Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1860-12-12

b l must give some further development to
/, my views on this subject. No one, fellow
e citizens, has higher reverence for the re
served rights of the States, than the mag
0 istrate who now addresses you. No one
d would make greater personal sacrifice
: or official exertions, to defend them from
e violation, but equal care must be taken tt
: prevent on their part an improper inter
, ference with, or resumption Of the rights
e they have vested in the natien. The line
5 has not been so distinctly drawn as tc
? avoid doubts in some cases of the exercise
of power. Men of the best intention:
G and sOundest views may differ in their con.
struction of some parts of the Constitution;
but there are others on which dispassion
=. ate reflection can leave no doubt. Of this
!. nature appears to be the assumed right Of
{ Secession. 1t rests as we have seen, on
the alleged undivided sovereignty of the
States, and of their having formed in this
, sovereign capacity compact which is call
ed the Constitution, from which, because
they made it, they have the right to secede.
Both Of these positions are erroneous,
and some of the arguments to prove them
so have been anticipated.
"The States severally have not retained
their entire sovereignty. 1t has been
shown that in becoming parts Of nation,
not members of league, they surrendered
many of their essential parts of sovereign
ty. The right to make treaties, declare
war, levy taxes, exercise exclusive Judicial
and legislative powers, were all functions
of sovereign power. The States, then, for
all these important purposes, were no
longer sovereign. The allegiance of their
citizens was transferred IN the first instance
to the Government of the United States;
they became American citizens and owed
obedience to the Constitution of the United
States, and to laws made in conformity
with the powers vested in Congress. This
last position has not been, and can not be
denied. How, then, can that State be
said to be sovereign and independent whose
citizens owe obedience to laws not made by
it, and whose magistrates are sworn to
disregard those laws, when they come in
conflict with those passed by another?-
What shows conclusively that the States
cannot be said to have reserved an undivid-
ed sovereignty, is, they expressly ceded the
right to punish treason, not against theirsep-
crate power, but treason against the United
States. Treason is an offence against sOVe-
reignty, and sovereignty, must reside with
the power to punish it. But the rights of
the States are not less sacred because they
have for their common interest made the
final government the depository of these
powers. The unity of our political charac-
ter (as has been shown for another purpose)
commenced with its very existanee. I'm
der the royal government we had no sep
crate eharacter-Our opposition to its op-
preston began as united colonies. We
were the United States under the confed- |
Grafton and the name was perpetuated and
the Union more perfect by the Federal
Constitution. In none of these stages did
we consider ourselves in any other light
than as forming one nation. Treaties
and alliances were made in the name of all
Troops we're raised for the joint defence
How, then, with all these proofs, that un-
der all changes of our position we had, for
designated purposes and with defined pow
ers, created national goVernments-how is
it, that the most perfect, of these several
modes of union, should now be considered
as mere league that may be dissolved at
pleasure? 1t is from an abuse of terms
Compact is used as synonymous with
league, although the true term is not en- ;
ployed, because it would at once show the !
falsity of the reasoning. 1t would not do {
to say that our Constitution was only a {
league, but, it is labOred to prove it a COM |
pact, (Which in one sense is,) and then to
lrgue that as league is compact, every G
compact between nations must of course be {
4 league and that from such an engage i
nent every sovereign power has right C
to recede. But it has been shown, that in 7
this sense the States are not sovereign, and i
hat even if they were, and the National e
Constitution had been formed by compact, S
here would be no right in any other State
% exOnerate itself from the obligation.
$50 obvious are the reasons which forbid f
his secession, that it is necessary to al d
ude to them The Union was formed for 4
he benefit of all 1t was produced BY
mutual sacrifice of interest and opinions.
Jan those sacrifices be recalled? Can the :,
States, who magnanimously surrendered \
heir titles to the Territories of the West, >,
ecall the grant? VIII the inhabitants of p
he inland States agree to pay the duties ~
hat may be imposed without their assent >,
y those on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for II
heir own benefit? Shall there be a free 4
'Ort in one State, and enormous duties in
mother? No one believes that any right
xists in a single State to involve all the n,
theirs in these and countless other evils, Of
Ontrary to engagements sOlemnly made. cb
very one must see that the other States, -,
/ selfdefence must oppose it at all in
azards."
Use your wit as a bucklcr, not sword. in