Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1860-09-15

4 1t IS bound by the Philadelphia Platform, so Tar
as that Jurisdiction extends, to resist the ac-
quirement Of any territories unless the prac'
tico Of slavery therein shall forever have been pro-
hibited'
In the fifth place, as Congress has the exclusive
Jurisdiction and right, by specific grant of pow
to regulate commerce among the several States
it is bound las the very highest possible to
restrict slavery to its present iuts), by the Phil
adepha Platform, to prohibit the interstate slave
trade, as a system of stupendous, wicked and God
daring piracy, infinitely more odous than the for
eign slave trade, and justly meriting the same
condign punishment which the federal government
may mee out 70 other pirates.
If these five positions are not the legitimate re.
suit OF the language used in the second resolution
Of the Philadelphia Platform, then, my mind is
too oLtuse to comprehend the meaning OF the
plainest words 10 my mother tongue.
During the canvass Of 1856 the stump speakers
seemed to be foud Of being termed anti-slavery
men, but the smoke of the battle had hardly
cleared away so as to exhibit the republican flag
trailed in the dust, than the very stump speaking
leaders began to look out for the causes of their
defeat. They fancied that the republican party
had been too strongly nnti'slaverg, and from tha,
baptizing the party by a coguomen, heretofore
unknown in the political world, namely, Tie White
Mans Party
Some Of my republican friends having assured
me that their nominees were Sound on the anti
slavery side of the goose and others, that hoy
had no other object in view regards slavery,
than to keep it out of the territories, l addressed
letter of inquiry to Hon. A. Lincoln, which, with
the reply, is appended.
In the following letter to Hon. A. Lincoln, my
sole object to acquire such information as
would enable me conscientiously to give him my
vote, for the exalted position to which he aspires
and which no man can reach without the consent
of the requisite number Of his felow-cizens
And that this consent should be based on thor
ough knowledge of the political principles by
which the aspirant intendS to be governed, in the
exercise of the highly important trust powers
con6ded to him, will not think, be doubted by
any one, who believes that all power emenates
from the people, and that we should be extremely
cautious in making this choice, is equally true
Because the acts of the representative are, in fact
the acts of his constituents whose votes place him
in power, and for whose acts they are, beyond oil
question, accountable to God and their country
If the people know what course Mr. Lincoln will
adopt the very highly important questions ask
ed in my letter, they know more than do. Even
his friends do not agree in their statements to mo-
Of what his course will be; but they are willing TO
take him upon trust, and risk their accountability
to God, their country and poserty for all his acts
This, my fellow citizens, is the difference between
us-honce the following letter;
RURAL ILL.,, May Is, 1860.
DEAR SIR: Anxious to vote understandngly fer
President address you, in good falh the follow
ing questions, trusting that they will be frankly
answered
Ist Will you, if elected President, tako your
stand upon the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions
of l798 against the Alien and Sedition Laws, and
to remove all danger of collision between the
Federal ard State Governments, recommend Con-
gres5 to repeal that deliberate, dangerous and
palpable usurpation of undelegated power, com
monty termed The Fugitive Slave law p
2nd. viii you, under the plain positive and
specific grant of power, TO regulate commerce
among the several States recommend Congress to
prohibit, by law, the interstate slave trade
5 Sd. As the Federal Constitution expressly dele
gates to Congress the right TO exercise exclusive
legislation in all cases whatsoever over tho Dis
trict of Columbia, will you recommend Congress
to abolish and prohibit slavery in that Territory
4th. Will you recommend Congress to enact
, law defining what shall constitute contempt Of
either House. and to protccs the citizens from be-
ing immured to rot in Republican BaStle "
A usurpation of power infinitely more danger
! Gus to liberty than any that has preceded it is
now, it is to be feared in successful tide Of ex-
pertinent. The Senate in committing Mr.. Hyatt
for an alleged contempt has, be yond all question:
transcended it's powers and established a prece
dent which, If not met and resisted by the sover-
egn States, will subject their citizens for all time
to despotism com pared with which the atrocious
'Sedition Law of 1893 dwindles into absolute in
significance. This usurpation, like the 'Sedtion
Law, can bo defended upon no possible plea, but
that the common law of England is in full force
and vigor in this Union,
Yours truly, B. G. WRIGHT.
To Hon. A, Lincou
SfRINGrIELD, Ill.,, June stb, 1850,
b. G. WRIGHT. Esq,
DEAR SIR Your letter to Hon. A. Lincoln, of
May 5Sth, and by which you seek to obtain his
opinions on certain political points, has been re-
ceved.
lie has received others of similar character;
bu. also greater number of the exactly opposite
character. The latter class beseech him to write
nothing whatever upon any point of political doc
trine They say his positions were well known
when he was nominated, and that he must not
now embarrass the canvass By undertaking to-
shift or modify them. lie regrets that he cannot
oGligc all, but you perceive that i: is impossible
for him to 90 SO. Yours truly,
JNO, G. NICHOLAS.
In conclusion, my Republican friends am
sorry to part company with you in the coming
canvass, but the noncommittasm of Hon. A.
Lincoln makes it an imperative duty. Mr.. Lin
coIns rrht 10 pursue this policy is not questioned