Wabash express. [volume] (Terre-Haute, Vigo Co[unty], Ind.) 1841-186?, 1860-10-10
To THE CoNsERvaTIvEM MEN OF
INDIANA.

Committee" OF Kentucky, and the "Stst
Executive Committee" Of Louisville, w hicl
has Just appeared will. doubtless, strike
the minds of others "a il does my own. a
being OF character not a title extraordi-
nary. IL is a sort Of advisory proclama
tion Ito the conservative nen ofludlana
which our Kentucky friends felt it theil
DUTY To issue, in order that they NIGH
persuade us 10 vote for the Democratic
State ticket on Tuesday next. II is direct
Intervention with our domestic affairs
to manage which. in our way. they ought
to suppose us fully capsule. feel it MY
duty as one OF the persons adressed and as
eitiEen ef the State, to say to the people
of the State few words in response to IL
Those Of US. who are especially addressed
are conservatives. aud the leading feature
OF our conservatism consists in the fact
that We have firmly maintained the right
and duty of each State to manage its own
domestic affairs in its own way. without
interference by the citizeus of other Stats
This we have supposed 10 be essential
10 the security of the slave property of the
South, and with that view it has been a
cherished doctrine with us. But IL worth
anything, IL is Of reciprocal obligation, 4,
and should require OF others, for whose
benef, we have adhered to il, that the
policy of our State should be managed by
ourselves alone.
This address says that our approaching
State election has a national importance,
and therefore, that these Committees may,
with propriety take cognizanse OF IL. But
suppose our people. in return, should cay
that the perpetuation OF slavery in Ken
tucky is Of national concern, and for that
reason they intend 10 interfere in the Ken
tucky election, and send into that State
inflam matory appeals against slavery and
in favor of its abolition, and all that sort
Of thing-what then? What would these
! Committees say to thatr And yet the
cases are precisely parallel.
These gentlemen are from the State
where the ashes Of Mr.. Clay repose, aud
know they admired him when living, and
venerate his memory no less than we do
Yet they now advise us, who have been
the lifetime defenders of his fame, to for
| get all that We have said and done for thir
/ ~ years or more, and give our votes to his
lifetime enemies and defamers. They can
not fail TO know with what crushing
weight Democracy has pressed upon the
! State for years, and the condition into
which !: has brought us, and how long
manfully we have struggled To throw off
the load; aud yet they ask us to cease our
efforts and not only submit TO it's present
and perpetual continuance, but actually to
give direct said and comfort" to
those who have been the authors of all our
cslamities. The motive which could
prompt such men as we know them TO be,
TO give such advice must be strong indeed.
They say, at may be in itself a matter
of small importance who is Governor of
this, that, or the other State, DC" Not,
so az think. Que Of the great evils of
the times is, that attention to National
politics has destroyed the dignity and les
sened the importance of the State govern
ments. The notion is far too commonIthat
| if we can have this, that, or the other man
| President, it is no matter who or what the
Governors Of the States are. We should
he greatly better off if we looked less to the
| Federal Government and more 10 the States;
and it is especially necessary at this time,
| that De should do so. Yet, at the same
time, we have most important duties TO
wards both. And all will agree that it is
our duty to see that we do not consent that
our State shall be continued in its daUR-
t1Grd career unless we can find compensa-
tiou for the calamity in contributing toward
the create, good OF the Union. Ii the Un-
ion were really In danger. aud We cou Id
save it by voting for anybody, it would be
we'll to do so, endure the evil for time,
and then make an eff Irt TO throw it off,
We may well bear present ills with phi
losophy. if we feel a confidence that they
will produce good results hereafter. / do
not doubt tn at our Kentucky friends think
it is in danger, for, certainly, nothing short
Of this solemn convictian could prompt
them to advise us as they have | differ
with them, and have no fears whatever of
it's permsncy if the people will only take
the government into their own hands for
q while.
II ls said that the threats of disunion in
few Southern States, in the event OF Mr..
Lincoln's election. is sufficient cause for so
great an alarm on our part as that we should
give up tie affairs OF our State into the
hands Of the men who helped these disun.
ionists to grow to their present power, and
predicate our action upon the idea that
they actually can dissolve the Union. II
we submit SD openly and directly TO such
threats now, we shall thereby make them
available capital for factioDists and dema-
gogues always hereafter. How are they
to dissolve the UnionP That is the prac-
tical question. In the first place. there
are only two States-at the most three,
which have avowed the purpose to do so.
The ground of their avowal is. that they
have the right TO secede from the Union, and
that is the end of it. 1t is the South Car
olina doctrine of 1892 80. Do our Ken
lucky friends concede that they have this
ughtf | apprehend not. Then If they
have not, how are they to dissolve the Un
ion-with ell the other States against them
Rs they will most certainly BET The thing
is impossible, and. in my Judgment, it is
unwise to concede to the secedeys what they
now ask and what these two committees
seem disposed to yield, for if We do. We
have, to that extent, recognized their right
to secede-the existence of which. most
emphaticslly deny.
But what propriety is there in giving
way to these disurionists, on the ground
that they will break up the government if
Lincoln is elected, when their candidate uos
nominated by a ConUentien as sectional as
that at Chicago? Have they tho exclusive
right to he sectional? The plain truth is
that our true position ia midmay between
the extreme parties, turning neither to the
right or left, in obedience either to their
threats or dictstion, but pursuing our own
course in defence of the Union. We should
repudiate sectionalsm at both extremes,
and more than all, are we bound to frown
upon every attempt at secession. We
, should make no concessions TO its treason
able spirit
We are asked to vote so as to defeat Mr.
Lincoln; that is to abandon osr own prin-
ciples and policy to effect a negative result
This comedies that our policy is not worth
preserving, but that We can lay down oul
principles and take them up again as We
do our hats and coats. The reason assign
ed is, that il we do not few Southern State,
will secede. Icannot recognize such rea
son az controlling my actions, for two rea-
: sons: first, don t believe that the people o
those States wish to secede, and second,
do not recognize their right to do so if they
did wish it.
But it is said that "BeIl and Everett viii
carry nearly the phoie of the Southern
g States" / hope 60. But suppose thi
). calculation should fail. and the increasin,
weakness Of Douglas should eonsolidat
;, the Democratic vote of those States upo'
BreckinrIdge-what thenf Although, il
}. that event, Lincoln, Bell and Breckinridg
Il would go to the House. yet everybod
knows that the House could not elect, an
Lane toouid be President. for the Senat
would not hesitate au hour between hiu
p and Hamlin. That result would be cou
!. plete triumph Of the very pIsuSIoH elemeu
uhich mr. Kentucky friends dread SO uct