The western Democrat. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1852-1870, 1859-04-05
SPEECH OF
Hon. Stephen A. Douglas,
Az Baltimore IA, the 5h o0U of .JdnuQrV, 1889

At Baltimore on the 18th day Of January, 1889.
Fellow citizens of Baltimore: 1t was my expectation
to pass quietly tho ugh your city, it has been my
custom for the last fifteen years. upon my way to the
national capital but / notified that my fellow
citizens of this beautiful city had appointed Commit
tee to meet half way between this and Philadelphia
and escort here did not feel at liberty to dlsre-
gard their kind request was more willing to spend
a night with you for the reason that desire to know
whether my principles may be avowed In slave state
the same in free State-n the South and in the
North alike, wherever the American flag waves over
American SOIL So long as We live under the Constr
tuition any political creed which cannot be aVowed In
the same terms and sustained by the arguments
in every State in the Union must be fatal heresy
Principles to be sound must be the same In Mary
land as in the North the in New Orleans they
are in New York and New England; the same in the
saveholdng States they in the free States We
have been precpitated for the last four years into
fearful sectional struggle in which the North has been
rallied against the South and the South rallied against
the North on this negro question.
What desire to know is whether there is not
common ground of fundamental principles under all
institutions, upon which Northern and Southern
stand together brethren, without surrender
ing any right which belongs to them under the Consti-
tuition.
Equality among the different States is fundamental
principle and as natural consequence from that
equality of States results equality OF the citizens OF all
States of the Union Any political creed wrong
threatens injustice to any section to State,
the inhabitants thereof in order to benefit any other
State section. We have recently been told first in
Illinois by the champion of Abotonism, and subse-
quently in New York by Mr. Seward that this Union
endure divided into free and slave States
fathers made it, We have been told that these States
become all free all slave; that they must be all
one thing all be the other otherwise that this Union
cannot endure In other words, Aboltionism to
suppose that there must be uniformity in the domestic
institutions of all the States Diversity among the To-
cal and domestic institutions the inevitable result OF
our political system. Uniformity is neither possible
desrable fathers when they formed this Union,
knew that, in a republic broad and expansive
this with such variety of climate, soil and produc
TONS there necessarily be corresponding varie
in the local and domestic institutions of each State
adapted to the wants. conditions and interests of each
locality.
Why was this Union formed originally with thirteen
Independent sovereigntes, each with separate legs
ature of its own and the right to make such laws
desired, unless it expected that each State had
interests differing from other, and requiring laws
and institutions in repects different? Our fathers
knew that the laws and institutions which were well
adapted the granite hills of New England
we'll suited the tobacco plantations of Maryland.
They knew that each locality required different laws
adapted to its interests and hence that each State
must have legislature OF it's to attend to its
domestic concerns If you will examine the history of
the revolutionary struggle, you will find that your
beloved State would not consent to the Declaration of
Independence except the fundamental condition that
Maryland should retain forever the right regulate
her domestic and internal affairs suit her
SELF without interference from any other State from
the Federal Government.
You have regulated your affairs to suit yourselves;
you have prescribed what shall be the relative position
of the negro and the white in Maryland. | shall
not stop to inquire whether your decision is wise
unwise that is your business mine. All have to
say is, you have right to decide that question for
yourselves and having decided it, have right to
NEEDLE with that decision. If do not like your laws
all have to do is to stay away, where will not
under their operation. So it is in the State of
Illinois; she is sovereign power well Maryland
We have adopted different system of policy, in
respects, from yours. We have much rig pre-
scribe policy you have to adopt yours and we
are prepared to make bargain with you, rather,
prepared to stand by that bargain which our
fathers made in the Federal Constitution, let you
tend to your affairs and mind your own business
you leaving US alone to attend to affairs and to
mind business. 1t is of your business wheth-
we have negroes not. you want them, have
them; if you do not want them exclude them.
is of our business whether you have slaves
not. So long you believe it is your interest
tain African slaves, do and when you get tired of it,
abolish it; but do not humble yourselves tarnish
your sovereignty by taking advice from Congress upon
that subject. [Cheers.] That is what North
western Democrats mean by popular sovereignty
When the Union formed it consisted of twelve
slaveholdng States and free State. Acting this
principle of popular sovereignty each State being left
to decide for ITSELF the New England States abolished
slavery then New York, then New Jersey, and then
Pennsylvania. Under what principle that slavery
disappeared from those States unless it that of
the right of the people of each State decide for them
selves. In New England they abolished slavery when
they found that it contrary to their interests to
continue it. We in Illinois, while Territory, estab-
shed African slavery in defiance of the ordinance of
1887, and tried it for many years, until we came to
form constitution for admission into the Union as
State. By that time had discovered that in our
climate, with sod and surroundings it not
to interests to continue it, and therefore abol-
shed it. If had found that our climate our soil
and productions required negro labor, would
have held to it with the enacity as the other
States.
Permit here remark that the slavery question
rests upon laws higher than those of legislative
ments 1t depends upon the laws of climate of pro-
duction and of self-interest. Wherever cotton and
sugar and rice and indigo the staples the cii-
mate is such to exclude white labor the negro must
take the place of the white on the plantation.
When you get into those hot climates it is a strug
gle between the negro and the white but strug-
gle between the negro and the crocodile which shall
occupy the Delta line. In those Delta lands slavery
must exist, negro labor must be Employed otherwise
their cultivation must be abandoned while i'm those
high northern ATTITUDES, where the earth covered
with deep SHOWS and where there is severe climate
lilly adaptedto the constitution of the negro and better
suited to the white man. slavery never exist be-
it is not the interest of the people have it. The
only difficulty in regard to this slavery question is that
there is medium climate. and it may be controverted
whether such climate is best adapted to white or
black labor Who shall decide the contest there unless
it be those who live there who have there with
their wives and children made it their home and have
a better opportunity fjudging what they want than
those residing a dstance2 Hence leave this cues
ton to climate, sefnerest to the decision of the
people interested. and there will be peace harmony
and fraternity among all the States of this conederacy
In accordance with this principle brought forward
the bill to blot out the Missouri Compromise line
that black line which the continent fixing
stigma upon the local and domestic institutions of half
of the States of this Unon-in order to substitute in
its Mace the tai of