The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1859-09-09


American citizen, to sustain and abide by
without any hesitation or mental reservation
whatever. So help me God and keep me
steadfast."
The Decentralization of Political Power
The Douglas Idea of Popular SOve-
reignty, True Democracy.
1t is the curse of political fanaticism that
the broadest and most benefcent principles
become degenerated under its influence to
their relation with some single subject, and
that, through its operation, the force of such
principles is lessened upon the public mind,
and their effects impaired in the admins
tration of public affairs. This truth has
never been more fully illustrated in our pol
itics, than in the dwarfng construction
which fanaticism has placed upon the prin-
ciple of Popular Sovereignty. This princi-
pie, which lays at the foundation of our
Democratic system of government, and
which extends to and covers all the interests
and relations of individuals and communi-
ties, has been confined, by the fanatics of the
South as we'll as the North, to its effects
upon single subject of political agitation
that of negro slavery--and its merits or de-
merits are judged of, by either party, accord
ing to its bearings upon the interests in
volved in this solitary question. This state of
things arises from the fact that the question
of slavery doomed up above all others, as
the most prominent and exciting topic
throughout the whole country, at the time
when Popular Sovereignty was first soughtto
be practically and fully applied to theregula-
ton the domestic affairs ofthe people, under
the provisions of the Kansas-N ebraska Act.
This comprehensive principle, having been
thus intimately allied with the slavery ques
ton from the moment of its practical initia-
tion as a rule Of government, has at length
come to be considered, by the mass of un-
thinking people, as being intended and
adapted for the regulation and settlement Of
this question alone. The universally of the
principle, in its relation to all the interests
Of the people, has been lost sight of; and it
has degenerated, with many, into a mere
football, to be kicked about by the aboli-
tionists on the one hand, and the slave
propogandists on the other.
Popular Sovereignty has no such limited
significance as has thus been given it by the
fanaticism of the day. Slavery is not the
exclusive, nor is it the prominent, subject
of the operation of this great principle. On
the contrary, it is only one among the thou.
sands of questions which continually arise in
political communities, involving the rights
of persons and of property, all of which are
alike regulated by the same fundamental
law, and no one of which has precedence
over another. 1t is due to the dignity as
well as to the benefcence of the principle,
that it should be raised out of the narrow.
degraded position in which it has been sunk
by the slavery agitators of all sections, and
placed where it belongs, as the keystone in
the arch of our political system.
Fanaticism has not only degraded Popu-
lar Sovereignty in the public mind by lin
iting its operation to the single subject of
slavery, but also by circumscribing its
sphere to single class of political communi-
ties. The fanatic thinks, writes and speaks
of Popular Sovereignty as principle appli
cable only to the government of Territories.
Combining its operation, in the first place, to
the single subject of slavery, he limits its
sphere, in the second pace, to those commu-
mites where the question of slavery can be
safely made the subject political agitation.
A great principle, which underlies all our
systems of government, Federal and State, as
we'll as Territorial, is thus shorn of its noble
proportions, and made to conine itself to
the latter; while to the masses Of the nation
it is held forth as mere abstraction, right
enough in theory, but of no practical impor-
lance in political affairs.
We need not enlarge upon these points
further, to show the monstrous perversions
which fanaticism has made of Popular
Sovereignty, both in regard to its power,
and the extent of its influence Indeed, it
was less our purpose to speak of the &C
tive influences of this principle, or of the
narrow limitations within which fanaticism
has hedged it, than of its passive infu-
ences, its latent powers, to reform some of
the grossest abuses of our government.
These abuses grow out of the constantly in
creasing Capitalization of power in the pc.
litical capitals, and especially in the hands
of our National Administrations. This
Capitalization is the inevitable tendency of
Republican governments, and is the source
of their greatest danger. The danger
springiDg from this source has grown more
imminent with every succeeding administra.
ton, until it has become question of the
most serious import how this tendency can
be diverted, and this Capitalization be
checked. In our judgment, no remedy APP
pears so efectual as thorough indoctrina-
ton of the principles of Popular Sover-