The weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1858-1860, 1859-05-03

OF the Roman Catn0lic0 Ot LUIS Couu.y "ss
given for the Democratic candidates. Inc re-
lations between papal Catholicism ana ialse De De-
mocracy have, in general for . long time
past, been intimate. But while there is no con-
elusive evidence that these bonds are about
to be generally sundered, . large portion of the
Catholic leaders are very much dissatisfied with
the connection The kind Of m administration
Mr. Buchanan has given the country, in the frst
half Of his term, does not suit them. and they
are speaking out quite freely on the subject.
The weekly organ Of that church in New York,
the Freemans journal (which worked hard for
Democracy in 1861 early took strong ground
against the Lecompton and other various
schemes Of the President, and has since con-
tnued to be bold and unspalrng 10 its denunc-
atoms OF the Administration. Other Catholic
| organs h we assumed similar attitude towards
the present Government, for one reason or
another Among these, il the Catholic Tele-
| graph. Of this city, which now declares that it
is Every hard for any Catholic to be Demo-
crat"
To these occasional complainings, We should
/ not give much heed, we're not some OF the lead
ing writer's of that ecclesiastical connection not
only earnestly repudiating anc denouncing the
Administration, but also strongly presenting
reasonable grounds for thus rebeling.
One of the chief of these writer's is Dr. 0. A.
Brownson, who very elaboratelv treats OF this
subject in the last number Of his Quarterly Re-
view. Unlike some other Romanists, however,
| Brownson does not seek refuge from Buchanan
by fleeing to Douglas. Both are to him alike
dangerous, and equally to be Stunned. He
breads Scylla no less than Charybdis, and warns
bis readers to look out for each. 1--WE ad-
vocate." he says, with reluctance, the election
of Mr.. Buchanan in 1853, but our worst appre-
| tensions have been realized. We can hardly
| call to mind . simple statesmanlike measure
that he has recommended, nor wise act OF
much magnitude his administration has per-
formed" OF the Lecompton infamy, he speaks
in terms Of merited reprobation, affirming that
the only safety 10 in strict adherence to the
principle Of State Rights, failing OF which, the
| course OF our Republic will be Through Demo-
cratic Absolutsm, in direction Of Casarism,
Fastening the day when, by coup detat, the
President will make himself parvenu Empe-
ror."
On the other hand, DR.. Brownson shows up,
| in plain yet untirely conclusive and unanswer-
able argument, the absurdity Of the squatter
| sovereignty doctrine Of Douglas, thus:
I've do not agree with Mr.. Douglas in his
doctrine Of squatter sovereignty, or the leigsla-
tive capacity of a Territorial people. Terri
tory under our system is neither State organ
lied, nor an inchoate State; it has no existence
but what it derives from the Federal govern
| ment, no rights or powers but those conferred
| on it by Congress While Territory it has no
| autonomy, no substantive political existence.
The power ofCongress over ii is no doubt limit
| ed, but by Its own constitution, not BY the
| rights and powers Of the Territory. II Con-
gress has the right to legislate on the question
of slavery, it may delegate the exercise Of that
| right to the Territorial legislature, and that
! legislature may authorize or exclude slavery as
| it sees proper; but if Congress has no right to
legislate on the subject, the Territory can have
none. The pretence that Congress cannot in
| tervene, and yet that the people Of Territory,
remaining Territory, can settle the question
of slavery or any other question demanding leg.
