The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-07-27

e ognized property in slaves SO authorized thei
-, introduction into the territories the commo
domain of the United States, has been aftirme
by the Supreme Court, The decree or pub
lie not municipal law which inhibited shaver.
? IN all the territory acquired from Mexico va
therefore repealed by its transfer 10 the iuris
alctlon OF the United States, but if the rule
OF proceeding remained unchanged then al
tne remedies of the civil law would be ayaila
o.e ior the protection of property in slaves o
l the language of the organic act by specify
ing chancery and common law jurisdiction
denes to us the more ample remedies of tn
civil law, then those known to the common
law are certainly in force; and these hay,
ceeii assured by the highest authority will b.
iouIiu suIllclent If this be so then we ar
content II 1t should prove otherwise then W,
ou' ash what Justce cannot deny, the legisla
tlon neediul to enable the general government
to perform its legitimate functions: and in m,
mean time we deny the power of Congress {,
abridge or to destroy our constitutional rights
or Of the territorial legislature to obstruct tn,
remedies known TO the common law Of tn,
United States
Ii this be the position which il is sought Il
render odious by charging us with a wish /,
obtain from Congress the enactment of q,
slave CODE the abuse of language is palpa
BILE; but if it be intended by the use Of tina
phrase to ascribe to us purpose to ask 3
Congress the formation of police regulation,
for slaves in the territories; by general law t,
regulate patrols, passes, treatment and genera
discipline of slaves, you know it to be utterl,
untounded and must deem it absurd
1t has been so long the habit to speak o
African slavery as an evil only to be excused
becaused forced upon us and now irremedia.
BILE, so many well meaning persons have con
founded the policy of other times and circura
stances with the obligations of morality, thai
1t has come to pass that our property in tht
| labor Of Africans is regarded as an exception
to the general obligation of the government q
protect. and hence the laws. zlaial. haza.s,te
enacted to restrain within prescribed limits q
property which by recognition of the Gonsti-
tuition was placed upon the same footing
throughout the United States, as other prop
erty, the right to hold which is everywtere
recognized by the common usage of mankind
We have been sometimes reminded that the
word slavery" is not to be. found in the Con-
stltutlon and it has been assumed to be evil
denee of hostility to that tenure Of labor
which is so denominated A most illogical
conclusion in view of the fact that the Consti-
tuition treats Of that condition not only as an
| existing right of property, but as an element
IN the future basis of representation in the
general government. A more rational deduc-
ton, from the avoidance of the term in an in
] strument so remarkable for the accuracy of
the language employed, would be that the
| word was considered amisnomer If to res
/ train the vagrant, the vicious and the incom-
peteIt, the possession of liberty by whom
would be dangerous to society and injurious
to themselves, be slavery, then all civil gov
eminent might be arraigned for having estab-
lished that condition, and from the work
houses, the penitentiaries, the reform schools
and the asylums a cloud Of degraded and
unfortunate witnesses could be brought to
sustain the arraignment. But if il be said
these were incarcerated after being adiudged
to he lunatics or for crimes whereof they had
been duly convicted, may we not ask if it be
| philanthropy TO expose a race known TO be
unfit to take care Of themselves, TO trials be-
meath which they must generally sink, that in
the fullness Of time and after being daily ad-
judged they may end their days in the prison
or the mad house
In each case the good OF society is the ob-
| ject, and the justification is to be found in the
adaptation of the means tosthe end The diff
ference of rule results from the different capa-
cities of the races the exceptions in the one
being those who are unfit for self-government
| the exceptions in. the other being those who
are fit to be free.
| 1t would be easy to show that our system
! for the control of an incompetent caste is in
every respect better than would be system
Of work houses, public labor farms or reform
schools, as the permanent connection and in
terest Of the master must induce to a discip-
| line more parental than would be that of the
constable or superintendent having butA tenn
porary and official relation.
| But have already dwelt so long upon this
subject that it may be asked why thus filly
discuss questions on which there can be no
| difference in conclusion between myself and
! those whom l address ?ssTo such inquiry my
answer would be, we have need not only to
be assured to be justified and it is duty we
! owe to our ancestors, to ourselves and to pos
| terity to vindicate our institutions from I'M
| Just reproach. Tobe right both in conscience
and in the estimation of others is to be Strong.
| From the time when in vain reliance oA-the
strength which unity of people and of an
| gllage gave, impious man attempted She
| plain OF Shinar To defy the power of his Crsa-
tor and was confounded and dispersed, never
has there been any permanent prosperity
WHICH AOt IeSL Ou Tic DlsdS VI
What then is more befitting ffaternal confer
ence like this, than the freest examination of
| the truths on which we rest our defence before
the tribunal Of posterity, and claim the ALI
ance of the patriotic and the just of our own
| generation
! In the maintenance of our rights and the
vindication of our institutions the most une-
| quail contests are in the United States House
of Representatives, and we have cause to con-
graduate ourselves on the ability the fidelity
and harmonious cooperation of our mem
bers.
Undaunted by numbers unmoved by the
personal considerations so productive of defec-
ton, they have met every issue as became
/ Mississippians. Gould say more
/ Your resolution in favor Of the acquisition
Of Cuba is a gratifying endorsement of the
position which your delegation in Congress has
taken It is placed on the ground Of COM
mereial and political necessity, which in the
event of its transfer to any foreign power
would become absolute consideration as
broad as the Union, a motive as free from Sec
/ tional or partizan faint, as the spirit in which
the Constitution was ordained and established.
| Cntruly it has been argued that the anne xa-
ton Of Cuba is sought for the exclusive bene-
fit of the South; but If it were so, and it could
1 not be shown that our advantage would be
the injury Of other portions of the Union, how
| could the fact justify opposition, If we remain
what our Fathers left us-People united for
the common welfare. e
Before proceeding to the consideration Of
the subject in the national aspect in which
you have presented it, permits me briefly to
notice it IN its sectional relation, and here let
/ me say have no word of unkind criticism
for those Southern men who oppose the ac-
j QUESTION from the belief that it would be in
furious to our section. There is much force in
| the objection that the abolition of the slave
trade as the consequence of annexation and
the greater profits from slave labor in the Is
land than in the more Northern of the slave
holding States, would lead to such sale and
transfer to the Island as would soon render
those States acknowledging and that thus
our political power in the Union would be di-
minished
The question of acquisition has to us three
phases. The first belongs to the condition OF
harmony among the States and the people,
which would ensure fair administration by
the general government of all its delegated
powers and due regard for all our Constitu-
tional rights; to that case the balance of power
argument would not apply, as it pre-supposes
a case in which sectional division could not
exist. The second is that Of continuance IN
pickering and sectional strife, so that the gov
lernment shall be rendered unable to perform
its proper functions, and be driven onward by
an aggressivemajorify to interference in things
with which it has no rightful connection. In
that case any loss of political power winch
4 would serve to restrain from usurpatiop must
surely be deprecated. But the end, regret 1t
| as we may, the inevitable end of continuance
in such hostility between the States must De
their separation This brings me to the third
and last phase of the questionable impor-
lance of the Island of Cuba to the Southern
States If formed into separate confederacy.
! The commercial considerations in this would
probably be less important than in the first
phase of the question, but the political neces-
sity would be paramount, and the possession
would be indispensable. s
Viewed in its various relations to'our Sec
ton, Ireach the conclusion. that from the ac-
QUESTION of Cuba the South hasno injury to
apprehend which should deter her from using
all proper means for its accomplishments
What means may be proper will depend upon
circumstances as they arise. But here let me
say no acquisition, however desirable, could
induce me to consent to see the bright escnfch-
NIl wR