Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1860-03-08

/ :
is there to be found one representative of our
country who is not an apologlst of the extension
OF slavery.
1t is in America that these things have hap
pened. In the nineteenth century, the era of
the world g greatest progress, and while all ma
lions but ourselves have been either ahridging or
altogethor suppresslng commerce in men at
the very moment when the Russian serf is eman.
cipated, and the Georgian captive the Nubian
prisoner, and the Absynan savage are lifted up
to freedom by the successor of MOhammed-
world, prepossessed in our behalf by our early
devotion to the rights Of human nature, as no
nation ever before engaged in its respect and
sympathies, asks in wonder and amazement,
what all this decentralization means? 1t has an
excuse better than the world can imagine, bet.
ter than we are generally conscious of ourselves,
virtuous excuse. We have loved not freedom
80 much less, but the Union of cur country so
much more. We have been made to believe,
from time to time, that, in crisis. both of these
precious institutions could not he saved togeth
er and therefore we have, from time to time,
surrendered safeguards of freedom to propitiate
the loyalty Of capital and stay it's hands from
doing violence to the Union. The true state of
the case, however, ought not to be mystery to
ourselves. Prescience, indeed, is not given to
statesmen but we are without excuse when we
fail to arprehend the logic of current events.
Let parties or the government choose or do what
they may, the people of The United States do
! rot prefer wealth to liberty, capital to labor,
African slaves to white freemen, in the national
Territories and in future States. That question
has never been distinctly recognized or acted on
by them. The Republican party embodies the
popular protest and reaction against policy
which has been fastened upon the nation by sur.
prise, and which its reason and conscience, con-
curing with the reason and conscience of man
kind, condemn.
The choice of the nation is now between the
Democratic party and the Republican party. Its
principles and policy are, therefore, justly and
even necessarily examined. know Of only one
policy which it has adopted or avowed, namely
the saving Of the Territories of the United States
if possible, by constitutional and lawful means,
from being homes for slavery and polygamy.-
Who, that considers where this nation exists, of
what races it is composed, in what age of the
world it acts its part on the public stage, and
what are its predominant institutions, customs,
habits, and sentiments, doubts that the Repub-
lican party can and will, if unwaverngly faith
iul to that policy, and just and loyal in all be-
side, carry it into trlumphal success To doubt
is to be uncertain whether civilization can i'm
prove or Christianity save mankind.
l may, perhaps, infer from the necessity of
the case, that it will, in all courts and places,
stand by the freedom of speech and of the press,
and the constitutional rights of freemen every
where that it will favor the speedy improve
ment Of the public domain by homestead laws,
and will encourage mining, manufacture and
internal commerce, with needful connections be-
tween the Atlantic and Pacific States, for all
these are important interests of freedom. For
all the rest, the national emergencies, not indi
vidual influences, must determine, as society
goes on, the policy and character of the Repub-
lican party. Already bearing its part In legis-
lation and in treaties, it feels the necessity of
being practical in its care of the national
health and life, while it leaves metaphysical
speculation to those whose duty it is to cult
vate the ennobling science of political philoso"
ply.
But in the midst of these subjects or rather,
before fully reaching them, the Republican
party encounters, unexpectedly, new and po
tential issue-one prior, and therefore para
mount to all others, one of national life and
death. Just as if so much had not been al
ready conceded nay just as il nothing at all had
ever been conceded, to the interest of capital in
vested in men, we hear menaces of dlsunion,
louder, more distinct, wore emphatic than ever,
with the condition annexed, that they shall be
executed the moment that a Republican Admin
iStration, though constltutionally elected, shall
assume the Government.
do not certainly know that the people are
prepared to call such an Administration to
| fhot
sion of floods which never greatly excite; and
Gibbs which never entirely discourage me, the
volume of Republicanlsm rises continually
higher and higher. They are probably wise,
whose approximations admonish them that it is
already strong enough for effect.
Hitherto the Republican party has been con-
tent with one self-interrogator y-how many
votes it can cast? These threats enforce an
Other-has it determination enough to cast
them? This latter question touches is spirit
and its pride. am quite sure, however, that
as it has hitherto proctced selfdenlal in so
many other FORMS it will in this emergency lay
aside all impotence of temper, together with
all ambition, and will consider these extraordi-
nary declarations seriously, and with just
moderation. 1t would be waste of words to
demonstrate that they are unconstitutional,
and equally idle to show that the responsibility
for disunion, attempted OR affected, must rest
not with those who in the exercise Of constitu-
tional authority maintain the government, but
with those who unconstitutionally engage in the
mad work Of subverting it.
What are the excuses for these menaces?-
They resolve themselves into this, that the Re-
publican party in the North is hostile to the
South. But it already is proved to be ma
jority in the North it is, therefore, practically
the people Of the North. Will it not still be
the same North that has forborne with YOU 40