The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1860-01-24

lishsd by that resolves Does he not know thu
this provision, restoring the Js1srsoniAn feature
riots Of eight States against four1 Does he no
knew that the plsn OF 178& never went into pras
tical operation, but was expressly aside by Con
grsss IN 7S7l Does he not know that the Ord
nance Of Iy67 was the first legislative act ere
| practical ny organizing Territory OF the Unite
States and that ono Of les most prominent featur
was the proviso excluding slavery from all OF tn
| Territories then In the possession Of the unite
4 6tatcsf
Mr.. Douglas % historical recoilsctions Of the Or
dinanee OF 1857 seem TO be very indistinct. In
/ deed, he deems 1t only worthy of m occasions
passing, almost c0ntcmptuous notice. He speak
Of H. a. "the Ordinance Of tho 18th of July, 1857
which wAs passed by tho remnant Of the Congress
o. TIE eonfodsration, sitting in New York, whii
i1 most eminent members were at Philadelphia, .
delegates to the Federal invention" For three
quarters Of . century people were In the habit o,
thinking that the Ordinance OF 1881 was m act o,
tho highest order Of importance, but We now lsarr
that II was rather Indifferent affair, passed on O.
indifferent occasion by an exceedingly Indifferent
sst OF fellows, while the plan Of 1884, mere ab-
stract programme, completely overuicd BY subse.
quent legislation, is represented the true glory
Of the age. How is this7 The reason il Obvious
Mr. Douglas belongs to that class Of historians who
dwell upon those facts which suit heir conye-
nience, and uncere niously drop the rest once
hoard Of = Jesuit college where thsy used text
book OF history, in which the French Revolution
was never mentioned, while the Emperor Napoleon
figured there only ~ modest Marquis BonapArte
who held commission under Louis XVII, and
fought great battles for the glory ef the Catholic
Church. daughter and applause.
So 1t liz with Mr.. Douglas and the history Of this
country. He ignores the universal principles of
the Declaration Of Independence and the
great founders of the Republic, az merely paving
the way for his "great principle" while few Wiz
lage politicians get up an abusive ordinance, ad-
verse TO the general tendency Of things. But az
those Jcsuih never could prevent their students
from pceping out Of their college windows into the
wide world, where they perceived very different
state Of things, so Mr.. Douglas cannot prevent us
from travelling out of the yellow Of Harper's
Magazine, into the open records of History, where
we find Mr.. Je6erson's anti-sIavery clause. AL
though Lost In l7S4, strenuously insisted upon by
the leading spirits OF the republic Incorporates in
the great act Of 17s7, solemnly re-afirmed by the
first Congress under the constitution Of the people
of one of the territories ICheers.l This 10 The
true : enersonian plan, the plan which Jefferson
framed voted for, and which WAS carried out in
spirit not that mangled report of 1884 which Mr..
Douglas wants US TO take the foundation of n n
territorial government, because an historical aeci
dent happens to coincide with his schemes
That true JefersoniAn plan rested. indeed nm
The principle OF popular sovereignty but IL will
be conceded, that Mr.. Jefersonfs great princinle
was widely different from that Of Mr. Dourias
~ the ordinance Of TITS is different from the Ne
braska bill. While Mr.. Jefferson q notion of non
ular sovereignty sprung from the idea that man
has certain inaiienRble rights, which the majority
shall not encroach upon, Mr.. Douglass doctrine
rests upon the idea that the highest DEVELOPMENT az
liberty consists in the right of class of men 20
ho Id another class of men as slaves liz they see At
TO do so. TAppiause.l While Mr.. efferson exe,n
ded slavery from the territories, order 10 make
room for frus popular sovereignty, Mr. Douglas in
vents his false popular sovereignty In order 10 make
DOM for slavery. The ordinance Of 1857, the true
'Jefsrsoni1n pian," was indeed no mere accident.
no mere occasional act Of legislation. 1t sprang
from the idea, as Madison expressed 1t, "that re-
publican Institutions would become q fallacy.
where slavery existed, - and in order to ntee
institutions to the territories they ex
clnded slavery. lGheers.l
The ordinance OF 1857 was the logical offsprinr
OF the principles upon which our independence and
your constitution founded; Ii IL the practical
application of the Declaration Of Independence 10
to the government Of the territories Its very ex-
istence sets completely ut nought Mr.. Douglass
and historical construction, and the dwarf
ssh hand OF the demagogue tries In vain to tear
this bright page cut of your annals. TCheers l.
The ordinance OF 1857 stands written On the very
gateposts Of the Northwestern States; written on
every grain field that waves i'm the breexe on ey-
cry factory that dots the course OF their rushing
waters on every cottage that harbors thrifty free
men written in every heart that reoices over the
blessings Of liberty. ILong continued applause
There 1t stands in characters Of light. Only 4
blind man cannot see it only fool can misun-
derstAnd II; only knays can mislnterpret it, TRe-
peated cheers
Such 10 Mr.. Douglass principle of popular SOW
ereigAty in its logical and historical aspect anna
rently adopting the doctrine that slavery is the
creature Of local law only, and fighting against a
Congressional slave code, but, on the other hand
the very principle which protection
to slave property becomes logical necessity and
again assuming the ground that slave property
may be introduced where there is no local law but
explaining away the logical consequences OF that
doctrine by the transparent sophistry Of unfriendly
legislation; dragging she proudest exploits OF
American craftsmanship into the dust, EN- ascula
ting the Declaration of independence because in
compatible with its principles setting aside the
ordinance OF l7S7 because that stern fact Ia con-
elusive historical argument against Ii; Jesuitica
piece of equivocEtion and double-dealinr. unahle
90 stand before the criticism OF logical mind. be-
cause 1t Is a mixture Of glaring contradictions
unable 20 atop the car Of principles and infer es be
ccnse II IL at rdr Dah iiseif lApplausel 1t il
true, its principal champion worked hard to cover
with bullying boisterousness the moral cowardce
from which 1t sprang, but in vain. He mistakes
the motive power which shapes the actions of free
nations Having no moral convictions Of his own
TO stand upon, be could never address himself 10
the moral sense affhe people. Sensation Having
no moral convictions Of his own! This Is grave
charge, but l know what say. respect true
wherever find them. Among the are
moral basis Of slavery, and believe in III who spesk
d the blessings OF servitude, and believe =
who assert that slavery il right, and hes- ~ 1t
Atrocious as their errors may be .aieye in it.
deplore them, yet | resps~ :, and deeply rs
soon % find than or s their convictions IA
Of the champion -, But look into the record
from syl"' az aporular soyareignty,n scan il
Dor~ =. a,,,tatIa ard thar I'll me Won,
.xiasites Of the south, do you find one word
there indicating moral conviction that slavery II
right? And you Douglssites Of the North, who
are In the habit Of telling that you are the true
anti-slavery men, and that popular sovereignty
will surely work the overthrow Of the institution,
did your master ever utter n similar sentimtnti--
Do YOU find In his record one word Of sympathy
With the down troddsn and degrsded2 One spark
OF the humane philosophy of our ago One sylla-
BILE in vindication of the outraged dignity OF hu-
IN nm nature? One word which might Indicate .
| moral conviction that slavery Is wroHgf Not one
But one thing be does tell you ~ DO not car'
uhefAsr slarery is petsd up doUn." There is then
| humaa heart that does not care Sir. look oyel
this broad land, where the struggle has ragged FOL
wears and yeArt and the two oceans, arounc
| ths alohe 10 the point where the far West meets