Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1860-05-25

and wishes. This cannot now be matter
of dispute 1t is history, as indelibly fixed
upon the record as the fact that the colony
of Georgia was settled under the auspices
of Oglethorpe, or that the war of the Amer
lean revolution was fought in resistance to
the unjust claim of power on the part of the
Bit sh Parliament.
| refer to this matter of history connected
with the subject under consideration barely
as starting point-to show how we stand
in relation to it, 1t is not new question
It has been up before, and. whether rightly
or wrongly, it has been decided decided
and settled just as the South asked that it
should be-not, however, without great eff
fort and a prolonged struggle. The ques-
own position in thatdecision and settlement
This is the question virtually presented by
the action of the seceders from the Charles
ton Convention, and the grounds upon which
they based their action or stated in other
words, it amounts to this: whether the
Southern States, after all that has taken
place on the subject, should now reverse
their previous course, and demand Congress
SIGNAL Intervention for the protection ofsla-
very In the Territories, as condition Of
their remaining longer in the Union 3
For take it for granted, that it would be
considered by all as the most mischievous
folly to make the demand, unless we intend
to push the issue to it's ultimate and legiti-
mate results. Shall the South, then, make
this demand Of Congress, and when made,
in case of failure to obtain it, shall she Sc
cede from the Union. as portion of her
delegates (some under instructions and some
of their own free willy seeded from the
convention, on their failure to get it grant
ed there?
Thus stands the naked question, as un-
derstand it. presented by the action Of the
seceders, in its full dimensions-its length,
breadth and depth, in all its magnitude.
1t is presented not to the Democratic
party alone it is true,a convention of that
party may first act on it. but it is presented
to the country, to the whole people of the
South, of all parties. And men Of all par
ties should duly and timely consider it for
they may all have to take sides on it,sooner
Tor later.
It rises in Importance high above any
party organization of the present day, and
lit may, and ought to, if need be, sweep
them all from the board. My Judgment is
against the demand. fit were new ques-
ton, presented in its present light for the
first time, my views upon it might be diff
terent from what they are 1t is known to
you and the country that the policy Of non
intervention, as established at the instance
of the South was no tavorite one o: mine.
AS to my position upon it, and the doctrine
now revived, when they were original and
open questions, as well as my present views,
II will cite you to an extract of a speech
made by me in Augusta. in July last, on
taking final leave Of my constituents. [
could not restate them more clearly or more
briefly In speaking of, and reviewing this
matter, I then said:
and as you all may know, it (non-in-
tervention) came ss:ort Of what Wished
1t was in my view, not the full measure of
our rights-,hat required,in my judgment,
The enactment by Congress of all needful
laws for the protection Of sl.ve property IN
the Territories, so long as the Territorial
condition lasted.
but an overwhelming majority of the
South was against that position. 1t is said
that we who maintained it, yielded the
whole question by yielding the jurisdiction
and that, if we conceded the power to
protect, we necessarily conceded with it the
power to prohibit This by no means fol-
lowed. in my judgment But such was the
prevailing opinion And it was not until
it was well ascertained that large majority
Of the South would not ask for, or even vote
for, Congressional protection, that those Of
US who were for it yielded to iuterven
ton, because, though it came short of our
wishes, yet it contained no sacrifice Of prin-
nothing aggressive in it,and Sc
cured, for all practical purposes, what was
wanted, that is, the unrestricted right of
over the common public domain,
as inclination. convenience, or necessity may
require on the part of our people.
Thus, the settlement was made thus
the record stands, and by it am still will
ling to stand, as it was fully up to the de
mands of the south, through her Represen-
tatives at the time, though not up to my
own; and, as by it the right of expansion to
the extent of population and capacity is am~
ply secured"
In this you clearly perceive what [ think
of the proper course now to be taken on the
same subject. While in the beginning of
this controversy l was not favorable to the
policy adopted yet ! finally yielded my as
sent. 1t was yielded to the South-to the
prevailing sentiment Of my own section
But it never would have been yielded if
had seen that any Of our important rights,
or any principle essential to our safety or
security, could, by possibility. result from
its operation. Nor would now be willing
to abide by it, if saw, in its practical work
ings, any serious injury to the South likely
TO arise from it. All parties in the South,
after the settlement was made, gave it the
sanction of their acquiescence, if not cordial
approval. What, then. has occurred since
to cause US to change our position in rela-
ton to 1t?
Is it that those Of the North who stood by
us in the struggle from 1913 to 1850, did
afterwards stand nobly by us in 1854, in
taking off the old congressional restriction
OF 1920, so as to have complete non-inter-
vention throughout the length and breadth
of tho oom MON nnhlic domain ? Voc +h;c