The weekly north Iowa times. [volume] (McGregor, Iowa) 1857-1867, 1860-05-23
WHOLE NO. 1873.
Warrington not an Aboli,ton,st.

in AOOllllOn1St:
Gentlemen, we are not living under an
declaration we are living under the Con
stitution of the United States and whe
gentlemen tell US that the men of that epocl
were Abolitionists in the sense of the terri
at this day, do they think that we are idiot
that we are incapable of reading or think
ing? Washington, the president of tn
convention, an Abolitionst! Madison, th
informing mind of the convention, an Abo
litionist! Why, there is the Constitution
that declares what their Abolitionism was
There is the Constitution, in which they b,
emphatic, express provision and compact
protected and secured slave property In AM
and all the States that chose to hold such
property. That was their Abolitionism.
| say the constitution contradicts the asser
ton. But it will be said further, tina,
Washington, Jefferson and Madison, ir
forming this compact, relinquishcd thei,
opinions for the sake Of harmony, compro
mise and peace, and that they still enter.
tanned these same opinions. Let us see il
that is so. know well that there NAV be
found in the writings of jefferson most en-.
phatic declarations Of rcprobation of this
inequality of condition in the southern
States; and so, in more modified form
such declarations may be found in the wri.
tings of Washington, Patrick Henry, Mad.
ison, and Mason. These men, we are told,
in framing the Constitution of the United
States, made concessions of their opinions
to the general peace of the country. But
were they not all citizens of the slavehold
ing State of Virginia? pray you to re.
call your historical knowledge to memory
Look back to that period of time, and tell
me if George Washington, Thomas Jeffer.
son, James Madison, George Mason, and
Patrick Hcnry-if they and their friends
did not control the fortunes, the power, the
legislation Of the State of Virginia-if it
was not, as it were, in the palm Of their
hands? Now, were they in favor of Abo-
lition? Let me make the question in a
more distinct form. The time has come
when we have got to probe that prejudice to
the bottom. If George Washington. the
heroic and almost divine father of the Union
-[applausel was an Abolitionist in the
sense of an Abolisionist Of to-day, why did
he not in the course Of his long political ca
recr as a citizen Of the State Of Virginia.
introduce bill into the legislature to abol-
ish slavery there? Gentlemen, pray you
to reflect upon that question, pause upon it.
turn it over, look at it all around. Will
you say that Washington was not sincere ?
Gentlemen, you know that his breast was
as pellucid as the brightest gem ever pol.
ished. [Applause. He carried his heart in
his hand, and no man could impute to him
want of sincerity or truth. Was George
Washington afraid! Why there was moth
ing created from the day when the world
was born to the day when he dicd-nothine
human of which he was afraid, except dis.
honor. Loud applause. And if that good
and great man, that pure man, that sincere
man, that courageous man, was an Aboli.
tlonist in the sense Of an Abolitionist of
the day, why did he not propose the abol-
ton of negro scrvitude in the State of Vir-
ginia! Answer me that question he who
can. | think have an answer to ii, and
desire to present it. When | remember
not merely that Constitution, over tie for
nation of which he was called to preside.
but really to view that last farewell address
it seems to me that whoever at this day
seeks to bring Washington into play as a
pattern and exampler of sectional conflict
in these United States, and to fasten upon
him the imputation that he could at any Pc
rlod OF time have entertained opinions COM
patible with conflict between the northern
and southern States, profanes the name of
that man and desocrates his memory Thus
to steal, as it were, the purple mantle of the
hero with which to cover up schemes of
ambitious aspiration for presidential votes.
1t seems to me would almost cause the yery
corpse of the dead hero to start from it's
tomb on the banks of the Potomac, and the
spirit to come forth and rebuke the profsna.
ton and dissertation Of his great name and
memory. Loud applause He enter
tained opinions that are to be brought into
play here to justify sectional conflict! Il
Why did he not propose the abolition of
slavery in Virginia? Gentlemen, he was
no religious bigot, no crazy fanatic, no wild
radical. He was statesman-hc was
practical mamie looked to practical ends
by practical means. He knew well that
abolition was impracticable as a fact-that
if the condition of the slave in Virginia
was evil it was an irradicable evil, and was
to be left, like the other institutions of So
cicty, to the good providence of God. That
was his conclusion, an' | put it to you,
there was no other possible solution Of his
act. You have got to impute to him in
sincerity and cowardice, unless you sup
pose that he thus reasoned and thus conclu-
ded. And if he did come to a wise conclu.
sion if, gentlemen, we have evils in the
northern States-nay, We have inequalities
Of condition among US, plenty of them-I
would suggest to you, if any of you hap
pen to be member Of the legislature of
or expect to be by and by
laughter] that at the earliest possible day
in the pursuit of these transcendental the
ories Of Abolitionists-that is to say, of
putting IN end to all human inequalities,
color and everything else-you
bill to this effect: "Be it en-
acted, that all inequalities of fortune in the
State Of Connecticut, but especially inc
qualities of mental faculties, be and the
same are hereby abolished" Applause
You will find that just as sensible u law,
ust as humane, just as moral, just as con-
;onant with reason, conscience and religion,
IS all these wild, stupid, silly, mischievous
projects, looking to the abolition of slavery
BY act Of Legislature or Of Congress, Ine-
qualities of social condition-the condition
.bOve all others that are innate in us
which society and man did not create, but |
which God created-such inequalities can
My be abolished by God Applause.
Must we then, gentlemen, in the pursuit
If these chimeras, and for such absurd Chi
ncrical purposes, and with such utterly un-
enable arguments as are adduced to us by
he Abolitionists-must we persist in this
general raid Of Abolition agitation against
he southern States? If we do, we know
veil the result? l do not speak of the
Jnion as Union. speak of the fact of
'ur being common occupants of common
he Union; it is the great hereafter beyond |
hat dissolution, which constitutes the stu
,endous evil to which all these revolution
ry projects point-universal upturning of
ocicty, disturbance of all industrial inter-