The weekly Ottumwa courier. [volume] (Ottumwa, Iowa) 1857-1872, 1859-06-16

| I'C0Hstttutton. me rlghts or the STATES, ana
the Union ofthe States" Who can object
to this proposition. which atfirms those prin-
ciples that we were taught IN our infancy to
regard as sacred, and that have been repeated
every 4th of July at every national festival
throughout the length and breadth of the
nation? But see also the second resolution ::
"Resolved, That with our Republican IA
theirs, we hold it to be self-evident truth
/ that all men are endowed with the unaliena-
BILE right of liberty and the pursuit of happi-
ness; that the primary object and ultimate
design of our Federal Government was to
secure such rights to all persons within its
exclusive jurisdiction; that as our Republi-
can fathers, when they had abolished slave
ry in our National Territory, ordained that
no person should be deprived oflife, liberty,
or property, without due process of law, it
becomes our duty to maintain this provision
against any attempt to subvert the Constitu-
ton by establishing slavery in the United
States by positive legislation of Congress, or
ola Territorial legislature or of any individ-
uals or association ofindividuals."
The part of this resolution which relates
to the natural rights of all men. like the
declaration, seems to include men of all ma
tons, tongues. and kindred. All ancient
writers had argued thus, and Chief Justice
Blackstone had so written in 1853. He SAYS:
Il, state of nature we are all equal, with
out any superior but Him who is the author
of cur being" This great principle of mans
natural rights, was opposed to hereditary
rank, the divine right of Kings, titles of no.
bility, and slavery all of which relics of
chivalry and tyranny prevailed before our
fathers announced to the world their great
principles of government based on the SOW
ereignily of the people These naturalrights
gt man sap the foundation of deSpotic svs-
TENS, and We're therefore specially affirmed
by conventions of the people in Virginia,
Georgia, and other Colonies, long before they
were Incorporated in the Declaration of In
dependence, and were discussed by jefferson,
Madison, and others, at the same period.
Our fathers evidently looked to the ultimate
extinction of all those institutions which es-
tablished hereditary classes, or casts, among
men; and their conduct proves the sincerity
of their designs. Hence in the Declaration
of Independence, in the Ordinance of IT'S,
and in the Constitution itself, they made
provision to check the extension and impor-
| tation of slaves. The Republican platform
does the same. We are for free government,
and free principles; and we believe the OBJ
ject and tendency of our institutions, will,
properly administered, extend and perpetu-
ate these incstmable blessings throughout
this continent, and ultimately throughout
the world. As to slavery, it fingers, unfor.
tunately, in some of our sister Sta .es, where
we do not pretend to have any control of 1t,
but when it interferes to absorb all the terri
tories, and make demand for our approval
and national support, it will be, must be re-
sisted. African slavery is opposed by two
opposite human impulses that prelude the
idea of its perpetuity, stability or extension
These two impulses arc lore and hatred of
the black race. Those who look with COM
passion on the separating of family ties the
restra nts ofmind, and degradation of human
lty, (all necessary evils of slaverv,) desire
that the system shall be abolished. Those
who have left slave states because negro labor
and negro contact were burden and vex-
alton, abhor the approach of tn, race, bond
or free. Thus, pity and prejudice. mercy
and malevolence, love and hatred make war
on African slavery. 1t is not Republicans
! Abolitionists, or the North that make war
upon it; it is itself at war with nature; and
| from inherent weakness, it languishes and
recedes before the light and progress of civil
lization. Yet slavery exists, a constituent
element, interviewer in the social system of
| our Southern States; and it is impossible
for them or us to ignore the subject, when
we contemplate political organizations. We
might as well consider of California without
contemplating her gold; or Utah without
considering ofthe Mormons. While it exists,
it is eminently political question, requiring
due considerat on; and parties should speak
out frankly, and fairly, in justice to them
selves, and to those who are most involved
in the misfortunes or advantages of the in
stitution. Double-dealine, equivocation, or
hypocracy on this subject, is unjust and un-
kind to the Southern States; and for that
reason, Republicans present their sentiments
on this subject so plain that '.he who runs
may read" We oppose slavery extension,
but do not intermeddle with it in sovereign
States. Non-ertension and -iaterreation
are watch-woris that / have rung in the
ears of my constituents, and | mean non-
extension in the Territories and non-inter-
vention in the States The cardinal princi-
piles have advocated are the rights Of man,
the sorereignity Of the States, and the per-
fetuity Of the Union. These sonsider ma
tional and normal elements of our system;
which are equally applicable to the South as
to the North; to this year as to the next !;
and so consistant with nature and Justice,