The Tipton advertiser. [volume] (Tipton, Cedar Co., Iowa) 1856-1962, 1860-08-09

ney, who never hesitated to advance the
fortunes Of Mr.. Douglas, when he could
rropcrl do so. was elected in spite of
Mr.. Douglas. Col. Forncy, | presume,
was not endorsed by the Democracy who
swear by the peculiar institution. 9th
ers may choose to forget all this, and |
will not crimnate them for doing so, but
promise never to forget it. | am for
my friends and against those who oppose
NY friends. If am wrong in this, let
charity bo extended to me-I cannot
help it.
have said all I desire to say of the
representatives, Of the two Democracics.
There is Il preference between them
The one is outspokcn and evident; the
other isconceaied and TRICKY. Ofthc two
l mush prsfer Mr.. Brecksusidee, and yet
| cannot imagine the circumstance under
which l could bo induced to support
him. lie asserts that the Supreme Court
has decided that slavery is an existing
constitutional institution in all our terri.
tories, and that it is the duty of the gov
crnment to sustain it where it thus legal
ly exists. Mr.. Douglas contends that
Courts have not yet so decided, but if
they shall do so, it will then become the
duty of all good citizens to respect the
decision, aud of every branch of the fed
cral government to enforce it with prompt.
ness and fidelity This is his platform.
If our federal Court has not already de-
cision in accordance with the notions Of
Mr. Breckenridge, no one doubts 1t riV
do so rs soon as tie question sA0N be
brought distinctly before It. SO at best,
the only point of disagreement between
these rival candidates, is that cttime on
W. If in the language Of the resolution
adopted by tho Convention placing Mr..
Douglas in nomination, it becomes the
duty of all good citizens to respect, and
every branch Of tho federal government
to enforce, judicial decision determine
ing the constitutional existence of slavery
in our Territories what becomes of that
other theory of Mr.. Douglas, that no
matter what the Supreme Court may de-
eide, slavery may be excluded from ter
ritory by unfricndIy legislation
Those advocating the claims Of Mr..
Bell would please everybody by promis-
ing nothing. They compose the party Of
extreme faith. They stand upon Con-
stitution without Interpretation, aud up
on an endangered Union without announ-
cling the means by which it can be saw
ed.
Let US not be deceived? There ar
Lm t,co docun,cnts Jet,ceen srhich zee can
chooSc whcn zoe come to 1eposite oar bai
o'S One is, that the Constitution IA
vors slavery as fully az freedom that
neither has advantage over the other ;
that tEey must travel together and exist
together, under equal protection, until
the territory shall be clothed with state
sovereignty; and that both alike are ma
tional. The other is, that the Constitu-
ton treats slavery as loca! municipal
institution does not give to it a single
attribute Of nationality ; that it has not
an equal status with freedom; and that
its extension is to be Discouraged -
How shall we act between these opposing
views? answer the inquiry. Our la
boring classes deserve all the encourage
mcnt and protection we can give them
Southern statesmen regard them as white
slaves let us not surrender them to such
mercies as the owners of chattel labor
would extend to them. Our farmers aud
manufacturers have long been cut off
from all the hounties of legisation, by
the force of Southern prejudice we
should enlist on their side. Our country
has suffered much in the estimation Of
mankind, from our manifested attachment
to a system, notoriously in countcraction
to the principles upon which our govern
men. was founded; considerations of
morality, expcdicncy, and consistency,
should incline us to do all that we law
fully may do, to save ourselves from
further imputations. Slavery within
the States stands behind imprcgnable de-
fcnses, but it holds no charter to travel
witho restraint. 1t has lorg labored
for, but has not yet reached, a position
of absolutism. 1t grasps for empire, as
it is the only means by which tyranny
can ever save itself. Oar danger is i'm
minent, but we can yet overcome it, If we
allow reason, rather than prejudice, to
shape our efforts. Democracy, as now
interpreted by those loudest in the pro-
tession of it and almost monopolzlng It's
name, no longer means the will of the
majority , it contemns the masses; holds
no association with labor; and utters no
word Of encouragement to the poor, Its
professions are impOsturc., aud must soon
fail to deoeive. IT. HAS beaome worse
than the ally Of slavery ; it is its plant
and prostitutel tool Wisdom and pro-
priety must alike repudiate it, unless
speedily reseneratcd.
Our true policy is that Of resistance to
the cxtravagant and unconstitutional de-
mands Of the South. We can ouly y make
it ctfcctual in one way-BY THE SUPPORT
OF MIR. LINCOLN. He is honest and ca
pabe, and attached to the principles Of
the Constitution, and his election will
assign limits to sectional oligarchy, aud
make labor honorable and remunerative.
The question, in its true aspect, is not
as to which candidate should be elected
by the people; it is this-shall Mr.. Lin.
cola be elected? The one hundred and
twenty electoral votes Of the South Will
be divided mainly, if not exclusively, be-
tween Mr.. Bell and Mr.. Breckenridge,
ana their support will be almost, If not
entirely, confined to that section. Such
effective force as Mr.. Douglas may poss-
css. is in the North but his most sauSu-
inc friends admit not only that his elec-
ton is impossible. but that he cannot
carry over two or three States. Tho