The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1859-08-01
THE MODERN SPHYNX.


The Emperor of the French has confded to his
army the reasons which induced him to grant
Austria the just accomplished peace. 1t is docu
ment which requires frequent reperusal, and which
invites unceasing conjecture. The principal aim of
the war was 1t seems, to render Italy nation, and
this principal aim, 1T also seems, has been obtained
''lt is true, says Napoleon III, illustrating the
proverb, "Qut seGcHse s'occuSe, "that Ventia re-
mains to Austria but he explains that the excep-
ton Is mnaterial, because Nenitia will continue to
be an Italian Province, forming part of an Italian
confederation. We confess we do not follow the
Emperor in this explanation That Venice will re-
main Italian we can clearly see; should have
more difficulty in understanding how it could be-
become Bohemian or Hungarian, but how this fact
renders its possession by Austria of less Importance
we cannot pretend to explain. 1t is one of those
logical sequences which none but an Emperor at
the head of many legions can enounce with effect.
10 the eye OF common understanding this posses
sion of Venitia by Austria would seem to
give Austria right which she never before had to
intermeddlc in the politics of all Italy. Austria a
great military monarchy is by this possession mem
Der of conederacv which is made up of Austria and
few insignificant and unwarlike States. In this
confederacy who will influence and who will obey?
Austria is right in bOastng that it matters not To
her what may be the fortune of arms; for, beaten
or victorious, she always gains the prize in the
contest That which was limited is now to become
universal; that which an encroachment is now
to become right. We have nothing to say when
the French army is told that the union of Lom-
a
ally. tits undoubtedly true, But France has bought
his alliance at frightful cost, and the indepen-
dence of Lombardy is not that independence for
which the Lombards sighed.
1t is notorously very difficult to get at the mean
ing of Louis Napoleon. He is the great modern
Sphynx, and his very existence depends upon his
not being found out. But, of all the riddles he has
proposed to Europe, none is more puzzng and in
trcate than this treaty of Villa Franca the sense
OF which we have attempted to read in the descrp-
ton he has himself given. 1t is usual when we
doubt to the authorship of an act, to ask-for
whose benefit was it done? Here, however, we
ask this question in vain. The treasure is spent
and the blood is she'd the war is ended and the
peace is made; but no one, so far can see, is
the better for the fight. Sardinia is not quite
happy in her new possessions, and even Victor
Emanuel will find in Lombardy a poor sub
stitute for the enthusiastic affection of all
Italy. France has gained no accession to
her territory, and friendship from the oppressed
populations Of the earth. She has gained nothing
but the knowledge that her Emperor is able to ma
nnuver army. She has not even at this moment,
the conviction that his sparing Austria was an act
of uumixed generosity. The Emperor now says
that he stayed his hand under an apprehension that
the struggle likely to assume larger proper
tions than he desired. 1t is not a very chivarous
reason to give to an army which had just fought
campaign and lost thousands of its comrades for
result which any one of them would have desired.
These soldiers ntwork and glory and promotion.
To tell them he made peace for fear the war would
spread, could only be to set hem guessing who it
was who had thus staid them in their full
march of conquest 1t not England
Was it Prussia? 1t is not very probable un-
less this pause in fighting should be rather
diversion than cessation. Was it Russia
Did Russia think Austria had been beaten enough
Was Russia acting all the time as the surgeon,
with his finger upon the pulse of the patient,
and did she give the signal to cease when that
symptom of Hungarian fever developed itself? All
or any of these reasons may have operated. Or the
Emperor Napoleon might have known the state of
his own army best. There is, indeed, last suppo-
siton, which offer to the consideration of those
who were not long ago so fiercely scolding us be-
cause we doubted that Napoleon was about to set
up free constitutional government in Italy; per
haps the French Emperor has imposed some secret
obligations upon Austria never again to interfere
in the affairs of Italy, If this should be So then all
is right. The Pope and the Grand Dukes are put
up in pride of place merely to give NapOleOns great
principe-''the sovereignty of the people"-a clear
stage. If they can hold their own, good. If they
cannot, then down tOpple Pope and Kaiser, and
Italy, left to herself, works out her regenera
ton. There is 10 limit to human credulity, and
there may be credulOus idolators of Chaos, who,
even at this thirteenth hour, may believe in such
impossibilities as these. The sane men of the age
however, know better. They recognise in this new
settlement nothing but a universal and irresistible
despotism We yesterday announced that Ca
vour, disgusted by the disappointment of all
his hopes, had thrown up his employment The
telegram of to-day confirms our previous in[orma-
tion, and announces that the King of Sardinia has
accepted Count Cavour's resignation, and has re-
placed him by Count Arese. This event determines
the nature OF the peace Cavour was an earnest
man. He believed in Italian independence as a flu
ture work of Napoleon III. 1t was by means of the
confidence he felt himself and inspired in others
that Mazzini and his emissaries were directed
throughout Italy. 1t was Cayour who gave the
signal tor the successive rsings in the smaller Ital
IAN States. 1t was by means of his influence that
the revolutions at Florence Parma, and Modena
DOOdlpSs nd OF cd III.
Cavour believed in Constitutional italian Unity,
and unfortunately he believed that the Emperor
Napoleon entertained the same views as himself
Warnings were thrown away upon him. Patriots