The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1860-08-18

The speech of Mr.. SEWARD on Tuesday even.
ing, at Boston, indicates that he is at last pre-
pared to assume Mr.. LINcoLN's extreme position
on the slavery question. During the past winter,
it will be remembered he explained his political
views in the Senate, and it was then supposed that
he had determined TO recede from the ultra aboli-
zionist doctrines of which he was the champion but
few years since. AT the time when he thus adj
dressed the Senate, the country was in a high
state of excitement, in consequence of the JOHN
Brown affair, and Republicanism shrunk back
abashed and silent, as from one end of the land to
the other the people giving enthusiastic man
ifestations of their loyalty to the UNION The
sentiments which Mr.. SEWARD had been accustomed
to avow, were then at a discount, and his argu-
mept on the occasion in question was so much less
extreme and offensive than his party generally
had reason 10 expect that the more decided por-
ton of unhesitatingly asserted that their great
leader had fallen away from the true faith But
now LINcoLN's prospect of being President is
promising, his principles have been fortn
in no equivocal language, and Mr.. SEWARD must
regain his old ascendancy in the Republican Or
ganization, if he expects to influence its councils
or share its patronage and power. Hence his
speech in Boston. He not only advocates the
election of LINCOLN, but he advocates it because
his
claim That seat is that he confcsses the obligation
of that higher law, which the Sage of Quincy proclaim
ed, and that he himself for veal woe, for life
DEATH soldier the side of freedom in the rrepress
Bile conflict between freedom and slavery. This gentle
is my simple confession desire, now only say
to you that have arrived at the last stage of this
conflict before you the triumph which is to inaugu
this great policy into the the United
States" Xxx.
Again he says 70 q.
az tell you, fellow citizens that with this victory
the end of the power of slavery in the United
States.
There is no alluson here to free territories mere
ly-no discussion of any constitutional question
no recognition of the fact that the South has
any rights whatever that fanaticism itself is bound
to respect. His opposition to slavery is to its exis
tence in the States as well to its introductiop
into the Territories, and who can doubt bnt that
his influence, together with that of every man of
any consideration in the party WOULD be exerted
not only to prevent the extension of the institu-
ton, but also for its suppression? Honestly en-
tertanng these convictions, cannot but earn
estly deprecate the success of the Republican
party. We do not look for the dissolution of the
Union which some of our contemporaries so con-
fidently predict, because we are satisfied that
when the crisis comes the vast mass of the people,
both North and South, will interpose and shatter
alike, the schemes Of the reckless politicians and
the visions Of the hnatical dreamers. But that
an insidious perhaps open assault, will be made
by the Republicans upon the institutions of the
South, when they once obtain the strength Which
the possession of the Federal a Government Vic
give them, we do believe, and We still q g
though family, that some coalition Of parties say
be formed by which the will Of q majority oftths