American Lancaster gazette. [volume] (Lancaster, Ohio) 1855-1860, 1860-03-22
MIR. sEwARD,s SPEECH.

In the Senate Of the United States on
Wsduesdsy. February ssth. Mr.. Seward
having presented the memorial Of the Leg.
islature Of Kansas, praying for admission
int the Union, addressed the Senate, in
the presence Of large audienoe ,hrong.
ing sll parts ofthe gallery as follows:
Mr.. President, the admission Of Kansas
into the Union. without further delay.
seems to me equally necessary. just and
wise In recorded debates | have already
anticipated the arguments for this conclu
sion. .-
10 coming forward among the political
astrologers. II shall be en- error of judgment
and not Of disposition, II my Interpretation
of the feverish dreams which are disturb.
ing the country shsll tend to torment
rather than allsy. the national excitement
shall say nothing unnecessarily of per-
sons. because. 10 our system, the public
welfare aud happiness depend chiefly on
institutions. and very little on men. |
shall alude butbriedy to incidental topics
because they are .epbermal, and because.
even in the midst Of appeal to passion and
prejudice, jtis slMays safe to. submit sold
truth to the deliberate consideration Of an
honest and enlightened people.
Twill be an ovetfoWipg source OF shame
as we'll as ofsOrrow, if We, thirty million
Europeans BY extraction, American BY
birth or discipline. and Christians in faith,
and meaning to be such in practice can
not so. combine prudence with humanity. in
our conduct concerning the one disturbing
subject of slavery, as no only to preserve
our unequallsd institutions Of Freedom, but
also to enjoy their benefits with content
,ment and harmony.
Wherever guilless slave exists. bt be
eCaucasian, American. Malay or African
he is the subject of two distinct and oppo.
site ideas-ons that be is wrongly. the
other that be is rightly slave. The bal
Ance Of numbers on either side, however
great, never comiletely extinguishes this
difference Of opinion. for there are always
some defenders Of Slavery ou.side,, II there
are not inside Of every free State, while,
also. there are always outside Of every
slave State. many who assert with Milton
that mo man who knows sHgbt can be SC
stupid to deny that all men naturally were
born free. being the image and resemblance
of God himself, and were BY privilege
above all the creatures, born 10 command
and not to obey" 1T often, perhaps gen
orally happens, however. that in consider
ing lbe snbjeGt OF Slavery, society seems
to overlook the natural right or persona
interest Of the slave himself. and to act ex-
olusively for The welfare of the citizen -
But this fact does not materially affect vi
innate results. for the elementary question
of the rightfulpess orrwrongIulness of Sla
very inheres, in every form tbst discus
sion concerning il. assumes. What is jus
TO one class Of men car never be INJURIOUS
to any other and what is unjust to an!
condition Of persons, in the State, is peces
sarily injurious in, come degree to tie who'll
oomn unity. An economical question ear
.ly arises out ofihe subject OF ,Slevery-
labor either OF ireemen or ofslaves is lh
cardinal necessity oi society. Some State
choose the one kind, some the Other
Hence two mu picipal systems widely dif
ferent arise The Slave State strikes dow
and affects to sxtinguisb the personality
of the laborsr. not only as a member OF tn
political body, but as parent, husband
ohild, ,ueighbor,. Or friend. He thus be
comes, 10 a political view. merely proptr r
ty. without moral capacity, and 'withou
domestic, moral. and social relations, du
ties, rights. and remedies-,a ohattel, al
object of bargain, sale. gift. inheritance. 9
theft. His wages are compensated andhi
wrongs atoued, not TO. himself, hut to hi
owner. The State protects the slave nc
as man. but the capital Of another man
which be represents. On the other hap
the State which rejects slavery, enceura
gssand apimPtes, and ,ipyigorates tn
lAborer. and generally with the privilege
of citizenship. 10 the one case. capita
invested in slaves becomes great politics
force, while 10 the other, labor thus eleva
ted and enfanchised becomes the DONNA
ting political power. 1t thus happens th'
we may, for .copvepiepce sake, and not in
accurately call Slave States capital Slatel
and Free States labor States.
So soon as State feels the impulses c
commerce or enterprise, or ambition. il
citizens begin 70 study the effects OF thess
Systems Of capital and labor respecGyel
an its, intelligence. its virtue. its tranquil
lily, itsiutsgrity or unity. it's defence, il
prosperity, its liberty. its happiness, il
aggrandizemeut. and it's fame. 10 othe
words, the great question arises, whetbe
Slavery is q moral. social. and polite,
good, or q moral. SOCIAL and political eyi
This is the Slavery question at home.-
But there Is mutual bond OF amity sn
brotherhood between man and man throug
out the world Nations examine freely th
political systems Of each other, and Of a
preceding TINES, and accordingly as the
approve or disSpproye Of the two system
'Of capital and labor, respectively the
sanction and prosecute, or condemn an
prohibit commerce in men. Thus 10 on
way or another, the Slavery questio
which so many among us, who are moi
willing to'rule than patient In Studyin
,the conditions Of society, think is merely q
q accidental or unneossssrye question thu
u might aud ought to be settled and dismiI
ssd at once, is, on the contrary. a world
ga vide and enduring subject Of political col
2.s1lior and civil administration. Ne!