The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1859-11-17
IMPORTANT POLITICAL DOT u
MENE.
AutAoritatire Exposition Of tie Position
Of Eduard Bates on the Slarery Ques

ton. .-.--
Ffssim Tie Iuls-S.sTgg ii: EIs?tn
rFro1n the St. Louis Evening News. \ ~. 5.
Some of theOpposition papers Of Missouri
(the st. Joseph Vest among them,) while
al Uniting the indecency Of private citizcrs
who consider themselves candidates for the
Presidency, thru,ting their opinions on all
questions unssset, on the county. neverthe-
less appear to think that the case of Edward
Bates is an exception. They claim that Mr.
Bates stands SO prominently before the coun
try as a possible candidate for the PresIden
cy, and that the anxiety of MIssourans is
SO grea. to declare in favor of him, if bis
views on the Slave Question are acceptable
to them, that Mr.. Rates ought TO make pub.
lie his views on that one subject At least
Otherwise, many citizens, after committing
themselves TO his support might find them
selves in false position.
| There will be occasion for any citizen
feeling any embarrassment on Mr.. Bates ac-
count. He is not candidate for the Presi-
dency. and will not seem by publishing let
tiers unasked. and on even the most trlfing
occasion, to be courting attention to bis
views.
But if Mr.. Bates should be made candi-
date by the authoritative voice Of his coun-
trymen, he will obtain no vote upon false
pretenses. He will stand upon no juggle.
like the Cincinnati platform, with its ambig-
uous and double readings. The country will
know his platform upon all questions, mani
fesuy as in letters Of living light. Till then,
Mr.. Bates views of slavery will not probably
be more formally set forth.
But as the Evening News. several months
ago, presented the name Of Bates as the IA
vorite of the St. Louis Oppositionists for the
Presidency, it is reasonable to be supposed
that we had sufficient knowledge of his opin-
ions, on this and other subjects, to Justify the
nomination of him 1t may be that we know
enough OF his views. even now, to satisfy the
more importunate quer!sts In the matter
The following are what we are sure will be
the Slavery Qestion
SLAVERY NOT BENEFICIAL SOCIALLY, PoLrrI-
CALLY OR RELIGIoUsLy
Mr.. Bates does not believe that {" African
Slavery is the corner stone of Liberty
he does not believe that African Slavery
is a beneficial institution either in social
political, or religious sense Not in a social
sense because it sets at naught the family re-
lation and separates man and wife. parents
and children, at the caprice or on the neces-
sites OF owners; not in a political sense. be-
cause it is productive of discords between
nations that tolerate it and nations that do
not, and because it is liable to panics. COM
motions, instructions and massacTes, and has
ended often in bloody revolutions not in
religious sense, because it shuts the mind
against knowledge. makes the word of God
scaled book to the slave, and gives his
body to the service of human master,
whereas the body of every created being
should be freely given to the service Of God.
BY AFFIRMATIVE LEGISLATION.
Because that Mr.. Bates does not believe
that Slavery is beneficial institution, either
in social. political, or religious sense, he is
unahe,ably opposed to ns ertensiOn INTO Ter
ritory no,o free. Mr. Bates, in his political
creed. is Henry Clay Wing; and Mr.. Clay
declared that his .rnht arm should drop
from his shoulder before he would vote to
extend slavery over one foot of terrific al
ready free Mr.. Bates heartily endorses
that sentiment, and holds to that creed
Mr.. Bates does not believe that the Consti-
tuition by its proper vigor carries slavery in-
to all the Territories that may be acquired by
the United States He believes that Free
dom is the rule. and slavery the exception
He does not believe that slavery can exist
in any territory acquired by the Government
of the United States, except by the positive
law of Congress- That positive law Mr..
Bates would not be in favor of passing, be-
cause, for reasons already given, he is oppos
ed t. the extension of slavery into territory
already free.
DISTINCTION BETWEEN sLAvE AND OTHER
PROPERTY Co-EvIL WITH THE GOVERNMENT
-
property from Territory a. acquired by the
common blood and treasure of the Union,''
establishes an invidious distinction between
two sections Of the Union that it denies to
the South rights that are freely given to the
North-Mr. Bates denies emphatically that
it has any such effect. The distinction COM
planned of is CO evil with the government. 1t
is no new thing-no modern hardship-iu
fact no hardship a, all The localizing of
slavery the prohibition Of its emigrating
and establishing itself in Free Territory. was
embodied in the compact OF the Union, at the
beginning. But for this limitation the Slave
States got far more than an equivalent in be-
ing allowed in the National Congress and in
Presidential elections three votes 10 every FIVE
slaves Slaves do no. vote but their mas
,srs vote for them. The votes of two men in
the South count as much as the votes of five
men in the Free States.
CITIZEN OF NEW YORK POSSESSING RIGHT OF
PROPERTY Net HELD By A vIRGINIAN.
| Whv should this be So If slaves are on
| In property, as the Southern man will say.
WHY should not the Northern mans proper
/ tn vote alsol Ii is all only property. When
/ the STAKEHOLDER is disposed to complain. thas
distinction is made against him-that he
cannot go into the common territory of the
country and take his property. the citizen of
the Free State can reply: III is not proper
ty like my property that you want to take,
but it is property that rotes-lt is property
that gives you tleo and hal, rotes 10 my
one it is property that makes me inferior TO
you in our relations 10 the Federal Govern
ment, and that is no; fair when We come to