The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-08-17
The Rights of the South and her Duty
ExTRAeT OF SpREoH DELavEREp By HON
ALFRED IvERsoE, OF GEoRaIA, u. ). Sen
AToR) July 14TH, 1859

A4AAhsheA VI 2 sAS1AEGH DkL1AEAE -
ALFRED NERsoN, OF GEoRaIA, (u. ). Sen
AToR,) JuIT 14rH, 1859
| lsshall not stop here to argue the doctrine
of congressional protection to slavery IN the
territories, nor to combat the errors OF squat
ter sovereignty. take this occasion % con-
TESS, that was once the advocate OF the latter
heresy-carried away by is attractive but de-
lusive sophistry, which, like the aignis fataats, =
lures only to destroy, and Fithout serious ex-
animation into its truth and general bearings,
and looking at it as the enl3 alternative OF the
/ Wimot Proviso, | was ready to take it as the
"best we could get" was wrong, and ad-
init, regret and recant the error Subsequent
investigation and reflection soon convinced me
that the only true theory III relation to terri
torial government in the Union, is that both
the power and the duty are conferred and inn
! posed upon Congress to pass laws for the pro-
lection and regulation Of slavery, wherever it
exists or may exist upon tie common soil. l
am as well convinced of the truth and propri-
ETY. Of this doctrine, as am of the doctrine
OF salvation declared to man in the sacred
word of God but whilst ] insist upon the
absolute right OF the southern people to legal
protection IN the possession and enjoyment OF
their slave property in the territories of the
United States, and the power and duty of Con-
gress to give such protection, utterly deny
the power of Congress, under the constitution
or otherwise, to prohibit slavery from enter
ing the territories, or Of abolishing it if there.
To regulate and protect the property of the
citizen, Is one thing-to deprive him of it, is
another and altogether different thing. One
s not only within the power of all govern
ments, but is one of the main objects and OBJ
legations OF all governments The other can
not be done IN our government, under our
constitution, except for the public use" and
not then without just eesnpensation to the
owner. Such is the language of the federal
constitution. This rightof the southern peo-
pie on the one hand, and this power and duty
of Congress on the other, are, hope and be-
lieve, fast becoming the lied doctrine Of the
southern people, and wiz sooner or latels be
demanded BY them with a spirit and power
which cannot be resisted. But this doctrine,
so dear as it is and ought to be to the South,
| will never be recognized or admitted by the
| North, whilst the South is divided in senti-
ment or undecided in action The black re-
publican party at the North scouts it the
northern democracy shrinks from It. 1t will
never be granted or acted upon until the South,
united upon it, speaks in authoritative, positive
| and determined language to the North, and
/ tells it, 1--WE are entitled to this right we
must have it if we cannot get it in the
| Union, we will seek it out of the Union.''-
| If the South ever brings its united mind and
heart up to that point, then her constitutional
rights will be respected and conceded by the
Federal Government But without such a
bold, manly and decided course, what are we
| to expect from the northern States or from
| federal legislation Look at the present con-
dition and future prospects of public sentiment
in the free States-at the present and future
state of political parties in Congress. There
| are few sound and true northern men still
lingering in the Senate; nearly every yestige
of sound northern conservatism in the other
house, has already been extinguished-four
years more will give to the abolitionists the
control of the Senate-1861 will witness the
Inauguration of free-sof President; and
| then, with both branches of Congress and an
abolition President, the Supreme Court, the
| last barrier to fanatical encreachment, will
soon give way-yacaneies upon that bench Of
stern old men will occur, by nature, or be
made by congressional legislation, to be filled
| by the creatures of party dictation, until that
august tribunal shall bow its neck to the yoke
| of nnrelenting fanaticism and then, the acts
of an abolition Congress, sanctioned by an alb
clifton President, will be upheld by the de-
crees of an abolition court, and enforced, if
necessary, by the bayonets of an abolition
army. The great high priest of the abolition
church, VIM. H. Sewurd, has already declared
| in bold and yaunting terms in the Senate of
the United States, that 'the Supreme Court
must recede, or the Supreme Court must be
| reformed" And he has more power and in
| fluence over the black republican party of the
| North than the Pope of Rome has over the
