The Evansville daily journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1848-1862, 1860-10-08

who have been Democrats, and who have
acted with that party, who can do so with
out feeling any conjunction. But II any !
of those who have been Wings from honest
Isconvietion can do so, they and / have not
learned Whiggery alike. l will not DO 1t
| if every other man in the State does.
helped to nominate Mr.. Bell, and shall vote
for him and nobody else Now, if all the
| Bell men in the State do so, Douglas viii |
/ have Just as many votes, whether Hendricks
or Lane is elected Governor. To help our
| Kentucky friends, therefore. we must vote
/ for Hendricks and Douglas both. -H
Suppose we vote for Lane, and he is
| thereby elected. What do we gain? 1t
/ does not necessarily contribute anything
towards Lincon's carrying the State unless
we vote for him too. If we are all for
| Bell, and nobody else, as | am, we shall not
vote for Lincoln, and, therefore, the Presl-
Dental vote will not be effected by our vote
for Governor-that is if we all stick to
| Bell for President, the vote OF the State IN
| November will not be changed by our vote
for Governor The idea of its being chang
ed contemplates that we are to abandon Bell
which ann unwilling to do.
But We do gain something by Lanes cleo
ton, in my judgment, and, therefore, |
vote for him. He is an Old WAig-educa-,
ted in the faith as taught by Henry Clay.
He aud have fought so many Wing bat
| ties together that / think know all the
| impulses and inclinations of his mind. His
election, therefore, will, upon all the issues
of the old parties, revive the spirit of Whlg-
geraf for which have been all The time la
boring. That will be something gained.
! But it is said that Lane advocates the
Wilmot ProvisO. That's true, but it is an
abstraction, and the Democratic Senate can
keep it from being passed during Lincoln's
administration, If he is elected The press
ent status OF slavery cannot be changed
during the next four years. Hence, there
is no necessity for the proviso. Nobody
supposes it possible for slavery TO go TO
Pixies Peak. Besides Mr.. Hendricks adj
vocates "Squatter Sovereignty, and if T
lived in the South and wanted to extend
slavery, | would prefer the WilmOt Provi-
So for that can be met and fought in Cons
gress while Squatter Sovereignty is but
synonym for freedom. Each, however,
alike continues agitation-the one in Con-
gress the other in the Territories. The last
is far the worst, as the,bloed shed in Kansas
) shows
We all disagree with Lane and Hendricks
both, and have got to choose between them
or not vote at all. In 1856 many of us
chose not to vote at all, because there was
|
er of the candidates, though our Kentucky
friends advised us to vote for Morton. But
} not so now. There are points of agreement
between us and Lane. We agree almost
entirely upon every question except that of
strengthening been Wings together
Now, if, rs Governor of the State, he has
nothing to 90 with slavery, and his cleo
ton will do anything towards reviving the
principles of the Wing party, is it not
manifestly our true policy to vote for him
If we vote for Hendricks we shall perpetu-
ate Democracy in the State, and when it
comes to shout again at the revival of its
power, we shall be greeted by the cries of
Plug Uglyism" 90 Know Nothingism"
81 Midnight Assassins," and all those other
sounds so hateful to the foreign earl Did
anybody ever hear of Democrats making a
party bargain that they didn't gain by it
1t will beso now, if we make one.
But we are urged to defeat Lincoln that
Bell may be elected by the House, which
assumes that Lincoln is likely to be elected
by the people. If the election goes to the
House, | hope Bell will be elected-but how
it is to be done puzzles me not a little. 1t
takes the votes of Ia States to elect. OF
these we have one, Douglas one, Lincoln
fifteen, Beeckinridge fourteen, and there are
two tied between Americans and Demo-
he may possibly, but not certainly give us
one-that makes two The breach between
2 him and the Breckenridge men is so great
that he cannot give us any of their four
teen votes-that's certain. So that we will
! have to make another bargain when we get
into the House in order to get them. That
: we cannot do, if they carry majority of
. the Southern States, for they would pre-
vent an election by the House in order to
elect Lane by the Senate. uthow are we
to make a bargain with them Our friends
in the South denounce them as disunionists
thus not only offending them, but making
the breach between us and them wider eve
~ day. Will they forget all this Or if
they do, will they trade with as so as to
give us their votes, unless we give them an
| advantage proportiouate to their greater
J number of States over ours Reasoning
from our general knowledge Of the springs
of political action, we may suppose. not
J What then? Are wet make concessions
to this disunion Democracy, and thereby
make ourselves parties to its doctrine Of Sc
eession, which we have always considered
treason2 | am unwilling to do it, and
think the conservatives of this State are
Can we get any Republican State? The
combinations with Democracy to defeat
them, drives them away still farther from
us ; and they will not be likely to reward
us for it with their votes, unless we make.
terms with them. What terms Nobody
can tell So that the plain proposition sub
mitted to us is, that we must go tosthe
House to elect Mr.. Bell by the votes ofsec-
ttonaG men, and our Kentucky friends think
that they had rather ne should be elected
by the aid of " Southern sectionalists." Do
they not see that they invite others, who
do not see it exactly from their stand point,
to prefer an alliance with "Northern sec
tionalists ~ There lies the danger; for
these things but tend to keep open the
wounds which are already bleeding; where
as, our plain course of duty is to stand
our ground firmly and esehewing all allan
ces with either party, let either come to US,
without bargain or barter, and thus let the