Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1860-08-07

quarreling about The lille questions % g ins
tervention " and nen Intervention IN The
Territories
I believe the question is mentioned in oil
the party platforms. / hardly ever read 9
platform in my life, aud. when did. tried 10
forget it as soon NJ possible. Tho Canstitii-
ton is platform enough Tor me. The Cehstls
tuition and q man TO represent the people "a
all the platform that viii ever avail hss
This question about which the Democratic
party is quarreling, as before remarked, ~
one of the most minute aud unmpofiant
questions that can well be imagined. Mr..
Douglas says, in substance, that when you
have passed law establishing a Territorial
government, when you have delegated 10 the
people the power 10 regulate their own do
nestle institutions in their own way, you
have given them power over every subject as
far as you can give it. As for the slavery
question, every man has right 10 go there
with his slaves, bat how they must be treated
will depend upon the discretion of the Terri
torial Legislasure. 1t is good policy to
leave ii TO them !; for ii the nation interfere,
its transactions will then become national (; it
attracts the attention of the whole pepble, it
arouses a national controversy. You want
to keep the question of slavery out of Con-
gress you want to keep it in the Territories,
and leave the question there to be settled by
Territorial government itself. 1t is a gov
u
years will convert 1t into a State. 1t is bet
ter to confine the question to these local
fields than to convulse the nation with it
1t is better to bear the ills that may arise
there than Zee TO greater national ones We
know not of. CApplause.l
The other side says: But Congiess shall
interfere; Congress shall pass laws specially
taking the question out IF the hands of the
Territorial Legislature it shall pass laws
a "a nIat IaEr
that are to apply only in our Territories.
This dispute relates entirely to slavery and
to territorial remedies. Does it occur to you
that under the existing circumstances,
it makes much difference particularly
whether Congress shall interfere, or whether
Congress shall leave il to the Legislature?
In Congress this session, where we passed
resolutions avowiug our mere power over
slavery, it was asked, is is necessary now for
Congress 10 interfere? There was no case
calling for the interference of such power by
special legislation. No Senator would take
upon himself the responsibility of proposing
any such case, except one, believe, who
Ventured to say he thought there was occa-
sion. Southern Senators agreed that there
was no cause now existing upon which they
would advise legislation; and yet We are
quarreling about the degree OF power which
is TO be exercised by Congress. not with res
pect to any Territories which we now have,
but in relation 10 a case that may arise in
some future Territory. None is anticipated
in any Territory which we now have to fill.
To make it a practical question you now
have to suppose future territory OF Char
acter TO attract slavery; that there shall be
an emigration of shareholders to it; that the
Territorial Legislature which assumes to deal
Nth property has committed d Hagrant out
rage; and that the individual has called upon
Congress. These contingencies must all COM
binr, and then, and then only do these learned
aud fierce dIsputants insist upon the exercise
of power by Congress. We have no Teri ito
ry where such question can arise. We have
not now a single piece of Territory to which
slavery would go if it were invited. Why,
then, dispute about possibility that Will
probably never arise. They are so impatient
with having nothing to do, that they fall IN
quarrelling about what lies in dim fuiu,itv.
and by speculation raise up in spirit of dis
cord possible question which NAV occnr
twenty, fifty, or hundred wears hence. or
this& may never occur. They remind me of
story L once heard: Two Italians were
walking out toa her on bright mds, miner
night One looked up to the heavens. thick
with lnnumeIable stars, and exclaimed, 80,
that had farm as spacious as the heavens.
That would be an estate worth having ~
Ills companion excloimed, 90, that had
herd as numerous as the stars above.u
well, said the other, ''in the name of beav-
en-, what would you do with such herd 90
Why" said he, 81 would turn them on to
your farm" (Laughter.) ''You would,
aye, sneered the other: Eyes, what else
could 1 do with them9n Upon that they
quarreled and fought for an hUuc. (Great
LaughterD Now it does seem TO me that we
are about to make out just such moonshine
sort of case. CONTINUED l4ughter)
But it is said Mr.. Lincoln's election will
consummate the dissolution of the Union
that he will not be permitted to take his seat,
How is that? If a man is elected to the Leg
islature by a majority of the people in fair
and legal way, though you voted against
him, won't you say be is entitled to his seat?
Would you not consider the power very arbi-
trary that would undertake to keep him out
of his Office? You have right to elect him
Or any body else, and if man is constitution
ally elected President of the United States,
shall minority of the people start up and
say, eve will make revolution: this man
shall not be President of the United States;
we will by forceof arms resist it and drive
him OUT Is not that a destruction of all
government? The majority must OF necessity
rule in all republics, and if you do not like
the law of the majority, set aside all free gov
eminent, and go TO some place where you
will have no elections, where hereditary |
rulers shall take the place of your elective |
government. Who will say that if Mr.. Lin !
coin or anybody else is constitutionally |
elected to the Chief Magistracy, he shall not |
take his seat? Have we come to this? IT SO,
let US change the whole government, aud let |
the minority rule, though even then would |
not the majority men object TO the election of |
a man by the minority?
The Constitution provided that the term of |
the President should be comparatively short |
but -four years-thinking that now and then |
a dangerous man might be elected, but that |
he could not. with all the guards that Con- |
gress set up around him. in the short space of |
four years, do much to und rhine and de- |
stroy the liberties of the people. Shall we
now introduce the principle OF anarchy, and |
say the man elected who does not please US
{the minority shall not take his seat? Would |
not there be time, when he misgoverns, to |
call him to account, according to the consti- |
tutional forms provided for such cases?
1t is upon great principles that govern |
ments depend, aud these great principles |
must bear relationship TO you. They must |
be recognized, or you have no government at |
but anarchy.
If you expect your government to be |
perfect and glide on without disturbance,
YOU will be- deceived. You nut expect oc- |
to nave your Observation-Disclosures |
and had government. But if this govern |
ment III the main advances your social con-
ilition, secures your peace, adds to your !
it is a good government : and es-
above all things, if it shall preserve
your liberties and your rights, it is gov |
eminent worthy of your support and protec-
ton. (Applause.)
Now. my fellow-citizens, owe you my |
thanks for your attention to my desnltory re-
marks. And you, ladies. / am glad to see
mingle IN counsel, and. while securing order
and decornm by your presence, and the ,pu-
rity of sentiment which lovely woman must
ever inspire. (Applause.) In your hands
rest great interests. If you cannot be Presi-
dent, your sons and your brothers can be
and at last. whether in Office or out of Office, /
yen govern US all. (Great applause)
| have only TO say once more, gentlemen,
that you have but simple task to perform