Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-10-20
LETTER FROM
CAPT. ALBERT PIKE,
OF Arkansas

tical affairs and controversies in Arkansas; and
frem that determination, deliberately and as 1
think wisely taken, it is not my purpose now or
ever hereafter TO depart.
l may perhaps be permitted to add, not IS matter
of any possible interest to any other human being
but only TO repel in advance the superstition that
ambition influences me, that twenty years ago set
tied it with myself that would never ask or accept
from any quarter any political office whatever.
Still an not insensible TO the duties which every
private citizen owes to his country; and know
that one of those duties is frankly 10 declare his
opinions upon grave political questions, and the
reasons upon which those opinions founded,
whenever it pleases his fellow-citiEens to demand
that he should do SO.
II seems to m hat such question has now aris-
en-, before which all others must for a time pale
their fires since il is one that deals, as regard IT,
with the fundamental basis of the compact between
the States of the UnioG; even with What underlies
the Constitution and since Cd its solution in one
or the other manner, depends as l cannot but
think the permauence of the Union itself.
| You are at no loss to know to what question
allude 1t is, in its present aspect. thst of the
rights Of fifteen of these States that now with their
Peers are Joined together in unity, in the common
! territory, purchased with the money or won by
the blood Of sll. II is Al bottom the question Of
the nature Of the general government, Of who are
! the parties to the compact of union, and of the
! equality in rights and dignity Of all the States.
dealt with as they should be, in the compass of q
single letter. Nor is it the best time in which to
discuss them, when the people called upon to
decide beween the claims CT several candidates for
! the Presidency, zeslously pressed upon them by
their respective partizans and in which controversy
so much that is personal inevitably mingIes.
These grave questions will not be settled noS.
One great and patriotic party declines TO entertain
them; aud personal admiration for the character Of
a gallant chieftsn on the part Of his enthusiastic
sdherents will help to prevent even the South, al
! present, from announcing with single voice
what seems to to be the only true constitutional
doctrine
But the time will come, hope. after the bitter.
Ress, the angers, the recriminaiOns and the injus
tices of This contest over, and there is no Longer
any question of men. when in ell the Southern
States there viii be but one opinion on these que5
| tons Who shall succeed or Hbo shall be defeated
now, is of comparatively little moment. | hardly
bestow thought on that. Taat the South shall
| offer divided front and be distracted BY no con
ficting counsels on the great issue that will nj
longer be denied solutioH-tSis is OF an importance
so grave that oil else Of controversy when set By
its side dwindles into meagre insignifcance.
have no right to assume that my opinions viii
be of any weight with any living creature; and if
were to consult only nay own taste and nclinatious
/ should continue, as heretofore, to print m
thoughts for the perIsal of only few indulgen
| friends, and publish nothing. sm sorry do no
now feel at liberty to do so
There are three principal opinions upon the sub
| ject of slavery in the common territory Of thes
States.
One is that which the Republican party frml,
| plants itself; that the Congress Of the Unite
States has the power, in it's pleasure, without ques
lion from any quarter 10 prohibit abolish SLAYER
| in any part of that territory
The second is, that the States so assembled il
Congress, have not that power; but that when The.
have organized provincial government the peUpl
| of that province have, through their legislature
the power, without question from any quarter, +
| do what Congress cannot And this rigut ant
/ power are attempted to be deduced from what i
termed the inherent right of the people 10 govern
| themselves and control their own domestic institu
tions, to which right the term popular sovereign
| ty' has been applied while Others less reverent
characterize it by the name of 'squattsr sover
! eighty"
! The third is, that neither the Congress nor thu
people of the territories their Legislatures poe
| sess any such power; which only be exercised
| in the creation of State and the adoption o.
its constitution that this conclusion is a simple
corOllary from the proposition that the right of the
| CmigraRt from Southern Stale to the common ter
rItory. TO continue to hold his slaves there, is
constitutional right; from which il results as Mr.
| Douglas once said it necessarily would. that NJ
porsT on earth JGfully dspr,ps hin of that right.
