Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1859-05-03
TO AnyERTIsERs .
SENATOR WILSON AND HIS CRITICS,


SENATOR WILSON AND HIS CRITICS,
1t was greatly to the credit Of Senator Will
son that in publicly denouncing the Two Years
Amendment he kept in view, as he always
does, the interests and the welfare Of the anti
slavery cause, 1t wholly disarms those oppo-
nents, whether old or new, who assail him with
charges of inconsistency for seeming to change
his methods Of fighting, With his views of
public policy and of public duty, with which
every politician in the State is familiar, it was
the most candid, the most manly, and the most
consistent objection that could have been urged
from that quarter And it is not wholly cred
liable to anti-slavery men that any of them
should misconstrue his meaning, Or belittle his
motive, while those who have always opposed
him. and would look with delight on any slips
he might make, are left to detect and denounce
that mistaken consistency, less of form than of
principle, which has enabled him to accomplish
so much for the cause of human rights.
The Boston Courier which we fear is des-
tined nevermore to be happy, has discovered
in the letter indications of the purpose, which
Mr.. Seward foreshadowed in his speeches last
fall, to make the Republican party, net a
party of expedients and circumstances, but Of
high political theories capable Of application
single object which caused it has been fully
and satisfactorily accomplished. He proposes
nothing; he developes nothing in that direc-
ton. But the Courier, with the sagacity of
despair, discovers that he means something
terrible-to Hunkerism, which is undoubted-
ly true. "For more than twenty years." he
says, II have believed the anti-slavery cause
to be the great cause of our age in America,
so vast and SO sacred that its friends
should not suffer it to be perilled by the press
ure of temporary interests and local and COM
paratively immaterial questions" This is
the same sentiment which he expressed with
less moderation, but with equal felicity and
power, at al earlier period of his political Ca
reer.
"The earnest young men of Massachusetts,
of the North-should cultivate a profound
reverence for humanity, for its sacred and in
stucudUlt lOdIUty IIlu Slavery
in every form resolve that whenever, where
ever, however they may be summoned to act,
their voices shall be for freedom everywhere
for slavery nowhere; that in their own states
every man, no matter to what race he may
claim kindred-no matter what blood may
course through his veins, shall stand before
the laws the equal and the peer of the most
favored sons of men; that over him-poor,
ignorant and friendless though he may be-
shall be thrown the panoply of just, equal,
and exact laws"
Sentiments like these infused into the poll
tics of the country would visit the institution
of slavery and all kindred expressions with
peaceful and salutary correction. Only upon
such humane sentiments ripened and matured
into intellectual convictions can any perman-
ent or seryiceable party be formed on the side
of impartial liberty. Opposition parties have
their uses, for the time, but history makes but
little use of them. We may have available
parties against the Fugitive Slave Law, against
the Kansas policy, against the bred Scott de-
cision Butw while they are cutting offone branch
OF the poison tree, dozen more shoot into
maturity more malignant and pestilential than
the first. 1t is the hope of humanity that a
party may be formed upon the comprehensive
oasis that all men are equal before the law,
with courage to apply the principle wher-
ever it has or. can honestly obtain the
power We believe it is the purpose of our
most sincere and devoted statesmen, to en-
brace all fit opportunities to encourage and
to strengthen this hope 1t could not be
done if class distinctions were kept up
among themselves, and class legislation
encouraged by their cooperation and ex-
ample. The denial of right to one citizen
which, under circumstances absolutely the
same, we allow to all others, is a denial of the
principle which must be the foundation of the
party of freedom, if it would be ever victori-
Gus.
1t is easy to understand why the pro.savery
Journals of the country should be alarmed by
the tendency of Mr.. Wilson's letter, or by any
fundamentally looking to the emancipation of
all men from the perils ofproscription, and the
insufferable agony of bondage. 1t is the signal
OF the overthrow of Caste and Privilege on
which tyrants in all ages have set their affec-
tons, and under which "optimists and quiet
lists" have sought their fiowery beds of ease.
But it is not easy to comprehend the sincerity
of those, fortunately few in number, who have
been the advocates of these principles, till now
only foreshadowed and outlined in political or
CARNATIONS, and now chose rather to take coun-
sci of their convenience or their pride, and re-
sist in the crisis of their fate the sentiments and
the policy they have been accustomed to ap-
prove and defend.