New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-11-21
CAN 1T BE OF ANY UsEe


ern people, shall do or say something to dis
abuse the Southern mind with regard to the
principles and purposes of those who have tri-
umphed in our late Presidential contest. They
insist that unaccOuntable, deplOrable misappre-
tensions pervade the Slave States and that there
is imminent danger that the inhamed, misguided
public sentiment thus produced may goad South
Carolina, and perhaps other Cotton States with
her, into a frantic and calamitous rebellion; ana
they urge that this peril may he averted by
proper representations and assurances from the
Free States.
To all this, we answer, Nothing that could be
said or done by or from the North can do any
good whatever. Solemn protestatiOns that we do
not mean this and Will not do that and look
with adherence on the other would only be
received with exultatiOn as proofs OF cOwardy
ouailinc before the Southern tornado, or with
dersion as verbal bubbles designed to begule
and to placate a just indignation by proiu-
sion of fair words. Unless we are ready to
assure the South that we are sorry we ever re-
sisted the Extension of Slavery, sorry we ever
suppressed the African Slaye-Trade, sorry we
have not evinced greater alacrity IN catching
fugitive negroes, sorry we have forbidden the
holding of slaves in our several States, sorry we
have elected Lincoln and Hamlin, we will, i'll
keeping silence, consult the dictates at once OF
the public tranquility and OF our own self
respect. Should we ever be ready to let Mr.
Charles O'COnOr be our spokesman, and to say
in our behalf whatever he thinks fit, there may
be some use in making solemn prOtestations and
prCfering deprecatory assurances; but until then
neither Mr.. Lincoln, nor the Republicans, nor
the whole North could say anything to the pur-
pose. AS Mr.. Lincoln forcbly set forth in his
Cooper Institute speech, and as Mr.. OConOr
has as clearly shown, the vital point on which
the South is aggrieved is our ayONed conviction
that Siorery is prOng, with the action which
necessarily springs from that conviction. And
nothing that we could say will tend to alay the
fever now raging at the South which does not
amount in substance if not in terms to decs-
ration that Siarery is right.
To the end that this may be clearly seen, we
trust every one who has not already done so will
read carefully the long letter in our last of our
Georgian correspondent, w. W. Mann, esq
Effervescent and screechy as it is, that letter is
as rational and quite as forcible statement of
the slaveholdng grievances which are held to
Justify Secession as we have anywhere seen. Its
notions of claiming Great Britain to the chariot
wheels of the embryo African slave-trading,
slavery difusing republic of Columbia by liga-
ments of COtton-Of discarding the Mistress of
the Seas and installing despOtic France in her
place as first favOrite of the empire of Chivalry
whenever Britain should exhibit inadequate dOcil-
ity in that enyied pOsiton-his idea that En-
glands Anti-Slavery is compound of craft, by
pOcrisy, and sel6shness, which will be repudiatcd
whenever more is to be made by championing
the morality and fighting the battles OF the slave
breeders-his cOnceit that the South might at
any time starve not the North alone but Great
Britain also into general bankruptcy, anarchy,
and cOmmunistic arson and pillage, by the sim
pie process of withholding her COtton-crop
with score of crOtchets equally pre-
pOsterOus, have been the staple of South
ern vain-glory for years, until some have
probably been dragoOned by stint of positive
assertion and sheer repetition into kind of
halt belief in Them To reason with such were
absurd as to parey with the demonacs of the
New Testament. The only treatment their case
admits of is to command the devils to come out
of them. Just think of an adult human being
who, in this age of the world, when cotton is
grown in Egypt, in Algiers in India, in Central
Africa, in China, in Japan, at the Cape of Good
Hope and would be extensively grown in ia
maica, in Hayti, in Australia, in Central Amer
lea, if the current price were twenty per cent
higher than it is gravely asserting that
I'll you cotton, want you will you must come
for it, as you 20 to China for ea-syer in hsndready pay
sren pound for pound u oe choose 10 require H."
Why should not the planter, crammed with
this stuff till he half believes it, be Secession
list Why should he await or seek any pre-
text, beyond the substantial reason that he would
ike TO buy his negroes for hundred dollars per
head instead of thousand, and sell bis cotton
for dollar a pound instead of dime When
the demagOgues in whom he cOnGdes tells him
that Secession will enable him to set whatever
price he chooses on his cotton and compel all
the world TO come begging him to name his rate
and take his cash, while Great Britain or France
does all his fighting gratuitOusly, why should he
not insist on seeding at once before sacrificing
another cotton-crop for a 1.-THE of its real value
We reproduce single passage more from our
correspondents defamation, in order that the
slaveholding notion of international rights and
duties courtesy, and comfy, may be imprinted
on the public mind He says:
For we think Of the North that when become dis
tn sovereign States neghborng nations the interests proper
~ and RIGHTS Of the Southern section will be much re-