| Catholic world. 1t is in vain to hope that a
reaction will take place in the northern mind,
| and that sound conservatism will ever again
rule the northern heart. We have heard that
cry and that hope repeated again and again,
| for more than twenty years. and yet the spirit
and power of abolition have continued to
spread, increase and strengthen, until now
they control the political action of nearly
! every free State in this Union, and openly
proclaim the intention of wiping out slavery
in all the American States. The bold and dar-
ing declaration of the great leader of the re-
publican party, in his speech at Rochester last
fall that freedom and slavery cannot exist
together in the same government, and that one
or the other must iall,S was but the echo of
the popular sentiment all over the free States
1t has been repeated on the floor of the ma
tonal Congress--t has filled the public press
it has been re-echoed from the hustings of
many popular assemblies and will be the great
shibboleth in the campaign of 1860. The
northern clans are to be mustered to the war
cry of down with slavery" and the black
flag of universal emancipation will be raised
alott, never again to be furled, until it shall
wave in triumph over disgraced, degraded
and destroyed South, or met at the thresh-
old by manly spirit of southern resistance,
be driven back to its native region, to lead on
the dark destiny and fortunes of separate
northern government. May such be its fate
And such will be its fate and its only mission,
if the southern people are only true to them
selves-true to their rights, their interests and
their honor true to that spirit of indepen-
dence and those sacred principles of civil and
religious liberty which animated their immor-
tai sires in the struggles of the revolution.
know not how others may look upon the
triumph of the abolitionists in the Presiden-
tial election of 1860, but do not hesitate to
declare for myself, that should consider it as
declaration of war against the institution of
slavery in the Union, and foreshadowing of
a settled policy to break it down by the influ-
ence, power and action of the federal govern
ment. cannot stop to enlarge upon the pro-
cess by which such result would be reached.
With every branch of the government in the
hands of party stepped in the gall and worm
wood of anti-slaVery hostility. ambitious of
success and maddened by opposition, no stone
would be left unturned, no means neglected,
no effort untried, to accomplish its diabolical
purposes. In the Union, its power would be
omnipotent. The rejection of slave States and
admission of free States would soon swell their
majority in both Houses of Congress to an
oyerpowering irresistible number, against
which the feeble voice of the South would be
raised in vain. The reversal of the bred
Scott decision, the exclusion of slavery from
the territories by congressional enactment, the |
repeal of the fugitive slave law, the abolition |
of slavery in the District of Columbia, the |
imposition of high protective tariffs to burth |
en- and cripple slave labor in the South-in |
short, the exercise of every power for which |
an excuse may be found or invented, calculat-
ed to weaken the institution and finally to
destroy it, would be the first and early fruits
Of their daring and malignant experiments
Ii the South submits to one she will submit
to another and to all of these abominable and
lamnable aggTessiens, until she will find her.
self both unable and unwilling to resist de-
cree of universal emancipation. In my opin-
on the true safety of the South, as well as
her true honor, dictates firm and manly re-
'istance to the first success of the abolition
party, which shall be founded upon opposition
% slavery and looks to its overthrow in the
Union. If therefore, the republican party of
he free States. which is only another name
Or the abolition party, shall present sectional
northern candidates in 1860-shall run them
S sectional candidates and upon a sectional
,latform of opposition to southern slavery, 1
md shall elect them by sectional northern 4
'ote, it would, in my opinion, be sufficient {
ause and ample time for separation. care {
lot in what specious form of words such a I
ectional platform may be made, if the spirit
{ anti slavery shall be its soul and its ANNA
ing element-if hatred to slavery and those S
rho uphold and defend it shall be the control
lg power over the northern masses, and shall a
AIRY them to the polls to vote for their abo- '
ton candidates, and thus the true, sound, '
men Of the North and South '
hall be borne down and defeated, it will be
me for the southern people to look to the e
afety Of their institutions" and to seek it, c
need be, in the formation Of a southern con- 9
deracy, n