The south-western. [volume] (Shreveport, La.) 1852-1870, 1859-08-03

President Buchanan having been beaten OH
the tract, can southern democrats 60 into the
Charleston convention, with Mr.. Douglas with
one side Of his face painted for the north and
the other for the south? 1t is now unmistaka-
bly, apparent that there is to be a fierce strug-
gle in the Charleston democratic convention
on a question Immediately and seriously at
feeling the rights Of the south. The purpose
is openly avowed to attempt in that body an
aggressive movement against peculiar south
party creed and practice policy which utter
ly ignores and repudiates the constitutional
principle recognising slaves as property and
protecting shareholders in their possession in
the territories of the Union. Judge Douglas
may sheer as he peases at what he has dubb-
ed "a slave code for the territories but when
congress permits the majority of the first set
tiers or squatters TO say in their territorial gath
erings that southern men shall not bring their
property into the territory over which they
have thus assumed control, such territory is no
longer the common property of all the States,
but becomes the exclusive domain of the non
slave holders. To prevent this exclusive ap-
preparation, even congressional "slaye code
for the territories" would be iustifable butno
such code has been proposed, or is likely to
be proposed for the establishment of slavery in
any territory-alI that the south demands is
restraining action by congress-is veto upon
Iawless proceedings by body having no ju-
risdction over the subject matter.
But Judge Douglas announces an attempt to
establish by the action of the Charleston con-
vention contrary policy-he and his friends
demand unlimited and absolute power for the
territorial squatters; even the rights of prop
erty, which congress itself cannot invade, they
may trample upon by "unfriendly legislation. .
And the strong probability is that Judge Doug
las and his friends will have a majority in the
convention. 1t is almost certain that they will
at least have the power to prevent the asser-
ton Of any policy friendly to the southern
view of this question. If the south partici-
pate in that convention, the most that she
can hope for is dsgraceful compromise or an
artful evasion of this issue. Douglas will tr-
umph by positive action, or by postponement
Of the question until the ever advancing abo-
Iition sentiment Of the north can be better or
ganised. Can single one of our readers en-
terrain reasonable doubt of this?
In view Of this disclosure of purpose by the
democratic enemies of the south-in view of
the fact that determined effort is to be made
in the Charleston convention to set aside the
guarantees which the constitution has proyi-
ded for the equal protection of southern prop
erty-can any southern politician, with a due
regard for the rights and honor Of his own sec
ton, 60 into the democratic national conven-
ton at Charleston? Can be consent to sub
nit the just and constitutional rights of his
section to such tribunal and to such nfu-
ences as will operate to control its deliberations?
He might almost as safely 60 into such con
vention as that held at Buffalo in 1848. He
will weaken the south BY making even a sue
cessful contest in such body. for rights which
do not fairly admit Of dispute or question; and
il he loses or compromises them, be aids great
" in advancing the cause Of her enemies.
1t behooyes the people Of the south to look
into this matter. The politicians will think
only Of party, first, last, and all the time, and
if they are allowed to drive the car, it will be
driven straight under Douglas deadfall at
Charleston Let no candidate for office equivo-
cate on this question. There is no difference
meeting Seward and Greeley at Pitts
burg or St. Louis, and Douglas and Forney at
Charleston; and those who preach against the
9ne coalition should be held TO a practical did
9orce from the other.
tits singular that the doctrine advanced in
he letter Of general Cass to Mr.. LIE Clerc should
rave been practically shown to be an anti
American and unsound one, during the admin
stration Of Mr.. Fillmore, in the very country
France) to which the letter Of general Cass
PARTICULARLY referred. Notwithstanding the
mpty professions of the present administra-
ion Of regard for adopted citizens, it seems to
re willing now 10 relinquish an important pre-
edent for their protection, established during
he administration Of the recognised chief of
he American party. The New York Express
avs: "Francis ALBERT, native of the de-
,artment de Var, in the south of France, left
here during the drawing Of the CONSUMPTION
n 1889, and was actually drawn as a conscript,
nd was therefore an echapper de Ia conscrip-
ion He arrived at New Orleans, made the
sual application for citizenship and was duly
aturalsed in 1845. He was successful in
usiness in Louisiana, and in July. 1859, after
n absence Of nearly fourteen years, he re-
nrned to visit his family in his native village;
nd, under the vigiant police in that country,
e was arrested on his return. He immediate
7 wrote to the nearest American consul. The
after, that he might the better attend 10 the
ase, Immediately requested that ALBERT might
e brought before him, which request was very
romptly acceded 10 BY the authorities. He
Yas after two trials and six months detention,
eclared an American citizen. and released