The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-05-03

er 10 determine the great conditions OF the Italian question:
hn or would dare % semp any
10 prudent, them to prolong these discussions about
disar ming and sn1t the proongaion and continuance
only with immense cost not, only with great evils and with
great uncertainty the mind OF Europe, but with the
in wSes armed mem Almost Within rs sSO
OF one another, that some accident may happen-eome
pure casualty having no relation 10 the policy or nten
ton OF any Power concerned which may have the effect
Of Lighting up the conagraton, which, lighted up
cannot be extipguishedY (Hear, heAr) this be 30,
humbly urge the az strong reason why
they should not allow themselves TO be kept back from
the commencement Of the negotiations by any difficulty oil
formal or ceremonial character but should, the con-
trary, accelerate 10 the best OF their power the COM
mencsment OF these discussions from which alone,
Tar as we can sce there B expectation OF any 60
neral settlement likely TO lead 70 the permanent main
tenance OF peace There another Jasssage 10 the
speech Of the right honorable gentleman the Chancellor
Of the Exchcquer with respect 10 which should, he
bad not himself already used the epishet with respect
capable OF construction which do not think the right
honorable gentleman wished 10 be put ON it, The right
honorable gentleman saidand these two things were
stated in connection with auoherthat the port or
Trieste was not Italian port but belonged 70 the Ger
Confederation and secondly, that this war should
commence and II II should extend beyond the bounds Of
Italy there material and substantial interests which
IN that might have the effect OF making England
party W il. (Some cries OF "No.'O l DO NOS know
whether represent naccuratey tho statement OF the
Chancellor The cheque but certainly there appeared
70 me TO be connection between the two things az they
stood 10 the right honorable genteman's speech-drs OF
ALL that Tfisse not Italian port and, secondly that
IL the went beyond the borders OF Italy then the
question might assume new aspect for England am
from putting what has fallen from the right honor
able gentleman any construction which would imply
that the government about rashy and hastily, under
any circumstances, 70 involve this country In parscpa
ton in such a There may be many difficulties, aud
The solution OF the Italian difficulties liz, fear not 70 be
attained by any one measure which may be said TO be
easily within the reach even OF The people OF
England are, without doubt, greatly impeded by the
OF the obstacles with respect any wish or ex
pecatons they may have formed regard TO future
but there two circumstances respect 70 which the
mind OF the nation perfectly clear FIRST that the peace
OF Europe may be maintained; and secondly peace Is
maintained, that may be maintained by arrangements
which shsll have some tendency 10 mt cation OK the
because no peace could be substantial or permanent
which, resting on the Deliberations and decisions Of the
great European powers, does not affirm and effect some
Thing IN the interests Of suffering humanity. (Choers
SPEECH CUNNINGHAM.
Mr. CoNSGHAM did not think toat The observations Of
the honorable member for Fnsbury Justly obnoxious
10 the of the right honorable gentleman ibe
Der for the University Of Oxford Those observations
were in accordance with the sentiments OF the English
people, who had with the deepest the fright
fu misgovernnent which prevailed in the Italian PENN
sula and which created and prolonged by the direct
interpoeiton and constant pressure Of Austria ear,
bear He did not think that the explanation OF the
Chancellor OF the E1chequer was 80 satisfactory as
that right honorable gentleman seemed to
sumo It TO be, for it only 70 this-that Austria
and Ffsnoe had agreed, not 10 a virtual disarming
but TO make that the first point of discussion in the APP
preaching Congress If the Chancellor Of the Exchequer
renee Of the British government Austria bal
evacoate the Italian Provinces and that Francs had also
consented 10 eyacua,e Rome and that the Papa govern
ment and the various dynases Of Italy LEFT square
their accounts with their populations, there would
then have been some ground for satisfaction Tie epid
nation gtren that night led him to the conclusion thai
only temporarily postponed He could allow the
discusson 10 close without declaring how warmly the
English people sympathse with the sutferpgs Of Italy.
SPEECH OF Mr. MoNCKroS MISEs.
