Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1859-06-22
From Benton's Thirty Years View

From Benton's Thirty Years vlew.]
DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUBLIC LAND REEVE
NUE.. AND ASSUMPTION OF THE STATE
DEBT
About two hundred millions of dollars were due
from States and corporations to creditors in Europe
These debts were in stocks, much deprecated by the
failure in many Instances to pay the accruing inter-
est-in some instances, failure to provide for the
principal. These creditors became uneasy and
wished the federal government to their debts
As early as the year 1888 this wish began to be
manifested: in the year 1889 it openly express
ed: in the year 1S4D, it became regular question,
mixing itself up in presidential election; and
openly engaging the active exertions of foreigners.
Direct assumption was not urged indirect, by CIV
ing the public land revenue to the States, was The
mode pursued and the one recommended by Mr..
Tyler. In his first regular message, he recommend
ed this disposition of the public lands and with the
expressed view of enabling the States to pay their
debts, and also to raise the value of the stock 1t
was vicious recommendation, and fragrant and
perniclous violation of the constitution. 1t was the
duty of Congress to provide for the payment Of the
federal debts that declared in the constitution
There was no prohibition upon the payment of the
State debts; that was departure from the objects
OF the Union too gross to require prohibition and
the absence of any authority to do so was prohi-
bition as absolute if expressed in the eyes of all
those who held to the limitations of the constitution,
and considered power, not granted as power
denied Mr.. Calhoun spoke with force and clear
ness, and with more than usual animation against
this proposed breach in the constitution. He said:
If the bill should become law, it would make
wider breach in the constitution, and be followed
by changes more disastrous, than any other measure
which has ever been adopted 1t would in its vio-
ation OF the constitution 20 far beyond the general
welfare doctrine of former days. which stretched the
power of the government as far it was then sup
posed was possible by construction, however bold
But as wide as were the limits which it assigned to
the powers of the government, it admitted by i'm
pcaton that there were limits; while this BILL as
shall show, rests on principles which, if admitted
would supersede all limits. According to the gene
raj welfare doctrine, Congress had power to raise
money and appropriate it to all objects which might
seem calculated to promote the general welfare
that Is, the prosperity of the States regarded in
their aggregate character members of the Union
or, to express it more briefly and in language once
so common, to national Objects: thus excluding iv
necessary implication all that were not national rs
falling within the sphere of the separate States 1t
takes in what is excluded under the general welfare
doctrine and assumes for Congress the right to raise
money, to give by distribution to the States that
Is, to be applied by them to those very local State
objects to which that doctrine by necessary impi-
eaton, denied that Congress had right 10 appro
pirate money; and thus supersctling all the limits
Of the constituencies far. at least. as the money
power is concerned Such, and so overwhelming,
are the constitutional difficulties which beset this
measure No one who can overcome theln-who
can bring himself to vote for this bill-need trouble
himself about constitutions! scruplcs hereafter He
may swallow without hesitation bank, tariff, and
every other unconstitutional measure which has ever
been adopted or proposed. Yes; it would be easier
to make plausible argument for the constitution
ality {" the measures proposed by the abotionists-
for abolition itself-than from this detestable bill.
And yet we find senators from slaveholding States
the very safety OF whose constituents depends upon
street construction Of the constitution, recording
their names in favor of a measure from which they
have nothing to hope, and every thing to fear. 70
what is course so blind to be attributed, but to
that fanatclsm of party ZEAL openly avowed on this
floor, which regards the preservation of the power
OF the WING party as the paramount consideration
1t mas staked its existence the passage of this,
and the other measures for which this extraordinary
session was called; and when it is brought to the
alternative OF their defeat or success in their xiety
10 AVOID the one and secure the other constituents
constitution duty, country,-all arc forgotten"
Clearly unconstitutional, the measure itself was
brought forward at the most inauspicous time
Wnen tne treasury was empty, loan BILL and a tax
bill actually depending; and measures going to raise
money from the customs, not only to support the
government, but to supply the place of this very
iana money proposed to be given to the States Mr..
marks
What time to choose for squanderng this patri.
mony We are just in the midst of loans and tax
cs, and new and extravagant expenditures and srra.
ping high and low to find money to susport tbe
government Congress was called together to pro.
vide revenue; and We begin with throwing away
what we nave -. We have just passed bill to Dor
10" Twelve millions which will cost the people six.
teen millions to pay. We have bill on the calcn
dar-the next one in ordcr-to tax every thing now
1ree and to raise every tax now low to raise eight
or ten millions for the government, at the cost oil
eighteen or twenty to the people. Sixteen millions
OF deficit salute the commencement of the ensuino
year. new loan of twelve millions is announces
1or the next session. All the articles of consump
uon "nich escape taxation now, are to be caught
and taxed then. Such are the revelations of ihf
chairman of the Finance Committee: and thew cor
respond with our calculations of their conduct. r.
addition to all this We have just commenced the ma
tonal defences-neglected when We had FORTY mil
lions of surplus, now obliged to be attended wher
we have nothing: these defences are to cost allow,
! hundred millions to create them, and above ter
miiiions annually to sustain them new anc
frlghttu extravaganza has broken out in the Indar
I Department. Treaties which cannot he named nv
! TO cost millions upon millions Wild savages, WIN
cannot count hundred except by counting thci
myers ten times over to have millions and tn
: customs to pay all; for the lands are no longer t
pay for themselves, or to discharge the heavy annu
I m r,es winch have grown out of their acquisition
i me chances OF war ahead: the ordinary expense
OF the government under the new administrator
not thirteen millions as was promised, but aboy
Il thrty, as this session proves. To crown all. tn
FEDERAL party in power! that party whose instinct
81 deot and tax-whose passion is to waste and souar
II derIwhose cry is that of the horse-leech, give
" give g.ye!-whose call is that of the grave more
IL more! more! In such circumstances, and with sue
M prospects ahead we are called upon to throw syvo
the land revenue, and turn our whole attention i
M taxing and borrowing. The custom-house dnt;os-
E ,nat Is 70 say foreign commerce, founded unon II
gN labor OF the South and West are to takethe chi