The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-02-04

anu CHitnSe OF ultceH nuuureu VOtes, OUT VI hah
million, in that October election, would have
given the State to the opposition. 1t was mar
row escape; and on recurring to the heavy gains
of the democracy in that struggle in The iron dis
tricts of Pennsylvania, we can now discover that
the well known views of Mr.. Buchanan in favor of
incidental protection bad great deal to do with
that decisive October election. We may safely say
this of the tariff views of Mr.. Buchanan, as con-
tra-distinguished from the uncertain position Of
Col. Fremont-a recent democrat, educated
among the free traders Of South Carolina
The Northern elections of last autumn, how
ever, have left the democracy without a solitary
Northern State, excepting California, and, per-
haps, Indiana. Pennsylva was carried, as by
a whirlwind, over the opposition side, and their
tremendous gains in the manufacturing counties
show that in spite of all the clamor of LecOmp-
ton and anti-Lecompton, the neglect of this de-
mocratc Congress upon the tariff question ex-
erted mighty influence against the democracy
Impressed with this fact, and anxious no doubt
to restore, if possible, the old Keystone to the
democratic arch, and sharing, too, in the popu-
lar tariff sentiment of his native State MIR. Bu-
chanan, in his last annual message, has urged
upon the democratic majorities of Congress the
expediency and the propriety of such modifica-
tons of the tariff for the relief of the treasury as
will afford some incidental protection to our
great iron interests and other domestic manufac-
lures, against their otherwise unequal compet-
ton with tie cheaper labor of Europe.
This brings up directly and distinctly to the
democratic party in Congress the question whe-
Their they are,or are not ready to dispense with
Pennsylvania in 1860. They have lost her, and
she Can only be recovered by some practical
concessions to her domestic industry. Judging,
however, from the late democratic caucuses of
both houses of Congress, the Southern managers
concerned therein have resolved to let Penn
sylvania remain where she is, in the hands of the
opposition. In support of these caucus pro-
ceodngs, we also observe that some Of the South
ern organs of the democracy fatty recommend
the policy of casting her overheard; for they
say that she has already given the party trouble
enough with her protection heresies, and that as
her recovery into line is doubtful in any event,
it is best to let her 60.
Assuming, then, that the democratic party,
with the adjournment of this Congress, will b.
reduced to the territorial limits of the Southern
States it becomes as clear as the sun, that, with
any thing like coalition among the opposition
factions, they will probably carry the Presidcn-
tial election as triumphantly as that of 1910.
But how are they to unite? The republican
leaders in Congress have re-affrmed the pro-
gramme of Stewards Rochester manifesto; and
that policy, if followed up, will undoubtedly
swamp them for there is Northern conserva-
tive opposition balance of power, competent to
turn the scale, not only in Pennsylvania, but in
New York, New Jersey and Illinois. The negro
question, then, will have to be thrown in the back
ground, and the Cuba question will have to be
evaded, as a party test, by the opposition, and
they will have to unite upon some such practical
policy, in reference to the general government,
as that of 1910. But policy of this sort
will require the shelving of all the outstand-
ing republican and Know Nothing candidates,
and all these sectional and sectarian heresies and
the adoption, as in 1910, of man whose name,
national character, conservative principles, and
general popularity, will serve as the common
platform of all the sections and factions and
loose materials of the opposition side.
The opposition leaders in Pennsylvania, it ap-
pears. acting upon the hints thrown out by this
journal last summer, have laid down the basis of
formidable movement in that State in behalf of
Gen. Cameron. II must be admitted, too, that
his antecedents and his present political princi-
pies, taken all together, cover very large area
of ground He has been prominent Pennsyl-
vania democrat, a leading Pennsylvania wing, a
general of the Know Nothing order, and is a
captain general of the republican camp. Here
are principles enough to meet all the acquisitions
of rebellious and disguised democrats, old line
wings, Know Nothings and republicans. We
may say, too, perhaps, that next to man like
Gen. Taylor, without any political antecedents
whatsoever, are the advantages possessed by a
man whose antecedents cover all parties, all
principles, all questions and all sides of all ques
tons of the last twenty-five years: provided,
always, that his present position represents the
general principles OF the party or the coalition OF
which he is the representative.
Gov. Wise is Of this class of representative
men, and his adherents in Virginia manifest the
same confidence n his availability for the
Charleston nomination as do the Pennsylvania
adherents Of Gen. Cameron in bis comprehensive
popularity. But while we apprehend that Gov
Wise will find it exceedingly difficult to touch
bottom at Charleston, we also fear that Gen
Cameron's availability outside of Pennsylvania
will not be equal to the pressure agains
him. Upon some such truly national ant
universally well known and popular man a
Gen. Scott, there would be no difficulty in {
pactical fusion Of the opposition elements
But as the Pennsylvania movement for Gen
Cameron has been started upon a practica
government issue which commands the popula
pulse Of that State it is movement in the rich