New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-03-15
information which the Court Of Vienna may have

e
promises but to labor effectively for the success az
arrangement which appeared 1t cca atsa 70 ipsuo
the tran GUILTY. ard independence Of Hall o ;ts
ors Government did not hesitate 70 "A A. the
popularity. The language which y ou'pi' a.. all its
zane period al THRU was equally hrm. pas al a,'
efforts failed in preeenoe Of the resistance Oh 'e poP'
lations. "a. .osr-ss In bring
e, "a .oss.;l;aton between the Princes ana toeu
rsonss his Maesty's Govern ment IN presence OF INC
inefcacy of those measures ana seeing inc ar
ment which il had promised 70 support oPP'seu .ho
NOE strongly the more it was lnsleted op ,uouRut
~. re- ap,6ory of assembled Earope would Lze
tho object which il proposed. Desiring ABOVE all
things 10 fulfill its engagements, put nom tpe oppo-
stiop manifested in Central Italy, desparng oil su;cess
wtbou the cooperation Of other Cabinets It proposed
The me citing of o Congress. Better than any other
Power Austria knows the perseverance, with VIII Oh
w, pursued that ne of conduct. She knows also how
much we have regretted the objections which the con-
vocation of Plenipotenares gave birth to when they
were already on the point OF meeting.
The Emperors Government, Monsieur lie MARQUIS,
tbus found tsel in presence OF the hypothesis which
the Court Of Vienna long knew that we neither could
nor would aecephat Of the employ ment OF force TO
impose a solution.
will say nothing that can surprise Austria, and still
less would allow single word TO escape calculated
to offend herr but could that Power have been charged
TO proceed itself TO the restoration OF the dspossessed
dynasties without the result of the'war beng annihia
ted, and It's object disavowed Could France, IN her
turn without violating her principles, do violence 70
The populations leave TO the 10y atty of Count de
Rechbtr the task Of replying to these questions Thus
n the two cases there was moral lmposslbllity OF
acting
A new fact must, moreover, be mentioned here.
From what took place 10 years ago, the belief might
have been entertained that anarchy would invade
Central Italy, and that the dssovng spirit of revolu-
ton " ond coon spread every where Tneee spprehen-
soIs have not yet been reazed and, to whatever In
tuenee that result according 10 different opinions, may
be ascrbed what s certain 49, that order has generally
fh3fe ltvaO fhn
stances and iTregulsr authority OF the Governments
The unexpected spectacle presented by Italy, while
mprs ssirg persons has inspired others with sym
patby; ard this latter sentiment has been manifested
over part of Europe with force which cannot be
dsreParded This creates situation which neither tn 3
Emperor's Government nor Austria can, account OF
the consequences which would flow from an erroneous
appreciation of the dispositions Of puohc opinion, fal
to take into very serious consideration.
God forbid Monsieur lie Marquis, that we should not
be as convinced any of the sanctty OF engage
menis. But did France bind herself, at every price
| and by all possible means, to reestsbllsh on their
thrones the dynastes OF Parma, of ModeDa, and of
Tuscany Neither the stipuations of Villaauca nor
| those Of Zurich have assuredly, such bearing.
France only promised her moral oooperatlon-a CO.
operation of which must, after Fix month"; efforts,
ADMIT the Inc icepcy. Her regret-let not the Cab
met of Vienna dOnbt it's sincere and profound, and
the EDIeIors Government expresses it without heslCa-
ton; but that Government Is obliged TO reckon with
insurmountable difficulties which even III the Austrian
Cabinet ittelf ss it proved by recent communication
of Prince Metternich reDounces the hope OF seeing
| solved by the influence of Congress
Must be indefinitely stopped by such an obstacle
Must we shut eyes the dangers with which this
| state of uncertainty threatens all Europe Most
every thing be left TO chance, at the risk of seeing
purely revolutionary sentiments necessarily take the
place of those which do ask Austria 10 approve.
but which che canDOt expect Government based on
universal suffrage TO condemn absolutely In this
peTous game the monarchical ideas which have never
ceased TO characterize the Italian movement wouid
soon give way to ioeas of another kind The p0pula
tons would &C last get accustomed to mode OF gov
eminent which only wants its real name-a govern
meDs which would find its basis in ancient tradluons
the trace of which is yet obteIated in certain por
tioIs of Italy.
do not suppose that these considerations have never
presented themselves TO the mind Of the Emperor Fran
els Joseph and they could not have escaped the notice
Of the Emperor Napoleon.
When tie emploS ment of foreign force is excluded
from all these combinations how lie the difficulty 70 be
suImOuptedl It. the profound conviction OF the En-
peroIs Government that the last OF the four Eogsh
propositions may serve to indicate the means. IL well
know that supposDg the conviction to he shared
by the Court of Vienna, that Court could not make
| sneh an announcement. What we hope from It's WIS.,
dom IT, that if the difference of principles may, and
s.metmes must, lead TO different conclusions there ls
10 necessity that there should result when the honor
of both parties is safe, disastrous conflicts whieh are
far from The intentions OF both France aud Austria.
Let MS for moment waive the minor incidents, and
come s aRbt TO the point Of fact VIII ch is the hey of
the situation. Italy, for centuries past has been eld
tne1ce; it must be go no longer If one Of the two
Pow formerly rivals made sacrifice which should
be directly 10 the advantage Of the other; If the su-
prepacy in Italy, only changing hands, was again to
be for time the question would appear under an
aspect rendering all discussion idle aud fruitess But
the question is not 80 propouDdsd. France does no.
seek substitute herself for Austria IN ltay the mat
ter is TO constitute Italy herself intermediate party
as kind of neutral gIoupd heBeeforh inaccessible to
the action alternately predominang and always pre-
carious, of one other Of the two Powers.
Elsewhere than in such solution-whch, do not
hesitate TO confess ia not If not as regards Its sprt at
least as re Yards lis form that which icpa'ed at
VilIafIaDea and ZuIich-I vainly look fol any other
pot containing the elements OF future troubles. Let
this solution, However be realized do not say with
the gu 9port of the Cabinet of Vienna, which the E-
perors Government does not teek TO obtain, bat With
out its formal opposition, and the most penetrating
glance cannot the DcefoIth discover cause OF conflict
between Fl aDce and Austria; there will not remain,
in fact, single interest of importance IN Europe on
which they can have any difficulty in coming 70
dertsndiDg. Totbis identity OF interests am author
iaed by the Emperor TO state that there would be
superacded bis part the sentiment OF private esteem
for the Sovereign and Government who, In elrcum-
stances equally delicate and momentous, should shov
tow ard him friendly feeling which bis Majesty would
ever appreciate. need not add that if tue Austrian
Government adhered 10 the combination proposed by
the Government Of her Britannia Majesty, the Enpe-
ror's Government would feel bound 10 sauound the
execution with all desirable guarantees Of sincerity,
and that if any chance of restoration renamed Tor
the dispossessed dynasties, should take the most
tcrupulous care that il might not be lost.
YcuI willh observe, Monsieurle MARQUIS that have
said nothing here of the situation of sbe Romagn4,
simply because that question has not been the Object,
like the Duehles, Of express shpuations between
France and Aufiia j sha treat that subect IN an
eaIy dispatch. do not, however, hesitate 70 say,
even now that it. with reference to international acts,
TO hch the Court Of Vienna has been party on the
same footing as ourselves, the Emperors Govern nent
cannot consider the possession Of the Lega ions by the