The weekly pioneer and Democrat., 1860-01-06

in vain. Had they imagined that Congress
would possess no power to prohibit the trade
either before or after 1908, they would not
have taken so much care to protect the
States against the exercise of this power
before that period. Nay more, they would
not have attached such vast Importance to
this provision as to have excluded it from
the possibility of fnture repeal or amend
ment, to which other portions of the Con-
stituiion were exposed. 1t would then,
have been wholly unnecessary to engraft on
the fifth article of the Constitution, prescri-
blng the mode of it's own future amendment
the proviso, that no amendment which
may be made prior to the year 1903 shall
in any manner affect" the provision in the
the Constitution securing to the States the
right to admit the importation of African
slaves previous to that period.
According to the adverse construction,
the clause itself, on which so much care and
discussion had been employed by the mem.
bers of the convention, was an absolute null.
lity from the beginning, and all that has
since been done under it mere usurpation.
1t was we'll and wise to confer this power
on Congress because, had it been left to the
States, its efficient exercise would have been
impossible. In that event any one State
could have effectually continued the trade
not only for itself but for all the.other slave
States, though never so much against their
will. And why? Because African slaves,
when once broughtwithin the limits of any
one State, in accordance with its laws, can
not practically be excluded from any other
State where slavery exists. And even if
all the States had separately passed laws
prohibiting the importations Of Slaves, these
laws would have failed of effect for want of
naval force to capture the savers and to
guard the coasts. Such force no State
can employ in time of peace without the
consent of Congress.
These acts of Congress, it is believed, have,
with very rare and insignificant exceptions,
accomplished their purpose. For period
no perceptible addition to the number of our
domestic slaves. During this period their
advancement in civilization has far surpassed
that of any other portion of the African
race. The light and the blessing of Chris
tianity have been extended to them, and
both their moral and physical condition has
been greatly improved.
Reopen the trade, and it would be difficult
to determine whether the effect would be
more deleterious on the interests of the mas
ter or on those of the native-born slave. Of
the evils to the master, the one most to be
dreaded would be the introduction of wild,
heathen, and ignorant barbarians among the
sober, orderly and quiet slaves, whose ances-
tors have been on the soil for several gene
rations. This might tend to barbarize,
demoralize, and exasperate the whole mass,
and produce most deplorable consequences.
| The effect upon the existing slave would,
if possible, be still more deplorable. At
present ne is treated with kindness and hu
manity. He is we'll fed, we'll clothed, and
not overworked. His condition is incom.
parably better than that of the coolies
which modern nations Of high civilization
have employed as substitute for African
slaves. Both the philanthropy and the self
interest of the master have combined to pro-
duce this humane result. But let this trade
be reepened, and what will be the effect
The same, to considerable extent, as on
neighbcring isand-the only spot now on
earth where the African slave trade is
openly tolerated and this in defiance of
| solemn treaties with power abundantly
able at any moment to enforce their execu
| tion. There the master, intent upon pres
ent gain, extorts from the slave as much
labor as his physical powers are capable OF
enduring-knowing that, when death comes
to bis relief, his place can be supplied at "a
price reduced to the lowest point by the
competition of rival African slave traders
| Should this ever be the case in our country,
which do not deem possible-the present
useful character of the domestic institution,
wherein those too old and too young to
work are provided for with care and human.
ity, and those capable of labor are lot over
tasked, would undergo an unfortunate
change. The feeling of reciprocal depend
| ence and attachment which now exists be-
tween master and slave would be converted
into mutual distrust and hostility.
But we are obliged, as Christian and
moral nation, to consider what would be the
effect upon unhappy Africa itself if we
should reopen the slave trade. This would
give the trade an impulse and extension
which it has never had even in its palmlest
days. The numerous victims required to
supply it would convert the whole slave
coast into a perfect Pandemonium, ior
which this country would be held responsi-
bic in the eyes both of God and NAL Its
petty tribes would then be constantly en-
gagged in predatory wars against each other
for the purpose of seizing slaves to supply
the American market. All hopes OF Afri-
can civilization would thus be ended.
| On the other hand, when market for Afri-
can slaves shall no longer be furnished in Cuba
an6 thus all the world be closed against this
trade, we may then indulge reasonable hope
for the gradual improvement of Africa. The
chief motive of war among the tribes will cease
| whenever there is no longer any demand for
slaves. The resources of thai fertile but mis-
erable country might then be developed by
the'hand of industry, and afford subjects for
legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In
this manner Christianity and civilization may
gradually penetrate the existing gloom.
| CHINA.
The wisdom of the course pursued by this
| Government towards China has been yndi-
Gated by the event. Whilst we sustained
neutral position in the war waged by Great
Britain and France against the Chinese empire,
our late minister. in obedience to his instruc-
tions, judiciously co-operated with the minis
| ters of these powers in all peaceful measures
| - cao,ro hv troo%v tho iuct oorcoc,;o.. =.