Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1859-12-24

Ia ~ - AZ ~ a
invoke on her behalf against her enemy any high
er law than the law Of self Representation, any stron-
ger right than the right Of stlfdefcneo. Thomas
Corwin, even, 10 defending her the other night
against the misguided" Wendell Phillips, did
not 20 behind the NECESSITY Of the case" in order
to justify her and condemn Brown. All the con-
sentative and pro-slavery newspapers which have
defended the rigor Of her justice, and heaped re-
preached on the head of the fanatic who assailed
her, have invariably relied on her legality and bis
~illegality for the support Of their whole argument.
But neither Brown nor his friends have ever
taken issue upon one Of these points. That
Browns attempt was illegal, and that Virginia, il
she meant to preserve Der existence as a body pol
itic, was not only justified in INJECTING violence,
but bound to inaict it, his warmest friends have
not veutured to deny. Upon this side of his case
any lawyers clerk could overwhelm him and his
sympathisers. There was no deception about the
matter. Brown knew upon what terms half n
dozen malcon,ents may challenge q state to the
field. lie knew that if, as Corwin says, society
did not meet re5ellious minorities, rope in hand,
society would soon cease to be possible. He ran
the risk, and we know from his conduct that he
waf prepared to pay the forfeiture. But as he
prophesied before his death, rebel, traitor, convict,
though he be in the eye Of the Virginia law. there
is a court of last resort, a higher one than the
Virginia Court of Appeals, 10 which be managed
to carry his case before be died, ana 10 that be
has ~triumphed. 1t is mere sophistry to assert
that when a criminal court has pronounced its SEN
tence. and its Justice has been done on the culprit,
] .tok A. 49, .; .a-s1N.1 IL ~ =.
! has vindicated itself.
1t i, an axiom in jurisprudence that the action
t of II court Of law and of the executioner is but half
| the process by which crime is depressed and order
maintained. The other half is to be found ia the
s sympathies and feelings Of the public. If these
G be on the side Of the law, the criminal is indeed
r condemned if they be agains: the law, his blood
q has been split not only in vain, but to the detri-
ment of society. Take away popular appreciation
! from the hangman. and he becomes q hirod assas.
r sin. In this court of last resort the worst thing
' that has been said Of Brown is, that he was fool
e hardy. lie has been dismissed from the bar, with
e his judgment indeed impeached, but with no
: w~cighticr condemnation of his acts tban that they
!. were marked by folly. In war all is folly which
S does not succeed the rule is harsh, perhaps, bu,
- HcCcoedl(. NupOIcOu Siiu lItOUl1u5 was III u QOuDt
n a very Gne fellow, but she let himself be turned
at Thermopylae." Virginia. to be sure, thinks
Brown more of a knave than fool, but in this mat
ter the Virginians bear much the same relation to
Q him, in the eyes of the world at lage, that Francis
c Joseph bears to Kossuth. A large part Of the
a civilized public will, as a large part Of the world
does already. lay on his tomb the honors Of mar
e tyrdom, and while those honors remain there, his
memory will be more terrible to shareholders than
s his living presence could ever have been, because
/ it will bring recruits to his cause who would never
have served under his banner while be was WELD.
II ing carnal weapons.
g II all these be facts, they are no doubt un pleae-
ant facts for every one who has the future welfss
a Of this country at heart to contemplate. But la,
c is certainly not a reason for trying to hide thsrn,
e the fact that a thing which in Virginia is deemed
C worthy of a shameful death, is in New England
n deemed worthy of Christian benson is not a fac,
k to be avoided, but to be met and provided for
d Two people whose Standards Of morality are SC
n widely different need 70 look we'll to the bonds
II which unite them, and look we'll, too, to the feudt
which threaten to sever them. But we should
q have already fallen upon worse days than God
d we would fuin believe, has in store for US, if l3yal
ty to our common country called upon US to re
press our sympathy for courage, for truth. FOR ad
C herence to honest convictions, for faithfulnesd un
n to death in tho cause Of those whose gratitude Of
aypl9rse. can bring neither fame nor honor. W.
base been long training ourselves to stand in tht
sla7e-owners' place. contemplate his dangers, and
n sym pa,hise With bis difficulties. But we shoult
despair Of the country if we thought a regard fol
its welfare required US to heap excavations on tn,
first mans head who has pnt himself in the plac,
Of the slave, and sought to realize his trials ant
privations, the sorrows no has to undergo, and tn,
he obstacles he has to encounter. 1t is, therefore, W,
re think, a sign, not Of national decline, but of growth
in all the real elements of national greatness, tina
lie sorrowirg hundreds Of thousands should have beef
III foun to overlook this mans errors in admiration
RS for his heroism, for his fortitude. and for his hatred
of oppression. 1t is to such qualities as these
IL and not to a holy horror of mere disorder, that W
er owe our existence as a nation, and when the da,
re comes in which no man will be found in Americ
E, to cry bravo when he sees them, our final ex
C. %tiuc,ion will not be very far distant.
H.
y, LETTER FROM JOHN A. COPEL AND II
HIS BROTHER.