Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1859-05-21
RUSSELL ON THE DEFECTS OF THE
CONSTITUTION.


CONSTITUTION.
Bentley has issued Vol. Of "The life and Times
of Charles James Fox" by Lord John Russell
who, as eminent living statesmen of the school
of Fox, seems 6ty chosen to present fully and
fairly the character and services of William Pitts
great antagonist and rival. Of course Lord Jol n
is early confronted with the history of our revou.
tonary struggle against the mother country, and,
Englishman though he be, he frankly affrms that
tho Americans were clearly right and the British
Court wholly wrong in that controversy. At .he
close OF his account of that struggle, Lord John
pays t2i5ute to the founders of our Federal sys,
TEN, closing with succinct statement of what he
conceiyes TO be the defects of that system, which
cannot be without interest. and may be in
structiye, to our countrymon. Writing without
trace OF personal interest party bitterness, he
sums mp those defects as follows:
a. The President of the Republic was to be
elected for no more than four years. Hence the
whole mind of the people is kept in q continual
state Of agitation, Hence also, with the jealous
instinct Of democracy, of superior virtue
and superior talent set aside in favor Of cand.
idates from whose character and eoquence no
predominant influence is to be feared Aristides
and Alcbades are removed to make way for Gle.
on and Ncias.
SO. With this defect is combined another, which
causes some surprise especially in men who shook
off the curb of the British monarchy, and ran
their free career through the wilderness of polite
al speculation. They took no security that the
President should shape his policy by the prevail
in, opipiop ,E tbo poorIo'o Wa
have seen that, when the House nf Commons re.
solved that war should no longer be carried up.
on the continent of North America the Ministry
was changed, and the resolution was at once car
ritd into effect 1t could not do otherwise. But
if the House of Representatives in Congress were
to come to similar vote, the President need not
change his Ministers nor alter his policy. Thus
the safety valve Of the British monarchy is want
ing in the American democracy.
"3. Another difficulty is inherent in the eompo
siton of the Congress. The bodies are both elec-
tive equally independent; equally free from the
control Of the Executive. What if they should
differ on vital question? A similar diffcultyiin
Great Britain could only be temporary; either the
people would support the House of the Lords as in
1854, or the Lords would yield to the popular voice
as in 1882 In America, it is not easy to say in
what manner tho American Constitution could
recover the shock.
~. One spot remains, which oceans cannot
wash out The Slavery of the African race,
which the North Americans had inherited from
ancient monarchy was adopted and fondly cher
ished by the new republic. Washington, from the
impulse of his heart, set free by his will his
slaves Jefferson from the calculation of his cool
| head, deduced the conclusion that the black race
ough, to be sent back to Africa. The logic of the
Constitution declared that all men were free the
pride and avarce Of tho saye-owners, disowning
the image of the Creator and the brotherhood Of
nature, degraded men Of dark color, and even
all the defendants Of and daughters to level
oxen and with horses. But oxen and horses never
combine, and have no sense of wrOnged indepen'
dence, oxen and horses are better treated than
the men and women of African blood. All
the cruelties which fear and jealousy induced
the despotic tyrants of the Roman Empire to COM
nit, consecrated by law and permitted by Gus,
tom in the Free States Of the New World. Meth.
er the civilization of commerce, nor diffusion Of
letters nor the refinement of manners could Grad.
icatc the vices or prevent the crimes which God
has affixed as befting to the institution Of
Slavery. Constitutional statesmen argued that, il
the black race were acknowledged as men, they
must rule in States where they had the majority
learned judges and able lawyers showed thai
slaves were property, and entitled their owners tC
its inviolablo rights. But neither the phiosophic
a! dogma of the authors of the Constitution MOI
the strict pedantry of law, stife the cry of out
ragged humanity, nor still the current of human
sympathy, nor arrest forever the decress Of Eter
nal Justice"