The Oxford intelligencer., 1860-07-04

the states Of Greece fought for liberty against
the countless army of Persia. Strongly fortified
in the narrow pass they stood unmoved like the
rock in the ocean, against which wave after
wave dashes itself to pieces, until traitors to
Greece stole into the Persian camp, and. told
them how they could surround and destroy
them And SO it was at Charleston. Had the
South been united the advancing waves Of
Squatter Sovereignty would have rolled harm
less over their heads, and Douglas and his min
/ ions would have been driven back in defeat
But the moral strength of her resistance was
broken by the boaslful gascOnading Of the few
Douglas men of the South, and there were found
men who crept at midnight into the camp of the
enemy, and taught them how, by the unit rule,
they could break our phalanx, and perhaps de-
stroy us.
Fellow-ctizens, 7 have detained you long, and
as am to be followed by my sdnguishedifiend,
/ the representative from Arkansas, who is far
better able than myself to discuss these ques-
/ tions, must say few words as to the consisten-
cy Of Mr. Douglas, and the reasons given for his
nomination, and then have done. 1t is said in
/ the first place, that he is the only man who can
beat the Black Republicans. Without stopping
| to show that this is untrue, let me ask of what
profit it win be TO us to surrender our constitu-
/ tional rights for such a purpose. Mark me, fel-
low. citizens, it is but trick, an artfuy devised
scheme, to rob MS of our rights 4 distinguished
gentleman Of my State, Judge Thompson, of the
! Seventh Judicial District, has so aptly llustra-
| ted this attempt to scduce us from our rights,
that must borrow his illustration. There was
time when the liberties Of Rome were threat
cncd by one whose gra spng ambition sought the
imperial diadom Of the Imperial eity-one who
had done much and achieved great victories for
Rome, and now another great contest was i'm
pending over her. There was death-struggle
to be made against the Parthans that terrible
and wailikc people Of the Fast. The soothsayers
were consulted, and they reported that the Par
thians could not be conquered except under a
king. When thcrcport came in, concocted as it
was by the friends Of the aspirant friend arose
in the Roman Senate, and moved that Caesar be
made king to whip the Partlians.
The rights and liberties Of Rome to be s;rren-
dorcd-thc hateful race of kings to be restored,
10 whip the Parthians And so we arc asked to
acknowledge that we are not the equals Of
Northern men-that we arc not entitled to equal
protection on the high seas or in the Territories,
to bow our necks in submission, to make Doug
las President, to whip the Black Republicans.
shame upon such cravcn-hcartcd policy.
D1y-t, f,.,tlt.rf | trrt.t mot fhp trl
NGor shall the South destiny meet
So black with dshonor--so toni with retreat,
Tho her pcrshiur ranks bc strcwCd ia their gore
Like the ocean-wecd heapcd on the surf beaten
TGe south. sim undauntcd by nsht or by chains,
Nhlc-thc kindIiug of life in her bosom remains
Shall victor eyult--or in death be ldd low,
With her back to the field and her feet Go the Toe;
And leaving in battle no stain on her name,
Look cNuting to heaven from the death-5od ofiame
No, my ftow-ciuzcns, we viii never submit
to such degradation. We have no desire to cs-
cape The clutches Of Blacl, Republicaniam by
rushing into the embrace Of one whose doctrines .
arc proclaimed by Bl Thayor, as better than .
the Wilmot Proyiso for his purposes.
If VIC must die let il not be by slow and
painful process. If we are to resist, letus doit
when the frame is full Of life and yigor. Lctus
not wait until our whole system is poisoned and
worn down, and our hearts best blood grown
thin with disease. II death must conc-lct it
come on the battlc-plains, in an open field and
fair fght let it come quick, like The lightning
fash which rivcs the mighty oak-but, oh Col,
let me not die by inches.
The question Of Mr. Douglas consistency has
bccn too often Travelled over, to need comment
from me If he believed in 1854 that the Terri
torial Governments were sovereign, why did he
labor so hard to prove that Congress had Ia right
to govern them and deTidcl that power from the
right to admit new States? Why did he wish to
repeal laws passed by the Kansas Legislature
why did he not, in the amendment to give them
power to elect all their officers vote for il? Why
did he insist, in the Locomptcn debate, on the
necessity for an enabling act to form a State
Constitution. and why did he vote against The
admission Of Kansas with a slavery Constitution
formed by the people themselves? Why did he
he not boldly proclaim, from the first, that they
could exclude slavery? Why stopat the half
way house, and say they could do It by MONACO
ton and unfiendly legislation? But that he
lid not so believe IS manifest from his whole re-
cord, and that he never entertained that doctrine
until he wrote his Harper article, is beyond dis
pute.
The report which he made to the Senate, in
1856. on the Topeka Constitution enunciates a /
very different doctrine from that Of The magazine ,
article.
"The sovereignty Of Territory remains in s
lbevaucc suspended in the United States, in trust
FOR the people, until they shall be admitted into .
Inc Union as State. In the meantime they are
admitted to enjoy and exercise al TIE right. aud
privileges Of self government in subordination {
10 the Constitution Of the United States. and in
obedience to the organic law passed by Congress
IN pursuance Of that instrument. These rights
md privileges arc all derived from the Consti- {
uiion through the act Of Congress, and must :
be exercised and enjoyed in suhiection to al the
limitations and restrictions which that Consti-
ution imposes"
The letter which he addressed to a Philadel- {
,hia meeting IN February, $3.50, is more ex- q
1licit:
"Undcr our Territorial system it requires :
sovereign power to establish and oFdain Consti- :
utious and Governments. While Territory
nav. and should enjoy all the rights Of se,lgay-