, 1859-03-29
Lord John Russell on the Federal
4Ff

Lord John Russell on the Federal
Constitution.
Lord John Russell is now engaged in writing
history Of the Life aud Times Of Charles
James Fox, one volume Of which has already
appeared. Of course the writer is early con-
frontcd with the history Of our Revolutionary
struggle against the mother country, and. Eng
lis!ln,an though lie be, he very frankly airms
that the Americans were clearly right and the
British Court wholly wrong in that controversy.
At the close Of his account Of that struggle,
Lord join pays tribute to the founders ofour
Federal system, closing with 6 succinct state
nlcnt Of what he conccivcs TO be the defects OF
tI4at system, which cannot be without interest,
and may cycn be Instructive, to our country
mcn. Writing without trace of personal ln-
tcrcst or party bitterness, he sums up those de-
ftcts as follows:
~. The Prcsidcn! Of the Republic was to be
elected fur no mare than fosr ycars. Hence the
whole mind of the pcople Is Kept in q continual
state Of agitation. Hence also, with the Jealous
instinct Of n democracy, men Of superior virtue
and superior talent are sci aside III favor OF ca1'-
di.la,e* from wliose character nnd cloIucnce no
predominant influence is to bc feared. Aflstrdcs
Cieon and Nicias.
~. With this defect is combined another,
whic, caisses >s,me surprise, especially i'll nlen
who s}nok off the curb of the 1:ritish mun-
archy, and run their free career through the
wilderness Of political speculation. They took
no security that the President should shape his
policy by tl,c prevailing oriniun of tic peoples
representatives. VI have seen that, when the
1luusc of Commons resolved that war should no
lnngcr be carried on upon the continent ni
North America, the Ministry was changed, and
the resolution was ut once carried into elect.
1t could not be otherwise. But if the House Of
Representatives in Congress were TO came to II
similar vote, tic President need not change Ills
Ministers nor alter Ills policy. Thus the safety
valve Of tllc British monarchy is wanting in the
Anlcrlcur democracy.
~. Another difficulty is inherent in the conf
position Of the Congress. The bodies arc both
elective; equally independent; equally free
from tue control of the Executive. What if
they should differ on Il vital question? \ SINH
lar difficulty in t;rcat britain Guild only be ten1
pnrary; either the people would support the
lloucc Of Lorls III III l11S4, nr the Lords would
yield to the popular voice as in l932. In Amer
lca, it is mt easy to say in What manner the
American Constitution could recover from the
shock.
~. One spot remains, wllicl, oceans cannot
| wash out. The Slavery Of the African ruce,
wl,icl, the North americans had inherited from
| the ancient monarchy, was adopted and fnndly
cherished by the Icw Republic. Washington,
frum the impulse of his warm heart, set free By
his will his slaves; Jefferson from the cal
culations Of his cool head, .lcdnccl the conclu-
| sion flat the black race ought to be sent back
| to Africa. The logic Of tho Constitution dc.
| clarcd that all men were free; tho pride and
avaricc Of tile savc-owncrs, tisowning the image
Of the Creator and the brotherhood Of nature,
degraded men Of Il dark color, and cycn I'LL the
descendants Of their solS and daughters. to q
| level with oxen and horses. But as oxen and
horses never combine, and hare no sense o1
wrongcd Independence, oxen and horses are
| butter treated than the men and women Of Afr.
| can blood. all the crucltes Which fear and
jealousy induced the dcspotic tvrants Of the Ro-
| man Empire to commit, arc cnnsecrated By law
nnd permitted by custom III the Free States ol
the New World Neither the civilization ol
commerce, nor thr diffusion Of letters, nor the
refinement Of manners, could eradcate the vices
or prevent the crimes which God has affixed i:
bciitting CURSE to the institution Of Slavery
Constitutional statesmen argued that, if tlls
black race wcrc acknowledged rs men, the,
must rule in States where they llad the mnjori
ty: learned judges and ab1c lawyers showet
that slaves were property, and entitled thci
owncrs to its involab1e rights. But neither
the philosophical dogma Of the authors Of tl,'
Constitution, nar the strict pedantry Of law
can stiae the cry of outraged humanity, no
still tile current Of human sympathy, nor arres
forever the DEGREES Of Eternal Justice"