Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1860-12-04

these are the rights that we have to expect from
our brethren of whatever nation, color, cast, or
condition Life, the immortal instincts, breathe
less and bestow with an unsparing hand. every
where the grievons. bounties of which we complain.
would stand before my fellOw-citizens and the
country in a crisis such that which casts its over
wheming shadow before us, in no doubtful attitude.
stand ready to discuss the questions involved alike
upon the abstract principles of all Right and the
practicable application thereof, to our present con
dition and prospects.
am not in favor Of disunion but of unions. eter-
nal union: but not at the sacrifice of Right, for
when this is unheeded, the genial Sun that enlght-
ems and enlivens this fair land will be no more and
desolatiOn will succeed deep and dark the perjured
hearts of those who had sworn TO protect the nher
tance of our fathers and minister justice to their
offspring
Nor do I appear to prelude or preclude the ex-
preston of any sentiment that may administer hope
or be effective in aaying the distrust that appears
so mutually to divide us as people. leone to give
an expression to facts of merit and moment that
none viii deny and which must deeply impress alike
the sentiment and action of all concerned Their
consideration is imperative, and no matter what
NAV be our peculiarly of relationship to the public,
we would be less than men be Indifferent or silent
beneath their widespread and intenslfying sway.
If tits truth we seek, and justice we want, there
is no doubt of our ability TO meet this matter upon
its true ground If it is panderlng to prejudice or
sectional ACCOMPLISHMENT or political preference,
that actuates us and impels forward, we had bet
ter pause upon the threshold
The enyirons that bind us and the Institutions,
that have consolidated cur greatness are already IN
vaded and he must be hOpelessly blind that cannot
discern this plaiDest of facts. Sovereign States,
in the enactment and execution of Law are arrayed
against common authority in our National Govern
ment openly defyng and setting at naught lts most
earnest appeals, and consecrated power. 10 meet
an issue so fearful in its nature and bearing, the
people of the South aroused by events already re-
corded and tendencies deemed inevitable, are mar
shallinc their forces to assert-what! a claim a
right Is the claim Just, is the right sacred! Plain
questions They admit of a plain and unmistake-
able auewer Justice and principle must rule IN
that answer or they are nothing. Located as we
are here in Tennessee, we have rights ana we must
defend thern. The government IS the common
property of both extreme Of the Confederacy. 1t
is the head the parent, the fountain of order and all
the mower established common for the whole peo-
pie Anything conflicting with 1t Is subyerslve OF
all we recognize and profess as people Inc lntla-
tive and most oppressive step or act IN ls cohlct
has been taken by the North. A part and portlonot
the common heritage of a common people locally, SO
to speak temporarily situated but Interested as sepa
rate States 10 their State capacity and sovereign as
a part of a common government nave given eA-
preston: nav have enacted laws that are directly
in conflict to that nationality under which they re
copnize their vitality as a part and portion OF
great peoplepeople and an omnpotent Natlon. mere
is 4 direct conflict between State and sovereign
mower The two cannot exist, and IN what an attl-
tude does this present Lne neau! 4HeHlCGhI anu nv
sufficient to protect carry out and tulhl the pur-
noses for which it was organized A Principle OF
iustice that all law, whether human or Divine, re-
cognizes as Omnipotent has been and Is day Vlolat
ed in the presence of that same power which STANDS
as the Great Am, over the diversified cOnuIuOhs
that are represented in a Common Contederaey. A
right-a constitutional right, both moral and legal
that none can question is absolutely rendered pow
erless every day beneath the sanction OF socaled
| Government which holds Justice as Omnlpotent and
I II Wnac rriff q
Wisdom have bestowed upon this far land OF ours
much to make us a great and free people. All see
and feel the good and glory Of such an inheritance
But alas! how lamentabe the contrast winch our
present condition reflects how madequately It sub
serves an end so divine! Robbery! tbgu debdUcbery
tredcherg! are the compensatOns received for idel-
| ty and trust to what we hold as the sacred herl-
! tage of by-gOne days.
| IT'S useless 20 conceal, If we were so disposed,
for scarcely day or an hour passes without bring
NO the intelligence OF some outrage. some man rob
| bed Of lis property. some human being Tlcumlzed
under the promises OF fanCIed freedom, life sacri-
| feed and families desolated under the so-calIed
| shield Of a National Government.