Mr.. MINES thought that in this dsarn,ament-the
dminution OF the material force OF armies-was not
p.atxn 6,<ss
from the localities in which they stationed. That
withdrawal would, ne believed effect all the objects which
were proposed to be attained by general disar
II seemed TO him that there necessity that
peror of Austria should diminish his army, but merely
that he should withdraw from the Lombardo Venetian
provinces the large body OF troops he had assembled
there. The question Of disarmament with regard TO Sar.
dina was totally different. The army Of Sardinia con.
sisted OF an aggregate not only OF the national troops,
but OF volunteers assembled from all parts OF 1tay
who were animated by strong political fervor
and excitement, ana the very proposal for It's
disarmament would in all probability occasion one
OF these popular connections which, st the present
moment was most desirable W avoid. The Con-
grets To be OF any service must proceed upon sincere
desire the part OF the Powers Europe ame-
orae In degree the condition of the Italian people,
(Hear hear Without tina, the Congress would only Lead
delay, Interference in that Congress could be
nothing but source Of danger to this country without
any probability whatever of eilectng any practical good
The part England might take ia thecomng struggle II she
had TO take any part at ALL at present undecided
that her position with regard 10 the other Powers
difficult and perpexng, and he had heard with dsmay
powerful European monarches, because he knew well
from The study OF history, that when government
attempted to mediate between two great States u was
some serious rupture between the mediator and one
Of the contending Powers He hoped therefore, that
interference in this matter would at present be confined
within the very narrowest limits and that the utmost
caution would be exercised TO AVOID giving prctence
for the supposon than England inclined one way or the
other with regard to the increase Of the moral influence
OF France or the omDution of the moral influence Of
tra. 1t seemed to him that all the government OF this
laAx h-,~ 40.
Europe the TACT that the condition Of Italy of
great peril 10 the public peace and that commoton in
hands of dpomAtsts and bring into the OF abso
lutte He believed that the dissatisfaction which
existed in the north of Italy had not from any
desire on the part of Austria 70 oppreas the
Italian people, but attributable 70 an un-
fortunate political system which concentrated all the
different nationaes o. Austria in one body
Thus that from the first moment Of the Austrian
occupation Of Italy, spirit Of Italian nationality been
fostered, which, up 70 that time had hardly any EXIT
and the question which the Congress would have to
decide how far the spirit Of Independence among the
Italians might Justly be grathed. He believed that the
best of Of that kind would be
realization the part Of the Austrans Of the totally un
national character OF the present Of Lombar
dy and Venice II an attempt were made to govern the
Lombardo Venetian provinces Of the Austrian empire
they governed by the French under the dynasty OF
the First Napoeon-namely, by the employment
q Italians in public offices and by the presence of an
Italian army-he did not say that such project would
succeedhe did not thai things might not have gone
too far he did not say that at the present it
future the Austrian government would all events be
able to say to postey that they had done what would
have been well TO have done beforethat they had
tempted 70 govern the Italians independent people
ought TO be governed and not in that spirit Of cruel con-
quest which had for so many years obtained. Hear
bear That was all we had right TO suggest 70 the
Court Of Vienna with regard 70 the OF Lom
barby and Venice Having been parties 10 the treaty OF
Vienna, we had no right 10 enforce any more this;
for should be remembered that in 1915 the English
governments were the most urgent in pressing upon
Austria the annexation OF Lombardy and Venice
The British Commissioner TO North of Italy at that time
informed him OR. n. MinelD that the late Emperor
Of Austria said 10 him, 81 positively refuse to take
inch Of ground beyond the Alps You might Just as
well propose to restore 70 the Low countries which
thank Cod have gone away from altogether lam con.
WINGED that the possession Of these Italian provinces will
be nothing but Of trouble and expense u.s. that
will exhaust resources and that shall never by
our mode Of government be able TO maintain LOmbardy
and Venice as prosperous portion OF the Austrian
pre-" this wise policy had been adhered TO- and IL
some arrangement had been made by which these provn
had been rendered Italian the great disaster which
threatened Europe might have been avoided; but
at the present Moment he thought English statesman
should attempt 10 ignore Italian Datonalitya feeling
the gradual and steady growth of which the peninsula