The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-02-27

by inc Caiaua ana rultOn, Wnlcn bring US
mails one week later from Europe, we have de-
tails of the news received by telegraph from
Halifax, and published in Fridays HERALD. The
accuracy of the summary of the Emperor's
speech is confirmed by the full report II is q
honeyed, ambiguous, clever address, by which he
meant to say nothing, and has been success
full. He does not say there will be war-he
does not say there will be peace--though he,
of course, pretends he is very anxious for the
latter. 1T is perfectly non-committal State pa
per-a two edged sword, which may cut either
way Meantime, the casting of cannon goes on
at Vincennes day and night, and other warlike
preparations are being pushed forward with the
utmost despatch. Uneasincss is felt both in
London and Paris, and the Emperor's speech
is deemed very unsatisfactory in Wall street
The bulls and the bears OF that classic region are
beginning to understand the value of imperial
language, and to find out the difference between
the words and acts Of Louis Napoleon. Already
they smell sulphur and saltpetre, notwithstand.
ing the profusion of eau de Cologne with which
the speech to the Chambers was sprinkled.
His game is war, and he will strike when he is
ready. 1t is hazardous and bold game; but
he feels, in the tickle temper Of the French
mind-its love Of change and its passion for
glory-greater risk in peace than war; 1t was
for this reason that he entered into an alliance
with John Bull to fight the Russian Bear, and it
is for the same reason that, with or without his
former ally, be means now to open the theatre Of
war in Italy, and to have brush with double
faced Austria, if that Power will not shrink
from coming to collision. While chance Of
glory and promotion opens to the ambitious
spirits of the army, they are not likely to enter
into revolutionary cabals. War; too is calcu-
lated to unite the whole nation, and to waken up
and keep awake the Napoleon idea. In ST. He
lena Bonaparte truly said of the French: They
will as soon do without bread as without glory"
But war has its perils and the Emperor has
very hard card to play. In order to absorb the
revolutionary element, and to conduct the popu-
lar electricity from bis own house, he espouses
the liberal cause in Italy. He goes for Italian
unity and the deliverance Of the peninsula from
a foreign yoke But, then, all this means revo-
luton; and if he kindles the fame in Italy he
cannot tell where the fire may spread, and
whether it may not at layt reach the Tuileries.
It is playing with gunpowder let spark fall
into the train-no matter how long the train
may be-and it soon communicates with the
whole, and general explosion is the result.
Napoleon is, therefore, playing dangerous
game-one out of which he will come greater
and more popular than ever-or he is only
kindling fire which will not be extinguished
till it shall consume his throne and overthrow
his dynasty forever
The game of war with such an antagonist as
France is also full of peril for Austria; and,
instead of retaining Lombardy, she may lose
Hungary, Bohemia, and other Sclavonic nation
alities nearer home. On the other hand, if she
succumbs to Napoleon, she will lose her prestige
and her Importance as first rate Power in
Europe. If Austria takes up the gauntlet Rus
STA, too, will perhaps appear as an actor on the
stage, and Prussia and some of the lesser king
doms and principaldes can hardly keep clear of
the general complication. The idea has been
thrown out that the result of Napoleon's success
would be merely the changing of masters for
Lombardy. If 80, what worse could abe be than
she is at present? But the British Premier says
the treaty Of the Congress of Vienna stands in
the way of this war. That, however, has been
trampled on by two French revolutions with the
sanction of the English government, who have
recognized both Louis Philippe and Louis
Napoleon, and it is long since mere waste
parchment.
There is great anxiety To know what part the
English government will play In this important
business Already, as our readers have seen, 1t has
produced debate in the British Parliament For
that government the question has equal difficulty
as for Napoleon. The influence of the Crown or
the Coburg interest in Europe, stands on ore
side, and Unpopular sympathy is ranged on the
other. Lord Derby appears TO favor the former;
buth may find the latter so powerful as to drive
him from Office and bring back Lord Palmorston,
or Lord John Russell. The people of England,
particularly the intelligent classes-the inhabi-
tants Of the cities and towns, who create public
opinion-and, above all, the great commercial
interests, are friendly to Italian freedom and in
dependence; and in the present state Of the
public mind In England any Minister
who will venture to support European
desp0tism against constitutional freedom will
do so at the imminent peril Of losing his
place. But by holding aIoof he runs the risk of
losing the favor Of the Crown, and the attach
ment Of his own aristocratic order. It is evident
that Lord Derby pandcrs to the throne and the
power behind the throne, and favors the preten-
sons Of Austria, as far as moral support and
diplomacy can Co. Whether he will venture
further remains to be seen. If the Engligh 60
vernment should sustain the cause of despotism
in foreign field, there is no knowing to what
revolution that might lead at home. lift should
back up Napoleon, either openly or secretly, that
might lead to greater complication. 1t would
be Machiavellian policy TO urge him to waste his