Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1860-09-12

1
hands, or standing aside, and calling it conser
vatism. No. In this case true conservatism
| is change. 1t is reform. 1t is the restoration
of the old, by cutting out without hesitation
| the material that is rotten or diseased, and
| putting in its place what is sound and new.
Having settled this among ourselves, having
agreed that our present duty is reform, the
next subject to consider is the best and most
| practicable way to get at it. And here it is
necessary to remind you that no reform can be
really effective which is not carried into exc
cution by vigorous and capable hands. 1t will
| not DO to trust the operation to the feeble or
| the incompetent. There must not only be ca
| pacity in the agents, but there must also be
corresponding strength in the popular con-
! fdence to sustain them. We all of us very
we'll know that single man, let him be ever
so well fitted for the task, could of himself do
nothing. He must have support and co-ope-
| ration on the part of others. Aud Just in the
proportion that these others are strong enough
and numerous enough to constitute what is
called popular opinion, will be the probability
| of establishing some system that may be use
ful and permanent To expect of a small
party organization, even supposing that acc-
dent should make it possible to try, that it
should succeed in executing any distinctive
policy of its own, would be unreasonable if
not positively absurd. Such a serious thing
| as reform cannot be confined within the circle
of the Executive department.
The spirit that anmates it must be spread
among the people at large, and among their
representatives everywhere. Especially must
it predominant in both branches of the Legis-
lature. We all know that everything like the
cutting of of abuses must meet with logged
and steady opposition from those classes the
most subject to be affected by it. They will
set heaven and earth in motion to resist the
movement from step to step. They will resort
to the thousand and one expedients to raise
Jealousies and disseminate distrust, which are
found so etfectual in bringing to nought the
best conceived enterprises. In order to over
bear all this resistance, and make it of no eff
feet, there is necessity for a united and COM
pact association of the common strength.
Men must be combined into political party,
acting together for the securing of common
objects. They must understand, and have con-
fdence in one another. They must have a
head to devise well hands to execute,
and multitudes to confirm. Without the pres
ence of all these elements, no real movement
under popular form of government is likely
to terminate in good. Without harmony and
union of numb bers there can be no satisfying
popular opinion. Hence the inexpedency at
all times of inauguraiing Bny kind of novel
policy in government where there is not a
large array OF people prepared to accept and
maintain 1t.
Now, let me ask of you, if you really be-
lieve such reform necessary at this time,
where will you look for the requisite agency
to execute it You must find some popular
organization or other to act with, or you will
do nothing at all. You have got to select
your instruments: you have got to elevate
your candidates for high places in the Govern
ment, before you can begin to hope to do any
good. Who shall they be That is the ques-
tim. In order to arrive at some conclusion,
let consider what state of things it is that
We have before us.
| have already alluded to the fact that we
have four distinct forms of popular organiZa-
ton in the present canvass for the Preidency.
You all know them well enough to save De
the need of much explanation. There is the
party supporting Mr. Breckinridge, and that
supporting Mr. Douglas. These are the frag-
ments of the former Democratic party, but
now opposing each other with more vehe-
mence than they do their old adverSaries.
Then there is the party of Mr.. Bell, composed,
| said before, almost exclusively of old
Wings. And lastly, there is the Republican
party, which presents Mr.. Abraham Lincoln.
One thing is here worthy of notice-and that
is, that it is universally acknowledged to be
true, that but one of these four parties stands
the smallest chance of success in electing its
candidate by the popular vote. The very best
that the three others can hope for is to gain e.
lectoral votes enough TO defeat any choice at
all. BY this means, as you all know, the cleo
tion of President would be transferred by the
Constitution to the House of Representatives.
Here it is well known that one out OF the four
must be shut out The Constitution confines
the selection between those three having the
highest number of votes; and at the proper
time the House must proceed to elect one ou
of three. OF these three, nobody doubts that
Mr.. Lincoln would be one. But who the two
others may be think nobody at this moment
is ready to predict with confidence. The pre-
vailing opinion now is, that it would be MeSSrs.
Breckinridge and Bell, and that Mr.. Douglas
would be Shut out. Let us, for the sake of ar
gument, suppose that this is so, and that the
candidates Messrs. Lincoln, Breckenridge
and Bell. Which of these would you select
with any hope of executing your project of ne
cessary reform Very certainly it would not
be Mr.. Breckinridge, Tor he is the only one OF
all the candidates who is wholly against re-
form. He thinks things we'll enough as they
stand He is supported by all the office-hold
ers under whom the abuses complained of have
been tolerated. He is the candidate of Mr..
Buchanan, who has not deemed it unbec coming
the dignity of bis office to come forward and
advocate the election of his successor. OF
course, if you vote for Mr.. Breckenridge you
vote in effect to approve the policy of the very
Administration which it is so universally deem
ed indispensable to condemn. OF course, then,
if you are honestly reformer, Mr.. Breckin-
ridge cannot be your choice. Very certainly
you would not select Mr.. Bell. For though
his will might be good enough to execute re-
form, it is very plain that the basis of his pop
ular support would not be in any way commen-
surate with its successful execution. We all
know the precise extent of the cooperating
power on which he could rely in the legislative
department as at present constituted. we all
know that in the Senate he would have just
two friends out of the sixty six members, and
one of these he is certain to lose next year
and in the House he might get many as
twenty-four out of two hundred and thirty Rep
resentatiyes. Now, ask you, as men of sense,