Randolph County journal. [volume] (Winchester, Randolph County, Ind.) 1855-1862, 1860-02-09
Douglas and Popular Sow
crcigmty.
A Speech by Carl Schurz, of Wiscon-
sin,
IN HANPDES HALL, SPRINGFIELD,
JANUARY 4, 1850.

When great political or social prob
lens, difficult to solve and impossible
to put aside, are pressing upon the
popular mind. it is common thing to
see variety of theories springing up
which purport to be unfailing reme-
dies and to effect speedy cure. Men.
who look only at the surface Of things.
will, like bad physicians, pretend to
remove the disease itself, by palliating
its most violent symptoms, and will
astonish the world by their inventive
ingenuity. no less than by their anus
ing assurance. But close scrutiny
will, in most cases, show that the
remedies offered are but few new forms
of old mistakes.
Of all the expelients which have
been invented for the settlement of the
Slavery question. Mr.. Douglass doc
trine of popular sovereignty is certain
ly the most remarkable, not only by tn,
apparent novelty of the thing. but by
the Pompous assurance with which Il
was offered to the nation as a pcrfcc
and radical cure. Formerly compro
misses were made between the two con
flicting systems of labor by sepsrat
ing them by geographical lines. Thes'
compromises did indeed produce inter
walls of comparative repose, but tn
war commenced again with renewed
acrimony, as soon as a new bone o
contention presented itself. The sys
TEN of compromises as a whole proved
failure. Mr.. Douglass doctrine o
popular sovereignty proposed to brinl
the two antagonistic elements into i'm
mediate contact and to let them strug
gle hand to hand for the supremacy ol
the same ground. In this manner. h
predicted, the Slavery question woul
settle itself in the smooth way Of OIL
dinary business. He seemed to be con
fident Of success: but hardly in hi
doctrine, in the shape of law for tn
organization of Territories, put upo
the statute book, when the struggl
grows fercer than ever, and the diff
| culties ripen into crisis. This doe
: not disturb him. He sends forth MAJ
E ifesto upon manifesto. and even du
e ing the campaign of last Fall, /
a mounts the rostrum in Ohio In ord,
\ to show what he can do, and like
: second Constantine he points his fiji
, ger at the great principle of popul,
sovereignty, and says to his follower
: "In this sign you will conquer" b
t the tendency of events appeared unwil
Y ing to yield to his prophecy. The
G seemed to be no charm in his comman
b there was certainly no victory in h
r sign. He had hardly defined his do
|. trine more elaboratelythan ever befoi
4 when his friends were routed ever
e where. and even his great party is (
: the point OF falling to pieces. L
/, failure is magnifcently complete.
Il There certainly was something
J. his theories that captivated the mas
y es. / do not speak of those who joi
L. ed their political fortunes to his.
Of cause they saw in him man W
rs might some day be able to scatter
5, vors and plumber around him. i
ne there were a great many, who, seduC
ID by the plausible sound of the We
ne popular sovereignty meant 10 hs
ID found there some middle ground,
)n which the rights of free labor mis-
~ be protected and secured without ex
it perating those interested in slave
nd Dor. They really did think that t
ut conflicting organizations of socie
he which are incompatible by the nat
ct Of things. might be made compati
~. by legislative enactments. But t
he delnsicn vanished. No sooner was
N theory put to practical test, when
he construction of the Nebraska bill