Ellsworth American. [volume] (Ellsworth, Me.) 1855-current, 1859-07-22

the nation but with deep regret and con.
Germ; and on the completely of the feder-
al government in it's efforts and pur
poses but with indignation and alarm.
When we remember the origin and
history of the government, the detesta
ton in which its great founders helt
this "blot upon its liberties" and thai
it was their policy to restrict it and pre-
vent its spread, and reflect upon the spec
tacle the country now presents to the
Enlightened world-the advocacy b,
Southern Statesmen, by the press and by
political associations, Of slavery as the
normal condition of the laboring man Of
all races-sneers at the maxims, and bit.
ter and fierce denunciation Of the senti
ments. opinions and measures of the
patriots and statesmen who planned and
set in motion this unequalled form o.
constitutional government, the dicta oi
the federal judges that the constitution
recognizes property in man-the assump-
ton of the federal Executive that slavery
exists in the federal territories under the
constitution and his attempts to force a
slave constitution upon an unwilling
peoplc-the fact of the revival of the
slave trade by the importation into the
slave States of cargoes of native Africans
in American vessels-the open avowal
of purpose to reopen that trafic-the
refusal Of jury ola slave state to con.
vict upon full proof, and an indignant
protest of a grand jury against the law
prohibiting that trade as tyrannical and
despotic, and the sale in open market
and upon advertisement in the public
press, Of negroes freshly imported from
Africa, and the passive acquiescence OF
the government therein; repeat when
we reflect upon these things and with
what rapid strides these successive stages
have been reached, we discern how wide
is the departure from the counsels and
policy of the founders of our political in
stitu,ions and how rapidly We are ap-
proaching the period when slavery will
indeed be national and universal in this
nation. | am but noting the current
history of the tlmes-there can be no di-
vcrsity Of opinion as to the facts of that
history, whatever may be thought to be
required under the circumstances. w heth-
or they require that men should speak
out or forbcar. 1t is without doubt true
when the tcndancy Of measures and the
purposes ofmcn are doubtful, there is
excuse for remaining quiet. But when
the tendency Of measures is obvious and
avowed and fnessSs sSs I1e1su;5s men are a ka9nn and
are opposed to the opinions and interests
of the great body of the people, it would
seem that the time has then come when
the people should maintain their senti-
ments and opinions. Now no intelligent
man will deny that it is the purpose OF
the shareholders to extend and perpetu
ate slavery IN the nation and that the
tendency of the measures Of the govern.
ment 70. the past five yeas particularly,
has been to aid their purposes. as
sumo that the people of the free states
are all hostile to this purpose and this
polcy-they would let slavery take care
of itself in the states where it exists and
would not have it extended beyond. by
acts Of the federal Executive, Court or
Congress.
The repeal Of the Missouri Compro-
mise had the tendency to extend slavery
may more, it had the effect to extend
it. 1t allowed slavery to go upon free
soil, where it had been forbidden: such
is the tendency of the Dfed Scott de-
cisicn. The assumption of the Presi-
dent at once contemplates its extension
and pcrpetuation action of Congress
tended to iasten it upon reluctant
people.
Now in view of this purpose, these
measures and This policy Of the govern
mcnt, what is the duty cf men and states
who do not concur in this purpose, do
not approve ofthcse measures and this
policy: Is it lime to speak or keep ST
lcnce: is the subject thus presented wor-
thy of attention or is it time for pro-
crastina,ien and to practice small tricks.
to cover up the difficulty you see, but
do not dare to encounter-to profess to
be Indifferent to what every body around
you is alive.
This question has already been many
times before the American people. 1t
was before them when they declared for
national independence, and they ar
raignel the British throne for its exist
encc and for obstructing efforts for its
abolition. Again after they had attain
ed their independence and when they
formed their constitutional government,
and they provided for the abolition OF
the slave trade, and the restriction OF
slavery to the States Again in 1920,
when it was restricte as an evil which
ought not to spread. In 1916, in the
organization of federal territory it was
again restricted. Again in 1850 in the
settlement of questions arising from the
acquist on OF territory from Mexico
when the free States in body demald d
ed that slavery should be kept out oi
these territories, by positive enactment
in accordance with cur uniform policy
they yielded a reluctant acquiescence to
nonlntervention, upon the false assurance
that slavery was already restricted by
higher laws than Congress. The Amer
lean peorle have been accustomed to
deal with this question and why not
now what more competent tribunal
Seven prosperous tres States in the
north. west attest the wisdom Of theil
pclicy-civil war in territory and polit.