New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-03-03

against the constant enmity Of the miserable bonds-
men, who always waiting for the moment of de-
lverance If not Of revenge. With our other estar
lsbn euts we may establish commercial relations az
vsDtsgeoW TO both parties But these are IN a state
Of absolute pauperismi for what are bountes ana
forced prices bu an enormous poor rate 10 disgure
Ibeee the benefits for which are 70 bA IN tns-
full These the benefits in return for which we
are to suffer handful Of managers and attorneys 70
insult the King, Lords, and Commons OF England, III
the exercise OF rights old and sacred as any part OF
cur Constitution II the proudest poentste IN Eu-
rope il the King of France the Emperor of all the
Russas, had treated Government as theee crea-
lures Of our own have dared to do, should we not
have tsken such satisfaction as would have made the
ears of all that heard of il TO tingel Would there
net have been a stately manifesto and warlike mes
sage 10 both Houses and vehement speeches from all
parties, and unanimous addresses aboundlIg in offers
of lives and fortunes fauy English mot, composed
Of the disciples Of Paine and Csrile shoud dare TO
pull down a place of religious worship, to dive the
minister from his residence to threaten with destruc
tion any other who should dare TO take his place,
would rot the yeomaDry be called OUT Would not
Parliament he sum noned before the appointed time
Would there not be sealed bags and secret committees,
sDd suspeDsoIs of the Habeas Corpus act In Bar.
BADGES all this has been done. IL has been Done
openly 1t has not been punished. 1t is at this hour
theme of boastDg and merriment And what is the
language of our rulers I'VE must no. irrate them.
We must try leDien measures. 1t is better that such
unfortunate should not be brough, before
the ParlsmeDt." Surely the mantle, or ra,her the
cassock, of Sir Hugh Evans has descended on these
gentlemen. 1t is not meet the council hear a riot.
There il fear of Got in riot. The council, look
you shall desire to hear the fear of Got and not 70
| ear riot" We have oltdOne all the most memors
bic examples of patieIce. The Joo of Holy Writ the
Griselda Of pIoaDe romance, were but types OF our
philosophy. Surely our endurance must be drawing
TO close.
prodigal Offspring to The and feed on the
husbs which they have desired. The Coonifts have
deserved such punishment. But for the sake of the
Slaves for the sake OF those persons reading In TINS
country who interested in West Indian property,
We should Prieve TO il inflicted That the Slaves,
when no longer restrained by troops would in no
very long time achieve their liberation cannot be
doubted. Az little do doubt that such revolu-
ton, violent would doubtless be, would be desira
bic. if it the only possible means of subverng
the present system. The horrors of battle
force themselves upon The effects of
protraoted tyranny the terror the degradaton, the
bliPhted affections the stunted intelects the pning of
the hesrt, the premature decay of the frame, evils
less obvious, but equally certain and, when continued
through successive generations, make up greater
sum of human misery than was ever inflicted in the
psroxysm of any revolution. STILL cannot doubt
that savages rude in unde rstandDg exasperated by
injuries intoxicated by recent freedom would be much
benefited by the wise and mercifu control of
hghteDtd people.
We feel also for tie West Indian propretors who
reside in England Between them and the Inhabitants
Of the Colonies we see a great distinction. There
may be in this body individuals infected with the worst
vices Of the colonial character. But there are also
among them many gentlemen Of benevolent feelings
and enlarged mnde, who have done much to alleviate
the condition of their slaves, and who would willingly
see the meorating measures which bis Malestys MIN
listers have suggested adopted by the West Indian
legislators. They have scarcely anything in common
with the Colonists or with the scribbers whom the
Coloniss feed and clohe. They have taken lidle part
in the controversy ashamed probably of the infamous
| allies with whom they would have TO cooperate. But
bat they have said bas, upon the whole been said
manfuuy and couIteously Their influence, however,
"a dyf of
we verify believe, from any love OF Slavery III the
abstract, but partly because they think that their
characters in some degree affected by the attacks
which made the Colonial system, and partly be-
cause they apprehend their property is likely to suffer
in consequence of the feeling which at present pre-
walls throughout the country.
| On both points they are mistaken. We are con-
viDced that there is not in any qEarter feeling
friendly to them indispoEtion TO give a fair
consideration 10 their interests The honest but
informed zeal of individuals may sometimes break forth
into incorporate expressions But the great body Of
the people make wide distinction between the class
of which we speak and the Colonial mob Let ii be
their 10 preserve that distinction indeli5e.
We call for their support. They are our natural
allies. Scarcely have the Ministers of the Grown,
scarcely have the Abotionss themselves, been
rancorously abused by the orators of Jamsca thea
those perons. The objects of the two classes are
wholly different. The consists of English gentle
men, naturally SOLICITORS to preserve the source from
hich they derive part of their revenue The other
ia composed, in great measure, OF hungry aiventur
els who poor to buy the pleasure of tyranny,
and therefore attached TO the only system under
which they enjoy II gratis. the former wish only
10 their possestions the latter deslrouss
perpeUate the oppressive privileges of the white skin
Against those privileges let us declare internnn1be
warwar for Ourselyes and for our children, ard for
our grandchdren-war without peace-war without
| truce-war without quarter But we respect the
rights Of property as much as we detest the preroga-
| tivts of color.
We entreat these respectable persons to reflect
the precarous nature of the tenure by which they hold
their property. Even if il in their power 10 pu.
stop TO this controversyif the subject OF Slavery
were no longer to occupy the attention of the British
public could they think themselves secure from ruin
Are ominous signs visble In the political horizon
How il that they do not discern this time All the
ancient fabrics of colonial empire falling TO pieces.
The old equilibrium of power has been disturbed BY
tie intrCouttiop OF crowd Of new States into the
system. Our West India possessions are not now sur
rounded they formerly were, by the oppressed and
impoverished colonies Of superannuated monarchy, IN
the ast stage Of dotage and debility but by young and
vigorous, and warlike republics. We have defended
colonies against Spain. Does 1t therefore follow
that we shall be able 10 defend them against Mexico
or IIaytil We are told that pamphlet OF Mr. Ste-
phen or speech of Mr.. Brout an, is sufficient TO
excite all the slaves in colonies 10 rebel Waat,
Their, would be the effect produced in Jamaica by the
appearance of three four Black regiments with
thirty forty thousand stand Of arms The colony
would be lost. Would it ever be recovered Would
England engage in contest for that object, al 10 vast
/ q distance, and in so deadly climate Would she
not take warning by the fate Of that mighty expsdi-
ton which perished in ST. Domingo let suppose,
however that fOIce were sent and that in the field,
| il were successful. Have we forgotten how long
few MaIoons defended the central mountains OF the
islsnd against all the efforts Of disciplined yalor!
similar CONTEXT larger scale might be protracted
ter half century, keeping forces in continual en-
plOyment, and depriving property of all its security
The country might spend fifty millions OF pounds and
bury fifty thousand men, before the contest could be