The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1860-09-12

sentences IN our Savior's Sermon ON the |
Mount. If the platform be well laid. the |
party will be like a house built upon a rock |
the rain may descend, the foods come, and |
the winds blow, and beat upon it, and it will |
stand. But IT it be not we'll laid, it will be |
like house built on sand. When the rains |
descend, and the foods come, and the winds |
blow and beat upon it, twill fall, and great
will be the fall thereof We have tried the |
experiment Of building on sand, and the con-
sequences are before US. If we are wise, we
Will profit by experience and commence
building on rock. | want solid founda-
ton, and then | shall feel that every stone
lad upon u IS laid for posterity. viii con-
slider the platforms in tie order of their con-
struction.
THE REPUBLICAN, PLATFORM
is based on the single idea of hostility to
slavery, and the candidates were nominated
on 1t because they could be relied on to keep
up tanatical and never-ending war on the
South. Mr. Lincoln, the Republican nomi
nee, said IN speech delivered at Springfield,
Ill, on the 18th of June, 1853, q A house d.
vided against itself cannot stand, al be-
heye this government cannot endure perma-
| nently half slave and half free. / do not ex-
pect the Umon to he dissolved-I do not
| expect the house to fall--but do expect it
VIII cease to be divided. 1t will become all
onc thing or all the other" This is the ar.
represslble conflict doctrine of William III.
Seward. BUTT was not put forward by him
until October, 1853, nearly five months after
| it had been ennnciated by Abraham Lincoln.
It was bold in his party, and fair as it was
bold, if they took the doctrine, to take the
author along with it.
The wise men of the Republican party fore
see that if no more slave holding States are
added to the Union, it cannot be long before
the non slave holding States will so have mnl-
tipIied as to put the Government in all its.
departments, and oven the Constitution ITSELF
| completely under the control and at the mer-
cy of the anti-slavery sentiment of the North.
When Kansas, Nebraska, Utah, New Mexico,
Washington, Dacotah. Arizona. Pixies Peak,
| and half d dozen other Territories shall be adj
mitted as States, we shall very soon have
practical demonstration of what Mr.. Lincoln
means when he says, ave must be all one
thing OF all the other. The States must be
| all free or all slave" How securely the par
| ty is providing that all shall beeomu free
States may be judged Of from their platform.
The eighth resolution is in these words:
"Th34 1Re normal condition OF all the Ter
ritory offE United States is that of freedom.
That as bur republican fathers, when they
had ab0llshed slavery in all our national Ter
ritory, obllAined that no person should be de-
prived of life, liberty OF property, without due
| process of law, it becomes our duty, by legis-
lation whenever such legislation is necessary,
to mani in this provision of the Constitution
against attempts TO violate it. And we
deny They lthority Of Congress, Of a Terrific
rial Legislature, or Of any individuals, to give
legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of
the United States"
"The normal condition Of all the Territories
is that Of freedom. We deny the
authority of Congress, of Territorial Legs
lature, or Of any Individuals, 10 give legal ex-
istence to slayery'in any Territory of the
United States" That is clear aud explicit.
Take the platform and the candidates speech
and put them together, and then tell me,
4 when the Government has passed into the
hands of party holding to such principles,
bow long slavery can stand out against it.
And yet, seeing all this--knowing as we all do
that war-war.to the knife, and the knife to the
hilt, is the password Of this party and that it is
on the very eve Of coming into power we
quarrel and wrangle among ourselves, and
thus pave the way for its easy victory over us
all.
counsel you, my friends, to different
course. If we cannot stand together in this
election, and thus conquer the common ene-
my, we may, at least, act in a spirit of for
beaTance towards one another, so that when
the power has passed into the enemys hands,
and he commences using it for our subjuga-
ton, the way may be open for our coming
together in the bonds of a common brother
hood, for the defence of our common rights.
/ The election will passive may be beaten.
Let there be left in our brothers. bosom no
poisoned arrows sped from bows in our hands.
