The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1860-03-22

/ "ss o'eU put of"ssu only ms spift OF Ear
mony and peace. and with hope Of preyen
Ting al division and controversy among those
who. for their own safety and the public good
ought TO be united in their action.
For all this l am deeply grateful; and as
far - concerns me personally. must declare
! In simple truth. that If the movement 90 no
farther. and produce no personal results. still
l am paid and overpaid for life OF labor,
and for whatever Of jealous effor, and patien,
watching have been able to bes,ow in sup.
port OF line of governmental policy which
believe to be for the present and permanent
good Of the country.
Now. gentlemen, proceed to answer your
Questions. briefly indeed, but fully. plainly,
and with all possible frankness; and do this
the more willingly, because have received
from individuals many letters too many to
be separately answered-and have seen in
! many public journals articles making urgent
calls upon me for such statement OF nv
views.
1sT-sLAvKRY AND ITS EXTENSION IN THE
TERRITORIES.
On this subject. in tie States and 10 the
Territories. have no new opinions-no opin-
ions formed in relation to the present array
Of parties. l am coeval with the Missouri
question Of 'Sl9-2O, having begun my po-
Ii,ical lite in the midst of that struggle
At that time my position required me to
seek all the means Of knowledge within nv
reach. and to study the principles involved
with all the powers Of my mind, ana l ar
rived at the conclusions which no subsea uent
events lave Induced me to change. Tie e1.
isience of negro slavery in our country had
its beginning in the early time Of the colony,
and was imposed by the mother country,
against the will of most Of the colonists. At
the time of the Revo.uion, and long after, it
was commonly regarded as an evil, Temporal
~ in its nature. and likely to dsaI pear in the
course Of time; yet while it continued. a mis- |
fortune TO the country socially and politically.
Thus was taught by those who made our
Government, ard neither the new light Of
modern civilization nor the discovery Of
new system Of constitutional law and social
philosophy has enabled me TO detect TIE err
ror Of their teaching.
Slavery is a social relation a domestic insti /
tuition. Within lie States it exists by The To-
cal law. and the Federal Government has no
control over it there The territories, whe,h-
er acquired by conquest or peaceable pur
chase, are subject and subordinate, not SOW
ereign. like II States The nation is SUI
preme over them, and the National Govern
ment has he power TO permit or forbid Sla- 4
very WltEin t0t EnteTtalHIHR tncSt views,
am opposed TO the extension of slavery,
and in my opinion the spirit and the policy of
the Government ought 10 be against its ex-
tension. 4
2D--DoEs THE CONSTITUTION CARRY SLAVERY {
INTO THE TERRITORIES? !,
| answer no? The Constitution of the
United States does not carry Slavery into
The Territories. With much more show Of
=, l., 4 IL.
into all the States. Blu. il does not carry j
where it finds it established by the local law. q
In connection with this point. 1 am asked to
state my views of the bred Scott case, and
what WAS really determined by the Supreme
Court in that case. 1t is my opinion, care A,
fully considered. that the Court determined g
one single point of law only. That is. that
Scott, the plaintiff. being q negro. of African
descent. not necessarily a slave, could no, be
4 citizen of Missouri, and therefore could not /
sue in the Federal Court, and that for this Z
reason and this alone. the Circuit Court had !
20 jurisdiction Of the cause and no power TO 6
give judgment between the parties. The on =
= jurisdiction which the Supreme Cour, had y
of the case was for the purpose Of correcting Il
lie error Of the Circuit Court in assuming I,
he power to decide on tho merits OF the case :.
T his power the Supreme Court did exercise
y setting aside the Judgment of the Circuit 81
,ourt upon the merits, and by dismissiny the p
nit without any judgment for or arains, b.
i,her party his is all that the Supreme 4,
'ourt did, aud all that it had lawful power TO
o. l consider it great public misfortune :"
rat several OF the learned Judges should o
ave thought that their duty required them m
, discuss and give opinions upon various II
nestions outside OF the case. as the case was >.
ctually disposed of by the Court All such
piuions are ra-judicial and of no author. '
". But besides this. it appears to me that re
everal of the questions SO discussed bv the e,
judges are political questions. and therefore 81
eyond the jurisdiction of the Judiciary. and
roper only to be considered and disposed of :,
y the political departments. II l am right
a this. and II seems to me plain, the prees- III
ent is most unfortunate, because il NAV cs
lad to a dangerous conflict OF authority among ',
he co ordinate branches of the Government. :.
p--As TO THE COLONIZATION OF The FREE =,
BLACKS.
For many years | hare been connect d Z"
18th the American Colonization So, iety, of
hich the rising young State of Liberia is hi
he FIRST fruit. l consider the object both $,
umane and wise, bene6cent alike 10 the 7.
zee blacks who emigrste. and TO the whites
HON they leave behind But Africa is dis :,
INT. and presents SO many obstacles to rapid +
st,lement tina. we cannot indulge the hope
! drawing off in that direction the growing &C
umbers of our free black population. The Isl
op;cal regions of America, / think, offer a ~
II better prospec, both for and for them. iu
rH-As TO ANY INEQUALITY OF RIGHTS
AMONG AMERICAN CITIZENS.
recognize no rights among American cit, ;,
ems. but such as expressly laid down in 'o'
e Constitution: and | hold tina. our Gov 81
ument is bound to protect all the citizens. ~
the enjoyment of all their rights eve 70,
where. and against all assaiisn,s: aud :.
TO these rights there is no difference be.
Teen citizens born. and citizens made such ca
law.
H-AM IN FAVOR OF THE CONSTRUCTION us
OF A RAILROAD FROM THE VALLEY OF 1ur IN