The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-03-10
WASHINGTON, d. G..
The Acquisition of Cuba.
SPEECH OF HON. JOHN P, HALE.
OF NEW HAMPSHIRE,
N THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
FEBRUARY 10, 1859.


lions recommending this measure, and have
also read the message of the President of the
United States, and | will endeavor, as well as
| may, TO present very briefly what l think to
be the argument of the committee. They start
out, not with attempting to prove, but with as
Stunning, that the acquisition of Cuba is mat
ter of great importance; and they say that to
undertake TO prove that it is of importance,
would be "as much a work of supereroga-
ton as to demonstrate an elementary problem
IN mathematics, or one of those axioms of ethics
or philosophy which have been universally re-
ceiyed for ayes F" and, further, " that the acqui
sition of Cuba may be considered fixed pur
pose Of the people of the United States, a pur
pose resulting from political and geographical
necessities
/ think understand something of the doc
trine of necessity mean political necessity.
1t hiss been characterized in all time as the
plea of tyrants. Geographical necessity | do
not understand so well but may be permitted
TO say, at the outset, that | do not think trOpes
and figures are always the best arguments. In
some of the arguments which have been adj
dueed for the acquisition of Cuba outside of the
report of the committee, political gravitation
has been brought In TO work with political ne
cessity and geographical necessity, and it is
said that Cuba is gravitating to us. | think the
Senator from Georgia Mr.. TooMBs would
have Us infer that this grayitation began great
while ago, and that the velocity has been in
creasing in proportion to the squares of the dis
tances, until 1t has got now SO great that it can
hardly be resisted.
Sir. i will be curious subject for some of
those political philosophers TO inquire why it is
that this law of gravitation, which we have
ordinarily been taught to consider as universal
operating alike upon all PARTICLES of matter, in
all conditions, does not operate upon some OF
the adj accent islands, why, stretching itself out,
II has not affected 1ucatan. How, In the name
of gravitation, is 1t, that every one of the Brit
ISL islands, great or small has not been affect
ed by this magnetic influence? Why is it that
this political gravitation uniformly affects the
possessions of weak and feeble Powers? Crawl
tation, We have not ordinarily supposed, was
subject to such considerations.
But the great argument of the Committee on
Foreign Relations is, that it is a very conve-
nent island that it will be very desirable for
Us TO possess it. ! can understand that argu-
ment That is an argument which is not ordi-
narily used in Legislative assemblies but in
very different places, and under very different
circumstances; it may be characterized-I do
not know how TO characterize these doctrines
independently Of their authors, but | mean to
do it; i mean to speak of doctrines-it is the
doctrine of the highway; it is the doctrine of
power and of might it looks upon thing, and
says it is desirable, and therefore we ought to
have 1t, and we will have it.
But the Committee on Foreign Relations go
on further. They undertake to prove, and
think they do prove, pretty conclusvelv, that we
not only want it, but that we have been wanting
ii for a long time past | agree to that. If you
will show me a place on Gods earth that power
I'D Inst for to- | will III
place that power and avarice lusted for years
ago. and still | shall have done little or nothing
TO demonstrate the morality or the Justice Of
the feeling that is entertained | WISH howev-
er, TO examine a little in detail, the proofs that
are arrayed by the Committee on Foreign Re
latiOns, 10 show that this has been so desirable
These proofs are to be found in the writings of
Mr.. jefferson, Mr.. Clay, Mr.. Buchanan, Mr..
Alexander Everett, Mr.. Edward Everett, Mr..
John Quincy Adams, Mr.. Van Buren,, and Mr..
Marcy. | concede, for the sake of the argu-
ment, that all these gentlemen have luSted az
ter Cuba; but | think, SO far as the authority
Of Mr.. Jefferson is concerned, he goes against
the acquisition for Mr.. jefferson, in the writing
quoted lJy the committee in their report, saws
nothing should ever be accepted by us which
would require navy to defend it. That is
JefiersOn's opinion. ! apprehend, today, there
IS no man IN tins Senate, no man in this Con-
gress, no man IN this country, whose opinion is
worth anything, who will tell YOU that Cuba
can be defended by sea without navy.
Mr.. MALLORY. | do not wish to inter
rlpt my friend from New Hampshire but he is
quoting Jellerson's opinion upon this point ;
and IN that very letter from which he is quo
ting. Jefferson SAYS Cuba can be defended with
out a navy, and that is the reason he recon-
mends It,
Mr.. HALE. Mr.. jefferson says that nothing
should be ever accepted by us which could not
be defended without navy and it is true, as
the Senator from Florida saws that in the same
letter Mr.. jefferson expresses the opinion that
Cuba could be defended without navy Well
sir, as / said yesterday, | do not believe in the
InialHbihty OF the Senate, nor do believe in
the iniallibility of Mr.. Jefferson. Mr.. Jefferson
had natural and innate and an undving ha-
tired OF a navy; and | suppose that the great
reason of his hatred TO the navy was that IL was
the pet child of the old Federal party Ii was
the great bone of contention between the par
ties OF that day and if there was one thing Mr.
Jefferson abominated, it was a navy. You
know, Mr.. President, that one ofthe first meas
ures Of Administration, when he came into
power, was 10 undertake to substitute gun boats
for vessels Of war, which had been introduced
by the Federal party. But Mr. Jefferson. when
defended without a navy. was entirely ignorant.
for the thing had not existed, of the creation of
great steam marine. If Mr.. Jefferson were
alive to-day, apprehcnd that he, no more than
any other sensible man, would venture the
opinion that. at the present time, with the pres
ent state of the naval affairs of the world. Cuba
could be defended without navy. and without
large navy.
Mr.. John Quincy Adams, who is also quoted
upon tins subject, speaking of this matter. SAYS
Numerous and formidable objections to the
extension of our territorial dominions beyond
the sea, present themselves to the first CON
temptation Of the subject
Sir those objections to extending our terrific
rial possessions beyond the seas, which. upon
the first blush of this matter, suggested them
selves To Mr.. Adams, exist to-day: and If YOU
will 90 on and read every one of the opinions
Of the earlier statesmen of this country. such as
Mr.. Jefferson, Mr.. Clay, Mr.. John Quincy Ad-
ans, Mr.. Alexander Everett and Mr. Edward
Everett, | think You will find every one of their
statements qualified, and they express the idea
that, with the present condition of things. as
they existed at the time they wrote their let
tiers, they were content TO let Spain occupy
Cuba as she did. Mr.. Edward Everett deliv-
ers himself upon this subject-and l think he
will obtain vastly more credit and more honor
BY it than he viii by going about to collect
funds to buy Mount Nernon-as follows:
. A respectful sympathy with the fortunes of
ar ancient ally and gallant people, with
whom the United States have ever maintained
the most friendly relations, would, if no other
reason existed, make it our duty to leave her
: ia the undisturbed possession of this little
remnant of her mighty transatlantic Empire
: The President desires to do so. No word OF
deed of his will ever question her title OF
shake her possession"
That was the statement of Mr.. Everett upon
This suhiecf. aud ynn will find / think the