New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-09-14

State Governments, Newton ls prast'c4iy e1Sus
TIE ous stab hmet of both these SYST ns 40
the = me State Government Is impossible, SAD eno
tettleuent by either "a given State or Is.nI,ty
is an absolute conquest to ,tsen pn'' o
sys,sm yolu, tarity yields 10 its rivaL NOW,
sshst Ia d,msnoed by the extreme slave interest,",
Cd wba, behave the Democratic party will coneede,
ss has always ceded everything dared always
hav no 10 view is sby 70 retain its fool Old In the
North ia either matter Of night under the Consttu
ton and if 40 the slave interest is entitled TO it. Or II IL
not and then il resolves self into question Of ability
10 command it's way and enforce its Hu Ia IT, u1der
the Fede raj Constitution, entitled TO what II demands
Whom shall / consutl | for one will 60 to
the Fathers who reared this constitutional ediiice
and with the most teachabe spirit Lean command will
ait at their feet and learn of them. And from Wash
ugton aud Jefferson and Hamilton, aud every states
man of the esrly time learn that under our Consttu
ton Slavery is local. not national that it is relation
of lsbOr not condition of property. learn too from
them that was not blessing 10 be perpet1
atsd but an evil TO be lamented.
The mantle of the Fathers fell upon the shoulders Of
Henry Clay whose every instinct was patriotic, and
from him learn that neither patriotism, nor moral
duty nor feay 70 the Constitution, require 20 slr
render the new Territories, whether acquired by
purchase or eonguest, to Slavery. With he
hand on the hole altar of country, himself
representative of a Slave STATE. he de-
cared that "po earthly power should ever make
him me) vote to plant Slavery where Slavery does not
exist This is Southern authority There is another,
little nearer the North star, to whom many of yoa as
well as l. are accustomed 70 60 for just expohhons 81
the Constitution man of the most capacious ntsl-
lect Of HE age man who cherished no local patriot
sm but lsved as he illustrated and adorned mis- wnoie
country; who during his last days was separated IRON
mauy If the 1chts friends Of his early and middle
political career and who went down TO his grave n the
transition period Of the ReDubc under crcu instances
which left work Of justice TO be done hls political
memory by pOsterily, work which 1 believe
posteriiy will be glad II will be certain, 70 execute
hundred years hence there WILL except Mount Yer
non be no spot where iustIious dead repose more
H. INN fhun
tomb by the side of the sea at Marshfeld
Not line Of all the precious Legacy Mr.. Webster
left bis cOuntrymen--a legacy Which they Will
not willingly let persh-can be found favoring the new
doctrnes He Iepudisted them through tne whole OF
The stormy cont oversy which grew out Of the passage
of the COMPROMISE measures Of 1850. listened 10 his
great argument al B1falo in drenching RAIN storm,
WREN he developed bis idea OF the constitutional rights
of Slavery ne no man bat he could do, and L heard
him Ter these words TO that unclaimed assembly.
any opinion remains unchanged that II was not In the
original ecope OF design Of the Constitution TO admit
new States out Of foreign territory, and FOR one,
never would consent that there should be one loot OF
slave territory beyond what the old thirteen States had
at the time of the formation OF the Union. Never,
never. No man show his face TO me and prove
that ever departed from that doctrine. Now this Is
authority from the gudleg stars OF the Revolution,
al heir immediate successors, which upon question
30 vital 10 Freedom ana 10 the best Interests OF my
country and ny race will not reject for the decisions
Of Democratic caueUs Of yesterday, Give me- the
MAI 1OOHtdUh Dol Dthu ~ III buO
Constitutional view on authority and precedent There
il another view of this question. At the time the Fed
eral Constitution was formed, know that as ! nave
already II ted, commercial and other material Inter
ess IsIIe than sentiments, led TO its formation.
know that slavery then bore such relation TO the
wealth and economic questions OF the Southern States
as il does row. It's cotton crop was then nothing.
Now il is two hundred million dollars per annum
Slaves, per head, were Of hifng value. L know
enough of hRman nature 10 know that the hu nanles
have retr p ay with negroes % one hundred dollars
than 81 800 per head | know that increase Of our
territory was Iot contemplated The Future OF their
country, the Fathers did not comprehend. They
"buildtd bet or than they knew" TIE expansive or
sggTt ssiye element of our institutions has annexed 10
tself stree the Government was organized the vast
tsTroIts living between the Mississippi and the Pa
ehc This 10 The legitimate out working of our race.
This commercial AID Christiau civilization which
represent s The AhrOns rod of tbs aga, which not
only buds and blossoms but absobs the Lesser rods the
eets civilizations, the sick pOWers." with which IL
comes in contact. Slavery, by common law,
ano by the Constitution as construed by the
Fathers, vas excluded from mOst Of this territory.
How should the barriers be broken downl Only in
one way by adapting The Constitution 70 the exigency
Slavery took this view and 10 certain extent be-
heve the doctrine II lie truly expressed by the spo
thegn Of Sir James Macintosh toat Constitutions
"are not made, but grow" Our Federal C0nstitu-
ton is definite like scode, upon scarce any Of the ques
tons Of political economy which constantly arise IN
Free State. Hence the views of individuals and Of
sections Of the country as 10 their constltuonaty gem
ID. any body believe that if every State in the Union
had the same interest in protecting manufactures
through revenue laws as Massachusetts thst there
would be such conflict its oonslitldonaty every
tine protective tariff is proposed III Congress Size
certainly would, if human opinions are regulated
solely by degrees OF Latitude and longitude. Then
how is this question, OF which the Constitution d.
recty says nothing TO be seted2 II Is 10 be settled
BY the policy Of the Government And that policy de-
Ponds upon whether the Slave idea or the free idea
obtains the legitimate possession aad control of the
Government. The Constitution will grow ander
the developing hard Of Slavery mp to its
requirements, or it will remain where the Fathers
lett it, under ether guidance 1t race for power 10
coptroan here begins the conflict for supremacy be-
tween opposipg forces conflict which has ap
peared and ever will where there are conflicting in
terests Here the battle s TO the strong I'd 50 Jmis
sion for the weak. The defeated party may retire
with broken lance and shivered shield %
its discontinue This Is is n1umful Office
For than six thousand years the world echoed
the wall OF Heh's great hero ,
Suffering OF doing
States mgrch TO opportunity, ard they weep or re-
ioice 90 they lose or win. This conflict Fsepre sable
until the controversy be settled Is going this very
hour in every Government in Europe. IL Is ia one
very midst snd all around us. VIVA. interest shall
shape the public policy la italy, shall 1t De the Pope
or the People In England, shall il be the landed ar
isto0scy aud few large aggreg tons Of capital or
shall II be the great body " cGzens WHO bear sub
s.antia burdens to MAINTAIN the Government In
The United Ststes, shall II be the interest Of Slave
labor or the interest Of Free labor Tns
new territories were & great prize for tie one
the other IL could not bea diyiied possession. SlA
very talked sophstcay about the Constitution as it Is
as il continues TO talk, knowing full well it Is the
Constitution TO be, at wnich t al niDg. IL mot sbe
exigency boldly-Iepealed the Missouri Compromise,
sen! armed men 10 take possession OF the Territory,
and, havii the Executive government 10 its hands
employed al its power 10 wrest perm 4uenty from
Freedom The iron glove Of war was tlrowh at the
feet Of Free Labor and the condct began. Opinion
met Opinion sttel clashed with steel For three years
Eorsas Nos tho AL for tha 6rsf GRO ,r.n snd