Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1860-08-09

most extraordinarily nice sort Of term
"any expression Of opinion upon the po~e
Of Congress to establish OF prohibit Slavery
in any Territory"
"pretermittirg," that was going about a
great distance to get hold of word. But
10 passing that they meant something else
they meant evading; they meant dodging
the very vital question about which there
was a discussion, and which was the ques-
ton that had then to be discussed. and
which must now, in this year 1860, be
decided by the American people. Fellow
citizens, these few expressions drove away
rom the American party of that day nearly
the whole Of w.England, large portion
of this our State of New.York. nearly all
New-Jersey, Pennsy syvania and Ohio, and
the whole of fndana---some of the abest
men of the land, who now figure as the
ablest men OF the land. who now figure Us
the chief leaders OF the Republican party.
They lodged the question. We told them
ut the same time that it would be so; and
we here, in the State of New.York, felt, at
the time, utterly parnlyzed by it. We en-.
deavored to patch it up in some sort OF a
way, and at Bingampton we actually and
finally repudiated this national platform in
this State. and placed ourselves upon tenable
ground. That national platform never did
the slightest good to our Southern allies,
and it destroyed the party at the North
But, say some OF our friends: "Oh, gentle.
men. il you had taken other grounds upon
this subject, you would have been branded
as Aboltionists--yon would not have been
considered the followers of Henry Clny."-.
Well, fellow citizens, epithets are not argu-
ments. Epi,hets are not opinions. Epithets
are nothing but the expression Of ofprejudces;
and, for one, IL principle is right, care
not what epithets may be heaped upon me |;
will pursue 1t in sunshine and in darkness
Cheers. I say that in June, 1855. (and l
desire those Americans who have heretofore
acted with me to hear tha,) If the American
party. instead of adopting that evasive ex-
pres sion on this vital question, had taken
high, honorable, and constitutional grounds
If they had declared that the power over
! the Territories was vested by the Constitu.
ton in Congress--the American party at
|
ton, powerful to control the votes Of the
nation. loud cheers. "But," say. some
"this is very well, but what are you coming
tot" | say in reply, that these very objec-
tions, which you made to the adoption OF
the true principle upon this subject, are the
very objections which you are now making;
and | intend to show the fact, not 81
elaborately os has been done by those who
have preceded me, that Mr.. Lincoln, the
candidate for the Presidency of these United
States, occupies upon the question the pre-
else ground which Mr.. Clay occupied during
al! the days of his life, and during which
the question was discussed. | propose Il
show this from documents which cannot bt
denied. You all remember that, in 1858
Mr.. Lincoln and Mr.. Douglas made join
canvass for the Senatorship OF the Unitet
; States from Illinois; thcy made some ten o
twelve speeches on the same platform
during that memorable contest. | hold in
my hand speech which Mr.. Benjamin, n
member of the U. S. Senate, from Louis
iana, made on the 23d of May last in th
Senate Chamber. Mr.. Benjamin possesse
one OF the cearest heads, and certainly hi
is one of the most logical minds that has eve
adorned the Senate Of the Uniled States.
shall take the liberty of reading from hi
speech two or three points which immedi
> ate ely touches the question before US. II
says:
ain that contest the two candidates for tn
Senate of the United States in the State o
e Illinois, went before their people. The
J agreed 10 discuss the issuee; they pu
questions TO each other for answer; and
must say here, for must be just to all, th'
: | have been surprised in the examinat' o
that have made again within the last fe
days of this discussion between Mr.. Lincol
: and Mr Douglas, to End that on sever
s points Mr.. Lincoln is far more conservati'
\ man, unless he has since changed his opi
ions. than had supposed him to be-"
o Remember, this is Democratic Senat
l. speaking Of Mr. Lincoln as a conservali'
- man.
Is "There was no lodging on his part. M
IS Douglas started with his questions. He
s. they re,with Mr.. Lincoln's answers"
70 These questions and answers, fellow-ci
zens, shall read TO you, for they tou'
n directly upon the points which are no
- under discussion in this land.
C. "Question l. desire to know wheth
o' Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854,
no favor of the unconditional repeal Of the
~ gitive slave law" ~
rs And here you see the skill Of the practic
" disputant Mr.. Douglss assumes that NJ
OF Lincoln did stand in 1854 where he nev
pt stood in his life, in favor Of the uncondilie
~ al repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.
AT "Answer. do not now, nor ever did, sta
Nv in favor of the unconditional repeal Of
fugitive slave law" .I.
all "Question 2. desirs him to ansv
es, whether he stands pledged to-day, as he
'Pt in 1854, against the addition OF any mi
slave States into the Union, even If
on people want them!'' .su .r
on read this question, gentlemen, beca'
OF some Of those friends who have been cr
cising me declare that am now support
's' man whom they are pleased to call
ers Aboli,ionist. And desire to show that
or Lincoln stands upon that poin' exac
Inc where our illus.rious leader Henry c