Delaware inquirer. (Wilmington, Del.) 1859-18??, 1859-12-17

ously, and honorably, before the world, as well
as the nation.
II the writer has been successful, lie has
made good these propositions:
THAT Congress has no power to establish
or prohibit slavery in a Territory of the United
States, before giving to it Territorial govern
ment, or to protect it after that period.
| lI.-That the right of a citizen to emigrate
into such Territory with slave property, is not
by virtue of any express Constitutional provi-
sion, but because such Territory is the com
mon property of all the States, and there is
nothing in the Constitution denying the right.
III.-That the right only exists because
slaves are property, and their owner entitled
to the same privileges guarantees and protcc-
ton, that appertain to the owner of any other
species of property.
IV-That this being the reason and limit OF
the right, it is subject to all legitimate local
power, to which other property is subject
What being property, and in this regard
nothing, it is within the callegislative power,
wherever such power legitimately exists.
VI-That Territorial government, clothed
with legislative authority, unrestrained except
| by the Constitution of the United States, can
egslate respecting such property, in like man
ner, and to the same extent that ii can legislate
respecting any other property.
vII.-That Congress having nopower itself,
directly to establish, regulate or prohibit the
introduction of such property, they cannot in
granting Territorial government, and vesting
it with Legislative authority, direct that author
ity to do either as that would be-to do them
selves indirectly what they are prohibited from
doing at ALL
VIII.-That slaves being in this view but
property, they are the fl subjects of legislative
power wherever that is constitutionally lodged,
and therefore the proper subjects of Territorial
legislative power.
lX-That the very policy and principle of
giving such power to a Territorial government
in regard to slavery, as domestic institution
of their own, to be admitted, regulated or pro-
hibited as they might deem advisable and
thereby to remove it permanently from Con-
gressional interference and controversy, and
consequent general agitation, was the sole
purpose of the section of the act of 1854, which
amongst other things, repeats the Missouri re-
striction, and which on account of that pur-
pose exclusively, it is believed, received the
almost unanimous vote of the Senators and
Representatives Of the Southern States, and
the votes of the democratic Senators and Re-
representatives. of the free States, who gave it
their support
X.-That this principle was in words affirm
ed by the Cincinnati Convention not merely
as one of expediency, but of constitutional OBJ
legation.
XI.-That besides receiving, when the Act
was passed, and afterwards the sanction OF
President Pierce, it was, in the strongest terms
which our language supplies, endorsed by
President Buchanan in his letter of acceptance
of his nomination, of the 10th of June, 1856
and, finally, that, upon this principle, in regard
especially, to slavery in the Territories during
the territorial State, the presidential canvass
was conducted in every State of the Union,
and resulted in the election of Mr.. Buchanan
ut least as far as his votes in the free States
were concerned, because, and only because, Of
the conviction of the voters in those States
that Congress, the Cincinnati Convention, and
himself, were sincere in its adoption, and that
the same would be carried out in perfect good
faith, and forever terminate, as they all alike
proclaimed to the people would be its result
the almost fatal conynlsion in which it had
already involved the country. If these several
conclusions have been maintained, MS the
writer conscientiously believes, he submits
that it is not only now too late to deny the
doctrine they support, or to avoid it, with any
hope of deluding an intelligent people; but
that such an effort is, and will be considered
equally repugnant to the clearcst obligations
of private and public morality. And, with
such stain upon its good name, and upon
the frankness and honor of its leading states
men, neither the party nor they will deserve
to be hereafter confded in and good sense
and virtue of the people will, on the very first
occasion proclaim their sentence of condemns
ton upon both. But the writer does not share
in the apprehensions of those who anticipate
such folly, as well as abandonment of duty
lie does not believe that great party, claim.
ing for itself, and, in regard to this question
justly claiming, the virtue of nationality, will
be so regardless of its recent policy and pledged
faith MS now to violate both. A few, from
mental weakness, or ultra opinions, or person
al hostility, or private rivalry, may advise such
II course, but it is confidently believed that il
will, and by judgment approximating unani-
nifty, be instantly and absolutely disapproved
and rejected But, should il be otherwise, and
such counses prevail, the party will be certain
to energe from the contest, and deserve the
fate, clean, rent and haggard,' and, what will
be infinitely more dire result, our govern
ment will also be rent from apex to corner
stone.
With few reflections suggested by the sub
ject and the present condition of the country
and these remarks already extended beyond
the writer's original design, will be brought 10
n conclusion.
The democratic success in 1856 was owing
more than to any cause, TO the manner in
which the slavery question WAS disposed of by
Congress, and the party by establishing the
now censured doctrine of popular sovereignty
Then it was approved BY Congress, by the con-
vention, and its nominee. II was esteemed by
President Buchanan as a constitutional princi-
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