The Hillsborough recorder. [volume] (Hillsborough, N.C.) 1820-1879, 1859-02-09

The people OF the Tree States, when once
convinced that no practical benefit can flow
from the efforts of men. who, protesting phi
lapthropy, 10 fact seek political power; and
the qualification of personal ambition through
the instrumentality If such agitation, will
surely withdraw from this class their cocn-
tenance-at least so far as to direct them to
some other means of becoming famous than
at the expense of the peace and harmony Of
the Government under which we have lived
and rospered together for nearly century.
With this introduction | enter upon the ar
gument.
The following propositions characterize
the speeches to which am replying, to-wit
!. The great problem to be solved under
our system is, whether our Government shall
be confederacy Of republics, or Of olgar-
chies--ot demOcracies, or OF aristocracies.
2. Whether the States shall advance under
the bounding spirit Of freedom, or anguish
under the blighting influence of slavery.
3. Whether we shall reduce the Declare,
ton Of Independence to practical govern
mental truth, or leave it to fill niche in the
temple Of political philosophy merely.
ask my countrymen to examine for them
selves how the decision of either or Of all
these theerems is to be attained in practice.
and. if attained. how can they affect their
country in its careerf When gentlemen
characterize the slayeholding States as oil
garchies rather than as republics or democra-
cies, this epithet is applied with intent to
obtain leverage in the minds Of the laboring
masses Of the free States by producing their
discomfort; and through that discomfort either
TO urge those masses to interfere with 6 these
oligarchical institutions of the slaveholding
States, despite constitutional obligations. or
to assume an exclusive control over the des-
tiny Of embryo States that may become here.
after members Of the Union. The first Of
these objects politicians emphatically deny,
They say, on the contrary, they could protect
the right Of the master in the STATES waere
slavery obtains. As to the second, they adj
NIT that. being opposed to the extension of
slavery in the Territories, they feel that
everything in the power Of the people of the
free States should be done to prevent that
extension.
know the people Of the free States Do
not like the system Of slavery; | know they
are opposed 10 an extension Of slavery.
neither seek TO change their opinion, nor TO
prevent its free expression. BIT Just at this
point. let me ask, have the people Of the free
States the po,cer. through congressional ac-
ton. to prevent the extension Of slavery ia
the Territories: This question is one, not Of
negrophilism, but OF constitutional rights and
political expediency. 1t is not TO be fairly
decided BY mere impulse Of feeling, but its
decision rests on the constitutional sanctions
under which we live, and upon which the
States and people Of this country have es.
tabished their political relations 10 each
other. Ii is not question OF ethics or phi
lanthropy but one Of political rights and
power only. Now, ask my countrymen Of
the free States il this question has net been
heard and decided often enough to be con-
sidered settled: II was decided in 1850, BY
the legislation OF that date, after a struggle
of three years. Ii was decided in 1852, by
the Wing and Democratic parties volunta-
rily adopting, in national conventions. reso-
lations TO stand BY the compromise Of 1850.
Southern men seem 10 have thought they were
sgain deciding this question when they voted
for the Kansas. Nebraska act in 1884. North
ern men who voted for that act were willing
10 regard itras Judicial question. How far
the right 10 carry slave into Territory
by the highest constitutional tribunal we
have.
We are told that the bred Scott case has
been misinterpreted that this point was not
before the court; what the slayeholding
Judges said was mere oJiter dicfa and final.
~, that the political power Of Congress can
not be controlled BY a coordinate depart
ment Of the Government. But these exeep.
tons to the decision will not avail. The
Supreme Court is a constitutional tribunal,
TO last as long as the Government Of the
United States; and il has pronounced its
opinion on the point IN question, not unmis.
takably as a court. but with such force IN tie
separate opinions Of its members, both from
free and slave States, that there is no longer
any doubt Of the views Of the tribunal. 1t
the supreme law until that decision shall be
reversed.
The American party placed its dietuni also
on record through is national councils against
the continuance Of this agitation. How can
point be settled IL this has not been set.
tledf present the action Of Congress
whereby this asserted power was repudlsted
and IL exercise refused. present the &C.
ton Of the people through national eonsen.
TONS. indorsing, accepting and guatantsing
this congressional decision, and pledging The
country 10 stand BY and sustain il. might
cite later case, in which men 81 both par.
ties came together u vote for the Critienden.
Montgomery amendments bill drawn upon
III. principles d tie Legislation Of 1850, which
commanded the majority Of this House At its
last session. After so many and 50 oft.re.
heated declarations If tribunals cuufts Con.
efess. and people, what must We think Of the
pertiuacity which now seriously proposes
10 " Eight our battles DER again I" respect.
full, submit 10 tie people Of The free States
that il IS az overdfait upun their prejudiees,
which should be protested BY their patriotism
and intelligence.
II i nothing more nor less than an effect
70 a50ii,ionizs the Republican party for il
places IN their mouths new dogmas u the
most radical stamp. whirh far sUrpass any.
thing that party has heretofore prOfessed as
cardinal. Sir, We we're told. Two years since,