The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1860-02-09

QuuQreOS
home. The most confding of them all are, sir,
for equality in the Union or independence out
of it, having lost all hope Of the former, am
for 'indepeHdenoe nOar, and independence .foT-
eper.'" HaI
It is bat fair, however, 10 admit that generally
the threats of secession made By Southern Dem
ccrats have been qualified by contingency,
which trust is not very far in the future, viz:
the election of Republican President. Thus,
the gentleman last quoted, Mr.. Crawford,l in
the same speech, and just preceding the extract
already given, says;
"Now, in regard to the election Of Black
Republican President, j have this to say, and L
speak the sentiment Of every Democrat on this
floor from Georgia, we will never submit to the
Inauguration of Black Republican President.
tApplause from the Democratic benches, and
Kisses from the Republicans. i repeat II, sir,
and l have the authority to say so, that no
Democratic Representative from Georgia on
this floor viii ever submit to the inauguration
Of q Black Republican President. Renewed
applause and Kisses.
You perceive by this last quotation, which,
ike the first, is clipped from his published
speech, that his pronunciamiento in behalf Of
himself and all his Democratic colleagues was
received with applause BY the Democratic
benches. / cannot refrain from remarking
Holman, has delivered his first speech on the
hoer Of the House; a speech quite replete with
matter to admire, and containing some Union
doctrines worthy of all approval. But, when
he closed with the noble sentiment that with
the consent of Indiana, no parricidal hand, in
the insolence of pride, or the madness of power,
should touch the Constitution for Its destruc-
tion," there came no applauding note from his
Democratic associates of the South. Evidently,
there was too much love of the Union in his
speech to please their taste.
l must hasten TO complete my selection OF
Democratic gems from the debates of the pres
ent session, giving you only samples of an ex-
tensive stock; for | wish to make room for 81 a
few more of the same sort, d" to be found in great
abundance outside of our Congressional Deba-
ting School.
Further quotations from the speeches Of mem
bers may as well come chronologically. begin
ming with Mr.. Davis, of Miss, who, on the 9Th
inst, (see Congressional Globe, p. 69,) said:
We are arming, but not against the Gov
eminent We are arming to put down rebel
lion against the Government. We are for
the Government When you presented Ere
mont as a sectional candidate for the Presi.
dency, representing the system of free labor
IN opposition to the system of slave labor,
you undertook to seize the Government for
yourselves, in violation of the letter and spirit
of the Constitution. In doing that, you were
guilty of organizing rebellion against the Gov
eminent, with view of diverting it to purposes
not legitimately its own. Against that rebel
lion we intend to act. We mean to put it down,
even if we have to do it with the bayonet; and
call upon the South Americans and the North
Americans to come forward and aid us in put
ting down rebellion"
Here We are told, and it's comfort to know
1t, that the attempt to make Fremont President
was organized rebellion, and that such attempts
If not otherwise put down, must be frustrated
by the bayoneti
On the same day, Mr.. Moore, of Alabama,
replying to Mr.. Nelson, said:
81 was astonished TO hear that gentleman's
declaration that the election to the Presidency
of William II. Seward, or Chase, or any other
Black Republican candidate, entertaining like
opinions with them, would not be a sufficient
cause for a dissolution of the Union. He said
he would wait for some overt act | should
consider the election of such a candidate, by a
Northern sectional majority, as a declaration
of war against our rights; and rejoice in the
belief that those whom | represent, and the
gallant State to which l owe my first and high
est allegiance, will not hesitate in such contin-
gency, let the consequences be what they may,
TO fall back on their reserved rights, and de-
clare to the world, As for this Union, we have
no longer any lot or part in it,"
Next comes the sentiment of Mr.. Curry, of
Alabama, who is one Of the coolest, clearest,
and most gentlemanly debaters in the House.
On the 10th instant, see Globe. D. 95,) he
made use of the following language:
"Now, sir, however distastefnl it NAV be to
my friend from New York, Mr. Clark, how
ever much it may revolt the public sentiment
= Conscience e. tsfs- country, am not ashamed
or afraid publicly to avow that the election of
William II. Seward or Salmon z. Chase or any
such representative Of the Republican party,
upon sectional platform, ought to be resisted
TO the disruption of every tie that binds this
Confederacy together"
The Globe report shows, though the pamphlet
edition of his speech does not, that this declara-
ton was applauded on the Democratic side
On the 18th December, Mr.. MeRae, of Mis-
sissippi, spoke as follows:
well, sir, do not hesitate to say here as
/ said to my constituents at homeland was
sent here, first, without seeking the position,
and was sent back again without opposition
that if a Republican President is elected upon
that platform under which they say they will
legislate the rights OF the Southern portion of
the Confederacy away, i, for one, am not will
ing to submit to it. / said to my constituents.
and to the people at the capital of nv State
on my way here, that if such an event did
occur while II would be their duty to determine
the course which the State would pursue, it
would be my privilege to counsel with them as
10 what l believed to be the proper course
and | said to them, what / say now, and viii
always say IN such an event that nv counsel
would be TO take independence out Of the
Union, in preference to the loss of constitutional
rights, and consequent degradation and dis
honor. in 1t. That is my position, and it is the
position which know the Democratic party of
the State of Mississippi will maintain (See
Globe, p. 1917
Two DAYS later, We find Mr.. Bonham, of
South Carolina, speaking for himself, his con-
stituents, and, as he thinks, for his State, thus
Gentlemen of the North talk of forcing us
back into the Union and the honorable gen
ueman from Pennsylvania Mr. Hickman
speaks of the numerical power of the North
being sufficient to compel us TO remain in the
Union. Sir, whenever force is found necessary
or expedient, the Union no longer exists; and
as TO disunion, upon the election of a Black
Republican, l can speak for no one but myself
and those have the honor to represent; and
1 say, without hesitation. that upon the election
of Mr.. Seward, OF any other man who endorses
and proclaims the doctrines held by him and
his party-call him by what name YOU please
am in favor of an immediate dissolution Of
the Union. And, sir, l think / speak the sen.
-hpents OF my own constituents, and the State
of South Carolina, wheR l say So" (Cong.
Globe, p. l67.
Perhaps one more extract from the debates
viii suffice. 1t is from the speech of Mr..
Davidson, of Louisiana, a man whom | have
been accustomed 10 regard and esteem as one
of the most conservative and national men in
the Southern delegation. You may have no.
ticed, in reading the proceedings. that some
eminent South Americans have said that the
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