Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1860-12-13

ieSoEuiAa'ioh VI IoisiSu oe J0CiO govern
nent involving no such responsibility; any
} attempt TO do this would on his part be a
naked act Of usurpation.
/ It's, therefore, my duty 10 submit &c
: Congress the whole question in all its
bearings. The course Of events is so rap
: idly Fastening forward that the emergency
: may arrive when you may be called upon
TO decide the momentous question whether
you possess the power, by force of arms,
: to compel a State TO remain in the Union
Ishould feel myself reereansto my duty
were 10 express an opinion on the inpor-
iant subject. The question fairly stated is:
Has the Constitution delegated TO Congress
the power 10 force State into submission
which is attempting to Withdraw, or has
actually withdrawn from the Confsderacy?
If answered in the affirmative. it must be on
the principle that the power has been con-
ferred upon Congress to declare and make
war against State.
j After much serious reflection, have ar
rived at the conclusion that no sur,l DOW.
er has been delegated to Congress or to any
other department of The Federal Govern.
meut. 1t is manifest, upon an inspection
Of the Constitution, that il is not am eng the
specific and enumerated powers granted to
Congress, and it is equally apparent that
IFS exercise is not necessary and proper for
carrying into execution any one of these
powers, So Ear from this power having
been delegs,ed 10 Congress, it was express.
ly refused by the Convention which framed
the Constitution.
IL appears from the proceedings of that
body, on the 3lst of May, 1857, that the
clause authorizing an execution of the force
| Of the whole against delinquent State came
up for consideration, Mr.. Madison oppos.
] ed it in brief, but powerful speech, from
which shall extract but single sentence
J he observed the "use Of force against 9
!. State would look mote, declaration of wal
+ than an infection of punis hment, and would
: probably be considered by the party attack.
ed, as dissolution of all previous compacts
{ by which it might be bound"
: Upon his motion the clause was unani.
: mously postponed, and was never, / believe
again presented.
t Soon after, on Sth of June, 1887, when
: incidentally adverting to this subject, he
said: "Any Government for the Unite
States, formed on the supposed practicable.
{ ty of using force against the unconstitulion-
al proceeding of the States, would prove as
I visionary falacious ns the Governor Of Con-
: gress, evidently meaning the then existing
: Congress of the old Confederation. With
out descending to particulars, il may be
safely asserted that the power TO make war
: against state is at variance with the whole
! spirit and intent OF the Constitution. Sup
pose such wsr should result in the con-
! quest Of State, how are we to govern il
J afterwards? Shall we hold it as province
} and govern it by despoiic power?
In the nature of things we could not by
physical force control the will Of the peo-
pie, and compel them 10 elect Senators and
Representatives TO Congress, and to per-
: form all the other duties depending upon
] their own relation, and inquired from the
. free citizens of free State as a. constilu-
tional member of the Confederaey. But if
we possessed the power, would it be wise
to exercise il under the existing ciroum-
} stancesP The object would be doubtless to
preserve the Union, but it would not only
} present the most efectual means Of destroy.
ing il, but would Danish all hope of its
peaeeable reconstruction, Besides in the
fraternal conflict vast amount Of blood
and treasure would be expended, rendering
future reconciliation between the States
impossible, In the meantime, who can for
tell what would be The sufferings and pri-
vations Of the people during its existence.
The fact is that our Union rests upon pub
lie opinIen, and can never be cemented by
blood of ITS citizens shed in civil. war. If
it cannot live in the affections Of the peo-
pie, il must one day perish. Congress pos
sesses many means Of preserving by con-
ciliation, but the sword is not placed in
their hands 10 preserve it by force. But
may be permitted solemnly to invoke my
oountrymen TO pause and deliberate before
they determine TO destroy this, grandest
temple, which has ever been dedicated to
human freedom since the world began. Il
has been conseerated by The blood of our
Fathers, by the glories Of cur past, and by
The hopes of the future; and the Union
has already made us the most prosperous,
and ere long will, if preserved, render US
the most powerful nation on the face of the
earth.
In every foreign region of the globe the
title Of American citizens is held in the
highest respect, and when pronounced in
foreign lands, it causes the heart of our
cOuntrymen to swell with honest PRIDE
Surely, when wed reach the brink of the
yawning abyss, we shall recoil with horror
from the last fatal plunge. BY such dread
catastrophe, the hopes Of the friends Of
freedom throughout the world would be de-
stroyed, and long night of leaden depot
ism would ensnroud the nation. Our ex-
ample for more than eighty years would
mol only be lost, but it would be quoted as
a conclusive proof that man is unfit for self.
government. 1t is not every wrong, nav
1t is not every grieyous wrong which can
Justify a resort to such fearful alterna-
tive. This ought to be the las, desperate
remedy Of despairing people, after every
other constitutional means Of Cancellation
had been exhausted.
We should reflect that under this free