Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1860-05-16
SPEECH OF HON. JOHN HUTCHINS,
In the Ho..ss of Representatives, Nay I'd

T.. /
ed Senator from New York. William H.
Seward, in his Rochester speech in 1885,
defined the antagonism between free and
slave labor to be an irrepresslble contlct
he announced truth inherent in the two
systems, and coeval with slavery. The
same idea has been frequently expressed IN
different forms by the opponents and advO-
Gates of slavery in their discussions Of tie
subject. If Mr.. Seward, in the statement
of this truth, is entitled to the claim of or
iginality, it is in the use of words express
siye of ideas. He has been represented as
originating the antagOnism, instead of de-
fning it. He in apt words clearly defined
what is patent to a student of history and
to careful observer of passing events
namely, that there is an irrecOncilable an
taeopism between freedom and slavery. 1t
Is being demonstrated, if it never were be-
fore, by the logic of events now transpirlngg.
The words freedom and slavery are expires
sive of opposite ideas, and wherever the two
systems come in contact, there must neces-
sarily be conflict and antagOnism- A line
of policy which would encourage free labor
would discourage slave labor; hence the
conflict as to measures in the legislation of
Congress affecting the two systems OF labor
When, in fixing tariff of duties upon I'M
ports, with a view to make the annual rev.
enues of the Government equal its annual
expenditures, discrimination is made up
ON such articles as free labor produces, so
as to afford incidental protection, then we
find the advocates of free labor and the ad-
vocates of slave labor in antagonism on this
floor. When it is proposed to encourage
free labor by inviting it to occupy and I'M
prove our unoccupied public domain, by the
passage of a homestead law, then we en-
counter the same antagonism. And 80 II
is with every measure proposed having the
least relation to either system of labor
The establishment of the fact of a conflict
between freedom and slavery, does not as
logical sequence, determine which is right
or which As wrong. / propose, therefore
briefly to examine thaE question, and ad
dress myself to that inquiry.
Il
The advocates of slavery upon this foo
have frankly and ably presented the ques
ton for our consideration, and propos
to meet it. If the system of free labor, a
It exists in the free States of this Union, i
wrong, VIC ought, as honest men, to aban
, don it, and adopt that higher type Of civil
ization, as it is claimed, which exists in tn
slave States. If the system of slave labor
as It exists in the slave States, is right, W
ought under the Constitution of the Unite'
States, to extend to it that protection whicl
It's advocates claim for it. maintain tha
slavery. as it exists in the slaveholdln
States, is wrong in every aspect IN Whlc
It can be viewed; wrong to the slave; wrOn
to the STAKEHOLDER; an injury to the mate
rial, industrial, political, social, educational
moral, and religious prosperity of any pee
ple who encourage, or tolerate it; and, hk
all other sins which afiict society. the SUI
total of its results is evil, and only evil
Slavery originated in motives of selhshnes'
of ayarice, and of ambition in an age wheI
: by the teachings of those motives, nigh
was synonym for right-when the veal
and unfortunate, and the conquered had 4
rights which the strong were bound to II
spect. 1t is sustained at the present day
in and out of this Hall, by the same logl
y and by the same motives.
es When the cOlonists of this country we
q, ., experiencing the oppressive effects of Il
!. tyrannical measures of the Parliament al
be King of ENGLAND, tending to reduce the
to political slavery, they naturally began
INQUIRE into the inherent rights of man,
subject of civil government; and that i
uuirv, with the discussion incident to it,
C. the light of the learning which the progre
- of society up to that time had develOpe
resulted in the adoption of "a platform
political principles, in harmony with t
Divine law, which was incorporated IN
th the Declaration of Independence. Il
language is familiar to all, and will n
quote it. 1t is a clear and concise stat
> ment of the natural equality of all men
protection from Government, and to the c
he ioyment of "life, liberty, and the pursuit
52s a2s happiness. It's erroncOusly asserted, al
'd' unfairly contended that the broad apple
ton, which the opponents of slave
:, make of this language, secures to all clas:
and conditions of people equality of soc
!, relations and of political rights Social
Ian lations are prompted by natural afhnitl
and it is not the appropriate object OF Gt
to erument to interfere with them Polite
Of rights emanate from the Government, and
tn extent which they are to b beenjOyed by, a
applied to particular persons, is address
nm to the sound discretion of the law-maki
Ill power z Natural rights emanaute from
sb Creator, and Government cannot theref
len. :,
ing improperly interfere with them; and t
rite is the sense in which the Declaration of
~ dependence declares all men created equ
We do net deny to women their equal
tin with men as to natural rights, because
{ er- do not allow them the civil right to VI
for and the same remark will apply to min
III e.