The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1860-06-11

recognized by the Constitution of the United
states. Inc Federal Government has power t.
declare what Is property anywhere. The power o
each State cannot extend bevond its own limits
| AS consequence therefore, whatever is property
| IN any OF the States must be so considered in any
OF the Territories of the United States until they
reach to the dignity of community independence
when the sub ject-matter will be entirely under the
control OF the people and be determined by their
| fundamental law.
'lt the inhabitants of any Territory should re-
luse TO enact such law and police regulations as
would give security to their property or 70 his il
would be rendered more or less valueless in pro.
portion to the difficulty of holding it without such
protection In the case of property in the labor OF
man, or what is usually called slave property, the
insecurity would be so great that the owner could
not ordinarily retain it. Therefore, though the
right would remain, the remedy being withheld, it
would follow the owner would be practically de-
barred by the circumsta stances of the case from
taking slave property into a Territory where the
sense OF the inhabitants was opposed to its intro
auctlon SO much for the oft-repeated fallacy of
forcing Slavery upon any community"
Does any Southern question the Southern
realty OF Messrs. Orr or Davis? Who doubts their
althuness to the asserted southern right of taking
slaves to a territory? No one. And yet they had
the good sense to'see, and the frankness to avow
the opinion, that without friendly legislation sla-
very could not exist in territory, and that this
legislation was not to be expected if majority of
the people were opposed to it. In such a contin-
gency, they both held that although the right ey-
listed, it would be but barren one, or to repeat
the language of Col. Davis, ''though the right
would remain, the remedy being withheld (proper
police laws,) it would follow that the owner would
be practically bebarred by the circumstances of
course, from taking slave property into territory
where the sense of the inhabitants opposed to
its introduction"
Mr.. johnson concluded as follo ows:
1t will be observed, therefore, that the only prin-
clPe here announced, which every of the De-
mocracy did not before admit does not now, is
the right to take and hold slave property in the
territories except in subsection to the territorial
laws As to this, there prevails now, as there did
In 1894, differences of opinion, and these, by the
compromises Of that year, it was agreed to differ
about until the point should be decided by the
Supreme Court. As have before told you gen.
tiemen, no such decision has as yet been made, and
the caucus resolution upon the subject is cOnse-
quently but an Interpolation into the COMPROMISE
and in that particular a direct Reputation of it
But how unworthy, in my judgment-and with all
my Southern feelings alive within me | say so-is
IL Tor the South to solicit in. anticipation, Con-
gresslOnal int eryention for her security Has it
come to this, that the chivalrous, bold, defiant
South, who herself has always heretofore asked to
be let alone, but to be permitted to take care of
this territorial right well all others, in her own
way, and at her own time, to invoke, in advance
Congressional protection? Is she not strong enough
in her might? Has she now for the
first time, the eve of Presidential contest be-
come so aroused to her situation, and so alarmed
at it, even before the exigency has occurred or is
threatened she invokes of her Northern friends
promise to come to her aid, should the exigencv
ever happen, by Congressional intervention and to
hazard the very existence of the Democratic,
which she admits is the onl national party, if such
promise is not granted? | cannot permit myself to
doubt taking counsel of its sections its courage
ana historical firmness the Democracy of the South
Will reject so dishonOring a suggestion, and say
again, they said, and with one voice. in "a and
In 56, all that they will ask, permit require
IS, that upon this subject there shall be for all time
Congressional nOn-interyentiOn.
Gentlemen should remember, too, that the au.
thorlty to protect may well be considered and
certainly will be, including the authority of
Congress over the whole subject. Admit the one
and 1t will be difficult to deny the other. And if
hereafter, as will happen if the Republicans sue
ceed IN the coming contest, it is proposed to inter
Vene TO prohibit slavery, the strongest argument
In its support, far as the mere question of power
Is concerned, will be thi Senatorial caucus admis
sion OF the power to intervene to protect it. AL
ready we are notified of the nature of the hostility
we are to expect should Republicanism gain the as
cendancy hope, gentlemen, | may not be es-
teemed as intending to dsparage Massachusetts, by
alludIng as evidence of this for a passing moment,
ana with sincere regret, to the speech made Fri
day last In the Senate of the United States BY one
of her Representatives. Disparage Massachusetts,
What American who remembers her past history
and VINO does not?-cOud be so oblivious to national
PRIDE and gratitude to seek her dishOnor, and if
he did, bow vain would be the endeavOr. Her fame
Is now but under partial eclipse; it will, doubt
not, soon emerge and be restored to its original
brightness. or the gross vituperatiOn, the filthy,
ioathesome malignity of the speech, have not the
heart In this presence to say a word, nor have |
the wish to utter syllable, to touch with remorse,
did his insanity render that possible the feelings of
the speaker. To leave him to the agony of his own
passions to the morbid modification under which
he has evidently suffered during the past four wears
from an occurrence which one more regretted
or deprecated than | did, and to the pity and con-
tempt OF the pure and good of all parties is suf-
fcient to satisfy the Ja0st extreme Justice But
hat hat F.oI
when forced to look at her position on FRIDAY and
compare her then rank among her sister States
with that which she held when in days past Web
ster's eloquence in the same forum made her name
immortal?
