White Cloud Kansas chief. [volume] (White Cloud, Kan.) 1857-1872, 1859-10-20

in those two States. must feel morally
certain that they will vote together in
1860, as they did in 1856. Causes that
viii control the result in the one, can
hardly fad to operate with like effect in
the other. We have little faith in the
sagacity of the maH whe does not arrive
at this conclusion, after careful survey
Of the condition Of parties in those States.
A prudent calculator would set down
Indiana, Illinois. California and Oregon
among the doubtful States. We think
the Republicans have the best chance for
them. and, with q judicious nomination,
will carry them all. But, even if we lose
them, and can secure the Al votes of
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Minnesota
and Kansas. these, with the ia cast for
Fremont, will give our candidate 155.
being one more than is necessary to elect
him.
Republicans must, then, so arrange
their programme, that they can beyond
contingency carry Pennsylvania and New
Jersey. Prudence will assign Indiana to
the same position. Can we secure the
electoral votes of these States? Unaues-
tionsbly we can The same elements
that combined last Autumn to return
members to the House of Representatives,
need buf to unite in the Presidential cleo
ton. and our success is sure Is such
union desirable? We think it is. Some
Of our Republican contemporaries talk as
if they thought it was not. Do we mis-.
understand them? In our Judgment, the
main body Of those Republicans. Demo
Gratis, and Americans. in the States Of
Pennsylvania. New Jersey. and Indiana,
who, by acting in concert, achieved VIC
tories in October last that gladdened all
our hearts, have need only to pursue the
even tenor of their way, exercising to-
ward one another little liberality and
patience, and trusting in the good faith
of all, and there is no more officially in
their cooperating to win common tri-
umph in 1860, than there was in 1858.
Will such Republican journsls-there are
very few-as criticise OF mathematics the
Tribune for advocating such union, in
su a crisis, on such terms. for such OBJ
iects, be kind enough to take the above
figures, work out the Presidential prob
lem in their own way. and give us the
benefit of their calculations? Will they
waive. for the moment, the reading Of
homilie'. and go to the blackboard ?
When there, will they demonstrate how
ne can get along without the electoral
votes of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and
Indiana? Or. if they admit that we
must have them, or fail, will they for
brief period ignore generalities, obiurga-
tions, and all afectation of superior vir-
tue and integrity, and take the election
returns of 1856 and 1858, and tell us how
we are to obtain these votes?
Gentlemen you don't like our plan.
Give us yours! Don't turn rs off with
q eulogy on Republican principles and
the Republican party. We understand
all that now. Electing men to Office is,
to a certain extent. a matter of arithme-
tic. Go into the three States we have
named, enumerate the Republicans. note
them down, aud add up the column. of
course, you will not count any Democrats
or Americans
Our faith in a glorious triumph next
year is firm and unfaltering. 1t springs
in part from the disorganized condition
Of the Democracy. torn by discussions
about principles. and rent by feuds among
leaders. But it springs in larger measure
from the confident belief that when the
party stands face to face with
The crisis, on the threshold of the strug-
gle, it will "pshaw!" out of countenance
hose who object to a union between men
who agree in sentiment then, merely be-
cause they differed in opinion four years
York Tribune.