The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1859-03-12
a EURoPEAN va ANp AMERIcAN MTEREsTs.

A EUROPEAN WAR AND AMERICAN INTERESTS.
If the industry Of Europe, excluding England, is
TO be p~aralyzed by a war, We cannot see how Ameri-
can interests are likely to suffer. 1t is by no means
certain that the world is to witness any such dis
graceful breach of The peace = but under the con
ficting and ambitious systems which govern the Eu-
ropean continent we have no assurance Of continued
friendly relations. The Napoleons are ambitious,
and they govern q visionary and trucnlent people.
They are, too, in pursuit Of the idols of the founder
of their house. They never will get over the idea
that France is to be the centre Of universal empire.
Europe" says NJ. de Girardin, must be partitioned
into two empires, that Of the East and the West"
This, we presume, is only the first part of the
Napoleonic programme. The second will be an
nouneed in good time, and will point to the
consolidation of Europe under the Napolecnic
dynasty, and the subiugation "of the rest of man
kind To this end M. de Girardin is in favor of a
war which will ayenge Waterloo, which viii give to
France her lost frontiers, which will put an end to
the bnrdensome charges of an armed peace-a war
which viii cause reciprocity to succeed to rivalry
a war undertaken not in view Of nationalities, but of
u%nity-a logical war which may have conquerors
and conquered, but not oppressors and oppressed.
This is, as the reader will a purely French theory.
We transcribo it in order to show how frail are the
tennres of peace, when such men and such ideas
control public affairs. "a logical war there may
be--butit would have the people on one side, strug-
Cling for that freedom which they have the wisdom
and courage to appreciate and maintain, and despots
ON the other. There can be no logical war between
rival and ambitious dynasties-between emperors and
kings, struggling to magnify their power and extend
their dominions. The present aspect of Europe GER
tainly promises little for peace. The great govern.
ments of France and Austria have already assumed
the burdens of war the former, it is said, has pro-
posed q loan of one hundred millions of dollars. Al
ready more than a million and a half of men have
been turned from productive pursuits to be CON
sumers Of the camp. England and Russia stand
aside to witness the progress Of events.
Ithas occurred to us that the United States, although
not Indifferent TO the maintenance of peace, cannot
be injured by wan. We may become the producers
for Europe. We may be required to feed their armies
The grain-growing regions of our country are GER
tain to be benefited and, as our cotton product is
q vital element in the industry and clothing of all,
we have the amplest assurance that the demand for il
viii not be essentially diminished. If war, then
should inilame Europe, its burdens will not fall upon
as. IL will add embarrassment TO the governments
involved in il, and depreciate the value of their secu-
rites. II viii lessen confidence in the maintenance
Of peace, and turn capitalists to those sources Of IN.
doubted ability, which are ~abundantly evidentin this
country. II is not to be denied that political consid,
~crations enter into nearly all financial negotiations be
tween Individuals and governments. Nearly all the
States of the continent are involved in inextricable
bankruptcy. 1t is, then, the interest of capitalists
to keep them up. No such views influence trans.
actions in federal and State securities. The time
is coming when the latter will command unlimited
confidence, 1t is inexplicable how these securities
have been kept below the bankrupt bonds of Euro
pean governments.