Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1860-12-12

He then proceeds to the consideration of
the following question:: Has the Constitu-
ton delegated to Congress power to
State into submission, which has Withdrawn,
or Is attempting to withdraw from the con-
federacy? He is of the opinion that th is pow
does not cxiet for the following reasons:
ut IS manifest, upon al inspection of the Con
stltution, that this is not among the specific and
enumerated powers granted to Congress; and it
is equally apparent that its exercise is not ne
ceSsary and proper for carrying into execution
any one of these powers, So far from this power
having been delegated to Congress, it was ex-
pressly referred by the Convention which framed
the Constitution.
1T appears from the proceedings of that body
that on the 3lst May, 1887, the clause ..author-
'zng an ererfio" OF the force Of the ,chole against
Mr.. Madison opposed it in brief but powerful
speech, from which / shall extract but single
sentence. He observed: s.The use of force
against State would look more like a declara-
tion Of war than infliction of punishment: and
would probably be considered by tie party at
tackled as dissolution of all previous compacts
by which it might be bonnd.''
Upon this motion the clause was unanimous
ly postponed. and was never, believe, again
presented. Soon afterwards on the Sth June
1887, when incidentally adverting 10 the subject
| he said: "Any Government for the United
States, formed on the supposed practicability Of
using force against the unconstitutional proceed
| ings of the States, would prove as visionary and
falacous as the government of Congress- eyi-
| IDENTIFY meaning the then existing Congress of the
old Confederation.
Without descending TO particulars, it NAV
| be safely asserted, that the power to make war
| against State is at varience with the whole
| of fla
| such war should result in the conquest of a
State, how are We to govern it afterwards? Shall
| we hold 1T as province, and govern it by des-
potic power2 In the nature of things we could
| not, by physical force, control the will of the
people. and compel them to elect senator's and
| represeL tatives to Congress, and to perform all
| the other duties depending upon their own VIC.
lation, and required from the free citizens of a
| free State as a constituent member of the con-
| federacy. .--
"But. If we possessed this power, would it not
be wise to exercise it under existing circumstan-
| ces! The object would doubtless be to preserve
the Union. War would not only present the
most effectual means of destroying it; but would
Danish all hope OF its peaceable reconstruction.
| Besides, in the fraternal conflict vast amount
OF blood and treasure would be expended, rem
| Ierng future reconciliation between the States
| impossible. In the meantime who can foretel
! what would be the sufferings and privations of
| the people during its existence2
1.-The fact Ii, that our Union rests upon public
| opinion, and can never be cemented by The blood
OF its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot live
| in the affections of the people, it must one day
perish. Congress possess many means of pre-
| serving it by conciliaton; but the sword was not
placed in their hand to preserve it by force.
After setting forth in eloquent language
the inestimable value of the Union, to the
American people. he very truly remarks that
| its dissolution ought to be the last desperate
remedy of despairing people. aftes every
| other Constitutional means of Cancellation has
| been exhausted.
As a remedy for existing evils. and means
of restoring tranquility to the country, he
recommends the amendment of the Constitu-
tion in the manner that instrument has point
ed out; be says;
The explanatory amendment may be confined
to the final settlement of the true construction of
| the Constitution on three special points:
/. An express recognition of the right of prop
erty in slaves in the States where it now exists
| OF may hereafter exist. H'
2 The duty of protecting This right in all the
common Territories throughout their territorial
| existence, and until they shall be admitted as
| States into the Union, with or without slavery as
| their Constitutions may prescribe.
3. a like recognition of the right of the mas
ter to have his slave, who escapes from one State
| to another, restored and delivered up' to him,
and of the validity of the Fugitive Slave Law en-
acted for this purpose, together with declara-
| ton that all State laws impairing defeating
this right violations of the Constitution and
are consequently null and void.
Our relations with foreign nations are rep
resented as being generally Of a highly ami
cable and satisfactory character. and the
American flag is everywhere respected. He
recommends modification of the tariff, du-
ring the present Session of Congress, for the
purpose of increasing the revenue. and is in
favor of imposing specific instead of ad ralo-
rum duties on imported articles, Whenever
these can be applied. In this hasty abstract
We have omitted several important features in
the message, to which we will probably allude
next week. In conclusion. we have only to
say, that it contains nothing which we DO not
fully endorse, or that is not sound democratic
doctrine