Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-11-21

In this the time of trouble to the State, when
mems minds are deeply agitated, passions even
aroused; when the wisest and purest patriots are
uncertain what is the best course for the country to
pursue in the emergency before it and tremble lest
they be mistaken in their own convictions it is en-
inently proper that those who. by their intelligence
and probty command the respectful attention OF
the citizens and fill the public eye should come for
ward to their duty-should give their opinions;
should impast their information, and, If so lmpeled
even advise their countrymen what course is best
for the State to be by them directed in this its day
of danger.
Such I recognize as the motives which have i'm
PEELED Messrs B. F. Moore and j. 81. Bryan to lay
their views the great question of the day before
o highly respectable convention of portion of our
citizens recently assembled at Salisbury, and yours
Mr. Editor, in laying them before the people through
your influential journal.
These gentlemen occupy position in our State
inferior to none. Their intelligence is acknowledged
by all, and their sincere patriotism, not less than
that of him who now addresses you. But he
though he claims not the same high position in the
State nor the same acknowledged intelligence, does
claim equally patriotic desire to his State-the
country of his forefathers for generations past
weather the storm that is in her teeth; or if it
be Judged best boldly dash through the dangerous
strait and gain haven of quiet and safety beyond!
Therefore, while Justly admitting the sincerity of
these gentlemen in their views, he claims the same
for himself in an examination Of the statements and
arguments as given by them, and which, citizen
Of the State equally interested in her well being he
has felt it his duty to make. So different has been
the result of bis inquiry that he has been induced
to believe he might add his mite" if only by cor
recting errors to the information of his countrymen
Who perhaps, have not been, like himself engaged
for years in those transactions of general trade and
commerce in the great national mart of our country,
which tend to make one acquainted with its mater-
al interests and their bearing and influence on for
eign nations well as on the different parts of our
own.
For the present will confne myself to the letter
Of Mr.. Moore, as find here chiefly difference be-
tween his statements and my information between
his arguments and my experience and convictions
This examination is made in no carping spirit The
time has passed away with the recent election
When any feeling, save that of brotherhood, exists
with me towards every good citizen of the State,
sense of imminent danger makes me draw closer to
those who must share this danger with me. Differ
ences must exist, let them be met by friendly ar
gument This is no time for men to be engaged in
vain contention much less in the bitter disputes of
party strife; and though shall use plain words, 1t
will be only to make the palmer point. In my
heart there will still be the respect and regard
for those who are now, and trust will ever be,
friends.
In the first part of Mr.. Moore's letter occurs the
following passage:
81 fear that when the disunionists under the plea
protecting slavery, shall demand of the people to
calculate the value of the Union not few of them
in the agony of their feelings, in the prospect of
misery and the increase Of their burthens will be
induced, IN the excitement of the times, to retort
and demand in turn the value OF slavery"
Let US examine this "value of slavery" which
Mr.. Moore here supposes will be demanded by peo-
pie, I'm the agony Of their feelings" consequent
upon an assumed "msery and increase of their bur-
thens (which it shall be my endeavor to show will
not fall upon the citizens of Southern Confederacy
at least, should We decide to form one)
This value is not to be estimated BY the mere
amount in dollars and cents though this in itself is
not less than two hundred and fifty millions of dol
lars; but in considering this question, we must ask
I" What would be the condition of the State without
this slavery?'
A short enquiry will soon show u.s. The most
reliable calculations make the population of the
State, in round numbers about seven hundred thou
sand whites and three hundred and fifty thousand
blacks. That is, our labor, which we can at all
times obtain and CONTROL (Which the free States can
not do and which is all important is four-sevenths
of our whole population. Now, remove this amount
of labor, for freeing the negro all experience has
taught is the same as losing his labor, and how
could you supply the lossi By foreign emigration
You cannot for that is in too great demand in the
Northwest. You are anticipated there for many
years to come, by free Homestead bills" &c and
the New York "emgrant runners" would leave
you far behind in promises of "happy lands" to the
uniueky new corners, land at best it would be but
sad alternative to get such population as that vom-
tied on our shores from the vice and feyerinfected
emigrant ships of Europe.) You would then get
your labor, you say, from the neighboring States;
but would you not have to wait till Maryland and
Virginia were first filled up? And even then, after
waiting long years-perhaps generatons-when we
should all have passed away at what a cost would
that labor have been obtained? And whore wonld
ne q O1r al Co. Al.
while? Robbed of her labor, she would likewise be
robbed Of her lands; for the one would be useless
without the other. Her means, for MANY wears aft
least, would be all gone. She has no other resource
except agrculture,-no manufactures no commerce
(at least none worth considering in this relationl
Truly In this case, the result would be "a repudi-
alton of every bond Of the State" or ian emigration
to some more favored land"
But this question, "'the value of slavery" to the
State, is emphaticay and peremptory settled thus:
We have within our borders some $50 900 negroes
Now all the shipping of the State could not carry
away from shores, even their iac1e ease and the
neighboring States will not allow this immigration
even in limited numbers. So they must remain with
us till Providence in his good time shall remove
them. Remaining they must be either "bond or
free ~ If free the two could not live together
on the same soili The negro would soon demand
privileges-would demand to vote to enjoy the
school fund, to be elected constables, members of
the Assembly, as tney now are IN Jamaica; to be
admitted to the practice Of the professions as they
are in Massachusetts, and elsewhere, and ere long
to perfect equality with the white man, as is al
ready claimed for them by Seward, Hale, and many
others In Illinois several cases Of negroes running
off with white girls of property have occurred and
We see Fred Douglas has recently refused the hand
of his .mulatto daughter to q white mani No. the
two races could not dwell together on the same soil
a equals With numbers so nearly approxmating
an internecine war would be inevitable. And with
whites numbered only 60, 900, and the blacks 6OO-
O00 the latter, assisted by Lies Amis Des Noirs"
Of France, who are our modern abolitonists, drove
out the whites with horrid massacre and savage
slaughter, whole families destroyed and people
exterminated; but with us, the reverse would re-
suit, and the poor negro would b "wiped out" AS