring figures linked with an
array Of uuerring facts all these | might
employ. And | might proceed to show how
this barbarous influence beginning on the
plantation, eifuscs self throughout society,
enters into official conduct, and even mounts
into Congress, where for long time it has
exer cised vulgar dominion. But 1 shall
not open this chapter.
Bat there is one frightful circumstance,
unhapp OF frequent occurrence, which
proc aims SO clearly the character OF the so
eial system bred by Slavery that shall be
pardoned for adducing it. | refer to the
roasting of slaves alive at the stake one
! has been roasted only recently; not after
public trial, according to the forms OF law,
as at the Ores of Smithfeld, but by law
1 less crowd, suddenly assembled, who in this
way make themselves the ministers OF cruel
/ veng sance. This barbarism, which seems 90
| have become a part of the customary law Of
/ Slavery, may we'll cover as all with humiii-
alton, when we reflect that it has already
/ been renoupoed by the copper-coored sav-
ages OF our continent; while, during the
/ present century, more instances Of il have
occurred among our slave-massers than we
know of among our savages since that early
1 dav when Capt. Smith was saved from HE
fate BY the tenderness of Pocahontas. Per.
haps no other usage reveals with such fear
fol distinctness the deep-seated, pervading
4 influence Of Slavery, offensive to civilization,
hostile to law itself, by virtue of which il
pretends to live, insulting to humanity,
shocking to decency, and utterly Needless Of
all rights, forIas or observances, in the main
tenance OF it's wicked power.
Let me not be unjust to slave-masters.--
! Some there are, know, of happy natures,
interrupted by the possession OF tyrannical
power, who render the condition Of their
slaves endurable, and in private virtues EN-
ulate the graces Of civilization; but the
good in these eases comes from the masters,
outstanding slavery. And besides, there
are the great examples Of the Fathers Of the
Republic, who, looking down upon slavery,
| and regarding il as ar evil, were saved from
its contamination. To all these | render
heartfelt homage. But their virtues csnno,
save from condemnation the essential wrong
which now expose.
Such, fellow. citizens, is slavery as it ap.
pears in it's law, and also in It's influence or
socioty. Bad as il is, II il is modestly KEEP,
at home-if it did not stalk into the nationa
jurisdiction, and enter into the Nationa
Government within the reach OF our votes,
should not summon you on this occasion to
unite against IL; for whatever may be the
promptings OF sympathy and Of godlike phi
lsnthrory, nothing is clearer than that oul
political duties depend simply upon our pc
iitica responsibilities and since we are no
politically responsible for slavery In Charles
ton, or in Consta ntinople, SO in neither plao,
have we any political duties in regard to it
Lament il wherever il exists we must, apt
surround its victims with our prayers, bu
. our action while inspired bv these sentiment
must rest within the landmarks OF the Law
, and the Constitution.
J And here the field Is ample. Indeed, i
; slavery existed nowhere within the nationa
] Jurisdiction, as it clearly does, our dutie
!. would s.ili be urgent, to grapple with tina
! perncious influence, which through an oil