New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1860-08-20
ADDRESS.
OF THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
--oF ruE-
CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY
Rooms NATIONAL EXECUTIVE CoNNIrrsr,
81 % .lrNat M..A lIimIrL..Ll II q ls.l

= A-i -
FeHo,g. Caizeas--We beg leave to present to you
Y for your consideration, few Of the reasons whc
in our judgment, make il the imperative duty OF tn
rejecting and patriotic voters Of the United State
to cast their sufrages at the coming Presidentii
S election for John Bell and Edward Everett the car
i didates Of the Constitutional Union party. A
: men, whatever be their political convictions, an
in whatever parts of the country they may live
must admit that our political condition at this tim
l. is at once unnatural and alarming. In all fire
| countries, governed by representative bodies
there are, and ever must be, political parties. TIL
: natural division of these parties is in eonlormit
t with certain original principles in humanity itse
One party represents permanency, and one pro
erosion; one the propelling and one the guidin
principle. The prosperity and healthy growth 0
free countries depend upon the adjustment an
proportion OF the forces represented by these tw
parties, moving within the sphere of the Constitl
ton, and alike inspired by patriotic impulse. Ih
parties which, under various names, have, until
! few years past, divided the country, have repre-
scented, or protested to represent these principles
though it has often happened that the particula
issues on which they were opposed were accidental
and not essential.
THE SLAVERY QUESTION
But recently a change has come over the spri
of our politics, and the natural antagonism O
parties has been disturbed. In fifteen of the thirty
three States which now compose our confederacy
the Institution of African slavery exists and all
admit that within these States It's entirely beyond
the sphere and jurisdiction of the National Govern
ment. At the time Of the formation of the Consti
tuition it had legal existence, at least in nearly
all the States. From that time to this it has been
subject powerfully moving the sympathies and
passions Of portion of the community and it can
not be denied that it has considerably enhanced the
difficulty of governing and administering the coun-
try. But the grave questions which grew out OF
the existence of slavery were always met with that
1 wisdom and patriotism which were requisite for
their adjustment and solution. The Constitution
itself was the birth of spirit of generous conces-
sion and magnanimous compromise and in a like
! spirit the country was long governed One crisis
| OF more than common magnitude and peril oc-
| cured in 1870, upon the admission of Missouri !;
and another In 1850, upon the admission of Cafor-
MIA: but both were happily passed, and in both
1 cases, after some moments of anxious suspense
the Goals OF strife were quenched and harmony
| was restored.
1 At the adjournment Of Congress, in 1850, the
country was at peace. There was no portion of
| the territory of the United States which had not
its condition fixed BY positive, and as was supposed,
irrepealabie law. The anti-slavery agitation had
been mainly confined to few over-zealous persons
| in certain localities. 1t had excited disturbing
force in the politics of of the States it had
sent some ardent partsans to the national legisIa
ture; but it had no marked influence upon the
politics Of the nation. No better proof can be adj
duced in support of this position than the fact that
at the Presidential election in the Autumn Of 1852
Mr.. Hale the candidate Of the Freesoil party, re-
ceiyed but l5s 125 votes, to Mr.. Peree's 595 395
and General Scotts |, 1913 0S9.
But this suspicious calm was disturbed and all
the winds of sectional strife were let loose by
events occurring between the Presidential election
OF 1852 and thai of 1856, Prominent among these
were the. untoward abrogation Of the Missouri
compromise, in 1854 the acts of violence which
occurred in Kansas, and the persistent efforts of
the Federal Administration to force that Territory
in the Union. So great was the effect produced By
these causes, that instead Of Mr.. Hales meagre
vote of 15S, 12S Col. Fremont, the Republican can.
didate, had 34l 5l4, to Mr. Buchanan's 1885, 232.
and Mr.. Fillmore's S74, 707. Since that time the
Republican party has maintained its imposing
character, and now presents as formidable a front
before the country as it ever did.
REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE A DEMO.
CRATIC MEASURE
Great pains have been taken in the Northern
States by Republican speakers to represent the dis
turbance Of the Missouri compromise as a South
ern measure, and one of the acts of what they are
wont to call the slave power; but such speakers
show more party zeal than love of truth. The
feeling in regard to that compromise was sub
stantally the in both sections of the country
each conceived that it had yielded something OF
constitutional right, but both acquesced in the re-
suit as measure of healing and peace. Its repeal
took the North and South alike by surprise: not a
petition to that effect was presented from any
Southern State, and the hand that set this disaS
trous ball in motion was the hand of Northern
Senator Thirty Senators voted with him |
and thirteen against him, and of these fourteen |
were from the Northern States had these four I
teen voted the other way, the compromise would |
not have been disturbed.
The measure was Democratic measure and fhe |
leaders Of the Democratic party are alone respon.
slbie for it, and for its consequences. They having
S So lhe WIND, are now reaping the whirlWind.
The retribntion which has fallen upon their once
powerful organization can awaken no sympathy /
for it IS more than the righteous penalty exacted
from those who break the law Of right Their
party y now cleft in twain, and the two divided
portions turn toward each other countenanre Of
" ufepressibie conflict and unextnguishable ami.
mostly There are no quarrels like familvauarrels
ind there is no hatred like the hatred that once
was love.
MR.: DOUGLAS AND MR. BRECKENRIDGE
Mr.. Douglas, representing the principle or rather
the policy aerWe deny it the name of principe1 of
popular sovereignty, Is strong at the North. Mr. I
breckenridge representing the doctrine of national
intervention in behalf of slavery and identified
with the present Administration is strong at the
South. Mi. Douglas will probably command a |
larger popular vote than Mr.. Breckenridge, but he
certainly cannot carry single Southern State and
unaided by other parties his success in any North
ern State is questionable. 1t is doubtful whether
Mr.. Breckenridge can obtain the vote of more than
one Southern State, and he cannot hone TO carry a
single one in the North,
The election of either Mr. Breekinridpe or Mr.
Douglas we should regard as serious misfortune |
to the country. Except upon the particular point
on which they are at issue, we may presume that
ne course and policy of their administrations
would be substantially the same. The election If
either would continue those abuses and eerrup
aons which have done so much to demoralize orr
1eople, which have brought our institutions into
'uch undseryed distrust abroad and against which
he nnperYerted conscience of the whole country
10 energetically protests
No CHANCE FOR DOUGLAS OR BRECKENRIDGE
But we deem it unnecessary to speculate mon
ne consequences OF an eyentWhich can never take
1lace. Tie election Of either Mr. Douglas or Mr.,
breckenridge i simply an impossibility. and the
Democratic party North and South NAV as well
ook this fact steadily in the face to-day as here.
liter for TO this conclusion they must come al last
political house divided against itself eanpot
tand. Every man in the country of sound mind
whose wish is not father to his thought. mnst
,e convinced That neither of the Democratic can.
lidates can be chosen BY popular vote.
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY A SECTIONAL PARTY
Before the people Of the United States the con.
est is between Mr.. Bell and Mr.. Lincoln: and nj.
inning this as fixed fact, we proceed TO state
ONE OF the reasons which should induce all well.
sishers to their country to vote for the former
ather than the latter. These reasons apply with
quail force to the North and the South.
Tho great, the obvious, the insuperable obiec
ion to Mr. Lincoln's claims is founded upon the !
act that he is sectional candidate and that the
republican party is a sectional party. In fifteen
ut OF the thirty three States which compose our
'mon the Republican party has no substantial :
Xistence; and, should Mr. Lincoln be chosen his +
ADMINISTRATION could have no Southern support !
ut only Southern opposition We are well aware
io,W energetiealiy the Republican party dscains
IL designs hostile to the Constitutional rights of the