The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-08-24


pacsaees of I'll Snds, including 42,l75 mats sod 2b7s
bags Java Freight engagements 70 Englsh
ports were light, but rates nrm A far busuas.
was doing for ports the Continent at steady
rates lie American Eagle chartered load with
naval stores or Londoa on terms stated elsewhere.
MIR. Douglas and slas Position ON the Slavery
| Qusstl0A.
| According to a Washington letter to one Of our
city contemporaries, from "Native Soutberner, "
which we bave transferred to this paper, there is
an exceedingly narrow margin between the pre-
sent views OF Mr.. Douglas on the slavery ques-
ton aud the general principles of the republican
party.
The Illinois Senator declares that slavery il
the paramount issue, and that the battle upon it
''must be fought, and fought now to the end. -
In other words, be concurs in the "irrepressible
conflict" of Mr.. Stewards Rochester manifesto
He also denies that the bred Scott decision set-
ties any thing or does anything in behalf of sla-
very in the Territories and declares that slavery is
the creature of the local law, State or Territorial
This, too, is the ground occupied by the repubiI-
can party. And thus, with Mr.. Douglas tread
ing 50 closely upon their heels 10 the North this
party is not, ard will not be, in condition 10
make any concessions to the opposition elements
Of the Sontb. The Rochester manifesto will thus,
in all probability, have to be adopted as the
platform of the republican party 10 order to keep
its original Var Buren, democratic elements from
gong over to the camp of Mr.. Douglas.
We assume as the basis of these remarks that
these disclosures of Native SOutherner'
concerning the views and opinions of Mr.. Doug
las are true, aud we have every reason to believe
them so. His late public letters, his recent frank
and open conversations, here and elsewhere, on
the subjects discussed, leave no doubt upon the
matter. We dare say, too, that in the elaborate
constitutional argument which will be published
to-day or tomorrow, from the pen of
Mr.. Douglas, on the slavery question in the
Territories, his position as decidedly Northern
candidate for the Charleston nomination will be
conclusively established. MIR. Douglas has en-
,ered into this campaign of popular sovereign
~ as much resolved upon the subjugation of the
southern "fre-eaters' as was Louis Napoleon two
months ago to make Italy free "from the AIps
20 the Adriatic." And if there should be no
villarauca to the democracy, we may depend
Upon it that between Douglas and the fire.
eaters there will be war Of determination.
When Governor Wise issued mis- Stamford let
ter of forty newspaper columns on Congressional
sovereignty over the Territories with an illustra-
rive map of the United States, he threatened,
like the Austrians when they invaded Sardinia,
TO carry everything before him. But the Der.
nard Donnelly letter was to Wise the battle of
Magenta, ard be is now in full retreat for his
line of the Mncio-s chat is, the south side of Mason
and Dxon's line. But his case seems to be
hopeless, for he has no defensive square in which
20 take shelter. Indeed, FROM all that we eau
learn, Mr.. Douglas now considers his late forni.
dable Virginia rival "a dead cock in the pitt
But let not the "Little Giant of Illinois pre-
sumo too much upon his Northern ba-
lance Of power. The platform will be
the first thing in order at Charleston.
and the ultimatum of squatter or popular sove-
reignty may be too much for the Convention
Surprising that Northern majority may be
found competent to pass the popular sovereign.
ty" doctrines Of Mr. Douglas, the startling CUES
ion recurs, will not this proceeding be the sig
nal for revolt of the Southern fire.eaters? No
doubt of it can be entertained, considering the
fact that large portion of the fre-eaters really
desire, and are actively plotting for, the dissolu-
lion of the democratic party, as the shortest cut
to regular secession organization and South
ern confederacy.
North and South, however, the active masses
of the democracy desire treaty of peace, and
they are hopeful of another victory, like that Of
1856, between the divisions of the opposition.
The leaders and managers Of the party, sharing
in these anticipations, will leave no stone un-
turned to reunite their party. And thus, in the
long interval to the meeting of the Charleston
Convention, a compromise may be patched up
that will do for the Presidential campaign. Aud
as the first essential to such compromise will
be the dropping of both Wise and Douglas,
and their extreme sectional doctrines, it is quite
possible that we may find them both laid up in
lavender in good season for democratic harmony.
Governor Wise, it is universally conceded,
has already taken his "hasty plate of SOUP"
and we fear that the popular sovereignty" pro-
aunciamientoes Of Mr.. Douglas will be as fatal to
him as were the letters of those thirteen demo-
cratic candidates of 1852 to those thirteen men
who were drawn into a preparatory correspond
ence on the slavery question by Captain Scott
Snail Mr.. Douglas rule the Convention, or shall
the Convention rule or rule out Mr.. Douglas?
This is the exact question which he has raised,
and from which he cannot now retreat The
democratic party, therefore, must dispose of Mr..
Douglas before the meeting of their National
Convention, or he will break mp the party in the
Convention.
In 1854 he tried Southern exposure on the
kansas-Nebraska bill; but he thinks that in
1856 the South betrayed him at Cincinnati in
order to secure more available Northern man.
Mr.. Douglas, therefore, has resolved to coerce
the South with his Northern balance of power