The Yazoo Democrat. [volume] (Yazoo City, Miss.) 1858-18??, 1859-01-15
AFRICAN CONTRACT LAnoR.

This subject is now receiving a considerable
share of public attention-more we think than
its reason or importance demands South Caro-
lima journals and politicians began the argument,
which quickly extended to Mississippi.
The Coolie palicy of England, and the Appren
tice system of France both mere evasions of their
own laws against the slave trade, seem to have
furnished examples which the advocates of the
African Labor Supply movement desire initiated
by the Southern States. Now, having always
believed in the propriety and humanity of the
slave traffic, we were much pleased by the action
of England and France, because it clearly indica
ted a returning sense Of true philanthropy and
the vast Importance of African slavery to the
interest of the world and even to that savage and
benighted race itself But while the Coolie and
apprentice systems especially the last, gave us so
much satisfaction, yet we are not prepared to be-
heve that imitation Of these by the saveholding
States, would rebound to their advantage or in
crease their prosperity.
While any evasion Of their own laws against
slavery and the slave trade by European nations
should be cordially welcomed by the South, as the
harbinger of final entire revolution in public
sentiment. towards her favorite institution, still
when she makes n step it should not be upon half
way ground, but should boldly clear the chasm
When the slave trade is re-opened by the voice
and the necessities of the South, it should be by
no apprentice system, and African CONTRACT labor
is the same thing the apprentice system of
France, but it should be done openly under the
name and style of the Stare trade. We want no
evasions of law-et us insist upon the repeal of
law which conflicts with our rights and interestst
five want ''more labor and cheaper labor ',let US
take the broad ground that the slave trade is right
and enforce the repeal of antagonistic law. A
less manly course--a course Of subterfuge and
evasion could not result i'll our benefit but would
appear like lodging the great question of the phi
lanthropy of the slave traffic and necessarily d.
minish the moral force of our position.
Any movement to secure "Afrioan CONTRACT
Labor" would be virtually a re-opening of the
slave trade and why not call things by their right
names? We have not yet seen any exact
definition or explanation by the advocates of
labor supply movement of precisely what they
want, but suppose their idea is to incorporate
companies who are to import as many Africans
as may be wanted, first obtaining the free consent
Of the negroes to serve so long for such consid
GRAFTON as may be agreed upon. Now suppose
five thousand ten thousand, twenty thousand, or
any other number of negroes are imported by
these corporations to labor for ten years. When
the time expires, what becomes of the Africans
and their increase for that length of time Are
20 na- oil 10 f,a VIII
they were brought? No man is SO foolish as to
entertain seriously such an idea What is to be
done with them then? The end of the matter
will be that the expiration of their term of APP
premiership viii be the beginning of perpetual
slavery. African labor supply would then be
African slave labor supply, and why not designate
the commerce by its appropriate ttle-the slave
trade?
1t is plain that the Africans will never be sent
back to the land of their birth Their own wishes
and our own incapacity and wants would all mill
tate against such a course. The negroes would
then either have to remain here in freedom or
perpetual servitude. Southern experience proves
the deeterious influence of free negroes upon
society, and nearly all the slaveholding States
have acted on this experience by enaeting string
ent laws against that class of population In the
event that the imported apprentices have to re
main here in a state of freedom, it is difficult to
imagine what would be the extent of their own
suferngs and the trouble they would give us, not
to mention that it would force our State govern
ments to great inconsistency in their favor over
other free negroes, for they could not legslate
againsta class which their own action created.
But as before said, the end of the whole matter
would be a conversion Of these apprentices into
slaves for the simple reason that any other course
would be impracticable- A move
ment, then for the procuring of African Contract
Labor, and the slave trade would be virtually the
same. Now we believe in and advocate o move
ment under the last name. The South wants
"more labor and cheaper labor; let her have it,
and let her obtain it by asserting her right to
have tand the justice and feasibility of reopen
ing the traffic. Let her insist upon the humanity
of the slave trade and its necessity to the devel-
opment of her resources and the cultivation of
her lands, and let her take the position that the
law against it ON our statute books is tacit con.
fession that she owes not only her prosperity but
her very existence to an institution which is tacity
condemned as intrinsically wrong by the very Law
she assisted in making.
The law declaring the slave trade piracy is
blot upon the South, and she should never res
until she has effected its repeal. Let us insis
upon and enforce an abrogation of the action o
this Government on this subject, and eschewinl
African contract labor, labor supply movement
and apprentice systems, let US boldly and openl.
encourage the african Staee Trade This is wha
we want, and this is what we must eventual.
have.
On our outside can be seen a short but ab
article from the Washington States upon the sub
ject of our Mexican policy. 1t is written il
Pryors most lucid and vigorous style. Like al
of his productions nowadays, it is indeed charac
terized by reprehensble GOODNESS towards tn