Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1860-03-08

much as the two are iuscperably connected in
their interest and in public sentiment, shall for a
few moments detain you in reference to the subject
of general policy.
The charge is made that the party with witch it
is my pleasure to act is an Abolition party. That
is the first chirgc. Old Wings, call upon you
and make you my witnesses. Do you remember
when Henry Clay was called an Abolitionist in
Kentucky Do you remember when General Tay
lor was called an Abolitonist2 Do you remember
when General Scott, the gallant hero who received
his training in fields of battle, was denounced as an
Abotionst, simply because he refused to boz to
the false god of the Democracy in 1852? This
charge has been the standing staple Of all their
speeches and SANDER for the last twenty five years
NY fellow citizens ct Putnam county. propose
to give you my opinion, to show YOU that opp0s-
ton to Democracy is not Abolitionisnl, and shall
be very unfortunate ifI DO not succeed in drawing
the distinction. Tint min who docs not know the
difference between Rcpub,icanism and Abolition
ism to-day cannot surely exercise the elective fran
chse with any degree of intelligence.
What is our position, first, in reference to Slave
ry? Just this: abide by the compromises of the
Constitution; and ii the most extreme Southerner
in Caronswould be here, he would ask no more
than this The Constitution of the nted States
is much talked about; and that Constitution touch
the question of Slavery at three points, and three
| points only. Under it the slave trade was not TO
I
promise was honestly carried out, and its term cx-
PRED by its own limitation. Under the ConsIitu-
ton, for the purposes of tlxltion and representa-
tion i'm Congress, the slaves of the South
ted in the proportion OF three to five. Against that,
no objection was mlde Another proposition was
that fusitivcs from service inthe Slave States might
be reclaimed in the Free States OF the country; a
fugitive slave law, WIS. in other worls provided
for Upon that subject desire not to be misunder-
stood for would not, If could, obtain the vote
of anv individu, by false pretences to be your
Governor, high that Off :e is, for life; cannot
take it or any Office if the taking Involves false
hood or the loss of sNlf-rcspect.
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.
There are provisions in that law for which
should not have voted had been in Congress, but
the Supreme Court his decided it to be Cpnititu-
tonal, and is to be enforced. lbe eve the Fugitive
Slave Law OIL 1893, approved by Gen Washington
is equally effective, and much less odous. than the
existing law. Do You discover any AbOtionism
in that7 Does any Democrat discover itl Does
any man who deserves TO be outside of an lunatic
asylum or pcntentiary make charge of Abolition
ism against that!
RESTRICTION or sI.AvrRY.
am an Abol;ionSt, it is said, because | Iro-
pose to restrict the extension Of slavery. Gentle
men, I stand whcrc Henry Clay stood. erect no
new altarS. intralucc nonew form ofworsliip -
He said, "No earthly power shall induce to
/ vote Tor Specinc measure Tor the ln,rOiuctOn
slavery where il had not before existed" So say
I, and say with him, that no liumm power shall
compel me 10 interfere with slavery where il
legally exists in the different States by virtue OF
local law. prefer free institutions, because am
here TO enjoy them.
The people of Kentucky, Tennessee AMI Caro-
lima prefer their slave institutions; that is their bu-
sness, and not mine, and we have no right, no pow
er. and no deposition to meddc with them. There
is the extent of my Abotionsm. | am willing to
st md upon the platform of the "e,rcat comm 1ner,"
whose memory wcso much revere, and whose name
we so much love. Let that sentiment, "non-ex-
tension of slavery into the Territories of the Uni
ted States blaz1p upon every banner ami swell
every battlecry until the October election. Is
there any Abotism iE all thisl
What il the historical connection of the different.
parties in the United States, in respect to this
ton of saveryl
HELPERS CRISIS.
A word here, lest forget il. Something has
been said of Helpers book never indorsed the
book; refused TO subscribe for tlic book; l never
read the book, but | hive read extracts from it
which never could indorse. Good God. do de-
sire to stir up civil il. Kentucky where the ash
cs of all INV blood relations lie? No, sir. we have
no right to interfere with Kentucky, and | have no
such desire. So much for the Helper book.
SLAVERY AND PARTIES.
What is the connection in times past ofthc Dem.
ocratic party with this controversy about slavery
You arc familiar with the argument, but at the risk
OF fltgn;ng you. to the CONTRARY notwithstanding
must recapi,ulate somewhat.
Before the adoption of the present Constitution,
slavery an exciting element in American poll
tics; stormy debates were had on it u the old Con-
grcs- from l7S4 to 1881 The first proposition was
by Mr. Jefferson to exclude slavery from the Terri
tories. That proposition filled to receive the votes
of a majority of two-thrds of the Congress. In
4 l-R- fl,., IN ua introfuca1 Inv Nithl
Dane of Massachusetts,, and it became law, ami
we are here. or the most of US are, because that
ordinance did pass, because prefer free institu
tons. appeal to the Kentuckians who are seated
around ne, to tell me why you are herel Simply
because slavery was not here. Did YOU leave Ken
lucky because there were more noble souls on
! carthl Did you leave Kentucky because you could
find better society upon the green earth than exi sts
therei Are there any men more noble than the
pioneer descendants of Boone, and OF Hardin, and
! those other men who brought the ak, the Bible
! and federal vizttion into the Statel No. Sirs
I You left Kentucky because you preferred free III
! situations. That is the reason you must give
/ Heretofore this question has assumed, when az
itatcd. always scctionil aspect-aot wholly sec.
tioml perhaps before the last thirty years. The
Ordinance OF 'o7 was pissed however, by the uni
i ted voice and votes of North and South, and under
that Ordinance this country devoted to the in
tcrests OF lreeom il made by that one act tho
n0bcSt residence Tor lrcemcn which the munlh
ccnce OF kind Providence spread upon the
earth. You are satisfied with it. You would not
change it if you had the power. IT, then, you dc
not desire to change your institutions to make
slavery prevail here have you right, n mora
right, to extend the evil which you would resist
over the virgin soil of our Territories
/ In 1922, however, the Ordinance Of 1877 having
been in force for more than thirty years, a contro
versy arose again upon the subject of slavery, and
another compromise entered into, that slavery
should not extend bcyonl the parallel of sc deg
30 min. We are now told that that was unconsti
tutional. Look to the evidence upon that point
Every Congress from the organization of the Gov
ernment to 1854, directly Indirectly sanctioned
the constitutionality OF the Ordinance of 1851
/ The Supreme Court sanctioned it. The Supreme
1 Court of Louislna, and the Court of Appeals Of
Kentucky sanctioned it, fori decided that if a
Kentuckian took slave to Ohio. the slave became
4 free, because the Ordinance of 1887 freed him.
Slave States made this decision under the better
days and the pilmiest days Of Kentucky. when ths
voice of "thc great commoner" was omnipotent il
4 fashioning Kentucky Institutions. The same wal
sanctioned by every President, Washington inclu
/ sive, to Pierce himself Almost the first act o
! Congress under Washing on re- affirmed the ordi
nance of 1857, by which slavery was forever excli
ded from the great Northwest Territory Ths
Territory Of Indiana was organized under Jefferson
\ Was he Democrat Go to the Declaration o
Independence; visit the grave OF Monticello; reit
the history Of your country: he was the very higl
i priest and apostle of Democracy, when Democrac]
7 meant devotion to hum IN rights and did not meal