Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1859-08-17

The CONGRESSIONAL PROTECTION DOCTRINE IN
| VIRGIMA=-THE HUNTER AND WISE DEMocRACY.-W
see by our Virginia exchanges that the two wings
| of the democratic party are again at issue in vir-
ginia When Judge Douglas made his famous Le-
compton dodge" it will be remembered that Gov.
! Wise followed him. Mr.. Hunter and his party srs
| tanned the administration. Governor Wise lost
ground fearfullN both in the South and in his own
State 1t was necessary, therefore. that something
should be done to effect restoration OF his South
ern strength. His dilemma was one OF desperation
In this unpleasant state Mr.. Brown of Mississippi,
happened to hit upon the idea of invoking Congress
sional Intervention to protect slavery in the Terri
tories Immediately Governor Wise was up for ac-
ton. Here was his opportunity. True, the South
she had been demanding of the Federal government,
simply to be let alone to have no restrictive laws
against slavery. True, she had never asked for
Territorial slavery code, as no one ever asked Tor
territorial horse code. True there was little terri
tory left to be settled and therefore, no advantage
was to be derived from such code. True, under
the past history of the country Alabama. MISSISSIPPI
pi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Tennessee, Ken
lucky, and Missouri had all been made slave States
without special slavery CODE thus demonstrating
the uselessncss of any such Congressional protec
ton. True the South, when her population was
much smaller, both in whites and blacks than at the
present tme had succeeded in coonizing every foot
of ground in the confederacy which was adapted to
the production of her staple. True, therefore, that
the remedy of Congressional protection was being
prescribed after the necessity for it had passed
Still notwithstanding all these practical, facts Con-
gressional slavery code was an exciting measure
which would keep up agitation, and thus again keep
up politicians.
In Virginia Mr. Hunter and his party have taken
the position that while theoretically Congress
would be obliged to protect slaves as every other
property should any attempt be made to confiscate
it. yet there was no practical purpose to be gained
by demanding it generally. Taking the plain COM
mon sense view of the matter, and having no politi
cal position to regain they have arrayed themselves
against Governor Wises and Senator Browns hob
by. With this wing we confess to a most hearty
concurrence. All we ask of Congress is to let sla
very alone; we would not give fig for the protec
ton of government. There is potency in public
sentiment which must not he forgotten. 1t Is fix
ed fact, and whether it he admired or denounced it
is none the less fact. As it has been in the past
history of the country will it be in the future
Let there he territory suited to Southern products,
and it will fall without sruggeinto the possession
Of Shareholders and be organized as slave State.
Let there be territory not adapted to it. and it will
fall into the hands Of nonslaveholderS and be made
a non-slaveholding State. When this is considered,
and also the other no less important fact that not
outstanding the constant defamation about South
ern impotence and vassalase, she has, nevertheless.
been strong enough to colonize the richest vaes of
the Confederacy, and has only ceased to COLOMBO be-
she has got all that suits her purposes. When'
these two consideration reflected upon, the enor
nous absurdity of this whole agitation about Con-
grcssional Intervention to protect slavery will be
then in its Tenth, breadth. heighth and thick
ness. While, therefore, we shall favor the express
denial of sqnatter sovereignty and the right of the
people of Territory to prohibit slavery before they
form their constitution thus reasserting the Cncin
natl platform, we shall not favor any issue upon this
Congressional protection Observation-Disclosures South
CrOlinian