New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-01-24

thought lie had eecn tho Senator'S argcment oelo 9,
and be must be ptSmtted 20 say be had soysncsd
nothing specially new. lilo thought there Sas no no
member Of this Congress who was not az dearees 40
the Senator 10 stop hese attempts to lncito insafrvD
ticn CT make attacks n.siBhboring States, no ~
| not knew of any design anywhere, except W 40"
indyituals who belongsdto 40 party, to DO suysniny
81 this lind. He was Inclined to agres with tue oeaa
tor from Illinois on the Ctestituteas right to make
sueh laws 10 suppress invaeon But h E SAID that inc
Republican party il responsible for this outrage aud
thai II Is due TO the teachings OF that party we nave
heard this befsre have heard L in the Senaie IL mas
been iteaed and reiterated We have hearth It In tue
other branch of Congress, and in the newspspers; ana
II seems that thohonorabe SenaNor had 40 Ut yer ne
signs than to procism the sans belief. We m ieu
| have presumed this wilhous his deelanvion,
| for II is now dogma Of the Democratic part va
portion OF the creed, and part OF the sc'emo Tor
the campaign, in reference to the Eau socu w,
| TO charge on the Republican party that they ATE
responsible, am not disposed to admit that, esid Mr.
+. was disposed TO listen, and not 70 reply. did
not consider 1t matter Of argument but mster OF
creed had no fears that the Republicans 81 the
country would believe IS But The Senator " Ill allow
me 10 cav behalf the true solution Of thai an
nulty Is to be found elsewhere. Before 1871 the
/ country was quiet. Men disposed to wait and
when TWO grest parties had made up Iheir minds,
WAS reasonable to suppose it would cease. But
il began again in 1854, when the fame was ag Sn
lighted of this eternal Slavery question, and The
gentleman himself applied the torch. IL was con-
tnsed by the aggression Of the Slave Power Ia
the attempt to force Slavery ON Free
Territory by power Of Government. And, ih
the attempt 10 repe this invasion, 10 nan was more
conspicuous than the Hon. Senator HIMSELF take II
for granted it began then; when every crime was per-
petried freemen, and the Lesson 9as Taught them
from which many John Browns might practice, and
am only euprprised that more John Browns have not
acted on the Lesson then learned. Dir. r. said nothing
could be found in the Republican party or their act To
authorize the accusation. There was not enough 10
convince the country, at least his section OF IT, that
the Republican party are responsible. There 10 no
creed no practice no doctrine of that party which
will Justify the accusation m any shape. The idea OF
appealing to the Free States to stop agitation not to
agrees on their neighbors not to encourage dssreea
Bile doctrines when, in his judgment, the men who
made these appeals have couIseled aggression from
the beginning. He told the Hon. Senator from Illinois
frankly, that he believed Dim counselng aggression
when he advocated the repeal OF the Missouri resTc-
ton. lie believed, as was stated by an Hon. Senator
from South Carolina, that the design Of that repeal was
to extend Slavery over the Territory and enlarge its
area. 1t seems certain members of the Republican
p,rty have proclaimed there was an antagonsm be-
tween certain principles with regard to this doctrine
We have been surprised that gentlemen OF intelligence
who knew the meaning OF words should undertake 70
cay that Free States and Slave States cannot EXIT IN
this Union together But there 10 such an idea In
any speech of the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Lincoln,
or Of The Senator IRON NewYork III Free Labor or
Slave Labor came together they mus. necessarily
anfsgonize. That is all. But no one claims that Free
and Slave States cannot exist in the same Union.
Mr. DAVIS inquired what he meant exactly
Mr. FESSENDEN-Ib believe that free labor is 10 lts
and manlinees of the aborer; while slave labor tends
TO degrade and mpovesh the laborer, to diminish his
comfort and belittle his character They are neces-
sary opposed to each other. In other words where
slave ator exists it tends 70 degrade the free labor on
the same soil.
Mr. FESSENDEN said it was his opinion.
M. DOUGLAS said he meant to say the power OF
the Federal Government could not be used 10 extend
or repressto establish abolish any domestic nsti-
tuo but each State should be entirely free without
! any interference of the Federal Government.
Mr. FESSENDEN-That means nothing more than
squaer SovereigDty-hs favorite doctrine in another
| shape But no one CLAIMS that the Governments mas
any right to interfere lie may set GP as ny res s
| on as many windmills be peases but l under
stand him TO claim there must be diversity Does he
say there mnst be Slavery, and that therefore, 1t ID
! right? II is assumption the Republican
rarity would like to have the Government
| interfere Such is not the fact The allegation
~ entirely unfounded in fact. | understood the
Senator 10 say that the Republican party desire to
make Slavery in the States, instead OF against
| It's introduction into Free Territory. deny the
charge, and there nothing in the speech OF the Seq
ator 10 sbsantiate the charge. We hold, we have
always that the STAKEHOLDER has right 10 go with
his slaves into Free Territory, unless there is some Law
there to authorize IL. From this il has been argued
| that they made war ON Slavery everywhere. say
here rs l have said before, that hate Slaveryi
abominate il; loathe i. in my soul; but gentlemen
10 further and say must hate the stakeholder. That
is not So Mr. f. then charged that the Northern De-
mocracy were the who really infamed the South
against the North and the papers who asserted
that the Republican party were warning against any
rights of the South, ought TO know better, or
else they were guilty of caumny. He was not
disposed to retract any profession the RePubil-
cans had made. lie was opposed TO Slavery
and was determined, by all means in his power to OPP
pose It's spread into free territory He had lived IN
that faith and very likely should die In it. He denied
that the institutions of the States have any rights In
the Territories. They belong to the people as ndl-
viduas and States, and State institutions have no
rights there. The Republican party is charged with
warning on the rights OF the South, but they hold to
the opinions the fathers of the country held and we
cannot be warning their rights. 1t is claimed thai
opinions have changed in this respect.
Mr.. MASON said the South bad been led to examine
the subject because Of the Abolition agitation, and 1t
is now almost universally believed that the pest con
don of the African race is the they are now sab
iected TO in the South, and that l. 10 ennobg TO both
races white and black Our early fathers were not
Aboionsts: They did not think i practical OF eEPe-
dent TO abolish Slavery but thought by cutting OH the
slaye'trade Slavery would die off o. itself The Orll-
nance of 1877 aimed at the sayerade lt was thought
that by reducing the area where Slavery could be
used tie save-,rade would be stopped.
Mr. EESSENDEN said the Senator had admitted ri
he desired The early men of the Republic thought
that by restricting Slavery, the institution womb olo
ont ibey wanted it 10 die. That ia the position oil
the Republican party. The Senator from ILLINOIS was
Indifferent whether Slavery was extended OF not
Born in free State for himself he preferred free in
s,itntions That was the whole oiense OF the kePnb-
lean party. We have been farther told that II we
elect man of our views regularly ana IN tpe ooist'
tutona FORM President, the Union VIII DC dissoiVea
While the Senator from Illinois devislng means 70
repress the invasion of State by another he NIGH
have suggested provision Tor the threa'eheu oon''
gency. ,,,:..,,.,o-
because occasion called for it. 1t not necessary
10 put in clause for the contingency referred TO- AZ IL
was an event not within probabilities.
Mr. FESSENDEN said the Senator had great eonii'