The Nevada journal., 1860-07-20

letter giving his hearty support to the Chi
cago nominee. 1t is a document of the times
ard will have no small effect in the canvas.
We copy q portion Of the letter:
| have known Mr. Lincoln for more than
twenty years, and therefore have right to
speak of him with some confidence. As an
individual he has earned high reputation
for truth, courage, candor, morals and ami
ability, so that, as man, he is most trust
worthy. And in this particular he is more
entitled to our esteem than some other men,
his equals, who had far better opportunities
and aids in early life. His talents and the
will to use them to the best advantage are
unquessiunable; and the proof is found in
the fact that, in every position in life, from
his humble beginning to his present we'll
earned elevation, he has more than fulfilled
the best hopes of his friends. And now, in
the full vigor of his manhood and in the
| honest pride of having made himself what
he is, he is the peer of the first men of the
nation, we'll able to sustain himself and ad-
vance his cause against any adversary, and
in any field where mind and knowledge are
the weapons used.
In politics he has but acted out the prn-
| ciples of his own moral and intellectual
character. He has not concealed his thoughts
nor hidden his light under a bushel With
the boldness of conscious recti.ude and the
frankness of downright honesty, he has not
failed to avow his opinions of public affairs
| upon all fitting occasions.
This know may subject him to the car
ping censure of that class of politicians who
mistake cunning for wisdom and fasehood
for ingenuity but such men as Lincoln must
| act in keeping with their own characters,
and hope for success only by advancing the
truth prudently and maintaining it bravely.
All his old political antecedents are, in nv
Judgment, exactly right, being square up to
the old Wing standard. And as to his views
about "the pestlent negro question:" l am
not aware that he has gone one step beyond
the doctrine publicly and habitually aeowed
by the great lights of the Whig party Clay,
Webster and their fellows, and indeed sus-
tanned and carried out by the Democrats
themselves in their wiser and better days.
The following, suppose, are in brief his
opinions upon that subject: /. Slavery is
domestic institution within the States
which choose to have l., and it exists within
those States beyond the control of Congress.
2. Congress has supreme legislative power
over all the Territories, and may, at its dis
creton, allow or forbid the existence of sla-
very within them. 3. Congress, in wisdom
and sound policy, ought not so to exercise
its power, directly or indirectly, as to plant
and establish slavery in any Territory there
tofore free. 4. And that it is unwise and
impolitic in the Government of the United
States to acquire tropical regions for the
mere purpose Of converting them into slave
States.
These I ha1iava NJ T;poot,'s
ions upon the matter of slavery in the Ter
ritories, and concur in them They are no
new inventions, made to suit the exigencics
of the hour, but have come down to US, as
the Declaration of independence and the
Constitution have, sanctioned BY the vener-
able authority of the wise and good men
who established our institutions. They are
conformable to law, principle and wise pol
icy, and their utility is proven in practice
by the as yet unbroken current of our polit-
ical history. They will prevail, not only
because they are right in themselves, but
also because great and still growing ma jor-
ity of the people believe them to be right,
and the sooner they are allowed to prevail
IN peace and harmony, the better for all
concerned as well for those who are against
them as those who are for them.
am aware that small partisans, in their
little warfare against opposing leaders, do
sometimes assail them bv the trick of teer
, ing from their contents some particular OBJ
Jectionahie phrases, penned, perhaps, in the
hurry OF composition, OR spoken in the heat
OF oral debate, and holding them up to the
public as the leading doctrines of the per-
son assailed, and drawing from them Their
own uncharitable differences. That line of
attack betrays a little mind conscious of its
weakness, for the falsity of its logic is not
more apparent than the injustice of its de-
sign. No public man can stand that ordeal,
and, however willing men may be to see it
applied to their adversaries, all finch from
the torture when applied to themselves. In
fact, the man who never said foolish thing
will hardly be able to prove that he ever
said mary wise ones.
consider Mr.. Lincoln sound, safe, ma
tional man. He could not be sectional if
he tried. His birth, his education, the
habits of his life, and his geographical
position, compel him to be NATIONAL
All his feelings and interests are identified
with the great valley of the Mississippi
That valley is not section, but, conspic-
uously, the body of the nation, and as large
as it is, it is not capable of being divided
into sections for the great river cannot be
divided. 1t is one and undivisible, and the
North and the South are alike necessary to
its comfort and prosperity. Its people, too,
in all their interests and affections, are as
broad and general as the regions they in
| habit. They are emigrants mixed multi
tude, coming from every State in the Union,
| and from most countries in Europe; they
are unwilling, therefore, to submit to any
one petty local standard. They love the
nation as a whole, and they love all its
parts, for they are bound to them all, not
only by feeling of common interest and
mutual dependence, but also by the recol-
lections of childhood and youth, by blood
and friendship, and by NIL those social and
domestic charities which sweeten life, and
make this world worth living in. The val
ley is beginning TO feel its power, and will
soon be strong enough to dictate the law of
the land. Whenever that state of things
shall come to pass, it will be most fortunate
for the nation to find the powers Of govern
ment lodged in the hands of men whose
habits of thought, whose position and sur
rounding circumstances, constrain them to
use those powers for general and not Sec
tional ends.
MATINEE IN HONOR OF THE JAPASEsE.-Mrs.
James Gordon Bennett gave grand mat
inee in honor of the Japanese Embassy. 1t
was the most expensive private entertain
ment ever given in the United States. 5000