New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-01-21

.nrrerasr of their eouyie, ..srs There are thou
sands whose consciences ten then, tnas oayeiy
grieycus wrong and shame, which the -fe0pe VI "a
Free States should never consent TO have ef'enae'
srd strens tbened BY the power or under the fss =
our Uriop. Though they have avoided the topic 60
fsr as they conveniently could, they kpow aud feel
that the common territory of the Union is sub.
ject to the authority and governed by the laws OF
the Union; and that, if Slavery is enabled or
allowed to exist there, it must be through the con-
niyance and virtual cooperation of the Free States
The threadbare question--"What has the North to
do with Slavery i"--which had certain specious-
pess so long as the "pecuar institution was con-
fined to the Slave States, loses all point or force
when the practical issue is the annexation OF slave
holding Texas, urged as affordiDg "a Gibraltar to
" the South, the acquisition Of sayeholdlng Cuba,
under a similar impulse, or the planting OF Slavery
ON the broad domains wrested by arms from Mex
leo. Whether the Free States are or are not in
any degree responsible for the existence and char
acter of slayeholding in Virginia, it is very clear
that their responsibility for its diffusion southwark
to the Rio Grande, and its existence in NewMex-
leo cannot be plausibly denied ner evaded.
WbeD, therefore, our Union-sayers indulge in
their round of deceitful commoDplaces abont "sec-
" tonal agitation" alienation Of the South, the
danger of Disunion, &C., &C., we meet them
plumpy with the query, What do you meanP
If you mean that we should give up our hostility to
Slavery Extension, we tell you frankly that we
won't and that no possible increase of your phantas
maqora will suffice to change or soften our resolu-
ton on this point. We understand our tights and
Cur duties, We know what is due to the South, to
the Union, aud to fraternal amity; we know, more
over what is due to our own conyictions 70 eternal
Justice and to the public opinion of Christendom;
and we will never consent that Slavery shall be
planted on one acre of previously Free Soil. The
scandalous wrong may be perpetrated in spite of our
utmost exertions; but we shall rot remit those
exeItions even though certain that they viii be
oyerborne. AS to the Union, we have no purpose,
no wish to dissolve it, and shall not favor its disou-
ton by others. We intend to remain the Union
in spite of the repeated refussls OF our Southern
brethren to indict or convict notorious slave
traders; and we reckon on their remaining Ike
wise, although We do not intend to fatigue
ourselves to any perilOus extent by efforts to catch
and return their runaway negroes. Even if they
should beat us in the vital matter of Slavery Exten
sion we mean to cling to the Union; aud, if we
should beat them, we shall expect them to do like
wise. We cannot perceive any reliable antidote for
their possible grievances or for in dissolution
of the Union. And, so long as respectable pro-
portion of the Southern People think on this point
as we do, the Union viii be maintained. But,
sbOud the time ever cOme--as We do not think 1t
within which those People should unanimously
and heartily demand DisuniOn, we shall then insist
that they be allowed in peace and kindness to go
their own way, forming and adopting such institu-
tons as they shall deem most conducive to their
own security, progress, and well-being. We dis
approve of threats that the South or the North shall
be made to stay in the Union, for we deem them
calculated to hasten the catastrophe they would
seem to deprecate. To tell the People Of any sec
ton that they will not be allowed TO leave the Union
il 20 incite them to make the attempt; while to let
them understand that they can go whenever they
shall earnestly untedly desire it, is far better cal
culated to induce them TO stay.
If then, that which calls itself UniOn-saving
We know it does mean" Waive hence
forth all resistance to the behests of the Slave
" Power, and let Slavery gain legal and peaceful
possession of all the Federal Territories, present
-" and prospective, I'VE protest and must strug-
Gle against it, And if it does not mean that, what
does it mean What is its gist, its purpose What
use in holding meetings at the North to declare that
we wish to preserve the Union Who ever doubted
til The question virtually asked us by the slave
holding oljgarcby which styles itself the South, is
this" Is yourlove for the Union so intense as to
4" mpel you for its sake to flown on all further re
{" sistance to Slavery extension 7" To this we
answer No-decidedly No. Then the Slavery Pro-
paganda which alone threatens the integrity of the
Union, would not thank US, and million like us,
to hold Union Meetings. Our Unionism is, for
htm, I" the play Of Hamlet with the part Of Hamlet
Z" omitted" We had better hold our peace than
say what they regard as talking to purpose. And
as to holding Union Meetings merely to convince
timid smpletons that we Republicans do not intend
to divide and destroy the Republic, that were too
idle waste of time. If they do not trust US with
out such meetings, they would not though we held
one each evening. Let us leave childs play to
children and go steadily on with our work. II an
honest and manly devotion to Liberty does not save
the Union, the most obsequious Difference to the
behests of Slavery will not do it,