The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-06-20
From the Boston Post.
Democratic National Convention.

The tone adopted by some Of our Dem
ocratic contemporaries about the pro-
ceedings at Charleston, and individual dele
gates, is not calculated to restore harmony 70
the party or to secure just appreciation Of
the facts. 1t is an assumption that the Dem
ocratic voters of the country will not sane
tion, that any individuals wishes are of more
importance than the principles and the sue
cess Of the National Democracy. Truth and
Justice Snd Wisdom and Patriotism are not q
monopoly these virtues are likely to ex-
ist where no boast is made Of their possession
as where self-conceit and arrogance claim them
exclusively. That there was an honest DIFF
ference Of opinion among the delegates at
Charleston as to which was the best form OF
expression for Platform, and who would be
the best men to nominate for the two first
offices in the Onion, candor must coucede.--
II we understand the issue, the South did not
ask for "slave code"--hut asked TO have
expressed in the Charleston Platform what
should stant Is an interpretation Of the Gin
cinnati Platform. Senator Davis said in his
! late speech +-7 2-L a-.s
! ''In $780, following the promulgaton Of
this notion Of squatter sovereignty, we had
the idea of non-interyention introduced into
the Senate Of the United States, and il is
strange to me how that idea has expanded
1t seems to me to have been more malleable
than gold, to have been hammered out to an
extent that covers boundless regions undisco-
vered by those who proclaimed the doctrine.
Non-lntervention then meant, as the debates
show that Congress should neither prohibit nor
establish slavery in the Territories. That
hold to now. Will any one suppose that
| Congress then meant by non-intervention that
| Congress should iegislate in no regard in re-
spect TO property in slaves !? Why, sir, the
very acts which they passed at the time TO-
flute it. There is the Fugitive Slave law,
and that abomnation oflaw which assumed to
confiscate the property Of citizen who should
attempt to bring it into this District with in
| tent to remove it to sell itat some other time
and at some other place. Congress acted
then upon the subject acted beyond the limit
4 of its authority, as believed, confidently be-
lieved and if ever that act comes be ore the
Supreme Court, feel satisfied that they will
declare it null and void
L ~ am not disposed t. ask this
| Congress to go into speculative legislation.
am not one Of those who would willingly see
this Congress enact code to be applied to all
Territories and for all time to come only
ask that cases, as they arise may be met ac-
cording to the exigency. ask that when
personal and property rights in the Terrific
ries are not by existing laws and government
tal machinery adequately protected, then the
Congress shall intervene and provide such
means as will secure in each case, as far as
may be, an adequate remedy. / ask no slave
code, bor horse code, nor machine code I
ask that the territorial legislature be made 10
understand before hand that the Congress Of
the United States does not concede to them
| Al a. L. -
son or property guaranteed by the Constitu-
tion, and that it will apply the remedy, il the
territorial Legislature should so FAR forget its
duty-so far transcend its pOwer--as to COM
init that violation of right can
speak for myseH-and have no right to speak
| for others-when l say that il belonged TO q
party organized on the bass Of making war
on any section or interest in the United States
if know myself, would instantly qnit it
We have made no war against you We have
asked no discrimination in our favor. We
claim but to have the Constitution fairly and
equally administered To consent to less
than this would .I--ss.-etse-scate-
manhood would be to make our posterity 50
degraded that they would curse this genera
tion for robbing them Of the rights their revO.
luti nary fathers bequeathed them.
There is nothing unreasonable in this, to
our minds, and if our brethern at the South
did require, in any instance, rather stronger
assurance of our determination to guarantee to
them the enjoyment Of all their constitutional
rights than we thought necessary, is that a
reason that we should turn upon them with
bitter denunciation and defiance, and apply to
them all the epithets OF reprOach that Black
Republicanism has invented We take the
simple ground of the South to lie this-no
matter what the Platform phraseology may
be-namely that the Territories are the COM
mon property of the States and that any in
habitant of any State has right to move into
| any Territory with any property recognized
as such in the State from whence he emigrates,
and is entitled to the enjoyment Of said pro-
pretty, under the Constitution and Laws ofthe
United States, so long as said Territory shall
remain rs Territory, and no Territorial au-
thority can destroy this right II any attempt
to do so be made, the question to be carried
before the Supreme Court for decision, and
| that decision to he maintained--if sufficient
power do not exist to enforce il, then necessa-
| ry provision for It's enforcement to be made by
! Congress. We do not believe many Demo-
Gratis will dissent from this, or that many
conversions from it can be made, or good done
by denouncing men who adhere to it as sound
doctrine. 1t is better, instead Of adding fuel
to the fire by public reproach, to subdue the
| fame by reason and conciliation-bnt urging
upon the Convention when it meets at Balti-
more temperate and candid discussion Of the
present emergency, and to devise the most ju-
dicious method of escape. Let all unite in
| laboring for the continued supremacy Of our
| principles and. of our party, and in urging the
selection of such standard bearer as viii
! again lead US to victory.