Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1859-03-03
MR. rKAyERs LAsr Specie.

establish that popular sovereignty is the abso;
lutely true principle, and its adoptians9,.
policy of the Republican 49, Tho noaaro
reference made to N fstter nv telegranb con.
veyed an inccs
,,,.;r,o.o -.SSffect impression of its real and
purpose.
When Mr. Thayer was elected to Congress,
it was upon his antecedents and his pledges,
not upon his theories In no place within the
District were the latter endorsed in some
places they were distinctly repudiated. Yeti
was nominated by reclamation, and elected I'M
MISUNDERSTANDING an example of hberality
and liberation on the part of the District which
should forever protect it from open or covert
assault on that score. He appeared before his
constituency in such an attitude as to command
the support not only of those who acquiesced in
his views, but of those more exacting Repub-
licans who held, that, in spite of any present
contingencies, consistency is jewel, and right
eousness exalteth a nation-a class of men who
were satirized in half the towns ofthe District
For we are not willing to charge Mr.. Thayer
with fighting men of buckram for effect; and
it would be absurd to say that he intended to
refer to those Republicans who were indiffer-
ent about the new questions which he submit
ted to their Judgment. The result shows how
ready we are, here in the old Worcester Dis
trict, though proud of our public sentiment, and
jealous of our honorable fame, to allow the ut
most latitude of opinion on questions of public
concern This is one of many causes of regret
that Mr. Thayer, whenever he approaches the
discussion of matters of anti-slavery policy,
should assail, by implication, any part of the
grand army on which the cause relies for sup
port. Ridicule is a very effective weapon.
But we submit that the good cause and its adj
vocates should be saved from assault by one
who represents it and wears its honors. The
blows of an enemy can be easily passed over
but those of friend are too grievous to be
borne.
The satirical portions of Mr.. Thayer's speech
seem to us to be not only misapplied but falla-
cous. They rest upon an assumption of facts
which do not exist, or upon conclusions which
no processes of reasoning can establish. To
whom does he refer in speaking of ''the rigid
ly righteous" "the pinks of piety, who claim
that a State might as well be slave as free, I'M
less it is made free upon purely Christian prin-
ciples 2" Where are they? Or has he set
them up as men Of straw, for the sake of the
sensation of knocking them down? or does he
allude to that large and by no means contempt
ible class of Republicans who hold that it is
better to exclude slavery by right means than
by wrong or doubtful ones, and that squatter
sovereignty, if not wrong, is essentially I'M
trustworthy? In either case, he has made
a misunderstanding want either of wis
dom or of the spirit of liberation and Chris
tan charity. So with the other classes of
Republicans-"the prominently consistent
and the political Cassandras." Who are
these unworthy leaders these false lights,
tempting us upon a dangerous shore, or filling
the air with ominous alarm. In what States
do they exist? When have they made their
discordant and baleful prophecies, or affected
the destinies of freedom by their "libels" or
their fear They are myths. These men
with whom Mr.. Thayer imagines che has an
account to settle" live in the air They are
imaginary incarnations. They represent no
constituencies. They embody no public SEN
timent. To what purpose then is all this bad
image and ridicule if it is not meant to be ap-
piled to that class of Republicans who hold
that the mission of the organization has not
essentially changed within the brief space of
three years that the enemy stands now where
he stood then, the defence and the fortress
of slavery that he has only attempted to be-
guile us from our position by sallies out of the
camp, which Mr. T. confidently mistakes for
a march of his whole army? We do not know
what may be the feeling elsewhere, or what
reasons may be brought to bear to lead others
into the same mistake. But here, at least
and we speak from an observation not alto
gether limited-the purpose is to maintain the
consistency Of Republicanism till some new and
greater work than resistance to slavery exten-
sion shall summon it into another field.
We have not space, this morning, to notice
the arguments with which Mr. Thayer fortiies
his position The essence of them is, that
slavery is inherently weak and filled with ele-
ements of death that freedom is strong, vital,
and has power to renew its life that in con-
test between the systems, on the simple issue
of power, freedom would achieve an easy VIC
tory. Therefore, away with laws against slave
ry away with Congressional interference
away with all outside resistance and let which
ever wins, in general and in detail, wherever
han tn ho s,, Il.
ish or in d pitched battle, be declared the
victor, and receive the homage and crown
ofvictory. IA the territories, squatterism takes
the place of government; the States remain
slave or free at their discretion, till they
are--colonized, The moral aspect of the
discussion is wholly overlooked, and is
sue is narrowed down to one of force from
which there is 20 be no appeal. If slavery
wins by the accidental power of numbers, and
asks that the black ard white towns which it
may have located shall be consolidated into a
State, Congress must answer its appeal In
the last stage Of this argument which we
do Mr.. Thayer the justice to say he has not
himself followed out, Congress is compelled
70 extend the protection of the federal arm
over the institution of slavery, wherever it
succeeds in planting ITSELF and with the as.
sistance of free settlers acquiring the other
qualifications of a State, while at no time
nor any degree can it have the power
TO check or TO remove the evil The ar
gument leads unayoidably into the midst Of
perils and dangers.