The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1859-09-22
From Paris Correspondence

The Constitutional has at length broken through
Its reserve and speaks out very plainly against the
idea OF all armed interference. The article has all
the appearance of being sem-oficial:
"We have hitherto abstained it saws from tax
ing part in a discussion which we considered prem
ature and as sterile irritating. When, however,
the moment for expressing opinion that
grave incident arrives it seems to us that il will be
easy to do so in few words. The Emperor at
Nillatranca accepted, without any sort of repuc-
nance, the restoration of the princes. At the hour
of reconciliation he unwilling to remember
that at SOlterino some amongst them were in the
ranks of his enemies. What in fact, did that mat
ter to him? 1t not against those princes that
he directed his arms but against the political sys-
TEN OF which they were accomplces or the first
victims. The system once Vanuuished, WHY pro-
long resentments, the motive OF which no longer
existed? Was of principles to be changed
into a war of persons? That would have been to
fall very low"
As the Emperor Napoleon had entered Italy to
achieve the independence Of whole people, and
not to favor some local revolutions to aid direct
ly IN the expulsion of some petty princes, he
not opposed to the return of the latter. He CON
ceived that having had a severe lesson they would
be inclined to grant Salutary reforms, and that in
that manner their restoration would prevent new
political complications. If the reforms proved Suf-
hcient, Central Italy would be spared those scenes
of agitation which sometimes afflicted even the most
powerful Kingdoms
at was with that generous object (says the wri-
teri and more for the sake Of the populations than
for that of the princes, that the French govern
ment faithful to its promises caused the language
of reconciliation to be employed in the three
duchies 1t has not vet abandoned all hope of sue
cess, and it will endeavor to the end to fulfil loyal
ly its dsinterested mission. But if it should not
succeed what will it do? is asked with strange per-
slstence. Do not, it is said, the services which
France has rendered to Italy authorize her to offer
something else than counscs? To give orders,
perhaps, and to make menaces to be soon followed
by acts? No; France is not gendarme in the
vice OF princes against the populations. She
deayOrs to unite them in mutual and profitable
accord, and will not do violence either to one or
the other. By what right by what means, could
she act between them? By an armed Intervention!
But that would be to walk in the path of the old
Austrian policy, which defeated at Magenta
1t would be to exercise the right of intervention
which was torn to pieces at SOlferinO. 1t is not
consistent with the dignity the honor of France
to do herself what she condemns in others. Aus
tria has lost forever the profitable monopoly of
armed intrusions in the affairs of the Peninsula
and we viii never claim it for our own advantage
If at Rome army of occupation is charged with
the mission of projecting the Sovereign POntil, it
Is because there is at Rome not only an Italian
prince in presence Of his subjects but the Pope the
Father ofall the Faithful whose repose and securi
ty it is important to us to secure At Rome do
not defend private cause defend in the inter
est of France and in that of Italy herself the
of catholicism Everywhere else the princes are
subject to the common law, and that law requires
that no one shall place himself between them and
their people. As friends, whose deyotedness ought
not to be forgotten, we believe that we have more
right than Others to give to the populations of the
duchieS advice which consider wise and pru-
dent. If they do not follow it, we NAV feel regret
but we shall never endeavor to impose it on them
by force. In word, Italy owes to us her indepen-
We have given to-day"