American Lancaster gazette. [volume] (Lancaster, Ohio) 1855-1860, 1860-03-22

of misfortune in our owD, or whether,
through the renewal Of the African Slaye
Trade, those magnificent and luxuriant re
gions should be subjected to the control o.
capital. wriuging out the fruit Of The earth
through the impoyerisLipg toll of negro
slaves. :
This question OF 1890 was identically
the question OF 1850. so far as principle,
and even the field Of its application was
concerned. Every element Of the coptro.
veFsy now present entered it then: the
rightfulness or the wrongfulness Ct Slave
ry;ils effects presep, and future; the Con
stituIional authority Of Congress; the claims
OF the States, and Of their citizens; the
nature Of the Federal Union, whether it is
compact between the States. as an indie
pendent Government, the springs Of itl
powers, and the ligaturps upon their exer.
else. All these we're discussed with zsal
and ability whirh have never been sur.
passed. History tells US, know not how
truly, that the Union reeled under the We
hemence Of that great debate. Patriotism
took counsel from prudence, and enforced
a,settleuent which has proved to be not a
\ final one; aud which, as is now seen
practically left open I'll the great politica
issues which were involved. Missouri
and Arkansas were admitted as capita
States, while labor obtained; as a Teserva
ton, the abridged but yet comprehensive
field Of Kansas and Nebraska ~ -
Now when the present condition Of the
various parts OF the Lopisiaoian Territory
are observed, and we see that capital re
tains undisputed possession OF what it ther
obtained. while labor IS convusng the
country with so hard and 50 prolonged {
struggle to regain the lost equivalent which
was then guaranteed to il under circum
stances Of so great solemuty, we maj
well desire not to be uudsceived if tn,
Missouri Compromise was indeed unnec
essarily accepted by the Free States inf.
enced by exaggerations Of the dangers o
Dissolution. The Missouri debale dis
closed I uths Of great moment for ulterio
use:
: First-Thstit tits easy to combine the cap
ital States in defense Of even external in
,erests, while it. is hard to. unite the labo
Stat g, in 8. common policy.
Second-That the labor States have
, natural loyalty to the Union. while th
J. capital States have natural facility 70
alarming that loyalty BY threatening Dis
; union. = - '''
Third-7That the capital States do ne
practically distinguish between lsgitimas
3 and copstitutonal resistance to the exten
j sion OF Slavery in the Territories of th
Union, and unconstitutional aggression
8 against Slavery established BY local law
jr the capital States. - -
= The early political parties were organ
ized without reference to Slavery. Ru
since 1890, European questions have lei
US practically unCt ncerDed. There hs
been great increase ofinvsuton, mining
" manufacture, aud cultivation. Steam o
land and on water has euickened commero
n The presa and the, telegraph have obtain-
IS prodigous activity, and the sorial inter
10 course between Il Q States and their cit
: zens has been. immesurably increased; an
+ consequently. their mutual relations affsc
: ing slavery have been, for many year
" subjects Of earnest and often excited di
d cuSsions. 1t is in my way only to sbo
1t how such dispute g have operated on tn
Is course Of political events--not to re-ope
them for argument here. There was
n slave irsurreotion in Virginia. Viggia
e and Kentucky debated, and, to the grei
h sorrow Of the Free States, rejected I'll
D, system OF voluntary labor Tbs Coloniz
n ton Society was established with 'muc
n favor 10 the capital States. Emanoipario
j. SocirIies arose in the Free States. Sou'
y Carolina Instituted pro ,eedingG to MULTI
al obnoxious Fedora revenue laws. II
capital States complained of Courts en-
rs Legislatures ia the labor States for inte
y; preting the constitutional prov ision for Il
Mt surrender Of fugitives from service so
q, TO treat them as parsons, aud not proper
n end they Disseminated against colort
d persons Of the labor States when the
l. come into the capital States. They d
i, MED 10 Congress, the right Of petitlo
i and embarrassed or denied lrsedom of d
a. bate on the subject Of slavery. PTesse
v which undertook the defshsp Of the lab
T. systsmin 10 the capital States, were SUI
,s pressed by violence, and even 10 the |
A Dor S,ates, public assenbl lies. convened
,. consider slavery questions, were dispers'
10 by mobs sympsihising with the capt.
.. States; The Wing party, being general
N an opposition party, prScticed sons 70
Ig bearance toward the interest OF labor
5. The Democratic party, not without der
r. strations Of dissent. was generally iour
ID sustaining the policy Of capital, A di
s. position toward the removal Of slave
D ffom the presence of the national capt
b. appeared in the District Of Columbia. n
< Van Buren, DemocraticP President lauuc
US ed prospective veto against the measur
10 A Demociaric Congress brought Tex
1t into the Union, stipulatiug practically for
,n further reorganizajioninto four SlaveStAte
10 Mexico was lnceDsed.I War ,nsued.1 r
u labor States ssked that the Mexican ia
20 o liberty. which covered the TerIitori
n. brought in by the treaty Of peace, m ght r
th main and bOocn6rmed. The Democrat
Of party refruaed. TbeMissouri debate ofls.
ID REQUIRED now, under OitcumStances
il. heat and exciiemenb in relation to the
mt conqussts. The dsfs ders Of labor to-
i'd alarm lest the number OF new oapii
20 States might become so great as to enab
70 that class of States to dictate the wbc