The Hillsborough recorder. [volume] (Hillsborough, N.C.) 1820-1879, 1860-06-06

gress.
Mr.. President, I do not want to enlarge
upon this subject. My object is to be as brief
as possible. say, then, | assume that, and
| shall vote for that resolution. I do not see
that that resolution has proclaimed case
which would authorize Congress to UNDER
take the responsibility of now interposinr
and now legslating for the protection Of
slavery. | do not know that there are not
sufficient laws now for its protection in any
Territory. have no such knowledge nv
self. No such case has been proclaimed
here, and the resolutions are to lay the foun-
datons OF remedies for cases to arise here
after. Ii there had been any existing, my
friend from Mississippi, as the careful and
able guardian of these rights, would have
introduced bill giving that protection, in
stead OF vain resolution that operates
nothing-proclaims the mischief, and vet
forbears to give redress. That would not
have been his course if there was an existing
case. There is no case now there can arise
no case hereafter because there is no Terri
tory TO which slavery is likely to go.
To produce the grievance, what must oc-
curs To produce the grievance not now
existing, in any future Territory, or in any
Territory now exising, we must suppose It
to be so desirable as TO allure shareholders
with their slaves to settle in it. is there
any probability of that Where is the Ter
ritoty to which it will gos Well. sir, yeu
are to make that improbable conjecture but
that will not raise the case. You must
suppose that, when the slaves have been car
ried to this new Territory, the Legislature
Of the territorial government will act hos
tilely towards it, and, by unfriendly legisa-
ton, attempt to drive il out or to impair its
value if il remains. You are to suppose a
Territory for them; you are to suppose their
migration TO that Territory; and then you
are to suppose that the legislators of that
country, in violation of the duties imposed
upon them by the constitutional law as it
has been interpreted and laid down, will
assall property there by law, by the as
sumption Of rights; that they will assail
property that is there by the Constitution
OF the United States. All these suppositions
have to be made, in order to get case out
Of which this grievance can arise.
] What apprehension is there, then, TO be
entertained Of an evil depending upon so
many improbable events-an evil that can
only result from so many contingencies
We must be prompt, we must be prone as
well as prompt, It seems, to controversy, if
we can presume all these things for the
future; IT we can presume that with 50
much zeal as to bring them forward, and
make the future, the possible future, a cause
Of present mischief and of present quarrel,
further to disturb the peace Of this great
country. Sir, ! do not think il is right.
When you have 90. them there; when all
these contingencies happen, and this impro.
bable mischief this improbable grievance,
has been complained Of and is upon US, it
will then be a question of consideration,
how far, under what circumstances, under
what extremity Of evil, il will be best for
this Government to interpose. The question
will not be, whether a private wrong has
been done TO A. B, or c, in the property of
his slaves, but the question will be then one
Of great national expediency with just re-
gard for the rights Of individuals, with a
Just and sacred determination TO maintain
them under all proper circumstances; for
huld that Government is made for the pro-
lection of rights. Government is but the
combination q the powers of all to protect
the rights, and to protect the lives and liber-
ties, ut each. That is the origin Of Govern.
ment. and the substance and end Of all true
Government; but still there must be pru.
dence in the management Of that Govern
ment. There are thousand considerations
that the legislator has to take into view.
The interests Of all are concerned. So il is
with every question Of expedency; and this
must be question Of erpediency also with
this Government, when to interpose, and
when not to interpose.
|, NAV be said, upon principle in general,
that the local government is the government
best qualified to take care of the local inter.
cats II the country in which they govern.
Here is one subject, however, placed beyond
their cnntrul-slayery. They are taught that
this is property, and entitled to protection
as sueh. do not mean to make any ques-
tion about property in slaves or property in
the service Of slaves. Ii is all one and the
same thing and ! imsgine that the slave.
holder does not care how II is denOminated
- thst the substance Of his right 20 the
practical enjoyment oi il Is left 10 him. Ii
ths gentlemen on the other side Of the
Chamber reject the idea of property in man,
and say that il is bot property In the service
Of man. as service is all that can be obtained
iron the slaves, il is perfectly equivalent,
in ms judgment, and, for one, | would be
perfectly satisfied with that
That property IS to be protected. and
must be protected, when necessary but I
rnutess. like the gentleman from Georgia.
slr. TooxEs, should be very slow to
intcrpose the positive authority Of this Gov.
ernment. unless the case vas one imperiously
and by necessity, as it were. demanding il.
| would try other means, even 10 the aboli.
ton Of the territorial government. and a
change Of is form, change Of its admins.
traitors; but protection at last the man is
entitled to; and IL the Government cannot
give il to him, or thinks it would be detri-
mental to the interests uf the nation to for
bear in consequence oi great national evils
that might be anticipated. let them pursue
that policy. The sai,s pgpuf is at last the
rs..f lao ,f atl communities nr alt ,.ti,ys