The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1859-09-23

result in national benefit, or increase the
value of the remaining lands. Such mea-
sure would be grant for Pacific or other
traversing the public lands-a
homestead act, and the grant of land for
school purposes to the settlers on the public
lands. Suppose Congress should pass an
act donating land to build asylums for poor
and pious widows in the old States, or for
any other charity in the old States, it would
be humane, no doubt, but it would be
beyond the constitutional powers of Con-
gress, and the Democracy would be bound
to oppose it. And so Mr.. Baker could as
we'll say that the Democracy are opposed to
poor and pious widows
Baker however exerted the most of his
vehemence against the PIONEER AND DEMO
Graf, which he said received $4,000 year
of public money. He said the PIONEER
cared nothing about principle but only
wanted the spoils. On this subject he
wrought himself up into perfect phrensy.
He said he had been prosecuted. He stormed
and raved. His opponents were rotten and
corrupt. They lied about him. They must
be cleaned GU t. But he believed if they
were beat in the election " they would burn
down the State House, just as they did the
theatre the other night, so the Republicans
could never get at the records and expose
their black crimes" These were his words
He evidently knew he could not safely al
Jude to the evidence of his guilt in Ohio,
and so he tried to cover up the matter in
an overwhelming flourish Of rhetoric. He
reminded one of lawyer resorting to the
last and most desperate means of extorting
an acquital for his guilty client, namely an
evasion of the facts in the case, and appeal
ing to sympathy and prejudices.
He quoted from old Wilmot proviso
planks in Democratic platforms. But this
awaited nothing for the people Of Minnesota
have too lately been under a territorial
organization to feel any sympathy for the
abolition and pro-slavery theory of inter-
vention. Suppose, however, he had quoted
a plank from the platform on which he stood
three years ago, what would it have been?
Il Knov Nothing OATH!
Baker showed himself to be good GRIM
inal lawyer, first rate in desperate case.
But by his one sided and INSCRIPTIONS
statements be convinced even the Republi.
cans that he was dishonest man. He
failed entirely to clear up his $4,000 scheme,
and many who had thought him innocent
before hearing him went away thoroughly
satisfied he was unfit to hold responsible
public trust in Minnesota.
Mr.. ColfaX was next introduced. He
devoted himself mainly to slavery. He
made bitter attack on the slaveholding
States. He went into detailed recital of
the wrongs of slavery, of the separation of
parent and child, husband and wife. In
this respect he did not speak half as well as
Garrison or Wendell Phillips, but succeeded
in exciting in the minds of some of his Re-
publican hearers quite horrible idea of
Southern institutions. Of course there was
nothing in this like intermeddling with
slavery chere 1t is. Oh no. These Repub-
licaDs can denounce the people of the slave
holding States as women whippers, and
negro drivers, but they don't interfere with
the rights of the South If they should
assail and blacken the reputation of their
neighbors, they would not interfere with
their rights on no.
He went over the troubles in Kansas and
the invasion of the Missourians, concluding
by saying "these were the doings of your
let-alone Democratic party" He thus
charged the excuses committed by the
"border ruffians" on our party. The out
rageous lie should have choked him! He
knew that when the Missourians invaded
Kansas to vote, they were violating the
principle of the Kansas act. He knew their
acts were in defiance of Democratic princi-
pies and he thus attempted to use his
Congressional position to impose upon the
voters of Minnesota. Why didn't Mr..
Colfax say that Cows. Geary and Walker
had military force allowed them to vindicate
the right of franchise in Kansas? In other
words, why didn't he tell the truth?
Mr.. CClfax next asserted that the "slave
power" had resisted every measure for the
advancement and welfare of the Northwest.
He meant by slave power the Southern
members of Congress. He said they resiste |
the organization of Dacotah. Now, he
knew this was false Mr.. Stephens, of
Georgia, was chairman of the committee on
Territories, and earnestly labored to pass
an act for the organization of Dacotah. Had
Mr.. Colfax forgotten the splendid grant of
land to Minnesota for educational purposes
and for railroads, and that Southern men
gave those measures cordial support?
Had he forgotten that Southern members
labored for the admission of Minnesota
No, of course, he had not.
He next tried, but numerically failed, to
show that the Democratic party 10 Minnesota
was an administration party. He then went
on to say that every man who held office under
Mr.. Buchanan would not dare to express
opposition to the extension of slavery; if
such a thing were beard of in Washington
the decree would instantly come back on the
Geographic wires that his head should roll
in the gutter. Now, it was remarkable
coincidence that two, if not more, Republi-
can postmasters were present listening to
Colfax's INSCRIPTIONS statements. Proba-
bly, two thirds of the postmasters in North
ern Minnesota are Republicans.
He also quoted from Trumbulls old
speech about the custom houses, where small
duties were collected, and said, "you will
have to be taxed to pay the salaries of these
custom house officers! Why did he not
say that the expense of custom houses was
betrayed from the revenue from import du-
ties? Why did he not say that many of the
custom houses through which but few goods
are passed, are needed as guards against
He might have explained, and
would if he had been anything but mere
that, if no custom houses were
established in the neighborhood of principal
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