New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-12-19
TIKI POPULAR VOTE.

of the popular vote in his favor ms Is true,
but it is also true that on the great issue raised
at the late Presidential Election those who now
undertake to dictate terms to the nation, and to
demand concessions and guarantees as the sole
condition OF their continuance in the Union, were
out voted, on the most liberal calculation IN their
favor, at least two to one.
The great question at issue in the late Pres-
identiul election was the relation OF Slavery 10
tho Territories of the United States. 1t was in
sisted BY the ultra Southern politicians that the
Constitution of the United States, by its own
force. carried Slavery into all the Territories,
and that no power exists anywhere, either IN
Congress or in the Territorial Legislatures, TO
e.clude it,: while, on the other hand Congress 10
bound to protect it there. IL was upon TINS
;ssue and in behalf of this doctrine, that the
secession from the Democratic Convention took
place at Charleston and Baltimore, and that the
seceders, repudiating the nomination OF Mr..
Douglas by the majority of that Convention,
brought Mr.. Breckenridge into the field.
There existed differences between the Repub-
leans and Mr.. Douglas as to the respective
movers of Congress and the Territorial Leglsla.
lures over this question Of Slavery in the Terri
tories; but both the Republicans and the sup
porters of Mr.. Douglas agreed in rejecting that
view Of the constitutional existence OF Slavery in
the Territories, and of the obligation of Congress
TO protect il there, which those who nominated
and supported Mr.. Breckenridge made the funda-
mental doctrine of their political creed The case
is very fairly and correctly stated by Mr.. Senator
Iyerson, in his late speech in the Senate. After
declaring that the States now moving for seces-
sion will never be satisfied with any concession
made by the North that does not fully recognize,
not only the existence of Slavery as it now is,
but also "the right of the Southern people to
.semigrate to the common Territories with their
I" slave property, and their right 10 Congressional
:. protection uhile in The Territory" Mr.. Iverson
adds: 1.-THE recent battle in the North was
fought upon that very issue Mr.. Breckin-
ridges friends put him upon the very ground
4" of protection TO slave property, and it was on
that ground he carried the Cotton States" A.
TO what Mr.. Iverson contemptuously speaks of
as Squatter-Sovereisnty, In
tending thereby the doctrines of Mr.. Douglas and
bis supporters, he puts that precisely on par,
40 far as relates TO its effects on Slavery, with
the doctrines of the Republicans
Mr.. IyersOn also claims that the supporters OF
the Bell-Eyerett ticket were in favor of the same
doctrine Of Congressional protection to Slavery In
the Territories This may be true to a certain
extent in the Cotton States, where many of the
Bell.E Everett champions have come out since the
election in favor of Secession. But it certainly is
not true to any great extent OF the States OF
Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, which gave
maiorities for Bel. The shareholders of those
States were and are no doubt ready enough to
accept Congressional protection for Slavery in
the Territories, if the North can be prevailed
upon to concede it but their very refusal to
support Mr. Breckenridge on that issue shows
dissemination to make it the turning point of our
politics.
To be on the safe side, however, let us cOncede,
for the purpose of this argument, that all the Bel
and Everett, as well rs oil the Breckenridge
voters, were in favor of Congressional protection
to Slavery in the Territories. Still We must
count in the negative on this point all the
Republicans, and all the supporters of Mr..
Douglas. What then was the division of the
popular vote on this question, as shown by the
result of the Presidential election To prevent
all csyiling we will take, for this purpose, the
figures of The N. T. Herald, which cannot be
supposed to have any leanipgs unfayOrabe to the
South. According to the calculations of that
journal, the whole number of votes cast at the
late election was 1859, 1876. OF this number
1858, 200 were for Lincoln ,276, $50 for Douglas.
el2, 800 for Breckenridge and 735, 50i for Bel.
That is TO say the combined Lincoln and Douglas
vote against this new.faDgled claim set up BY
the South, of Congressional protection to Slavery
in the Territories, amounts to 3,l3, $50, while
the united vote of Breckenridge and Bell, in its
favor amounts only to ,54s,094. Thus it ap.
pears that by the popular vote, the great point
involved in the election, the question, namely, of
Congressional protection to Slavery in the Terri
tories, was decided in the negative by majority
Of more than two to one.
Thus contessedly left in q popular minority of
one to two, it is certainly u little cool on the
part of the advocates of Congressional protection
to Slavery in the Territories to turn round and
u''ioic that tho t"othifuS vi thc votes Of the
Union must yield to the One-thrd, or they will
break up the Union. 1t little becomes those who
are inclined to support such outrageous preten-
siOns, put forth on behalf of defeated minority.
to take exception to the popular vote east for
Lincoln. To adopt as the basis of our policy
doctrine and practice just before voluntarily re-
jected by q popular majority of two to one, and
to adopt it, too in consequence of threats resulting
from that rejection, would perhaps give quite as