American Lancaster gazette. [volume] (Lancaster, Ohio) 1855-1860, 1860-01-26
SLAVERY IN THE TERmroR1Es-A SLAVE

rleS, pract1eaiiy Developed as tbat question
was in the case Of Kansas, has probably
had greater influence than any other, both
upon the present condition Of political par
ties and III bringing Tho public min1 10 It's
present agitated state. The issue to which
the question 10 it, abstract form and in
the Democratic party has been brought is
this: tbaton one side the people Of the
South very generally believe and claim
that the Supreme Court he's decided that
every Shareholder has the constitutional
right to take slaves into every Territory,
and that neither Congress nor the people
Of the Territory have any power to pre-
vent this: in other words. that every Ter.
ritory is by The Constitution of the United
States Slave Territory. On the other
hand the Democratic party at the North,
very generally and decidedly repudiate
these statements as untrde. and these
claims as uionstrous and assert for the beo-
pie Of each Territory constitutional power
to determine and regulate for themselves
the question Of slavery. In the meantime
the Republican party perhaps Unanimous
ly assert tha. Congress has complete pow
er to exclude Slavery from all the Terrific.
ries and desire this power to be exercised
in all cases as it has been in Several. Al.
most the entire North is therefore directly
against both the fact and The right of.what
the greater part Of the South asserts IS the
law Of the land under the decision Of the
Supreme Court. In the South itself how
ever there is farther and singular deve.
opmeDt Of opinion. II has been attempted
in Kentucky and other Southern States to
make 1t part Of tie political creed OF the
Opposition to demand OF Congress a slave
code for the Territories while in the same
region non>interven,icn by Congress, ex.
ceptin extremity, fiat all, has appeared
TO be the doctrine Of the Democratic par
ty. The result is that the entire North,
repudiates, and under existing ciIcumstan.
ces will continue 10 repudiate, The idea
that the Federal Constitution or the Su =.
preme Court makes all tue national Terri.
tories slave, while almost the entire South
believes and claims that oil the national
Territories are slave, by that Constitution.
The dispute is enlarged, not settled, not
even transferred This is most cslam-
tous result of attempting TO turn over ques.
tiohs pre-eminenly political 10 tribunals
wholly Judicial; as if public men were war.
ranted in supposing that great nations in
the highest state of political excitement
believed any more in the inlalibility OF
judges than they did in the infalib,lity Of
Senators, Kings, or Popes. Even il the
decision Of the Supreme Court had been
so clear that DO man could doubt what
was decided, so cogent that no man could
gainsay its justice as between the parties
to the particular cause then heard, il
would have been a miracle il the decision
had settled any political question. It's
main effect was obliged to be-let the DE-
cision be what it might-to exasperate all
parties, and to reuder any peaceful adjust>
ment Of any aspect OF the slave question
far more difficult than before. In truth,
The Constitutional right which the South
supposes she has secured, can be of nc
practical value, even If it we're universally
conceded. For II she remains in the Union
she canno carry on the foreign slave t. ade
and unless she can do thGt she cannet prof
itably send slaves enough into any Terri
tory We possess-nor masters enough with
those she may sentl, to prevent their e.
Emancipation as soon as the territory be.
comes State. The experiment in Kan,
sas is surely decisive. If. On the otheI
hand, any portion Of the South will Geem
it a sufficient reason TO secede, that more
slaves may be imported from Africa, and
new slave territories formed; either hal
the slave States will no. sscede for thai
reason-or, if all secede and a confedera.
cy OF the slave States is formed, that con
federsCy cannot be expected to allow tbe
African slave trade to be renewed. Will
regard 10 slavery in the territories and The
power Of the General Government ovel
the subject, there never could be any sub
ject concerning which wise, just, moder
ale and fortearing conduct was more i'm
perativsly deniadded-.Hone with regard
to which the opposing interests Of the twc
great divisions Of the nation ought to b.
treated with more scrupulous fairness. |
ever such temper and such. a split shal
return TO the 6otusels of the Republic, thu
temporary and disputed power Of Congress
over the subject cannot fail to be exertet
, in some manner satisfactory to opposing
claimants. But so long as parties on ont
, side Dr. tie other, seek by every means t.
, assert extreme claims irrespective ofequal
: ly extreme claims in others; nothing re
. mains but 10 fight the question out in eacl
4 territory, or, what Is worse. to fight it ou
Q over the ruins OF the Republic, or, what i
r worst Of all, bresk up the Union aud tigh
Q it out afterwards. AS Southern man
deplored, and still deplore, the repeal o
+ the Missouri Compromise, as great po
= liticsl error, pre.emiusntly luxurious t.
/ the South. AS an American citizen | de
D.. plore lhefearfully undue Importance whicl
b. the control by Congress over Slavery il
. the Territories has been made to sssum
4. in our national politics. % % T.! 't'f
3. CLOSING APPEAL FOR UNION AND PEACE.
y For my part, am not ashamed to con
{ tess ihe depth Of n y love for my Who'll
Q country. and the mingled sorrow and in
r diguaton with which | witness every at
Q tempt to weaken among the people tn
t sense Of what we owe 10 the moth
or OF Us al. No people ever did any