The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-07-06
From tie MississiPpian, Sept. II, 1858.
Address of Hon, John J. MeRae.

/ G4A04 COO VA 4AOA' OO1lu 10C06Es
| We have the pleasure of spreading before our
readers in to-day's impression, AN able Address of
| Hon. JOHN j. MeRAE, to the voters of the 9Th
| Congressional district. The Address is not the
less noteworthy for the bold enuncation of the
doctrines To which it gives expression than for the
cIearness and force of its logic. We need scarcely
ask for it the attention Of the public:
"1 our interests, far rs the duties of a repre-
sentative in Congress are concerned relate to your
relations with the Federal Government They are
two-fold. such as coucern you nationally and such
as may be regarded more directly, local cannot
touch upon them ALL but shall only treat of such as
are most important, and that very briefly without
celebrating my opinions which time and this ad
dress do not permit.
First, Nationally, is the great question growing
out of the difference in the social systems of the
two sections of our country relating to what is
termed free and slave labor. 1t seems to be the
natural result of the constitution of man. that
each one seeks his own interest, and that in any
agreement wi h his fellow he wishes to construe It
for his own benefit. Upon this principle is to be
accounted for, mainly, think, the antagonism be-
tween the two sections of our country growing
out of its two different systems of labor. Other
causes incident to it, but this affords the
solution. Mr.. Seward, in his speech in the Senate
Of the United States the Kansas ques tiOn SAYS
it is a dynastic struggle between antagonistie
systems for the control of the government, and
that one the other must give way. He is the
great leader of the white slave labor party Of the
section of the country in which it exists, and
Win HHbnOrlJYs lie says,
further that this party is organizing to take the
political control of the government,-that they
have the power, and that they will do it-that il
has already triumphed in the admission of Caiifor
MIA, and in the defeat of slavery in Kansas-that
slave labor will be invaded, and give way in
the border States where it now exists, and that
slavery will be met and 0Yerthrown in Arizona
Cuba if acquired by the United States, and where
ever it undertakes to establish itself-that this
party has already achieved its victory though its
fruits are not yet gathered and that the govern
ment must in future be administered for its benefit
Not having his speech before me- quote partly
the words, and fully its substance.
He is sustained in this position, by three senti-
ments of this party each powerful, together ali
controlling They first that Of envy and jeal-
oasy towards those who enjoy African slave labor
second that of fanaticism, which opposes the rela
tion of master and slave; and lastly, that of inter-
est rs question of political power. The last is
kst Tia sscisa, fse other two are aaxiiiaries and
will always tie subservient to it, With the in
creasing number Of the white slave labor States,
the prospect is indeed gloomy before US.
TIE question which hrst arises in mind is,
what produces this hostility towards US, being
brothers Of the same country, having common
heritage, and common destiny2 This question is
already answered in the reasons assigned for the
antagpnism between the different social systems of
the two sections.
issue forced upon us, of the supremacy of sys-
tenn over the other, and to avoid the consequences
| Of the overthrow Of our institutions, the pre-
dominating influence Of the white slave labor sys-
tem over that of the African slave labor system
| There are in my judgment but two ways. The
first is simply to interpose onr constitutional rights
The next is to increase, 5ssible, the amount of
| African slave labor. Ifse could stand upon our
constitutional rights, ID they were all admitted
| as they now exist, tnen we could only hold our
present position, and the white slave labor States
| would gain the preponderance. We oonld not OBJ.
ject to this in the natural order Of things, and
could not complain, if the sentiment of the white
slave labor States and the legislation of Congress-
controlled by 1t, was impartial between the Sec
| tions, and not unfrendly to US. This, however,
could not be expected, and the dominant party
would naturally iegislate for its own beneft-with
the hostility existing against our system, If 1t was
! not ovsrthrown our section would be oppressed
In the formation of confederacy all the States
| but one were African slave labor States. By their
liberality AMI magnsnimity, they yielded up large
bodies of their territory to the white slave labor
States and have interposed objection to foreign
| immigration into the country, by which, with the
natural increase of the population, this territory
has been peopled, and these States have gained .
i prepondefanee in the Union.
What the South now wants, is the increase Of la
i Dor, and that of African slave labor; this would
give her increase Of population, both Of whites and
blacks and would enable her to extend her area
and her institutions over the territory now legiti
her productions. Without this increase ef popu-
latlo she will be scarcely able TO settle with sase
institutions the three States yet TO be carved out
of Texas. and most probably not the Territory Of
Arizuna which Of right ought 10 be hers, well -
other Mexican territory which may yet be acquired
/ For the want Of this increase, she has not kept
pace with tho North but the scale Is turned entire
" aga nst her, and without It her limits may 81.
/ ready be defined a. embracing the present slave
States Of the Union, including the three additloh
al ones simpiy to be carved out OF Texas, but not
extenaing her area. Besides these, another slave
State will never be admitted into the unien We
have evidence Of this ii the action of Cong fss on
the Leeempton Constitution. But IL this 1Eere
not sufficient, the Tree States hare now tseI mas