Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1859-06-22

Clarke, James Cooper, Benjamin s. Cowen, Robert
B. Cralston, James H. Cravens, Caleb Cushing Ed
mund De5erry, John Edwards, Horace Everett, Will
liam P. Fessenden, Willard Fillmore, A. Lawrence
Foster, Seth M Gates, Meredith P. Gentry, Joshua
R. Giddngs, William L. Goggin, Patrick G. Goode,
willis Green, John Greg, Inland Hall, William
Halstcad William S. Hastings, Thomas Henry, Chas.
Hudson, Hiram P. Hunt James Irwin, William w.
Irwin, Francis James, William Cost johnson, Isaac
D. Jones, John P Kennedy, Henry S. Lane, Joseph
Lawrence, Archibald L. Linn, Thomas F. Marshall,
Samson Mason Joshua Mathiot John Mattocks,
John P. D. Maxwell John Maynard John Moore
Christopher Morgan Calvary Morris, Jeremiah Nor
row, Thomas B. Osborne, Bryan Y. Owsley, James
A. Pearce, Nathaniel G. Pendleton, John Pope,
Cuthbert Powell George H. Profit, Robert RAM
sew, Benjamin Randall, Alexander Randall, Joseph
F. Randolph, Kenneth Rayner, Joseph Ridgway,
George B. Rodney, William RUSSELL Levcrett Sal
tonstall, John Sergeant, William Simonton, William
Slade, Truman Smith Augustus R. Sellers, James
c. Sprigg Edward Stanley, Samuel Stokely, Charles
C. Stratton, Alexander II. Fl. Stuart George w.
Summers. John Taaferro, John B. Thompson, Rich
ard W. Thompson, Joseph L. Tillinghast, George
W. Toland, Thomas A. Tomlinson, Philip Triplett,
Joseph Trumbull, Joseph R. Underwood, Henry
Van Rensselaer,, David Wallace, William Il. Wash
ington, Edward d. White, Joseph L. White, Thorn
as w. Williams Lewis Williams, Joseph l.. Will
liams, Robert e. Winthrop, Thomas Jones Yorke,
Augustus Young, John Young
Those who voted in the negative, are:
NAYs-Messfs. Julius C. Afford, Arcbibold H. Ar
rington, Charles &. Athcrton, Linn Banks, Henry
w. Beeson, Benjamin A. Bidlack, Samuel S. Bovine,
Linn Boyd, David P. Brewster, Aaron V Brown,
Milton Brown. Joseph Egbert Charles G. Ferris,
John 6. Floyd, Joseph Fornance Thomas +. Foster,
Roger L. Gamble, Thomas W. Gilmer, William o.
Goode Samuel Gordon, James Graham, Amos Gus
tine, Richard W. llabersham, William A. Harris,
John Hastings, Samuel L. Hays, Isaac E. Holmes,
George W. Hopkins Jacob Houck, jr., George S.
Houston, Edmund W. HUBBARD, Robert M. L. Hun
ter William Jack, Cave Johnston, John W. Jones,
George NJ. keim, Edmund Burke, Sampson ii. But
Ter, William Bntler, William o. Butler, Green W.
Caldwell, Patrick c. Caldwell, John Campbell, Will
liam B. Campbell, George B. Cary, Reuben Chap
man, Nathan Clifford, Andrew Kennedy, Thomas
Butler King, Dixon II. Lewis Nathaniel'S Little
field j. ~. Lowell, A. Mcclellan, r. Mcclellan, Jas.
j. Mckay, John Mckeon, Francis Mallory, Albert
G. Marchand Alfred Marshall, John Thompson Ma
son, James Mathews William Medill, James A. Me-
riwcther. John Miller, Peter Newhard, Eugena A.
Nisbet, William NJ Oliver, William Parmentcr Sam
uel Partridge, William W. Payne, Francis W. Pick
ems, Arnold Plumer, James q. Clinton, Walter
Coles, John r. j. Daniel Richard D. Davis, John
b. Dawson Ezra Dean, Davis Dimock, ir., William
Doar, A. W. Doig, |. \ Eastman, j. =. Edwards, j.
r. Re;ldng, Abraham Rcncher, r. Barnwe Rhett,
Lewis Riggs James Rogers, James ]. Roosevelt,
W.
Augustine H. Shepherd, Benjamin G. Shields. John
Snyder, Lewis Stcenrod, Thomas D. SUMTER George
Sweeney. Hopkins L. Turncv, John Van Buren,,
Aaron Ward. Lott Warren. Harvey NJ. Watterson,
John 3. Weller John Westbrook. James W. Will
ams, Henry 4. Wise, Fernando Wood
The progress of the abuse inherent in measure
so vicious, was fully illustrated in the course of
these ,;isrihutionbills. First they merely to
relieve the t,istresscs of the people: now they were
10 sc Lit.
price of State stocks in the hands of London capt.
tasts. In the beginning they were to divide a sur
plus on hand, for which the government had no use,
and which ought to be returned to the people who
had paid it. and who needed it: afterwards it was
to divide the land-money years ahead without know
ing whether theLe would be any surplus or not
they are for dividing money when there is none
to di,,pe--when there is a treasury defcit-and
loans end taxes required to supply it. Originally
they were for short and limited terms-frst, for one
year afterwards for five years: for perpetuity
This bill provides for eternity. 1t is curiosity in
human legislation. and contained clause which
would he ridiculous if it had not been impious-an
attempt to manacle future Congresses, and to bind
poStcrity through unborn generations. The clause
ran +: these words: That it. at any time during the
existence ofths act duties on imported goods should
be raised above the rate of the twenty per centum
on the value as provided in the compromise act of
1S'2, then the distribution of the land revenue
should DC suspended. and continue so until reduced
to that rate and then be resumed. Fallacious at
tempt to bind postcrity 1t did not even bind those
who made it. for the same Congress disregarded it.
But it shows to what length the distribution spirit
had gone; and that even protective tarf-that for
mcr sovereign remedy for all the wants of the peo-
ple-was sacrificed to it. Mr.: Clay undertaking to
bind all the Congresses for to uniform twenty
per ccntum adj valorcm duties. And while the dis
tributonbill thus undertook to protect and the
compromise of 1885, the tariff-bill of this
sion, undertook to return the favor by assuming to
protect and save the distribution-bill It's second
section contained this provso: That if any duty ex-
ceetlng twenty per centum the value shall be
levied before the 30th day of June, 1912, it should
not stop the distribution of the land revenue pro-
vldcd for in the distribution act of the present
sion. Thus, the two acts made mutual ASST
rcrs each STIMULATING for the life of the other and
connecting things which had no mutual relation
cep in the coalitions of politicians but, like other
! assnrers, not able to save the lives they assured
Both acts were gone in year, And the marvel is
how such himsy absurdites could be put into stat
! ne? And the answer from the necessity of concil-
iating'some ones VOTE without which the bills could
not pass Thus, some Southern antitarff men
would not vote for the distribution bill unless the
compromise of 1888 was protected and some dis
! tribution men of the West would not vote for the
anti-tarff act unless the distribution bill was pro-
| tected. And hence the ridiculous, presumptuous,
and idle expedient of mutually insuring each other.