The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1860-12-13

red
Mon, as
a,e peen, III the hope that time and re-
lection might apply the remedy. The immedi-
ate peril arises, not so much from these causes,
as from the fact that the violent agitation of the
slavery question throughout the North for the
last quarter of a century, has at length produ-
ced its:maign influences on the slaves, and in
spired them with vague notions of freedom
hence a sense of securityno longer exists around
the family altar. This feeling of peace at home
has given place to apprehensions Of servile in
surrection. Many a matron throughout the
South retires at night in dread of what may be-
fall herself and her children before the morning.
Should this apprehension of domestic danger,
whether real or imaginary, extend and intensity
itself, until it shall peryade the masses of the
Southern people. then disunion will be inevita>
Bile. Seltpreservation is the first law of nature,
and has been implanted in the heart of man by
his Creator for the wisest purposes, and no po~
litical union, however fraught with blessings in
all other respects, can long continue, if the
necessary consequences be to render the homes
and fresdes of nearly half the parties to it, ha-
btually insecure Sooner or later the bonds of
such union must be severed.
1t is my conviction that this fatal period has
not yet arrived, and my pr yer to God is that
he would preserve the Constitution and the
Union throughout I'LL gent dtlouS' DuE leu us
take warning in time and remove the cause of
danger. 1t cannot be den ed that for five-and-
twenty years the agitation against slavery in
the South has been incessant. In 1885, picto'
rial hand-bills and inhammatory appeals were
circulated extensively throughout the South, of
a character to excite the passions of the slaves
and in the language of Gen. Jackson to slim
ulate them to instruction, and produce all the
horrors of seryile war. This agitation has
ever since been continued by the public press,
by the proceedings ofState and CoTntyConven-
tons, and by abolition sermons and lectures
The time of Congress has been occupied with
violent speeches on the never ending subject,
and appeals in pamphlet and other forms, en-
dorsed by distinguished names have been sent
forth from this central point, dspread broadcast
over the Union. low easy would it be for the
American people to settle the slavery question
forever, and to res,ore peace and harmony to this
distracted countr- They alone can do it. All
that is necessary to accomplish this objectand
all which the slave States have ever contended
| for is to be let alone, and permitted to manage
| their domestic institutions in their own way as
sovereign States. They, and they alone, are
responsible before God and the world for the
slavery existing among them. For this the peo-
| pie of the North are not more responsible, and
have no more right to interfere, than with SIM
liar institutions in Russia, or Brazil.
Upon their good sense aud patriotic forbear-
ance confess greatly rely. Without their aid
it is beyond the power of any President, no mat
ter what may be his own political proclivities,
to restore peace and harmony among the States.
| Wisely limited and restrained as is his power I'M
der ourConstitntion and laws, he alone can accom-
plish but little for good Oh evil, on such a mo-
mentuous question; and this brings me to OBJ
serve that the election OF any one of our fellow
citizens to the Office of President, does not in
itself afford lust cause for dSsolving the Union
This is more especially true if his election has
been effected by mere plurality, and not a
majority of the people, and has resulted from
causes which may probably never again occur.
In order to Justify resort to revolutionary re-
sistance the Federal Government must be guilty
of deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise
of powers not granted by the Constitution, The
late Presidential election, however, has been
held in strict conformity with its express pro-
visions. How then can the result Justify a rev.
olution to destroy this very Constitut q
Reason, justicesand regard for the Constitution,
all require that we shall wait for some overt and
dangerous act on the part of the President elect
before resorting to such remedy. 1t is said.
however, that the antecedents of the President
elect have been sufficient to justify the fears of
the South that he will attempt to invade their
Constitutional rights but are snch apprehen-
to Justify the Immediate destruction of the no.
blest system of Government ever devised by
mortas From the very nature Of his Office
and its high responsibilities he must necessarily
be conservative.
The stern duty of administering the vast and
complicated councils of this government, affords
in itself guarantee that he will not attempt
any violation of clear Constitutional right
After all, he is no more than the Chief Execu-
tive officer of the Government. His province is
not to make but execute its laws, and it is re-
markable fact in our history that, notwithstand-
ing the repeated efforts of the anti-slavery par>
ty, no single act has ever passed Congress- un.
less we may possibly except the Missouri Conn
promise, impairing in the slightest degree the
rights of the South to their property in Slaves.
And it may also be observed, Judging from pres
ent indications, that no probability exists of the
passage of such an act by a majority of both
Houses either in the present or th e next Con-
gress Surely under these circumstances we
ought to be restrained from present action by the
precept of Him who spake as never man spoke.
that Sufficient unto the day is the evil there.
Of" The day of evil may mover come unless
we shall rashly bring it upon ourselves. 1t is
alleged as one cause Tor immediate secession
that the Southern States are denied equal RIGHTS
with the other States in the common territories
But by what authority are these denied7 Not
by Congress, which has never passed. and
believe never will pass ANY act to exclude slave
ry from these territories and certainly not by
the Supreme Court, which has solemnlv deci-
ded that slaves are property, and, like all Other
property, the owners have right to take them
into the common territories and hold them there
under the protection of the Constitution. Sc
far then as Congress is concerned, the objection
is not to anything they have already done. blu
to what they may do hereafter 1t will surel,
be admitted that this apprehension of future
danger is no good reason for an immediate dis
solution of the Union.
1t is true that the Territorial I,eo:slatura n
Kansas, on the 23d of February 1860. passed !,
great haste an act over the veto of the Govern
or, declaring that slavery is and shall be foreye
, prohibited in the Territory. Such an act how
; ever, plainly violating the rights of property
f secured by the Constitution, will be declared
void by the judiciary whenever it shall be pre-
sented in legal form. Only three DAYS ate
my Inauguration the Supreme Court of the Tn;
ted States solemnly aSjudged that this power d
not exist in Territorial Legislature. YstsucI
, has been the factious temper of the times. tina
e the correctness of this decision has been exten
sively impugned before the people, and tn
question has given rise to an angry politics
conflict throughout the country Those VIII
have appealed from this Judgment of our high
70 est tribunal to popular resembles, would,
they could, invest Territorial Legislature
l. with power to annul the sacred rights of prof.
erty' This power Congress is expressly fol
of 6ldden by the Federal Constitution TO exercis
very state Legislature in the Union is forbid
ueh oy Its own Constitution to exercise it.
cannot be exercised in any State. except hv Il
people in their highest sovereign capacitv -whe
framing or amending their Stata Ton.4:.,,t;o,