The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1860-05-25

SliIhV Wv OH III tuC Vii COuCCIuJuR cI0VSA
so that the people Of the territories might
do as they pleased, without any other
restriction than the Constitution. That
motion was voted down when made by
myself; but subsequently,, after the debate
had gone on at great length, Mr.. Clay,
from his seat at the corner of the Chamber,
passed to mine, and said: eff you will re.
new your motion to strike out that limita-
ton, it will now be carried, and we shall
save this bill" l stated to him that my
friend, the Senator from New Hampshire,
Mr.. Norris now no more, would not vote
for the bill, unless those words were out, and
thought, out of courtesy, would let him
make the motion, as had once made 1t, and
would see him. At the request OF Mr..
Clay, went to Mr.. Norris. He made the
motion to strike it out. 1t was carried by
a vote of 80 in the affirmative to l9 in the
negative thus rejecting the doctrine of the
Senator from Mississippi, and sustaining the
position advocated by myself.
NoN-INTERvENTION SUSTAINED BY THE PEOLPE
NORTH AND SOUTH.
Now, sir, am free to say to that Sena-
tor, that he and l differed in that contest.
| advocated non-intervention then, as do
now. He fought it then CALAMITY, as he
always fights but he was defeated by a
vote of nearly two to one and was sus-
taiced and my proposition, and not his,
became the basis Of those measures. Con-
gress adjourned Immediately after the
passage of those measures, in the midst OF a
terrific excitement North and South. North.
ern agitators had infamed the passions and
prejudices of the Northern people, by repre-.
senting those compromise measures as being
measures for the extension of slavery. The
Southern opponents Of the measures had in>
famed the passions Of the Southern people
into the belief that the compromise meas
ures were sacrifice of Southern rights and
Southern honor. Appeals were made to
the people, North and South, by Northern
interventionists and Southern intervention
lists, against those measures that had been
passed by the majOrity-the one represent
ing them as sacrificing Northern rights and
Northern honor; the other representing them
as sacrificing Southern rights and Southern
honor. That was the issue.
| went to my own State to make my ap-
peal to my own people in vindicatiOn of
my course. The country knows-history
has recorded-the mode in which l was re-
ceived when | landed in Chicago. The
City Council, filled with Abolitionists, had
passed resolutions annulling the fugitive
slave law, instructing the police to withhold
any assistance in the execution of the law,
proclaming it to be violation of the law
of God and of the Constitution. The stand
ard of rebellion was raised. The public
passions were infamed. A fugitive slave
was about to be arrested and civil war was
anticipated by every man. 1t was not a
pleasant task to me to 60 into public
meeting, thus iDfamed and excited and in
furiated, and tell those people that they had
been deceived about the character of those
measures; that the fugitive slave law was
right that it was an act required by the
Constitution of the country, which we were
bound 10 support that the compromise
measures were, ali of them, founded on cor
rect and sound principles. History records
the fact that | met that infuriated populace,
composed of honest and intelligent, but mis-
guided men, and that defended each and
every one of those measures before that
people. and procured from them resolution
that the fugitive slave law should be exc.
cuted, and the compromise measures of
1850 sustained. must trouble my friend
TO read passage from my own speech be-
fore that meeting at Chicago, in vindication
of those measnres-a speech made under
such circumstances that my best friends
warned me that my life would pay the for
leit-and then you will see on what princi-
pie defended them.
[Mr. PUGH here read. from Mr.. DOUGLAS
speech in Chicago in 1850, in which he defend
ed the compromise measures of that year, on
the ground that they gave the people of the
Territories the right of selfgovernment
upon all questions, that of African slavery in
cluded.l
Mr.. Douglas-Mr. President, after that
speech, made under the circumstances to
which / have referred, more than half mill
lion copies were circulated throughout the
country by order of the great national com.
mittee of New York, which became alarmed
lest the Union should be dissolved-a speech
which was laid on the tables of Senators at
the opening of the session, and received a
wider circulation and more approval than
any speech Of my whole life,-in view of
these facts, submit whether it is fair to
charge me with having for the first time at
Freeport, in 1858, asserted the doctrine that
the people of a Territory can decide this
question for themselves? | told the people
Of Chicago, in 1850, that the compromise
measures rested on the great fundamental
principle that every people ought to possess
the right to manage their own domestic
concerns in their own way that the people
of the States possessed the power, and the
people of the Territories ought to have it
that all my votes had been cast in accord
ance with that principle, except when act.
ing under their instructions that those
votes were the votes of those who instructed
me, and not my own, and that would new
er hold myself responsible for them. Is it
fair for senators to quote those votes, given
under those circumstances The Legisla.
ture of Illinois was elected short time at.
forwards. When they assembled, they
passed resolutions approving of the compro.
mise measures of 1850, and instructing the
Senators from that State, in all new terri.
torial organizations, to incorporate the prin.
ciple that the people of the Territory should
decide the slavery question for themselves.
Thus, sir, was sustained in my appeal
to my own people 10 justification Of my 90.
position to the views of the Senator of Mis-
sissippi. How was it with his appeal to
10 h1o NJ