The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-02-03

the consideration that have long participated
in those incidents, and have been somewhat
| familiar with some of the measures which have
| condnced to the bringing of this great question
before the country. | am also induced to do
this from the consideration that many honest
men are DESTROYS that Republicans shall modi-
| fy, change, or abandon their doctrines.
| 1t is certain that our principles were promul-
gated in the Declaration of independence
| that the signers of that first charter of Ameri-
| can liberty declared that all men are endowed
| by their Creator with the unalienabe, the abb
stract right to enjoy life, liberty and happiness;
and that the trainers of the Constitution, recog-
nising this primal doctrine, ordained " that no
person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or prop
erty without due process OF law" Our doc
trine seems to have met with universal appro-
val, except by the Tories of that day, up to the
year 1871 and the first denial of it by any
| Wing was published by Thomas Paine, in his
essay upon the Rights of Man," wherein he
| declares that whatever whole nation chooses
to do, it has a right to do" Noperson can fail
to see the identity of this doctrine with that
now proclaimed by the Democratic party al
leging that the people of Territory, in framing
Constitution, may without I'M Justice authorize
Slavery if they choose. The doctrines of Paine
and of the Democratic party are identical in
denying that human Governments are limited
/
agree that the people of nation or State may,
if they choose, authorize murder, robbery and
piracy; for all these are embraced in the term
Slavery"
But the doctrine of Paine would probably
have passed unnoticed by the statesmen of that
age, except for a tacit approval by Mr.. Jefer-
son, who careessly expressed a desire that the
work might be reprinted. The approval, how
ever, referred to the work as a whole, and not
to this particular dogma. But this circumstance
called out John Quincy Adams, at that time
young lawyer of Boston, who, in series of we'll
considered articles, exposed the error of Paine,
and clearly demonstrated the limited power of
human Gogernments-showedt their inability to
change the natural or innate character of any
act that murder, or piracy, or robbery, is in
herenty wicked and criminal, rendered so by
the Creator, by the immutable law of right
and wrong, and must retain their inherent
wickedness, though ten thousand human stat
utes pronounce them just and authorize their
commission that the legitimate powers of gov
eminent are limited to the protection, and do not
extend to the destruction, of mans inalenable
rights. This vindication of the selfevident
truths promulgated in the Declaration of indie
pendence, and repeated in the Constitution, was
published while most of the sgners of that
great charter of Liberty and most ofthe trainers
of the Constitution were living. 1t emanated
from the son of one of the most distinguished
of those patriots. 1t attracted the attention of
General Washington, then President of the
United States, who soon after rendered to young
Adams a foreign mission. Every person will
see the perfect identity of the views proclaimed
by MIR. Adams and those avowed by the Repub-
Ecan party.
The institution of Slavery was then acknowl-
edged to be wrong. In the language of Henry
Clay, it was looked upon as a curse-a curse
to the slave, and grievous curse to the mas
ter" crime which they were constrained to
tolerate, but could not Justify.
The people of the free States regarded it as a
relic Of the more barbarous ages, unsuited to
Christian civilization, and they repudiated and
abolished it.
But the Southern States suffered it to remain
undisturbed until it became chronic, and men
began to look round for arguments in'favor of
its continuance. Those of more desperate char
acter began to deal in slaves, making merchan-
disc in human flesh their regular vocation.
Planters began to look upon these crimes as
common, became familiar with them, and event
ualy justified their preparation by what they
termed the necessity of surrounding circum-
stances. OF course, they viewed Northern men,
who advocated universal freedom and justice to
ALL with distrust, and soon after with determin-
ed opposition. This feeling became so strong
as to defeat the election Of Mr.. Adams to the
Presidency in 1923, although his previous Ad-
ministratiOn had been able, pure and patriotic.
1t was the good fortune of that renowned states
man 10 have lived at the time when the Decla-
ration of Independence was promulgated. He
had mingled freely with the patriots who devo-
ted their lives to the support of its selfevident
truths )" he had drank deeply at the fountains
of Liberty he had fully imbbed the spirit of
hat off off in fbo
Presidential campaign, he became member of
this body; and while here he adhered most
strictly to the doctrines of the Revolution, and
strove to develop the real issue which then ex-
listed between slave and free labor. While the
Slave Power was constantly prosecuting him,
endeavoring to PROSTATE his influence, he was |
laboring to bring out to the public view the
secret doctrines and motives which controlled |
its advocates If gentlemen will consult the
debates of this body during the time he served |
here, or his biography, they will find that he
was constantly endeavoring to develop the pre- |
else issue now existing between the Republican |
and Democratic parties. / may be permitted !
to cite an instance. In 1874, the Legislature |
of Massachusetts sent to this House memorial |
asking an amendment of the Constitution, so
as to apportlon the representation in Congress |
according to the free population Of the several
States 1t was referred to q select committee of .
nine members some of whom were regarded as
among the ableSt statesmen of the South. AS
chairman, Mr.. Adams drew up a report 1t
was based upon the selfevident truths, that all
men have equal right to live, to that liberty
which is necessary to acquire knowledge and
attain happiness. 1t was read to the commit
tee, and considered maturely. OF the eight
members besides himself, l alone signed this
report; but no one denied its doctrines He
and had hoped that Governor Gilmer, of Vir-
ginia, and other Southern members, would have
had the moral courage to admit or deny its
principles; but they evidently feared to do so.
will give another instance, illustrating his
confidence in the truths of that instrument.
When Southern men had long been in the
habit of threatening dissolution of the Union,
some people of Massachusetts became tired of
the bombast, and sent petition to this body,
praying Congress TO take measures for the
peaceful and immediate separation of the States
composing our Confederacy. Its presentation
by Mr.. Adams created great sensation in this
body and a resolution of censure was immedi-
ately offered and the aged patriot was forth
with arraigned at the bar of the House. The
enemies of Freedom we're loud in their exulta-
ton; they fully expected to PROSTATE his in.
huence. A distinguished and eloquent son Of
Kentucky was appointed to manage the prose
cution. Some of Mr.. Adams friends faltered
others became alarmed, and made indecent
haste to deny all sympathy with him, and pub
licly to repudiate his doctrines but these things
did not move him. a deep and absorbing in.
generally. Every member was in his seat. The
spacious galleries were crowded to their utmost
capacity. Against him were arrayed Gilmer
and Wise and Conner and Jobnson and host