The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-02-24
THIRTY-FIFTH CONG RESs,
Second Session.
Tuesday, February 10, 1859.
SENATE.


We find in the Htelli9encer a very fair synOp-
sis of the speeches of Messrs. Crittenden and
Hale on the Cuba Question, delivered in the
Senate on the 18th.
Mr. Crittenden, after alluding to the tenacity
with which Spain chung to the island of Cuba,
proceeded to mark the indications which served
to show that the present was most unpropi-
tious season for renewing our efforts to obtain
the cessfon. How had the declarations of the
President message in this regard been received,
even in oppressed and provincial Cuba? With
murmurs of dissent. How had they been re.
ceived in Spain? With unequivocal and formal
expressions Of opposition on the part of the
Government. How was the proposition re-
garded by France and England2 With dis
favor which was believed to be rather increased
than diminished since the day on which they
proposed the tripartite treaty against its ac-
QUESTION by themselves in common with the
United States. And if the external relations
of the question were thus unpromising, what
was the domestic aspect Of the case? Let an
empty Treasury answer the inquiry. 1t was
estimated that 2O0,00O,000 would be the least
sum accepted by Spain for this most valuable
dependency. Last year our annual expend-
lures were $Sl 100000. This year they would
be nearly $l00,000,000, if we met all our out
standing liabilities Was this the time to as
sumo debt of $200000,000?
Our Government, moreover, was already
embarrassed with paltry and vexatious recama-
tons on nearly all the feeble States of this Con
tinent We had lost the esteem of the Spanish
American States, and were now regarded in the
| light of natural enemies rather than friends.
These reclamatiOns it is proposed to enforce by
the summary process of delegating the war
making power into the hands of the Executive.
But, apart from the price of the cession,
what were to be the terms on which Cuba was
to be annexed " to the United States Was
she to be admitted at once as a sovereign State +?
Would it not be best for all parties that we
should leave the people of Cuba Independent
reserving for ourselves the commercial privile-
ges and general guardianship to which we
would be entitled
The present bill to facilitate the acquisi-
ton " of the island did not seem suitable
means to the end proposed. 1t placed the peo-
pies money in the hands of the President
hands least adapted to hold it under the theory
of our Government That Cuba would one day
belong to the United States was more than
probable He did not deny that its possession
was desirable. But he could not admit that it
was necessary to our safety, He was too proud
of his country as it is, to admit anything so
humiliating. Nor was he so much in favor of
that territorial expansion about which it was
common to speak. lie preferred to build up
at home rather than to be perpetually reaching
abroad and had more confidence in the Anglo
Saxon elements of civilization than in those of
any other people Yet e was willing that the
President should undertake negotiations for
the purchase of Cuba; and if he succeeded, the
difficulties of the task would only enhance the
glory of the achievement. Upon the treaty,
when formed, he could sit in candid Judgment
but, under the circumstances of the case, he
did not feel authorized to place $30,000,000 of
the public money in the hands of the President
merely to enable him to commence the negotia-
ton.
Mr.. Hale, in an earnest speech, opposed the
pending bill. He did not doubt that Cuba had
long been coveted by portion of the United
States but when the names of leading states
men, like Jefferson, John Quincy Adams, Alex
ander Everett, Edward Everett, and others, were
cited i'll Illustration of this fact it was well to
| know that their statements were always accom-
panied with qualifications. Mr.. H. hero quoted
| from the State Papers of these authorities, to
| show that Cuba, while in the hands of Spain,
had never been regarded with jealousy.
| Mr.. H. then proceeded in a most humorous
manner to critcise the language and arguments
of the report emanating from the Committee on
Foreign Relations in regard to the acquisition
of Cuba, and replied to the citations by which
Mr.. Benjamin had sought to show that enamel
,Ia-iUEI Il TnuTcs rus a f,Inra
| He quoted from many authorities on the sub.
| iect some of which he believed were later than
those upon which Mr.. b. had depended. He
believed that the pending measure was an cleo
tioneering scheme, devised merely for the
purpose of retrieving the ebbing fortunes of
modern Democracy. He thought the project
would fail. The people could not be longer
deceived by these political cries. They remem-
bered how the annexation of Texas had been
urged at the North as anAnti-Slavery measure.
1t had in effect been so represented at the time
by the Hon Robert j. Walker, then Senator
from Mississippi. 1t was surprising that "polit-
zeal aAraction " and (" geographical necessi-
ty'' had no efficacy OF our Northern borders,
I5ut were potent onB in line of progress
southwards. He was no enemy to legitimate
expansion on just and patriotic principles, but
to expansion for the sole purpose of increasing
the political power of Slavery he was ineradi-
cably opposed. Who believed that the acquisi-
ton of Cuba would be pressed as it now is, if
her slaves we're emancipated tomorrow The
pending bin was but disguise, behind which
turks gigantic scheme of national robbery.
Mr.. Benjamin replied to certain of the state
ments made and positions assumed by Mr.
Hale and Mr.. Crittenden, when, aftes a brief
rejoinder from the latter, Mr.. Thompson, of
Kentucky, obtained the floor, and the Senate
adjourned