Wabash express. [volume] (Terre-Haute, Vigo Co[unty], Ind.) 1841-186?, 1860-04-04

knew that. as to himself at least, YOU
charge W "a slander, and he was not muol
inclined it to cast his vote in your favor
Republic n doctrines and declarations ar
! accompal ed with n continual, protes
against interference whatever with you
slaves, ol with you about your slaves =
Surely, this does not encourage them I,
revolt. True, we do, in common with ou
fathers who framed the Government unde
which We live, declare our beliefthat Slave
ry is wrong; but the slaves do not hear Vi
declare even this For anything we say o.
do, the slaves would scarcely know there i,
a Republican party believe they would
not, in fact, generally know it but for you
misrepresentation OF US, in their hearing
In political contests among yourselves
each faction charges the other with sympa
thy with Black Republicanism; and then tc
give point to the charge, defines Black Re
publlcanism TO simply be instruction
blood and thunder among the slaves. Slave
insurrcctiens are omore common now than
they We're before the Republican party was
organized What induced the Southampton
Instruction, twenty-eight years ago, in
which at least three times as many lives
were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can
scarcely stretch your very elastic fancy TO
the conclusion that Southampton was got
up by Black Republicanism. In the pre-
sent state of things in the United States, /
do not think general, or even very ex
tensive slave insurrection, is possible. The
indispensable concert Of action cannot be
attained. The slaves have no means of
rapid communication; nor can incendiary
free men, black or white, supply it. The
explosive materials are everywhere in par
cells: but there neither are nor can be sup
| piled, the indispensable connecting trains
Much is said by Southern people about the
affection of slaves for their masters and mis-.
! tresses; and part of it, at least, is true
A plot for an uprising could scarcely be
devised and communicated to twenty indi-
viduals before some one of them, to save the
life Of fayorite master or mistress, would
divulgeit. This is the rule; and the revolu
ton in Hayti was not an exception TO it, but
case occurring under peculiar circum-
stances. The gunpowder plot Of British
history, though not connected with slaves
was more in point In that case, only
about twenty were admitted to the secret !;
and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save
friend, betrayed the plot to that friend
and, by consequence, averted the calamity
Occasional poisonings from the kitchen,
and open or stealthy assassinations in the
or so, will continue 10 occur as the natural
results of Slavery; but no general insurrec-
ton OF slaves, as | think, can happen in this
country for long time WhOwevermuch
I fears, or much hopes, for such an event, will
be alike disappointed In the language of
Mr.. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, ait is
still in our power to direct the process Of
emancipation and deportation, peaceably,
and in such slow degrees, as that the evil
will wear off insensibly and their places be,
passi passu, filled up by free white laborers
Ii, on the contrary, it is left to force it,
self on, human nature must shudder at
the prospect held up" Mr.. Jefferson did
I not mean to say, nor do |, that the power
of emancipation is in the Federal Govern
ment. He spoke Of Virginia; and, as TO
! the power of emancipation. | speak of the
slaveholding States only. The Federal
! Government, however, as we insist has the
power, of re- estraining the extension Of the
institution-the power to insure that a
slave insunection shall never occur on any
American soil which is now free from Sla-
very.
/ John Browns efforts was peculiar. 1t
was not slave insurrection. 1t was an
attempt by white men to get up a revolt
among slaves, IN which the slaves refused
TO participate In fact, it was 50 absurd,
that the slaves, with all their ignorance
saw plainly enough it could not succeed
That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds
with the many attempts related IN history,
at the assassination of kings and emper-
ors. An enthusiast broods over the op-
preston of a people, till he fancies him.
self commissioned by Heaven to liberate
them. He ventures the attempt, which
ends in little less than in his own execu
tion. OrsiRi's attempt on Louis Napoleon,
and John Browns attempt at Harper's Fer
ry, were, in their philosophy, precisely the
same. The eagerness to cast blame on old
England in the one case, and on New Eng
land in the other, does not dispTOye the
sameness of the two things. And how
much would it avail you, if you could, by
the use of John Brown, Helpers book, aud
the like, break up the Republican organi
zation? Human action can be modified TO
some extent, but human nature cannot be
changed. There is judgment aud feel.
ing against Slavery in this nation. which
cast at least a million aud half votes
!, You cannot destroy that judgment and
feeling-that sentiment--by breaking up
the political organization which rallies
around it, You can scarcely scatter and
disperse an army which has been formed
into order in the face Of your heaviest fire
but if you could, how much would YOU
gain by forcing the sentiment. which crea
ted il out of the peaceful channel of tht
ballot-box, into some other channel p
What would that other channel probably
be? Would the number of John Brownt
be lessened or enlarged by the operation
DISSOLVE THE UNIoNi
But yo'. will break up the Union. rathe
than s1omit TO & denial Of your Constitu'
tional rights. That has a somewhat reck
, less sound; but it would be palliated, i
T not fully justified, were we proposing, by
} the mere force Of numbers, TO deprive yor
of some right, plainly written down in The
Constitution. But We are proposing nC
, such thing. When you make these de
. claratioDs, you have specific aud well
, understood allusion to an assumed Consli
2 tRtional right of yours, to take slaves int,
I the Federal Territories and to hold then
1 there as property. But no such right i
! specifically written in the Costitution.-
. That instrument is literally silent abou
+ any such right. We, on the contrary deny
e that such right has any existence in th'
n Constitution, even by Implication. You
purpose, then, plainly stated, is, that yol
will destroy the Government, unless yol
be allowed TO construe and enforce tn
Constitution as you please, on all point
in dispute between you and us. You will
!, rule or ruin in all events. This, plainl,
= stated, is your language to US. PerhaP
: you will say the Supreme Ooust has deci
ded the disputed Constitutional question
in your favor. Not quiteso But wsivinI
the lawyers distinction between dictuu
: !, and decision, the Court have decided th
= question for you in sort of way. Tn
: Court have substantially said, it is you
= Constitutional right to take slaves into tn
Federal Territories, and to hold them ther
: as property. When ! say the decisio
was made in sort of way, | mean it wa
made in divided Court by bare m ajor
ty of the Judges, and they not quite agree
Is ing with one another in the reasons 70
at making it; that it is so made as that it
u avowed supporters disagree with on
o; another about ils meaning; ani that il wa
le mainly based upon mistaken statement
e. fact-the statement in the opini N that 18th
at right of property in >lave i5 di,inctl
il. aud expressly affirmed ~ the CanSti:'
to tiom." An inspection of the Conslitutio
L will show that the right oi property IN
IL slave is not distinctly and expressly affirl