The weekly Ottumwa courier. [volume] (Ottumwa, Iowa) 1857-1872, 1860-09-13

domestic institutions in their own way sub.
ject only to the Constitution of the United
States" AS the fatal bill containing these
words passed in the gray Of the morning,
Gen. Cass, rising from his scat remember
well the scene--exclaimed 'This is the tri
umph Of squatter sovereignty The old
prohibitions of slavery was overthrown, and
his Nicholson letter was ,,vindicated.
And now note well the trick The slave.
masters who voted for these words rejected
with scorn the idea that the handful of
squatters could exclude slavery. According
to them, slavery went with the CONSTITUTE IN
and was hey ond the control of the squattcrs
But the formal assertion of the dogma would
have caused trouble, and it was accordingly
disguised in these familiar words, "Subject
only to the Constitution Of the United
States" Mr.. Benjamin of Louisiana, in his
recent speech, lets us behind the scenes. He
tells us that caucus of Senators, "both
wings of the Democracy agreed that each
should maintain its particular theory before
the public--one side sustaining sguatter
sovereignty and the other protection to sla-
very in the territories, but pledging them
selves to abide by the decision Of the Su-
premc Court, whatever it might be-" Such
long time from the public, and only recently
| revealed and Mr.. Douglas was party to it.
Had the popular Sovereignty of Mr. Douglas
been reality and not sham had it been n
sincere recognition Of popular rights instead
of a trick to avoid their recognition, he could
not have been party to such deception.
But this is not all. While protesting popular
sovereignty, what does his bill really confer
upon the people? Not the right to organize
their own government, determining for them
selves its form and character for all this was
done bv act of Congress. Not the right to
choose the executive for the governor and
all other officers in this department were sent
from Washington, nominated by the Presi-
dent. Not the right to nominate the Judi
| ciary for the Judges were also sent from
Washington, nominated by the President
Not even the right completely to constitute
the legislature for even this body was placed
in many important respects beyond the popu-
ular control. Thus in each of the three great
departments of state the executive, the judi
cial and the legislative--was popular sover-
eighty d;sowned.
Search the Congressional Globe for the
month of February, 1854, and you will see
with what sincerity Mr.. Douglas guarded the
much vaunted rights Of the people. Mr. Chase
moved to allow the people to elect their gov
ernor and other officers On the vote by
ayes end noes the champion Of popular SOW
creighty voted No. Mr.. Chase, whose effort
to unmask this hypocricy was indefatigable,
made a further motion, which put Mr.. Doug
las still more to a test. After the words OF
alleged popular sovereignty in the bill he
moved to add, "under which the people of
the territory may. through their representa-
tives, exclude slavery ifthey choose" Here
was plain proposition. On the vote by ayes
and noes Mr.. Douglas and his associates
again voted No His recent excuse, put
forth in his single peripatctc speech, is that
the proposition was not in the alternate--that
is, that it CAV power only to exclude, and
not to admit But if he really favored it in
that form, why not move to amend it by ad-
ding the power to admit instead of voting
against the whole proposition. 1t is clear
that such an open and unequivocal declara-
was to be played =.
The bill was passed and then came other
opportunities to test the sincerity of the pres
ent knight-errant of popular sovereignty.-
Under its provisions commenced at once a
race of emigration into the new Territories,
and the free labor and slave labor grappled.
Lovers of freedom fIom the North were en-
countered by the partizans of slavery from
the South, organized by blue lodges in Mis-
souri,, and stimulated from every part of the
land of slavery. The officials of a govern
ment established under pretended safeg iards
Of popular sovereignty, all ranged themselves
on the side OF slavery, or, if their allegiance
became doubtful-as in the case of Gov.
Reedcr--they were dismissed, and more avail
able tools sent instead. spare details. You
cannot forget that winter and spring preced-
ing the Presidential election of 1856, when
we were alternately startled and stunned at
the tidings from Kansas when body of
strangers from Missouri entering by hun
dreds, seized by force the polls, and, by
pretended forms oflaw, set upa usurpation,
which proceeded by formal legislation to es-
tablish slavery there, and to surround it by
code of death. The atrocity ofPhilip H.,
when by violence and through council of
blood" he sought to fasten the inquisition
upon Holland, was renewed. Outrage, arson
rape, invasion, murder. the scalping knife,
were the agents now employed and to
crown this prostration of popular rights
Lawrence, home of New England settlers
and microcosm of New England life, was
burnt to the ground by a company of profane
and drunken ruifans, stimulated from Wash
ington What then was the course of the
champion of popular sovereignty? Did he
thunder and tighten ? Did he come forward
to defend those settlers who had gone to
Kansas under the pretended safeguards ofhis
bill Oh, no But he openly ranged HIM
selfin the Senate on the side Of their oppres-
sors-mocked at their caamnies- -denoun-
ced them as ''jnsurgcnts" s"--insulted their
agents, ard told them they must submit
while the distantEmigrant Aid Society in
Massachusetts was made the butt of his most
opprobrious assaults. All this I saw and
heard myself
Then came another scene, with which
owing 10 nv own absence from the Senate,
as an invalid, have less personal familiarity;
bu, it is known to all of you. The Senate
rial election i'm Illinois was at hand, and Mr.
Douglas then suddenly discovered that pop
ular sovereignty was something more that
a name. He opposed the Lecompton consti.
tuition /; but my distinguished colleague will
tell you that even there he was kept from
| the most bare faced apostacy only by tho
stern will and indomitable principle of the
lamented Broderick.
Then came stump speeches and Senate
speeches without number, and magazine
article, all to explain popular sovereignty
But this simple principle, which, in the light
of the Declaration of Independence, and alst
in the light Of reason. is plain enough, has
been twisted, turned and bcfogged-now ex
planned away ard then explained back, now
enlarged and then limited, now acknowledged