Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1860-04-18
TFor the mtelligencer.l
SECTIONAL sTRIFE--NO. 10

FOR the inteihgencer.l -..-
SECTIONAL STRIFE--NO. 10.
Messrs. Editors:-Our ancestors fiatter-
ed themselves that, for many purposes,
they had constituted one great, mighty
and united nation, each portion of which
would be ready to consult for the common
good of the whole. o, mistaken ancestors,
how came you to cherish such a fragrant
delnsionI The words "National Constitu-
ton" are scarcely found in the Southern
vocabulary, it is q compact between
Sovereign States" And even this idea of
States rights is growing absolete, while
we are being resolved in a mass OF segrc-
gated individuals, each one of whom, is to
scramble for his share of the national
territory, without the slightest reference
to the interests of patriotism or of general
humanity. ''I have right" says the
| Southern Shareholder in his unrcined,
animal selfiShncSS, "to take my property
into the national Territories, and hold it
there, and il this right is not admitted the
Union shall he dissolved. No man opposed
to this right shall ever be inaugurated
| President" 1t is in vain that we remon-
strate with this man, in mild and manly
! language, such as equal has right to
address to equal, without offence. In vain
we remind him that his share of the ma
tional domain is already out of all propOr-
! tiOn to the members interested in his peculiar
institution. In vain we remindhim that the
| Northwestern portion of the continent can
not be Africanized and Saxonized nj the
the same time. In vain remind him
| that q pint cup can not at the same mo-
mcnt hold pint of milk and pint of ink;
| that as the black flows in the blonde must
| flow out. In vain we invite him to sit
down with us in the new territories as an
! equal brother, enjoying to the full all the
rights and privileges which we propose
for ourselves and our posterity. None of
these things move him. He sternly in
sists on his porcupine privilege of eXclu-
/ sivencss. Unless we are willing to de-
scend 10 the level of his sooty slaves, by
/ following the same occupation side by
! side with them, he must have all and we
none. Old Roger B.. Tnuey has "nomina-
ted it in the bond" )" and it must be just So
And for venturing to argue, to demonstrate,
we are assailed by storm, hurricane OF
/ foul and approbrious language, such as
probably never before was addressed by
| equal men to equal men. And yet If ever
| there was question in which we might
nationally hope for some CNndOr, some
I forbearance, some moderation OF temper,
this is the question. 1t concerns not the
/ Southern States, nor any institution OF the
| Southern State. 1t concerns not the
power of the master, nor the unlimited
! subiection of the slave. 1t simply con-
Germs the destiny of new Northern terrific
tories. Shall these nascent communities
/ be devoted to slave labor, with its untail-
/ ing concomitant of sparse population,
comparative imdigence and general social
stagnation and fceblencss; or shall they be
devoted TO free labor, with its mighty
numbers, its anlmating prosperity, its op-
ulcuce, its power and its progress? If the
presence of few thousand shivcring
bondmcn in these nnw territories is an
object of importance to our Southern
neighbors, may we not indulge our pa
triotism in wishing to see another New
York, second Pennsylvania growing up
in Kansas and Nebraska?
Why rot settle the question on national
principles? Why not have some reference
to- the interest of the nation at large in
stead of the exclusive reference to the in
Etercsts of the CncroNching, aggressive,
selfish stakeholder? An old Roman eX-
claimed, that "Antony had party, Octn-
yius, Il party, but Rome had none If we
I.were not good deal in the same situation,
if the Nation had Il party, this question
would be of easy solution. Compare the
lactuar results of the two systems. AT tue
last census, at the distance of two hundred
and forty-four years from her first settle
Eme0t, NiTBlulh GOhthihCN S'SHN
and ninety-four thousand eight hundred
free white people, on surface of more
than sixty-thrce thousand square miles,
the same census, and about fifty years
after her first settlement, Indiana had nine
hundred and seventy-seven thousand, one
hundred and fifty-four of the same class OF
inhabitants on surface of twenty-elght
thousand square miles. At the former
rate of increase, that little State wonio
now have more than one million four hun
dred thousand free white inhabitants
But. perhaps. the rate of increase for the
ten wears from 1910 to 1850, has not been
maintained from the latter period up 10
1860; but no one, acquainted with the
subject can doubt that lndinnH at TINS mo-
fment has more than 81 million and Il quar-
fer of free white inhabitants, with all the
energy of the great European races. Mr.
N'igfall might proitTbly ponder on these
things. before fixing the winter quarters OF
so many southern invading armies amongst
us. Arc not all the contiguous States m
terested in the prosperity OF Indiana Is
not the mighty commerce OF such a com :
muuity something very different from thhI
which could be maintained by httle col
ouy of indolcmt masters, ANA crilgthS 5
slaves. such as Indiana. must be, under a
slave regimen.
GeorGe Combc, in his Constitution OF
Man, remarks that the American HoVoIn-
tioparv war had the ehappiestpossioiete
nation for Euglandherself; thatthes"ccesS
of lie Crown would have been an enor-
mons calamity to the nation. 80 VIC VERIFY
5rIiryc. that success. in this Propaganals'
trnnfrnrersY. would he Il grieHous eatemty
t,rtIs Southern States. 1t would dinlln-