New-York daily tribune., 1859-05-25
vuOsE WAR. AND FOR WHAT,

WHOSE WAR, AND For WHAT:
1t is no doubt perfectly true, as The EreHiag
| Post alleges, that the Italian question" which
| furnishes the occasion for the pending war In
Europe. is. by no means, of recent origin. The
sentiment Of hostility 10 German rule which is
the basis of the present movement against Austria,
can b. traced back, as we took occasion to show
some three weeks since, to the times Of the mid.
die ages, and to the struggles between the Guelphs
and the Gkibelines. The Italian adherents of Aus
tria-and in spite of the disafectoD toward her,
she has undoubtedly Italian adherents-occupy
to- day precisely the position of the old Ghbelines
while the opponents Of the Austrian domination
and the advocates Of selfgovernment for Italy
hold exactly the position Of the former
Guephs with this single difference, that instead
Of looking to the Pope as the head, leader and
champion of Italian independence, they place the
King of Sardini4 in that position. The resemblance
extends so far that, among the present adherenta
to The doctrine of Itsian self government and the
expulsion of the foreigner, republican ideas are
widely difiused, so the strength of the old Guelph
party consisted in the republican burgbers of the
towns and free cities of Lombardy. while the sup
porters Of the imperial authority were mainy
smong the remnants Of the old feudal nobility, the
City Of Turin being in those tunes the one side,
while the Counts of Ssvoy-progentors of the
pre- sent King. of Sardinia-tben claiming to rule
TIE towns of Piedmont as imperial Wears, were on
the other.
H.. liz h
traced back at least to ll54 in the Autumn Of
which year Barbarossa, with a powerful
German army, entered Italy claiming as Emperor
and King an authority, which, if in point of fact IT
had ever existed had for two centuries fallen into
abeyance-a clsim which the Italians of that and
the ensuing century successfully withstood, but
unfortunately only at the cost Of ultimately sub
jecting themselves to domestic tyranncs OF most
detestsble character.
Not however to 90 back to antiquities, the
present Italian question dates cert.inly from 1914.
when, upon the overthrow Of Bonspartc, the power
Of Austria was rc,:stablished in the peninsula aud
has ever since been source of dscostent. For all
that it is none the less true, in spite Of the excep
ton which The Erening Post seems TO take to our
sudden development of a peculiar interest in
Itslian affairs on the part of Napoleon that gave
"ihe Italian question any pressing interest in the
"eyes of tbe other European Powers" and that
has, in fact brought on the existing war. con-
elusive proof of this may be found in this very
fact on which The Post insists that the Italian ques
ton is not new thing
b.. apt nd "a N
NJ Pbchnn n the French Legislative Assembly In
refrtebce TO the late loan, and the general policy
of the Italian war; be remarked that the political
condition of Italy rev fact. Since that
condition has existed, mar governments had sac
ceeded each other in France, nene of which bad
Judged France to have an interest IN that condition
sufficient to justify war There had been no new
IDovemeIt on the part of Austria to produce the
pres.Dt conllicauon-no new step taken on her
part threatening the balance Of power in Italy,
and still less in Europe
Under these circumstances We esteem highly
reasonable the doubts v hict NJ PlichoD expressed,
and in which we must c"ufess Ourselves largely to
share, as to why the French Emperor makes war
and " hat sort Of Il var be- is going To mshe-ques.
uUf "A tIunet'u tunes VI ore hu"
porrant than any inquiry into the relations past er
present of Austria aud the other Italian Powers.
We ash with NJ. Plichon-uud until We get some
answer to the question, W. shall not be able to
enlist with quite the zeal Of some of our coateul.
pcraries on the side Of the Frencki" L. il a
" revolution AIRY war, or is it n political war :"
How far does Napoleon intend to 90, aud where
does he mean TO stop As t. the smelioration Of
the political condition of Italy, there is to our
mind great good sense 10 the suggestion of this
same NJ Phcbon, that the moral tx ximple of Pied
mont, if that State had been content perseveringy
TO remohstrate with Austria instead of rushing to
an appeal 10 arms step, we may observe. upon
which had she not relied on the new born interest
M Napoleon 10 the Italian question, she would never
have veutured-she might thus have acted much
more effcaciously for the amelioration of the fate
Of Italy than all the armies OF France could DO.
To get rid of the Austrans is the very least
part of the difficulty. Suppose them TO be
fairl! got rid Of, what is 10 happen nextt We
are not quite So certain that Napoeonic ascend
eDcy in Italy would contribute either to Italian
liberty or to European peace or security; while we
know that war waged even for the best objects.
and even when successful in the accomplishment OF
these objects, is surrounded with calamties aud
dangers.