The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-02-17

State, so that nothing IS now 10 pe uoiiS ~
then it suddenly opens battery npon the he
publicans who in good faith voted TO admit
new free STATED Worse still-it passes III 81
lence over the first offenders, Senators Seward,
King. Foote, and their associates, and blazes
away at the fifteen Republican members Of the
House, who only followed high example, Por-
ton of them indeed voting in obedience to
positive instructions from their Legislatures,
passed by a vote of 10 to l. We submit that
there is neither wisdom nor magnanimity In
such a procedure. What good will 1t do
Can you change the result? Can you put Or
egon out of the Union? Can you aher the rec
ord Is it the right way to cherish good feel
ing among Republicans Are you anxious to
ruin such men as Colfax, Petit, Seward, King,
and Doolittle2 Do you think their places can
be better filed by men who concur with you IN
regarding Bolts, Bell Bates and Crittenden, as
fit candidates for the Presidency? Must every
Republican member come up or down to the
standard of the Tribune, on all questions, on
pain of being thrown TO the dogs? We shall
expect, after while, that sentence Will be pro-
nounced against every man not IN favor OF the
abolition of the present mode of paving Con
gressmen. or of putting an end to the diplomatic
system.
Sncb intolerance is not to be tolerated. Let
the Tribune study the things that make for
peace-use its vast influence not so as to pro-
woke feud and distrust among friends, and build
up a miserable despotism over individuals and
minorities, but so as to promote charity, for
bearance, good will, and mutual trust. This
it can do, and yet be faithful in pointing out
what it deems the errors Of its friends.
We shall not arraign the Republicans who
voted against the Oregon bill, as if they were
traitors to the cause of Freedom, or had been
guilty of grievous wrong. The reasons they
assign for their act, do not appear to us con-
elusive, but they reflect no dscredit upon them,
as intelligent and patriotic men. Our purpose
is to defend the vote given by the majority of
Republican Senators, and the minority of Re
publican Representatives, in favor of the adms-
sion of Oregon.
We have printed the peculiar features OF the
Oregon Constitution. There they are-we keep
nothing back.
1t is an excellent Constitution, with one or
| two exceptions. 1t makes the duellist ineligible
to ofice-it prohibits lottery gambling-it
forbids banks of circulation-it protects the
married woman's property rights-it absolute
ly, and without qualification, inhibits Slavery In
all these respects, and they are fundamental 1t
is grand Constitution. But, in its aspect to-
wards free people of color, it is intolerant and
unjust Let us understand exactly what 1t
seeks to do. 1t seeks to prohibit their immi-
grafton into the State, and, to accomplish this,
undertakes to deny to those who shall come into
the State, in defiance Of the prohibition the
right to sue in any of its Courts of Justice. 1t
does not touch the right of residence of colored
people in the State at the time of the adoption
of the Constitution, or their right to bring suit
in the courts. The unjust provision applies eX-
clusvelyto those who may enter after that date
being prospective in its operation But, even
this ubiquitous provision is rendered null and
void, so far as bringing suit is concerned, by
1 an unqualified affirmation in the Bill Of Rights,
part of the Constitution, "that ecay man
shall have remedy by due course Of law for IN
Jury done him in his person, property, or repu-
tation -" EVERY MAN. without qualification.
---s--~'
and mean; and if the question had been, Will
you sanction it, viii you do anything to perpet-
uate it? we should have voted, No. That how
ever, was not the question. Suppose the Con
stitution had contained provisions authorizing
| Ranks of Circulation would tho oDnopnDt az
Banks, voting for its admission under such a
Constitution, have sanctioned, by his rote, such
institutions? His great object had been to
bring it in as free State, and secure a triumph
for Freedom. This paramount consideration
induced him TO subordinate other considcra-
tions. If every part Of the Constitution of u
new State is to receive the appreciation of every
member of Congress, before he can vote for it,
there will be an end Of the admission of new
States.
We must deal with the business of legislation
practically. There are not, we presume, a dozen
colored men in Oregon. More or less, their
rights are not affected by this provision For
the next ten years, it is not probable that a
dozen colored men may desire to go thither.
Should they do so, this provision if we Judge
from the ineficacy of similar provisions in
Illinois and California, will oppose no real OBJ
stacle. In form, the injustice is gross and
repulsive in fact, it amounts to nothing.
BeSides-admitting that it were as bad in
fact as in form, it seems to us that the question
for philanthropy to ask is, How shall this mis-
chief be remedied? WIZ you cure it by remit
ting Oregon to the condition of Stare teyritory.
instead of admitting it TO the position of free
St0tef By sending it back to be governed by
the Pro-Slavery Administration, against which
the friends of Freedom in the Territory are
powerless? Reject its application, and you
only perpetuate the wrong. Admit the people
as State, and the whole corrupt, Pro-Slavery
Territorial organization passes away-the
, friends of Freedom will have fair field, and.
as in other new States, will soon become dom
inant. Is it from such Party, or from the
party that stands upon the bred Scott decision.
it must look for justice?
As to other considerations in opposition 70
the admission of Oregon, we have attached
l little weight. Want of a population equal to
its representative ratio is no reason at all No
matter whether the people of Territory mum
Der forty, fifty, eighty or a hun red thousand
if they give evidence of the ability to govern
themselves, and desire to do so, they ought to
be organized a State, unless there be some
peculiar reason justifying delay. The restric
| ton placed upon Kansas by shareholders and