Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1860-08-22


eighty in this resolution, / have never
been able to perceive it. If there be any
reference in it to q Territorial Legislature,
it has entirely escaped my notice II pre-
sents the clear principle that at the time
the people form their Constitution they
shall then decide whether they will have
slavery or not. And yet it has been sta
/ ted over and over again that, in accepting
the nomination under that platform, | en-
! dorsed the doctrine Of squatter sovereign
ty. | suppose you have all heard this re
peated q thousand times.
A Voice-"Wo all knew it was lie!',
Well ! am glad you did
How beautifully this plain principle of
constitutional law corresponds with the
best interests of the people ! Under it,
emigrants from the North and South,
from the East and the West, proceed to
the Territories, They carry with them
that property which they suppose will
best promote their material interests /;
they live together in peace and harmony.
The question of slavery will become fore
gone conclusion before they have inhabi-
tants enough to enter the Union as n
State. There will then be no bleeding
! Kansas" in the Territories they will all
live together in peace and harmony, pro-
noting the prosperity OF the Territory and
their own prosperity, until the time shall
arrive when it becomes necessary to frame
a Constitution. Then the whole question
will be decided to the general satislact-
ion. But upon the opposite principle,
what will you find in the Territories ?
Why, there will be strife and conten-
ton all the time. One Territorial legisla-
ture may establish slavery and another
Territorial! legislature may abolish land so
the struggle will be continued throughout
the Territorial existence. The people, in
stead Of devoting their energies and in
dustry promote theiGown prosperity, will
be in a state of constant strife and turmoil
Lust as we have witnessed in Kansas.
Therefore, there is no possible principle
that can be so injurious to the best inter-
est Of Territory as what has Lecn called
Isquattcr sovereignty.
Now let me place the subject before you
in another point Of view. The people Of
the Southern States can never abandon
this great principle of state equality in the
Union without tself-degredation. Never
Never without an acknowledgement that
they are inferior in this respect to their
sister States. Whist it is vital to them to
preserve their equality, the Northern
States surrender nothing by admitting
this principle. In doing this they only
yield obedience TO the Constitution of
their country as eXpounded by the Su-
preme Court Of the United States. While
for the North it is comparatively mere
abstraction with the South it is ques-
ton of co-equal State sovereignty in the
Union.
Ifthe DEGREES of the high tribunal estab-
lished by the Constitution for the very
purpose are to set at naught and be
disregarded, it will tend to render all
property of every description insecure
What, then, have the North to do?-
Merely to say that as good citizens, they
will yield obedience to the decision Of the
Supreme Court, and admit the right of
Southern man to take his property into
the Territories, and hold it there, Just rs a
Northern man may do and it is to me
the most extraordinary thing in the world
that this country should now be distracted
and divided because certain persons at the
North will not agree that their brethren
at the South shall have the same rights in
the Territories which they enjoy. What
would l. as a Pennsylvanian, say or do,
supposing anybody was to contend that
the Legislature of any Territory could
outlaw iron or coal within the Territory.
Laughter and applause. The principle
is precisely the same. The Supreme
Court of the United StUtes have decided
what was known to US all to have been
the existing state ofat1airs for fifty years
that slaves are property. Admit that fact
and you admit everything. Then that
property in the Territories must be rreo
cisely in the same manner with any other
property. If it be not so protected in
the Territories the holders oft are degra.
/, ded before the world.
b We have been told that non-interven-
) ton on the part of Congress with slavery
, in the Territories is the true policy. Very
well. | most 2heerGully admit that Con
gress has no right to pass any lew to es-
tablsh, impair or abolish slavery in the
Territories. Let this principle Of non-in,
; tervention be extended to the Territorial
, legistures, and let it be declared that they
in like manner have no power to establish,
J impair, or destroy slavery, and then the
, controversy is in effect ended. This is all
that is required at present, and | verify
= believe all that will ever be required
q Hands off 10y Congress and hands off by
J the Territorial legislature. Loud APP
} plause. With the Supreme Court of the
} United States | hold that neither Con-
grcss nor the Territorial legislature has
any power to establish, impair, or abolish
, slavery in the Territories. But if in the
face of .his positive prohibition, the Terri
: torial legislature should exercise the pow
er of intervening, then this would be n
: mere transfer of the Wilmotprovisoand the
. Buffalo platform from Congress, to be car.
f ried into execution in the Territories to
: the destruction ofail property ir slaves
/, Renewed applause.
An attempt of this kind if made in
Congress would be resisted 10y able men on
, the floor of both houses, and probably de-
, feated Notso in a remote Territory. TO
every new Territory there will be a rush
of free-soilers from the Northern States.
They would elect the first Territorial leg