Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-09-11

slaves, or shall otherwise render them useless
why, the Government must not interfere, but we
must submit or help ourselves as best we can. FMS
is fair statement Of Popular Sovereignty" false
ly called and it does seem to me Its very state
ment is enough to enlist every honest man against ~
The naked doctrine Is that lohle hare right 70
property IN sdUes IN territory yet, ne poloers IN
The territory choose to iUdde or destroy tia. Tg OF
render useless that property. zoe hare remedy To
lawyer no proposition could be more absurd TO
citizen none more shocking, and to candid states
man none more disgusting.
10 sustain This doctrine of Senator Douglas and his
followers we have to admit at least of four positions
or assumptions each of which is fatal and p2lpa-
bic error and al Of lnick neither less
than abolition dognldS.
l. That this doctrine assumes that the title by
which we hold property in slaves is different from
that by which we hold other chattel property. But
in fact our title to a slave is precisely the same
everywhere. and especially as members of the Fed
eral Government, the title to our horse and the
law Of the United States which makes it larceny in
the territories to steal thing of value, makes it
larceny to steal my slave.
2. 1t assumes that special legislation is necessary
to create, or at least to preserve property IN slaves
and that more especially are we in the Dolcer of
ritorial legislation on this subject am that
one or two party leaders of notUriety from the
South have admitted that slavery is an institution
which depends sOrely upon the municipal law of the
place where it exists; but this position Is contrary
to all the authorities the subject and contrary to
the direct decisions of the United States Courts
Besides II must be remembered in this connection
that these party leaders, have at some period
managed to admit almost if not altogether, every
dogma of Freesoilism. write this in no spirit of
elimination but only because it is the truth of his
tory. and is in the line Of my argument.
Property IN slaves is in no sense the creature Of
municipal laws. So far from it / do not know of a
single old State In this Union which has created
the right Of property in slaUeS By legislation Certain
y slaves were brought into Georgia, not only with
out law. but against law and the matter as far as
creating statutes are concerned, stand to this day.
We have regulating statute and that is all precise
ly the United States have and must have reglad-
tiag statutes in all the territories Besides If
convert my slave to his use even in Georgia, my
remedy for his recovery, is THE OLD ENGLISH
TON OF TRoyER. Why? Because a negro is a chat
tel, and the actions of Detinue and TrUver
EDIEs FOR THE RECOVERY OF CHATTELs. When a
Southern man emigrates with his slaves to the COM
mon territories, by what law is he protected? By
the Constitution and Laws of the United States,
Guiding the remedy for the RECOVERY OF CHATTELs,
and the law for the punishment of larceny.
By the laws of the United States. he who steals my
slave in territory guilty larceny and he who
verts my slave IS liable to me in damages, for the
in both cases-the slave is by the law of
the same power, PROPERTY OF VALUE. The Courts of
the United States are open in the territory for the
administration OF these laws. The stakeholder is
not dependent the territorial legislature for bis
title this remedy, but is altogether independent
of both points, because both recognized and pro
tected by Constitution and law which territorial
legislatures cannot repeal The national flag is the
slavehOlderPs POWER AND PROTECTION WHEREVER IT
FLOATS.
But suppose the territorial legislature should pass
a law against you any how; or suppose the Courts
and juries and people should refuse enforce the
law IN your favor, but by force execute an uneon-
sttutional ACT against you? What then? The answer
is easy for
3. This doctrine of Mr.. Douglas assumes that there
can be no such a thing as Government which does
protect the citizen, and cannot execute its own
laws Is the Government to look on idly, and
see its own officers violate its own laws, TO the
| injury. of its own citizens. Has it no POWER
to project? THEN IT Is NO GOVERNMENT
BUT FARCE. Has it no WILL TO PROTECT? THEN
IT is MEAN AND OPPRESSIVE, AND ENTITLED
TO NEITHER RESPECT NOR OBEDIENCE. Has
it the power and the WILL but fails to execute either
because the POLICY OF PLATFORM of a dominant PAR
TY forbids it? THEN SUCH A PARTY is MEANER
AND MORE OPPRESSIVE STILL, Is UNFIT TO
ADMIN TER ANY COVER >MENT. AND THE
VERY SALVATION OF BOTH THEGOVERNMETT
AND THE CITIZEN DEMANDS THAT SUCH A
PARTY BE REPUDIATEDBYA ALL HONEST MEN
OBEDIENCE AND PROTECTION are reciprocal, and the
first only due by the citizen when the latter is ac-
corded by the Government PROTECTION TO the person
and property OF the citizen is the very object of Gov
eminent. and it is only this condition that obed-
ence is q virtue or is obedience a crime.
