The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-08-17

L
lights of the past, the intelligence Of the pres
emit and the inspiration of the future, we
should be able to form government more
perfect and more stable than any upon which
| the world ever looked. Doubtless the most
/ proper. ready, and certain mode of forming a
| southern confederacy, if the southern people
/ were united in the wish to do it, would be to
hold d convention of all the slave States, de-
clare their independence Of and separation
from the North, form a government, and put
/ it into immediate operation. Then would fol-
| low, as a matter of course, an amicable adj
| iustment between the two governments,
| northern and southern, of all questions arising
| ont of their former association lust and
| honorable division of the public property, and
| the public debt of the old government, and a
| friendly arrangement of all future relations
1 interests and intercourse. | know that many
/ have entertained the opinion that separation
could not take place without bloodshed and
civil war There would not, in my opinion,
he the least danger of such a result. What
motive would impel the northern States to
make war upon southern confederacy? Ma
tons do not 90 to war, except to resent an in
suit or injury, to gain an advantage, or &C.
complish some attainable object. What OBJ
| iect could be hoped to be accomplished by a
| hostile demonstration on the part of the States
| from which we may have separated? Would
it be to force us back into union with them!
Vain. foolish, impotent thought No man Of
common sense in all the North-no statesman
would ever entertain it for moment. To
| invade and conquer the southern States, and
/ force them back as revolted and subjected
colonies into fraternal embrace with their
4 Tha
/ gacious statesmen who would guide the coun-
ellis of the northern people would know too
well that such an effort would be fruitless-
nay, more than fruitless-it would be wicked
and suicidal. The southern States contain a
white population of eight millions, and could,
| in such a contest, raise and maintain an army
| of half million men, equal to any troops in
| the world; and fighting on their own soil, in
defence of their country, their rights, their
honor their affairs, and their nresides would
| be inyincible Defend themselves against the
North They could stand against the world
in arms. There are but two instances in mod
ern times in which nation united, though
weak, has ever been invaded and conquered
| by foreign foe. Mexico was overcome y
the arms of the United States; but Mexicans
| are a feeble race and no match for the courage,
| SAiI dilu piiySSdl pIO"Coo VI EAuSlO-
! Americans. Hungary, with less than eight
millions Of people, was conquered by Austria,
but it required the aid of the colossal power
of Russia and the treachery of her own sons,
4 to bow her neck to the yoke of the oppressor.
Talk of driving the South back into the Union,
when once she cuts loose from it The
thought is preposterous, ridiculous and foolish.
No sirs, no attempt would ever be made to
/ n nf ithaca
The North might humble herself at our feet
| and beseech us to try once more the pleasures
of her fraternal embrace; and if the terms Of
the proposed partnership suited us-if suf
ficient guarantees could be presented and
agreed upon for the future preservation of our
rights in another Union-if we could be i'm
pressed with sufficient faith in their fidelity
and honesty, we might again form with our
old friends band of union, and try our for
tunes once more in an American confederacy;
but not otherwise.
1t has been suggested that trouble would
grow out of the distribution of the public do
main, and other property of the United States
the army, the navy, and materials of war
1t is mistaken apprehension. No difficulty
whatever could or would arise from that
source If no arrangement could be made
properly be allowed to retain the public
lands within its borders. The largest share
in quantity might fall to the North, but the
South would care little for that. Retaining
| those within her own limits, she would viii
lingly surrender all claim to the mountain
peaks and sterile plains of the northern PROV
inces. The army and its material are moth
ing. In case of separation, its present ele-
! -, J,ceoIxn 10
with the masses of its own respective section.
| We could soon reconstruct an army of any
size, which the exigency of our country
would justify or demand. The Notifications
and ornaments paid for out of common fund
would belong to the party on whose soil they
were found at the time of separation. The
ships of war lying in southern ports, or COM
manded at sea by southern officers and
brought into southern ports would fall to US,
and we should want no more-if we did, we
could build them. The public buildings at
| Washington City, costing over twenty mil
lions of dollars, being on southern soil and in
| the southern confederacy, would belong to us,
and they are worth more than all the public
buildings in all the free States In this way.
| if no agreement could be effected, satisfaeto-
! nv division would he made of all the public
property of any value or Importance. But
| the South would hold sword over the
northern States which would compel fair
and amicable settlement of all such matters
The national debt in case of separation, would
| fall upon the old government. Certainly we
| should be bound in good faith aDd honor to
pay our proportion of it, and so we would if
the North gave us justice in other matters;
but whether we should pay at all, how much
We ShonlH apd Hxhap ond hour Tuoul1 no
a question for us to decide. The settlement
Of this one question of the public debt now
amounting to nearly one hundred millions of
dollars, and not likely to be diminished, would
draw after it, and as a necessary incident to
it, an amicable and Just arrangement and set
Element Of all other questions. Negotiation
and treaty would soon close the door against
all disputes or difficulties on these points
No, fellow citizens, there would be no earth
ly difficulty in the way Of peaceable separa-
ton. If the southern people were united
and determined to take the step, the way
would be easy and plain-no war would en-
sue-not gun would be fired except in joy
at our deliveranee-not a drop of blood
would be shed-no quarrel would arise be-
tween the two sections over the spoils or tro-
phies of our former association. The mutual
and more especially the superior interests of
the northern section, would produce treaties
of friendship, of commercial and personal in
tercourse which would ensure peace and
make US more observant of the rights of each
other than we are now in the present "glori-
Gus Union" These would be the immediate,
necessary and certain results of separation
willed by united South But | admit that
h. &c hor If oil the
slave States in great movement like this
would be dull and doubtful under any except
extreme circumstances. Circumstances might
arise which would unite them all and bring
about prompt, decided and successful action.
ANY act of the federal government IN the
hands of dominant abolition party, looking
to the general emancipation of the slaves OF
the southern States, would, [ have no doubt, |
arouse a universal spirit of resistance at the |
South and lead to immediate disunion. But |
for any cause less powerful than some wanton
aggression upon southern rights, it would be |
scarcely possible to unite the southern States
in spontaneous and general revolution move
ment.
The border States, lying contiguous to the
North, dread the effect ofseparation upon the
safety of their slave property-forgetting or
closing their eyes to the fact, that both the
motive to abduct their negroes and the oppor-
unity to the negro for escape. are thousand
times stronger and greater in the Union, than
hey could possibly be in separate governments.
they urge this as a great g-bear in the
way of any movement tending to separation,
,r even the manly assertion Of our rights in
he Union. Why, sirs, what guards or guar
mites now exist against the wholesale abduct-
on of the slaves of the border States, or their
scape into the free States? None, save the
domestic ties and fidelity of the slaves them
elves, and the watchfll vigilance of the own
rs. The northern people are allowed by our
constitution and laws, as well as by social
ourtesy, to come amongst us at pleasure
hey travel with IMMUNITY in every State,
ounty and neighborhood, and have abundant
opportunities to inculcate insubordination, and
educe our black population from their allegi-
lnce. The facilities for escape now, are quite !;
S great if not greater, than they would be if
re were separated by national dividing line;
Thilst the outside pressure upon the slave to- s
Fards escape and freedom, and his security
ON reclamation are far more powerful and
ffectiye than they ever could be in the other
ondition. Now, under the constitutional
we cannot exclude the northern
rate from our Soil-in n seDarate govern {