The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-03-31


In our own country. To do so, would be
ultimately to exhaust our own vigor and
national strength. Every one, therefore,
who is not fanatic, at least every states
man, desires that the imposts which must
be levied on foreign imports shall be so
distributed as to bear as favorably as pos
sible upon every producing interest in our
own country. In this sense, as we all are
in favor of free trade, so we all are protec-
tionists. We are for free trade to a prac-
tical extent, and we all are in favor of
a judicious tariff. The exigency of this
debate does not require me to survey the
whole range of productive industry of the
country, and to suggest comparative sys-
TEN of imposts adjusted 10 them all. 1t
would be labor lost to do so for, as ! have
already said, it is in the House of Repre-
sentatives, and not here, that the act origi-
mating any revision of the tariff must be
introduced, and perfected, at least in de-
gree. But | can say, with entire freedom,
that it would present no ground Of oblec-
ton, In my judgment, if such bill should
be so constructed as 10 favor and encour-
age the mining and manufacture of IRON.
select and distinguish this great interest,
because | think that the disasters which
have overtaken the National Treasury and
have crushed the prosperity of the country
have resulted from neglect and IMPROVE
dence in regard to it. We have been en-
gagged, as most other civilized States have
been engaged, during the last fifteen or
twenty years, in adopting the great inVen-
ton Of railroads, or, as the Frenchmen ac-
curately describe them, iron roads, and
bringing il into universal use. If we could
only have understood ourselves in the be-
ginning of this period, and adhered per-
sistently throughout to just convictions
then formed, we should have so discrimi-
mated in our revenue system as to have
made this great enterprise work out an es-
Enlistment Of the iron manufacture in this
country, so as 10 derive from il our chief
supplies. But the country has not been
willing to look steadily to that ultimate
interest. II has asked always the cheapest
iron that could be gotten, and, of course,
has demanded that the imPosts should be
fixed at the lowest possible rates. So the
projection afforded by the tariff of 1916
gave pIaOC W lO"Cl PIObCCtiOh AOOf
and it has not been without much difficulty
that at times Congress has been stayed from
remitting all duties on foreign manufactures
of railroad iron. The Legislatures of the
States, acting on the same erroneous prIn-
ciples, have authorized combinations and
associations on doubtful principles to force
forward the same precipitancy of action.
Leans of the credit of States, of counties,
cities, and even towns, have been author
lied, to furnish capital to railroad corpo-
ratiOns, and at the same time they have
been continually allowed to borrow money,
at usurous and runous rates of interest.
Securities thus obtained, doubted and
comparatively valueless at home, have
been pledged to the iron manufacturers
abroad, and their enterprise has been ex-
ceSsivey stimulated, while that of our own
These improvement meas
ures have at last produced their inevitable
efiect-an undue diversion Of capital into
railroad enterprises, arrangement of in
lernal exchanges at home, and collapse
of the national credit abroad, and a sus-
pension equally of domestic manufactures
and of foreign commerce. Such are the
legitimate results of the improvidence
which caused roads to be built of foreign
iron, over the coal and iron beds in our
mountains. | hope, sir, that the House OF
Representatives will make the needed
initial step in return TO a wise policy,
and will send the miner once more with
his torch into the deserted chambers where
the coal and the ore are stored away by
the hand of nature, and will adopt such
policy as will rekindle the slumbering fires
i'll the forges and furnaces of Pennsylva-
MIA, New Jersey, Maryland, Tennessee,
and Missouri. 1t would be benevolent
work. do not say that would force the
Government to assume it merely as a work
of benevolence but do say, that since
there is need of taxes TO avoid debt, l
would so levy the taxes as to secure Incl
dentally that benevolent object.
But it is to the House of Representatives
that those who desire the accomplishment
of this object must look. The Senate af-
fords them thus far no ground of hope. The
people of Pennsylvania, and the other
n-producing States, have seemed to
look to the President and to the Sem
ate, but not to the House of Representa-
tives.
1t is useless to look 10 the Senate, un-
less the House shall lead the way. All
along, as the debate on the condition of
the Treasury in the Senate has advanced,
| have marked its llstless course. The
heart of the Senate does not throb with
one particle of sympathy for the iron
manufacturers. | have wished that the
people of Pennsylvania could just look in
upon us, aud see how unmoved we are by
all the Presidents appeals, and all their
petitions, addresses, and resolutions, and
all the arguments and appeals Of their
Senators here. | wish especially that they
could see the entire GOODNESS and indiffer-
ence with which the Senate now not
merely dismisses the subject altogether,
but inaugurates the policy of renewing the
national debt, and sends its bills for that
purpose to the other wing of the Capitol,
to demoralize the House of Representa-
tives, and induce it 10 surrender its own
very feeble resolution Of restoring the ma
tional industry TO its proper and ancient
vigor. Mr.. President, the country needs
a new Congress.
For the National Era.
COME THE WOODS.