The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1859-09-07

In a late leader of the London Times, upon the
amnesty recently proclaimed by the Emperor Ma
PoLEoN we find an idea, admirably stated and en-
forced, which is the less of universal applica-
ton because it is so constantly forgotten or ig-
nored. We give the passage, which embodies it,
in full, believing that the time has arrived when
the press of this country must either recognize its
truth and profit by its suggestions, or cease to de-
serve and hold its position ''the third estate" Of
free government.
But must confess that we have great desire to
in action snch French Press existed under the
Constitutional Monarchy. No friend either of France or
of the Press itself would wish to that Press of Paris
instased in the position which it held under Louis Phil
lippe. In those days the French Press was no more
really independent than it is this moment Every pa
per the organ either individual who wished
make his paper the ladder to political power or of 20
ltcal party doing for what the party did for itself in
the Tribune 1t praised and defended every the
party and decred everything opposed it. post
ponng the interest of the public to that of its own little
circle The Press sunk to the Office of being trumpeer to
political adventurer Most OF political coteries
and most Of statesmen ardenty desire Eng
lish Press in the same condition Many an able man is
quite intolerant of honest exponent public opinion
where he is reelected without attery and criticized hou
hesitation. Many blockhead points n wtess sheer at
nteg before which his little dignity paIes and
many man would have his own paper, Theirs, and
Carrr and Girardin had their paper But in England
the good of the people renders this impossible Here
such paper cannot find readers paper which repre-
Sents individual section,
the newsboy who calls in street. Unhappily
this has been in France The idea paper really
independent with views of its own interest except
In its and that only based the public well
fare never seems to have occurred to French journalist
We are inclined to doubt, to some extent, the
absolute accuracy of the statement in this para
graph, in regard to the total lack of influence in
the British arty-press but nevertheless, it is be-
yond dispute, that the public opinion of England is
mainly guided by those journals-with the Times
itself, at their head-which recognize no allegiance
to party, class, individual, or section The ve-
orous common sense of the thinking and practical
people Of Great Britain, after long experience of
free speech and free journalism has settled down
TO the conviction that no press is fit tribunal TO
pronounce the public Judgment upon men and
measures so long as it is the retained or enlisted
advocate OF the measures or the men to be Judged.
Honesty may be conceded-a general willingness to
speak the truth-a sympathy with right-a desire
for the public good-but it is still recognized as n
principle ofhuman nature, governing journalism not
less than all other human affairs, that no partisan
however pure and honorable, is fair witness or
trustworthy judge, where there cequeston of his
chosen cause, or Of the men who embody its hopes
of triumph. And when-as so often and so con-
spicuously happcns-the advocate has neither high
tone nor honorable sympathies when his parti
sanship is neither principle nor enthusiasm, but
mere selhshness and calculations when his fortunes
are so closely bound up with the partial interests
which he espouses, that his mere share. as a citi-
zen, in the public veal and his stake, as man,
in the predominonce oftrutb and right, are but as
nothing TO what he looks for in party victory
1t is idle 10 commend the obvious wisdom which
refuses to trust him as safe counsellor or leader
Nor does this exclusion of the partisan press from
general influence assume for independent journal
ism any Of that superhuman purity and romantic
disinterestedness which it is sometimes sneerng-
ly charged, by its enemies, with claiming. Tie
Times has given, in half sentence, q moderate,
common-sense and yet perfectly comprehensive
statement of all that intelligent people mean and
understand, when they apply the term 'indepen-
"dent' TO public journals. 1t claims no exemp-
ton, for SUCH from human interests and motives.
On the contrary, it comedies their existence and
operation fully. 1t makes no pretence of with
drawing them from that common desire for sue
cess, which animates all men, who have anything
of manhood in them. Let US repeat its very Ian
essence Of the subject better than the simple
phrase-'A paper realty independent scith pie,cs Of
'its c'en and interest ezcept in lis oacn success,
land that only based on tie public acelfare" 1t
meets the question, and sums up the argument at
all points. 1t defines not only what an indepen-
dent press is, but what partisan press cannot be-
paper which is bound to echo the views of the
party or the individual to whom it has sworn
allegiance,
-Gddictas jarare an rerJa nagistri'-
cannot, by possibility, have "views of its own"
or cannot at all events speak them out, if it has
them. paper whose ''success'' is only Chased"
upon the triumph of section cannot but be
fathless to 'the public welfare" when the nte-
rests of the public, and those of the section cease
to be identical. When was such a press ever
known to "refect without flattery. or criticise
"without hesitation," any man who was the ex-
ponent of its course-let his antagonsm to the
''public welfare be what it might? When and
where did such press ever do otherwise-except
now and then. unwillingly and tardily, when
frightened driven by public Indignation and
disgust-than ''praise and defend every act of its
"party, and decry every thing opposed 10 ir'-
playing "trumpeter to the political adventurer',
who subsidized or patronized it, and "posponing
"he interest of the public to that of its own little
"circle?" What better title, then, to Influence
can such journals claim, ethan the newsboy who
"ses them in the street?' Nay, is not the news
boys the fairer trade in that he confesses himself
in the market, and makes no concealment of his
price2
We, of course know all about the old song.
that parties are necessary in free government.
and thata party-press must exist, where there are
parties. is hardly worth while to dispute about
the necessity of things which are likely always to
be. But there are such things as necessary evils,
and they none the less evil because necessary.
To that class the party-press, if needful at all,
must belong. 1t can only be dangerous, when
men forget that ii is an evil, and trust it, con-
founding its spirit with that which is good. Ne
cessary, perhaps, it may be, but it has, indeed.
chosen sorry part, when it has preferred the
good of section to the welfare of the whole
the wages of partisanship to the earnings of loyal
duty, and the fattery of faction and its leaders,
to the independence which upholds the truth
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That doctors disagree sometimes, we all perfect
ly we'll know, but how and why they fail out,
they generally abstain from mentioning. Neither
are we informed of the methods adonted b,- .i,o,