The Oxford intelligencer. (Oxford, Miss.) 1860-18??, 1860-12-12

may be compelled to decide the momentous
question whether you possess the power by
force Of arms to compel aState to remain in
the Union. Ishould feel myself recreant to
my duty we're not to express an opinion on
this important question.
The question fairly stated is, has the Con-
stitution delegated to Congress the power to
coerce State into submission which is at
tempting to withdraw, or has actually with
drawn from the Confederacyi If assumed
in the affirmative, it must be on the principle
that the power has been conferred upon Con-
gress to declare and make war upon State.
After much serious reflection, have arrived
at the conclusion that no such power has
been delegated to Congress, or to any other
department of the Government. 1t is mani
fest upon an inspection of the Constitution
that this is not among the specified and en-
umerated powers granted to Congress- and
it is equally apparent that its exercise is not
necessary and proper for carrying into exc
cution any one of these powers. So far from
this power having been delegated to Con-
grcss, it was expressly refused by the con-
vention which formed the Constitution. 1t
appears from the proceedings of that body
that on the 3lst of May, seventeen hundred
and eighty-seven, the clause authorizing an
execution of the force Of the whole against a
delinquent State, came up for consideration.
Mr.. Madison offered it, in brief but power
full speech, from which | shall extract but
single sentence. He observed, The use Of
force against State would look more like
declaration of war than an infiction of pun
ishment, and would probably be considered
by the party attacked as dissolution of all
previous compacts by which it might be
bound" Upon his motion the clause was
unanimously postponed, and was never be-
lieve, again presented. Soon aftcrward, on
the 9Th of June, 1887, when incidentally adj
verting to the subject, he said: "Any govern
ment for the United States formed on the
supposed practicabiity of using force against
the constitutional proceedings of the States
would prove as visionary and fallacious as the
government of Congress-" Evidently mean
ing the then existing Congress of the old
Confederation. Without being necessary to
particularise, it may be safely asserted that
the power to make war against State is at
variance with the whole spirit and intent of
the Constitution. Suppose such war would
result in the conquest of State, how are we
to govern it afterwards Shall we hold it as
province and govern it by dcspotic power!
In the nature of things we could not, by
physical force, control the will of the people
and compel them to elect Senators and Re-
presentatives to Congress- and to perform all
the other duties depending upon their own
volition, and required from the citizens of a
free State and common member Of the Con-
federacy. But if we possessed this power,
would it be wise to exercise it under existing
circumstances The object would doubtless
be to preserve the Union. War would not
only present the most effectual means Of
destroying it, but would Danish all hope of
its peaceablc reconstruction; besides in the
fraternal conflict, countless of blood and
treasure would be expended, rendering future
reconciliation between the States impossible.
In the meantime, who can foretell what
would be the sufferings and privations Of the
people during its existence.
But may be permitted solemnly to in
woke my countrymen to pause and deliberate
before they determine to destroy the grand
est temple which has ever been dedicated to
human freedom since the world began. 1t
has been consecratcd by the blood of our
fathers, By the glories of the past and by the
hopes of the future. The Union has already
made us the most prosperous, and ere long
will render us the most powerful nation on
the face of the earth. In every foreign
religion of the globe the title of an American
citizen is held in the highest respect, and
when pronounced in a foreign land it causes
the hearts of our countrymen to swell With
honest pride. Surely, when we reach the
brink of the yawning abyss we shall recoil
with horror from the last fatal plunge. BY
such a dread catastrophe the hopes of the
friends of freedom throughout the world
would be destroyed, and long night of
leaden despotism would enshroud the nation.
Our example for more than eighty years
would not only be lost, but it would be
quoted as conclusive proof that man is un-
fit for selfgovernment. 1t is not every wrong, |
nay, it is not even every grieYous wrong
which can justify resort to such fearful
This ought to be the very last
desperate remedy of desparing people, af- |
ter every other constitutional means of con-
ciliation had been exhausted. We should |
reflect that under this free Government, there /
is an incessant ebb and flow in public opin-
ion. The slavery question, like everything
human, will have its day. | firmly believe
that it has already reached and passed the
point; but if in the midst of ex-
sting excitement, the Union shall perish,