The south-western. [volume] (Shreveport, La.) 1852-1870, 1859-07-27

cidental, unnecessary, the work Of interested
fanatical agitators." II lis an irrepressible
conflict between opposing and enduring force,
and it means that the United States must and
will, sooner or later, become either entirely a
slayeholding nation, or entirely free-labol
nation. Either the cotton and rice fields Of
South Carolina, and the sugar and cotton plan
tations of louisiana will ultimately be settled
by free-labor and Charleston and New Or
leans become marts for legitimate merchan-
disc or the rye fields and wheat fields of Mas
Isachusetts and New York must again be sur
rendered by their farmers to slave culture and
to the production Of slaves, and Boston and
New York become once more markets for trade
in the bodies and souls of men"
Such is Sewardism, and such the manifesto
which the Charleston convention will have in
the moderation of its deliberations, to provide
for resisting successfully, if the Union is to be
preserved with honor and interest to the slave
holding States, after the 4th day Of March in
! the year 1861. In order that the encroach-
ments Of the north upon the south may be eff
fcctivc, senator Seward regards 'fhe dismissal
Of the democratic party from the government"
as sine qua non; for "that party is positive
and uncompromising in the interests of slavery
and negative, compromising, and vaciating in
regard TO every thing else;" and lit has pro
cured from supreme court; fixed in its inter-
est, decree that slavery exists by force Of the
constitution in every territory Of the United
States, paramount to all legislative authority,
either within the territory or residing in con-
gress"
Here is a platform that strikes at the very
foundation Of our system of government 1t
is arrayed against the highest tribunal in our
land, because that tribunal had The integrity
conscientiously to perform its duty
The spectacle is as startling as it is UMPIRE
cedented fora presidential aspirant 10 assail
the supreme court, the national dispenser of
justice, as sympathising with slavery, in fact,
fixed in its interest"
All! we have fallen upon evil times, indeed,
when such things can be ''and notexcite our
special wonder;" and if reckless allegations
like these can be espoused and carried triumph
antly to the executive mansion, there will be
nothing worth living for to the devoted lover
of the Union
We have studiously refrained from magni-
flying, in the slightest degree, the enormity of
senator Stewards tenets. They are, indeed,
so monstrous within themselves as to admit of
no exaggeration. We should be glad if they
be sointerpreted as TO mean nothing worse than
national demoralisation. Unhappily, however,
they are not only revolutionary, but fagrantlg
uncompromisingly hostile to the constitutional
existence of the republic.
Is the country prepared to suffer this dis
unionising abolitionism TO enter the federal
metropolis with executive power? The fifteen
States, we will undertake to say,
most assuredIy are not. They will, without
doubt, array themselves in an unbroken pha-
lanx of opposition, employing all the rghtful
tirair Iizf>~~i, t,.-~-.1..,t -, ,,as..-
renee SO fatal to the great work consummatcd
by the wisdom and patriotism Of the national
fathers. !
We ask, is Pennsylvania prepared to con-
tribute her assistance to the destruction Of tie
beautiful arch, of which, from the day of its
construction, she has been the reliable key
stone? We confidently believe Otherwise
What would she be without the Union? Where
would she 60? That prosperous future for
her, which is steadily looming up in her iron
and coal mines, in her fields and forests, in
her advanced and advancing system Of inter
nal Improvements, would never be perfect
realisation were the save-holding States drv-
en- to the sad alternative in vindication Of their /
honor, theirrights, and their interests-of pro-
an everlasting separation with the
States Of the north. She would lose, unoues-
tionably, her most profitable customers for her \
various surplus products Every industrial
pursuit would soon be found in an irrecovera-
bly, languishing condition. The non-save-
holding States would require but little of her
yield. She could not expect the slave hold
ing States, were she to array herself under the
banner Of Sewardism, and thus occasion the
Of the republic, to be more ia
vorable in their trade intercourse with her than
to place the articles Of her growth and manu-
facture upon an equality with those Of the
growth and manufacture Of European countries
Under such circumstances, her material con
iition would be worse than it was during the 4
most cherries days Of her colonial bondage.
The natural advantages which She possesses
for enlarged welfare. and which she has been
turning with unrelaxing exertion to valuable
account, would stand out in perpetual, bold re-
lief to tantalize her with the enormous mis-
axes which she had committed in cruelty driy-
ng from her the most profitable friends that
/ commonwealth ever had.
If Seward shall be elected president next
year, the wealth Of Pennsylvania on the first
lay Of January, 1861, in the aggregate, will not
Dc equal to one-third Of the amount ofthat which
I is at present. The spirit of disunion has
never yet, in all the issues that have arisen