The only safe ground for the South and the ONLY
one likely to promote the peace of the country is
absolute non-intervention, that policy so Justly
commended to general approval bv President
Buchanan in his letter of acceptance of his nomina
tlon OF the 10th of June, 1856, "fOunded on prn
ciples as ancient as free government itsef,'' and
which simply declares "that the people of a Terri
tory, like those of a State, shall decide for them
selves whether slavery shall or shall not exist with
in their limits" The principles thus authorita-
lively stated, are true, and because true must be
permanent They know no change, nor can their
justice the universally of their operation cease
TO commend them to the approval and sanction of
the good and patriotic, because politicians
high or low, may seem to forget seek to repudi-
ate them. And, gentlemen, it is at this time even
more than ever, of vital Importance that they be
lection of slave property in the Territories is now
asked by some Southern citizens. In declining to
adopt this Democratic doctrine, certain of the
Southern delegates seeded from the Charleston
Convention. and the party is in danger of dsrup-
ton from the same cause. Is the cause one that
Justifes refusal to associate politically
with Northern brethren? If it is, where will it
lead? No sane man can believe that such Con-
gressional legislation now be obtained. If not
the remedy, and the only left to the South
unless she is false to her professional convictions of
duty and now acts the mere braggart, is secession
from Congress, and of course from the Union. Is
this mere theoretical, abstract question, the most
abstract, truly said by Governor Cobb ever
presented for political discussion, to sunder
the ties which have so long and goriously kept us
together and made a nation the wonder and
admiration of the world? May the memory and
spirit of fathers forbid it /! NAV the
spirit of Washington save US from it! Nav the
hopes of Freedom throughout Christendom not be
blasted by it! May so foul dishonor never be
suffered to tarnish the American name. Oh that
Choate and Webster were living, to animate the
hearts of their countrymen with their own patriot
ic fire, and invoke them, as they surely would to
gather around the Union, and upon its atars
swear perpetual allegiance to it! Oh, that they
now here to fill these walls once more in this
their country's trial, with their lessons of wisdom
and duty, and to commend them to national ap-
proval by their almost superhuman eloauence!-
But the hope is vain. Let us, therefore, stimula
ted by the memories of the great dead, nerve our-
selves to the struggle. Let us, standing by the
rights of all under the Constitution main ain those
rights with untirng devotion and with scrupulous
good faith. Let us do all we to restore our
ancient harmony, our former fraternity, and dis
carding all sectional prejudces, demonstrate to the
world that we recognize as countrymen the whole
people of the United States, that we know but
country-that which is now covered by one
glorious ensign of ALL the stripes and the stars and
that we will, now and forever, support the Gov
ernment formed by our fathers for the common de-
fence and general welfare, and to secure to them
and their poSterity the blessings of liberty forever
Let US in the words of a statesmau-a native of
your noble State, and whose whole life was distin-
gushed by eminent service, even in the very high
est office in the gift of his countrymen, adhere to
this our purpose with inhexbe resolution as to
the horns of the altar; instil its principle with
unwearied perseverance into the minds of our
children; bind souls and theirs to the National
Union, the cords of life centred in the heart
and we surely then will 'sOar with rapid wing to
the summit of human glory"
LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE OF MEssRS. LINCOLN AND
HAMLIN.
The following is the correspondence between the
officers of the Republican National Convention and
the candidates thereof for President and Vice
President:
CHICAGO, May 18th, 1850
To the Hon. ABRAM LINCOLN, of Illinois.
SIR:-The represen tatives of the Republican par
ty of the United States, assembled in Convention
at Chicago, have this day, by an unanimous vote.
selected you as the Republican candidate for the
Office OF President of the United States to be sup
ported at the next election; and the undersigned
appointed a committee of the Convention tn
apprise you of this nomination and respectfully to
request that you will accept it. A declaration of
the principles and sentiments adopted by the Con-
vention accompanies this communications In the
performance of this agreeable duty, we take leave