Des Arc citizen., 1859-12-21

T
 tised; and, as assured you in my No. g, all | these evils must increase until every vestige | of order and government disappears from | the country" have been reluctantly led to the same opinion, and, in justice to my coun- trymeu who have suffered wrongs from Mexi- CO., and who may sti,l suffer them, feel bound to announce this conclusion to Con- | gress
 The case presented however, is not merely case of individual claims. although our | just claims against Mexico have reached a very large amount. Nor is it IT erely the case of protection to tho lives and property of the few Americans who may still remain in Mexico, although the life and property of | every American citizen ought to be sacredly | protected in every quarter of the world. But it is a question which relates to the future as we'll as to the present and the past. and which involves, indirectly at least, the whole subject of our duty to Mexico as a neighbor- | ing State. The exercise of the power of the | United States in that country to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of our own cit | izens is none the less to be desired, because efficient and necessary aid may thus be rem dered at the same time to restore peaca and order in Mexico itself In the accomplish- ment of this result the people of the United | States must necessarily feel a deep and earn | est interest Mexico ought to be q rich and prosperous and powerful republic She pos sess an extensive territory, fertile soil, and | an ncalcuable store of mineral wealth. She occupies an important position between | the gulf and the ocean for transit routes and for commerce Is it possible that such a country as this can be given to anarchy and | ruin without an effort from any quarter for | it's rescue and its safety? Will the commer- | cial nations of the world which have so many interests connected with it, remain wholly indifferent to suoh result Can the | United States, especially, WI ich ought to | share most largely in it's commercial inter course, allow their immediate neighbor thus | to destroy itself and injure them? Yet. with out support from some quarser it is impos- sibe to perceive how Mexico can resume her | positiontamong nations and enter upon ca I reer which promises any good results. The l aid which she requires, and which the inter- l ests of all commercial countriis require that | sh oshould have, it belongs to this Govern ment to render, not only by virtue of our neighborhood to Mexico, along whose terri 1 tory we have continuous frontier of nearly | thousand miles, but by virtue, alSo of our established policy. which is inconsistent with | the intervention of any European Power in the domestic concerns of the republic.
 The wrongs which we have suffered from l Mexico are before the world, and must deeply l impress every American citizen. A govern ment which is either unable or unwilling to | redress such wrongs is derelict to it's highest | duties. The dfficultv consists in selecting | and enforcing the remedy We may in vain apply to the constitutional government at | Vera Cruz, although it is we'll disposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst it's authority is acknowledged in all the impor- tant ports and throughout the sea-coasts of the Republic. it's power does not extend to | the city of Mexico and the States in it's vii | cnitv where nearly all the recent outrages | have been committed on American citizens. | We must penetrate into the interior before we can reach the offenders, and this can only be done by passing through the territory in l the occupation of the constitutional govern ment The most acceptable and least diffi- cult mode of accomplishing the object will be to act in concert with that government | Their consent and their aid might believe | be obtained; but if not, our obligation to 1 protect our own citizens in their just rights, | secured by treaty, would not be less impera- l tive.
 For these reasons, recommend to Congress 1 to pass a law authorizing the President, un- | der such conditions as tn sy may deem expc- | dient to employ q sufficient military force to | enter Mexico for the purpose of obtaining in | demnitv for tho past and security for the flu ture. purposely refrain from any sugges- i ton as to whether this force shall consist Of regular troops or volunteers, or both This | question may be most appropriately left to
 
 | observe that, should volunteers be selected, | such a force could be easily raised in this I country among those who sympathse wirh | the sufferings of our unfortunate fellow-citi- l zens in Mexico, and with the unhappy con- | dition of that republic. Such an accession | to the forces of tbe constitutional govern | wolud enable it soon to reach the City of | Mexico and extend its power over the whole l republic. In that event there is no reason to 1 doubt that the just claims of our citizens would be satisfied and adequate redress ob- lained for the injuries inflicted upon them. | The constitutional government have ever | evinced a strong desire to do us justice. and this might be secured in advance by a pre- | liminary treaty.
