East Saginaw courier. (East Saginaw, Mich.) 1859-18??, 1860-08-02

of personal freedom" The plain object
of these provisions was to Danish all dis
cussion of the subject of slavery within
the Territories, except the enforcement
of the fugitive slave act, from the Con
gress of the United States, and thus 10.
ca'ize, as far as possible, every contro
versy to which that subject could give
occasion. II, as in the case Of Kansas, a
Territorial Legislature should exclude
slavery, or, as in the case of New Mexico
should protect and maintain it, those who
desire to test the authority of the Legis.
lature, one way or another, can resort TO
the courts Of Justice with their claims,
and, by the decision of the highest ap
pellate tribnnal-namely, the Supreme
Court of the United States-all such
claims would be determined 1t was
foreseen, as an argument for withdraw
ing the authority of Congress, even ad-
mitting the existence of snch authority,
that slave labor would feek only those re-
gions where it could be proitably EN-
ployed; and wherever it could be so en-
ployed, as in New Mexico, including
Arizona, it would be sufficiently protect
cd by local legislation. The result has
shown that slavery now prevails almost
exactly where it wauld have been estab-
lished if the Missouri Compromise line
had never been repealed, but had been,
as the South demanded from 1916 until
1850, extended to the Pacific ocean; that
portion of the Territory of New Mexico
north of 36 degrees 30 minutes being an
equivalent for the arid regions of Cali
forna south of the same line.
Practically, therefor, the whole dispute
has been settled; so that, when Senator
Brown, of Mississippi, demanded, at the
session Of congress ust concluded, that
the laws of Kansas prohibiting slavery
should be annulled, his demand was only
seconded by Senator johnson, of Arkan-
sas, and Senator Mallory, Of Florida; and
upon the other hand when the black re
publicans proposed bill for abrogating
the laws of New Mexico in favor OF
slavery, all the democratic representatives.
in Congress, North and South, as well as
all the Southern opposition members,
agreed in resisting it. The fact is noto-
rious, also, that by the assistance of Mr..
Thayer, of Massachusetts,, and Others of
his party in the House, tho democrats
and southern oppositionists were enabled
to defeat number of Territorial bills
the Wilmot proviso. 1t was
evident, therefore, when our national
re assembled at Baltimore ON
the 18th Of June, that the wisdom of the
democratic party, in adhering to the doc
tfine of "non.intervention" through eve-
ry trial and reverse, would soon be ,c-
warded by triumph no less signal than
that which attended our opposition to the
Bank of the United States, aud our de-
votion to the principles of the independ-
ent treasury act. Ii, in the estimation Of
all, except three supporters of the Sena-
torial caucus resolutions, SO called, de.
claring that Congress ought to intervene
for the protection of slave property in
the Territories "when necessary" the ex-
press abolition of slavery in Kansas by
act did not constitute case
of necessity for such intervention, what
possible case ever could arise? No dem
ocrat will deny the obligation of the
Federal government to suppress insurrec
tions within Territory, aud to enforce,
even as against territorial enactments, a
final judgment of the Supreme Court OF
the United States. Nor can it be denied
that Congress may, in certain extreme
cases beyond the power of redress by ju-
dicial interposition, revoke or amend q
charter of Territorial organization. For
what useful purpose, then, was the agita-
tion of so dangerous question renewed
by President Buchanan in his last annual
or inhamed by the resolutions
of Senatorial caucus, and finally thrust
upon the democratic national convention
at Charleston?
EXCUSES FOR ALTERING THE CINCINNATI
PLATFORM.
1t is said, in excuse, that the princi-
pies cnunciated by the Supreme Court
of the United States, in the case Of Dred
Scott, lead to the conclusion that Terri
toral Legislature has no more authority
over the subject of slavery than Con-
gress, and that Congress, equally with
the Territorial Legislatures, is under oh
legation to protect as well the possession
as the title of slave property in the Ter
ritories. We do not now intend to de-
bate this assertion one way or another.
1t is admitted, universally, that no such
question was presented by the record of
bred Scott's case, nor argued by counsel
at the bar; aud, whatever the conclusion
at which any democrat might arrive upon
reading the opinions delivered by the sew
eral Judges, that conclusion cannot be
so clear of doubt as to warrant him in
censuring those who, with an equal desire
to ascertain the truth, have attained an
other conclusion. We must all agree
that, il the Supreme Court did not intend
to decide that question las many believe),
it would be an act of bad faith, in viola
ton of the very terms Of the Kansas-N Ne
braska bill, to commit the democratic
party, as a national organization, to
either side; whereas, if the court did so
intend, nothing is more certain than that,
whenever the question shall distinctly
arise and be fairly argued, the court will
express its determination in language so
plain as to command universal acquies-
cence. The Judgment Of the Supreme
Court in Dred SCOTS case has been car
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