Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1860-08-22

party, by its course, practically denies IT IL WOuo
seem to be proposition too plain to require an ar
from the North an admission of its policy on these
questions, it should have policy, and plainly and
distinctly declare it The South has policy. an
unanimous opinion, as to how slavery ought to be
dealt with; all parties share it; independently Of
party influences there is no difference of opinion
whatever on that point Yet, strange to say, not,
wthstanding our views have been assailed, and our
rights denied, by nearly the whole North, we have
never united in claiming, much less in defending
them. 1t is the strongest case OF SELF aonegaton,
the world has ever seen. Is it any wonder that we
have never succeeded IN procuring our rights to be
recognized? Who is to blame-our Northern breth-
rem or ourselves?
Ignorant as they are of our social condition and
wants, how can we expect them to volunteer and
search up our rights and come forward and concede
our wants. They naturally expect that we will
claim our rights, and, if they are valuable. claim
them earnestly. That is their course. knowing
what we once were, and from what stock we have
descended they cannot believe that we are afraid to
claim our rights lest they should get mad.
This policy of silence and evasion is a failure; it
argues timidity, for which there is no cause, and
which is unworthy of brave people. Besides, we
have tried it long enough and the Republicans will
not allow it to us any longer. He is blind, who
does not see the issue is forced on us.
In January, 1921, Mr.. Jefferson, writing to Mr.
Adams, said surely they will parley awhile, and
let as get out of the way" We of this generation
might entertain the same wish; but they have par
leyed, and will parey no longer. At the last session
of Congress, Mr.. Seward announced, the day of
compromises is past; henceforth We stand on the
Constitution" what that meant those who know
that genteman's construction of the Constitution,
well understand.
repeat these great questions must be met and
settled n0o, while it may be done honorably and
peaceaby there is danger in delay In my opinion,
therefore, the policy of the Bell party, which con-
sists in ignoring these questions, and putting off
their settlement is fatally erroneous.
How does the National Democratic party, Of
which Breckenridge is the representative, propose
to deal with this question of slavery By declaring
in eords free from equiroeation as possible, the
plain rights Of tile States under the Constitution
and claiming them firmly. We intended to do SO
at Cincinnati in 1885, and We think we have sue
ceeded now. need not copy our platform. only
refer to it. All that We claim in that, is clearly
ours; the Supreme Court have said so, no Southern
man will deny it.
Is it wise to claim our clear rights in this solemn
name? l think it is; think We must claim them
now, or give up forever.
By this solemn Declaration of Rights, We appeal
to the justice of the people of the Northern States
shall support the appeal, it will not be in vain.
We live under government Of public opinion ;
whatever that DEGREES, the Legislature enacts and
the Executive performs; it is the final arbiter of all
controversies By that great tribunal, our rights
must be determined If VIC refuse to claim them,
they are already lost. Let us claim them. then,
clearly and fearlessly. '"Truth is mighty" and it
would lie unjust to the Northern people to hold in
advance that, before them, it will not prevail.
In my opinion, therefore, it is the first duty Of
every one who believes that are entitled to the
rights claimed in the Democratic platform, to give
to the demand for them all the moral support that
he can, by voting for Breckenridge. Not to do so,
is to weaken the demand; to make it the demand Of
part, not of ALL and to invit. its rejection. Un-
til this united demand is made and refused let the
South be quiet 1t is idle to complain Of rights
withheld, that have never BEEN claimed of wrongs
that are acquiesccd in.
But, perhaps, this united appeal now for the first
time made, to the sense of justice of the Northern
people, may fail. Well, we are none the worse of
for having made it; our claim remains of record,
and the sober second thought" may come But il,
after ALL the appeal should fail What then ?-Shali
We set quietly and permit ourselves to be imprison-
ed by wall Of free States and accept the inevitable
result? Shall the "irrepresslble conflict" be fought
out within our own borders? grave and solemn
question to the Democracy of North Carolina, to
the Opposition to the stakeholder to the landhodcr
to the laborer. to every man with property, and to
every man without property inhabitng within her
limits-not question Of party, but Of property,
liberty and life. Every man must decide at his
peril as, whatever may be done, he will participate
in the result
To the government of North Carolina, in being
when the contingency arises, it will belong to give
the answer of the State, and hold myself bound to
obedience, whatever 1t may be. am no candidate
for Office. do not follow after popularity or dread
unpopularity. can, therefore, speak frankly and
without speaking for any one esc-for myself, |
say that, rather than submit to the unspeakablc
horrors Of such prison. would carry the war
from my freside to the frontier. am for safety
and equality in the Union, or independence out
of it.
Some black Republicans have the audacity to say
that we are trying to bully the North, and some
presses in North Carolina that are seeking dis
union For myself ! deny it--for my party dis
believe it. Coming from without, it is the false cry
Of an enemy, and may he disregardcd- with
in, of enemy, in the disguise of riend-a trail
torous cry, intended to divide and paralyze us.
What is the Union! Prior to TIT, the States
were wholly independent OF each other each made
its own laws, and collected its own duties In that
year they formed Union, by agreeing to articles
Of Confederation; in 1889 they formed closer
union oy adopting the present Constitution. INC
Constitution, then, is the Union-there is no other
1t may be dissolved, by refusing to perform Consti-
tutional obligations; and to the extent that any
State persists in doing So to that extent is the Union
with that State dissolved. The New England States
have dissolved it. to the extent of obstructing the
execution of the fugitive slave law and of exciting
insurrection in Virginia. Wisconsin has dissolved
it. to the extent Of refusing the surrender of the
murderers engaged with John Brown, who escaped
to that State Ohio has dissolved it, to the extent
of refusing to surrender fugitive from justice in
dicted far stealing slaves in Tennessee 1t is diff
cult to see how an interior State could go further in
dssolving it But the Constitution being the Union
the Union can never be dissolved by the assertion
of rights under the Constitution.
A slight consideration of the motives which led
to the formation of the Union, will cause the most
timid to dismiss all fears of its dissolution. The
anti slavery sentiment was as strong in Massachu
sets in 1889 as now the people Of New England
are as open to consideration of interest now as they
were then It was not any scntimentalism towards