New-York daily tribune., 1859-05-31

HIn'..J, No %onb.y nj both those partes no
cher raoonrse bu, 20 break loose f2l Ia 80
,amrsis "a srnrn the requisitions OF nereo.,a Pu
.,aiiI.,9' vi au p f,rn a new party whose watchwofd
sbar,J H., Esrrpor National SLa'k1i ..
and whose guiding poestar shoua ps ,ns ~ .on,
of American Bondage within tie i an,,hl;sb and -
- c.a,os which have seen M u e-.api-'" an 'ic
eIsn Imam that baleful INSTITUTION Ah'. Tins
y IN t,,unn of 1854 while the pioneer comp any cent
out from Massachusetts by 'he hIaslan s1cls.y
nsIeyipg al Lawrence the foundations oi wha' was
J and destined 10 proyethe ralyngp' mt and ci'a'
AZ Of the Free-Labor movement IN r.ansas sac
Conventions in Nev-Yors, IN ONO, IN Indiana, anc
nrohably some other States, were f,iying form ard
bodv 10 that popular uprising Throughout The Free
states which was coon 70 be kno|a az the Republican
marty Tina. party and Free kaI sas have thus CON-
mon origin in the indignation, be alarm, the stern re-
eoivc excited tbrough0 the free states by the pa
sage Of the Nebra-ka bill.
And tha, the Republican party has hitherto been
nx;denced by the fact that we here a.;
seu,,led in gladnoes and proud security to-day
co,ld not with inpunity here make nor you 7Vsh g
these remarks, hal there been no Emgrant oeclc'{
M Reublean par,v The atrocious Border-infan code
maki,g resistance 10 Slavery felony, punishable WIN
long nprsonment at hard labor, and IN certain odse
with death, with its Missouri cohtrYers an
woad have kept ont or driven ont all earnest acte
FrseState men, and enced the tind residne, bnt i9r
these powerful backers of the freeSate cause ou'-ue
of your limits. .,....,
oronnizition of the Republican party, we are now
called 10 consije- the necessity OF continuing or the
expedieDcy Of dissolyDg the kePnohean orsahlzaicn
IL the mission Of the party fulfilled Are al its
ends attained Has it no remaining duy but 10 diei
To state these questions il to suggest the ready an
swer. Free Kansas, though primary object OF the
guardianship and nurture of the Republican party, is
by 10 means its sole Objects beings end and
ann" The victory won here is but the prelude to
more important trumphs. am sure that If IT. was %
ever necessary, il is necessary today, and 'haL "l
be tomorrow. Though 10 prophet, nor son OF q
prophet see clearly, by the light OF the immediate
past that the essential causes which compelled its
organization and its efforts, VII contlhne 10 be dt ieas
as potent as they have bcen For, not TO SPEAK par
ticnlarly of Cuba New-Mexico, Arizona, and the eon
templaed new Territory of Colorado, it suices That the
Republican party though called into existence BY
MEASURE was based on principe, ana prncpie w1lcm
must be- operative and practical long as Slavery shall
seek and find shelter under the flag OF our Union. 1he
pripcipe is Hostility to the Extension Of Siavery-to
The fnrther agerandizement OF the Slave Power IN our
Upion As the vital the ayowed principle OF the Ne
braska bill and of the Democratic party in passing it,
was that Of entire National indifference to the iorna
ton of Slave Free States specvely to the eIten
sion of Free Slave Labor SO the Republican parry
was formed and founded the aDtagons'lc prIDcple
of actual absolute positive resistance, by every law
fu means and at whatever cost to the planting of Sla
very single square foot of our countrys soil pre-
yiously Free.
