The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1860-08-30

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presence and words; and especially It is
Gratifying to see the women OF the land
here-our mothers and our sisters and our
sweethearts, (sorry l cannot say so for my
sell, daughter. D-and that they are taking
our part in this struggle as 10 the days OF
the Revolution, speaking to their fathers and
brothers and husbands, and encouraging
them in the great work laying before them.
We in Ohio are glad to know that The
people Of Indiana are at length aroused to
the necessities of the day and hour. and
that they mean this fall to put Indiana up
on the side of human liberty. Why, fellow
citizens, we in Ohio, as you in Indiana. are
all children Of the same family. We all de
rive our institutions from the same great
source. Ohio is the eldest dau ehter of the
Constitution and one of the Ordinance Il
She was baptized with freedom; she was
nursed and confirmed in the principles and
faith OF liberty, and now in the glory OF her
mature strength she stands firm upon the |
side Of liberty and in defense of free labor.
You ic Indiana are the children OF the sec
ond daughter OF the Constitution and the
Ordinance. You, too, had your birth un
der the same auspices. and your institutions
have grown up with the same hopes. What
is il that makes Ohio what she is? What
not in Indiana. as in Ohio that soil is
titled, and our towns built up. and in
stitutions administered to free labor! Is
there anything else that accounts for the
wonderful development seen oE every hand?
tell you. my friends. 1t Is nothing else
but this: A great many years ago. while a
Young man l remember tat til greet
statesman Of Massachusetts paid visit To
our land He had been friend OF my
father and he was kind 10 my fathers son.
One day while were taking a horseback
ride along the shores OF the 5eautliui 20,
and noticing The industry and thtlts on one
side, and the unimprosed and tragmentar,
condition OF the other, he remarked: NY
! Young friend, do you know what has caus
| ed this diferences" Oh course | deferred
to his experience and older Judgment Re
member" said he, "that it is the Ordinance
! that has done this. 1t is the Ordinance
| that makes Ohio incapable to hear the tread
! of any other than a freemen:" Were not
/ those words Of Daniel Webster true' Was
there not profound wisdom in the single re-
mark which traced the distinction between
one side Of the river and the other-the
/ distinction between Freedom and Slavery
| l thought SO in my youth, and think 50
now in my maturer years.
Thus 1t IS, my 1eiioW ciuZeis, We see
there is a great coufic, in this country. You
NAV call i, repressible or lrrepressible, or
what you may choose; 1t is nevertheless a
conflict between freedom and despot'3m-
Il is no new conflict 1t did not originate a
few years ago. Ii has not grown out o
any recent controversy between Freedom
and Slavery. 1t is only new aspect o
the same question which is presented to
day. That is ali that is meant by the sir
3 repressible conflict Aud when people
saw we cannot agree to the opinions OF on
fathers expressed in the Constitution, tina
we cannot live in friendly relations with tn
: slsxsh2lde.s, they simply libel Republicans
/ States where it exists. There is ~, $50 q
| suppose there are great ...y..y -.
Anti Slavery men listening to me 10 day
and l want to know if there is any mar
here who ever dreamed of making an as
( sault upon the Slave States? A voice mo
one" and applause. 1t is al a lie; and i
is wrong to circulate such fabric alton il
this country. because we believe freedom i,
the child of this Union.
WHAT THE SLAVE POWER DEMANDS.
/ We do not propose to invade any of the
rights of the Slave States; We do not pro
pose TO violate the Constitution in any way;
but what is it We ssys We say to our slave
holding friends that if Slavery is a good
thing, we want you to keep that good to
| yourselves; il it is blessing we desire you
to enjoy the whole Of that blessing. But of
what do We complain? 1t is that Slavery
overleaps its constitutional boundaries; that
it invsdes free Territories; that it seeks to
| prescribe free men, who won't bow down to
its dictates, that it seeks to apnihnafe the
| old faith Of the fathers and substitute in its
| place one new and dangerous.
Gov. Chase then proceeded to show how
the Slave Power prescribed men who would
not yield everything to it. Henry Clay. on
this account. when he wanted any office of
/ distinction, always found majority of the
| South against him. They would not trust
him because he was too lib. al He had a
heart within him that always said he would
not favor the extension OF Slavery; AMI a, il
! was the extension they wanted. they would
not indorse any man who would not favor
/ their scheme. Ii WAS on this account that
/ Thomas Ii. Benton vas cruc;6ed So. too,
in the case of Cxssius NJ. Clay The Slave
power sought to prescribe him sought to
drive him from MS own State but he had q
/ gallant heart within him. and lie resolved
10 defend his rights. Thus the Slave pow
er does not brook any Questioning of its au-
tEority. 1t demands absolute and com plete
| acquiescence in every thing it requires.
| Having shown what this power demands,
Gov Chase next proceeded to tell what the
Slave power is. after the following manner:
WHAT rHE SLAVE POWER Is.
few days ago | took up newspaper
which contained an extract from the New
Orleans Delta, giving the details of tie sale
of slaves which had taken place within the
State of Louisiana The age of the slaves
was from six and seven months TO forty and
fifty years. One lot sold for $500 EACH
Another and larger for $1,000. l do not
undertake to say that these two sales pre-
sent = clear idea of the average value Of
slave property in the South. Blu, suppose
the value only $500 each. and you have.
upon the sapposition that there are four
millions of slaves. IS. 600, ooo. 900 as tie
value OF the slave property of the South
Say that the average Is only 500 each. and
you have twenty eight hundred millions of