The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-02-02

non. Inc administration Will be justified in
this resort by the engencies Of the government,
and The opposition will be apt to improve the
occasion of an extra session, in the definite ar
rangement Of some general plan of operations
for 1860.
We are aware that since the passage of the
tariff act of 1916, free trade principles have
been steadily gaining ground In the South. Much
Of the essence of secessionism lies in the sup
posed advantages which would accrue to South
ern confederacy from reciprocal arrangements Of
free trade. But The democratic party have now
to confront the demands of heavy expenses, small
receipts, an empty treasury, and an increasing
public debt and they must now decide whether
these demands shall be met by higher taxations
upon imported goods, or through direct taxa
ton of the people, or the decision will be made
by the opposition. The free traders Of the South
must consent to higher duties upon iron manu-
features and other articles, or to direct tax
upon their niggers, according to their three-fths
ratio Of representation in Congress. The one
alternative or the other is inevitable, and the
longer decision is evaded the heavier will he
the pressure when the day of settlement shall
come.
Our democratic President makers may agree
to disagree upon this subject; but the party in
power cannot escape their responsibilities to the
country in reference to short supplies, heavy ex-
penses, and heavy public debt There is mis-
chief too, in this caucus movement of the Senate;
and though it may be levelled at the President,
it will react, if followed up, against the party.
The President is secure in his position, but the
party is among the shoals and quicksands of the
most treacherous navigation; and it may be that
the disorganization Of the party, commenced
upon the Kansas issue, will be completed upon
the tariff A few weeks will settle the question.
Fear OF War with France and England
The Truo Measure OF National Power.
The cavillers at the bill for placing thirty
millions of dollars at the disposition of the Pre-.
sident, to be used in part payment for the island
of Cuba in case Of a successful negotiation with
Spain, advance as one of the weighty arguments
against its passage the assertion that such step
would eventually involve US in war with France
and England.
How this great result is to follow from the
simple announcement of desire on our part to
acquire Cuba, and to acquire it peaceably, is not
stated, and we cannot conceive. AS this bug
bear Of q war with those nations is continually
held up by the opponents of any step that really
is living part of an American policy, it may
be worth while to look into the subject, and see
what war between the United States and Eng
land and France, or between the former and
either of the last two Powers, would, in fact,
amount to. They comprise three out Of the
four living nations Of the world; and con-
fict between them, or between the United
States and either of them, would be some
thing very different from any of the past
European wars, or those that have &C.
Cured between US and any European
Power. The three nations may be said to be
very nearly balanced in physical strength-their
populations not differing greatly in numbers
and that of each of them far exceeds any thing
in the shape Of national Powers that have ever
entered into conflict, excepting only the late
war in the Crimea. They are, too, in this re-
spect, more evenly balanced than any other
nations in the world and each can freely COM
mand the multtudinous mechanical appliances
and improved weapons and instruments that
have been introduced in warfare and which have
60 enormously increased the cost of it's prose-
cution
These considerations alone are sufficient to
compel each of these nations to adopt careful
hesitancy about going to war with each other,
even upon motives of direst aggression /; and
much more do they operate when the subject
in dispute is not only question in which
they are not directly interested but one in which
their indirect interests may lie in its success
OF this character is the question of the acquisi-
ton of Cuba by the United States. Neither the
interests of England nor of France are directly
aggrieved in the transfer, while such step
would conduce indirectly to their advantage, by
bringing the prolific industry and trade of Cuba
within the scheme Of our material and social de-
velopement, and putting stop to the last REM
nant of the inhuman African slave trade. This is
the question Of war, viewing the three nations as
equal Powers.
But 1t has another aspect--0ne which every
whoever he may be, is bound to con-
slider before he plunges his country In war.
The three nations referred to comprise the three
greatest members Of the republic of trade. Their
interests are bound together with mighty bonds
Of mutual exchange, which can be appreciated in
the aggregate by the political economist; but 80
deeply do their varied ramiGcations penetrate
every source Of industry, the human mind can
not grasp nor estimate the intensity Of evil that
would be produced by their rupture. II is no
exaggeration to say that such an event would
paralyse the labors of industry and the exchanges
Of trade all over the world. Here, then, begins
the effect which the political economist can
grasp and estimate. Industry and trade are the
fountains Of revenue, and revenue constitutes the
sinews of war and national power. In order,
then, to correctly estimate the relative physical
power Of the three nations In war between