Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1860-12-08

tent to cease the war upon southern interests
and feelings.
For the foregoing reasons, feel confident
that the 18Th Congress will exhibit falling
of in the strength OF the Republican party.
instead of an increase. er-r ~
4th. All of the existing grievances of
which the South may justly complain, can
be redressed in the Union. As to the indig-
| nifty, not to say insult, offered TO the South,
of nominating and electing the candidates
for the two highest Offices of the Government
| by sectional party on principles which
| practically excluded the Southern States
from voice in the election, contrary to es-
tablished usage, and in violation of the spirit
of the Constitution:-they may be pardoned
for the sake of peace and harmony, and in
consideration that the South has not been
| guiltless of having contributed. and that In
no small degree, to increase the violence and
/ asperities of the slavery controversy between
| the two sections. f
In expressing the opinion that all grievan-
ees may be redressed in the Union, 1 intended
to exclude other greater offences which have
been apprehended from Republican domino
ton, and which are of possible occurrence,
How they shall be redressed. should they un-
| happily occur, will cali for new counsels;
but Sufficient unto the day is the evil there
| Of" ~
The existing grievances are the obstruc-
lions interposed by some of the non-slave-
holding States to the prompt and faithful ex-
ecution of the Fugitive Slave Law, by what
are called Personal Liberty Laws. and the re-
fusal of the Governors of several of those
States to surrender fugitiyes from justice
from the slavedolding States in those cases
in which the crime imputed to the fugitive is
the abduction or stealing of slaves. Some fur
Their legislation by Congress may be required
| to secure the surrender of such fugitives, but
| the due enforcement of the Fugitive Slave
Law is all that is required to redress the
grievances arising from the escape and abb
| duction of slaves from the Southern States.
| The President is armed with sufficient power
and means to enforce this law, in defiance of
all distractions which may be thrown In the
way to defeat it. If he neglects or fails to
see it executed, be is liable to impeachment.
The next subject which purposed to my
self to notice briefly is the doctrine or theory
of secession, which, as l understand it, is the
right claimed to exist under and by the Con-
stitution, in the exercise of which a State
may withdraw from the Union, whenever
majority of the citizens may decide to do 500
for any cause whatever. For il is quite i'm
material whether any grievance or wrong
sustained at the hands of the co7States or by
the action of the Federal Government, is
set up to justify the exercise of this right or
not, inasmuch as the people of the seeding
State under this theory, claim to be the sole
tribunal or judges to decide whether any such
grievance or wrong has been inflicted, and
upon the extent and suffieiency of the wrong.
In fact, the theory of secession implies the
right of State to dissolve its connection
with the Union at discretion; and the whole
question itself into this: whether
the Federal Union, as it now exists and as it
was intended to be by its trainers, is any
thing more than voluntary association OF
States for common defence and other objects
of vital Importance to their Interests and
prosperity, carrying with it no binding obi
CATION upon any one of the States to yield
obedience to the Federal Government any
longer than such State should consider it eX-
pedient. l propose to enter into no elabo-
rate argument to demonstrate the unsound-
ness of this theory, and to show that no such
right was reserved by the Constitution either
to the States or to the people. That has Of
ten been done by ADLER pens. must be per-
mitted, however, to say that when its nature
| is properly defined and its logical and neces-
sary consequences are candidly stated, its
absurdity must strike the commonest under
standing. Its unreasonableness and folly,
aside from its absurdity, will be illustrated
| by single example:
The possession and control of the mouth
| of the Missi ssippi was held to be of such
vital Importance to the interests Of the peo-
pie inhabiting the valley of the Mississippi,
it being the great outlet to market of the rich
products of their soil, as to make its acquisi-
ton, either by purchase or conquest. great
political necessity. The purchase was made
by the United States for that reason, at a
cost of fifteen millions of dollars. 1t was
stipulated in the treaty Of cession that the
territory thereby acquired should be admit
ted into the Union as a State, or States,
with all the rights and privileges of the
other States of the Union. But can it be
supposed that Mr.. Jefferson and the other
great statesmen of that day, if they inter-
preted the Constitution as the advocates of
the theory of secession now do, would have
been so ineffably stupid and blind to
consequences as to have assented to such
stipulation? Far wisf and better would it
have been to have paid five times the price,
and to have held the country as subject
province, having first amended the Consti-
tuition SO as to AUTH rize such holding.
Union and set up an independent Govern
ment, in the exercise of the right of secession,
even supposing the right to exist, can there
be any doubt that the same commercial and
political necessity which led to its original
acquisition, would lead to its subjugation by
the Government of the United States, or by
the States interested in the navigation of the
Mississippi and its tributaries?
After due consideration of the subject,
with becoming Difference to the opinions of
others, am forced to the conclusion that Sc
cession is but another name for an organized
resistance by State to the laws and consti-
tuted authorities of the Union, or, which is
the same thing, for reUozaaion. The theory ap-
pears to me to have been conceived and
propagated in spirit of disaffection to the