The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1859-02-05
THE REVENUES THE TARIFF AND THE PUBLIC

Inc Union OF 1cSttiudJ tpulAliho MI hSSlV'stig
Cobb's exceedingly able review of the financial con
diton and prospects Of the federal treasury. II is
simple, direct and conclusive, The present tariff,
in his Judgment is too low to enable the government
TO collect revenues sufficient to carry it's opera
tons-at least TO execute existing laws II the Sec
Rotary Is right in this, it is clearly the duty Of Con
gresa to enhance the rates to arevenue standard.
The question is one of political economy. We are
clear that it ought to be approached and considered
in the spirit Of enlightened patriotism, having re-
gard alone to the necessities of the government and
the fairness of the contributions exacted of the peo-
pie for its support It Is little to the credit of our
Legislation that such question has uniformly been
made the football of party, What is wanted is
money to carry the operations Of The Union. This
has been provided by levying duties upon imports.
The principle that should guide us is very obvious !;
the tax should be laid solely witl apurpose to
pEsh the ends sought-to obtain money to carry ON
the government 0fcourse any law adopted, with this
end in view, will largely affect many branches of in
dustry. This is necessary and inevitable effect;
and, as the demolition of house, to prevent the
spread Of the flames may injure one man and greatly
benefit another, SO may revenue laws operate ad-
vantageously and disastrousy upon various persons
and industry. But conceding that under this gov
eminent our tariffs to be perpetual bone of con
tention between rival organizations, the democratic
party are still committed to the policy of strictly
revenue system. they are as much prohibited from
going below as from rising above this standard
The former involves in debt the latter is per-
version of the principles of sound public policy.
Protection is legislation for individual benefit and adj
vantage We deny that the government has any con
stitu,ional authority to enact such laws. They have
power to raise revenues, and it is their duty to
provide the means. Nobody contemplated the ex-
istence Of debt except necessity growing out of
extraordinary emergencies in our national career
The power conferred upon Congress to levy duties
upon imports contemplated its exercise to the full
extent not only Of carrying the ordinary opera
tions Of the government bat of providing means for
the redemption of federal obligations. The demo
cratic party by thousand commttals, stand
pledged to enforce this principle of the general adj
Ininistration
1t is seen by the operation Of the tariff of 1857,
under which an average tax of about nineteen
per cent is collected upon dutiabe goods imported,
that under possible range Of the foreign trade can
the government collect means sufficient TO execute
existing laws That law, then, is not revenue
law ; it is debt law--an act providing for the in
crease Of the public obligations act calling upon
capitalists to maintain and support the government.
Granting an aggregate annual importation of three
hundred millions of dollars of foreign goods, and
that ivs sixths of these dutable the col
lected would fall to the insufficient of fortyseven
millions and fivs hundred thousand dollars. We
make these figures with view only of illustrating
the proposition that the tariff OF 1857 is not
nue. measure. tits dangerous law, eGtailing public
debt and fomenting areactionary spirit which may
lead to the opposite extreme of protection and peth
oric Every feature of the financial world
betokens an abundance of money and the largest OPP
eraions of business. The of ifty-seven cuts off
the government, by the low standard of duties i'm
posed from the benefits of general prosperity It
entails increased obligations upon the treasury. It
makes no provision for those periodical reyulsions
which are constitutional in system of industry.
While it is the clear duty of Congress to adjust
revenue system on principles of equality and fair
ness witha single purpose TO obtain means to carry
on AZ economical administration Of the government,
il is also the duty Of that body to avoid all egisa
ton based up on the mere YclsstudeS OF business.
Legislation ON the basis of the present depression
of industry or on the idea of future expansion be-
yond ordinary limits would be equally mjusti6able
and injurious Our history is full Of the evil
pies OF this policy, The tariff of 1923 was one Of
those teIrth-bows that deranged nearly all depart
ents Of labor 1t concentrated profits in the hands
OF large operators. Mr.. Clay denounced it, and de-
,,ared that no man could stand ND and Justify IT,
The legislation of 1888 providing for the gradual
reduction of duties, though right in principle was
wrong in the application of the remedy. The reduc.
zion went ON under il far below the standard
and produced, as it's legitimate offspring, the mon
stor protective scheme of 1872 This system brought
an again the exacting class-interests which pro-
auced the act of 1925 and was followed by the
substitution of Mr.. Walkers reyenus law of 1876.
A general revival of business and expansion of
trade succeeded this enactment, bringing incomes
far exceeding the estimates, and enabling the
treasury to extingRisb the national debt contracted
10 carry on the war with Mexico. The expansion
ousiaated in 1851 under aggregate importations Of
three hundred and sixty millions of dollars of foreign
goods, when the duties again reduced to about
an average of 10 per cent The dutiable goods i'm
ported Then another reyuision, diminished rev
spues. rapid increase Of the pnbc debt which il
s,oaea still to Increase instead OF adjusting the