Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1860-06-05

absorbs public attention with undisguiscd riai-
cule and contempt. The fast" journals Of
the North, and their serrie imitators at the
South, spare no opportunity to heap ri'licuie
and contumcly on an issue which they have
chcsen, with all the elegant 7"titude of slang
phraseology, to designate as the ""igger
question:"
We have no desire to deprive these amiable
.t;trcc"rsor any solacc they may find in ridiclI-
ling what they are powerlHss TO control The
NiGGEg QUESTION! So let the name be. With
ont intending q aon6le sntendrt, VIC would
simply suggest
- thu, which cali rose,
"Dy any other name would smell as sweet.
Doubtless the ''nigger question is most un-
saSory in the nostrils of all the srimlncrs and
time-scrvers Of the present day. 1t is IN issue
which can neither be evadcd ignored, compro-
mittcd, nor in any manner covered or con-
ccalcd. 1t is no manageable hack, which po.
litical jockey may bestrde, balancing his feet
on opposite stirrups-onc leg on each side-for
an easy cantcr on the road to power and pat
ronage.
The "nigser question: is no sham to be
traded on or trifcd with. 1t is stubborn
fact, and one so prominent that the bungler
who attempts to slur it over in 4 political pro-
grammc dccciycs no one-not even himself
Nay, this ''nigger question is 4 very lion in
the path Of every political shutllcr.
Again: The actual Importance Of the mig
ger question is even more than commensurate
with the high appreciation affixed to it by the
popular award The 'niggcr question immc-
diately involves the domestic status, the moral
and material welfare Of several millions Of per-
sons, recognised by organic law az lawful resi-
dents in the United States, and now actually
residing throughout fifteen States Of the Union.
The 'niggcr question" involves the security or
insecurity Of several billions Of the property
Of citizens of the United States. The "aigccr
question" Immediately involves the great inIk
of the agricultural int, .cSts Hl our whole cni!u.
try The "niggcr question involves the me-
chanical, manufacturing anl commercial inte-
rests of 'wenty-sx millions Of people in the
United sratrs alone, besides similar interests
OF many millions more in other parts Of Amer
lea and throughout Europe. The 'nigger qucs-
ton involves at this moment tho fundamental
doctrines of State sovereignty and State equal
ity. The ''nigger question has stirred up the
vrulencc Of fanaticism as intolcrant Us the
religion of the Koran, and enlisted an army Of
fanatics mad with the lust for landed acquisi-
ton and the greed Of political prcdominance.
Indeed, We are much inclined to believe that
this "nigger question" ought 10 be considered
in light somewhat more sorious than that re-
Hected from the Sickly sIinr".r Of journalistic
cynicism.
But apart from the abstract question Of pro-
pricty, the fact is patent that the people ofthe
whole country, without regard to their differ
enccs of opinion or party aililiation, have ar
rived at the conclusion that the "nigger ques.
ton docs constitute The prcponderant issue
Of the present political crisis. And the almost
unanimous desire Of the people has been ex
pressed in unmistakable terms, that that issue
should be met without equivocation- the
conflict of opinion should be fairly expressed
in party platforms, and openly met by the
nomination Of representative men whose well
known political opinions and positions would
leave no room for evasion or misunderstand
ing
Party lines had already been strictly drawn,
and with almost sole reference to tho one ques
ton. The two great political organizations of
the day had already assuul,. distinct and ir-
rcconcilabIe positions.
On the one hand, the Re- lican party had
assumed the position that TIL institution Of sa-
very is moral and political evil; that slave
labor and free labor are Loccssarily so antugo-
nistic as to preclude the possibility Of the long
continued existence of both in the same polit,
cal confederacy, and that it is the duty OF every
good citizen to assist free labor in the lire
pressiblc conflict"
On the other hand, the Democratic party had
assumed the position that the institution ofsla-
very is recognized by the Constitution Of the
United States that the claim Of the slavehold-
er to his property is be-: r' 'he rishtLul power
Of federal interference; that every cncroach-
ment or assault OH this right of property,
whether hy the Federal Government, or its
agents, By the governments OF norl-slavcholding
States, or BY individual violence constitutes an
illegal act, at war with every political and NOR.
al obligation, and especially with the plighted
faith Of loyal confederacy.
Such are the principles which the ,wo par
ties were respectively cndeavoring to apply 10
the question Immediately at issne-that oil ter
ritorial government. Previous to the assem-
bling Of their National Conventions. each party
was divided in itself, as to the proper means OF
applying its favoritc theory and IN each IN
stance the settlement Of the controversy, IN Ia
vor Of the one opinion or the other, was espe'
cially necessary in order to designate the repre-.
sentative man who should receive the honors
and assume the leadership of his party
One faction of the Republican party, under
the leadership Of Wm. Il. Seward, openly ad-
vocated the prohibition Of slave property in the
Territories by the immediate action Of Con-
sress Mr.. Eli Thayer Of Massachusetts,, with
rare sagacity, had recognized and very ably de.
monstrated the fact that the easiest and most
practicable means for the exclusion Of slavery
from the Territories: vas to be found in