The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-05-05


exist only by positive statute, and does not
exist under the Federal Constitution in Federal
Territory, and of those who declare that Sla-
very is not against natural right exists as
a normal Institution, does exist under the Fed
eral Constitution, and is protected under its
guarantees in Federal Territory of those who
denounce the Fugitive Slave act as barbarous
and unconstitutional, and those who sustain it
as reasonable and constitutional
Good Heavens What can we expect of the
masses of the People, when this Tribune, SO
truculent in the expression Of its Anti-Slavery
opinions, so Jealous propaganda of Anti
Slavery sentiments, can seriously put forth
proposition, no more reasonable or feasible,
than would be a project for bridging over the
gulf between Heaven and He'll and placing
the universe under the joint sovereignty of
God and Satan?
Nor do we ask nor desire the prescription
of shareholders or Pro-Slavery men by the Fed
eral Government" says the Tribune. " If they
insist upon prescribing us, why then they
raise an issue which we must meet, and the
hardest fend off? But we are quite willing to
return to the policy Of the early Presidents,
under whom no mans opinions respecting SlaS
very were made a test of his fitness for ofiss(
Has the Tribune been asleep2 For the las(
twenty-five years the battle has been going on
between Freedom and Slavery, and throughout
all that period it has been the settled policy Of
shareholders and Pro-Slavery men to exclude
earnest Anti-Slavery men from Federal offices
Of trust and influence but the Tribune talks as
if such policy were something quite novel,
| extraordinary, not yet determined upon. " If
they insist upon prescribing us, why, then,
| they raise an issue which we must meet "
This would be aughable, if the subject were not
so serious. "If" and off" and "1"-what
in the name of common sense have they been
doing fora quarter of century but this very
thing, which the Tribune says, Z" must raise an
issue 2"
The charity Of the Tribune is as long as its
memory is short. /" Nor do we ask nor desire
the prescription of shareholders or Pro-Slavery
men by the Federal Administration" What
do you desire then? Do you expect any Ad-
ministration, elected to carry out certain meas
ures, to choose for its instruments or agents
men, pledged to thwart its policy? If Tariff
Administration exclude Free Trade men from
its Councils, and fill offices of political influ-
ence with agents concurring with its views
on the subject of Tariff, is that "proscrip-
ton ?" Would not any other course be weak
and silly or raise the presumption of insincerity
and treachery on the part of the Administration
The People are not proscriptive when they
vote for men who represent their views on
great questions at issue, and against men of
opposite opinions, any more than he is pro-
scriptive who employs blacksmith, instead of
locksmith, to shoe his horse nor is a Presi-
dent proscriptive, who, elected by majority of
the People to annex Texas or purchase Cuba,
for the purpose specially of Strengthening Sla-
very, selects his agents with definite view to
their fitness for promoting that end.
The Tribune may speak for itself on this
point; but the Republicans, while they sin
cerely disclaim proscriptive spirit, would be
false or foolish, if they did not intend to do
just what the Tribune deprecates-excud
from Offices of trust and influence Pro-Slavery
slavery ideas? Do men gather grapes of
thorns, or figs Of thistles? Mr.. Bates accepts
the o6iter dicta about Slavery under the Con-
stitution in Territories as a decision, final and
obligatory upon every Department of the Gov
ernment: if President, would he appoint
Judges, and Attorneys, and MarShals, for the
! Territories, openly committed to a contrary
opinion Mr.. Seward denies that these extra
! judicial opinions of the Supreme Bench have
any binding force, and asserts that they are not
| good law if President, would he fill the Fed
eral offices in the Territories with men openly
committed to them?
We might run through the whole list of
questions embraced in this great controversy
between Freedom and Slavery, and point out
the utter irreconcilability of the ereeds of the
Pro-Slavery and the Anti-Slavery Parties.
The Issues have been raised-the Tests have
been made-the country must have an Anti
Slavery or Pro-Slavery Administration. We
cannot cheat each other-we cannot unmake
the Tests, suppress the Issues, thrust aside the
Controversy, without settling it. 1t is too late.
We cannot go back to the policy of Indifferent
ism or neutrality, and we would not, if we
could. We have all eaten of the fruit of the
tree of knowledge of Good and Evil: we can
not unlearn what we have learned it now
only remains that we should choose between
them If the majority of the American People
be Pro-Slavery, let them elect Pro-Slavery
Administration if majority be Anti Slavery.
let them elect an Anti-Slavery Administration.
How can the Tribune, which has hitherto been
reputed Republican paper, and supposed to
be the advocate of positive policy, now devote
its energies to the suppression of this great
Issue, to the exclusion of any decision of this
Paramount Question?
Its one idea is, success and by success we
are to understand the overthrow of the present
Administration, without any certain guaranty
in relation to the principles and policy of the
new Administration. For one, we go into no
political contest, without first knowing definite
ly for what we are to contend, what paramount
principle or measure is to be the ISSUE There
must be no guesswork, no trusting to chance,
no quackery We will not cheat, nor consent
to be cheated. The Republican Party, pre-
serving its integrity, and ascendant in a ma
ority of the Free States, although not in pos
session of the Federal Power, is far more eff
cient for the protection of the great interests
of Freedom, and as safeguard against the
usurpations of Slavery, than it could ever be,
should it succeed in obtaining Federal Power