The Oxford intelligencer., 1860-06-06

ed blood of her own sons.
To pursue this enumeration through the
more recent periodic dwell upon the Nor
thern opposition TO the acquisition of Cuba
or on the bitter struggle over the Kansas Ne
bras<a BILL and the repeal of the Missouri
Compromises ON the insults heaped upon
the highest Judicial tribunal in the land for
interpreting the Constitution of the Union in
the sense which its trainers designed it to
bear-or on the scenes of disgraceful violence
and civil strife winch attended the early set
tlement of Kansas, and the hardly less dis
graceful scenes in Washington which follow
ed the application of that territory for ad-
mission into the Union-or, finally, on the
organization of great political party perva-
ding all the non-slayeholding States. and
binding together, with the original abolition
fanatics, every scattered fragment of every
broken down political organization which has
gone before it, whatever their diversities of
creed upon all properly political questions,
in one common bond to make war upon the
South--to dwell and enlarge upon these
things is entirely unnecessary, since they
constitute part of the immediate history of
the day.
Now throughout all this period of contin-
ued and continually reviewed wrong, it is
manifest that there has been but one real
question involved. The struggle has taken
hundred apparently differing shapes; be-
cause at each succeeding trial of strength,
there has been a sort of tacit understanding
that the general principle in controversy
should be tested by special ISSUE This
principle is the right of the people of the
South, no less than of those of the North to
the protection of their property as well as
their persons, in every part of the common
domain to which the Constitution extends
Examine as we will, every single special is
sue enumerated above, contains within it this
general issue and every one of these special
issues which has been decided in favor of the
South, ought to have been sufficient alGne to
dispose of the subject forever. The original
disposition of the Missouri question was
mistake, because it was not decision. The
prohibition of slavery IN one part of the COM
mon territory, and the permission of it in an
other vas not effected by the exercise of an
admitted power in Congress /; but by con-
cession on the part of the South, made in the
vain hope of peace. But the abrogation Of
that arrangement, deliberately made after
thirty years observation of its uselessness
ought to have been regarded as so distinct a
recognition by Congress Of the equal rights
of the South in the territories, as to put an
end to agitation.
When Gen. Cass, in ls4s, in his famous
Nicholson letter, broached the doctrine which
is now substantially advocated by Mr.. Doug
las, there can be no doubt that he was himself
sincerely favorable to the protection of South
ern rights, nor that he honestly believed that
the universal recognition of that doctrine
would secure those rights. There were even
then sagacious men enough among our pco-
pie, who perceived the fallacy of this cxpec-
tation: but it cannot be denied that many
Southern men agreed with Gen. Cass. The
doctrine will not do, because it will not bring
about the practical result which it was un-
doubtcdIy designed and expected by its orig
inator to secure. Mr.. Douglass merely wastes
his breath usclessly, when he demonstrates
how consistently he has held this doctrine, or
how numerous have been its adhercnts among
those who reject it now. The South have
not been contending for doctrine; they
have been contcndng for a thing. Had the
doctrine brought with it a substance, land its
deceived many into the beliefthat
it must do SOY it might have served: but be-
ing proved, in its practical working, to be on
ly means of cheating the South it can no
longer be accepted or pass current any more
than the note of broken bank would do so.
The experience of the past then, has brought
with it some lessons for the future, which, in
conclusion, we will briefly suggest:
First, the conflict which has been going on
for the past forty years, between the North !
aud South cannot be set at rest by the decis-
ion of any partial or special issues. The
fundamental principle, that the South is en-
titled to, and shall have, secure and ample |
protection for the persons Of her people, and
for their property of every kind, slave prop
erty no less than any other, in all the terrific
ries of the Union, by all the authorities, leg
islative, executive and Judicial, of the gcner-
al government, must be unbendingly insisted /
on, and must be conceded in explicit terms,
or there can be no more peace.
Secondly, there is, as yet, no serious reason
to despair of the Union, nor of the attain
ment-and that right speedily-of our just
and equal rights within the Union. Notwith-
standing the violence and clamor with WHICH,
for sees, the South has been assailed in the
Northern States, and by Northern men in /
Washington, yet, in the partial issues which
have been tried between her and her enemies
on the floor of Congress, the Justice of her