The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1859-06-02


the 2lst ult., being three days later intelligence
than was brought by the Hann'onia was sgnalled
last night off Halifax, but in consequence of the
early closing of the lines TO the east of Sackvlle,
we are without our expected Geographic summary
of her news.
The four days later intelligence from Europe,
which reached us by the steamers NeW York
aud Hdmmonid, though Astounding in petty de-
tails, and in incidents more less interesting,
comprised very little that was of special moment
beyond what already made known by pre-
vious arrivals. The heavy rains, in connection
with the opening of the sluices in the Lomellina,
having flooded the country and interrupted mill
tary operations, the Austrans had fallen back
from their advanced positions, and were concen-
tratng their forces near the angle formed by the
confluence of the Ticino and the Pc, and were
busily employed in fortifying the towns of Novara
and MOrtara, though, from the marshy nature of
the district and its consequent unhealthiness, they
can scarcely design to hold it for any other pur-
pose than that of making it the theatre of the
first great battle. 1t was at one time conjectured
that the opposing armies would meet in conflict
somewhere in the vicinity Of Now, which lies
about midway between Genoa and Alessandra;
but the troops, which were thrown forward in
considerable force in that direction, have since
been recalled. The Emperor NAPOLEON was at
Alessandria, evidently waiting for the subsistence
of the spring rains-tor the arrival at Genoa of the
reiniorcements that were daily expected from AL
geria, and for the siege trains and NUM-
lions of war; which had been ordered to be
sent TO Genoa by sea. 1t is scarcely proba-
bic, therefore, that any very important
operations will be undertaken until all the
preparatory arrangements have been completed.
In the meanwhile, the question to whether the
war will be restricted TO the Italian peninsula, or
will become general, hangs poised in an even bal
ance and as its solution is chiefly dependent upon
the position which Prussia may finally resolve to
adopt-Austria having already majority in her
favor in the Federal Diet-it becomes matter of
more than ordinary interest to ascertain what
course of policy Prussia is most inclined to advo-
cate. The debate, which took place in the
Chamber Of Representatives at Berlin, on the 9th
of last month, and the speech of the Prince Regent
at the close of the session, enable us not only to
form some idea of the sentiment which pervades
Germany on the Italian question, but also of the
diverse views that are entertained with regard to
the extent to which it would be polite to sustain
the power of Austria. In the course of the dis
cussion to which we refer, NJ DE VINCKE said:
mo Prussan could conceive the idea of Prussia
joining the Emperor Napoleon against Austria. Loud
cheers Prussans should never forget that Austria
70 med German nucleus and that they were bound to
Austria by the sacred bonds of the Confedera
The French are always craving for what they call
their national frontiers Another danger exists in the
dnva in
1889 in the IdeeS Ndpoeonennes according to which the
in Italy is but the first of the drama The others
will be played upon the Rhine then England then in
Russia. He could not blame the Austrian ultmatum as
had been blamed by the Government If Austria has
commenced the war, she driven to it, As in all
probability Prussia would have shortly side
by side with Austria the field of battle sooner the
disapproval Of the Government of the policy Austria
dropped, the better Great sensation He did not
think the moment had arrived for Germany to send an
TO Italy. The resolutions of the Diet bind
ing upon Prussia because the Diet renstated in
1851 despite the representations country The dom
ination of Austria in Italy had sympathies in Ger
He severely censured the despotc of Austria
in Italy and her secret treaties Moreover
never forgive Prussia for her influence Germany her
Professionalism, her freedom of public instruction. and
liberty of the press But it very important Prus
STA Though Of direct interest to Germany that the
power of Austria in Italy should be weakened the
advantage of France and Sardinia Ifit that
France had concluded an alliance with Russia then it
was Prnssas duty to farm to the teeth 1t would then
be requisite not only to mobilize the army, but
the spirit of 1873"
Equally significant, but more temperate in tone
were the remarks of NJ. HENRI p ARNIM, ex-Minis-
ter of Foreign Affairs, and formerly Ambassador
at Paris and Brussels
Gentlemen, he said according the fifty sixth ar
tice of the final act of Vienna the present Italy
does not concern the German Confederation But accord
ing TO public opinion here well in the of Ger
many the war touches nearly. The final of Vienna
has the value ola fundamental law for Germany the
great public voice Of German nationality fundamental
law for her national existence in much elevated
sense, ana this war though only yet touching the
German provinces of confedei ate State may become
danger for the Confederation and for Germany Jap
plause Does that mean to imply that should
Italy to assist Austria in preserving her Italian provinces
her influence the rest oftaly and perhaps sitting
the constitutional life Of Italy. Mo- assuredy mott But
Prussia ought TO be prepared for every eventually Her
calling is to defend the interests of Germany"
NJ. SMsoN, ex-President of the National As
sembly at Frankfort avowed that he had no SYM
pathy whatever for the Government of France, nor
faith in the liberal professions of its ruler. Aus
tria, he contended was German Power, and in
supporting Austria, Prussia would support the in
terests of Germany. But they must wait until the
proper time arrived for active interposition Prus
STA ought not to suffer herself to be bound by the
voice of the majority of the Federal Diet. So far
then, the chief speakers in the Prussian Chambers,
though differing on minor points, were of one ac-
cord with regard to the necessity of being prepared
for any evenuality that might arise and on the
whole, the leaning of the members of the Legisa-
ture was decidedly towards Austria. That portion
OF the speech of the Prince Regent which touches
upon the same subject is, however, far more eau
tious and guarded. 1t merely asserts the right
and duty of Prussia 'to provide for the safety and
ithe defence of the national interests of Germany"
and by thus limiting the action of Prussia
to the protection of interests purely German, it
quietly ignores the Italian question altogether as
casuS belA, and tacitly reproves the war-ke ardor
of those who would make common cause with
Austria under any and all circumstances. The
London Times, in reviewing the debate in the
Prussan Chambers, declares that Prussia, in the
opinion of calm observers, 'doth protest too
''much, and that 'in all the enthusiasm of Ger
'many, there is an evident anxiety for foreign
assistance, and want of confidence in native
strength But those doubts and fears do not
arise from any misgivngs as to the ability of
United Germany to cope with the combined forces
of France and Sardinia 1t is the attitude as
sumed by Russia, which operates as check upon
any popular demonstration that might otherwise
declare itself actively in favor of Austria and it will
certainly be fortunate for the peace of Europe if
the openly avowed neutrality of England and the
unquestionable bias of Russia towards France,
should serve to admonish the different States
of Germany of the folly of sustaining, by an APP
peal to arms, cause which many of them ac-
knowledge to be foreign to their interests and in
which their interposition could only be justified
on the theory that the expulsion of Austria from
Italy would infct serious blow upon the indie
pendence of Germany itself
From the Monthly Exchange for Jumel
when hrst the news reached this country that
war had commenced in Italy, the prices of bread