Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-05-23
The Standard.
SPEECH OF
HON. THOMAS L. CLINGMAN,

On the subject of Congressional Legsstaotosa S' 20
the rights Of property ~ the gt7sStoFsa ", Ds.
lirered in the Senate Of the dRf'S& sfQss'' -h0y
&c 8 1860
TcoS4tNrEo rKoN FctHfh PAGE
NTH tue rs the Senator from Mississippi con-
tends that the Dt Scott decision settles the ques-
t;o. and supports the right of stakeholder IN
Terrtary, then there is another strong reason why
we ld scet6esce in non-intervention at TINS
tSme. This, therefore is third reason; and now
Propose to give one or two others why person like
myself, who originally did not adopt it, may now
be for it.
It has been adopted as the policy of the country
for ten years. Can we now pass through resou-
tons or bills to establish or protect slavery in the
Territories! That is the question Recollect 1t Is
only in a case where the people of Territory are
hostile to rights; it is only where they are so
hostile that they refuse to protect u.s. even egS'
late against that have been called upon to exer
else this power. Nobody pretends that there is any
necessity for our going into New Mexico, or otner
Territories that favorable 20 us, with this legs
lation Therefore, the question presented is SIMPLY
this suppose Territory is hostile to us, anu us
Legislature will not protect slave property, or even
egiSlateS against it will Congress intervene! First,
is there any political possibility that we can pass
such law through the two Houses? We have had
test on the question already. Here Is the Terri
tory of Kansas which not only does not give us any
protection but which. | am informed has lesSlated
adversely One Senator from mississippi NhI.
Brown has brought forward proposition to inter-
fere for the protection Of slavery in that Territory
and vet he has not gotten southern man to back
him; and if you were to submit the question to
body of southern Senators have very great doubt
whether you would get them to agree to such legs-
lation Why is it? If we of the South are willing
to impose the institution-that is the common
phrase-on Territory against the wish of major
ity why IS it that gentlemen do not come up and
support the proposition of the Senator from Missis
sipp? Is it because it is felt that it is politically
and morally wrong to interfere in this way? Is
that it. or is il because gentlemen know that such
legislation would be unayailing? | ask why we
have not induced southern Senators yet TO come up
and vote for the establishment or protection of
slavery in Kansas, notwithstanding the adverse leg
slaton of the territorial authorities? leave every
gentleman to give his own reasons But suppose
every southern Senator went for it could not
pass it and how many northern men are there who
are ready to vote for il? How many northern men,
bers there in the other House for it? 1t Will
take thirty northern Representatives to pass through
such bill. We all know what clamor was raised
two three years ago by the AbolitionSts- falsely
raised-when it was alleged that Congress intended
to force slavery upon the Territory Of Kansas wheth
er it wished it not Now, if we undertake to pro-
tect maintain slavery in Territory against the
wish of the inhabitants, | ask you how many north
ern men are likely to sustain us in it? At present
we have no southern men for it that | know of eX-
cept one. There may be others; but they have not
thought proper after a debate of three months, to
state the fact But suppose they come up and do it
how many men will you get from the North? ]
hold that it is political impossbility that should
pass such measure and as shall presently
deavor to show, nothing but mischief will result
from the attempt
But suppose there were nothing in this fourth OBJ
lection of mine, and that Congress should actually
pass law of that SORT how much would 1t be worth
a.. Al II
to it and unwilling that the institution should
exist be protected? If you are going to enforce
the law, you must send either an army or an i'm
mense number of officials and scatter them all over
the Territory Gentlemen know now how difficult
1t is to recover runaway negro from the free States.
From some of these States you only get him by
the help of an army. 1t was stated the other day
in a speech by member of the Republican party
who suppose knowS-I mean Mr.. RAYMOND who
once Lieutenant Governor of New York-that
of the runaways who went to the North, not one in
five hundred ever was recovered and vet it is much
easier to send posse or body of troops there 10
get single negro at point and return him. than
1t would be to support army and protect it over
whole Territory. But, nevertheless, suppose you
could maintain it there, what then? Everybody on
our side of the House admits that when they make
State constitution they have right to exclude it.
Have YOU or /, or any other man. the least doubt
that when such people made State constitution
bIC1 hOuiu ulahe u dnll-SIdVeTy! ANY community
on earth who had forced upon them a system TO
which they were adverse would inevitably throw it
OH when they could. What would be the result !?
Every State brought into the Union under these cir
cumStances would not only be free State, but
would probably be abolitionized; probably strong
antl-slavery features would be thrown into its con-
StitutiOn. What advantage is that to us of the
South, ask gentlemen? We would like to have
slave States they would give us additional strength
IN the two Houses of Congress; but slave Terrific
Tles are worth nothing to us-they give us no
strength We should like to have slave Territories
that might be formed into slave States; but if we
can only have them under a system which is almost
sure to make them terminate into free and hostile
otates, they are OF no advantage whatever to u.s.
have now, Mr.. President given some five rea-
sons why, in my Judgment, even if nonintervention
had not been right originally it would be the true
policy now; but gentlemen say if it is our right to
nave protection, let us insist upon it. take it for
granted that every man believes he has rights which
he cannot insist on at all times No man will insist
on an abstract, remote sort of right which he can
turn to no practical advantage, and thereby merely
incur very great losses. If a man believed that he
had certain valuable property in the moon nobody
would expect him to attempt to get at it there either
by balloons or otherwise. Everybody would regard
as an imposslolity, and any expenditure of time
and money that he made to effect it would be regar-
ded as thrown away. am free to say that in nv
Judgment, there is about much probability of ef
iecting thing of that sort there is of getting
through Congress and maintaining system of leg
lsaaon to protect slavery in Territories that are so
utterly hostile to it that they make their Legislature
act against it and then to bring them in as slave.
holding States. One is political the other nbvs-
zeal impossibility. think we shall lose by the on
Grafton; and this brings me to another class of OBJ
zjections. O''o VI ""
We take this system of congressional interven.
ton for the protection of slavery we must act in on
PosIloa 70 the settled policy of the Democratic par
vide the party The movement will not d;vido' o,,-
opponents; they will oil stand as they now do firm.
zly united against us but We shall divide our own
party two sections and beg leave to call tbe
attention OF Senators to the fact that, on looking
oseI sne rssolutohs adopted in the Democratic con-
Yentlons OF the free States-and have EXAMINED al,
of them but one-exerx sinsIo -. ~ =. eNalll.eu aL