Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1859-05-05
The Veice Of the South

h THE DOCTRINE OF Non INTERvEN
TIoN-THE RECENT DEBATE. The doc
e trine of Congressional intervention il
!, the affairs of the Territories, as an
nounced by some Of our prominen
e Southern men, is variously commen
ted on by the press of the country
. The argument is: Southern mel
have right, under the Constitution
. to 90 to the Territories with theil
property in slaves; they should, there.
fore, be protected while there by
/ Congress, the executor Of tie Con.
stitution. The Freesoilers, on the
other hand, contend that the Terri
tories being the property Of the
States, Congress, as the legal repre-
sentative of the States in their fed.
eral capacity, has the right to ex-
clude it. Here is direct conflict,
which it became necessary to adjust.
! To effect this, it was necessary to do
that much h-abused act-compromlse.
In despotic governments, where
there is conflict, coercion is the rem
edy. In republics, as was illustra-
ted in the formation of the federal
compact, and in the construction of
every State constitution, where
there is conflict, reconciliation can
only be obtained by compromise.
In such spirit was the doctrine of
non.intervention announced to the
country; and after heiDg discussed in
Congress, through the press, and on
the hustings, in every State in the
Union, it was accepted as the final
adjustment 1t was then particular
ly acceptable to the South. South
ern men saw that The North pos
Sessed the numerical control of Con-
gress; the Wilmot prosiso. propos-
ing to exclude them entirely from
the Territories, was being urged in
almost every Northern State. 1t
was plain that the South had no.
thing to expect from Congress with
this assumption prevailing to such
an extent.
The assumption of authority to
exclude slavery, which had been
asserted and practiced under the
Missouri compromise, WAS met by
the counter-doctrine of non-in.erven-
ton. By two powers could her in
Stitution be legislated against--by
Congress, or by he people Of the
Territory Congress it. the right to
legislate was conceded to it. would,
it was thought, exercise it inimically.
This doctrine of non-intervention
tied its hand, and left the people of
the Territory still able, as they were
before, to act in reference to slavery.
1t conferred no more power upon the
people than they possessed previous
to the compromise which disqualified
Congressional action. The point
gained by the South was that of
the two powers; that which was re-
garded IS the more dangerous was
disqualified. The South accepted it
as the only practical solution consis-
tent with her honor and her rights.
We may dislike to acknowledge
that the people of the Territory
can control the question; but wher-
ever there is trial by jury there
will be popular power, whether We
acknowledge it OF not.
Such was the result. Now we
see the dangerous doctrine advanced
that the South requires special
protection from the Federal govern
nent. 1t would be we'll to reflect
what bis protection means, and to
what extent it will involve the IN
tervention of government. The firss.
step would be the passage of code
OF laws. But as enactipg is one thing
aud enforcement snother. and as the
former is absolute mockery without
the latter, SO to furnish Federal
protection to Southern property,
there must be an exercise OF force.
The process, then, wonld be instituted
under this code. The Judge would
expound the law, as did Judge Wayne
and Judge sIagrath before the grand
jury in the Echo case.
If the people of the Territory were
adverse to slavery. they would quiet
IlI throw out the bill. What next?
either nothing or tyranny. Either
/ hauiescence or the subyersior Of the