New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1859-04-30

which thew are cresed is utterly void In this respect
our Congress differs most essentially from the tngush
| Parliament. That body has often been pronounced
omnipotent." II is absolute; for there IL no power
TO control or stay progress Hence II hes become
maxim, PdTi.d HeHtnm ousnId potsst Far DIFFERENT,
however is the theory, whatever may be the growing
| practice, Of our own. Our whole Government y
creature q the Constitution-Ae much 80 a. justice
| II the peace is Of the law of the state. With the
single exception Of the larger powers granted Tn them
the Judges Of the Supreme Court OF the United ses
are on precisely the footing Justices OF the
peace 10 ths respect the Government Of state, IN
al its branches and IN every respect Is Infinitely sn-
perior in dignity 10 that Of the United States Inc
State Government il absolute, except 80 Tar a. ts
power is restrained by the Constitution. The Govern
Of the United States is non-eIsence, eIop' 20
far a. power is expressly Irrigated by the Const%
| tuition
There are men, and some wemeaning men, who
are continually hurting ont their determination " TO
abide by the COMPROMISED Of the Constitution; and this
phrase has become kind of political watchward and
party make weight, whenever the influence OF slavery
| is needed to carry Union election.
What do those who nse this phrase mean by
know Of nothing to which it can be applied properly
but TO those constant compromises, by which Free.
dom is little by little, slaughtered the altar OF
Slavery. At the formation OF the Constitution certain
differences Of opinion existed between the member
the more difficult and dstrsctng Of whch-the forIna-
ton Of O Senste--had relation 10 Slavery These
differences were al finally adjusted, or, in modern
slang Compromised" But the whole history Of that
Convention shows that there was no "compromise'
demanded granted in relation to the clause about
delivery on demand persons held 10 service, but
that the whole matter disposed OF With entire ha
mOny. The Constitution formed and adopted, and
every man who holds, OF has held office, hss
sworn TO support that instrument. Does, then, the
affirmation TO abide by "the compromise Of the
Constitution mean something different from abiding by
the Constitution Certainly in the minds of those
who IT, for they would not be guilty of the folly Of
using such crcumlocution meaning nothing What
then does it mean If it means one whit more, or
Les han hev Il.
port the Constituon-then II rank treason. To
me- the object and design Of the phrase seems evident
enough The Constitution says nothing directly OF
Slavery. 1t gives Congress no power ever IT, except
TO suppress the traffic n slaves. But the progress OF
events demonstrated that the interest Of that oath
some practice needs for it's fuhersnce and even for
its permanent existence, the nterposon of Congress
in It's behalf As this interposition could not be OBJ
tanned, by virtue OF any delegated power Of that
Constitution which have sworn TO support, il be-
came necessary oist in to that instrument, by hook
or by crook, meaning and power which Its PLAIN Ian
would sduterate the pure fountain Of our counrys
happiness and security coined the smooth but treach-
erous phrase, and announced the doctrine that they
would abide by mot the Constitution. Oh, no. but
the "compronises" Of the Constitution.
In the Report, the Laws Of Congress" and "the
provisions Of the Constitution are 20 umbled together
that plain man would suppose them TO mean pretty
far as understand it, is that the laws and the Consti
tuition are equally solennly binding upon all and
any resistance to any law Of Congress is treason This
doctrine received extensive attention and careful e1
animation in those years when the subserven agents
in this country of overbearng and despotic ministry
in England attempted to enforce upon the people OF
that day their favorte dogma Of passive obedience and
Dop-resisance the true principle Of human govern
nent Whether the people Of to-day, after edusa-
ton of seventyhve years in the elements Of civil lib
eYy are ready TO subscribe Ia the servile doctrine
which their fathers rejected with such scom remains
to be eeen.
Onrs ia tbeore.icsllv a Constitutional Government
NV conscience and my conduct both bound by the
Consttutionbut by all the laws Of Congress-not 6y
long shot Congress, as well as the JUDICIARY istne
creature Of the Constitution. Every law enacted in
accordance with that Constitution am bound, consci-
entously to obey. Any law Of Congress for which no
warrant is found there am no more bound by than
am by the ecclesiastical rescrpts OF the Mormon unto
The eighth section Of the first article of the Constr
tuition cOnfers power on Congress. II commences,
"The Congress shall have power: and then IN 10
subdivisions distinctly states upon what subjects Con-
gress shall have power TO legislate. Not syllable
of power Slavery, except fby mpIcation in The
District Of Columbia. Where, then, is the authority
of Congress to enact Fugitive Slave Law tound' 1
Judge from the Report that it is claimed only under the
third subd vision Of the first section CT the fourth
article, which reads as follows:
mo peron held to service labor in ste .nd.r ID.
regulation therein be discharged from such svss OF
.s but . 81 st m., up % parry
Upon this provision the Committee remark:
1.-The night d the yeso< the oifce from service
depend the avs Of Cees but guaranteed 81
the Constitution itself"
Indeed! will the reader look again and discover if
he can in what part Of it this INDUSTRIOUS proposition Is
found II you do not find anything ike It there, turn
IA citizen q smother which .sssand'
pursue and take him. mOst xa|,a' and - much Hrs'
Is necessary to carry him back 20 bis 'race"
The Constitution Of the United states is not pol!asd
with the name Of slave" The Constitution OF this
State ignores the existence of such being. Ths
ment man steps within the boundary OF this state,
whatever may have been his condition before, he IS
freeman and he who calls him slave IS guilty OF
libel upon human nature Every member" Of this
State is invested with the dignity of q msn; and We
have the solemn guaranty Of our own State Cons,i.
tuition that no such member can be disranchised
or deprived Of any Of the rights privileges of any
citizen except by the law of the land the Judgment
| Of his peers.
"Slsve" is word unknown 10 our legal and con.
stitutional vocabulary. Its use is soiecsm which
| ought to be prohibited in respectable society A
Member Of this State" can be no slave than
saint could inhabit hell or demon take up his abode
| in Heaven. He may be slave before he enters the
State and slave after be leaves IT, but while here he
s only "person" held TO service, liable to he de-
pnved Of any of the rghs OF citizen, only by the
| law Of the land.
The doctrine that every villsnous ,lsve-huuter,
trspper and steser msy, at his own good pleasure,
enter the precincts of this State rove where he Will,
and grab whomsoever he chooses 10 claim as his dave,
r'thoat Carrdnf, and carry him out OF the stats Is
! utterly and ireconci!aby at war with the private
rights of every member Of the State, and subver.
| sive of all independence and State Sovereignty.
The clause Of the Constitution which before quoted,
from the LIST section of the 4th article, is confessedly
| the only one in that instrument which confers any
| power On Congress to enact Fugitive Slave Law.
The report Of the Committee proceeds:
The Constitution stop the asaessos q "a,
,Sht Of the essv to .s-,e h.(sstr, sa,. II a'H-' '