Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1860-03-06

| disastrous effects the whole country is witness.
That it disrupted the Whig party; that it drove
from the administration hosts of Democrats;
that it gave rise to the modern republican Or
ganization; that it brought the two divisions
the country into angry opposition, upon q Sec
tioEal issue; that it caused CIVIL and threatened
servile war; that it relieved the agitators from
their paralysis, and invigorated their strength
that it swelled the ranks of the disaffected, and
imperiled the Union. are facts of present existing
history, the evils and dangers of which, are yet
to have their solution.
Had the repeal been demanded by some great
public exigency in the affairs of the country, the
evils encountered in it's accomplishment, might
be compensated by the object it was successful
in obtaining. But no exigency pressed its de-
mand no State Legislature, and no member of
any no primary assembly of the people, and,
as far as is known, no individual of the masses,
sent up either petition or request. The scheme
was concocted in the closet of the politician,
and to serve the ends of political adventurers,
sprung suddenly from the Senate chamber on
the public. Had it been designed as a practical
benefit to the institution of slavery, to enable
the master to settle the new territories with his
slaves, justification or excuse might be found for
the act in the spirit of justice on which it pro-
ceeded. But we were told by the projectors
and advocates of the repeal that the slave own
ers could not take possession of the lands, be-
cause both nature and climate dedicated it to
! freedom.
But it is said that the act repealed was un-
constitutional, and has been so declared to be by
the Supreme Court. Then the repeal was un-
necessary, as the act itself was nullity. But
| the case in which the judgment was rendered
was pending before the Court when the repeal
| ing act was introduced, and as the question of
constitutionalty was appropriately judicial
question, there was fitness in leaving it TO
that arbitrament. 1t cannot be doubted that
had the question been left to progress quietly
through the judicial forum, the judgment would
have been received as a final settlement, but
dragged untimely into party politics, the vexa-
tion endures to work its mischief.
The introduction of African slavery into party
politics is the prolific cause Of all troubles
1t has proved to this country what the wrath of
Achilles was to Greece, 'the direfuI spring of
woes unnumbered." ,-
We trace this history for the double purpose
Of exposing the guilty authors and exhibiting
the evil ITSELF
The public mind has become, in measure,
disordered, and we must have the courage to
look the disease in the face and submit to the
remedy necessary for cure.
The remedy is to restore the question of slave
ry to the condition in which our fathers left it,
to be discussed when occasions arise appropriate
to the discussion, and to expel it forever from
the creed of party. To deal with it properly,
demands the best exertions of enlightened patri-
otisrn. Withdrawn by the very form OF the
constitution from the common power of all, it
was expressly reserved to the States, separately,
under the authority of whose law it is permitted
to exist. Constituting large and important
interest in these States, it is entitled to the
sideration of every State, and, within the just
limits of constitutional power, to the protection
of the common agent Its religious, its social,
its industrial tendencies belong not to others to
determine and are unfit and Improbable for
others to discuss. We are not now considering
the formation of the confederacy; our Union is
established, free States associated with slave
holding States, and what concerns Us, is, how to
discharge the duties that the compact of associa-
ton imposes.
| Slavery is not now what it was at the COM
mencement of our government 1t has grown
into proportions far exceeding the anticipations
of our fathers. They looked forward to the day
when it could be abolished with safety But
the times have changed since there were but
few hundred thousand slaves in the country,
with comparatively small prices. The number
has swelled to four millions, constituting the
labor of one half the nation.
| 1t has an importance reaching to national
stitute the necessaries, comforts and luxuries of
all nations. 1t is the main support of Northern
commerce and manufactures, and of Northern
wealth and progress Southern society rests up
on its base, and upon its security the world de-
pends for the products of its labor in those
larger quantities that the progress of civilization
and the arts demand.
| But if slavery only concerned the South it
would be entitled to be treated with liberal views
and impartial and candid judgment; it is unfit
for sectional and partizan intrigues and manage
ment The prosperity and safety of the South
concern the nation.
| The States under whose laws the system of
free labor obtains, are secure, like their Southern
sisters, from all federal interference as it is re-
served to them alone to consider the religion, the
social and industrial questions that spring from
it. Whatever great interests these systems give
rise to are equally entitled to the consideration
of the other States and within the prescribed
limits, to the protection of the federal agent.
| If a diversity exists between the two systems
of labor and different interests spring from them
requiring special measures to accommodate the
exigences of each, it is the plain dictate of JUS
tice that the power of all shall be exerted in the
behalf of each, it is only by measures and enact
ments founded in concession and compromise,
that government can discharge its high duty
We see nothing in our system Incompatible with
cordial Union of the States, and the harmoni
Gus working of the federal government. 1t is
replete with every element of national, social and
individual prosperity and happiness, and if per-
mitted, under Providence, to work out its desti-
ny, it cannot fail to establish the United States
in the foremost rank of the great nations of the
earth.
Between the two extremes of North and South
we would gladly find a path of safety. The
Constitution and the laws made by its founders
have, in ample measure, promoted the happiness,
prosperity and security of the whole country
The South has fourished and grown to wealth
and strength under them; can it be that the
time has arrived to abandon this Constitution
and repeal these laws2 To great extent, we
think, the solution of this question remains with
the people of the North. For the South we
claim as the condition of our Union the principle
OF legal equality and the principle that political
power is trust power, to be exercised for the
good of the governed. We claim security for
slavery as domestic institution; we claim the
right to extend 1t into any Territory of the pub
lie domain, now in possession or hereafter to be
acquired, where the soil and climate invite it;
we desire no further importations from Africa
to degrade and barbarize and render valueless
the slaves that are here. With these recogni-
tions we are content with the Constitution, we
are content with the Union, and content to live
with the people of the North as the citizens of
one government, and to share with them a com.
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