Meigs County telegraph. [volume] (Pomeroy [Ohio]) 1848-1859, 1859-07-12

eNeIy Posslole plan 10 explain away their
force. and are insidiousIy attempting to
undermine their hold upon the affections
OF the people, as well as their eternal foun-
daion in justice aud right. Should the
people 'gnominicusly surrender these
truths, which constitute their political
| "birth-right,' for the "pottsge mess" of
slavery, the terrible evils Of despotic tyr
amy, which would inevitably follow,
would be but the just recompeGse for such
shameful and unmitigated treason to the
principles of equal rights. But the peo-
Iple, IN whom ''our faith" is, will never
5yield SO great a boon, even under the
fFressure at SpartY ties and the insane
ltbtaats of The slave power 10 crule or
ruin,'' Base and systenatie1 sebal Is. al
deception, over bearing and esolislical as
sumptions, with all the unsrrupulou5 ap-
pIiances of political chicaneIy, are fast
losing their power with the masses Of the
people; and the time will soon come when
they will vindicatc their undeniabIe ca
pacity for self government, by the COM
pleie and humlIiaJng overthrow of all
parties which, like the sham Democracy,
derive their vitality from the horrors and
crimes of slavery.
The third instrument by which the
American Union was more strongly ce-
mented, with constitutional obligations,
comprised what is known as the ARTICLES
of Confederation and Perpetual Union"
finally ratified by the Thirteen States"
in Congress assembled, on the 9Th dav Of
July, 1873. The first clause of the fourth
Article contained the following: The
| free inhabitants OF each Of these States
paurers, vagabonJs, md iugitives from
Justice, epted--shall be entitled to all
privileges and mmunities Of FREE CITIZENS
in the several States"
The following item from the proceed
insss Of the continental Congress, Thus
day, June 25, 1878, explains itself:
1.-The delegates from South Carolina
being called on, moved the following
amendment, in behalf Of their State. 1al
In article 4, between the words free in
habitants' insert 'VAie' Passed in the
negative; two ayes, eight noes, one divi-
ded." (See Ellott's Debates, Vol. l,
page 80.
Thus the Continental Congress refused
TO countenance any distinction between the
immunilies and privileges of the free
blacks and whltes-voting down n propo-
siiion of that kind by eiyd to two! Such
vote in the Congress of the present day,
would be regarded by the slave catching
leaders OF Democracy as the very essence
OF political treason, and would insure for
its authors the choicest anaihemas and
slang Of the Northern pot-house dena-
gogues Of the slave power. The princi-
pies of the Congress of 1873, would be
the "gall of bitterness" to the Democracy
Iof 1859. So much for the influence Of
slavery.
The second clause Of the fourth article
provided that, if any person guilty of, or
charged with treason, felony, or other
mtSdeme0nOr," in one State, should escape
into another, that upon the demand of
the Governor or executive power of the
State from which he fed, he should be
delivered up, "and removed to the State
having jurisdiction Of his ofIense" But
nowhere in the Whole thirteen articles is
there found anything demanding of the
people Of the free States to aid in hunting
down and returning to Condage fugitive
slaves. This grand and interchangeable
principle Of modern pro-slavery Democ-
racy had not penetrated the dark and be- |
nighted minds of our Revolutionary states
men. The benignant and magnanimous
doctrine that all the powers of our National
Government, the mouey and strength of
the masses of the people, and the moral |
influence of society should be used to re-
ens.ave a few escaped and down dden |
Africans had not been discovered by the
political philosophers Of "A, '76 and '78 +
The ro-slavery genius of modern Democ-
Iacy bad not there developed the divinity |
of slavery, nor the atheislic doctrine that
unconstitutional enactments Of Congress |
are of superior obligation TO the acknowl-
edged laws Of God. In short, slavery was
not great political power, using the Gov
ernment as a willing tool for its own ex-
tension and perpetuaton.
The ground now gone over, brings us
down to the period Of the formation OF our
present National Constitution. During
tnis titne-frvm i77+, until 1887, thirteen
years--the American people had three
times met in Congress for the purpose Of
efeciing union Of the different Colonies
Or States. Three plans had been presen-
ted, accepted and tried. Differing in re-
spect 10 The de ails of governmental policy.
they all agreed as to the true principles
upon which governments are based--at !
ieaet so Ear as the natural rights of all man
kind were concerned. The first held il as
a fundamental condition, that the slave-
trade should be abolished, with view to
the early destruction of slavery ITSELF
The second announced certain fundamen-
tai principles, absolutely incompatible with
the existence of slavery or oppression in
any form; while the third refused to make
any distinctions on account of color or
country, which would be inconsistent with
the other two. A living and magnani-
nous spirit Of freedom, and Of respect for
the rights Of all mankind breathed through
them all. Nowhere was to be found any
thing of the spirit of the modern slave
hunting Democracy.
No authority was anywhere given to
iustifu tho an1r,loVmpnt nf human hInoN-