The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1860-11-19
BALTIMORE.
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1850

issue too vital one to be regarded with lndi-
ference by any man in the Republic and Maryland
has too much at stake to remain an impassive
spectator of the struggle. She would be recreant
to all sense of patriotism and duty if she failed to
take an active part in this grave contest, and she
must therefore, sooner later speak out deci-
sively and clearly. Nor will her words be I'M
needed by those to whom they may be addressed,
for her position gives her right TO expect great
consideration at the hands Of the North and the
South alike, and her known devotion to the
Union, and her fidelity TO her constitutional
obligations enttle her to the respect of the peo-
pie of all sections Whether her counses may
prevail or not, they will certainly, if wise and
timely, influence very materially the course OF
cominc events 1t is all important, however, that
she should neither act herself nor proer advice to
other States until after the most mature and deb-
crate reflection. If she ventures TO move without
fully comprehendng the nature of the crisis, she
will inevitably render herself powerless for the
future for in such critical periods as the present
false step can seldom be retrieved before the OPP
portunity which might have been turned TO good
account has gone forever. For these reasons, we
seriously doubt the propriety of any attempt to
elicit at this juncture an expression OF opinion
from the people of our State or city. Many good
citizens, dsqueted by the fearful portents that
darken the political horizon, and sincerely anxious
to avert if they can the ruin which is apparently
impending, have within the past few days contin-
ued to urge the necessity of some immediate ac-
ton and almost all of them have suggested
town meeting as the most appropriate mode of
nd mol ta ha
views of the people of Baltimore. Before acceding
to this proposition, the public is bound to contem
plate its probable results. We have endeavored
TO consider it impartially in all its bearings and
are compelled to confess our inability to see how
the movement can in any way benefit the cause
we have all so much at heart. On the contrary,
it is to be feared that such meeting would only be
productive of evil consequences. In the first
place, public opinion has not developed itself here
sufficiently to enable any one to judge whether
any series of resolutions that might be drafted
would prove acceptable to the majority of our cit
liens. Many of these differ widely about the
means the South has taken TO enforce her
demands, and it would be difficult 10 frame any
measures or recommendations which would meet
the views Of all parties. Unless this was DONE
however, the disagreement which the progress of
events might, in short time, obliterate, would be
fomented and break out in open dissensions and
we could never thenceforth hope to unite in any
effective efforts to allay the dscords Of our breh-
rem elsewhere.
But suppose there should be greater unanmity
of sentiment here upon the points referred to than
we imagine; would the proceedings of our town
holy To ard dc
In the present situation affairs, what can we say
or do that is calculated to bring the dispute be-
tween the North and South in the slightest degree
nearer to an amicablc settlement. If, in nicely
balanced phrases, we gently find fault with both
sides, and recommend Cancellation and prudence,
we shall probably offend or incur the contempt of
both. If the quarrel between them was but a
hasty ebultion Of temper, or was purely polit-
ical one, we might trust that stirring appeals to
common memories and common hopes would bring
both sections enthusiastically together again under
the common flag. But if, as we are forced to be-
lieve we are on the verge of revolution, not only
will mere sentiment 60 for nothing, but those who
hesitate TO take some decisive stand will be speedily
ignored in the struggle. At such times men must
talk and act to some purpose, or it becomes them
best to be altogether silent IF there is any force
whatever in these observations, it follows that
something more than a series of patriotic, though
vague, generalites ought to be proposed to our
town meeting. But here another difficulty awaits
us. The moment has not yet come when we
throw all our weight into either scale. We cannot
denounce the movement which the Southern States
have made, because, by so doing, will assuredly
itsto Tho nho ~
The North would, in such case, misunderstood
action, and insist that, as Maryland did
not feel called upon to resent the aggressions
of the anti-slavery party, the complaints of
South Carolina must be merely factious or
frivolous; and the States which have here
tofore resorted TO unconstitutional legislation
in order to defeat the Fugitive Slave Act would
be induced by our conduct to imagine that the
secession movement is far weaker than it really is,
and they would then refuse to repeal their objec-
tionable laws or to make the slightest concession,
Moreover we would, by indicating want of SYM
pathy with the South, drive the latter into in
slant rebellion 1t would be vain to tell her,
when she thought herself deserted by the border
States, that she could protect her rights better in
the Union than out of it. She would regard US as
the allies of those who have so constantly assailed
her, and believing herself to be overmached as
well as injured she would at once try the desper-
ate remedy of revolution. If we strengthen the
North and deal harshly with the South, we will
unquestionably accelerate rather than retard the
dissolution of the Confederacy.
But on the other hand we cannot commit our
selves fully and freely to the cause of the South
As we do not precisely know as yet how far the
people there are disposed to go we cannot pledge
them our support. If they desire disunion for
its own sake and determine to accept no COM
promise, but to establish Southern Republic and
perhaps reopen the slave trade it may then be
our duty to repudiate, without qualification, all
connection with them. But if they only claim
their Constitutional rights, and demand that the
North shall abstain in future from all interference,
direct or indirect with their domestic institutions,
it will be incumbent upon to stand by the Slave
States firmly and fearlessly to the last.
Such are some of the objections to the proposed
town meeting that meet at the start and it is for
our citizens to decide whether or not they in
surmountable. In our judgment they seem to be
so. But, at all events, it must, we think, be con-
coded that it is at least doubtful question whether
the hasty action which has been suggested will be
productive of good results, and, under such cir
cumstances, it is safer to pause than to proceed.
The Southern Conventions and Legislatures will
soon assemble, and we will then learn what the
people OF that section require. They will state
both their motives and their objects; and in the
meantime we trust that patriotic and conservative
men everywhere will SO actively and quietly
exert themselves that, when the crisis comes, we
shall find the South disposed to put forward mod
crate and fair demands, and the North inclined to
make reasonable and just concessions. But,
whether affairs take worse or better turn, we
will, few weeks hence, be enabled to see our way
clearly, and the instant we can do this, we hope
that Maryland will promptly encourage, with her
voice, and aid with her if need be, the side on
which the right and the truth shall be found to
stand
We published in our local column, on Saturday,