Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1859-09-16


fanatics. Great laughter You must think
was some little alarmed for fear l might
find some Of you suspended when got back.
(dreat laughter and cheers.) What does he
say about Bro. Giddings. He says he is a
very clever old gentleman in the morning,
but drinks too much, but get him along in the
afternoon, and he writes G. sver things. He
insists that the Fugitive enactment must be
enforced 10 the letter. But Giddings on the
other hand says, instead Of enforcing the law,
he would hang every officer Of the United
States who attempts to enforce it, and then
trust TO q jury Of our Western Reserve
Counties TO clear him.
But to come to point a little nearer than
that my friend Plumb out here at Oberlin
got little suspicious Of all this going on in
the southern part Of the State, and so writes
TO Giddings to know whether Corwin is sent
down to preach such doctrine Giddings re-
plies that he was sent there but with the eX-
pectation that he would preach Republican
principles. Well, are these Republican
principles" nsks Plumb. "Noln answers
Giddings. And now would it be impolite for
me to request brother DennisOn TO inform me
whether he agrees with brother COrwin in
holding that the Fugitive Slave Law must be
enforced, or with brother Giddings that it
must be broken and set at dehance2 Mr..
Gddings, in reply to the questions of Mr..
Plumb says:
o"My attention has been called 10 the speech
of Mr.. Corwin by individuals from various
parts of the State. You, however, make en-
quiry whether the Central Committee has au-
thorized or empowered Mr. Corwin to avow
the doctrines contained in the extract to
which you have directed my attention. |
think not"
"Thirdly-You enquire whether our can
didatos for State offices hold to tho position
assumed by Mr.. Corwin.
l answer so far as / am informed they do
not. | speak, however, from satisfactory
knowledge so far as our candidate for Gov
ernOr, for Auditor, and for Treasurer are con-
cerned.'
will now take up the questions proposed
by the gentleman, and answer them if can.
Question.-HAs Congress or n Territorial
Legislature the power TO establish slavery
| tell the gentleman that l suppose that
Congress has no such power. ! tell him that
this is like all other domestic questions,
rests with the States and Territories which
they concern.
Questionable you in 1850, deny the
Constitutionality of tho Fugitive Slave Act of
1850?
did not.
Questionable you in 1850 denounce the
HdAtA'N SAuN ~ AAbN % hhJAoA bhU oliVuiu w
repeated
l did not. l said to the gentlemen then
as | would say now-that if the law did away
with the haJeds corpus and tho right Of the
trial by jury, then it would be the proper sub
jeot for An appeal to Congress for an amend
ment But said that there is nothing to be
done under free government but an appeal
to the law-makiDg power, for a remedy for
abuses.
The eotherquestiOns require my approval orr dis
approval of the bred Scott decision. If un-
slerstand that decision it establishes two pro-
positions lst, Congress has no power to pro
hibit slavery in the territories 2nd, That
person of the African blood is net citizen
Of the United States, and therefore not allow
ed to sue in the Federal Courts. If these be
the decisions l do approve Of them. These
were the only two things before the Court,
and as l understand it were the only two
things decided.
My friend says he has a newspaper article
t6at expresses different opinion with regard
to the rights of Congress TO govern the Terri
tories. do not undertake to say that l am
infallibly right in everything. But my idea
of this whole matter is this, that We agreed
an 1850 to take this subject of slavery out of
the hands Of Congress, for the reason that its
agitation there had been productive of mis-
eminent men as Clay and Webster When l
agreed to that then expected, and now ex-
pect TO refer the question TO the people of the
Territories, to let them deal with il rs they
think proper with a view to their own inter
est, and TO correct principles. | mean to af-
firm when they nre in n regularly organized
Territory, that the Territorial Legislature may
abolish slavery if it exists, upon the same
terms that a State could do it, not acting up
on existing rights, but making prospective
abolition. | understand that Territorial
Legislature is armed with full power to
settle this principle as fully rs in the act
of forming Constitution. But 1 do not
claim that there is an entire unanimity of
opinion with respect to this. We have dis
charged our duty when we have looked to our
own State. Our next duty is TO enquire,
what will the people Of Ohio demand Of the
Congress Of the United States2 We demand
of them entire and exclusive non-interven-
tion, leaving the question to be settled by the
Supreme Court And not intending to pass
Judgment upon what the ultimate oOnstruc-
h0u Of that CONSTITUTION may be, | stand sim
ply upon the aihr9ance Of the doctrine that
Congress shall not interfere in one way or
the other. You will see at once that the wild
er Republicans claim Intervention one way,
and that the fre-eHters Of the South claim in
tervention in another way.
The former claim that Congress should pro-
hibit slavery, and the latter that they should
protect it, while the great body of the De-
mocrNcy affirm that there should be absolute
sAOn-interyention either way. And now we are
nIpbraided and constantly appealed to that
our brethren of the South do not agree with
aus on this subject Then let them dis
agree. We have said in our platform
as adopted at Cincinnati, that we renounce
fellowship with all men who do not 90 with
us in this principle OF non-intervention. The
democracy Of the Northwest will never move
from that principle. On that they stand on
as Il rm a foundation as the everlasting hills.
[Cheers.
Whe ter the North shall claim intervention
by Cong Tess, or de extreme South, is imma-
terial 10 our position. And there we will
stand or fa'll-liying or dying. The Democ-
racy of the Northwest can never be moved
from that po sition. Cheers. Now it il for
honest considerate men to say whether ours
is not the true principle and the true position.
You have Nebraska, New Mexico, and Utah
disposed of according to this principle. lsthere
a man of the least intelligence on earth that
does not know that in respect to this matter
Of Slavery in either Of these Territories no
doubt can exist. We have not organized, nor
are we likely to organize any Territory with
reference TO it there can be any doubt. What
then are you TO gain by opening up the dis
cussion Of the question in the Congress Of the
United States. For my own part, say to
YOU that 1 consider liberty is ten times more
safe in the hands Of the masses who inhabit
these Territories than any protection Of Con-
gress whatever can make il. My friend would
appeal to Congress, choose to 60 to the honest
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