The weekly Ottumwa courier. [volume] (Ottumwa, Iowa) 1857-1872, 1859-04-14


and their power to perpetrate or destroy the
institution, appears to me to differ in no re-
spect from that Of the Legislature of our own
State within its own limits. Mr.. Webster
once gave his opinion on the subject in some
thing like the following words 81 have care
fully examined the different acts Of Cession
from the States from which the District of
Columbia was severed, and have found no
reservation whatever, impairing or restrict
ing the authority of the Federal Government
over all matters pertaining to the Dis
trict .,. ., -..
Let us take another look at the natter
The Constitution in apportioning represen-
tatives to Congress enumerates five slaves as
equivalent to three whites. This gives a
representation of about thirty members in
our present Congress, drawn entirely from
slave property, based on no intelligence, no
vote, no person having an interest in the
soil they till, but based solely on that which
in law is called property" The conse-
quence is just what we might expect. In
our National Halls oflegislation, the voice of
the free North, the West and the East, is
drownded by the votes of a property repre-
sentation. Improperly in the South is to be
represented in our National Councils, why
should not the property of Iowa. Take
away from our present Congress, the "pro-
perry representatives, and how would the
arm of slavery withcr? OF course the Con-
stitution establishes this state of things, and
there is no expectation of remedy there, but
this fact, that we are overshadowed, should
admonish us to enquire into the merits of
that system which now practically directs the
destinies of our Country.
Ipresume every one knows the origin of
the long Florada war. A female slave had
escaped from Georgia into Florida; that slave
subsequently gave birth to daughter, and
that daughter was married to Oceola the
Seminole Chief The master of the fugitive
slave having heard this, kidnapped the wife
of the Chief, the Chief pursued, and shot
him through the heart. Hence the Florada
war, which cost us twelve million of dollars,
and many valuable lives. Who paid that
cost? We shall see by and by. ~r
The STAKEHOLDER is at this moment before
the country, modestly striving to lull us in
to the purchase of Cuba: failing in that,
pick quarrel for the occasion; involve us in
a war with Spain and seize it, or failing in
that, seize It by private contract. Suppose
it acquired by the first process, that of pur-
chase, it is computed that it will take from
one hundred and fifty to two hundred million
Of dollars to buy it. Who pays that large
sum? The stakeholder who receives the
benefit? No such thing. 1t must be paid
out of the public treasury. Who fills that
! treasury? (that is, when it is fnll.) The
stakeholder? No. Our National income is
raised on imported articles. Who pays the
duty? The customer; the free North; the
West and the East consume about four-fifths
of our importations; consequently the free
States, would be furnishing funds to perpe-
trate their own subjugation. Thus as in the
Florada war, we are allowed to pay the fid-
dler, while the slave holder monopolized all
the dancing, and the right of eating all the
refreshment. Are not these sufficient rea-
sons why we should discuss the ques-
ton ?"
| In 1881 a slave instruction occurred in
Virginia, and many white persons were
massacred. How was that instruction sup
pressed? BY the troops of the United States.
The bold Virginia STAKEHOLDER fled in dismay.
Thirty slaves armed with knives alone swept
through the whole length of the country in
which the rising occurred, and were at last
only subdued by the National troops The
Constitution makes it the duty of the Gen
eral Government to assist in surprising in
surrections. Who among us can say that
we shall not at future day find ourselves
on the muster roll of our National army?--
Should we De on such service, we are al
ways liable to be under orders for the sup
preston of a similar outbreak. We are
there, and we find ourselves placed in the
painful alternative, either to witness the
butchery of our own race or to cut down those
who have struck alone for liberty. Surely
we ought to investigate and learn if that can
be a good and benefcent institution which may
at any time place us in a position so painful.
Have we no right to discuss? We should
not forbea- if we would. What led to the
burning Of all the public property in Wash
ington by the British in 1914? Although
Great Britain won for herself an imperisha-
BILE infamy for that act, so far as burning the
property off, pacific kind was concerned
neither that property, nor our ar senals, our
magazines, our war vessels, stores and COM
mercial vessels which were taken or destroy
ed, could have been lost to us had not the
milestone Of Slavery been hung upon the
National neck. Slavery then worked against
us in two-fold manner; it furnished men to
swell ike ranks of the enemy, and it paraly-
sed the arm of those who should have sprung
to the defense of the city. The British force
l think was about three thousand; they
made Judgment on Tangiers island, fortif-