The Cass County Republican. [volume] (Dowagiac, Mich.) 18??-1880, 1860-09-06

1u6ydSt'te artioie OF last year, emDra-
ces labored defence of the "opin-
ions" of the Court in the bred Scott
case. In that article, ne quotes from
a portion Of the volunteered opinions
and augmentation of Judge fancy,
the following signiican: passages:
"Now as we have already said in
an earlier part of this opinion, upon a
different point, the right of property in
slave, is distinctly and expressly. af-
firmed in the constitution. III /
Now if the constitution recognizes
the right Of master in slave and
makes no distinction between that des-
cription of property and other proper
ty owned by a citizen, no tribunal act
ing under the authority of the United
States, whether it be legislative, exec
utive or judicial, has right to draw
such a distinction, or deny to it the
benefit of the provisions and guaran-
tees which have been provided for the
protection of private property against
the Entertainments of the government.
And no word can be found in the
constitution which gives Congress a
greater power over slave property, or
which entities property of that kind to
less protection than property of any
other description. The only power
conferred, is the power coupled with
the duty, of guarding and protecting
the owner in his rights"
These passages, of the "opinion'' as
we'll as the others .hereinbefore. in this
essay, quoted and referred to, of course,
affirm the duty of Congress to protect
territorial slavery by its legislation, in
other words, by Territorial Slave
Code, whenever it may require such
protection. .f1 u Git s9fm.
In that same Harper's Margarine
article, Douglas says for himself that
"the constitution not only recognizes
the right of property in slaves, as sta
ted by the Court, but explicitly states
what class of persons shall be deemed
slaves, &C."
The popular sovereignty" portions
of that article were replied to in pub
LEGATION by Buchanan's Attorney Gen
eral Black, which was answered by
Douglas in pamphlet published by
him at Washington in October last
In this pamphlet, Douglas says, (on
page TO-: 1i ~
eff, however, slavery exists in the
Territories by virtue ofthe constitution
of the United States, as is contended
1t is the Imperative duty Of congress to
procide for ats adequate protection.
There can be no exception
to the rule that right guaranteed by
the Constitution, must be protected By
la,o sohenever legislation may be essen
tial to ats protection"
So, in the same pamphlet, after refer
ring (page g to the fact stated in a for
mer number of this essay, that hi
made provision in the Kansas and Ne
braska, (as he had previously done il
) the Utah and New Mexico) acts fol
giving the Federal Supreme Court jur
isdiction for determining all questions
involving title to slaves" and al
"questions of personal freedom" ht
says:
Whenever a case shall arise under
} those or any other territorial enactment
affecting slave property or persona
freedom in the territories, and the Su
preme Court of the United States shall
decide the question, I shall feel mysel
bound in honor and duty to respect an(
obey the decision and assist in carrying
it into effect in good faith.' ar
AS he has unqualifedly adopted ant
, affirmed, in his Springfield and New
Orleans speeches, for example, thu
Southern version of the bred Scott "de
cision," and as what he thus admits
and claims to have been that decision
declares that the Constitution makes
slaves property, carries slavery into
; every territory, and makes it the dut.
of Congress. to protect it therein a
such property, this same Stephen "A
f Douglas is pretty conclusively pledged
to procure in case of his election, tn,
enactment by Congress of Territor
ial Sldue Code, and to enforce it by al
the power of the government
At their old Game.
In 1855, the Democracy" of thi,
section, in order to cover up their owl