The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-03-24

kautec0 every CoIuiOlt anu ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS aug
preserved from the odious expressions Of
monopoly. But we fear the Legislature win
never relax their hold upon the spois which
lie like rich placer in the railroad bills now
before them.
The Prudential Preliminary Election.
The election which is about to take place in
Connecticut is the first fight Of the Presidential
campaign-the preliminary struggle before the
general battle for the possession of tho key Of
the enemys position, which, if carried, will
lead to the discontinue of his whole line. 1t
is no wonder, therefore, that it Is defended
with desperation by the republicans, and as
saulted with impetuosity by the conservative
host led by Seymour. 1t is the Malakoff whose
capture results in the fall of the republican
Sebastopol. The republicans have possession.
Their last majority was 1870, out of total
vote of 1876. A vigorous and brilliant
charge, like that by which the French carried
the redoubt of the Russians which commanded
the inner works Of their stronghold, and render
ed 1t untenable, will suffice to wipe out that
majority, and plant the flag of the constitution
where now waves the black banner Of republi-
canism with its deaths head and cross bones.
The New York Tribune of yesterday, in an
article which we copy in another column, ridi-
cules the idea Of the people Of Connecticut
consulting their interests in the coming strug-
gle, instead Of their religious feelings and their
conscience" Now, we should like to know
what religion or conscience has to do with the
business. All governments and political COM
munities are, or ought to be, formed for the in
terests Of the people-their mutual welfare.
1.-THE greatest amount of good to the greatest
number, at the least possible expense" is the
formula of the profound Bentham. The pecu.
liar religious views Of sects have nothing to do
with this great principle But if it does involve
question Of religion, then we say that one of
the precepts of the Christian code Is to mind
our own business and let our neighbors mind
theirs. Religious principle might as well be
appealed to for the purpose of inducing us togo
into our neighbors' houses, and by persuasion
or threats or force try to make them regulate
their domestic affairs, including the bringing
up Of their children, and the management of
their servants, after our model and example,
as to appeal to the consciences of Northern
men to regulate the domestic Institutions of
the Southern States or prevent the fair and
legitimate expansion of those institutions qua
ranteed by the compact Of the constitution.
Covenant breakers are denounced by the voice
of religion-by all laws, human and divine.
But if religion and conscience have any con-
Germ in the business, then why are not religion
and conscience consistent? Franklin used to
say, if principle be good one, 60 through
with it. If conscience compels man in Con-
necticut to interfere with the slave labor Of the
Southern States, it ought to compel him to go
step further and prevent his consuming any
of the products Of that slave labor. But SO far
from that, Connecticut conscience looks to its
own advantage, and, with the appreciation and
applause of the conscientious Greeley, ''Connec
tcut has bought her cotton, rice and tobacco
precisely where she could buy most advan-
tageously, no questions as to politics being
asked" If negro servitude be the abomina-
ton, the sin, ''the sum of all villany," which 1t
is described by the republican orators and
conscience which they show when they enjoy
with such gusto, not the necessaries of life,
but the Injuries produced, as they tell US, by
the toll and sweat and very blood Of the
slave? The planters are described as "thieves
who take by force the fruits Of the negroes toll
without remuneration" Is 1t net an undis'
puted maxim of law and justice that the re.
ceiver of stolen goods is as bad as the thief?
Yet we never hear of any "compunctious visit
ipgs of conscience" when republicans sweeten
with Louisiana sugar their tea or their pumpkin
pies, or their puddipgs of the rice of South
Carolina, or when they smoke tobacco grown
in Virginia or Cuba, to say nothing of the
cotton garments which they wear-the produc-
ton of the slave labor of the South. If
there be any conscience in the North
about the slavery question in the South,
here is just the point where it would be most
smitten; yet we find none Of the republicans
denying themselves any of these articles for
conscience sake. Is not the appeal Of the
Tribune, therefore, to religious scruples most
absurd?
What. principle of religion or morality, or
what dictate of conscience, could sacrifice the
certain welfare Of twenty six millions Of white
men for the more than doubtful advantage Of
four millions OF blacks? What moral or re-
ligious considerations would advise the break
ing up of this government, with all its precious
interests-present and prospective-for mere
theory, by which three or four millions Of
negroes would be released from the obligation
to work, and thrown as charge and burthen
upon the white race land placed in far worse
condition than they are in now? Is 1t a matter
of conscience with the people Of Connecticut
to emancipate the negroes, that they may
amalgamate with the white blood Of this
continent, and drag it down to their own