But why not oppose Slavery absolutely and every
where we are asked-in Virginia as IN Kansas, in
Georgia the same as in New Mexico Why not strike
directly at the existence Of Slavery anywhere, instead
of merely attempting to cODhne and restrict 1t
answer-Thcse questions .coniound what we may
with what we NAV not do and seek to obliterae the
plain distinction between them. Slavery III Virginia Is
Just as bad as Slavery in Kansas; but yonr or my
power over it, our right to oppose and seek its over
throw is much broader and clearer in the one case nan
in the other. If lived in Slave State, should be
there an Abolitionist; living in Free State, am
Slavery Restrictionis-that is, Hepubhcan. l not
vote as a citizen of New York e. abolish Slavery in
Missouri, simply because my voting ever so reso-
lutely, and with ever so strong majority OF New.
Workers at my back, would not Of all promote the end
tod in mn npo
of Missouri. Whatever lmits Power limits with II Re
sponsbility and, having no power over the laws OF
Missouri, wise responsible for their justice or
Injustice OF course, | know that the power of
enlightened and resoute Public Opinion-the OPINION
of Christendom-is very great; and do whatsoevet
do to intensity the reprehenson with which that
must and will exercise to prevent the establishment
of Slavery anywhere and TO secure IFS overt brow every
where om my brothers keeper Just so far, and only
so far, as ] have power 10 win him from wrong and
shield him from harm. Wherever Ability halts there
Obligation ends. But not till then.
object of course to the doctrine entitled Popular
Squatter Sovereignty, even in its more plausible
aspect, because it is plainly limitation OF my power
and ability with that of eighteen millions OF my coun-
trymen citizens with me of the Free States, t. act
nIon and influence the existence Of Slavery In the Ter
rtorieto labor for its exclusion tereiIom. u Is on
our part an abdcaon, and in my view cowardly one.
II is in notorious antagonism to the faith and practice
of the Revolutionary Fathers-thc great men of our
countrys heroic age. For, whatever may he doubted
III
first devised and proposedt Congress the exclusion by
act of Congress Of Slavery from the Territories Of the
confcderacy-nOt from part, but nom al OF then-
fIom those South well as those North OF the ohio
and tha, Washington deliberately affixed his name ID
approval TO the immortal Ordinance of 81, whereby
Slavery was excluded forever from the territory
northwest of the Oho-wlich was all the territory
our Union then possessed. If any one undertakes to
tell me that Congressional Restriction OF Slavery dis-
trusts the People, fetters the People, my short answer
is The question Is betwoo" your assertion on the one
hand and the deliberate recommendation OF 1'homas
jefferson the official approval of George Washington,
on the other settle it among you
But further object to the doctrine termed Squa,ter
Sovereignty that it is politicians dodge-an office
seeker conirvance TO evade responsibility and elude
hostility When, in 1871 the Wi!mot PiOviso was
first submitted to Congress, and sustanedn the House
by the entire North with barely three ds'entneniS
Gen. Cass professed anxiety TO vote for It N the
Senate and blamed John Davis of Massachusetts for
having las the General alleged, by untimely speak
ing prevented ITS passage. But the South generally
showed teeth at the advocates of that Proyiso, while
Gen. Cass was an anXiOns expectart of the Democratic
nomination and of course of the Southern vote. In
the event he gained the nomination and vote, but
failed to win the election. While thus sitting uneasly
on the anxious seat, Gen. Cass was inteIrogated by
Mr. A. O. p. Nicholson OF Tennessee 10 his position
on the Wilmot Proyiso, and replied that great
change had been going on in his mind, and he
believed in that of others candidates for the Pres
dency, | presumc) on that subiect-that he was now
opposed TO the Wimot PIOyiso ard in favor of letting
each Territory adopt or reject Slavery Of it,
" domestic Institutions a II should see ft Aud
that dodgiur letter IS the origin and basis of the
modern doctrine OF Squatter Sovereignty And what
II was at inst il remains o this day polticians
device 10 cvade responsibility and elude hostility
while they wrigge their way up the slippery sleeps
which lead 10 0ilce and Power.
What does Squsttcr Sovereignty propose | need
rot step lere Ia prove that Squaer S0verei igny with
tie DTed Scott decision annexed is simple frauds
-f..lH