New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-03-01
XXXVITH CONGRESS.
FIRST SESSION.

the nrper of Marine Hos as, the number oil paAen1s
and tie eKpeuaes since 1884 Aooptso' -.
Mr. DOOLITTLE tRep., Wis presented peution
t,ot tbs Pcs,-Ofice Department be made free.
Mr. TRUMBULL (Rep., IIl.l offered resolution
that the Secretary OF me nreasy n,,t
statement OF e revenue iroii 0aon NVe0'e DiiO''
Mr.. WILSON rep, Msss.l presented a memorial of
the merchants and underwrers OF Boston Tor steam
mail twice month between Charleston and Key West
and Cuba.
u Nj. SEWARD lRep, n. " moved that the bill for
the admission of kansas be put on its second reading
Carried.
BY consent, Mr.. MASON Dem, VA offered g reso-
tuition, that the President commuuicate every commu-
nication received from the Governor OF Texas relative
10 disturbances on the Rio Grande. Adopted.
Mr.. SEWARD presented the memorial OF the Legis
iature Of Kansas praying for admission into the Union
Mr.. Seward then spoke as follows:
MR.. sEwARD's SPEECH.
Mr. President the admission Of Ksnsas into the
Union, without further delay, seems to me equally
necessary, Just, and wise 10 recorded debates l
have already anticipated the arguments for this con-
ciusion.
In coming forward among the political astroogers it
skal be of Judgment, and not Of disposition
my Interpretation Of the feverish dreams which
disturbing tie country shall tend to foment rherthan
to allay the national excitement. shall cay nothing
unnecessarily Of persons because, in system, the
public welfare ard happiness depend chiefly institu:
tons, and very little on men. shall allude but briefly
10 incidental TOPICS because they ephemera and
because even in the midst of appeals to passion and
prejudice always safe submit solid truth to the
deliberate consideration Of honest and enlightened
people.
IT will be an OVERLOOKING source of shame as well
as of sorrow if we, thirty Acknowledgements by ex-
traction. Americans by birth discipline, and Chris
tans in faith and meaning to be such III practicecan-
not so combine prudence with humanity, in con-
due. concerning the disturbing subject of Slavery,
as not only to preserve our unequaed institutions Of
Freedom but also to enjoy their benefits with content
uent and harmony.
Wherever guiltless slave exists, be he Caucasian,
American Malay, or African be is the subject Of two
distinct and opposite ideas-one that he is wrongly,
the other that he is rightly slave. The balance Of
numbers on either side, however great, never COM
pletely extingushss this difference of opinion, for
there are always some defenders Of Slavery outside
even il there are inside Free State, while, alec,
there are always outside if there not inside Of
every Slave State, many who assert with Milton, that
" no man who knows aught can DE 40 stupid TO deny
- that ali naturally were born free, being the
image aud resemblance Of God himself and were by
privilege above all the creatures, born to command
and not to obey" 1t often, perhaps, generally hap
pens however that in considering the subject of
Slavery society overlook the natural right
personal interest of the slave himself, and to act
cusvely for the welfare of the citizen. But this fact
does moi materially affect ultimate results, for the ee
entary question of the rightfulness wrongulness
of Slavery inheres in every form that discussion
concerning it assumes. What is Just TO one class Of
men can never be injurious to any other and what is
unjust to any condition of persons in State, is
necessarily injurious in degree to the whole |
community. An economical question early arises
out of the subject of Slsverylabor either Of feemen
or Of slaves is the cardinal necessity Of society Some
States choose the one kind, SOME the other Hence |
two municipal systems widely different arse. The |
Slave State strikes down and affects to extnguish the
personality of the laborer, not only as a member o
the political body, but also parent husband child
neRhbcr OF friend He thus becomes, In political |
view merely property without moral capacity, and |
without domestic, moral and social relations, duties,
rights and remedies-a chatte object of bargain,
sale gift inheritance theft. His earnings are COM
pensated and his wrongs atoned not TO HIMSELF but 10
his owner The State protects not the slave as man.
but the capital of another man, which he represents
On the other hand, the State which rejects Slavery
couraQes aud anmases and nvgorates the laborer by
maintaining and developing hs natural personality in
al the rights and faculties Of manhood and generally
with the privileges of citizenship. In the one case
capital invested in slaves becomes great political
force while in the other labor thus elevated and en-
franehised becomes the dominating political power.
1t thus happens that we may for convenience sake,
and not inaccuratey call Slave States capital States,
and Free States labor States.
So soon as State feels the impulses Of commerce
enterprise OF ambition its citizens begin to study the
effects Of these systems of capital and labor respect
lively Oh its Intelligence its virtue its tranquility ito
integrity or unity, its defense, its prosperity It's lib
erty it's happiness It's aggrandizemen and its fame
In other words the great question arises, whether
Slavery is a moral social, and political good or a
moral social and political evil. This is the Slavery
nuestion at home But there s mutual bond OF amity
and motherhood between and man throughout the
world Nations examine freely the political systems
Of each other and of ali preceding times, and accord
in0Iy as they approve dsapprove Of the two sys'
tens Of capital and labor respectively they Sanction
End prosecute or condemn and prohibit commerce IN
men Plus in one way or In another, the Slavery
oaestion which 80 many among u.s. who are more VIII
ling 10 rule than patient in studying the conditions OF
soc;etv think is merely accidental or unnecessary
pestion that might and ought 10 be settled and DIS
missed At once u.s. on the contrary worldwide ana
enduring subject Of political consideration ana civil
Administration Men, states and nations entertain IT,
not voluntarily but because the progress Of society
continually brings 1t into their way. They divide
upon IT, not peryersey, but because owing to dlier
euces of constitution condition. circumstances, they
cannot agree.
The fathers Of the Republic encountered il. They
even adjusted II so that il might have given ne much
Less than our present dsquiet had not circumstances
sfArvard occurred which they, wise as they were,