The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-01-25

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broken or dislocated, except in the overshadow-
ing general popularity Of some such bold and
positive party movement as that involved in the
Cuba Thirty Million bill. In the absence of
some such great issue. it will be impossible to
save the party, which, over the spoils, hos SO
nearly destroyed itself in the efforts Of its fac
tous leaders to destroy the administration.
The Approaching Struggle in ItnIy.
Many persons are inclined to regard the pre-
sent revolutionary symptoms in Italy as mere
chronic ebullitions, threatening no immediate
danger of an outbreak. We cannot coincide in
this view. Leaving out Of question the signif-
canoe Of the slight offered by the French Empe
ror to the Austrian representative, we think that
the facts which are daily transpiring in the
Italian States are sufficient to cause the most Sc
rious apprehension to all who are interested in
maintaining the peace of Europe. Whilst they
offer in present motives of alarm a close paral
lei to the evidences Of discomfort which pre-
ceded the revolution of 1S4s, they carry us back
to "reminiscences which are still more menacing
to the existing institutions Of Italy. We do not
believe in Mazzini and his associates, because
they are destructves, without well defined or
practical ideas Of regeneration. Republicans
as we are, we look upon ultra republicans
with the same distrust with which we re-
gard fanatics in all other crecds. II,
therefore, the present movement was
traceable alone to what is called the Young
Italy party. we should not be disposed to attach
more Importance to it than we do to that of the
Phoenix Society in Ireland. The men who CON-
pose these organizations are generally vain and
empty headed fools, who would plunge coun-
try in blOodshed merely to obtain a little per-
sonal nOtoriety.
Whilst the present insurrectionary Indications
in Italy partake of all the features which marked
the same symptoms in 1S47, there are fresh ele-
ments added to them, which show at once their
graver character. The public mind at that time
was agitated by the disappointment of the hopes
excited by Pho Nonos promises; but still that
disappointment was confined rather to the aris-
tocratic than to the middle aud lower orders.
With that reverence for the ecclesiastical charac-
ter which distinguishes the Catholic masses,
the latter long chung to the belief that
the Pope meant well, and required only time to
carry out his intentions. Had it, therefore, de-
pended upon them, the revolution of 1S4s might
have been indefinitely postponed The aristo-
cratic classes had however, too large stake in
the Pope's promised reforms to brook further
delay. They were bent on quarrel with Aus
tria, which alone could seriously compromise
his Holiness to the liberal cause, and it was with
that view that the Prince de Canine made his
appearance in the autumn of 1s47 in the streets
of Leghorn, Pisa and Florence, in the costume
of the Roman National Guard and extemporised
patriotic harangues in the coffee houses and
piaz.e. The Austrian government, alarmed at
these demonstrations, obliged him to recross the
frontier; but the Prince had nevertheless had
time to create an excitement amongst the upper
classes of Lombardy, which produced its
fruits in the following year. The mystic
rious and curiously timed mission of Lord
Mimic increased to fever heat the agitation
that prevailed amongst the Roman republicans
by persuading them that England sympathised
with their views To these causes of perturba.
ton were added the hasty and illconsdered con-
cessions made by the Neapolitan government, in
the apprehension that the troubles which had
broken out at Palermo would be followed by an
unsuccessful struggle at Naples. Still these ex-
citing influences were more or less partial, and
might. theoretically combatted have been nut
an end to- 1t could not with truth be said that
the popular heart was engaged in them, for
the result of the revolutionary conflict in LON
hardy proved that it was only the educated
classes that sympathized with them.
1t is not necessary for our present purpose to
enter upon the events of 1948. We have taken
this brief retrospective glance of the occurrences
of the previous year merely to show that as re-
CARDS universally of sentiment, deep-seated
causes of resentment arising from promises
broken and pledges unfulfled, and mo-
tives for immediate action, the present insur-
rectionary indications in Italy are of character
far more serious and pregnant with results than
those of 1s47. Inspired by such writer's as
GiobertO Balbo, dAzeglio and Giacomo Du-
rando, led by constitutional government like
that of Sardinia and backed by the offered aid of
France the people of Italy are about to enter
into movement which will probably change the
whole of the existing institutions of that country
and perhaps of Germany ITSELF In this move
ment the doctrines of the Mazzini conspirators
will be to great extent ignored and although
they may be allowed to contribute to its success,
it is certain that they themselves will exercise
no very marked influence over its objects. The
constitutional ideas propounded by the moderate
party in the manifesto of Rimini, in 1845 will,
it may be presumed, form the basis of the new
Italian league. AS it is said to include all
classes of Italian society high as well as low, the
political covenant which unites it cannot possibly
embrace the extreme views contemplated by the
revolution of lS4S.
In this fact we recognise the serious character
of the new danger which threatens the peace Of
Euronc No movpmpnt in Ttalv fhuo ;nauo,