The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1860-04-24


sfgns 6f the True Innuence There.
The Charleston Convention occupies every
mans attention at this present moment, and
thousands are wondering what the representa-
tives Of the people there congregated will do
to save the country from revolution and
destruction by the fanaticism Of the aboli-
ZIONIST and black republican demagogues.
Little by little the veil is being lifted, and
as it rises it becomes evident to the careful OBJ
server that the people have but little part in
the real developement Of events, these being
all prepared beforehand by small and select
class of men. Thus, for time, it was gene
rally supposed that the popular representa-
tives who were to congregate at Charleston
would be called upon to decide between the
conflicting claims Of numerous candidates for
the votes of the people. But as the period for
the Convention approached, the number of can
didates began to lessen and now that It is in ses
sion, 1t is discovered that the delegations from
the democratic voting States have come into
it without any absolutely expressed preference
and apparently ready to unite on winning man.
All of the noise-or at least the greater part
Of its made by delegations from States that
have no possibility of throwing their votes for
the Charleston candidates, and the only object
of whose zeal is to create claim for offices, in
the future event Of the Charleston nominees
being elected. Their noisy zeal, therefore, is
of little account; for the same motive that at
one moment inclines it for Douglas will, at
any other, incline it for the winning name. The
idea that delegation-like that of Massachu-
setts, for instance--will exhibit steady pre-
ference for Douglas, or anybody else, when
united body of democratic electors show them
selves determined to throw their votes for
somebody else, is preposterous. The Boston
Custom House and the Boston Pest Office, in
perspective, forbid it.
1t therefore behooves us to look at what are
the really controlling influences in the federal
State, and hence in the Charleston Convention.
Every student of history finds in the historic
Development of the Roman republic re-
markable similarity to that of our own. Our
Development is more rapid than was the
Roman, because we have the helps of
the steam engine, the electric telegraph
and the lightning printing press to as
sist the Development of the idea of
the age or generation. In comparing the his
toric course of the two republics, it is evident
that we have not reached the Augustan age,
nor yet that of Sylla and Marius and that we
are in fact coincident with the early centuries
of the Roman republic, when patrician indu-
ence was able, soon after the expulsion of the
Tarquins, to secure to itself the election of the
Roman Consuls. These ConsuIs were neminal-
ly two, like our candidates from a Presidential
Convention, but it was, in fact, the same with
the Roman Consuls as with our President and
Vice President-one was the Consul and the
other was dummy. When the plebeians got res
tive and demanded that one of the Consuls
should be named from the plebeian class, the
patricans gave them the dummy, just as in the
present day the Vice President is nominated in
view Of the number of popular. votes he can
bring to bis leader.
This patrician influence has grown up among
us just as in the Roman republics. Delegates
to popular conventions hasten to Washington
to get the cue for their action. and as the nomi-
nations haveto be laid before the people for
ratification their statements serve to enlighten
the patricians as to the bent of the popular mind
These patricians are the Senators and members
Of Congress, and the class not only exists in
both of the great parties, but we find it striving
to create third organization. 1t is this patri-
clan element in the democratic party that has
prepared matters for the Charleston Convention,
and, having carefully arranged the programme
in the democratic States, has brought them to
the meeting ready to stand by the patricians'
plan. This Mr.. Slidell has carried to Charles
ton in his pocket, with letters from other Sena-
tors to their several State delegations, and some
declining to let their names be used. Jefferson
Davis writes by him to this effect to the Missis-
sippi delegation, and in opposition to Douglas
who is the favorite.of the pothouse plebeians.
Senator Wigfall writes to the Texas delegation
a similar letter against Douglas.
The next lifting Of the veil shows us Mr.. Sill
dell's letter to the Louisiana delegation, with
drawing his name and stating his readiness to
support Dickinson, Horatio Seymour, Joe
Lane or Breckinridge. Here is fact worth
mour together nuliifes them both by prevent
ing the New York delegation from uniting on
either, while it conciliates New York for the
real man of the patrician choice, whoever
he may be. The naming Of them was
safe, too, for Dickinson Is too well known
and Seymour too little known, to have any
chance for a nomination by an unexpected
popular outburst. Joe Lanes name is brought
in as a sacrifice to be made to the Douglas ele.
ments, who do not want man fer 1860 from
the immediate region of their favorite, as that
would greatly diminish Douglas fntare chances.
The other name lie that of Breckinridge. Here,
too, there are certain peculiar indications. We
are told that the Pennsylvania and New Jersey
delegations, pivotal States on which the coming
Gcht tnrno havo doclared for him II has innsy