The weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1858-1860, 1859-07-23

The Ceaanloe q Free ana and slave
La6er-Iis 1elatisns % the National
Iusen Ne clnsiuasH oass,ss.l
WV O. RIvxs, gentleman Of talent, charac.
ter and weight Ga Virginia. writes to certain
Wing Committeeman, In New York, that the
subject Of Slavery is admitted 70 Be under the
dominion and control 81 ths several States, and
there are but few points in which the Govern
ment has anything to do with It. This may be
admitted. but the few points with which the
nation has to do seem to involve momentoue
events. Let us see what some Of these are, and
to what they tend.
/. The Fugitive Slave Law, which 10 the cause
Of many border difficulties.
9. The extension Of Slave States, which Mr..
Rives will admit, 10 not named or provided for
in the Constitution, except that Congress sssy
receive nev States. This provision has been
stretched 40 we'll, that not only are new slave
States received, but il was demanded tina. We
should acquire Cuba and other Gulf domain, to
make Slave States.
In order to make new slave States, it is de-
manded that the National Government shall
protect THAT is, make Slave. Code) slave prop.
erty In the Territories, whether the people
choose to have it or not.
In order to extend slavery more thoroughly
and effectually, the National Government is
asked to repeal the law against the Slave Trade
and open the country to new importations Of
Africans. Mr.. Rives will admit, according to
his code of politics, that the National Govern
ment eau act on each Of these subjects; that it
can acquire Cuba; that it can repeal the law
against the Slave Trade, and that in creating a
territorial government, it can protect and de-
fend property In Slaves. All these things the
National Government can do. And will not Mr..
Rives admit that whether done or not done, the
decision is Of moment0us Importance to this
nation? Can it be matter of Indifference
whether We acquire new territory to make slave
States, and whether we force slavery by law,
mot by act of the peope) INTO all the Territories
OF the United States? Can it be matter Of
indifference to the Christian people OF the Uni.
ted States, whether we make the Slave Trade
yesterday declared piracy,) tomorrow pro-
| tected commerce of the seas? In all candor,
| and with no sort of respect to mere political
factions, We ask the most conservative man bow
those questions are to be avoided? II is no
practical answer to say that these things are
| asked BY ultra men, more or less in number
They are asked just as other things are asked
of the government. They are put forward BY
leading men, made the creeds of States and
parties.
We leave the question of avoiding this con-
| troversy to those who think it can be done, and
turn to the real kernel of all the difficulties we
have had on this subject. We take i. to be
| nothing more nor less than the conflict of free
| and slave LABOR, in country where both systems
are adopted We have given extensive
extracts from the speech of Mr.. Stevens,
| of Georgia, discussing in q moderate tone,
but with most pointed propositions, the rea
tons Of Slavery to the politics Of this country,
and we again call attention to his views of slave
labor. II must be remarked here, that Mr.. S.
is no mere fedgling of the States Rights De-
mocrscy-a school of politics alike impractical
bic aud rdculous-but like TOombs, and Ben.
jamin, of Lousiana-a thinking man of the old
| Wing school-who looks to practical results
He is now leader of the Democracy, because
that party are very glad to get and profit by
such material.
Mr.. S. thus states bis views on the conflict of
| free and slave labor:
SHALL THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE BE RE-oPENED?
| "This question, bis hearers should examine in
its length and breadth; he would do nothing
more than present it; but 1t is as plain as any
thing. that unless the number of african stock
be increased we have not the population, and
might well abandon the race with our breth-
rem of the North in the colonization of the
Territories 1t was not for him to advise on
these questions, he only presented them; the
people should think and act upon them. If
there are but few more slave States, it is not
because of Abolitionism or the Wimot Proviso,
but simply for the want OF people to settle them.
We cannot make States without people; rivers
and mountains do not make them; and Slave
States cannot be made scithout africans"
1t is a lainentable truth, that Slave States
cannot be made in this country without negroes,
and it is just as lamentable, that negroes don't
increase fast enough to catch up with the
northern whites. II some plan could be got up
by which the negroes would increase and multi
ply twice as fast, what an immense increase of
wealth and power! But since God and Nature
| Ito whom Mr.. Webster kindly left this question:
wont do this, what is to be done but import
them? Africa has plenty of negroes, and some
of our clergy have proved incontestably, that
we ought to civilize and Christianize them by
making them slaves. Ho! then, for Africa.
But why do Mr.. Stevens and his confrere in
| his new and great moral resolution, cant more
negroes 1t is simply this: All our intelligent
readers know that the great current of European
immigration to this country has gone to the
free States The population of the free States
has, therefore, increased far more than the a.
| tural increase. The South has been left to
nature and its own resources. Hence, the
aggregate of Northern population is, and will
continue increasing faster than that Of the South.
Hence, Mr.. Stevens says, we cannot make slave
States fast enough without more negroes, and
we must import them He proposes to match
an immigrant German by an imported African,
and make one balance the other'
How will those Germans who still vote with
Mr., Stephens Democracy, like this leveling OF
slave with free, OF Africans with German How
will any white man like this cool delivery of the
D,snecratic party over to the importers Of ne
groes for the purpose Of out voting the whites!
But, the question is really not one OF party, or
of race. II is an element of great conflict be-
| tween free and slave labor, and which was to be
fought out in spite of all the petty, shutting
tricks of politicians. The question has been
presented, and must be met. The Democratic
party must side with Freedom or Slavery
Its present tendency IS to go fer slavery,
and become what the Southern men say it
is, only Southern party. That is, however, a
question for itself Let us proceed to Mr.. Ste
phensy plan Of negro importation. What is it
to result in? Let US see at what rate the black
population OF the South does increase. The
slave population and It's increase, at different
| periods, is as follows
1870 6a7,s97
1880 s9s,e4l IS per cent.
1917 1,l9i,264 33 do
| 1920 l,53SU3S 20 do
| 1880 2,009043 80 do
| lS40 2,4s7 ASS "a do
| 1850 3,2O4,3l3 20 do
Here we have the slave population more than
| eaa drupled in 80 years, and doubling itself in
In thaR h.,