The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-03-31
THE NATIONAL ERA: WASHINGTON D. G, MARCH 81 1859

the United States, or any considerable portion
of either House of Congress, has ever insisted
on in regard to any State. q
at seems to me, therefore, to be trihing with
the State of Oregon, trifing with the people of
that community, and to be unnecessary, and
calculated to produce an unfavorable impress
sion on the public mind, in regard to the con-
sistency of the policy which we pursue in ad-
hitting States into the Union, to delay or deny
this application. For one, sir, think that the
sooner Territory emerges from its provincial
condition the better; the sooner the people are
left to manage their own affairs, and are ad
mitted to participation in the responsibilities
of the Government, the stronger and the more
vigorous the States which those people form
will be. trust, therefore, that the question
will be taken, and that the State may be ad-
mitted without further delay"
Mr. THAYER. So much, then, in relation
to the first principle which should govern our
action in the admission of States. And what,
sir, concerning the other? How will it affect
this present Confederacy of States, to admit the
Territory of Oregon? Why gentlemen talk
here as if we were discussing the question of
admitting some new and unheard-of race of
monsters and cannibals into the Union Sir,
is not this injustice to the people of Oregon
Will they contaminate this Confederacy? Just
as much as their mountain streams will con-
taminate the Pacific ocean. / tell you they
may be inferior to us in education in refine
ment, and in etiquette they may not appear as
well in the drawing-room as some of our East
ern exquisites; but in the sturdy virtues of
honesty, of fidelity, of industry, and of endu
rance, they are above the average of the people
of this Confederacy. l regret that the gentle
man from Maine Mr.. WAsHBURN the other day
deemed it expedient to call the pioneers of our
into and
outlaws" affirm, concerning American citi-
zens in any Territory of the United States, and
in any new State of this Confederacy, that they
are above the average of the population of the
old States, in all that makes up manly and vir-
tuous character. They have my sympathy ;
and never will l Cypress them by my vote or
my voice.
But, sir, what if the people of Oregon were
really as bad as the most unfavorable construc-
ton of their Constitution, and the speech of my
colleague Mr.. DAWES would represent them
to be, then what should we gain by refusing
them admission into the Union If the OBJ
jectionable features in their Constitution are
their true sentiments, and are placed in the or
ganic law for use, and not for expediency, then
surely the evil is deeper than the ink and
parchment of their Constitution. 1t is in the
hearts of the people, and will not be eradicated
by any harsh treatment that gentlemen on this
floor may recommend. | doubt whether you
will effect the salvation of the people of Oregon
by heaping curses on their heads, or by exclu-
ding them for unworthiuess. You may send
them away from the door of the Capitol, but
they will go thinking less of you, and less subject
thereafter to your influence. They may come
again with hypocritical Constitution, trusting
to effect by statute law what you would not al
low in organic law. They may not come at all,
or they may come with Constitution toleratng
Slavery. Discouraged and repulsed by North
ern votes-fnding no sympathy where they had
most right to expect it, they might not be able
longer to resist the Slave-State party in the
Territory acting under the bred Scott decision.
Is it not right, therefore, for the lovers of Free
dom to advocate the immediate transition of
Oregon from the condition of Territory in
which Slavery is lawful, to the condition of
State in which it is forbidden? Which do we
choose Stare Territory or a FREE STATE?
But sir there is another argument which
may influence some members who doubt the
security of this Union of States. By this act
which / now advocate, we shall bind firmly to
the old States, by indissoluble bonds, the reno
test portions of our possessions. This will
make secure all intermediate parts of the ma
tional domain.
This them may be grateful assurance to such
as want assurance about the permanency of the
Union. For myself l have not much respect for
any such assurance, but do have an utter con-
tempt for any doubts on the subject This Union,
Mr.. Speaker, is not thing to be argued for and
advocated it is a thing settled, fixed and de-
termined. Far transcending in importance the
temporary convenience of any one State or of
all the States, it is in our hands, trust not for
our posterity only, but for the world. We are
bound to deliver it unimpaired to succeeding
generations, and we WILL so deliver it. THE
UNION is AND WILL BE.
If, then, there is great gain to the Confede-
racy, is it not also better for the people Of Or
egon themselves that she should be admitted
into the Union? Is it better that they should
remain under the tuition of this Federal Gov
ernment-a nonresident Government-or that
they should govern themselves? Why, sir, to
contend against the advantages of selfgovern-
ment would seem to me unsuited to this place,
and not to comport well with the history Of this
Republic; for the origin of this nation was a
protest against a nonresident Government
and Dur history should be. For one, sir, have
no faith in that kind of government being ex-
ercised over Anglo-Saxons anywhere, and least
of all have faith in that kind of government
being exercised by Republics anywhere; and
therefore, to relieve a portion of our people
from what | consider a curse-the curse of a
for the admission of Oregon.
Sir, this nonresident control is relic as it was
an invention Of ancient tyranny. 1t has come
down from the history of the old Romans, who
had proconsuls in Judea, in Spain, in Gaul, in
Germany, and in Britain; and England has cop
led their example, and sent Governors and Gov
eynor Generals to India, and to this continent
also Bat we protested successfully against that
kind of government by the war of the Revolu-
ton and ! look forward to the time when
every portion of our national domain shall be
free from it; when we shall have no provincial
dependencies whatever; when we shall have
nothing but combination of equal and sover-
eign republics. Then, sir, we may bring the
duties of this Government to a position where
they will be, as was we'll said last session by
the gentleman from Alabama, Mr.. CURRY,
"few and simple" as they should be.
1t is in accordance with this view that l shall
oppose anything that leads to complications
that shall multiply or extend our provincial
dependencies.
| shall oppose all protectorates over foreign
countries all military occupations and mill
tary usurpations all annexation of territory,
except as independent sovereignties acquired
and at the same time admitted into the Union
by treaty stipulations as States equal to any
in this Confederacy. 1t will never do for Us
to initiate the despotsms of Europe. We must
adhere to the original, simple plan of this Con-
federacy, which did not contemplate provincial
dependencies, or armies and navies, necessary
for their acquisition and control.
So far as we deviate from the simplicity of the
plan of the fathers, just so far shall we advance
towards danger, disaster, and destruction.
But, Mr.. Chairman, did wish to review the
action of the minority of the Committee on Ter