The Van Buren press., 1859-10-28

tuition is the supreme law in the territories.
but not in the States. Simon has a great
deal of inlnudence, and must think that
most of those who read his hog logic, will
not see Douglass article, and, besides, that
they posses infinitely less ethan the thous-
andth part of Douglass sagacity.'' Right
in the face of the argument Of Douglas (it
needs no argument on page 53, that the
constitution is the supreme law of the States
as well as the territories, he (Simon) as
scrts that the State Legislature can do an
act that he himself AYERS the u. S. consti-
tuition provides shall not be done. This is
the way he gets along. The U. s. consti-
tuition, in the fugitive slave clause, recog-
nizes slaves as property; but the history Of
the Government, and of the several States
with regard to this subject. proves, beyond
doubt. that the trainers Of the constitution
mover drpamt tha& tIse constitution would
be made to give slaves o more comprchen-
sive recognition as property. than is neccs.
sary to make the rendition Of fugitives le-
gal. They had no idea of attempting to
separate the property element of slavery
from its other elements, but to let them
stand as whole--as an institution which
any community, in the pursuit of its own
happiness, had right to prohibit or abol.
ish, or receive and establish
Simon pretends to triumph when he is
furthest from victory trick of his.
Simon quotes from Douglas: "He says
that the States gave the Federal Govern
ment the same powers which, as colonies,
they had been willing to conceAe to tho
British Government, and to keep those
which, as colonies, they had claimed for
themselves" From this, Simon assumes
that Douglas is very ignorant of the history
of the country, and of the constitution He
says if he (Douglas) "will read a common
school history of the revolution, and then
look at article ID of the constitution, he
will find the following facts fully establish
ed: That the Federal Government has pow-
er to lay and collect taxes. 2. That the
colonies, before the revolution, utterly refu-
sed to be taxed,'' DC. Would any one
suppose that Simon would have the impu-
dence to write this when he had seen, but
few lines above. that Douglas was fully ac-
quainted with all this. But what is the
history of the granting by the States of
this very power to the general government.
Ito levy and collect taxes?" DC. Simon
can see In so common a book "Hickeys
Constitution" that its history is such that,
with any honest minded man, his wonder.
ful discovery (?) will have no weight at all
against the argument of Douglas, but will
convince such man how low down Simon
can go for something to say, and that he il
not to be depended upon. He will find in
said work that, in art. 9 of the "Artcies Of
Confederation" the States reserved to
themselves the power of lcvying taxes, &c;
and if he will read in said work, from page
130 to l63, he will see what earnest appeals,
and cntreaties, and pcrsuasions it took to
induce the States to yield to the general
government this power-how, after several
years OF these appeals, only few States
would consent to grant the power for few
years duration only, while other States re-
fused to grant it at all; and only yielded
after it had become clear to ali that, with
out this power, the general government
would inevitably fall in pieces. Simon can
find this work in almost anybody's house.
And Simon charges that the Little Gil
ant has made great changes in his views
with regard to popular sovereignty" In
this Simon must, knowingly, ib. From
the year 1850 till the prcscut time he has
not been guilty of one hundredth part of the
Inconsistencies that Simon has displayed
in his observations" In his New Oh.
leans speech, in the Philadelphia letter, and
in the Magazine article, he will be found
consistently defending popular sovereignty
in the same sense. And Wee Simon to
make him appear inconsistent, it is by re-
sorting to that rusc by which he may prove
in the Bible the ''non- n-existence Of the Del
ty.' Alter Simon defines, in his way.
what the issue is between Douglas and his
own folks, he asks, with characteristic du-
plicity. why should not an issue be made
at such time? What is there now to ex.
cuse any friend Of peace for attempting to
stir up the bitter waters of strife? There il
no actual difficulty about this subject in any
territory. There is no question upon it
pending before Congress or the country.
We are called on to make contest" DC.
Heaven defend us o, Simon Simon, do
you expect to come the old soldier over US
in this style? That is exactly how talk
to you-to your friend Jerc Black, and to
your confrcres. Why did you "make this
issue at such a time?" Douglas, standing
upon this established democratic doctrine,
was fighting the black republican Lincoln;
and, finding you could not make the black
republican beat him. after using every mean
effort, you took issue with him upon this
ground; and in SO doing, you took issue
with Buchanan's letter OF acceptance, and
the principles upon which the democratic
party fought in 1856. Why did you do it
"at such time?" Why did YOU not let
Douglas, as you did Buchanan, have his
talk without kicking up such fuss? Don't
you want to play your Illinois game over
again? You feel pretty certain that Doug
las or black republican must be elected
President, and you are going in for the
black republican. What has Seward prom
iscd you for thus giving aid and comfort?
You can't come in, Mcssrs Black g. Suggs.
Every true democrat will pull down the
lower lid of his eye. and say to you: "Do
You see anything green here?''
A DoUGLAs MAN
ADVANTAGES OF WOMEN OVER MEN -
s Somc ono eprS M, ho of ,.o