The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1860-09-20

otherwise.
Ii is necessity that urges them on. 1t i
true thar Slavery is al inaamable element
stray spark OF thought or hope may caus.
a terrible confagra,ion. The torch of fre,
speech and press, which gives H.ht to tn,
house of Liberty. is very apt to Set on fir'
the house OF Slavery. What is more nat
ural than that the torch should be extin
guished where there is such an abundanc,
Of explosive material?
1t is true that in slavekoldipg commu
nifty the striclest subordinstion must bs en-
forced, that the maintainance Of established
order requires the mos, rigorous preventive
and repressive measures, which will not al
ways allow of strict observance OF the
rules OF legal process; it is equally true ths,
the making and the execution of the laws
can be safely intrusted only to those who.
by their position, are bound to the ruling in
terests; true. that popular education is dan
grrous to the exclusive rule OF exclu i've
class: true. that men must be kept stupid in
order to be kept obedient What is more
consistent, therefore, than that fundamental
liberties should be disr-garded. whenever
they become dangerous; that the safeguards
Of human rights in the administration Of
justice, should be set aside whenever the
action; that the masses should be left un-
educated. in order TO give the slaveholding
Ohyarch an undispu,ed sway? In one
word, that the rights. liberties and the Sc
curity Of the individual should have to yield
to the paramount consideration of the safe
ty of the ruling interest? All this is true;
and accepting the premises. all these neces-
sites exist. You seem startlet. At this prop
osition. and ask, what is the institution that
demands tor its protection such measures?
The Slave States are BY no means original
in this respect. Look at the kingdom OF
Naples. where the ruling power Is governed
by similar exclusive interests. and acts OF
the same ins inct of seli-pres-rvation; does
ii not resort to the same means? You tell
me that the principles underlying our sys-
tenn OF government are very different from
those of the kingdom Of Naples, and that
the means of projection l spoke of run con-
trary TO the spirit of our institutions In
deed, so il seems to be. What does that
prove? Simply this: That q social institu-
tion which Is an antagonism with the prln-
ciples of Democratic government. cannot be
maintained and projected by means which
are in accordance with those principles; aud
on the other hand, that a social institution
which cannot be protected by means which
are in accordance with the democratic Drin-
ciples Of our government, must essentially
be in antagonsm to those principles. 1t
proves that the people in the slavehoidiug
States. although pretending TO be freemen.
are, by the necessities arising fom their
contition, the slaves Of slavery. That IS
all.
But am told that the Slave States are
sovereign. and may shape and govern their
home concerns according to their own no
tons. subject only to the Constitution OF
the Uni.ei States. Granted. Bat the ne.
csssities Of Slavery do not stop there. The
Slave States are members OF a federal faml-
ly. aud as the King of Naples in his foreign
policy is governed by his peculiar interests
so is the policy OF the Slave States in our
federal fairs governed by their puculiar
necessities
l hear much said of the aggressive spirit
of the Slave Power, but | AN almost in
clined to acqnit it of that charge. for all it,
apparently aggressive attempts are no less
dictated bv iu stinct of selt-preservati,n
than the most striking features OF its home
policy.
; Let us listen to the STAKEHOLDER again. H.
says: What will become of the security
of our slave property. if inside OF this
Union a slave may finally escape from the
hands of his master. by simply crossing the
line of his State? But the fsnatical Anti
Slavery spirit prevailing in the Free States.
will avail itself OF eve,y facility the common
legal process affords. as the trial by Jury
and the writ OF habeas corpus. to aid the
fugitive in his escape. We are, therefore.
Obliged TO demand such legislation at the
hands of our General Government as will
remove these obstacles thrown 10 the way
Of the recspture Of our property. and oblige
the citiz, ms, by law, to assist US in the re-
apprehe nsion of the fugitive. so the trial by
Juy and the writ oi hs beas corpus will
have to yield. and the good old common-law
principle. that in all cases concerning life
and liberty. the presumption be in favor of
liberty. goes by the board" This may seem
rather hard, bu, is it not eminently consis-
tent?
|: The necessities Of Slavery do not stop
there. Let us hear how the STAKEHOLDER
proceeds: '-ln order to obtain such legisia-
hon from our national councils. it is neces-
sary that the prejudices against slavery ex-
listing in the Free States be disarmed. 1t is
impossible that the slave interest should
. deem itself secure as long as a violent agi-
satiou is kept up against 1t. which consina-
! ally troubles Us At home, and exercises upon
the National Legislature an influence hos
tile to slavery. We are. therefore. obliged
| to demand that measures be taken to stop
that agitation" Nothing more natural than
that. The right OF petition. held sacred
even BY some despotic Governments. must
be curtailed. Post-Oface regulations have
to prevent the dissemination Of Anri-S
~ sentiments by the newspapers. Even in
the Free States willing instruments are
found. who urge the adoption of measures
tending to suppress the very discussion ol
this question. Laws are advocated 10 Con.
eress (snd that champion OF free labor
Douglas takes the iead), making it Grim
inal offenss to organise associations hostile
to slavery, aud empowering the General
Government 10 suppress them BY means OF
q central police. Loud cheers Thi.
may seem somevha: tyrannical. but is il
nos eminendy consistent! lAppiause.I
But in order to sneceed in thus. slavery
needs . controlling power in the Genera
0overnmsns. Ii cannot expect to persuade