Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1860-03-17

new aud potential iSsue--one prior, and
therefore paramount to all others. one OF
national life and death. Just as if so much
had not been already conceded: nav. lust
as if nothing at all had ever been conceded
to the interest of capital invested in men
we hear menaces of disunion, louder, more
distinct, more emphatic, than ever, with the
condition annexed, that they shall be ex
ecuted the moment that a Republican ad
ministration, though constitutionally elect
ed shall assume the Government.
do not certainly know that the people
are prepared to call such an Administration
to power. know only, that through a
succession Of floods which never greatly
excite, and ebbs which never entirely dis
courage me, the volume of Republicansm
rises continually higher and higher. They
are probably wise, whose apprehonsions ad-
monish them that it is already strong enough
for effect.
Hitherto the Republican party has been
content with one selfinterrogatory-
many votes it can cast2 These threats en-
force another-has it determination enough
to cast them? This latter question touch.
es its spirit and pride | am quite sure,
however, that as it has hitherto practised
selt-denial in so many other FORMS it will ia
this emergency lay aside all impatience of
temper, together with all ambition, and will
consider these extraordinary declamations
seriously and with just moderation. 1t
would be waste Of words to demonstrate
That they are unconstitutional, and equally
idle to show that the responsibility for dis
union attempted or effected, must rest not
with those who in the exercise of constitu-
tlonal authority maintain the Government.
bnt with those who unconstitutionaly en-
gage in the mad work of subverting it.
What are the excuses for these menaces?
They resolve themselves into this, that the
Republican party in the North is hostile to
the South. But it already is proved to be
a majority in the North it is therefore
practically the people of the North VIII
it not still be the same North that has for
borne with you so long and conceded to
you SO much? Can you justly assume that
affection which has been so complying, can
all at once change to hatred intense and in
exorable?
You say that the Republican party is
sectional one. Is the Democratic party less
sectional Is it easier for US to bear your
sectional sway than for you to bear ours
Is it unreasonable that for once we should
alternate? But is the Republican party
sectional ? Not unless the Democratic par
ty is. The Republican party prevails in
the House of Representatives sometimes
the Democratic party in the Senate always.
Which Of the two is the most proscriptive?
Come, if you will, into the free States, into
the state of New York, anywhere from
Lake Erie to Sag Harbor, among my
neighbors in the Owasgo Valley, hold your
conventions, nominate your candidates, ad-
dress the people, submit to them, fully,
earnestly, eloquently, all your complaints
and grievances of northern disloyalty, op-
preston, perfdy; keep nothing back, speak
just as freely and as loudly there as you do
here; you will have hospitabIe welcomes,
and apprecatIng audiences, with ballot-box-
es open for all the votes you can win. Are
You less sectional than this Extend to
us the same privileges, and | will engage
that You will very soon have in the south
as many Republicans as we have Demo
Gratis in the North. There is, however,
better test Of nationality than the acciden-
tai location Of parties. Our policy of Ia
Dor in the territories was not sectional in
the first forty years of the Republic. Its
nature inheres. 1t will be natioual again,
during the third forty years, and forever af
terwards. 1t is not wise and benefcent for
us alone or injurious to you alone It's ef-
fectS are equal, and the same for US all.
You accuse the Republican party of
ultcrior and secret designs. How can
party that counts its votes in this land of |
free speech and free press by the hundreds |
of thousands, have any secret designs p
Who is the conjurer. and where are the |
hidden springs by which he can control its
uDcongregated aud widely dispersed masses,
and direct them to objects unseen and pur-
poses unavowed But what are these hid |
den purposes You name only one That |
one is to introduce negro equality among
you. Suppose we had the power to change
your social system what warrant have
you for supposiDg that we should carry
negro equality among you? We know, and
we will show you, if you viii only give
heed, that what our system Of labor works
out, wherever it works out anything is the |
6Nluulll1 VI NultC ulCl. n6 ldDOIeI III lle |
free States, no matter how humble his oc-
cupation, is a white man, and he is politi- |
cally the equal of his employer! Eighteen
Of our thirty-three States are e.labor
States There they are Maine, New
Massachusetts, Vermont, Rhode
Island Connecticut, New York, New Jer-
'ey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Illinois,
Indiana, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Cali
iornia, and Oregon. do not array them
in contrast with the capital states | am
no assailant of States. All of the States
are parcels Of my own country-the best
Of them not so wise aud great as am sure
it will hereafter be the State least deVel- |
Oped and perfected among them ali is wiser
and better than any foreign state know.
Is it then in any, and in which, of the states
l have named that negro equality ofends
the white mans pride? Throughout the
wide world, where is the State where class
and caste are so utterly extinguished as
they are iu each and every one Of them 7
Let the European immigrant, who avoids
the African as if his skin inhaled contagion,
answer. You find him always in the State !
where labor is ever free. Did Washington,
Jefferson, and Henry, when they implored !