The Constitution recognizes Slavery. The Gov
ernment is formed and its officers sworn to carry
out Its provisions Aud If there Is any doubt as TO
Slavery and the rights and interests 1t involves
whether as a local institution or not there can be no
question but that the South by united action and
expression should require such amendments to that
instrument as will preclude any further controversy
in the estimate she makes Of her rights therein If
too yapue as TO the Territories it should be made
| more explicit so far as she has right to demand.
If we are men and true men, justice Is what we
! seek. We will be csntent with nothing less We
! can ask no more.
Itis well then for US to ask the solemn question,
what constitute the elements Of our social system
and governmental Order Are they notthe requisluons
! contormatOry to law. And IRON whence Is TINS
! or such & requirement derived? The people. Who
are the people? The expressed will OF the majority
While minorities may suffer- the question OF right is
settled by the greatest good to the greatest number
| Such expression must be regarded as omilpotehI
| however vain and averse it may be in moral right
to the trne result OF mans efforts, VIZ happiness.
If this is the beginning, the foundation, the key oil
! State to Republican institutions then now 40 you
| hope TO perfect and perpetuate all you hold most
| dear unless it be by a unanimous, nay, united eX-
preston of sentiment upon topics OF disorder mat
| surround Let be sure that we ourselves nj the
States South have not got and do net present the
| very elements Of destruction. Let Us see mat we
| do not manifest IN acts and betray IN cur us
sentions feebeness unworthy of men, If II is prln-
| ciple for which we contend show me the man that
viii acknOw ledge to his fellows IN the lace OF open
dav that he has it not. If he has It, should ne oe-
| fond it9 If So we may be what Nature designed
/ MS be- a great a free, happy people II not, sec
tionalism fanatcism, passion party outllYe the man.
outve the State ard God is lost, and be saved VINO
/ can! c.
whatever therefore, will make one State go
/ for ward and announcer iiOtu bdNh VIII HN9eA~ -
| government, and especially Republican Govern
/ mont: and where is such direct community OF IN
terest as with US Sentiment principle precept anu
action must go hand in hand or all Is Iost; II VIII
not do to say we are border states; we ulnef from
| Soutb Carolina and her sympathsers we nave put
fevr comparativelv of the colOred race under our
protection and in our service. We owe 1t as duty
IF life and death to give the North to understand
that no people shall be coerced IN an interest ana
! right we equally hold This Is an extreme view
| I =. "a homo there will be no
necessity to meet such coercye measures out there
| is we dare not stand aside.
1t NAV be true that the savehOlding population Is
| comparatively small But no equal number Of men
on earth contribute much to commerce ana III inc
Ongoing Of the great of civilized progress Inc
feasibility or practcabty Of slavery am not ar
| guing. Ii is an institution Of our country IL IS
our own We cannot be dissolved from It, We
| must stand by our own or perish with them
| If these States cannot act untedly-h any one
State with the same interest and social life, pre-
sumes to dictate act for all the rest 1t proves
| beyond all question. that have element Of dis
cord within our own borders cannot control. A
lack of union is lack of vitality. 1t is attempting
to live without breath. It cannot be done. Better
submit to all the ills we have than attempt divided
! action. For if yOu cannot control the elements Of
| dissent among yourselves upon an acknowledged IN
| terest how can YOU command the elements Of unity
and power among the seelclad nations of the earth?
You are called upon daily to meet stratagem, fraud,
| and force. while protessedly united. Northern
States annul your laws and trample with impunity
upon your interests. Did any Of your states seize
the arsenals and ports of the United States, they
would have done no more than has been done by ten
sovereign States Of your United Contederacy A
/ common sentiment binds them. Can clssenton ce-
ment you.
Let us then. survey the state of the present agi-
taton and see if can, how far it Is Justhahe IN
! view Of the principles and facts laid down.
l. In the first place, there is no cause now exist
ING to Justify secession and the revolutionary ten
denotes that must attend and follow the Inaugural
ton OF a Southern COntederacy, that did not exist
! before the election Of Abraham Lincoln. The pub
lie sentiment religious and political-was
| as much opposed to slavery before as since The
States had nuliied and the people had resisted the
execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. Our people,
our institutions. and manner of life had been
denounced in the halls of the National Legislature.
Our country had been invaded by insurrectiOnary
leaders and Kansas was carried by emigration from
| the North beyond the possibility Of ever becoming
! State with institutions similar to own.
! A President without a Senate or House Of Repre-