New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-03-16
yRoN WASHINGTON
HYATT AND LIBERTY.

WASHINGTON, March I


TAe feeling Of the hour turns on the question Of
A. difference between the tweedle-dan and
tvessle.dee Of Mr.. HYATT. The Senate desire hin
n say whether he knows anything about the Har
vsr's Ferry inroad. He ssys be don't know any
thasg about it and he win say so If the Senate viii
ssh issite him 10 answer, and not require him t;
sssvsr But the Senate says it will not abandon
hs right Of inquiry. This right, where exercised
fz purposes Of legislation il claims is a clear, dis
tsss and UDquestionable right and it affirms that
sAe sera.e unanimously declared Hystt's case 70
same within the rule when IL Instituted the har-
pcs's Ferry Committee. BY this inquiry, more
ever, it nsists no man eau be harmed, for the law
passed few years ago BY Congress provides that
sothiBg man shall cay in Investigations by either
baaash Of Co, ress, shall be used against him.
In other words, ia these investig as IN
Courts of law, no man is compelled TO crmlnate
himself Thus, even if Mr.. Hyatt had anything
40 ssy that would impicate him, he could not DO
harmed BY the inquiry. Still, if he had, we may
admit that something Ike a practical question
uieht perhaps be raised which would afford some
sat of ground for case. But when we know that
{end an indefensble or at least very questionable
position II be or ANYBODY else should ever happen
te get into it, he reaches the vanishing point Or
diBary vision cannot see its merits. 1t is easy Il
hlk about John Bampden and the forty shlling'
and all that, but Mrs. MalaprOp would say thai
h an unparalleled case. The difference Is, that the
pewer claimed in old Hampdens case, under the
law If exercised might be made 10 ruin anybody OF
sserybody; while in the case Of our Hampden, II
can hurt nobody, under the law as it stands unes;
exposing criminals be hurt.
1t is not worth while for Republicans to allow
themselves to be befoOled by distractions. We arr
after something real and substantial. The rights
Of nan are as tangible and real as the everlasting
Laws of the Universe In W holding them and de
tending them from all their enemies, high and low
we do noble and glorious work. We may evel
soy that in doing this, we do not much car
whether we 90 according to law or against law
Every man is at liberty, in virtue of that hbert
wheTewith God has made him free, to act accord
ING TO his convictions, whether those conviction
John Brown had an undOubted moral right TO hel
a save to his freedom. But there is another sid
10 the case. Virginia had legal right to hang hin
Il she caught him at the business. Our principle
NAV lead US to defend fllibusterng in certain grea
emergencies. When Lynch law prevails in Cali
furnia in the interest of Civilization and Society
when Italy becomes nsurgent, when the slave runs
from tis master, we say all hail to this kind o.
Rnibustering 1t as all against law, however.
But while we are thus radical in defending GER
tain illegal acts, We ere also compelled TO allow the
authority of law, and to admit that Government
has its rights and its duties, Wel as the tllbus
terk The law makers aud law administrators
must be considered. They have rights, and they
have power; and it is idle TO say they must surren
der " the tllbusters. We reckon them to be on a
more equal footing than that. The fllbDster goes
bis own way. If he is guided by principles o
Eternal Justice, we honor him, aud applaud him
IL lie cOmbats authority, he must take his chance
however II he fails, he must not whine, and thos
who support him should not wall. He is merely
Sofce OF great virtue in conflict with another fore
ID virtue. For government must exist. That con
dict is eternal. 1t will 90 on till man has reaches
perfection. FillbusteJism against law until law j
made perfect This is the rule that must guide maj
forever The supporter of both forces is not incOn
iistent.
But the man who insists on acting only on one
side of this everlasting conflict s good citizen,
or at least no intelligent man. Yet there are those
who are fools enough TO uphold law because it is
law, and rice rersd. There are those who resist
authority because it seems to abr!ge mans rghtiul
liberty. Mr.. Hyatt does SO. The habit of mind
tsat animates such is induced in consequence of re-
si.ting laws really infamous. The Kansas CODE
made by Missouri ruffans. The Fugitive Slave
law. But herein men manifest their weakness, not
tAeir strength. They stray from impregnabe posi-
EODB 10 pOiDlb t1pOhcu anu luuCICHniOiOs VIC
object to following any such lead. We object
10 having the Republican party do so. Let
US Keep on the solid EARTH and not
Try experiments of going skyward. Let us
stick to realities, and not Dc running off on alb
stractons. We are party that stands for right
and Justice and liberty Let us also be party OF
common sense, and while we fllibuster where we
must let us recognise the at least equal claims of
law and Of Government. We cannot afford TO be
Quixotie or to deal much in wire drawn distiDc-
tons, or vagaries and niceties caused by too much
dwelling upon a single aspect of human rights aud
duties. We must have and exhibit what Old John
Locke called the roundabout sense of a cold un-
aerstandiDg or we shall be amenable to charges
that will provoke ridicule rather than sympathy
In this city Mr.. Hyatt is openly accused of try
ing to break into jail for purposes of his own. And
Senators have been warned that if he was allowed
to succeed he would be the inevitable successor
Of Mr.. Seward. But the warning did not serve
the purpose of lettering gentlemen from being ac-
oessOry to this burglary.
Mr.. Fessendens legal argument on the case is
spoken of in the highest terms by the most eminent
lawyers Of the Senate and is pronounced to be I'M
answerable lisp.
MR.. CURRY'S SPEECH-JUDGE DOUGLAS.
From Special Correspondent.
WASHINGTON March II, 1860.