The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1859-10-07

When Frpnchmen really undertake to explain
theories and facts they can express themselves
with more clearness and precision than the writers
of any other nation. On the other hand they are
equally capable of discussing subject in man.
ner apparently lucid, but actually incomprehensi-
BILE. They can treat important topics, when it so
peases them, in the vague and perplexing strain
in which the ancient oracles were wont to speak
Thus we have lately learned from the French pa
pers that other governments were led to engage in
wars through purely selfish motives, while France
fought fer ideas alone, and although we can
understand how this lofty notion may be preg-
nant with meaning, still in the absence of any at.
tempt to clucidate it, our views of this phase Of
French policy continue as indefinite as ever. The
late circular of the Minister of the Interior TO the
Projects, in which he discourses at some length
Of the liberty of the press, is fair specimen oil
those documents which: amid the profuse phraseol-
ogy of political pamphlets, preserve the reiicence
of State papers. The Minister pronounces the
government 10 he 700 strorg, pure and national
10 be shaken by calumny, but notwithstanding
this he thinks it his duty to impose upon all dis
cussions those restrictions which are 'enioined
'iby respect for the Constitution and by the inter-
tests of order, public morality and religion :"
"Tho right of displaying and publishing their
'opinions," he says, "belongs to all Frenchmen ~
and ''cannot be taken away from a people so en-
frightened" and he then proceeds to show that
this does not apply to periodical journals The
reason given for excluding them from the privile-
ges belonging "to all Frenchmen," is that they
have ''under every regime been subjected to special
regulations" AS statement of a matter OF
fact or law this is conclusive enough though il
would be difficult 10 point ont how it proves
the propriety of the distinction made between
journalists and other authors. The truth is it is
distinction without q difference. The authori-
ties claim the right to suppress and confscate any
work whenever they may arbitrarily determine that
Prospect for the constitution" or the "interests
'of order, public morality and religion" require
ii, and they lay what restrictions they please upon
newspapers, because the freedom of the press
does not extend to journalists. So wide are these
limits, within which the imperial officers NAV
''take and slay' the bantlings of the press that
its freedom and the pleasure of the government
are convertible terms. The argument by which the
right Surveillance over the daily journals is main
tanned, will scarcely be considered convincing and
another distinction therein drawn Will be found
to be more subtle than substantial. "The State, :"
the Minister alleges 'when it reserves TO itself
''the power Of directly REFRESHING their excuses
"by administrative interposition, does not restrict
elderly of thought but only employs method
''of protecting the interests of Society"
Whether the State chooses to call such an
exercise Of power method of protecting society,
or measure Of sefprotection it matters little nor
does it avail anything TO distinguish between the
excuses and the legitimate functions of the press
Whenever a government can decide for itself what
are and what are not excuses, our own experience
teaches US that it will be apt to class the slightest
tendency to publish unpalatable truths under that
head, and whenever it can act in such a case with
out any other restraint than its own Judgment
dictates, The consequences can easily be forseen
They may be studied now in France, where the
freedom Of the press practically exists no longer
This the Minister probably knew as well as any
one else, though he was forced so far TO recognize
the influence of its name as to do it homage in a
few pompous phrases. We do not mean to say
that the emancipation OF the French press from all
restriction would result in good for the terrible
disasters which have heretofore fallen upon Paris,
are, in too many instances, traceable directly to
the organs of visionary and INSCRIPTIONS sects or
parties. But if the supervision now exc.sed over
it is rigid as it was in the days of the BoURBoNs
the journalists have gained little by the revolutions
which have mainly been productive of good to
NJ, ri of In Al.
ship of to-day is as stringent as it was fifty years
ago, the circular Of the Minister of the Interior
establishes beyond all question