Wabash express. [volume] (Terre-Haute, Vigo Co[unty], Ind.) 1841-186?, 1860-12-12
Then and Now.
Fron The ~ V Past

BeA ceafo tCocOh tnC hCdNl toOCH VI
Andrew Jackson's iron rod.
In 1860 the same State ayows her fixed
purpose to set the Federal authority at de-
fiance, end asserts the RICH. Of separate
soy reignty-jusi as she did twenty seven
years ago.
It's instructive to compare the sentiments
expressed by the Chief Magistrates of the
nation then aud now. General Jackson
told South Carolina, IN words so plain that
in the hottest fury of her mad fever she
could not choose but stop and listen, that
ment was death. James Buchanan de-
generate and degraded Democrst-meets a
similar issue by frankly avowing that the
threats Of South Carolina have frightened
him, and that he has no power TO act, neith-
err has Congress; to coerce a rebellious
State weuld be ian act of usurpation;" to
deny the right of peaceable secession is TO
"make war against a State;" to employ
force would be "to Danish all hope of
peaceable reconstruction"
Comparisons are sometimes opposite, and
precedents are the strength of legal argu-
ment. Suppose we put Mr.. Buchanan and
General jackson in contrast, disagrceable
though il must be 10 the former to be plac-
ed side by side with one so much his su-
perior in all that constitutes courage and
manliness. Here is what Jackson said In
1882, and what Buchanan says in 1860:
JAMES BUCHANAN, Dee. 3, 1860.
Apart from the execution OF the laws, so
| far as this may be practicable, the Execu-
tive has no authority to decide what shall
be the relations between the Federal Gov
eminent and South Carolina. He has been
intrustcd with no such discretion. He
possesses no power TO change the relations
heretofore existing between them, much
less to acknowledge the Independence of
that State. This would be to invest a mere
Executive officer with the power of recog-
nizing the dissolution of the confederacy
among our thirty three sovereign States
1t bears no resemblance of the recognition
of foreign de faeto government, Involving
no such responsibility. Any attempts 10
do this would, on his part, be a naked act
of surpation. Ii is, therefore, my duty to
submit to Congress the whole question in
all its bearings. The course of events is so
rapidly hast ling forward that the emery
ency may so1n arise when you may be cal
| led upon to decide the nomentous ques
tion whether you possess the power by
force of arms to compel State to remain
in the Union. shoald feel myself recre-
ant to my duty were 1 not 10 express an
| opinion on this important subject.
r. 90 fol -. IL.
Constitution delegated TO Congress the
power to coerce State into submission,
which is attempting TO withdraw, or has
virtually Withdrawn from the confederacyf
| II answered in the affirmative, il must be
on the principle that the power has been
conferred upon Congress to declare and to
| make war AGAINST State. After much Sc
Gus reflection, have arrived at the con.
cluson that no such power has been dele
gated to Congress to any other department
of The Federal Government. IL is manifest,
upon an inspection Of the Constitution, that
this is not uong the specific and enumer.
ated powers granted to Congress; asd it is
equally apparent that its exercise is net
"necessarv and proper for carrying into
execution" any one of these powers. So far
from this power having been delegated 10
Congress. il was expressly refused by the
Convention which framed the Constitu-
ton.
without descending 10 particulars, il may
be safely asserted that the power to make
war against State u at variance with the
whole spirit and intent of the G institution.
Suppose such a war should result in the
conquest Of q State, how are we 10 govern
it afterwards7 Shall we hold il as a Prov.
ince and govern IL by despotic power2 In
the nature of things we could not by phys
icalIforce control the will Of the people, and
compel them to elect Senators end R.pre-
scntatives to Congress, and TO perform all
the other duties depending upon their own
yolition. and required from the free cili-
ger OF free State az constituent mem
Der OF the confedcracy.
But. il we possess this power, would il be !
wise to exercise it under existing circum- |
St. ncesf The Object would doubtless be 10 |
preserve the Union War would not only |
pre- mt the most effectual means of dc |
slroying IL, but would Danish all nope of |
its peaceablc re obstruction. Besides, in |
tho fraternal conflict, vast amount of |
blood and treasure would beexpended, rem.
dering future reconciliation between the |
States impossible. In the meantime who |
can fortcll what would be the sufferngs |
aud privations Of the people during its ex-
istcnoe.
The fact is, that our Union rests upon
public opinion, and can never be cemented |
by the blood Of its citizens shed in civil
war. III il cannot live ia the affections of /
the people, it must one day perish. Con
gress possesses many means Of preserving
Il by Cancellation: but the sword was not
placed in their hands to preserve il by
force.
ANDREW JACKSON, DECEMBER 10, 1882.
The laws of the United States must be
executed. / have no discretionary power
on the subject-my duty 10 emphaticalIy
pronounced in the Constitution. Those
who told you that you might peaceably
prevent their execution deceived you-they
could not have been deceived themselves.
rhey know thata forciblc opposition could
alone prevent the execution OF the laws
and they know that such opposition must
be repealed. Their object is disunion-
but be not deceived by names: disunion by
armed force is treason. Are you really
ready TO incurits guilif II you are, on the
heads of the instigators Of the act be the
dreadful consequences-on their heads be
the dishonor, but on yours may fall the
punishment-on your unhappy State will
inevitably us tNllS OF the conflict
you force upon the government of your
country. II cannot accede TO the mad pro-
ject of disunion Of which you would be first
first Magistrate cannot, il he
would, avoid the performances of his duty
the consequence must be fearful for yos
TO your fellow citizens there. ,
and to the friends % good government
throughout the world. TIA enemies have
beheld our prosperity with yexation thew
could not conceal-it " - standing refu- [
tation of their slavish doctrines, and thew
will point to our discord with the triumnb
of malignant joy. IL is yet 10 your power
% disappoint them. There is vet time 90
show that the descendants of the Pinck- Z
leys, the Sumpters, the Rutledges, and of
he thousand other names which adorn Tho
pages OF your revolutionary history will
rot abandon that Union, To support which {
70 many fought aud bled aud died adj
ure you as you honor their memory-as
Tou love the cause Of freedom, To which
hey dedicated their liyes--as you prize u
he peace Of your country. the lives of its |
BEST citizens, and your own fair fame, to h
Il. r.