The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1859-11-11

TtSpcCt " Iuc ADMINISTRATOR UuI IudI III
was intended as condemnation of the doc
trines avcwed in my " Freeport speech"
The only position taken in my Freeport
speech" which | have ever seen criticised or
controverted, may be stated in single sem
tence, and was in reply to an interrogatory
propounded by my competitor for the Sen
ate: That 1" the Territorial Legislature could
lawfully exclude Slavery, either By non-action
Or mtrtendly legislation. :" This opinion was
not expressed by me at Freeport for the
first time. have expressed the same opin-
ion often in the Senate, freely and frequent
ly in the presence of those Senators who, as
Mr.. Gwin testifes, removed me from the
Craftsmanship of the Committee on Terrific
ries " ten gears after they kneaD that l held
the opinion and Douh neuer surrender at.
could fill many columns OF the National
with extracts of speeches made by me dur
ing the discussion of the Compromise meas
ures in 1850, and in defence of the principle
embodied in those measures in 1851 and
1852, and in the discussion of the Kansas
Nebraska bill in 1854, and of the Kansas
difficulties and the Topeka revolutionary
movements in 1856, in all of which I ex-
pressed the same opinion and defended the
same position which was assumed in the
"FreepOrt Speech" l will not, however,
burden your columns or weary your readers
with extracts of all these speeches, but will
refer you to each volume of the Congress
stonal Globe for the last ten years, where
you will find them fully reported. If you
cannot conveniently procure the Congress
sional Globe, refer you to an editorial arti-
Gle in the Washington Union of October
8, 1856, which, it was reported, received the
sanction of the President of the United
States previously to its publication, few
weeks after my Freeport Speech" had
been delivered. The Union made copious
extracts of my speeches in 1850 and 1854,
to prove that in each of those periods held
the same opinions which 1 expressed at
Freeport in 1858, and, consequently, de.
clared that never was good Democrat
much less sound on the Slavery question
when l advocated the Compromise measures
of 1850, and the Kansas Nebraska bill in
1854.
In the article referred to, the Union said
"We propose to show that Judge Douglas
action in 1850 and 1854 was taken with espe-
cal reference to the announcement of doctrine
and programme which was made at Freeport
The declaration at Freeport was, that, in his
opinion, the people can, by ia,cful means, ex
in as a State; and he declared that his com
petitor had heard him argue the Nebraska
bill on that principle all over Illinois in 1854
and 1856, and had no excuse to pretend to
have any doubt on that subject"
The Union summed up the evidence fur.
nished by my speeches in the Senate in 1856
and 1854, that the Freeport speech was
consistent with my former course, with this
emphatic declaration
"Thus we have shown that precisely the pc
sition assumed by Judge Douglas at Freepor
had been maintained by him in 1850, in the de
bates and votes on the Utah and New Mexican
bills, and in 1854 on the Kansas-Nebraska bill
and have shown that it was owing to his oppo
sition that clauses depriving the Territorial
Legislatures OF the power of excluding slavery
from their jurisdiction were not expressly in
serted in those measures"
The evidence thus presented by the Wash
ington Union-the evidence of an oper
enemy-is so full and conclusive, that have
uniformly advocated for ten years past thu
same principles which avowed at Freeport
that l cannot refrain from asking you tt
spread the entire article before your readers
an appendix, if you choose, to this letter.
The question whether the people of thu
Territories should be permitted to decide
the slavery question for themselves the same
as all other rightful subjects of legislation
was thoroughly discussed and definitely set
tied in the adoption of the Compromise
measures Of 1850. The Territorial bills, az
originally reported by the Committee or
Territories, extended the authority of thu
Territorial Legislation to all rightful SUBJ
jects of legislation consistent with the con
stitution ayithom accepting african slavery
Modified by the Committee of Thirteen
they conferred power on the Territorial LIE
gislature over all rightful subjects of legisla
tion except african slavery. This distinct
question, involving the power of the Terri
torial Legislature over the subject of Afri
can slavery, was debated in the Senate from
the Sth of May until the 31st of July, 1850
when the limitation was stricken out by 6
vote OF yeas 33 nays l9, and the Territorial
Legislature authorized to legislate on al
rightful subjects, arhhoM excepting africa,
sluuery In this form, and upon this prin
ciple, the compromise measures of 1850 wer'
enacted.
When I returned to my home in Chicago
at the end of the session of Congress, ate
the adoption of the measures of adjustment
the excitement was intense. The Cit,
Council had passed a resolution nullifyin!
the Fugitive Slave Act, and releasing tn
police from all obligations to obey the Law
or assist IN its execution. Amidst this flu
riOus excitement, and surrounded by revolu
tionary movements, addressed the assem-
bled populace. My speech, in which
defended each and all of the compromis
measures of 1850, was pu btished at the time
and spread broadcast throughout the coun
try. l herewith send you a copy of tina
speech, 10 which you will find that said {:
| These measures are predicated ON the grea