Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1859-08-29

nounlna on Popular hUferetahtY
Senator Douglas has givcn 70 the magazine
reading public his long promised pronunea-
mento on Popolaf Sovereignty in ne septem
Der number ofHarpor He Essay, newtpapor
pap, va, IL entitled The Dividing Line b.
tween Federal and Local Authority Popular
Sovereignty in the Teuitofies;n and is copy
riphted by the Hsrpers, Mr. Douglas attempts
to define the attitude Of the Republican party in
regard 70 the proper limits of Congressional and
Territorial Sovereignty, so far as slavery is
concerned quotes the declaration Of the
Philadelphia platform that " it is both the right
and the duty of Congress 10 prohibit slavery in
tho Territories and the individual opinions
Of Seward and Lincoln in regard to the " ire
pressbe conflict between the systems Of Slave
and Free Labor, as an authoritative exposition
Of Republican views, and condemns the Re
pubhcans as making an uneudng war upon
Southern institutions ..
After representing the Republican party in
the most ultra position possible, Mr. d. recog-
nizes three distinctly marked species Of De-
mocracy, viz. squatter Sovereignty Demo-
Gratis, who deny that the Supreme Court has
authoritativey decided that slavery exists in
every Territory by constitutional right, and
who believe that the Squatters, under a tenito-
rial government, have full power TO adopt or
reject slavery-Save Code Democrats, who &C
cept the fancy oracles, with Buchanan's inter-
pretation that the Constitution carries slavery
into all the Territories, as the highest form OF
law---and third, Anti-Save Code believers in
Taney, who look to the Judiciary and not
Congress, to protect slavery in the Territories.
Mr. Douglas places himself in the first class
and labors to strengthen that position, against
all assailants.
In closing review Of this fallacious essay,
the Cincinnati Gazette thus speaks of its prob
able effect:
In the first place. as to the Republican party,
will Mr.. Douglas succeed in detaohing any
npdy from its ranks, to 20 over to his support
BY such document as this certainly not This
devotion TO Dred Scottish is fatal, his pettifog.
ging interpretations affordng no satisfactory
relief. His Squatter Sovereignty doctrneis but
glitteriBg absurdity, which does not bear ex~
animation, nor comm nd confidence. Even his
opposition to a slave code is placed on an unsat-
lsiaetory basis, and leaves him justly liable to
the charge OF inconsistency, ratheI than the
South utraists whom he denounces.
Will this essa improve his standing at the
South! Certainly not 1t must only widen
he breach that was already apparently fatal -
The influence exerted by this document viii be
chiefly in promoting a permanent dDisiOn Of The
Democratic party. Douglas is evidently striking
out for an independent race in 1860, trusting
TO The House and to the Republicans to give
him, in default of popular election, that pos
ilion which he now well understands he can
mover receive by the aid Of the Suush This is
the real meaning of this last manifesto OF
Douglas. Already, he irstinctively feels that
his only hope for safety is in the strong anti.
slavery sentiment of the North Without con
cllating the Republican party, he las done
enough to awaken just suspicion that his only
hope lies in that direction and to transform
Southern distrust into emphatic and decisive
rrpudiation of his claims. The attitute of the
Little Rebel is now more critical than ever be
fore, and his fate at Charleston is already de-
clded