Bellows Falls times. [volume] (Bellows Falls, Vt.) 1856-1965, 1860-03-30
SPEECH OF
WILLIAM III. SEWARD.
IN THE SENATE. FEB. 90 1850


zas into the Union, without further delay.
seems TO me equally necessary, just and
wise. In recorded debates | have already
anticipated the arguments for this conclu-
sion.
In coming forward among the political
astrologers, it shall be an error Of Judgment
and not of disposition, if my Interpretation
of the feverish dreams which are disturb
ing the country shall tend to foment, rather
than to allay, the national excitement.
shall say nothing unnecessarily of persons,
because, in our system, the public welfare
and happiness depend chiefly on institutions,
aud very little on men. | shall allude but
briefly to incidental topics, because they
are ephemeral. and because, even in the
midst of appeals TO passion and prejudice
it is always safe to submit solid truth to the
deliberate consideration of an honest and
enlightened people.
1t will be an overhowing source OF shame,
as well as of sorrow, if we. thirty millions
Europeans by extraction, Americans by birth
or discipline, and Christians in faith, and
meaning TO be such in practice cannot so
combine prudence with humanity, in our
conduct concerning the one disturbing sub
ject of slavery, as not only to preserve our
unequaled institutions of freedom, but also
to enjoy their benefits with cCnlentment and
harmony.
Whenever a guilAess slave exists, be he
Caucasian, American, Malay or African,
he is the subject Of two distinct and oppo-
site ideas-one that he is wrongly, the other
that he is rightly a slave. The balance of
numbers on either side, however great,
never completely extinguishes this difference
of opinion, for there are always some de-
tenders of slavery outside, even if there are
none inside. Of free State, while also there
are always outside, if there are not inside
of every slave State many who assert with
Milton, that ''no man who knows aught can
be so stupid as to deny that all men natur-
ally were born free, being the image and
resemblance of God himself and were by
privilege above all the creatures, born to
command and not to obey" 1t often, per-
haps generally, happens, however, that in
considering the subject of slavery, society
seems to overlook the natural right or per-
sonal interest of the slave himself, and to
act exclusively for the welfare of the citi-
zen. But this fact does not materially af-
feet ultimate results, for the elementary
question Of the rightfuluess or wrongfulness
of slavery inheres in every form that dis
cussion concerning it assumes. What is
lust to one class of men can never be inju-
rious to any Others and what is unjust TO
any condition Of persons in a State is nee
essarily injurious in some degree to the
whole community. An economical question
early arises out of the subject Of slavery
labor either of freemen or of slaves is the
cardinal necessity of society. Some States
choose the one kind, some the other. Hence
two municipal systems widely different arise.
The slave State strikes down and affects to
extinguish the personality Of the laborer,
not only as a member of the political body,
but also as parent, husband, child, neigh
Dor or friend. He thus becomes,.i lin polit-
ical view, merely property, without moral
and social relations, duties, rights and rem
edies-a chattel, an object of bargain, sale,
gift, inheritance or theft. His earnings are
compensated and his wrongs atoned, not to
himself, but to his owner. The State pro
tects not the slave as man, but the capital
of another man, which he represents. On
the other hand the State which rejects
slavery encourages and animates and invig-
CRATES the laborer by maintaining and de-
veloping his natural personality in all the
rights and faculties of manhood, and gen.
orally with the privileges of citizenship.
In the one case capital invested in slaves
becomes great political force, while in the
other labor thus elevated and enfranchised
becomes the dominating political power.
II thus happens that we may, for conven-
ience sake, and not inaccurately, call slave
States capital States, and free States Labor
States.
So soon as State feels the impulse of
commerce or enterprise or ambition, It's cit
izens begin to study the effects of these sys-
TENS of capital and labor respectively on
its intelligence, its virtue, its tranquility its
liberty, its happiness. its aggrandizement
and is fame In other words, the great
question arises, whether slavery is moral,
social and political good, or moral, social
and political evil This is the slavery ques-
tion at home. But there is a mutual bond
of unitv and brotherhood between man and
man throughout the world. Nations ex-
anime freely the political systems of each
other. and of all preceding times, and ac-
cordingly as they approve or disapprove OF
the two systems Of capital and labor re-
speetively they sanction and prosecute or
condemn and prohibit commerce in men,
Thus. in one way or in another, the slavery
question. which so many amongst us, who
are more willing to rule than patient in
studying the conditions Of society. think Is
merely accidental or unnecessary question
that might and ought TO be settled and dis
missed ut once, is. on the contrary. world
wide and enduring subject of political con.
siAera;ion and civil administration. Men
States and nations entertain 1t, not volun-
tarily, but because the progress OF soc ety
continually brings it into their way. They
divide upon it, not perversely, but because
owing to differences of constitution. condi-
ton or circumstances, they cannot agree.
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