Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1860-06-14

framed the Government under VIII ich we live,
declare our belief that slavery IL wrous:
) bot The slaves do not hear Us q, clsre even
: this. For snytblbg we say vr do. the slaves
would scarcely know there isa Republican
, party. believe they you'd not, in fact,
generally know il bot for y our misre presen-
tations of us, in their hearing. Ia your
political contests among yourselves, each
faction charges the other with sympathy
with Back Republicanisn; snd then, to
give point to the charge, defines Black Re-
publicsnism to simply be insurrection, blood
and thunder among the slaves.
Slu<e insurrections are no more common
now than trey were before the Republican
party was organized. What induced the
Southampton 'insurrection, twenty-eight
years ago, in which, at least, three times a.
many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferryi
You can scarcely stretch your very elastic
:ancy to the conclusion that Southampton
was got up by Black Republican, ism In
the present state of things in the United
States, do not think general, or even q
very extensive slave insurrection. 10 possible
The indispensable concert of action csnDot
be attained. The slaves have no means Of
rapid communication; nor can iDcerdiary
free men, black or white supply il. The ex-
p'osive materials are every where in parcels:
ont 'hn-a n"''""- sc or can be supplied, tho
] Indispensable connection trains.
Much is said by the Southern people
about the affection OF slaves for their mast.
ers Ind mistress; snd a part Of IL, a. least,
10 True. a plot lor all uprising could scarce
ly be devised GBd communicated TO twenty
individuals before some one of them, to save
the life Of isvoriie master or mistress,
would divulge it, This 10 the rule; and th.
slave revolution in Hayti was no, an excep.
ton to 1t, but a case occurring under peculisr
circumstances. The gunpowder plot OF
British History, though not connected with
slaves, was more in point. In that case,
only about twenty we're admitted to the se-
cret; and yet one of them, in his anxiety 10
save ftiend, dvulged,and, by oonsequence
averted the calamity. Oscasianai poisoninys
from the kitchen, and open or ulealthy ss-
ssssinations in the field, and local reyohs
extending to a score or so, will continue TO
occur as the natural results Of slavery, but
no general insurrection of slaves, as ! think,
can happen in this cou ntry for long time.
Whoever much fears, or much hopes, tor
such an event, will be alike disappointed.
1n the language Of Mr. Jefferson, uttered
many years ago, alt is sill in our power to
direct the process of emancipation. and do.
portation. peaceably, and in such slow de.
grees, as that the evil will wear off insen.
sblv; and their places be, pari passu, filled
h,, fra LII
trary, it is left to force itself on, human
nature must shudder at the prospect held up
Mr.. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor DO
], that :he power of ems nci patton is 10 trs
Federal Government. He spoke OF Vir-
gina; and, as to the power of emancipation
| speak nj the slaveholding States only.
The Federal Government, however, az
we insist, has the power of resti aiming the
exie nsion OF the insti,ution-the power to
insure Il slave insurrection shall never occur
on any American soil which is now fres
from slavery. g.
John Browns effort was peculiar. Il was
not slave insurrection. II was an attempt
by white men to get up revolt among
slaves, in which the slaves refused to par-
ticipate, II fact, it was go absurI that the
slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly
enough that it could not succeed. The sf-
fair, in its philosophy. corresponds with the
many attempts, related 10 history. OF the as
sassnation Of kings and emperors. An ell
thusiast broods over the oppressipn of a
people till he !sncies himself com missioned
By Heaven to liberate them. He ventures
the attempt, which ends in little less than
his own execution. Orsin's attempt on
Louis Napoleon, and John Browns attempt
a Harper's Ferry were, In their philosophy,
precisely the same. The esgerness TO cast
blame on Old England in the one case, and
on New England in the other, does not dis
prove the ssmeness Of the two things.
And now how much would II avail you, If
you could by The use of John Browu, Help
er's b 'ok. an the like, break up the Rspub.
lican organ zationl Human sction can hs :
mod fled to sope extent, but human usturs
cannot ne mudi6ed. There 10 judgment
and feeling againss slavery 10 this nation.
which casts ut least q million and half OF
votes. You cannot destroy that judgment
aud ieeling-that sentiment-by brssking
up The political organisation that rallies
around il. You can scarcely scatter and
disperse an army which has been formed into
order in ,ae fsce Of your heaviest FIRE. but
if you could. how much would you gain by
forcing the sentiment which orsstsd il out
of the peaceful channel of the ballot box
iato some other channel! What would that
other channel probably be! Would the
Number OF John Browns be lessened ur en-
lorsed b. tno operation!
Bu, Won will break up the Union rsther
than submit to . denial OF your Cons,itu.
tional rights.
That has a somewhat reckless souifdj bat
it would be palIistsd, il not fully Jus; fed.
were we proposing. by the mere force of
numbers, to deprive yon Of some right, plain
iy written down In the Constitution. But
we are protesting no such thing.
When you make thcse declarations, You
have a specific aud we'll understood sllusicn
to an assumed Constitutions right Of you're.
to take slaves into the fedora territofies,sp :
TO hold them there as property But no such
rioht In epecifcslly written IN the Consti.