The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1859-05-20
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| Inc Southern Commercial and Industrial Con-
vention which met at Vicksburg on the 9th of this
month, speedily resolved itself into Convention
for considering the proprety of re-opening the
Slave trade This was nothing more Than might
have been expected, when it is understood that out
of the seventy-four delegates that were present
sixty-one were from the fire-eang States of South
Carolina and Mississippi. 1t is somewhat remark
able, however, that the report of the proceedings
which is brought down to the close of the third
day, discloSes the fact, that of the chiefs of
the ultra southern party-JEFFERsoN DAVIS, Ex-
Governor Brown, of Mississippi, BARNwELL RHETT,
| WIN. l.. YANCEY, and others of similar repue-
have taken part in the discussion, which has thus
far been confined almost wholly TO fourth-rate
men, The resolutions which have been offered,
and the wide range which the debate took, indi-
cate also that there was but little harmony of
opinion; that while one party was prepared to set at
defiance all the laws which prohibit the importation
of slaves, and to justify disunion in the event of
interference on the part of the Federal Gov
eminent, another proposed to evade the
laws by establishing system of apprentice
ship, whilst third, and smaller division, at
the head of which was Ex-Governor FooTE, of
Mississippi vehemently denounced both schemes,
as reasonable in the one case, and factous
in the other. Mcssrs SpRATT, of South Caro-
lima, and DEBow of Louisiana, boldly argued
that Slavery was right, and, being right that its
extension by revival of the Slave Trade could
not possibly be wrong. 1t was in vain that other
delegates pointed out the impracticabe nature of
the scheme. To the Disunioniss that very imprac-
ticability appeared to be its chief merit 1t was
true, they admitted, that the laws of the UNITED
STATES made the Slave Trade piracy, and that
foreign traffic in slaves is prohibited in ten ont
of the fifteen Southern States. But what of
that? None of those laws could be executed. for
no Southern jurors would ever convict upon an
indictment for importing negroes from the Coast
of Guinea. Mr.. Moody, of Mississippi, made an
argument in favor of the apprentice system,
and contended that the only mode by
which negro laborers could be legally brought
into the country, was by engaging them in Africa
to work for the Southern planters for q term OF
years They could make he said contract
with Dutchman or an Irishman or a Chinaman.
Coolie, and fso, why could they not do the same
with Africans? 1t was left to Ex-Governor FooTE
to tear into shreds every argument that had been
advanced in favor of either of these schemes and
to expose their manifest violation of all those
principles which it is the interest not less than the
duty of the South to hold sacred. To those who
advocated re-opening of the slave-trade in def
ance of existing laws, he said
The proposition that the Constitution of the United
States is no longer valid and binding nsrument-the
proposition that the sacred laws of the by
wiser men than now live and wiser fear than will
live in the country aganthe proposition that these
laws, marked with the most profound wisdom the object
of admiration to the most enlightened of all nations
that these laws entitled to respect and that VIC
laon violation of them may be perpetrated on the
high and the land glorious continen-that
these laws may be at naught and the government
functonares defed and that reliance may confidently
placed the ues of the country by perjury to acouit
felons is of the most and vile propositions
that could be made in the hearing of intelligent and
high-minded person."
Referring to the apprentice system, as proposed
by Mr.. Moody he contended, that it was not only
clearly forbidden by the laws of the Union, but
that it was also at variance with the laws of Miss
issippi. He asked him. (NIr. MooDY)-
"Whether these persons to be brought in as
apprentices, would be, in his judgment, bond
| or free-Would they be freemen slaves? They
| must be either slaves or freemen. | know of no
middle condition Now, if they brought in as slaves
all admit that the present laws forbid their i'm
portation. If they brought freemen the
statutes of Mississippi forbid their being brought here
der heavy penalties The importation OF free persons of
color is expressly forbidden by the plain
lying there the table and with which every intelligent
man here is familiar Therefore, said yesterday is
better for to the condition household
before we apply to the general government do
again, my friends, would like to know what would be-
come of these apprentices after their been
served out? If fifty hundred hundred thou
sand Of these free negroesdemi from Africa
chose to disturb the of
bring upon all those desolatng evils which had
hoped to have guarded against by the wise legislation to
which have referred, and which absolutely prevents
entrance of free of color abroad
thnvn of haf ranc
suppose The gentleman (Nr Moody said yesterday
father bind his child by contract. Not to slavery
think But suppose he could bind him to that of
vitude spoken of, could father, ten years before his
child born make any such bargain that would eff
fectual? think not. put these points for the purpose
of exploding theory which any respect
at all however respectable its author may he The APP
prentice system, in my opinion has vanished into thin
air 1t never had any solid ground which to rest
among rational creatures"
Wilder and more impracticable projects than these
certainly never preached in the South
Apart from the moral aspect of the question: the
importation of negroes, whether as apprentices or
as slaves, would be equally ruinous to the planters
since it would depreciae the value of that species
| of property in all the slave States and by over
stimulating production would not only reduce the
price of the staples which are there cultivated, but
would exhaust the land. 1t is the unusually high
price that has been paid of late years for cotton
and sugar-but for the former especialy-that has
more than doubled the market value of negroes,
and of the lands which they are physically best
adapted to cultivate. Politically, the bunder
would be not less serious to the interests
of the South. The safety of that section of the
Union from Northern aggression, lies in its strict
adhesion to the compromises of the Constitution
IT the South violates knowingly and wifully the
Constitution of the UNITED STATES, or the laws
that have been enacted in accordance with it,
what other result could be anticipated than that
the North would do the same thing? The defence
of higher law doctrines at the South would Justify
the assertion of higher law doctrines at the North,
and as the latter is already numerically the most
powerful section of the Union the respect which is
now paid to the Constitutional rights of the Slave
States would no longer be observed when they
themselves had thrown down the only barrier
upon which they could safely rely for protection
against the assaults of their enemies