Daily gazette and comet., 1860-12-07


upon their own volition, and required
from the free citizens Of free State, M
Constitutional member Of the Confcderacy.
But, If we were possessed of this power,
would it he wise TO exercise IL u der the
existing circumstances The object would
doubtless be tD preserve the Union.
War would not only present the most
effectual means Of destroying il, but would
Danish all hope Of it's peaceable reconstruc-
ton besides, in the fraternal conflict,
contest of blood or treasure would be ex-
pended, rendering future reconciliation
between the States impossible.
In the meantime, who can tOretoll what
would be the sufferings or privations of
the people during the existence Of such
war. but | may bo permitted solemnly
20 invoke my countrymen TO pause and
deliber before they determine TO destoy
this, tho grandest temple which has ever
been dedicated TO human freedom since
Che world began.
L. has been oonsecrated by the blood Of
her fathers, by the glorios Of the past, and
by the hopes Of future. The Union has
already made us the most prosperous, and,
ere long, will, If preserved, render us the
most powerful nation on tho face of the
earth. In every foreign region Of the globe
the title Of American citizen is held in the
highest respect, and whom pronounced In
a foreign land, It causes the hearts of hor
countrymon TO swell with honest pride.
Surely, when we roach the brink Of the
yawning abyss, we shall recOil with hor-
ror from tho least fatal plunge.
BY such a dread catastrophe the hopes
of the friends of freedom, throughout the
world, would bo destroyed, and a long
night of leaden despotism will enshroud
the nations.
Our example for more than eighty years
would not only bo lost, but it would DO
quoted as conclusive proof that man il
uu fit for self government.
1t il not every wrong-nay, IL ia not ev-
cry grievous wrong which can justify re-
sort to such q fearful alternative. This
ought TO be the last desperate remedy OF a
despairng people, after every other con
stitutional means of oonciliation has boep
exhausted. We should reflect that nndor
this free government there is an iucessant
ebb and tiow in public opinion.
The slavery question, like everything
human, will have its day. ] firmly believe
IL has already reached and passed tho cul-
minating point; but If, in the midst Of
the exoititement the Union shall perish,
the evil may become irroparable.
| Congress can contribute much TO avoid
IL by proposing and recommending to the
Legislatures of the several States the rom
edy for existing evils, which the Constitu-
tion has itself provided for it's own pro-
servation.
This has been tried at different critical
periods Of our history, aud always with
eminent success. II is TO be found in the
fifth article, providing for it's own amend
meut. Under this article, amendments
have been proposed by two-thirds of both
Houses Of Congress and have boen ratified
by tho Legislatures Of three -fourths of tho
several States. and have consequently be-
come parts of the Constitution. To this
process the country is indebted for the
clause prohibiting Congress from passing
any laws respecting an establishment OF
religion or abridgi ug the freedom ofspeoch,
or Of the powers, or of the right of peti-
ton.
TO this wo arc also indebted for the
rights which secure the people against any
abuse ofpower by the Federal Government.
Such were tho approhensions justly enter
tained by the friends of state Rights at
that period, as to have rendered II extreme
Iy doubtful whether the Constitution could
have long survived without these amend
ments. Again the Constitution was amend
ed by the same process after the election
Of President Jefferson, by the House Of
Representatives, in the month Of Februa-
Try A. d., 1903. This amendment was
rendered necessary TO prevent the ro-ocur-
renee vf the dangers which had seriously
threatened the existence of the Govern
ment during the tendency of that cleo
ton.
The section for It's own amendment was
intended 10 secure the amicable adjust
ment of conflicting constitutional ques-
tions like the present, which might arise
between the Government of the States and
of the United States. This appears from
contem pornueous history. In this con
nection | shall merely call attention TO n
few sen tences in Mr.. Madson's justly eel
ebrated report in 1899 to the Legislature
of Virginia. In this he ably and conclu
sively defended the resolutions of the pre-
ceding Legislature against the structures
of several other State Legislatures.
These were mainly founded upon the
protest Of the Virginia Legislature against
the Alien and Sedition acts, as palpable or
alarming infraotions OF the Constitution.
In pointing out the peaceful and COnsti
tutionsl remedies no referred TO mono 9TH
or 10 which the States were authorized to
resort on such occasions. lie concludes by
saying that the Legislatures of tho States
might have made direct representation TO
Congress wit q view to obtain roscind-
ing of the two offensive acts, or they might
have represented to their respective Sena-
tors in Congress their wish that two thirds
thereof would have proposed an explana-
tory amendment to the Constitution, or
two-thirds Of themselves, If such had been
their option, might, by an application 20
Congress, have obtained a Convention for
the same object. This is the very course
which / earnestly recommend in order TO
obtain an explanatory amendment OF the
Constitution on the subject of slavery.
This might originate with Congress or
with the State Legislatures, as may be
deemed most advisable to attain the object.
The explanatory amendment might bo
confined TO the final settlement Of the true
construction Of the Constitution on three
7. L