Daily national Democrat., 1859-06-05


appeal to Congress at all, and with this un-
der tanding the clause in the bill which pro-
yided for the submission of the Territorial
laws to the revision of Congress 'cds stricken
from IL. Absolute non Intervention was the
policy laid down and solemnly enacted in
that great measure.
No wonder that the Lecompton press
founder, when they undertake to give diff
ferent construction to that bill 1t is rowing
up stream against very powerful current.
The fact is that the Kansas Nebraska Bill
is an insuperable obstacle in the way of a
Congressional Slave Code for the Territories,
and so conscious do the Lecompton press be-
come of this fact, very frequently, that they
cxclaim in their desperation, that, if the bill
does really stand in the way, they are in ia
vor of repudiating it altogether! This is their
final answer when they are driven to the
wall, as they must always be on this ques
ton
We have shown, heretofore, by liberal ex-
tracts from the speeches of all the leading
Democratic Senators and Representatives in
| Congress in 1854, on the Kansas Nebraska
| Bill, that the universal authoritative con.
struction of that Bill was to the effect that
Congress should never intervene in the affairs
of Territory at all, on this subject of slave.
ry, and that the constitutionality or uncon-
stitutionalty of all Territorial acts should be
passed upon by the Supreme Court of the
United States, and by no other department
of the Government Now, we propose very
briefly to show that this policy, aside from
all abstract legal propositions or matters of
that kind, will in all cases fully carry out
that great fundamental principle of the
American Government and of the Democrat
ic party, to-wit:-hdt tile majority shall rule
that the people shall gorern themselves
The practical effect of leaving the question
of slavery in the Territories untouched by
Congress, is to ensure the will of the maiori-
ty. If the people of a Territory wish slave
ry, they will legislate for its protection; if
not, they will either legislate against it or
leave it unprotected. And this is the whole
spirit of the Kansas-N ebraska Bill Now,
why is it not as fair to allow the will of the
majority to govern in such cases, as to un-
dertake to coerce public opinion by Con.
gressonal action Is it fair to force the peo-
pie of a Territory to have slavery whether
they desire it or not, or to force them not to
have it? Why not leave the people perfect
tutions for themselves, no matter if there be
a certain power residing in Congress to pre-
vent ii ? What terrible disaster is it to the
country to allow the majority of the people
to regulate their own affairs? If it is not
the majority who ought to rule, who is it ?
Must the minority govern This would be
contrary to the very genius and fundamental
principles of our republican government );
and yet this is the sole effect of an interposi-
ton on the part of Congress to protect slave
ry in Territory where the people are op
posed to the institution and refuse to protect
it themselves.
But, there is another thing to be taken
into consideration in this connection, and that
is, the uselessness of any Congressional in
tervention on the question. The people, Nf-
ter all that is said and done, wW rule, in any
event. All the Congressional enactments in
the world will never crush out public opin-
ion, and where public opionion is either for
or against slavery, it will have its way. To
attempt to oppose it is only to create a useless
| ferment and disturbance. For instance, pub
lie opinion in a large portion of the Free
States is against the Fugitive Slave Law, and
the Fugitive Slave Law is therefore seldom
enforced there at all. A thousand obstacle:
are thrown in the way, and it is utterly i'm
possible to hold, in innumerable cases the
offending parties to any legal accountability
at all. Furthermore the prevailing public
opinion rises into the very atmosphere of the
courts themselves, and as in the late decision
of the Supreme Court of Wisconsin, the in
dical tribunals of the States declare that tn,
! Fugitive Slave Act is unconstitutional, null
anu Nolu % Oh tne OIlef nHnui III tnt
Southern States, where the sentiment is il
favor of slavery. it is almost impossible tC
! carry into execution the laws of Congres:
against the Slave Trade These laws declare
the importation of slaves from the coast o.
Africa, or the traffic in such slaves in any
manner, to be piracy. Yet the courts OF
South Carolina, Georgia and the other South.
ern soyereignties refuse to punish offences OF
TINS character. Grand Juries ignore charges
IN many cases originally. as they are present.
ed petit juries bring in verdiets of aconittal.
after the indictments are found. and cases
are thrown out by the courts under various
pretexts in the forms of rulings and iude-
ments. Thus the laws are wholly inopera-
tive, and the African slave trade proceeds
without interruption. Such is the force Of
public opinion. Where the people want
slavery, they will have it, and where they dc
not want it, they will not have it,
Therefore there is reason and common
sense and sound policy in Congressional non
Intervention, aside from all considerations
whatever as to the power of Congress in the
premises.
MORE GoLD.-Mr. Jesse Parson, of Wo-
burn, Mass claims to have discovered gold
2 1