! UNION PLATFORM.
What shall say Of the platform laid down
by sssy. 4seti-
harsh assure you l cannot find it IL my
heart to say anything harsh of such an inno-
cent looking little infant. If felt disposed
to strike it, should find myself much in the
condition of the Husband whose wife told him
to slap the baby---he said he would but he
couldn't find place big enough to slap.
Stripped of a little verbage, the platform
reads thus 1--WE stand by the Constitution,
the Union, and the Laws Nobody am sure
can find any fault with that Bell men, Brock
inridge men, Douglas men, Lincoln men, men
! of ali parties, and all shade Of opinion from
the freeSt of all fire-eaters, to the coolest of
the cold blood abolitionist can stand on that
platform. Nobody can object to what is in it.
But all men of all parties who desire to see
elections establish principles, and votes repre-
sent ideas will object to what is not in it,
Can any man tell me whether the party who
stand on that platform are for or against
| National Bank, for or against Tariff, for or
against Internal Improvements, for or against
! Souatter Sovereignty for or against Cuba, for
1 or against the Pacific Railroad, for or against
any one of the political issues that now
engage or has engaged the public att 2ntion for
the last thirty years Can any man feline
when he has voted to sustain this platform,
on which side of any given question he has
cast his vote ? 1T may be Of no consequence
| to some men to know which side Of question
they are sustaining by their votes. For my
/ self do not see the use of discussing prinei-
! pies before such men. To them debates are
| worthless, arguments useless nonsense, news
papers and periodicals an extiayagant waste of
clean white paper.
You stand by the Constitution and the
| Union-sod does Seward and Sumner, Wilson
and Wade, Lincoln and HamIn-so does the
| whole abolition phalanx-so does that bloody
minded ,precipitor of revolutions, - William L.
Yaney-so do I--so does everybody. Who're
there is no difference there can be no conflict.
But there is a difference, we differ as to what
/ the Constitution means, and as to what isthe
surest mode of preserving and perpetuatlng |
| the Union. have heard men express sur
prise that this should be So and intimate that
| il all grew out of the corruption of ambitious
| and aspiring politicians. For myself ! am
not surprised that men differ as to what the |
| Constitution means. The pure men who
| made it differed as to its meaning. Washing
| ton presided over the Convention that framed
It. Madison was justly called its father. AK. |
Hamilton was a member of the Convention, |
Jefferson and Adams advised largely in refer
ence to its construction and yet we know
they all differed as to what was its true mean /
ing. win any man dare to say, these diiter-
| ences GROW out of the corruptionS of ambitious |
and asn;ring politicians? The Bible is the work |
of insured writers. God directed the pen |
while men traced its sacred lines, and yet men |
differ as to what it means Shall this differ
ence be charged to the corruptions OF ambl-
tious and aspiring clergymen No, my friends
language human language even in the pens
Of inspired men, has been found insufficient so
I to express ideas that all men may understand
them alike. We differ as to the true con-
struction of the Bible though we all believe IN I
the Bible. We differ as to the construction OF
the Constitution though we all believe IN the 4
Constitution. When we fellowship with men
in the Church we want to know how they
understand the Bible, When we fellowship
with men in politics, we want TO know how
they understand the Constitution
f' But we are told to rely onthe candidate
thatlC Col. Bell is all right--that with INN ipr
President, standing on the Constitution, sup1
porting the Union, and upholding the Laws,
all will be WELL Let us see how this is--tol
Bell believes in United State Bank--do you Z i
COL Bell believes in protective TaritfdoaI
you Col Bellthinks Congress mayimprove
rivers and harbors---do you Col. Bell is IN
favor of paper money--are you You are
opposed to Squatter Sovereignty Col BelIy |
You think 1t is the duty of Congress- to pro-
tect slave property in the TeTritories--does
Col Bell think 500 You think the bred Scott
decision is in accordance with the Constitution
what does Col. Bell think These and
other like questions are asked to show you
how necessary it is to have aclear and distant
ofp 49,