Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1860-09-12

Such great profits have been given to particu-
lar persons, as to enable them to devote large
sums to the object of sustaining presses, and
securing the election to Congress of represen-
tatives in the free States who will Justify and
defend any and everything which the slave
holding party may require. Nay, even more
than this. Your money and my money has
been used without scruple to sow the seeds of
division and discord among ourselves to such
a degree: that even though a large majority
may desire to effect some useful and perma-
nent reform, we shall be sure to fail in doing
| anything at all, because we do not agree in our
choice of the agents through whom to execute
1T. This was the policy of 1858, when the
friends of Mr. Fillmore, in their innocent SIM
pilcity, were led directly into the Democratic
trap, baited with the principles of Native A
mericanism. The division then fostered in
| this very city and county of Philadelphia was
the real cause of the failure at that election of
| the movement for reform, and of the corrupt
| practices which have been since exposed.
| But, although the evidence of this truth is
sufficiently displayed, the same agencies are
once more at work, in hope of once more ef-
| fecting the same object In the free States
at least the name of Mr.. Bell is held forth
| solely for the purpose of division and the con-
tInuation of the corruptlng slaveholding su-
premacy in the general government. And
hostile as the same authority has shown
itself to the success of Mr.. Douglas, it is not
! averse to the use of such power as he may ac-
! quire in the free States by catching votes
| der a separate organization for delusive doc
! trine, to the end of dividing and weakening
and destroying the movement for reform.
Dtrtde et tmperG was a maxim of ambitious
| leaders thousands of years ago. Diride and
rule by dtriding your opponents is the instructive
| lesson of great political association now.
| Fellow citizens 81 address you in the words
of sad and serious soberness, without exagge-
ration, and without an attempt to appeal to
yonr passions. Are You seriously and truly
| disconteDted with the course of the present
| ruling power at Washington Do you believe
that it has squandered your money abused your
| power and perverted your principles for the
] sake of sustaining policy which your con-
| science and your reason unite in pronouncing
| to be wholly unjustiiable? /? Do you entertain
hope that something may be done to rescue
the reputation of the country now notoriously
| discredited in the eyes of the world by the
mortifying disclosures of the last few years
| Do you really believe in the truth of the dec
larations made by your ancestors, that there is
| such thing as human liberty, too sacred to
! be touched by any tyrannical hand that there
| is such thing as government intended to
| protect human rights and not destroy them
| that there is such thing as love, the exponent
| of benevolence in constituting the privileges of
mankind; that, in fine, there is such thing
| as downright, independent honesty, without
which no forms of authority can be anything
| believe in all these things? Then the hour
| for you to be up and doing is now. The way
is open. Unite with the only association of
men who have it in their power, and who like
wise desire to effect your object. Declare for
| the party of reform. The honest men of A
merica constitute an immense majority of the
population. The only thing needed at this
time is that they should unite to dictate pol
icy, and to name the men to execute it. and
the honor of the country may yet be redeem
ed. We may again be what we once were,
proud of the work of our hands, because it is
good
Fellow citizens IL come not here before
you to praise particular men, to censure
others. | never was, in my youth, hero
worsbipper, neither do l feel disposed to be-
come so at my present time of life. My pres
ence is rather to analyze the principles that
move the action of great political cOmbina-
tons of men, than to dwell! upon the merits or
demerits OF single individuals. Yet | cannot
forget the Importance of selecting suitable
agents to carry out even the best purposes.
acknowledge the necessity of explaining the
reasons for my confidence in the candidates L
support, as well for my faith in the principles
l profess. With Mr.. Lincoln | have never
had the opportunity of a personal acquaint-
ance. 1 cannot, therefore, speak of him from
knowledge. But have taken some pains to
inform myself, by reading his published
speeches, and by inquiry from persons who
know him familiarly. And the result
of my reflections is this. / think that his dis
cussion in 1858, with Mr.. Douglas, shows him
to advantage as better logician and sound
er statesman, whilst he is incomparably su-
perior in one great province of political duty
Il mean in tracing the connection between
the higher law of pure morality with the obli- /
cations of public life. From the character of
his argument | should infer that he was j man
of ability-and still more, that he man
of infa nrifx hat afc hpr nav hn in
party of reform, one thing we must have,
and that is, an honest man, an incorruptible
man, an Independent man. Such man the
testimony of all my witnesses uniteS in repre-
sentng him to be. That is the man for the
present emergency. l believe that we may
safely trust him. Bnt let the intentions of
the person for whom we vote be what they
may, it should be recollected that his ability
to execute them mnst, after all, depend upon
the degree in which he is supported by the
popular view. l do not conceal from myself
that, if elected, Mr.. Lincoln is destined, in |
all probability, to serious trials of his firmness
as we'll as of his energies. Whatever these 1
may be, his best action will gain prodigiously
in force from the knowledge that he enters up |
on his duties as the representative of an over
whelming mass of public sentiment. Especi- |
ally is this essential, because from the necessi-
ty of the case he must, at first at least, look
for his support mainly in the free States of the
Union.
3 We all know that there exists in the slave
holding States species eff despotism which
renders even the expression of an opinion ad |
verse to its supremacy somewhat dangerous.
And this despotism und hkes to deny the
right of any one there to advocate or support
Mr.. Lincoln. The. proper remedy for this is
time for the development of his policy. Rest
ing upon the broad basis of the confidence of
very large number of the voting population,
this space of time can be afforded to him and