The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1859-01-14

conclusions. The gentlemen above referred
to Of the Republican party, take It, do not
believe with Mr.. Douglas and Judge fancy,
that the negro had no rights at the time Of
the formation Of the Constitution, which the
white man was bound to respect, nor do they
believe now that the negro has no rights
which we are bound to respect; but they do
believe that he is equally entitled to ''Life
Liberty and Property" with the white race,
and no man whose heart beats to the tune Of
those hero fathers who announced to the
world the sublime truths Of the Declaration
of Independence, will ever disgrace the early
history of his country by such sentiment,
but will hold "these truths to be self evident
that ALL men are created equal, and are en-
dowed by their Creator with certain inaiien-
able rights, that among these are life, liber.
~ and the pursuit of happiness" Jefferson
in his first draft of the Declaration docs not
entertain such an idea when one of his
gravest charges against King George is that
he has enslaved M unoHending race, and
brought them here against their and our
consent or wishes.
Senator Douglas, also, in this New Or
leans speech, endorses the bred Scott de-
cisi on. Well, what is this decision Does
it decide that Congress has not the sovereign
sy over the territories? No; but on the con-
trary, it decides that Congress has the com
bned power of the State and National Gov
eminent over the Territories, or, in other
words, the sovereignty. But the Court also
decides that Congress acts under the Consti-
tuition, and cannot act inconsistency with
its provisions that Slavery is recognised by
the Constitution as property, and being
property under the Constitution, Congress
can pass no law to interfere with its migra-
ton into the territories Of the United States.
Mr.. Douglas says that even under this de-
cision Territorial Legislature can pass such
laws, hostile to the institution, that slave
holders will not be able to keep their slaves
there after their arrival. tits plain that under
the bred Scott decision Congress has no pow
err to prevent the stakeholder from taking his
slaves into territory. But Congress has the
sovereignty over the territories, that is all
political power over them. She, by law,
delegates or gives to the Territorial Legisla-
ture the same power she has under the Con-
stitution, and no more. All the power q
Territorial Legislature has it gets through
Congress, by her organic law, and it certain
ly follows that what Congress cannot do, she
cannot authorize anybody else to do. Con-
sequently, if any act interfering with the en-
joyment and use of slave property in the tor
ritories is unconstitutional if passed by Con-
gress, so would it be il passed by Terrific
rial Legislature if inconsistent with the para
mount law Of the land, and SO would it be
held by the same Court that announced the
bred Scott decision.
II seems plain that Mr.. Douglass plan of
operations is open notification Of what be
admits to be the Law Of the United States.
His doctrine Of Popular Sovereignty has no
place in the bred Scott Decision, and is en-
tirely inconsistent with it, and advocated
only because he believes it popular. So
much for the inconsistency of Senator Doug
las.
ltremains for the undersigned to say that
he does not subscribe to the doctrine of the
bred Scott decision, but dissents entirely
from il. He believes that If such Court can
make slave property by virtue of the pro-
visions of the Constitution beyond the lin
it's Of the local law creating il, that the Con-
sttution being the paramount law of the
land would carry II rs we'll into the Free
States, their constitutions and laws to the
contrary Notwithstanding but certainly the
Constitution never intended to authorize,
extend or legalize Slavery, but only to pro-
tect it rs property, made so by the laws OF
the States where it existed. Gas one held to
service or labor in one State, under the lars
thereof, escaping, &c., shall be delivered Wy, -
is the language OF the Constitution. This
shows that the Constitution intended to pro-
tect it only as a local institution, and not
in any way to impose it on any portion Of
the Republic that was averse to it.
FREE LABOR.