Holmes County Republican. [volume] (Millersburg, Holmes County, Ohio) 1856-1865, 1860-08-09


in death, shed tears of anguish, and gave utter
ance TO his despair. Over this, again, the veil
has been carefully and closely drawn by the
guardians of Mr.. Douglas fame. His admirers
have acted wisely. rs it has prevented, doubt
less, many unpleasant surmiser and suggestions.
To thai bOldest, and trucst, and greatest of all
the warriors in the battle for right, David c.
Broderick, is Mr.. Douglas indebted for his res
cue from whirlpool which would certainly
have ingulied him-irom a stain which would
have obliteraled his heroism in connection
with cause 10 which he has so ostentatiously
professed TO devote himself. / withhold the
words in which the scathing rebuke was cloth
ed. And yet this noblest and most self-sacri-
ticing of men, Mr.. Douglas protector. the mar
tyr 10 truth, who in the fullness of his heart
and on his dying couch exclaimed, They have
killed me, they have murdered ne, because |
was opposed 10 the extension of slavery and a
corrupt administration, upon his return home.
and in an hour Of his sternest trial, when tight
ing. like Spar;acus, upon his bended knees,
against the pensioned hordes of the present dy-
nasty, and at a time he had a right to expect all
possible aid from the man whose interest he
had made his own, found all the sympa-
thies of Mr.. Douglas extended to his appInents.
and himself treated rs an enemy and oficast.-
If we would respect the remory of Broderick
we can never support Douglas; it would be a
mark of baseness and servility. 1t there was
ever true son of the North, inhumanly bro
ken in spirit, and who had reason TO exelaim,
"Save me from my friends" that man was Da-
vid c. Broderick Had Stephen A. Douglas
but discharged his duty he sacredly owed him,
he would have gained victory for freedom in
California, and would to-day, in my opinion,
be living in the land. and acknowledged one Of
the foremost men in the republic. He laid
down his life to attest his sincerity; many who
professed to love him will. in wild revel and
reckless exultation, utter the name of him who
could not find time or opportunity to speak n
word in eulogy over the grave OF the departed
votary. Inscribe the name Broderiek In merry
characters upon your banners-he was your
champion-and you at least can afford to do
him Justice. He rests in peace on the heights
of the proud city of the Pacific, where no In
gratitude can longer wound him, relieved from
the warfare between heartless faetions,and where
his ashes Will remain a memento of his faith
and his confidence in the ultimate triumph Of a
down-trodden humanity.
Those references have been made for single
purpose-to satisfy, if doubts exist, that in the
great struggle between the South and the
North. to secure the long lost equality of the
latter, Mr. Douglas is against us. Should more
recent evidences be demanded, the let an exam
ination be made of the Congressional Globe
containing the bal OTIS for Speaker and Clerk
during the last session of the House of Repre-
sentatives. Ascertain what the action of the IL
linois. Western and Northwestern Democracy
was during the protracted contest for an organ
ization. Every vote that Mr.. Douglas could
influence was invariably cast for such candidates
as the South presented, including those of the
most extreme and revolutionary character. He
could afford no assistance TO any one not recog-
nized by the propagandists as orthodox upon
all questions which concerned them. And
very well remember when the name of Col
Forney was mentioned in connection with the
Office he now occupies. and his fate was TO be
decided, how diligently "the great advocate of
Popular Sovereignty" labored for his defeat;
every devotee of MIR. Douglas voting against
him with one exception. Mr.. Morris of Illinois,
in whom / have great confidence, declined to
vote at all. Col. Forney, who never besitated
to advance the fortunes of Mr.. Douglas. when
he could properly do so, was elected in spite
of Mr.. Douglas. Col. Forney. l presume, was
not indorsed by the Democracy who swear by
the popular institution. Others may choose to
forget all this, and L will not criminate them
for doing so, but promise never to forget it
| am for my friends, and against those who
oppose my friends. If l am wrong in this, let
charity be extended to mel cannot help it.
have said all l desire to say of the Repre-
sentatives of the two Democracies. There is 4
preference between them. The one is out-spo-
ken and evident; the other is concealed and
tricky. OF the two l much prefer Mr.. Breck-
euridge, and yet | cannot imagine the cifcum-
stances under which could be induced to sup
port him. He asserts that the Supreme Court
has decided that slavery is an existing eonstitu-
tional institution in all our Territories and that
it is the duty of the Government TO sustain it
where it thus legally exists. Mr.. Douglas con-
tends that the courts have not yet so decided,
but. if they shall do so, it will then become the
duty of all goods citizens TO respect the decision,
and of every branch of the Federal Govern
ment to enforce it with promptness and fidelity.
This is his platform. If our Federal Court has
not already given a decision in accordance with
the notions of Mr. Breckenridge, no one doubts
it will do so as soon as the question shall be
brought distinctly before it. So at best the on
ly point of disagreement between these rival
candidates is that of time ouly. If in the lam
guage of the resolution adopted by the Conven-
tion placing Mr.. Douglas in nomination and
Just partly quoted, it becomes the duty of all
good citizens to respect, and of every branch
of the Federal Government to enforce, a judicial
decision determining the constitutional exist
ence of slavery in our Territories, what be-
comes of that other theory of Mr.. Douglas, that
no matter what the Supreme Court may decide,
slavery may be excluded from Territory by
unfriendly legislation?
Those advocating the claims of Mr.. Bell,
would please everyb body by promising nothing.
They compose the party of extreme faith
They stand upon Constitution without inter-
probation, and upon an endangered Union with
out announcing the means by which it can be
saved.
7 10 I,,k
doctrines between which we can choose when
we come to deposit our ballots. One is, that
the Constitution favors Slavey as we'll as free
dom that neither has advantage over the other;
that they must travel together and exist togeth
or under equal protection, until the territory
shall be clothed with State Sovereignty; and
that both are alike national. The other is, that
the Constitution treats Slavery as a local mu-
nieipal institution; does not give it single at
tribute of nationality; that it has not an equal
status with freedom; and that its extension is to
be discouraged. How shall we act upon these
opposing views? Ianswer the inquiry: Our Ia
boring classes deserve all the encouragement
and protection we can give them; Southern
statesmen regard them as white slaves; let US
not surrender them to such mercies as the own
ers of chattel labor would extend to them. Our
farmers and manufacturers have long been cut
off from The bounties of legislation, by the
force of Southern prejudice; we should enlist
on their side. Our country has suffered much
in estimation of mankind, from our manifested
attachmentto system, notoriously in counter
action to the principles upon which our Govern
meat was founded; considerations of morality,
expediency, and consistency should incline us
to do all that we lawfully may do. to save our
selves further imputatiens. Slavery within the
States stands behind impregnable defenses; but
it holds no charter to travel without restraint.