The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-11-24

principles and motives, glorying in them in
danger and death as much as when In security,
that wounded old father is the most remarkable
figure in this whole drama. The Governor, the
officers of the State, and all the attorneys are
pigmies compared TO him.
I deplore his misfortunes. sympathize
with his sorrows. ] mourn the hiding or OBJ
scuration of his reason. / disapprove of his
mad and feeble schemes. | shrink from the
folly of the bloody foray, and I shrink likewise
from all the antcipations of that judicial blood
shed which doubtless ere long will follow-for
when was cowardice ever magnanimous? If
they kill the man, it will not be so much for
treason as for the disclosure of their coward
ice
Let no man pray that Brown be spared. Let
Virginia make him a martyr. Now, he has
only Numbered. His soul was noble; his work
miserable. But cord and gibbet would re-
deem all that, and round up Browns failure with
a heroic success.
One word more, and that is as to the insecu-
rity of those States that carry powder as their
chief cargo. Do you suppose that if tidings
had come to New York that the United States
Armory in Springfield had been seized by seven
teen men, New Haven, and Hartford, and STAN
ford, and Worcester, and New York, and Bos-
ton, and Albany, would have been thrown into
a fever and panic in consequence of the event !?
We scarcely should have read the papers to
see what became of i'll We should have thought
that it was matter which the Springfield peo-
pie could manage. The thought of danger
would not have entered into our heads. There
would not have been any danger. But in a
State where there is such inhammable stuff as
Slavery, there as danger, and the people of the
South koow it; and they cannot help it. do
not blame them so much for being afraid
there is cause for fear where they have such a
population as they have down at the bottom of
society. But what must be the nature Of State
and domestic institutions which keep brave
men at the point of fear all their life long?
| do not propose, at this time, to express my
opinion upon the general subject of Slavery.
have elsewhere and often deliberately uttered
my testimony. Reflection and experience only
confirm my judgment of its unreasonable evils
1t is double-edged evil, that cuts both ways,
wounding master and slave; pest to good
morals; consumption of the industrial virtues /;
a burden upon society, in its commercial and
whole economic arrangements political
anomaly, a nuisance, and cause of inevitable
degradation in religious ideas, feelings, and in
stitutions. All other causes of friction, put to-
gether, derived from the weakness or the wick.
edness of men, are not half so mischievous to
Jul iduu do 10 lHio \ CIVIL
But it exists in our land, with a broad spread
and a long-continued hold. The extent of our
duties toward the slave and toward the master
is another and separate question. Our views
upon the nature of Slavery may be right, and
our views of our duty toward it may be wrong
AT this time it is peculiarly necessary that all
good men should be divinely led to act with
prudence and efficient wisdom
Because 1t is great sin; because it is a ma
tional curse, it does not follow that we have
right to say anything or do anything that we
may happen to please. We certainly have no
right to attack it in any manner that will CRAFTY
mems fancies or passions. 1t is computed that
there are four million colored slaves in our ma
ton. These dwell in fifteen different South
ern States, with a population of ten million
whites These sovereign States are united to
us, not by any Federal ligaments, but by vital
interests, by common national life. And the
question of duty is not simply what is duty to-
ward the blacks, not what is duty toward the
whites, but what is duty to each, and to both
united. l am bound by the great law of love
to consider my duties toward the slave, and
am bound by the great law of love also to con-
slider my duties toward the white man, who is
his master! Both are to be treated with Chris
tan wisdom and forbearance. We must seek
" OtucHJ Cuc SldNS as LluCl dS the WHlle man,
and the white man as really as the slave. We
must keep in mind the interest of every part
of the slaves themselves, of the white popula-
ton, and of the whole brotherhood of States
federated into national life. And, while the
principles of Liberty and Justice are one and the
same always and everywhere the wisest method
of comforting upon man the benefit of Liberty
and Justice, demands great consideration, ac-
cording to circumstances.
How to apply an acknowledged principle in
practical life is task more difficult than the
defence of the principle. 1t is harder to define
what would be just, in certain emergencies,
than to establish the duty, claims, and author
ity of Justice.
Can any light be thrown upon this difficult
path? Some light may be shed but the diff
cuties of duty can never be removed except
by the performance of duty. But, some things
may be known beforehand, and guide to practi-
cal solutions.
l shall proceed to show the wrong way and
the right way.
l. First, we have no right to treat the citi-
zens of the South with 0criInony and bitterness,
because they are involved in a system of wrong
doing. Wrong is to be exposed. But the
spirit of rebuke may be as wicked before God,
as the spirit of the evil rebuked. Simplicity
and firmness in truth are more powerful than
any vehement bitterness. Speaking the truth
in love, is the Apostles prescription, Some
men so love that they will not speak painful
truth, and some men utter truth so bitterly as
to destroy love; and both are evildoers. A
malignant speech of Slavery will not do any
good; and, most of all, it will not do those any
good who most excite our sympathy-the chill.
dren of bondage. If we hope to ameliorate
the condition of the slave, the first step must
not be taken by setting the master against him.
We may be sure that God will not employ
mere wrath, for wisdom and that he will raise
up and send forth, when his day comes, fear
less men, who shall speak the truth for Justice,
in the spirit of love. Therefore, it is a matter,
not merely of political and secular wisdom,
but of Christian conscience, that those who
have at heart the welfare of the enslaved should
maintain Christian spirit This can be done
without giving up one word of truth, or one
principle of righteousness. man may be
fearless and plain-spOken, and yet give evidence
OF being sympathetic, and kind-hearted, and
loving.
2. The breeding of discomfort among the
bondmen of our land is not the way to help
them. Whatever gloomy thoughts the slave s
own mind may brood, ace are not to carry dis
quiet to him from without.
If | could have my way, every man on the
globe should be free man, and at once But
as they cannot be, will not be, for ages, is il
best that bitter discomfort should be inspired
in them-or Christian quietness and patient
waiting7 If restlessness would bring Freedom
they should never rest. But l firmly believe
that moral goodness in the slave is the har
binger of Liberty The influence of national
Freedom will gradually reach the enslayed; il
will hereby inspire that restlessness which pre-
cedes development, termination is the most 81
lent but most disturbing of all natural processes
Slaves are hound to feel the universal simmer