l. But again, this doctrine of Mr.. Douglas ALLOWS
the territorial legislature and people what it de-
to Congress But now? for the territorial leQis
ature is the creature of Congress and is actually
created by Congress for no other purpose, than to
observe tie law and PROTECT the citizens-AII the
citizens IN person and prOperty-and when it fails
or refuses do this it has defeated the ONLY OBJECT
of its organization, and the General Government
each department in its proper sphere-must simply
do directly what, by its agents, 1t could do ndi
rectly. Ii seems to me that reasoning cannot be
clearer, or more correct
But why enter into argument to show that Sens-
tor Douglas is wrong? HIS DOCTRINE Is JUST
AS PALPABLY IN THE TEETH OF THE DECI-
SIONS BY THE SUPREME COURT AS THE DOC
TRINE OF SEWARD AND THE REPUBLICANS.
Both power and duty OprO!ectOn distinctly de-
cided in both the bred Scott and Amy cases. By his
professions Douglas pretends stand by the decisions
and in the very midst of his professions advances
doctrines against the letter. language and spirit
of the decisions lie has the Ueaoa that Seudrd
has. but hides it: he approaches the South with the
same l0edpoR but cORcedLS and deludes with the cry
a trieRd is coming"'
WHEN THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT FAILS
FROM ANY CAUSE TO PROTECT TIE SLAVE
HOLDER IN THE TERRITORIES, THEN AS TO
THE SHAREHOLDER THE GOVERNMENT is NO
LONGER a GOVERNMENT, AND ALL WHO ARE
INTERESTED IN SLAVES ARE DISCHARGED
FROM OBEDIENCE TO IT; AND IF Mr. DOUG
LAS, OR ANY OTHER MAN HOLDING HIS
VIEWS SHALL BE CHOSEN TO ADMINISTER
THIS GOVERNMENT, HIS VERY CHOICE WILL
BE A DECLARATION THAT THERE Is NO GOV
ERNMET FOR THE AND EVERY
WORD IHAYE WRITTEN AGAINST THE sue
CESS OF REPUBLICAMISM, | REPEAT HERE
INDIGNATION CAN ACQUIRE FROM SEEING
HYPOCRACY ADDED TO WRONG.
Both the parties thus assaulting these decisions
and through them, the rights of the stakeholder are
preparing to elect President in 1860. One of them
even counts on undivided South for the support
I,1,,- - Al -.
Southern support and the real free soilism of doc
trIne is to carry a suficiency of the North
The duty of the Southern people, it seems to me-
is so plain that no man can mistake it. Let as all
unite-nOt no pdrty-but on the Iap. The Kansas
bill can't US. 1t has failed and from that hill
Mr.. Douglas bOrrows the arguments by which he
attacks the decisions in the bred Scott and Amy
cases in the manner set forth before The endorse
ment which the South gave that bill in 1856. might
now prove her ruin. but there is away of escape
Since that time the Court has settled the lac for us Let
like good citizens get offa dUube-meaning Kansas
bills and all treacherOus party platforms and step
on The lac Here is foundation on which if we buc
stand with unity, demagogues can never embifter.
nor heresies divide and from which fanatics can
never drive US. Here are the decisions of the high
est tribunal in country, declaring that the Viii
mot ProyisO and Squatter Sovereignty. and Congress
sional and Territorial restrictions are all uncnnst
tutional and that no department of the General
Government, nor all its departments together nor
all Jne dEenls IL can create nave any power over
the institution of slavery ercept the poIcer coupled
with The duty, Of guarding and projecting the oluner
in his rights
What more DO we want? How much better can
party and platforms do for us! Why any further
commentaries! Why still talk about the
Kansas bi--the Cincinnati platform and Buchanau's
inaugural? We're is the ground for differences be
tween Southern men? Upon what pretence-for
what better doctrine is the slavery agitation TO be
continued? Will Mt the lao satisfy US all? Can
DOuqllsiSrE improve the lac VII not the peole ,q1,o
see that the GgitatOr has nothing in riec but his o,rn
promotion AID that to accomplish this our dearest riJts
ire 10 be orsuer attacked the most solemn sanctions f
a,C disrejared and party SireS alcays to dride ms
Let us throw away longer reliance upon party and
ct us wake up the sleeping genius of Patriotism |
hat these storms of agitation may be rebuked until
he winds are sulled and peace restored to dis |
racted crew.
In the present canvass let US have no mere party
candidates Let US take our stand on the law. |
md give notice to all the North, and all parties that
We are done with COMMUNICATIONS with double |
meaning resolutions with Congressional tricks |
done with discussing Congressional power over |
slavery. Let say the lac has been pronounced |
The Judgment has been entered and there is no ap-
peal BY 1t we will stand and will tolerate no party
which doubts its correctness hesitates to enforce
Il ANan w Ii