New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-07-07

Why Id INC SCUM, ana tspccioliy III INC DciuVcrutio
party. Slowly but steadily and surely, since the
annexation of Texas, the old-fashioned Democratic
ideas of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Benton,
respecting the moral and political character OF
Slavery, and the powers of the Federal Govern
meDt over it in the Territories, have receded be-
fore the new notions of the Propagandst school,
until the extension and protection Of Slavery have
come to be regarded in all the South as
the grand am of the Democratic party.
These novel ideps unknown to the fathers, recog-
Dze the right to hold property in man as existing
anterior to all human enactments, and as even
more sacred and inviolable than the right to hold
any other species Of property; consequently the
only obligation resting upon government in relation
thereto, is to protect anybody, everywhere, in the
exercise Of this right. Running along with these
new doctrines, and springing into existence about
the same time and from the same source, Is the
once startling but now familiar modern dogma,
that dome site Slavery is not an evil as the fathers
taught, but practical blessing to both master
and servant. In short the school of civilians and
MOI alists of which Mr.. Calhoun was the founder,
and of which Mr. JEFF Davis and Messrs. Bepja-
min, Curry & Co. are apostles, now proclaim
that, politically, "Negro Slavery is the corner
g stone of our Republican edifce;" while socially,
it is "the highest type Of modern civilization
These barbarous dogmas have shocked the COM
mon sense and the conscience of all that part OF
Chrjste1 dom DWELLING outside Of the Southern
States, and not included in the pale of the Demo
cratic party. But they are destit ed to receive q
ruder and more effective blow during the pending
Presidential contest Far as the POpular-Sover-
eighty theories of Mr. Douglas fall short of sound
law solid sense, and the exigencies Of the times,
they nevertheless do violently conflict with these
medieval ideas OF the Gallo IN school of politicians
Feeble though the fight may be on the part OF the
Southern supporters Of Douglas, they will be COM
PEELED to oppose the barbar0us doctrines OF
this school They will be driven to occupy and
foltify some portion Of the ground where the
Fathers of the Republic stood They must deny
the inherent and original right Of every man to
carry negro slaves everywhere, and hold them as
such, in spite of the enactments of local Legisa-
tures, and the DEGREES of local Courts. Especially
must they insist that, though they themselves
Territories neither Executive nor the Legislative
branch of the Federal Government has the right
to protect Slavehod ng within the national domain.
In fine, they must adhere to their doctrine OF
/" Non. Intervention" at all hazards, or lose their
distinctive character in the South and ruin the
cause Of their leader in the Free States.
Now, the open and manly assertion of the doe
trine of "Non Intervention" by two or three score
of journals and hundred or more of stump
speakers, through the coming four months, in the
Southern States, must inevitably provoke an ex-
animation of these fundamental dogmas of the
Calhoun school, thus opening TO heated debate,
among violent partisans, many of the most vital
que tons pertaining to the subject of Slavery.
Ard does anybody dream that, when once precp
tated upon this sea of discussion, the voyage of
discovery viii be confined to the mere boundary
lines of the subject, or will terminate with the
pending Presidential contest