The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-03-10


ance to her feelings this subject, has told
you that so far from being willing to sell, so
far from being willing to negotiate, she will look
| upon the very proposition as offensive, and she
| has the right to do so. But, whether she has
the right to do so or not if such be the fact, if
such be the temper and such the disposition of
| Spain, that she looks upon the proposition as
offensive, then l say, if you make the propo-
sition, instead of Fastening, you will retard the
consummation of this measure.
! The true theory, Mr.. President, of all this, is
given IN this South Carolina paper. The an
nexation OF Cuba is to be the great war-cry of
the Democratic party in the coming campaign.
That is to be the issue with which they are to
60 before the people. That is to be the extraor-
binary expedlent that is to be resorted to in the
coming campaign, in order to deceive delude,
and mislead, the people Of this country Sir, it
Is one OF the omens of the time and it is one of
the indications of the time, from which ! take
courage This party, that misrules the country,
that squanders our Treasury that in times past
reduced us to bankruptcy, feels that it is in a
situation in which an appeal to the popular in
! tellgence cannot command the popular appro-
baton. They have made these appeals in
times past. In 1874, they had Texas In
! l948, they had no political watchword, and
| they went to the bottom. Subsequently, some
new scheme to be devised, and they un-
dertook to save the Union, and they saved the
| Union. By the compromise of 1852, they un-
dertook to save themselves, and they did Well,
sir, these things have run out saving the
Union will not do any longer. Texas is an
nexed, and some extraordinary means and
measures must be adopted, to throw into the
political campaign a watchword upon which
the changes are to be rung and that, in the
present Instance, is the acquisition of Cuba.
! No man in his senses supposes that we get
| 1T. Every man, who looks st it dispassiOnately
and calmly, is obliged, as i believe, upon his
conscience, to say that the passage of this bill
will postpone and retard, instead of accelera-
ting, this measure.
| For myself, l should be willing to take Gu
! ba; l should be willing that this country might
expand; / have no objection to its expansion
indefinitely; but desire that it may be done
on Just, honorable honest, and patriotic prin-
| cipes. l want no deception, and 1 want no
humbug about it. l want nothing Of this sort
thrown into the political canvass for watch
word, with which to appeal TO popular preu-
| dice and popular clamOr, when the real object
that Is to be attained is not the one which APP
! pears palpaby upon the face of the bill. | as
sumo that from the fact, that since this bill
has been talked of, and before it was intro
duced, we received the most positive assuran-
ces that we could not effect that which the bill
| proposes to effect.
/ l desire to say, further, that while | am will
ing that the country should expand, and desire
that it should expand, am not willing that it
/ shall expand continually in one direction, and
! for the annexation of countries in which the in
stitution of American Slavery exists desire
not to interfere with the Just rights Of any State
of this Union in regard to any institution she
may see fit to keep up and maintain. | never
have; l am willing that they may have it. |
have said 1t before, aud | say it now. If it is
! a blessing, let them bless themselves with it:
| If 1t is curse, let them stagger under it but
| am not willing to extend the boundaries Of
this country for the express purpose of bringing
into this Confederacy territories, islands, and
! States, whose great and controlling merit, NOV
| ing the measure, is that they are slave States,
! slave territories, and slave islands
! The Senator from Georgia Mr.. TOoMBs
says that he is willing TO leave the question of
what is to be the character of the population of
these islands, or these countries annexed, to the
law that the people themselves may make and
he thought that it was great piece of magnan-
unity in him, coming from the "weaker sec
tion," to be willing to yield so much. Sir
can stand irony as well as anybody; but think
when Southern gentleman gets up here and
talks about coming from the weaker section of
the country, it is putting it on little too strong
II is trope, figure, that / think is little too
heavy for a flight Of rhetoric. The weaker por-
ton of the Unonl j am not going into the his
tory of that section, or of that portion of the
Union, nor of this weak system. Suffice it to
say, that united uniting one section of the
country one man, swallowing up all divis-
ions and all parties and all sects presenting
compact, impervious tront, it dispenscs the pat
ronage of this nation, and by that means di-
vdes and cuts up anR conquers the North
That has been its histori in times past. OF the
future, | do not propose to speak. When hear
a gentleman from that section talk about com
ing from the weaker portion of the Union ]
confess | feel as if he was doing anything else
than addressing a sobet, serious and solemn
argument to the Senate. No, sir; it is the in
terest, the great interest," that makes war and
makes peace, buys Territories and sells them
puts up Presidents and pulls them down.
What killed Martin Van Buren,? What de-
prived him of the nomination of the Democratic
party in l8442 Why, he had demonstrated
that it was constitutional to take Texas but he
said, that while Texas was in a state Of open
war with Mexico, he did not think it would be
exactly right to annex her. and that we could
not do it consistently with our treaty obligations
Well, sir, the history of Mr.. Van Buren, is well
known. He stood no chance after that. But
| want to show the manner in which the argu-
ment was met. The argument was met in this
wise When we annex Texas, although she is
at war with Mexico, we are at peace with Mex
leo; and if we take Texas, she will be part of
US, and at peace with Mexico; and then, if war
ensues, Mexico will have to begin it, because
the United States and Mexico are at peace
We had war with Mexico, and the great bur
den of the message of Mr.. Polk, after the war
commenced, was to satisfy us that war com
menced by the act Of Mexico. | suppose if we
were to follow out the suggestion made by the
honorable Senator from Louisiana, which looks
like anything but purchase, and were to take
Cuba by force, and Spain should undertake to
resent it, it would be said the war commenced
by the act of Spain.
In the report-no, think it was in the speech
of the honorable Senator from Louisiana-it is
evident he looks beyond this BILL He under.
stands its spirit. He is not confined 10 the
letter. He knows that the letter is a mere
humbug; there is nothing in it; he looks be-
yond 1t: and he says that We must say to
Spain, that we will extend the same aid to
Cuba, when she undertakes to assert her indie
pendence, that France extended to us in our
great revolutionary struggle. / thank the hon
orable Senator for the manliness and the can.
dor with which he strips off the paltry DISCUSSES
with which this poor bill undertakes to dress
up this scheme, and tells you what we look at.
1t is Cuba it is inevitable and we will declare
to the Cubans, ago on, declare yourselves in
dependent; if you can achieve your independ-
ence, we will admit you into the Confederacv
and if you cannot, we will help you" That is
the meaning of it. In one of the dispatches of
one of our Secretaries, Marcy or Buchanan, or
some Of that latter-day class of politicians, they
undertake to say that the United States will
never seize Cuba while in possession Of Spain,
II III L 2