New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1859-11-05

Of orr rural districts are sugndiiL~d a. reToiu-
tionary and ncendiary; when e'eV rum-hols IN
Sev.York overhows with men, .aii To BE- devoted
20 union, law, ard true political morality, While
the majority Of tho-e who are found every Sabbath
in the cturcbe, Of our VARIOUS Christian den0mi-
nations are stipmatized a. Black Republicans,
friend, Of violence, and enemies OF social order.
Add TO 81 this an equal paradox, men abo COP
tend that the Constitution carries Slavery where
il viii not carry citizenship yet calling thernsey,.
the friends Of State right and Of cOurse resil-
ing az opposed to such righ,,, all who are unwI-
ling to surrender the most precious and essential
attributes Of every Republican community.
Now, Time has brought out these paraaoTe-.
Nav We not well call Il the mighty reasoDer
These absurdities are staring in the face. What
does il augur for the intellectual condition OF our
country, that there are hundreds OF stump orator.
Ike Gov Seymour, who are trying 10 impos. these
absrdities upon other, and may, perhaps, even
believe them themselves For such i. the mental
imbeciliiy sometimes induced by moral obtusenes',
that even this il not incredible.
The object Of night logic j. not to teach truth.
bat 30 10 bring together the error, that lie scattered
and concealed 10 sophsm,, a. 70 make their alb
surdty manifest on the bare presentment Of the
conclusion in ju1tapostion with the premises. But
Time az We have said performs this Office more r.
fsctually After W. have reasoned To WEAKNESS II
brings about, at last state of things where the
war between words and IDEAS becomes palpable, IT.
reconciablc, undeniabe. Men must rush on, mad
dened and bliDdiold into utter absurdity or they
must giye up the use of language as any longer
representative Of truth, either in act OF thought
We are now in this position. Our political action
viii not az heretofore, be followed by measures
merely of outward temporary good loss; the
time has come when decision one way or the other
will involve the perver.0n establishment OF last
ing. e.seniial, fundamental ideas. IT il this which
gives importance 10 the present political contest
There has been nothing like il in the history Of our
land.
WY do not all The religious minds of our conn
try awake 10 the trne tendency of our political Is
sues No man of any thought now trusts plat
forms or cares for the declarations of individual
politicians Parties are what their history and
their historical positions make them. All the Cin-
cinnati or Charleston platforms that could be- de-
yised. would not alter the tendency of the Demo-
cratic party No diversity of opinion among its
members could change the destiny Of the Republi-
can Time and History shape both, and 1t Is to
these alone that serious man should look IN deter
mining 10 which he shall give his Jealous and und-
yidcd support. There are moral, political, and
spiritual az well as chemical afnities. These give
direction to parties, while platforms and individual
declarations are often used to disguise those start
ling paradoxes those staring absurdities, that time
brings out in the contrast between the professions
and the actual tendencies of men. Can these ailir.
ties BIZ mistaken How is there religious Demo-
crat--for however neXplicable the fact, 1t must b.
believed that there are some such-but how is it
that he does not sometimes seriously act himself.
What is the my serous reason that the great prepon
dcrance the vile. the Incorporate, the debased runs
so naturally into the party to which 1 belong
What does this prove of some radical evil belonging
10 it, though hidden far beneath the surface OF plat
forms, and resolutions and the superficial use of such
names as order and conservatism Why is it that
my social position throws me so much among men
of one Glass; while my political relations areall with
4 otherl Why il it that such large majority Of
the men who are found in steady attendance in our
churches. men whom meet in the benevolent move
ments, or in the literary circle, belong to the one
party, though absurdly sgmatized as radical, while
the vast number who spend the sacred day in the
grog-shops are known to belong TO the other'
Some might demur, perhaps, to the first state
ment, although it ia undoubtedly true even in our
most Democratic City of New-York, whils in TIE
country towns and and villages no Tar, OF any party
would think Of calling it in que1ton But the lat
ter part Of the proposition is too evident to admit
Of the least denial. In the dens of vice and drunk
enness who thinks of making count There ia
not member of the Fifth.Ayenue Conservative
Democracy who would have the hardhood to deny
his confident expectation of finding there ma
iority, large majority, of his own most Conser-
tive confederates. Right here every one expects,
and rightly expects, the heaviest Democratic ma
jorties. Without them no Democratic ticket
would ever be elected. These indisputable facts
should the attention of every serious mind TO
most vital question Of political philosophy. What
is the deep ground of this strange affinity Some
would say this is not reasonng this is merely look
ing to men, not measure. We do look to men;
for they are very sure index to the real if not the
proicssed measures. There is something more IN
erring in these instincts OF affinity animal and vile
as they are, than in all the reasOnngs of politicians
ard political Conventions. IT,.
DEMOCRATIC ECONOMY ILLUSTRATOR.
Tie AlIanu EreniRg journal. copying remarks