Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1860-1862, 1860-12-24

SOAub.Ou IA anu lONGlQS lie aus
archy and the bioodshed, fear, that are 10
follow. Isay, sir, we are in the presence of
great events. We must elevate ourselves
to the level of the occasion. No party war
fare about mere party measures ought now TO
engage our attention. They are lett behind;
they are dust in the balance. The life. the
existence OF our country, our Union, is the
mighty question; and we must elevate our
selves to all those Considerations which be-
long tosthis high subject.
hope, therefore, gentlemen will be dis
posed to bring the sincerest spirit of eoncili-
alton, the sincerest spirit and desire to adjust
all these difieultis, and to think nothing OF
any little concessions of opinions that they
may make, if thereby the Constitution and
the country can be preserved.
The great difficulty here, sir know it, !
recognise il as the difficult question. partic-
ularly with the gentlemen from The North
is the admission of this line of division for
the territory, and the recognition of slavery
on the one side, and the prohibition of il on
the other. The recognition of slavery on
the southern side of that line is the great
difficulty, the great question with them. Now.
beseeeh them to think, aud you, Mr.. Presi-
dent, and all to think. whether. for such a
comparative trifle as that, the Union of this
country Is to be sacrificed. Have we realized
to ourselves the mOmentOus consequences OF
such an event? When has the world seen
such al event? This is mighty empire. It's
existence spreads its influence throughout
the civilized world. It's overthrow woaid be
The greatest shock hat civilization and free
government have received; more extensive
in its Consequences; more fatal to mankind
aud to the great principles upon which the
liberty of mankind depends, than the French
revolution, with all its blood aud with all its
war and violence. And all for what? Upon
questions concerning this line of division be-
tween slavery and freedomt Why, Mr.. Pres
ident, suppose this day all the Southern
States, being refused this right; being re-
fused this partition; being denied this privi-
Iege,t were 10 separate. from the Northern
States, and do it peacefully add then were to
come to Sou peacefully and say. 'let there
be no war between us; let US divide fairly the
Territories of the United Siates;n could the
Northern section of the country refuse so just
a demand7 What would you then give them?
What would be their fair proportion? If you
allowed them their fair relative proportion
would you not give them as much as is now
proposed to be assigned on the Southern side
of that line, ard would they not be at liberty
to carry their slaves there if they pleased
You would give hem the whole of that; and
then what would be its fate!
Is it upon the general principle Of humani-
w. iuGls tndt 1tu aU4i ASS PNSiiSNAA
Senatorsl wish TO put an end to slavery. or
is it to be urged by YOU as mere topic and
point OF party controversy to sustain party
power? Surely give you credit for looking
at it upon broader aud more generous prlnci-
pies Then. in the worst event, after you
have encountered disunion, that greatest of
all political calamities to the people of this
country, and the disunionists come, the sepa-
rating States come, and demand or take
their portion of the Territories. they can
take, aud will be entitled to take ali that
viii now lie on the souih ern side of the line.
which | have proposed. Then they viii
have right to permit slavery to exist in it,
and what do you gain Tor the cause of anti
slavery? Nothing whatever. Suppose you
should refuse their demand, and claim the
whole for yoursAlves? that would be fla
grant injustice which you would not be will
Jag that should suppose would occur. But
it YOU did what would be the consequences!
A State North and State South, aud all
the States, North and South, would b. at
t Inpting TO grasp at and seize this territory.
and to get all of it that they could. That
would he thu struggle. and you would have
war; and not only disunion, but all these IA
tai consequences would follow from your re-
fusaI now to permit slavery to exist, to re-
cOgnize it as existing on the sou hern side Of
the proposed line, while you give to the pPo-
pie there the right to exclude il when they
come to form State goVernment,if such
should be their will and pleasure.
Now, gentlemen, in view of this subject,
in view of the nj ghty consequences, In view.
of the great events which are present before
you. aud of the mighty consequences which
are Just now to take effect, is ii not better 10
settle the question by a divisionaupon the
line of the Missouri COMPROMISED For thirty
years we lived quietly and peacefully under
il. Our people, North and South, were ac-'
customed to look at it as a proper and just.
line. Can we not do so again? We did it
then to preserve the peace of the country.
Now you see this Union in the moss immi-
nent danger. l declare to you that it is my
solemn conviction that unless something be
done, and something equivalent to this pro-
position. we shall be a separated and divided
people in six months from this time. That is
my firm conviction. There is no man here
who deplores it more than l do: but it is my
sad and melancholy Conviction that that will
be the consequence l wish you to realize
fully the danger. l wish you to realize fully
the consequences which are to follow. You
can give increased stability to this Union;
you can give it an existence, q glorious ex-
istence. Tor great and glorious centuries to
come, by now setting 1t upon permanent
basis recognizing what the South considers as
its rights; and this is the greatest of them
all: il is that you should divide the territory
by this line and allow the people south of it
to have slavery when they are admitted into
the Union as States, and TO have it during
the existence of the Territorial government.
That is all Is ii not the cheapest priceeat
which such blessing as this Union was eFer
purchased? You think, perhaps, or some OF
you. that there is no danger, that it will but
thunder and pass away. Do not entersain
such a fatal delusiOn. l tell you il is not SO.
| tell you that as sure "a we stand here dis
union will progress. fear it may swallow
up even I'D Kentucky in its vortex-as true
a Stat. to the Union as yet exists in the whoe
Coufederacy-unlsss something be done; but
that you will have diSunion. that anarchy
and war will follow it. that all this will take
place in six monthsI believe as confidently
as l believe in your presence want TO sat
sfy you of the fact.
Mr.. President. rise TO suggest another
l have been surprised to
ind. upon little examination. hat when the
D ace of 1883 was made, which cagniz
The Independence of this county by Gfe At
Britain. the States north Of Mason aud DIX
on 3 line had butsa territory of one hundred
and sixty-fOur thousand. square miles, while
the States south of Mason and Dixon's line
had more than six hundred thousand square
miles. It was so divided. Virginia Short
" afterwards eeded to the United Stats all
hat noble territory northwest of the Ohio
river, aud excluded slavery from it. That
changed the relative proportion of territory.
After that the North had four hundred aud
twenty five thousand square mills. aud the
South three hundred and eighty five thoo-
san1. Thus. at once, by the eo0cession of Vir-
yinia, the North, from one hundred and six
Iy-iour thousand, rose to four hlndred aud
twenty-five thousand square miles, and the I
South feli from six hundred thousand to
thcee hundred and eighty five thousand
square miles. By that cessioa the South be 1
came smaller in extent than the North. Well.
let us look beyond. l intend to take up as
little time as possible, and to avoid details;
bat take all your subsequent acquisitions OF
Florida. of Louisiana, of Oregon, OF Texas.
aud the acquisitions made from Mexico
They have heen so divided and .eo dfsnoSad-