The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1860-02-02

wrote his Harper Magazine essay, assuming
that slavery can exist only by virtue of local
law The South frowning again, he endeavor-
ed a, make his peace with the shareholders by
dees ring that he would submit to the Charles
ton; Convention, and instructing his nearest
frie1is in the House TO vote for the Admins
tratign candidate for the Speakership. So he
endsavored TO catch both sections of the Union
SUCCESSFULLY in the trap of double-faced soph
istrsf He tried to please them both in trying
70 Cheat them both. But he placed himself
between the logic of liberty on one and the
logic of slavery on the other side. He put the
ywopi of logic into the hands of his opponents,
and tried to defend himself with the empty
gcaBSard of "unfriendly legislation" APP
Ylauxe. Unfriendly legislation, which in one
ease would have been unnecessary, in the other
nnccAstitutional-the invention of a mind with
out logic, and of heart without sympathies :;
ecoE missed on all sides as q mere subterfuge,
oehs ID which the moral cowardice of Presi
DENIAL candidate entrenched itself. Cheers.
Such will be the verdict of future historians.
Jheewill indulge in curious speculations about
he times when such doctrines could be passed
tsf rs sound statesmanship-a craftsmanship,
indeed, the prototype Of which may be found,
sot n Plutarch, but in Aristophanes-bu they
will zae slow to believe that there were people
dull, Enough to be deceived by it. Applause.
leaving aside the stern reputation which
Mr.. Douglass popular sovereignty has received
1T the hands of the people at the last State
elections all over the Union, it is character
istc sign of the times, that even one of his
pol t cal friends, an anti-Lecompton Democrat,
rec-Stly went so far as to declare, on the floor
tf Congress, that he would not vote for Mr..
Douglas, if nominated by the Charleston Con-
eentipn, unless clear and unequivocal con-
struction were affixed to the reaffirmation Of
the Cincinnati platform. A wise precaution,
indeed! But whatever construction might be
givete to the Cincinnati platform, what will that
gentsman do with the double-faced platform
whies Mr.. Douglas has laid down for himself?
What will the abstract pledge of Convention
be worth to him, if Mr.. Douglass principles
pledge him to nothiDg2 What will he do with
- al who, when pressed to take an unequivo-
cal POSITION, is always ready to sneak behind
supesaor authority, declaring that these are
ques6ons to be settled by the courts?" Laugh
ter md applause.
. Mr. Douglass situation is certainly very
perTsexing one. On one side, he is ostracised
by 4 Administration Democracy for his il.
logic 81 and unconstitutional doctrine, that the
Legislature of a Territory has control over sla-
very sand, on the other hand, one of his near
est fisends Mr.. Morris of Illinois, in his recent
speech on the Presidents message, denOunces
the doctrine, that slave property may be carried
into the Territories ust like other property, as
an aIrocious determination" Was Mr.. Morris
not ssgare that this "abomination is the iden-
teal Doctrine advocated by Mr.. Douglas in his
New Orleans speech? Let Mr.. Morris examine
the re9ord Of Judge Douglas, and he will find
out tssat whatever denominations Mr.. Buchanan
brings forward in his message, he advocates
none that is not direct logical consequence of
Mr.. Douglass own admissions.
Il see the time coming when those who rallied
arounl Douglass colorS, because they believed
ia his principles, will, from his most devoted
fSenda, become his most indignant accusers.
Theya are already, unwittingly, denouncing his
doctriaes, when they intend to defend him.
they SILL not be sparing in direct denuncations
as sCSn as they discover how badly they had
been deceived, and how ANONYMOUSLY they
were 70 be sold. We might, indeed, feel tempt
ed tc pity him, if we had not to reserve that
generous emotion of our hearts for those who
are wfOng by mistake and unfortunate without
guilt. Applause.
Nr Douglass ambiguous position, which
make it possible for him to cheat either the
Nortt or the South, without adding a new in
Consistency to those already committed, makes
1t at sle same time necessary for him to put
his dt1ble-faced theories upon an historical ba-
sis, waich relieves him of the necessity Of ex-
press lg a moral conviction on the matter of
slavesy either way. To say that slavery is right,
woule certainly displease the North to say that
slavef5 is wrong, would inevitably destroy him
at the South. In order to dodge this dangerous
dilems IA, he finds it expedent to construe the
histos7 of this country so as to show that this
question of right or wrong in regard to slavery
had Sothing whatever to do with the funda-
ment1 principles upon which the American
Repu~-lic was founded. Dealing with slavery
only 3 a matter of fact, and treating the nat
ural sights of man and the relation between
slave.a and republican institutions as a matter
of cosSlete Indifference, he is bound to demon
stratS that slavery never was seriously deemed
incotN istent with liberty, and that the black
never was seriously supposed to possess any
rghts which the white man was bound to re-
spectse
b. here he encounters the Declaration of
IndeF ,ndence, laying down the fundamental
principles upon which the Republic was to de-
velop1itself; he encounters the ordinance of
l7s7-lhe practical application of those princi-
Piles 10th historical facts, as stern and stub
born IS they are sublime. But as Mr.. Douglas
had - conscience to restrain him in his histori-
cal Instructions. To interpret the Declaration
of ms pendence according to the evident mean
ing q its words would certainly displease the
South; to call it selfevident lie would Ger.
tainly shock the moral sensiblities ofthe North.
So he recognises it as a venerable document,
but makes the language, which is so dear to the
hearts of the North, express a meaning which
comedies with the ideas of the South.
We have appreciated his exploits as To-
ssician let us follow him in his historical dis
coveries.
Let your imagination carry you back to the
year 1916. You stand in the hall of the old
Colonial Courthouse of Philadelphia. Through
the open door you see the Continental Congress
assembled the moment of great decision is
drawing near. Look at the earnest faces of the
men assembled there, and consider what you
may expect of them. The philosophy of the
eighteenth century counts many Of them among
its truest adopts. They welcomed heartily in
their scattered towns and plantations the new
ideas brought forth by that sudden progress
of humanity, and, meditating them in the
dreamy solitude of virgin nature, they had en-
larged the compass of their thoughts, and peo-
pied their imaginations with lofty ideals A
classical education flor most of them are by no
means illiterate men) has put all the treasures
of historical knowledge at their disposal, and
enabled them to apply the experience of past
centuries to the new problem they attempt to
solve. See others there of simple but strong
cast of mind, whom common sense would call
its truest representatives. Wont to grapple
with the dangers and difficulties of an early set
tiers life, or, if inhabitants of young uprising
cities, wont to carry quick projects into speedy
execution, they have become regardless of OBJ
stacles and used to strenuous activity. The
constant necessity to help themselves has de-