Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1860-04-07
THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.

depends upon that to paoify a conjecturOl oppo-
nent, or to retain a conjectural support. As for
as the rights of immigrants are concerned, o nom
ina'ion Of Seward decides az little for them as for
the abolition Of slavery. If Seward should be
elected, tho chief onsequence s,--vitout regard
to the dispersion Of the Democratic party, which
is Of course affe,ted strongly by the success Of e7-
cry Republican candidate, Ooul Id be only these;
LIST. A decent foreign policy and,
%, A weakening and embedding Of The anti
slavery tendencies of the North.
Therefore we must, from o higher than the pres
ent party standpoint, to wit,-the Revolutionary
stand. point of the future, hold fast to the opinion
that q successful Douglas, the dneohsciohable rep
resenlative Of a destructive brutality, will be Of
more permanent service to freedom than a success
FGl Seward, the diplomatic representative of con-
sefvative humanity. The optimistic conception
of Seward, SYSTEMATICALLY embellished according
to which the ballotAbox is to sufice as q means Of
balance between freedom and slavery, between
humanity snd bestlality in tho national being,
which in epite of the so often extolled wisdom Of
its principles, has created the strongest bulwarks
OF slavery and bestiAlity, and in which the ballot
box can, on every decisive occasion, be subverted
does rot hold before an accurate investigation
of human nature, and an inquiry into the logic Of
events. We have rot yet got so far in this coun.
try, nor shall we, without the abolition of Slavery,
which has become all-powerful.
We confess that Stewards speech has caused us
to lose much of the esteem which we formerly EN-
tertained for him. We have been through it
twice, and have read it, too, with the calm inquiry
Of the politician, rather than the impassioned pref.
dice OF o revolutionist, but we find in iG neither
the statesman nor The friend Of freedom, for which
Seward has hitherto passed. We know very well
that, ii the position OF a practical politician on
ground once defined, it is not allowable to say all
that an unfettered journalist can say; and we our
selves should think il ridiculous to utter as o SEN
ator what we write as Editor Of the Pioneer. But
it is always allowable to expect and demand of a
man that, as a representative Of principles, he
shall meiit confidence; namely that he will never
say or support anything that compromises his pro.
claimed principles like his character as repreSeu-
tative of the same; thath he will never make con
cessions to the opponents Of his principles at the
expense Of the latter; that he wiIl never let him
self, out of interest to his personal position, be
brought in conflict with bis cause; that he will
never, out of charity to the opponents OF that
cause, asperse its honest and decided friends, yea
martyrs; that he will not strike hands with thu
executioners of such martyrs; in short, that he
will be consistent, firm and honorable. 1t does
not always lie in a PERSONS power to effect every
q thing that he wishes, but be has always the pow
s err to hold fast to his principles, and to concede nj
I jot or whit Of them.
l. How far Mr., Seward has satisfied these claim
e will be clear to every one who reads his speech
without party prejudice, and with a distinct Low
of the truth. The strife over Seward and Bate
d is, in our eyes not worth q straw, without OIL
entirely different platform. Or shall we, in orde
1t still to repose confidence in Seward, regard hin
as a common tricEster, who merely wishes t
mislead his enemies till he gets into power2
t tr!ckster may be clover enough 70 believe this wv
have too much regard for good sense to be s
cunning. We are of opinion that honesty is th
best policy; how can wo, then, esteem the bes
~trickster the best politician.