The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1860-08-04
Issues of ahc Fresidentaa1 C0ntoss.
ABLE SPEECH OF HON. JOHN HICKMAN, OH Pa,
AT PHILADELPHIA.

ABLE SPEECH OF HON. JOHN HICKMAN, OF Pa
AT PHILADELPHIA.
Mn. paxs,pEnT AMI GENTLEMEN The in
telligent voter will so shape his action - to
! make il conduce TO the success OF principle,
rather than the elevation OF man. He will
| feel this to be the more incumbent upon him
at such time as the present, when the ten
denotes of parties are more distinctly marked
than in any previous campaign. lt will be
my object, this evening, to endeavor to az
hbit, in distinct light, the dividing line be-
tween the political parties OF the day, and to
| ascertain, Ii possible, what, in oil probable
| itv. would be the effect, upon the country, OF
the election Of the respective candidates for
the Presidency.
II this were strife merely between indi-
viiual men, il would possess but trifing i'm
portanoe, and ] should not trouble you with
either remark or suggestion. But as / re-
gard the contest, the determination will soon
be made not alone as 70 our value In the
confederacy, bot as to the destiny of the ma
ton itself.
The policy of our government is, 10 many
respects, underlined. The more serious ques-
ito ns affecting us have but recently become
topics OF careful consideration. Our fathers
were unable 80 foresee, during the formation
OF the Constitution, the greater embarrass-
meuts to which the future of the country
was to be subjected, and consequently no
provision Was made against them. Subjects
which distracted and divided them in their
deliberations, have lost much Of their former
consequence, and We seem TO be more anx-
ious to ascertain what they should have said
further, than what they actually did say
Even the controversies in which we ourselves
have been engag red within the last decade
have been settled or lost sight OF, snc we
are now about to enter into that conflict
which is to define many Of the most i'm
portant powers Of the Government, and to
fix the character of the dominant institutions
Of the country. The propriety Of re-eligi-
bility to Office, the exact relations between
federal and local authority, the constitution
atty of banks and internal improvements,
the regulation of the currency, and the dis
tribusion Of the proceeds of the public lands,
are no longer sgttatsd and discussions upon
them are only to be found 10 our past histo-
nv, and in the fossil remains of extinct par
ties. 1t may in truth be said that old things
have passed away and ell things have be.
CONS new.
There was time, not very far back in the
past, when Slavery was universally admitted
to be o wrong In Sc, unwise In practice, Diet :
rim entail to both individuals and communi-
ties, and against the spirit and genius OF our
free system. Now, however, it is declared
to be divine in its origin, the highest type of
human civilization, and Indispensable to the
msinsensnce OF democratic republic
Formerly it was regarded - . condition to
be constantly reduced, and finally to be ex-
tnguished. Now, on the contrary, the de.
= !, - h~n - - a
made controlling. Here l find the cause or
source Of the great political issue Of the
present. Shall Slavery become q national
institution and a governing power in the
country, or shall il remain as the Constitu-
ton left itp This is not an inquiry pro-
pounded by us Of the North, but forced upon
US by our brethren of the South. They in
quire an answer at our hands, and we cannot
avoid response If We would. Silence upon
our part, under the circumstances, could not
be construed otherwise than as affirmative of
their claims. ] make the distinct avowal
that Slavery seeks the acquisition OF all our
new States for two objects: first, TO secure
the value of slaves, and second, to direct the
power of the Federal Government.
The airrepressible conflict so frequently
commented upon and denounced BY the
South, is constantly admitted and acted upon
by them. They are too astute as observers,
and sagscious al politicians, not to know
there 10 a necessary and unending antago-
nism between liberty and slavery. LII they
thought differently, there would be far more
peace and harmony between the sections. Ii
is their full appreciation OF the struggle for
mastery which arms them for the 90 phict, and
induces them TO wrestle for the victory
There is no more evident fact than this, that
the advocates OF Slavery seek its extension
so az TO limit the influence OF the sentiment
of freedom. We hate tyranny, and would
prevent such . consummation. They ask
that all who toll shall be held as property
be regarded, in the chaste language Of an ell
oquent Senator, as ssmud sills." We believe
that God created all men free, and imposed
labor on them for their advantage. Which
hypothesis shall we prove true7 We will
see hereafter! But, knowing that the prin-
ciples of justice are uniform and eternal, |
presume to believe that those principles will
prevail, and human rights be maintained. -
| am not ignorant OF the fact that those who
suppose they may rightfully make MERIDIAN
disc Of mothers and their children seem TO
think they can shape the designs Of Provi-
dcpce, and re-wrise the history Of humanity,
reversing everything our fathers taught, and
for the maintenance OF which they perlled
| life and honor. | must be pardoned for dis
agreeing with them, and protesting against
such conclusions.
The extension Of negro slavery into the
territories Of the United States has become
q settled policy Of the Democratic party
This reality cannot be disguised, and ough,
OF to be denied. 1t is easily accounted for.
Unity OF interest and unity Of desire will
always produce perfect concentration OF
strength. The fortunes OF the South have
become completely identified with their Pc
culiar domestic institution. By their har-
mony they have been enabled to govern the
Democratic party. and, thus far, to govern
the country through the agency of that par
~. The vital force of that organisation be-
ing in the South, and slavery -propaga ndism
reg arded there as q Decessity, it cannot be