The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1859-03-13
THE ExpIREp ooNGREss

of this first act of revolution with the three-seore-
and-tenth anniversary Of the establishment Of the
government-the signal manner in which the same
Providence whose sustaining hand has from the
first been so manifest in the history of our coun-
try, has marked this event by the sudden demise
Of the two chief officers of the department suffering
the revolutionary blow from Congress ;-these nota-
BILE circumstances and condolences have made a
deep impression upon the mind of the Christian peo-
pie of our country.
1t is to be recollected that every member of the
expired Congress was sworn to support the CON
~stitution Of the United States, including the constitu-
tional departments of the federal government. 1t is
to be considered that an example of incendiarism, of
revolution, of faction, has been set-not by an ir-
responsible mob-not by a thoughtless and excited
bourgeoisie but by the highest functionaries of the
land, by sworn officers of the government, %conspicu-
GUS before the country for good or evil example,
coniided in by the people for distinguished merit,
armed with the power to preserve or destroy, re-
sponsible to the country, to their consciousness, to the
constitution, to history, for heir acts. When great
deeds of faction are committed by men filling the
eye Of the nation, charged with the responsible
tiles of government, intrusted with the ark of the
covenant of its institutions, it becomes a far graver
matter than when these acts are but the result of a
local popular ebullition of feeling or spasm of fanat-
icism. In such case the incendiarism is national. is
official, is organic.
1t is organic, because it is impossible for one great
act of delinquency like this to end with itself alone
butnecessitates many cerollary Irregularities, some OF
other OF which cannot be avoided. In the exigency
in which we are now involved, either the public
service must stand still, or some actual or construc-
tive violence be done to the public laws and usages.
or else the executive department Of the government
must take it upon itself to meet one revolutionary
act by another. Congress, after two years of delibera-
ton, in full view of the consequences of the act, de-
clines to make provision for one department Of the
government. Is the Executive authorized to repu-
date this deliberate action of the legislature; to de-
clare that its decision shall not stand and. by con-
vening it anew, to compel obedience to its own WILL,
by enforcing q reversal of the former deliberate ac-
ton of Congress- All conflicts of this sort be-
tween coordinate departments of government are
hurtful to the integrity of public institutions they
inaugurate a course of revolutionary proceedings
such assuming out to natural results-drew 30
much misery upon France a half century ago, and
have reduced the Spanish American republics to
hopeless anarchy and desolation. Have we taken the
first step in that stormy and dismal journey of revo-
luton which ends in civil rupture, industrial ruin, and
social desolation and despair 81. .au.. ... ..
If not accepted and acquiesced in by the coun-
try how is the revolutionary act of Congress
to be metz Is the Executive to assume that
Congress did not intend to do what it did do
with solemn elaboration Is it to deal with ma
tured and responsible Legislators as masters deal
with truant pupils who have neglected their task
sending after them and compelling them to return to
ITS performance Is the relation of the Executive
TO the legislature one of superiority and censorship,
EMIT hing it, when Congress deliberately declines to
legislate upon a special subject, to use measures
which shall extort from it action such as j tdeliberate-
ly declined to adopt before the duress? An attempt
OF that sort by the Executive, whatever it might
be in intention, would be nothing else, in the eye
of the constitution, than usurpatien. The legis-
lattre is a ~co-equal, coordinate branch of the gov
eminent with the Executive it is at least not infe-
rior, if it be not superior TO the Executive, in digni-
ty and authority; and the Executive is bound to ac-
cept its deliberate and voluntary action as sacred
from all Executive assault, direct or indirect. An
attempt to enforce action from Congress which Con-
gress has chosen not to grant would be an infringe
ment of the legislative privileges, and would do
more or less violence to the constitution. Yet the
late action Of Congress may force the Executive to
a revolutionary recourse of this sort.
There is no doubt that we stand much in need in
our country of what is now actively agitated for in
Great Britain-"parliamentary reform y but the Elk
ecutive is not the appropriate or a competent re-
former in the case. 1t has become painfully appa-
rent to the country that Congress is fast degenerating
from an efficient, competent, pains-taking Legislature,
into an imbecile, distracted, caIlous political CON
clave. Party politics has usurped the place of bu-
siness in it's eliberations-whole months being
given to stale and Improbable political w~rangling,
where hours only are given to legitimate objects Of
legislation. The constitution requires the Executive
to submit recommendation to Congress, from time
to time, touching the interests Of the Union; and the
President did at both sessions of the expired Con-
gress submit various important recommendations
intended to meet very grave exigencies in the pub
lie affairs. With few exceptions, these recommends
tons received no consideration from the body.
Nor did the recommendation of the Executive fare
worse than those of its own committees and adjunct
functionaries, In a great many cases the commit
tees of the expired Congress performed herculean
aayv;co and initiated most urcent and imnortant