Worcester daily spy., 1859-01-22
IN anvERTIsERs,
THE TERRITORIAL EXPANSION FEVER


THE TERRITORIAL EXPANSION FEVER
The passion for territorial growth breaks
out periodically, like fevers and plaques. Itis
a chronic and intermittent disease, and is as
likely to attack virtuous as vicious people.
The Israelites and the Egyptians, in the ages
flight, were pestered with filibusters as badly
as the Normans were, or as the Anglo-Saxons
are, The only instance on record where the
land argument signally failed was when the
Son of Man, taken up into high mountain by
the first filibusler, was, for consideration, of
fered innumerable acres of territory, of which
the grantor did not own rood The expan-
sion fever is sometimes mitigated by purchase,
but generally by conquest This robbery,
with martial name, is disguised under such
mischieyous maxims as that of the Greeks
Everything is lawful to man in the service
of his country" or that equally mischievous
one of more modern times, "Our country
right or wrong"
Our advocates of territorial growth without
condition of what Mr.. Choate mildly charac-
terized as premature and unprincipled expan-
sion" of the Rob Roy principle, that
'sThey should take who have the power,
And they should keep who car"
have promulgated new philosophy, which one
of them states as follows: "The weaker and
dlsorganized nations must be absorbed by the
strong and organized nations. Nationalities of
inferior grade must surrender to those of su-
perior civilization and polity." The strong
word, MUST, is made to embrace, in about equal
proportions, the ideas of moral necessity and
of brute force. Mr.. Douglas expresses the
same sentiment in different language. Not sat-
isfied with making an idle boast of virtue, he
discards even the dignity of vice, and says in
the slang phrase of piracy, "take the property
of your neighbors, and, if necessary, negotiate
afterwards" 1t is because such sentiments are
promulgated among US, without exciting the
indignation or disturbing the complacency of
honorable men," that the subject becomes a
fit one for public examination and for public
rebuke.
1t is one of the evidences of history that
national aggrandizement prepares the way
for the loss of national virtue. 1t is not
because growth is necessarily immoral, or
wealth an agency of decentralization, but be-
cause conquest is an unnatural means of ac-
QUESTION. The consolidation of two congenial
people, with the cordial consent of both the
union of States with common customs and
unity of interests the annexation of Terrific
ries, dissimilar in their history, but one in their
theories of government, and their motives for
lei, Ill. A. -,
ance with the safe and benefcent regulations
under which all nations are placed whether
consciously or not But not of this class are
those popular means of aggrandizing ourselves
by acquiring Territories inhabited by different
and often hostile races, with no instincts in
common, with no institutions which they
could hold in equal pride, with no common
history, full of heroic memories to inspire
them alike to heroic deeds. 1t was of little
credit to Rome for Octavius to carry her ca
giles of conquest throughout the civilized
world, when within few generations she was
to fall, like Lueifer, never to hope again.
There was more of real heroism and vitality
in the little Republic, which, for thirteen cen
turies, crowned the snowy cliffs of San Marino,
than in the records of that empire which so
long pretended to control the civilization of the
world. Yet they represent the two extremes
of national life-the one proud, restless, ag-
gressive; the other contented and acquiescent
in the DEGREES of fate.
Neither of them, to be sure, was fit for
model There is just medium on either side
of which men will be exposed to mistakes and
snares. In the deliberate promulgation of the
principles of the Ostend Circular, in the gener-
al assent of large bodies of people to means
of acquiring territory, without questioning our
right to the lands we coret or the character of
the people whom we propose to give equality
of privilege in the direction and control of the
Republic, we discover the germs of that rash
and insane aggrandzement which has been the
ruin Of prouder Republics than ours, and may,
earlier than we think, cause our name to be
mingled with theirs. The British officer at
Boston, in 1774, was correct in theory, when
he said, ''if he were Parliament he would
pass statute declaring every town in North
America free and independent common
wealth for, then, he would have the pleasure
of seeing them all at war with one another,
from one end of the continent to the other"
He was practically mistaken, to be sure, in es-
timating the character of our colonists by
those Independent and quarrelsome States
which had disturbed the other continent for
thousand years. With the exception of the
tories, who were mostly crowded into South
Carolina, there were no elements of hostility,
at that time among us. But if we had had
Cuba, without one instinct of self-government,
or a single notion Of liberty-if we had colo
nies like Costa Rica and Yucatan, and Mexi-
co-the British officer would have been correct,
and we should have fallen into anarchy in a
single hour.
With thoughtful and conscientious men, who
hold it to be higher duty to benefit than to
enlarge their country-to cultivate and develop
our fertile acres, whose beautiful fields are now
reaching towards the setting sun, than to ac-
quire new territories, of uncertain value, for
uncertain experiments in colonization or in
piracy--there will be no hesitation or division
in opposing such wild schemes as the annexa-
tion of Cuba, or the immediate Americaniza-
tion Of any of the Mexican States. There are
no necessities of Commerce-there are no ar.
guments of national renown, sufficient to over.
rule that prudent and wise statemanship, which
holds virtue to be the first consideration Of a
Republic.