New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1860-03-16

Senator Foot of Vermont to the Presidency would
not be sufficient excuse for dssolving the Union
The difference between Davis and Brown, as de-
veloped by recent discussions, ia this: While both
are in aTor ftbs slave code, Brown wants it now,
and Davis thinks and knows that if it ia passed now,
the Presidential election is inevitably lost Or, to
put II in the precise shape in which it appears in the
Senatorial debates, Brown thinks that the exigency
now exists, while Davis thinks 1t does not now
exist. 1t is wen known that the Democratic Sena-
toral caucus has agreed to support Dayiss resolu-
lions. Brown is satisfied with nearly all of them.
He agrees to support the first, second, third, sixth
and seventh and has only verbal criticism to make
upon the fourth The fifth he proposes TO amend.
Days's resolution reads thus:
Reored That experience should any time prove that
the judicial and executive authority DO not posses. means 20 In
and II the Territorial Government should fail refuse to pro
vide the necessary remedies FOR that purpose VIII be the duty
Brown says he shall move TO amend It by substl-
tuting the following:
That experience having already shown that the Constitution
and the common law unaided by statutory enactment do not
Of the Teories having failed having refused pas
II has become the duty ofCopgss to nterpos
tories protection which given to other Kinds Of property
No man can read these two propositions without
seeing that the whole question is one of immediate
political expediency. Brown is clearly right when
he says that experience has already shoon that the
Constitution and the common law do not afford sui-
cient protection to slave property. The recent leg
islation in Kansas and Nebraska is sufficient evi-
dence of this Kansas has abolished and prohibited
Slavery, in spite of Gov. Aledary; and Nebraska
has been unsuccessful 10 the same enterprise only
because the Ant. Slavery men in her Legislature
were not quite numerous enough to override the
veto Of the Governor. Gen. Davis must see this as
clearly as his colleague. He does seei it. But he is
ten years older and twenty years more prudent
than he was in 1850. He has had an important
share in administering the Government since that
time and has no sort Of objection to enter upon the
snme line of public service in 1861. 1t will not do,
he knows perfectly well, to undertake to pass the
sDaye-code now. 1t must wait until after November,
1860 Mr. Brown must moderate his zeal and re-
strain his turbulency till that time.
We are able to see now, quite as clearly as we
shall see after the Charleston Convention has dis
solved, what the Democratic platform for lS6l-65
is to be, in case that party carries the cleo
ton Congressional Legislation for the protection
of Slavery in the Territoriesthis is the established
programme. II will make no difference who is the
President elect this experiment will be tried. The
platforms of the party are not established at Balt
more, and Cincinnati, and Charleston, but in the
Senate of the United States This body has for
years given direction to the policy Of the party, and
it will continue to do so. The moment the Presi-
dental election is decided, if the decision is in favor
of the Democratic party, we shall be informed by
the unanimous voice of the Senators representing
that party Gen. Davis at their head, that the ext
gency requiring slave code has arrived. Senator
Browns language viii then be accepted rs the
literal truth, and we shall be pointed to
the legislation Of Kansas and Nebraska
and told that experience has already shown that
the Constitution and the common law are made
auate, and that Congress must interfere by the en-
actment of statute. The failure of the Kansas
Nebraska bill, and of the LecomptOn Con-
sttution and of the other measures of slave
holding aggression, will not deter the Shareholders
from making this new assault upon the patience OF
the people. One Of the chief motives which have
governed them in their recent acts of Legislation
against the interests and feelings Of the Northern
States has been a design to degrade them by
placing hostile laws upon the statute-book, and
e. familiarize the public mind with the sight OF
q great people acquescing in the most fagran.
wrongs and the most degrading insults; in other
words, TO break down the spirit of the North.
These experiments will continue to be tried, though
in practice as means Of security to slave property,
they may fail. Senator Brown, who labors through
speech seven or eight columns long TO prove that
slave property is entitled to the same protection in
Kansas and Nebraska other property; thati does
not now get it, and that Congress must interfere,
knows perfectly well that he cannot frame an act
strongly or ineeniousy enough to effect his purpose
against the wishes aud purposes of the people. He
may argue, with never SO much subtlety that the
right of man to his slave is as sacred as his right
to his horse or his plOw; but he knows, or will DO
made to know, that the instincts Of the human
heart contradict bis theories and will put at nought
hs LEGISLATION. But the shareholders cannot resist
the tendency to aggression, if they would. They
are fighting for political supremacy; they mean to
reduce the North to political condition which
will render Senator Mason's designation, "servile
Estates" the only one applicable. Every statute
they enact, every j%licial decision they impose
upon the people helps forward this purpose. Every
act of infamous legislation furnishes precedents for
more Infamous acts to come afterward. Douglas
traces the repeal of the Missouri Compromise to
the legislation of 1850, itself an outrage upon the
Free States The slave code will be traced, III Like
manner In the legislation of 1854 and the reopen