Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1860-11-17
lin this discussion, and enjoying the privilege to

law in 1907. This was measure OF Mr.. Jefferson,
and one to which he was greatly attached But
when he saw that by the continuance OF this en- I
barge, the Union was likely to be dismembered, did
he say that the law must be enforced at all hazards
No such thing. Acting on the conviction that this
is Government of compromise, he repealed the
embargo In his works published since his death, I
it is made apparent that this was a very fayorite
measure with him Yet on the approach of so dan
gerous crisis he hesitated not to abandon and re-
peal it.
This is another instance of concession on the
part of the General Government to States which
sisted the exercise of doubtful powers.
Mr. B. said, as he had stated his objections to the |
course which the honorable Judiciary Committee |
had advised or recommended to the Senate to adopt
and deeming not calculated, as honorable gentle
men had observed to preserve the Union, but, on |
the contrary, calculated, if carried into practical
operation, to destroy this glorious Union, 1t was
proper that he should state what he thought would
best meet the present crisis. He considered the
true remedy peaceful remedy, that of cOnciatIon
according alike with the genius of the constitution
and the practice of the Government The revenue
should be reduced to the wants of the Government
and the oppression which the Southern people Ia
bored under, in consequence of the tariff system
ought to be removed. If gentlemen wished to pre-
serve the Union, the country should be appcased
This appeared to him to be an infalble remedy.
The one, however, which the committee had pre-
scribed, might be fraught with some danger. He
81
thought this the favorable moment to try the
strength of the Union, and that Government ought
not to concede particle of the protective sys-
tenn Can it be possible, at this day, (said Mr.. b
that any individual would wish to jeopardize the
peace and harmony of twelve or thirteen millions
of people, not only the peace of whole people, but
to reard the progress of free Governments through
out the world, by an experiment of that kinc, to
try the strength of the Union, and whether it can
survive the use of the military power? lie hoped
not He trusted that republic would be haz-
arded by no such speculative experiment.
1t is argued, continued Mr.. b. that the State of
South Carolina having placed hersefn this attitude
of defence Congress ought not to egislate on the
subject as had been said in of the newspapers,
while the sword is branishing our heads. This
is not meeting the question: it is not the true qucs
ton; it is question of very different character.
Are the people of South Carolina alone concerned in
this matter? Is not vast portion of the American
| people concerned in it? Are not the whole of the
| Southern States interested in this subj"
! not only the Southern g. -J~UU' IL Is
nG' Urai '"' ''"'"' .,ates, the State of New
--...e, the State of Maine and portion of the
! people of New York, but a large and respectable
number of the States in the Southwest which con-
slider the tariff system unjust and repugnant to the
principles of the constitution. md that have
right to keep it up. 1t is argued that Justice should
not be done to South Carolina, because she has as
| sumed menacing attitude. This is not proper
view; it is not just to the other States Is 1t any
reason, because South Carolina has acted impru-
IDENTIFY, that she should not receive ustice2 If she
has forfeited any claim to cne consideration Of the
| General Government ought the other States to IN
cur the forfeiture Nothing can be more erroneous
nothing more absurd, nothing, | will say more ~
rannlcal Ian to Cypress all the Southern states
oecausr South Carolina has acted rashly? do not
san Mr. B., argue this question S southern ques-
lion. Thank God, in the exercise of my legislative
rights and duties here | can look beyond the Poto
mac. Thank God, have feeling which is not
confined to the geographical limits of any portion of
the United States. l can look and judge of my
countrymen north well as south of the Potomac !;
and wish it to be distinctly understood that what
now say respecting South-Carolina, deem appli-
cable to every member of this confederacy To no
one of these States would | arrogantly say, will
not do justice, until you your knees before
do hope, if have any patriotism, it is not that
narrow contracted patriotism which is confined to
geographical limits. trust it is that patriotism
| which looks abroad over the Union, and embraces
! every portion Of my fellow citizens And so help
me God if my constituents were this day to demand
that should perpetrate an act of injustice against
any member of this confederacy, that should do an
act in behalf of North. Carolina which would trench
upon the rights of Maine or of Massachusetts,, or
Pennsylvania which believed destructive of their
constitutional rights, so help me God would sign
my seat and retire to my home rather than leopard
the peace of this republic, this glorous experiment
of free Government by taking what Justly belongs
to Maine, and unjustly to bestow it North Caro-
! lima; believing that a man presents more truly
| dignfed attitude who refuses to do an unjust act
! than he who perSeveres in injustice.
| But what are we now called upon to do? We
are called upon imminently to leopard the public
| peace by novel and dangerous experiment; to en-
force a law which not only a large portion of the
American people believe unconstitutional but which
verify believe, if the question submitted to
their individual opinion this day, they would repu-
date and require to be rejected We called up
| on to enforce tariff law, which l believe the
jority of the people of the United States desire to
! have amended or modified and the modification of
| which is fortified likewise by the recommendation
! of the Chief Magistrate
And before proceed further, let me explain N.Y.
! self on this point. do not take the ground and |
will not take it, and wish to be distinctly under
! stood with respect to this matter that a law which
is tainted with injustice should not be put in force
take the ground that no law oppressive in its char
acter should be executed by interposon of military
! power, until every pacific measure which can be de-
ysed shall have been resorted to without the de-
sired result The remedy for evils of the greatest
magnitude should be sought for in the peaceful ri
bunals of this country according to the great prin
| ciples handed down to us by the English wings and
which we have infused into the spirit of our conSt
! tuition and Government
! IT. on failure of all these means, it shall be
found necessary to force to execute the laws let
1t be used am not prepared TO say That the emer-
gency cannot arise but do say, that before law
of this kind is to be executed before the peace of
the Union is to be disturbed, there ought to be
reference to the justice, to the wisdom of Congress-
TO weigh, to examine the provisions of that law, and
solemny TO pause and reflect before proceeding to
put it in force by military power.
L beg leave, said Mr.. B., to advert to what the
President of the United States has said in his mes
sage to Congress, and do it because this is Che
first remedy which the President recommended to
Congress at the opening of the present session.
cannot doubt that if the Executive wishes were con-
suited he would, and decidedly give the preference
to peaceful settlement of the difficulties by Con-
preSs do not mean to say that his Indifference