The Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, Ohio) 1853-1861, 1860-07-12
Senator, now the Dousasite candidate Tor Vice
President goes on to say:

Senator, now the Douslosite candidate Tor Vice
President goes on to say:
PROTECTION OF SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES.
It remains now to consider the question in.
volved in the amendment proposed by the Sen
stor from Mississippi, (Mr. Davis) Thatques
tion is, whether it is the duty Of Congress to
gUurentee to the stakeholder who shall remove
with his slaves into the territory OF the United
States the undispdted enjoyment of his propert,
in them so long as il continues TO be a Terrific.
~ Or, IN Other w0rds, whether the inhabi
ttnts of a Territory during their territorial con
dition, have the right to prohibit slavery there
lin.
Now let us see how these two questions
vital issues us this moment, and treated by this
associate of Douglas on the Rump ticket as
identical in their real siguidcauce--were an
swered BY him, twelve years ago. We contn-
lie our quotation:
NO POWER WHATEVER CAN EXcLuDE SLAVERY
FROM A TERRITORY.
For the purposes of this question, it matters
not where the power OF leglS,ating for the Teri.
tory residrs-whether exclusively in Congress or
Jointly in Congress aud the inhabitants, or ex.
elusively in the inhabitants OF the Territory
| the power is precisely the ssme--no greater in
| the hands of one than the other. In no cpent can
the stakeholder of the South be ereludsd from
settling in such Territory WITH HIS PROPERTY or
| EVERY DESCRIPTION.
| sQuATrEn SOVEREIGNTY sQuRLcHrD.
| But suppose that Congress have the right to
esta blish1d Territorial Government only, and
| that then all further governmental control
ceases; can the Territorial Legislature pass an
act prohibiting Slveryg Surely not. For the
moment YOU admit the right 10 organize II Ter
ritorial Government to exist in Congress. you
admit necessarily the suboidjnaon OF the people
Of the Terntory--th their depedence on this Gov
rnmsnt for an orgonic law, TO give them polit-
cal existence.
ABso.uTE coNGErssloNAL SOVEREIGNTY vs.. NOM
INTERVENrloN
Ltis Idle, however, to discuss &his question in
this form. For it Congress possess the power
to organize temporary governments, it must
then possess tho power to iegisate for the Ter.
ritories. II they may perform the greater, they
may the less; the ma lor includes ths minor
PROPOSE ion. Hence, Congress has, in all cases
since the foundation OF our Government. re
served veto upon The legislation of the Terri
torlal Governments ii is absolutely necessary,
in order to restrain them from violations OF the
Constitution aud intrng .mPntS OF the rights OF
the States, AS joint owners OF the public lands.
1t, therefore, an ct of the Territorial Govern.
mont, prohibiting Slavery, should be sent up 10
Congress Tor approval, they would be bound 10
Withhold il, upon the ground of its being an
act which Cougress themselves could not pass.
THE PEOPLE CANNOT EXCLUDE SLAVERY FROM
a rERRlroRY.
But suppose the light of legislation for the
Territory he ia its inhabitants. can they prohIb.
II Slavery Surely not; aud for reasons similar
10 those which show that Congress cannot
Further on in his remarks, Mr.. Johnson
said:
CONGRESSIONAL PROTECTION.
The institution Of Slavery is guaranteed by
the Constitution OF the United States, and it
has the same protection thrown around it,which
guards our cllizeus against the granting OF titles
Of nobility, or the establishment of religion
therefore Congress should be rs much bound to
veto an act of Territorial Iegisa tion prohibiting
it, of an act violating these rights of every cit
zen Of the Republic.
He winds up with grand Disunion TRADE:
PET PHRAsks OF THE DIsuNloNIsTs.
But suppose, Mr.. President, you have the
right to prohibit Slavery in the Territories oi
the United States, what high politica aonsd
Grafton requires you TO ex"scise il? All must
see, that it cannot be effected without procu-
cins a popular conuulSion lVhich lUHl probably
diSs0LVG tbs Union.
And again, after cnumeratng divers imagi
nary Southern wrongs:'
Sir, these things would seem to warn the South
that the day is not distant, when she will be
forced to stand firmly upon her constitutional
rights.
The plain English of which phrase-a pet one
with the fre-eaters--in Secession and DSunion.
Very soon the same words, and still more threat
eningIy, occur again:
The whole history Of public feeling and opin
ion in the Free States whether We look at the
action Of popular assemblies or proceedings o.
their legislatures, or to the course of their Rep
resenlatives in Congress, mournluly warns the
South that she muslstand upon her constitutional
rights. trust, sir, when tho crisis comes, she
is prepared to do it.
Aud he reiterates the same Dsuniun bluster
yet again, and still more explicitly:
But repeat, the inference from all the visi-
bic indications aTouni us evidently is that the
time has perhaps arrived, when the South has
no other alternative but to stand upon her con
sriutional rights.
This will answer for our first nStalment OF
the Hon. Herschp V. JOhnsons peculiarly |
" opulent" Congressional record. We commend
it to the attention Of all candid and honest
people who have any inclination to vere for
Douglas and Johnson, OF any desire to know
wh't the DoagIasites regard as the model oi
Southern statesman.
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WAsHINGToN, O., June % The officers sent