The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-07-27

+ IN the House, the moral effect OF Its passag
/ by the treaty ratifying body would great,
have fortified the Executive power of negoci
II alton.
The Opposition as usual inyeighed agains
slavery and assumed that its extension wa
, the object of the proposed acquisition. Sci
dom have the advantages of great measur
! been so general and so equally balanced be
tween the sections, the pecuniary benefits be
ing almost exclusively to the North.
That the presence of slaves in the Islant
made it more desirable to me I viii not deny
3 The cultivation of the Island requires African
labor, and the African as rule will only worl
IN the condition of servitude Fhus the pre-
sence Of slaves increase the value of the Island
and so much the more as the number in the
United States would not enable US to supply
the requisite amount Of labor. 1t was alst
true as one of the minority section that I de.
sired to increase the number Of slaveholdine
constituencies; but so far from this being the
only object the measure rested upon Other
and distinct grounds.
Some also objected TO the incorporation o.
people different in race and different in religion
position which rested upon two fallacies, one
that because speaking different language they
were OF different race, and the other that an
established religion in the United States, made
Objectionable to add population holding
another creed.
7 Much horror was also manifested lest the
President should use the appropriation to cor.
rupt the Government of Spain. How practi-
cable that may be will not pretend to judge
but granting the functionaries to be so pure
and simple minded as to require the guardian
shipof our Congress, the long and distinguish
ed service, the high position and character Of
the President, and the no less eminent and
worthy Secretary of State might have shield.
ed them from such suspicion.
But there is class Of men skillful to a
proverb as detectives and the ar1aignment o.
others is cheap coin, in which to pay the
debt Of integrity. ID
I Were there no uses other tfan those Of bgi.
berry to which the money could be applied;
were there no contingencies which might make
it available; no circumstances in our own gov
eminent which rendered it needfnl to give
some assurance that treaty if made would
be ratified
l. If the war now waged in Italy should in
yolve the rest of Europe, and Spain as the ally
of France should be brought into conflict with
England as the ally of Austria, wonld there
I be no power to obtain the sinews of war for a
distant colony which even Spanish pride and
obstinacy could not expect undersuch circum-
stances to hold At home she would have an
acquisition to make, one which might wake
the spirit of the day when the knights OF
Spain were the noblest of Europe, and their
highest proves was displayed in efforts to
free their native land from the yoke Of the in
fdel, a possession the loss of which shades
the memory of the brightest achievements of
/ hof G;hrolRar IF tha MI
lars of Hercules to the gate Of the Mediterra
mean was forcibly wrested from Spain more
than q century and half ago. Vainly has
she attempted to re-take it; and to the morti-
fcation of her pride, the detriment Of her rev.
enue, and the injury of her commerce and
maritime power the British flag still floats
over it. Night she not give an Island the
value Of which can be measured by money,
to obtain the means which would enable her
TO recover possession which must be to her
priceless? sf
| have mentioned one but there are other
contingencies and inducements fully set forth
in the 4"Ostend Conference" Suffice it to
say, am not of those who consider negotia-
| ton hopeless as means to acquire the island,
and of all which can be contemplated, it is, in
| my judgement, the most proper, both in re-
lation to our own reputation among the ma
| tons, and to the future condition Of Cuba
| | have said that we did not found our poll
cy as to this acquisition, on considerations of
mere sectional advantage. We could not ask
| the North to aid us in the accomplishment of
the measure for such purpose. We would
not listen to counter proposition to acquire
Canada, with the view to augment the power
of the Northern States; and we should not
expector claim more than, under like eircum-
stances, we would grant. Neither would our
conscienceS sanction, or the civilized world
| approve of the seizure of the island merely be-
cause we wanted it. Higher motives, strong
er reasons must be adduced in the forum of
conscience, and before the tribunal of nations
will not weary you by recapitulation of the
long list, which is familiar to you, Of prece-
dents and provocations, but will only refer to
the general basis on which the Justice of our
policy may be defended To repel invasion,
to secure intercourse between the States, and
to protect their commerce on the high seas.
are duties of the General Government, so uni
versally admitted, that the right to employ all
lawful means for their fulf1llment requires no
argument.
1t remains then but to show that the oCcu-
patton of Cuba is a necessary measure and the
delegated powers of the General Government
follows as a consequence.
The channel of oceanic intercourse between
| the States of the Atlantic and those Of the
Gulf of Mexico, flows by and near to the
northern side of the island Of Cuba; and that
between these States and those on the Pacific
flows close to its Western end. From the
Hayana and Cape San Antonio, a few gun
beats might keep watch and ward over all the
vast and increasing commerce which pursues
these channels. From the capacious and safe
harbor of Havana, a hostile feet might sail af-
ter the sun had set and ere it rose be upon our
coast. Toguard against this imminent danger
| the massive works of the Tortugas and Key
| West are now under construction. 1t is to
| forget the lessons Of experience, to hold that
| the weakness Of Spain makes this an idle ap-
prehension. Her weakness is the greatest
source of our danger, because it makes her
ports assailable to any powerful foe who may
choose to use them, in violation of the laws
Of neutrality. To prove this it is only requi-
lsite to mention the cases of Fayal and Valpai-
| raiso, and the seisure by French cruisers of
| American vessels in the neutral portsof SPAIN
prior to the year 1900 If it were necessary
| to demonstrate by past events, the import
| ance, indeed the necessity, Of the proXimate
| ports Of Cuba to an European feet making
hostile expedition against us, the descent upon
Louisiana and the more recent bombardment
| Of Vera Cruz would furnish such testimony.
| 1t is clear that under such circumstances the
neutrality Of the ports Of Cuba would be the
condition most advantageous to the enemy,
or, to express it otherwise, injurious to U.s.
But there is another view in which the
weakness of Spain, instead of being an argu-
ment to satisfy us with its present condition,
| is the reverse. 1t has exposed her to the in
/ trusion Of British reformers, threatening not
merely to make it like their own Jamaica, un-
productive, but to render it a dangerous neigh
| Dor to u.s. In 1841 It was proposed by convention
between Great Britain and Spain, to institute a
British Commission to inquire into the titles
by which the slaves of Cuba were held. In
1843, 1851 and 1853, the proposition was fur
Their and regularly pressed upon Spain. In
/ the Spring of the last named year, an agree
ment was made satisfactory to Great Britain,
but with the exact terms of which we have
not been made acquainted 1t will, however,
be remembered that about that time the tri-
/ partfte treaty between England France and
Spain was entered into, and that upon the re-
/ lection by the administration of President
Pierce Of the offer to make our Government a
party toit, the British Minister to the United
/ States was instructed by his Government to
| inform ours that Great Britain would thence
forth consider herself at entire liberty to act on
any future occasion, as to her might seem fit.
/ II, as some have contended, there was moral
/ obligation resulting from an understanding be-
tween the United States and Great Britain,
that they should mutually refrain from seek
/ ing to acquire Cuba, that obligation was dis
solved by the notice given.
There is still another element in the moral
question which remains to be considered.
/ Though it should be shown ever so clearly to
be the interest of the United States, and that
no obstacle, either of domestic or foreign COM
! pact restrained us, still it would devolve upon
us, in the absence of an absolute necessity, to
show that injury would not be inflicted upon
the inhabitants of the island, the other party
about to be permanently and Immediately af-
fected Any doubt on that point, it would
seem, should have been solved BY the stand
ing threat to turn loose the slaves upon the
people, by the frequent efforts at revolution,
and the admitted necessity for force to main
tain the Government which is contained in
the large military establishment, the rigid po-
lice regulations Of the island, andthe extraor-
binary provisions ofthe Governor, being at all
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