slation, is simply absurd. Either Congress has
power to legslate on the subject Of slavery in
the Territories and then admit or exclude it, as
il judges proper, or there be no legisaton.o on
the subject, till the Territory becomes sover-
| eign State. In no way, then, can Mr.. Douglas
doctrine, if it aims at anything more than trans
ferring the despute from Congress to the Ter
ritory be defended. The doctrine of popular
sovereignty, as we understand It, is the most
dangerous doctrine that can be asserted, and
one which every American statesman should
set his face against"
The reviewer next considers the question OF
further territorial acquisitions in the South. As
a Roman Catholic, he would gladly see his
Church strengthened, of course, by the addition
| OF the Catholic population Of Mexico and Cuba
| But as to the former country, he regards the
thing as impossible, on account Of the oppos-
| ton OF foreign powers and to attempt to force
a sale of Cuba, which is not in market, he
| thinks to be an insult and an outrage against
| friendly power. No military advantage could
be derived from gaining that island, but on the
| contrary ''its annexation would extend and wca.
ken our line OF defense" He grants that "it
would perhaps extend our trade" yet it would
''add little to the revenues Of the Government"
But there are positive very serious objections,
| growing out Of the very controlling motive
which occasions the clamor in favor OF annexa-
ton. These he states in the following explicit
words-reiterating the much-denounced doc
trine of Gov. Stewards Rochester speech:
"It [Cuba] is wanted only to give US another
slave State, and to strengthen the institution OF
slavery, which, after all it would weaken. The
South is strong, il she ren.aos as she 10, and
does not attempt to extend slavery beyond its
| present limits, or to acquire new slave territory
Slarery and the free labor system are decidedly
antagonistical, and the expansion OF the one
necessarily resists that Of the other. IS mol
possible that the slave system Of labor shoUtc
triumph IL this country and the South may as
| seeH 0ive up the hope of 1t at once There Is yet
power enough in the Southern States, and 10y al
| ty to the Constitution in the Northern to pro-
tect slavery where it is; but let the South at
tempt to extend it beyond its present constitu
tional limits, and she will lose what she has,
Secession from the Union, and the formation o.
Southern slave republic, even it attempted
will not save slavery, but precipitate its aboll-
ton"
Ofthe Dread Scott decision. DR.. Brownsor
says:
'.The attempt to 60 beyond the Constitution il
support Of slavery made by the Supreme Coar
in the Dred Scott case, has destroyed mucl
Of the respect hitherto entertlined Tor its mem
bers, and weakened the held OF the Judiciar,
on the public mind; and the attempt on th
part Of the President and his advisers ha
demoralized the Democratic party throughou
the Union. A pro-slavery can no more succeed
, than an abolition party, aad is no more in ac'
cordance with the sentiments OF the great mas
ol the American people"
1t must be confessed that there is q peculia
signifcancy in the expression of these views, q
this time, and from such source They bear o.
their face the marks Of earnest conviction-o
candor trumphing over pref udice-of free-spo
, ken truth. Nor are they wanting in suggestive
: ness as to the Presidential contest OF 1860. Ih
: Roman Catholic population Of New York prob
ally still retain not little tenderness OF sentl
. ment toward Gov. Seward, whose mature view
= are pretty nearly reflected IN the article froI
: which we have quoted. Perhaps . close in
+ spection may detect still more decisive intims
!. tons Of this sort, in this concluding extract:
"Whatever party succeeds in 1850, we trul
it will not be called democratic" and any part
y in the country, not called by that name, vi
prove gain. We do not sympathize with %
!, Republican party, so called-it is not pnrely ~
J, pubcans in contra Adstinction from Democrat
u has too many Democratic principles and tende
cies, and is tincturei with Abolitontsm, is eve
yet little "wooly headed" but it has goo
{ name, and il it succeeds to power under th
name, will be forced to eliminate its Democrat
: elements, and develop in constitutional sens
e 1t is even now assuming ground less unco
D stitutional than that which it formerly occupie
and approaching, on the question Of slavery,
policy equally removed from Abohtionism ar
= Pro-slayery. We should not fear its accessit
. to porsr so much as zoe did in 1855. The ett
= tion, epen, Of Nr. Serord 70 the Preside'e
:. nould do less to try the strength Of TIE Unio
= than the election Of Mr.. buchanan has DONE.
Even the American party, il u has really dro
ped the dark lantern, and given up its organi1
II -l ~ n a. G