Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1859-08-12


diplomatic corps there sssembled 10 other words,
to the Courts Of Europe. Each announcement COM
menees with an excuse. Italy gsined something at
lie ct BY the arrangement, or be could not do what
he would, because combinations were too strong
against him. and his army, if it had stopped short
before the celebrated quadrangle had covered itself
With glory in getting there. Never Wss the French
proverb SO well illustrated, which says: "Qu seq
cass saceuse AN excuse is self accusstion-the
very anxiety TO anticipate unfavOrable Judgment
betrsys the consciousness of deserving it.
We have watched with interest the rendering Of
this verdict, and after awaiting the expression of
sentiment upon tive find the opinion universally ex-
pressed throughout Europe and America, wherever
the press is Free or indeed wherever wi bout being
free it is nOtundsr the express influence of LOUIS Ma
PoLEoN himself--thas either the war was unjustifa
blefrOm the beginning the peace even less defsn-
sible than the war
The French Emperor in fact cannot escape from
between the hOrns Of this obvious dilemma Either
be nsincere in his expressed purposes for going
to war he altogether failed in his purposes, and
came off beaten in spite of all his victories For the
true criterion Of success in the conduct of war is
not the military results of particular actions but the
political results embodied in the treaty Of peace
which follows it.
But it Is not for the purpose Of giving own
opinion that We are writing, but for that Of es
tmatiBg the feeling elected in Europe and especial
y in France by the appeals nade by the Emperor to
public opinion.
Judged by this standard, the italian COnfedera-
ton must be considered failure rather than 9
success. For how can it be considered IS at
sill q dimiuutiOn of Austris's power for mischief
in Itsly2 We must put aside our American views
Of federal union to understand. it (; probably the
German q Band" viii be better illustration of
what we are to expect than own federal govern
nent In this the stronger constituent States, Aus
tris and Prussia, are everything; the smaller OOn
sttuent States, as Bavsria, Hanover, saxOny, &c,
nothing; recent events in Europe have shown this
clear enough The federation ITSELF then, is every
thing or nothing, according as it suits Austria
OF Prussia OF the two combined, to make use
of il for their own purposes, or to dispense
with it aod act each fer himself. Now ina
CINE what countenance Italian liberty would gain
from a confederation on this model, the parties to
which are Austria in behalf Of Veaetis, Sardinia,
The Dukes of Tuscany, Psrms and MOdena, (mere
creatures Of Austris) the Pope and the King Of Ne
pies. The only one Of these seven pOtentatss who
has shown any taste for constitutional government,
is the King of Sardinia and be has nav become the
helpless satellite of LOUIS NAPOLEON ready to fall
hand bound and bound into the hsnds of Aus
tris the moment French support is withdrawn from
him Our readers will not need our help to draw the
inevitable inference
The snswer of Europe has already been given it
is universally condemnatory. But what is the an
sWer of France Alas we are left to conjecture );
the press in France only say what its master al
lows it 10 say. We have to divine the feeling Of
France from knowing what can be known of the
elements of society in that iRcomprebensble cOuu-
try These elements are the army, the mOnied in
tsrest and the revolutionary democratic, or, rs
some say socislistic element. Il Is by combining
the Two former in the work of COMPRISING the lat
ter, that LogIs NAPoLEoN has consolidated his en-
pire, and its stability depends upon Strengthening
his influence with the two former, and. far as
possible, propliating the latter. The army desires
war, and for the cake of sustaining war and sup
plying its resources strong central government;
it dreams of quick promotion, and marshsps batons
and dukedoms with State pensions conferred in the
field; in short, Of the palmy days Of the grGEds
armee.
The monied interest desires that tranquility
under VIII ich commerce thriVes it fears war but it
fears revolution more, and Is willing to indulge the
army in war in moderation q condition that The
army will keep down revolutionary movements The
revolutionary element desires democratic institu
tions for itself and for all Europe. 1t does not OBJ
ject to war, provided that it be wagei in favor of
epprs ssed nation slities.
This Italian war was at first popular with all
three Of these elements; the commercial interests
saw in it wss less injurious to its interests than
most wars would be, comparatively inexpensive, and
the less disturbing the in eress of commerce. as
spreading over only small of territory; if the
army must fight therefore there was the field in
which least harm vas to be feared. The army was
pleased with war st any rate and the more
so on finding their banners crowned with vic
tory after victory and their Emperor distin-
guished as a soldier: the Democracy vas pleased
al seeing war waged avowedly in behalf of
great natural deliVeranoe But now, how are these
three interests likely to be affected by the peace?
The army finds itself cut short in the of VIC
tory by the agreement to peace which abrOgsting
II oNSs OH pEVsoSubAON Vi war
vas declared stamps ell their brilliant victories with
the stigma ultimate defeat and there is doubt of
the existence of deep
matters covered over, we hear of officers breaking
their swords in indignation the intelligence and
il seems not unlikely that the nation may be hurr
ed into another war to give vent to the turbulent
passions of the army: The democratic element finds
itself deceived disappointed and defed, and the
commercial interest finding this its old bugbsar
in q special bad humor, with its old antagonist the
army in no better, and Italy still unsettled, and all
Europe in the uncertain expectation Of disturbed
futurity, exhibits in the fluctuations of its Their
mOmster, the BOurse, all the signs of unsettled
dissatisfied con iition;-a condition the more dan
garous as the existing dissatisfaction has to smou
der iuWaIdly being denied all outward modes Of
demonstration.
For once the French Emperor has played risky
game and lost.
The Professors Of the new Presbyterian UniYer
sifv Hhieaon hava occanfad THAR aafa riea are