 1 It may be said that these measures will, at | least indirectly, be inconsistent with our wise l and settled policy not to interfere in the do- mestic concerns of foreign nations. But | does not the present. case fairly constitute an l exception? An adjoining republic is in a l state of anarchy and confusion from which | she has proved wholly unable to eXtricate | herself. She is entirely destitute of the l power to maintain peace apon her borders, or | to prevent the incursions of bandtti into our territory In her fate and in her fortune-in | her power to establish and maintain settled | government-we have far deeper interest,
 socially, commercially, and politically than
 any other nation. She is now wreck upon | upon the ocean, drifting about as she is i'm
 peled by different factions. As good neighbor, shall we not extend to her a help ing hand to save her? If we do not it would
 not be surprising should some other nation undertake the task, and thus force us to in-
 terfere at last, under circumstances of in
 creased difficulty, for the maintenance of our
 established policy.
 | repeat the recommendation contained in
 my last annual message, that authority may i knlNI IsCl rt | more temporary military posts across the
 Mexican line in Sonora and Chihuahua | where these may be necessary to protect the lives and property of American and MeXi-
 can citizens against the incursions and dep relations of the Indians, as well as awess
 rovers on that remote region. The establish
 ment of one such post at a point called Ars pc, in Sonora, in a country now almost l depopulated by the hostile inrOads of the In dians from our side of the line, would, it il
 believed. have prevented much injury ant | many crueties during the past season. A
 state Of lawlessness and violence prevails or | that distant frontier. Life and property ar'
 there wholly insecure. The population o
 Arizona, now numbering more than ten thou
 sand souls, are practically destitute of govern l ment, of laws or of any regular administra ton of justice. Murder, rapine and othe
 crimes are committed with impunity.
 therefore, again call the attention O
 Congress to the necessity for establishing l territorial government over Arizona.
 The treaty with Nicaragua of the 18th Fe | bruary, 1S59 to which 1 referred in my las
 annual message, failed to receive the ratifica | ton of the government of that republic, fo
 reasons which need not enumerate. A smi
 lar treaty has been since conclu1ed between
 the parties bearing date on the 18th of March
 1859, which has already been ratified by tn l Nicaraguan Congress. This will be imme
 diateIy submitted to the Senate for their rati
 fcation. Its provisions cannot, I think. fa
 to be acceptable to the people of both coun
 tries.
 Our claims against the governments o
 Costa Rica and Nicaragua remain unTedres
 sed, though they are pressed in an carnes
 manner and not without hope of success. | l deem it to be my duty once more earnest
 lv to recommend to Congress the passage of
 law authorizing the President to employ nav
 force at his command for the purpose of pro
 tecting the lives and property of America
 citizens, passing in transit across the Papams 1 Nicaragua and Tehuantepec routes, agains
 sudden and lawless outbreaks and deprada
 tions. I shall not repreat the arguments em ploved in former messages in support of th
 measure. Suffice it to say that the lives ( many of our people and the security of va amounts of treasure passing and repassin over one or more of these~routes between th l AtiuHltI anu dCluCs ulitS pe NeepiN lllNolN6 f in the action of Congress on this subject. would, also, again recommend to Cor gross that authority be given to the Presider s l to employ the naval force to protect th | American merchant vessels their crews an cargoes, against violent and lawless seizul
 and confiseation in the ports of Mexico an
 the Spanish American States when theS l countries may be in disturbed and revolt l | tonary condition. The mere knowlede = that such an authority had been conferre' 3 as have already stated, would Of itself in | great degree, prevent the evil. Neith, would this require any additional approprii , ton for the naval service.
 , The chief object urged against the grant | this authority is, that Congress. by confe
 ring if, would violate the Constitution-th,
 it would be transfer of the war-malSing. O n strictly speaking. the war-declaring power n | the Executive. If this were well founded a | would, of course, be conclusive. A yer 2 brief examination, however, will plsce tn | | objection at rest.
 f Congress possesses the sole and eNclusiy f power, under the Constitution. " to declai v | war" They alone can raise and suppo - armies. and provide and maintain n. -f :