Clarksville chronicle. (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1857-1865, 1860-08-10

awaiting the result of the August election, as in
7 dicative of the sentiment Of Kentucky. Persona
friendships and private preferences sink into moth
inghess by the side of this great issue forced upo
us and which we must accept. The question the
resolves itself into this Can any National Demo
crat who was excluded by express resolve from tn
Secession Convention, give aid and comfort to tha
upstart faction by supporting its nominee in Au
gust
Mr.. Breckenridge was selected 10 lead this Disun
, ion movement from motives as apparent as the
were shrewd. He was the most popular Democra
in cny Of the border slave States II was believed
that his name and by some that his 1luck woult
add great strength to the Secession movement
That such were the controlling motives is eviden
from the fact that mp TO recent date neither Mr.
Breckinridge any Of his present organs differed
from the doctrines of the Democratic party as ex
pounded by Mr.. Douglas. The fact is notorious
that since 1850 the policy of the Democratic party
in Kentucky has been non-iuteryention in its strict
est sense. Volumes Of evidence of this fact might
be adduced but / will refer TO two Of the leading
Secession organs of this State. The italics are my
own.)
The Frankfort Yeoman at the commencement OF
the last gubernatorial canvas in Kentucky in sub
stance declared, that the general sentiment Of the
Democratic party in this State in regard TO the sub
jeet Of Congressional protection to slavery in the
territories was that interference for such purpose
was equally erroneous as the Wiln,ot propi5o
| The same paper as late as May loth 1859, ex-
pressed itself as follows:
|. "Those who demand that Congress shall protect
slavery in the Territories in direct conflict with
the Democratic Creed.'
The Lexington Statesman of May 6th 1859, used
the following emphatic language:
"There can be no doubt that the Democratic par
| ty in Kentucky is opposed to the intervention Of
Congress for any purpose or for the exercise of any
poDer over slavery in the Territories
| hat al
that good faith required that the principle of abso-
iute non-intervention by Congress with slavery in
the Territories, "should be maintained, whether
Mr. Secretary Cobb, Vice-President Breckenridge,
Mr.. Douglas or any other, shall be the nominee Of
the Democratic party in 1860. Unless tits The De-
niocratic party ceases TO eIist National party"
| That was Democratic as well rs prophetic. In all
bis public speeches down to Dec. 2lst 1859, Mr..
Breckinrdge fully endorsed and recognized the dec
trine this procaims by the Yeoman and Statesman.
On that day he made a speech to the Kentucky
Legislature which his friends never could under
stand until after the Baltimore Convention 1t was
in answer to some questions propounded by several
members of the Legislature to various candidates
for United States Senator to be chosen by that body
The election occurred on the 9th of December, and
this speech was delivered on the 2lst following.
But even in that carefully prepared post faeto
speech Mr.. Breckenridge enunciated sentiments to-
tally at variance with his present position. Let
see In that speech Mr.. Breckenridge said
"The largest organization in the free States is the
Northern Democracy. How different is their lang
uage from the bitter rayng cries of the Republican
party. We hear no declarations of hostility and
hate from Northern Democrats-no denunciations
of Southern institutions on Democratic lips or in
Democratic presses. We can continue in peace with
our political associates in the North. If they COM
posed decided majority in the free States the South
would have no fear Of a collision serious aggres-
sion. Too many of them have been cut down be-
cause they nobly refused to join the crusade against
you. The names Of hundreds are familiar to you
who have defended your rights with unfaltering
rmness; have returned to their constituents fall
with manly courage beneath the blows Of pander-
ers to sectional passion. A large portion Of the
| Northern Democracy differ from the Democracy OF
the South on one or two well known questions Of
legislative action, but they unite thoroughly on all
other vital questions that convulse the country and
on the determination OF which its peaceful existence
may hang"
| What has transpired in the brief time which has
elapsed since the utterng ofhe foregoing sentiment
to induce Mr. Breckenridge to assist the Republican
party in striking down the best and most unfater-
ing friend which the South ever had at the North?
IL is evident that popular sovereignty has become
''ptdr' within the last six months. If Mr.. Douglas
had not been nominated at Baltimore would this
bugbear ever have assumed such a menacing atti-
tude towards Southern rights2 Would its hideous
features have. expanded into proportions mons
irous to eclipse all other dangers and absorb all
other questons2
But hear Mr.. Breckenridge further:
"The FIRST duty of all who love their country is To
overcome the Republican party; and with this con-
yiction should be untrue TO Kentucky if did not
plead for the union Of all opposed to that dangerous
organization--and 10 fall to pieces or question of
less magnitude than its defeat is to surrender to its
domination and all the fatal consequences that may
i ensue."
1 That was before the nomination of Mr.. Douglas.
Now Mr.. Breckinridge conceyes it to be his first
duty" to bend all his energies to the overthrow of
Mr.. Douglas his former faithful and unfaltering
ally, in opposing the dangerous dogmas of the Re-
publican party Mr.. Brsclinridge consents to lend
his great name and brilliant talents TO faction,
which, if it accOmplishes its highest aim, can only
divide the Democratic party and thus secure the
election of Mr. Lincoln.
i But what is the question which in the opinion OF
Mr.. BreckinrGge is of so much greater magnitude
than the defeat of the Democratic party. Let us
see: The aims of the Republican party were defined
by Mr.. Breckinridge in his Frankfort speech to be
as follows
81 charge that the present aud ulterior purposes
of the Republican party are
To introduce the doctrine of negro equality into
American politics, and to make It the ground Of
positive legislation hostile 10 the Southern States.
To exclude the slave property of the South from
all Territory now in the Union, or which may here
after be acquired;
To prevent the admission in any latitude of an
, other saveholding Statei
To repeal the fugitive slave law and practically
refuse to obey the Constitution on that subject;
To refuse to prevent or punish by State action
the spoaton of slave property but on the contrary
to make it a criminal offence their citizens to
obey the laws of the Union in far as they protect
: property in African slaves;
: To abolish slavery in the District of Columbia.
To abolish II in the forts, arsenals dock-yards
and other places in the South where Congress hal
7 exclusive jurisdiction;
, To abolish the internal and coast-wise trade
To limit harrass, and frown upon the institution
every mode Of political action and by every form
Of public opinion;
, And finally, by the Executive, by Congress, by
the postal service the press and all other accessible
modes TO agitate without ceasing until the South
ern States, without sympathy or brotherhood in tn
Union, worn down by the unequal struggle, shall b
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