Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-11-21

which this floor entities U.s. r,s.jz4tt - o.
The next instance was the repeal of the embargo
law in 1907. This was measure of Mr.. Jefferson,
and one to which he was greatly attached But
when he saw that, by the continuance Of this EN-.
bargo the Union was likely to be dismembered, did
he say that the law must be enforced at all hazards
No such thing. Acting on the conviction that this
is Government of compromise, he repealed the
embargo In his works published since his death,
it is made apparent that this was very favorite
measure with him. Yet on the approach of so dan
gerous crisis he hesitated not to abandon and re-
peal it.
This is another instance of concession on the
part of the General Government to States which re-
sisted the exercise of doubtful powers.
Mr. B. said, as he had stated his objections to the
course which the honorable Judiciary Committee
had advised or recommended to the Senate to adopt,
and deeming it not calculated as honorable gentle
men had observed, to preserve the Union, but on
the contrary, calculated if carried into practical
operation, to destroy this glorious Union it was
proper that he should state what he thought would
best meet the present crisis He considered the
true remedy peaceful remedy, that of Cancellation,
according alike with the genius of the constitution
and the practice of the Government The revenue
should be reduced to the wants of the Government;
and the oppression which the Southern people Ia
bored under, in consequence of the tariff system,
ought to be removed If gentlemen wished to pre-
serve the Union, the country should be appeased.
This appeared to him to be an infalble remedy.
The one, however, which the committee had pre-
scribed might be fraught with some danger. He
was aware that there was set of politicians who
thought this the favorable moment to try the
strength of the Union, and that Government ought
not to conccde particle Of the protective sys-
TEN. Can it be possible, at this day, (said Mr. b.
that any individual would wish to jeopardize the
peace and harmony of twelve thirteen millions
of people, not only the peace of whole people, but
to retard the progress of free Governments through
out the world. by an experiment of that kind, to
try the strength of the Union, and whether it can
survive the use of the military power? lie hoped
not. He trusted that our republic would be haz-
arded by no such speculative experiment
1t is argued, continued Mr.. B., that the State of
South Carolina having placed herselfn this attitude
of defence, Congress ought not to legslate on the
subject, as had been said in some of the newspapers,
while the sword is branshing over our heads. This
is not meeting the question: it is not the true ques
ton; it is question of very different character.
Are the people of South Carolina alone concerned in
this matter! Is not a vast portion of the American
people concerned in it? Are not the whole of the
Southern States interested in this subject? 1t is
not only the Southern States, the State of New
Hampshire the State of Maine, and portion Of the
people of New York, but large and respectable
number of the States in the Southwest, which con-
slider the tariff system unjust and repugnant to the
principles of the constitution. and that we have
right to keep it up. 1t is argued that justice should
not be done to South Carolina because she has as
sumed menacing attitude This is not proper
view it is not just to the other States Is it any
reason, because South Carolina has acted impru-
IDENTIFY, that she should not receive justice? she
has forfeited any claim to the consideration of the
General Government ought the other States to in
no forfaitnra Nothino no
nothing more absurd, nothing, I will say, more ty-
ranncal than to Cypress all the Southern States,
because South Carolina has acted rashly? do not
said Mr.. B., argue this question as Southern ques
ton. Thank God, in the exercise of my legislative
rights and duties here, can look beyond the Poto
mac Thank God, I have feeling which is not
confined to the geographical limits of any portion Of
the United States. can look and Judge of my
countrymen north as we'll as south of the Potomac
and wish it to be distinctly understood, that what
Inow say respecting South Carolina, deem appl-
cable to every member of this confederacy. To no
one of these States would l arrogantly say, will
not do Justice until you come on your knees before
me.
do hope, if l have any patriotism, it is not that
narrow, contracted patriotism which is confined to
geographical limits. trust it is that patriotism
which looks abroad over the Union, and embraces
every portion of my fellow citizens. And so help
j
that should perpetrate act of injustice against
any member of this ccnfederacy, that should do an
act in behalf of North Carolina which would trench
upon the rights of Maine of Massachusetts,, or
Pennsylvania, which believed destructive of their
constitutional rights so help me God would resi- ign
my seat and retire to my home, rather than leopard
the peace of this republic, this glorous experiment
of free Government by taking what justly belongs
to Maine, and unjusty to bestow it on North-Caro-
lima believing that man presents more truly
dgnified attitude who refuses to do an unjust act,
than he who perseveres in injustice.
But what are We now called upon to do? We
are called upon imminently to leopard the public
peace by novel and dangerous experiment; to en-
force law which not only large portion of the
American people believe unconstitutional but which
/ verify believe, if the question were submitted to
their individual opinion this day, they would repu-
date and require to be rejected. We are called up
on to enforce tariff law, which l believe the ma
ority of the people of the United States desire to
have amended or modified; and the modification of
which is fortified likewise by the recommendation
of the Chief Magistrate
And before proceed further let me explain my
self on this point / do not take the ground, and
will not take it, and wish to be distinctly under
stood with respect to this matter, that law which
is tainted with injustice should not be put in force
take the ground that no law oppressive in its char
actcr should be executed by interpositon Of military
power, until every pacific measure which can be de-
vised shall have been resorted to without the de-
sired result The remedy for evils of the greatest
magnitude should be sought for in the peaceful tri-
bunas of this country, according to the great prn-
ciples handed down to us by the English wings and
which We have infused into the spirit of our const-
tuition and Government.
II, on failure of all these means, it shall be
found necessary to force to execute the laws let
it be used. am not prepared to say that the emer-
gency cannot arise; but do say, that before law
of this kind is to be executed before the peace Of
the Union is to be disturbed, there ought to be a
reference to the justice to the wisdom of Congress-
to weigh to examine the provisions Of that law and
solemnly to pause and reflect before proceeding to
put it in force by military power.
l beg leave, said Mr.. B., to advert to what the
President Of the United States has said in his mes
sage to- Congress, and do it because this is the
first remedy which the President recommended to
Congress at the opening Of the present session. ]
cannot doubt that if the Executive wishes were con