! and as another and equally necessary corolary
| from the came proposition, that it is the highest
! duty Of the general government, by the action il
required cf all its departments, judicial, executive
and legislative to make this right csctuaL dVdila5le
to precisely the extent and in precisely the
same manner as it is bound to protect aud secure
the enjoyment Of any other great right guaranteed
by or declared in the Constitution.
To this doctrine | assent, without the slightest
doubt or hesitation
In my opinion, the Constitution of the United
States made, not by the people of all the Sta es
acting os people, with voice aad will; but
by the ii inct people of cach of the States, existing
when and before it was made each State acting as
usit ard distinct legal and political being or
individual Each, casting enc vote adopted, and
50 made the Constitution which the Convention Of
their delegates had only drafted. I've, The psopl.
Of tie United States, in order form perfect
Enion. do ordRia and establish this
Constitution As the creator exist before the
created the . United States here spoken of, and
who msde the Constitution, we're those that Gxistt d.
and as they existed prior 10 lis making; E., the
United States confcdera;ed in q firm lesgue OF
friendchip," under he articles of III; and the
word people" is only used by way of recognition
of the grea, political truth thai the people Of each
STATE are the State
The construction Of the compact in its essentials,
must chiefly depend upon The determination Of the
first of all the questions that arise in regard 10
it-7rho are the parties 10 7 And the answer to that
question is the States, each unmUtilated repub-
lie sphsre perfec. in the isolation of its dis
tinct individuality. The preamble is, in effect, ave,
the people of each of the several States Of America
united in confederation, do now, in order to form
a more perfect union :" not union of other ard
different things, parts eisments, but more perfect
union Of what we're already united, fHE STATES.
As each State acted unit in making the con-
sttution SO each State is, through al time, and
with vice and vote equal to that Of every Other
State TO vote as a unit in amending it. And as the
MI 4
teal unit, neither made nor amend the consti-
tuition so neither have they such unit ever
done any political act or cast any vote whatever.
They act, always and only through those organisms
or political corporations, the States.
The people of each State created the corporation
or body polite Che State; and of il each citizen is
a corporstor They Ia their aggregate, are, an fact
the $ ate, and IL is mere imaginary being. But
in lav it is being and individual, distinct from
each and all Of them, that does not change as they
die born, but is always oHe aud the same; az
the human body, composed of It's sver-shittipg par
icles is individuality and unit distinct from each
and all of them 1t buys and sells, makes contracts,
sues and is sued, and helps create q general gov
tor itself and its peers and equals; but as
debts and contracts not those Of any individual
citizen.
The States created that corpOratiOn-the United
6tatesand Of 1T they alone are ccrpOraOrs. In law
it is sn individual unit and political person wholly
distinct from each of them; but, IN Jdet it is the
States of which 1t is composed.
Thus, the fathers, 0y adopting simple legal
principle united in perfect harmony things that at
first view it seems impossible shouTd exist the
conjunction of foreign States equals and allies,
and national unity and national erssnee for GER
tain purposes. 1t was the solution of q great Ire-
biCm.
The Congress looming togetherl of the United
States" means, Hterslly and Intentionally, these
several States assembled and met face 10 face in
council There, in each House, the States hemSelUes
are present impersonated by the Representatives.
i e 4, by those Vho make hem present there.
Saeh State by its legislature, chooses its two
Senators, and SO has ats equal suffrage in the
Senate "
The Representatives, are aPpOrlioned "sTong the
several States" Each State Is " entitled 20 choose
SO many Each Representative is required only 10
be an iuhsbitant of that State in which be shall be
chosen" Each llust, in my well-consiiered opinion
be chosen not by district. but by the whole &Its
and represent the STATE; and Congress has no power
nor do think it wise if it had the power, to divide
Stae into districts and provide for the election
Of a Represezsetive by each. In more senses than
one the Representatives Of districts do pot represent
their States, and the system greatly lessons the
weight ard authority of many Of the State
AS little do the PEOPLE of al The States as one
nsopIe elect the President. Each SfGts APPOINTS if
electors, not ia number pr0portioned to Its Popu!a
ton bu equal to its Representatives in both Houses
of Congress: rule which increases the vote oil the
small States in much greater pTopertl'R than those