The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-07-20
Nillard Fillmore on Southern Sabmis-
sion TO q Black Republican Admins.
tration.

declaTatl0n OF noStlHLy, and VII mold hersel
in readiness to co-opente with her sister
States Of the South, in whatever measures
they may deem necessary for the maintenance
Of their rights as co-equal members of the
confederacy."
| If this resolution looks to a separa-
ton of the Southern States. from the North
ern majority when they choose to exercise
their power to elect to the Presidency a can
kdidate. apanE ssstisaAl ssesasas--hnsl lsAeeisea-
kthe nerves Of those Southern men whose an
tecedents authorized the belief that they are
for the Union at any price, the fact has not
transpired.
1t is idle to disguise the apprehension that
the danger of Black Republican success IN
| 1860, is imminent. No rational observer of
events can resist il. Forthe last twenty years,
the party whose single idea has been the over
throw of the insttutions.of the South and of
her degradation to condition of inequality in
the Union, has grown with rapidity unpar-
aheled in the annals of the country. Within
this period the votaries of Abolition have been
small, Stunned, despised and persecuted fac
ton But now they are a powerful compact,
well organized party, which controls the poll
cy, and directs the sentiment of almost every +.
Northern State. All New England is welded
to anti-slayery fanaticism, and New York des-
pite the conservative influence of her CONNER
cial metropolis, is leagued in the same move
ment. And if we look westward, the eve
finds no spot to relieve the dreary picture,
until it reaches the Pacific shores. OF all the
non-slayeholding States, Oregon and Califor-
MA alone encourage strong hope of opposi-
ton to the march of Black Republicanism
How long these young members of the Union
will remain true to the conditions upon which |
it was formed, is left to be determined by fu-
ture events.
When we remember that in the next elec- |
toral college the free states will have 1856 cleo
tors and the slave states but 120, we can easily
realise the extent Of the-adyantage which the |
Abolition agitators have in the struggle, and |
how much better than ours is their prospect |
of success.
We cannot believe that these facts have |
escaped the attention of Southern people
nor that they have hesitated to look beyond |
Black Republican victory in the electoral
college, to the position which in that event,
it viii become the duty of the slavehold-
ing States 10 occupy. Hence it is not to
be supposed that the resolution which the
Mississippi Democracy have inscribed upon
their banner, is the work of mere partizan
managers, but the belief is irresistible that
it's true origin IS in the sober judgments and
the patriotic impulses of the masses
The particular object of these paragraphs
is the introduction of the opinions of Millard
Fillmore, upon the policy declared in the re-
solution above quoted. This ssaiesman stands
high in the confidence of an intelligent and
respectable party in the South. Within the
whole array of public men, North and South,
we know of no one who occupies a dearer
place in the hearts of the party to which we
refer. They believe him to be patriot whose
every aspiration is for his country, and a
statesman who fully comprehends the true
theory of the government, and understands
the obligations and rights of every State and
section. He is Northern man, and it is not
to be presumed that his counsels would be
colored by prejudice against his own section.
Now what does Millard Fillmore say the
South would do, and what does he declare
she ought to do, when the Northern States
elect sectional candidate to the Presidency
We prefer to let his own pointed and unequiv-
ocal words, answer the question. In speech
delivered at Albany, New York, in July,
1856, he said:
Sir, you have been pleased to say, that
have the Union Of these States at heart; this,
sir, is most true, for if there be one object
dearer to me than any other, it is the unity
prosperity, and glory Of this great republic;
and confess frankly, sir, that fear it is in
danger. / say nothing of any particular Sec
ton, much less of the several candidates be-
fore the people. presume they are all hon.
orable men. But, sir, what do we see An
exasperated feeling between the North and
the South on the most exciting of all TOPICS
resulting in bloodshed and organized military
array.
But this is not all, sir. We see a political
party presenting candidates for The Presidency
and Vice Presidency, selected for the first
time from the free States alone, .oitb the
avoaoed purpose Of electiag these candidates
by the sufrages of one part Of the Union only to
rule Over the aahole United States. Can it be
possible that those who, are engaged in such
measure can have seriously reflected upon
the consequences schich must ineuitabty Jtollo.o,
in case Of success CAN THEY HAVE
nIyC HRAnNEc0 nD UsIIE EnT
BELIEVE THAT OUR SOUTHERN
BRETHREN WOULD SUBMIT TO BE
GOVERNED BY SUCH A CHIEF MA
GISTRATE? Would he be required to
follow the same rule prescribed by those who
elected him, in making his appointments
If man living South Of Mason and Dixon's
line be not worthy to be President or Vice
President, would it be proper to select one
from the same quarter as one of his cabinet
council or to represent the nation in foreign
country Or, indeed, to collect the revenue,
or adpainister the, Jaws Of the United States /?
If not, what new rule is the President to
adopt IN selecting men for Office, that the peo-
pie themselves discard in selecting him
These are serious, but practical questions, and
m order to appreciate them fully, it is only
necessary to turn the tables upon ourselves.
Suppose that the South, having majority of
the electoral votes, should declare that they
would only have shareholders for President
and Vice President, and should elect such by
their exclusive sufnges to rule over us at the
North Do you think zoe mould submit to ita
No, not for moment And do you believe
that your Southern brethren are less sensitive
on this subject than you are, or less jealous
Of their rights ? If you do, let me tell you
that gou are mistaken. And, therefore, You
must see that if this sectional party succeeds,
it leads inevitably to the destruction of this
beaatifA fabric ysayed by our forefdthers,
cenae1ted By their blood, and beqaeatised to US
as 6 priceless izaeritanee
IteH you, my friends, that feel deeply,
and therefore ] speak earnestly on this sub
ject (cries Of you're right D for feel that
you are IN danger. am determined to make
q clean breast Of it. viii wash my hands OF /
the consequences, whatever they may be and
EteR y0u that zoe are treading upon the bs1aE
Of o gplcap0, that Is liable at any moment 70
burst forth and ouersohelns The nation. might,
By soft words, inspire delusiye hopes, and
thereby win votes. But can never consent
to Be one thing to the North and anosner ?! 70
the South ] should despise myself II lcouid
be guilty Of such duplicity. For my con-
science would exclaiin, with the dramatic
. L there not some chosen curse,
Soma hidden thunder in the stores o. heaven,
Red With uncommon wrath, TO blast the nan a.,
Who owes bis greatness to his country's rum
In the language of the iamented, put nm
mortal Clay: 81 had rather be right than be
President fn
Itwas In this emphatic manner that Millard
Fllmos, protesting his sincerity, declared
that the South would not submit 70 be gov
erned By Chief Magistrate selected from the
free States alone to rule over the whole coun-