The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-05-02


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| out change of moment.
| The War Question In Europe-Imminency Of
the Crisis.
| The advices received by the Bremen are of
the highest Importance. All prospect ofeffecting
an arrangement through the proposed Congress
seems 20 he, if not formally abandoned, at
| all events despaired Of Such we gather from
nc ministerial explanations in the House of
Lords to be the present feeling of the English
Cabinet. The tone of deep Encouragement which
pervades the speeches of Lords Mamesbury and
Derby leaves no room for doubt that nearly all
be resources of negotiation have been exhausted.
In the statement of the former, clear, frank and
emphatic as 1t is, we have full confirmation
me opinion which we long ago expressed, that
Leuis Napoleon concurred in this idea of a Con-
.ress merely to make merit of affected modera-
ton. He lever sincerely believed that it would
| "a to se''lemen of tn italian question, and,
what is more, he was determined that it should
| not do go. Lord Malmesbury's statements are
too explicit on this point to leave any doubt in
| cegard to it. He says that il Lord Cowley had
| been permitted to continue as the sole mediator
! between the Emperor of the French and
the Emperor Of Austria the negotiations
would have been further advanced, and there
| would we been greater hope of their success
han is entertain at present. 1t will be in the
recollection Of our readers that when we learned
that communications had been opened between
the French and Russian courts, immediately
after the departure of Lord Cowley for Vienna.
we expressed our belief that it was the intention
Of Louis Napoleon to jockey England on this
question. This is precisely what has occurred, |
according TO Lord MalmesbuIys admissions.
OF course it was no part of the Emperors plans |
hat Lord Cowley should have an opportunity |
of putting the existing difficulties on such a |
basis with Austria as to secure an arrange
ment. BY calling in Russia, aud giving |
her the initiative in the negotiations, he cal
culated On raising fresh obstacles to it
The singular character Of the proceeding betrayed
at once its motive. As Lord Clarendon has
well described it, it offered the curious spec
tacle of one despotc Power proposing to ane-
Their despotic Power that by means Of Congress
third despotic Power should pave the way for
liberal institutions" The result has been exactly
what was calculated upon. No objection was
raised to the four points of the English PROPOSE
ton; but on the discussion of the collateral con-
ditioDs Louis Napoleon showed his hand.
Austria had insisted, as preliminary to her
going into conference that Sardinia should pre-
vious]y disarm. The latter Power declined to do
so, and assigned as one Of her reasons her exclu-
sion from the Congress. In this she was perfectly
justified; for if she had assented to such con-
dition she would have been placed completely at
the mercy Of her opponent. In order to get over
the difficulty, it was proposed by the English
government that if Sardinia would consent to
disarm it would invite France to join it in qua
ranteeing her against any attack on the part
Of Austria. The latter Power at the same
time offered to make a public declaration
that it would not make any attack ON Sardinia.
Nothing, it strikes us, could have been fairer or
less Objectionable than this proposition. 1t
placed France in the position which she processes
to desire to occupy-that of the legalized pro
tector Of Sardinia-and obviated the necessity of
her making any immediate reduction in her war
organization, which she would be compelled to
do if the principle Of a general disarming were
established in the Congress There can be 10
more convincing proof Of the intentions by which
the French government has been actuated all
through these discussions, than its declining to
give such guarantee 1t shows Enthusiastically
that whilst from the beginning Napoleon has
been making professions of desire to avoid an
appeal to the sword, he has all the time been
determined on it.
We can understand this, but we cannot COM
prehend the blindness Of Lord Malmesbury aud
his colleagues in heretofore shutting out the
conviction of the double game that he has been
| playing. From the first it has been evident
that it is not the independence of Italy
but revision Of the treaties of Vienna.
and reconstruction Of the territorial arrange
ments Of Europe, that he has in view. He pro
poses to himself to vindicate not only the
wrongs but the policy of his uncle, and to re-
build that vast superstructure of dominion which
his genius and superhuman energy had raised
From the emphatic declarations which they have
made in Parliament Of their determination to
maintain existing treaties, and their equally en-
phatc recognition Of the right Of Austria to her
Lombardy possessions, it would appear that the
Derby ministry at last appreciates in their full
orce the dangerous designs and projects of their
! french nejghbor. The language which thew
hoid In regard to him-a language re-echoed by
all sections Of the opposition -amounts almost
to that OF menace. AS the Emperor has no
longer any motive for preserving the mask that
he has worn, the natural conclusion is that the
entente cordiale is at an end.
flour readers will turn to Lord Derby & speech
they will see that we have not presented