The Potter journal. [volume] (Coudersport, Pa.) 1857-1872, 1859-01-20

closes with the following paragraphs, to
which we desire to call the attention OF
our readers
oThe character of the late canvass in
Illinois, and the views expressed BY Sew
ard in his Rochester speech, may be con-
sldered as having determined positively
that there will be but two parties from
this time forward. Republican and
/ Democratic, The Republicans have fall
en- back upon their sectional platform OF
1856. and unou that we understand the
leaders have determined 10 p}a0t them
selves in 1860 In this move it seems
to US that the Republican leaders com
mitted a serious biunder. They should
have placed their party in advance Of
1886, BY accepting Popular Sovereign
ty' as the main plank OF their platform,
and prepared for contesting the next
Presidential election upon that and other
grounds. But instead Of advancing TO-
wards Matchmaking their party the lead
ers have taken a step backwards.
Seward is pretty sure to be the Re
publican nominee for the next President,
and his platform was laid down in his
speech at Rochester, New York. 1t IS
anti-siavery-a single plank"
Now, the writer Of the above is no
doubt sincere in his belief that the Re
publican party are receding from nation
ialism-in other .ds, they are standing
still upon the platform Of 1856, while
public sentiment is advancing by rapid
strides to natioualization But let US ex-
anime the promises aud pat our platform
Of 1856 properly bcfsxe public sentiment.
a cardinal princi of that platform
is, that Freedom is national and Slavery
sectional )" therefore, a naturalization Of
the Republican party can only be prep
cHy attained through the complete sue
cess Of the principle Of free and compen-
stated labor Hence, the platform Of 1886
being the primary articles Of faith upon
which the Republican party was founded,
they arc L,nad to attain al their soojects
upon the principles which that enunci-
ates. So soon as a party deserts its car
dinal doctrines it ceases to exist-its
strength is wrought away from 1t.
Mr.. Seward, no doubt, had this in view
when he enunciatcd his ''herctical' Roch-
ester doctrine He only re-announced
theprincipIes ofthc Platform ofl856, when
he declared that ali States must be Free
or Slave States before the Union could
be permanently established; he only stat
ed the issue III different words than those
itcratcd by the resolutions Of 1886. We
hold to the same doctrine, because we be-
lieyc it is the only one upon which the
Republican party can be consistently sue
cessful If we had adopted the doctrine
/ Of "Popular Sovereignty we had at once
yielded the groundwork ofRepublicanism,
and. as matter Of course, surrendered
all our party's vitality into other and IN
generous control.
Now, let us examine for a moment the
proposition that our party leaders have
taken a sep backwards from national
izing the party. In 1882, Pierce was
elected President over Gen. Scott, the
+. Wing candidate; and even up to the
State clcc' ions Of 1891 the Republican
principles had made no attempt to reach
organized force. In that year, in Penn
sylyania, they organized and became just
strong enough to defeat the then luSty
American or Know Nothing party-and
unfortunately, just strong enough to III
adyertantly give a cousummate doughface
(Bigler) a seat in the L. 5. Senate. In
the thirty-third Congress they could only
boast Of one Representative in eacl
House, who were ,avowcd refectors of the
cardinal doctrine which now finds twenty
champions in the Senate and ninety.
two bold defenders in the House of Rep,
rcsentatives. in 1886 they carried ia
of the 2S8 votes in the electoral college
or gain, in two years, of nearly fifty pei
cent. of popular endorsement. And yet,
in the face of all this and the successes
of 1858, we are asked, by this champion
of Popular Sovereignty" to believe that
the Republican leaders have committed
a blunder. and that the party is going
iL,,I-,r,,J Po,,Ll;o,n;sr, c-o;,,c, h,ol-