The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-09-07
The Charleston Convention.

The South is the only quarter Of the Union
from which there has been any danger Of
movements calculated TO disturb the harmony
and hazard the success of the election. There
have been rtImors Of an intended struggle for
interpretations into the Democratic creed, in be-
half Of Congressional Slave Code and the
restoration of the Slave Trade.-44lbany 448'-
gus.
The Argus had better look nearer home for
disturbers of the harmony Of the party in the
Charleston Contention. The Southern De-
| mocraey have no desire to create discord, and
will make no unreasonable demands in that
| body. If the question Of restoring the Afri-
! can slave trade is raised, it will not be done
| by the Southern Democracy; nor will they
| require the passage of Il resolution IN behalf
of "a Congressional slave code',-a phrase by
the way which the Argus ought not to use,
Knowing that it originated with Douglas, not
because it truly describes the demands of the
Southern Democracy, but to play upon the
sectional passions of the Northern masses to
create prejudice against Southern Democrats,
and to stir up strife and uncharitableness gen
| orally.
But the Southern Democracy will insist
upon an explicit declaration Of the position Of
the party touching the territorial question:
They neither wish to observe silence upon inn
portaht issues which will demand the atten-
ton of Congress, nor do they wish that its
creed should be announced in such Delphic
style as to render it liable to two interpreta-
tions. They want no dishonest, double-faced
compromises; but fair, honest dealing, The
bred Scott decision so far as it relates to the
powers and duties of the federal government
in relation to the territories, embraces all they
have to ask aud this cannot, without The
palpabe manifestation of u purpose to do
wrong, be refused, What Is this decision p
The following statement Of its points leaves
no room for misconstruction
The United States, under the present Con-
stitution, cannot acquire territory to be held
as a colony, to be governed at its will and
pleasure. But it may acquire territory which,
at the time, has not a population that fits it
to become State, and may govern it as Ter
ritory until it has population which, in the
judgement OF Congress, entities it to be adj
mitted as State, of the Union.
During the time it remains Territory, Con
gress may legislate over it within the scope of
its constitutional powers in relation to citizens
of the United States-and may establish a
Territorial Goyernment-andt the form of this
local Government must be regulated by the
discretion of Congress-but with powers not
exceeding those which Congress ITSELF by the
Constitution, is authorized to exercise over
citizens of the United States, in respect to their
rights of persons or rights of property,
The territory thus acquired is acquired by
the people of the United States for their COM
mon and equal benefit, through their agent
and trustee, the Federal Government. Con-
gress can exercise no power over the rightsof
persons or property OF citizen in theTerrito
rywhich is prohibited by the Constitution.
Congress have no right to prohibit the citi-
zens of any particular State or States fro.n
taking up their home there, while it permits
citizens of other States to do so. Nor has it
right to give privileges to one class OF citizen
which it refuses to another The territory is
acquired for their equal and common benefit
and if open to any it must he open to all
upon equal terms.
Every citizen has a right to take with him
into the Territory any article of property which
the Constitution of the United States recog-
nises as property.
The Constitution of the United States re-
cognises slaves as property, and pledges the
Federal Government to protect it. And Con-
gress cannot exercise any more authority over
property of that description than it may con-
stitutionally exercise overproperty of any 9th
err kind. -.s