Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1859-09-16

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minds Of the people Of this country without regard
TO section, which constitutes tho great theme Of
discussion between all parties and IN all parties
IL What is called tho Slavery Question, But be
tween the gentleman and myself there Is the
greatest possible difference to the merits Of NJ
question This difference lies at the very root OF
the whole matter. / regard human slavery as ne.
. .serHy essentially aud inuinsically, a great
icroag. / believe it to be a great moral, social
aud political wrong. believe that the whole sys'
tom is founded in wrong, and believe therefore,
that II is the hrst aud highest duty of the Amot-
can statesman, under our form Of government to
arrest the progress Of slavery wherever aud whom
ever II can be done, under and 10 accordance with
the Constitution of the United States look up
on the progress Of slavery as doing infinite dam
age, only to the slave himself but to the white
people Of the whole country. look upon tho CN,
tension Of slavery into the territories being at
tended with The most blasting and unfortunate re-
suits, to every branch Of society and degrading
and deranginy to every interest Of every mhabi-
tant.
Now | understand the gentleman that he
does not so recognize slavery That he does
not, to he sure, believe it 20 be very good
thing. lie may believe it to be pregnant with
mistortuncs both to master and slave. But |
understand him 10 speak tho sentiment Of his
party ron this question, and that is one Of en-
tire indifference whether slavery shall 20 into
the territories or not Whether, in tho language
of Senator Douglas, "tho people OF the ter.ito
rics shall vote slavery up or vote il down" l
understand this to be the universal sentiment
of the Democratic party, and that they claim
therefore, that the people OF the territories
shall have control over this question, as over
any other, without rcga d to any of tbo moral
qualities Of this institution, if such BE-
Now, sir, the gentleman aud myself starting
out upon these Ayorging lines at the very basis
&C M hpla tho polifiFal unTtlpn
which we represent it cannot be strange that
we never como together. For just in proportion
as VIC deyelope each others opinions upon this
question, we find ourselves going further and
further apart.
am here, my fellow citizens, to day to
maintain, as best ! can, the great principle of
the Republican party, which is to protect the
Territories from tho presence of slavery. That
! affirm to be tho great leading, controlling pur-
pose Of the Republican party. We are not 30
particular as to the means Of accomplishing
this purpose, provided they be Constitutional
but we say that the experience of this country
from the organization Of the Government TO
this time, has demonstrated that tho most of-
iective mode of preventing the Introduction of
slavery is by Congressional Interference and
prohibition We sly that without exception
wherever this policy has been pursued, we
have had free Territories and free States That
under the benefcent influence of This policy,
the people have settled in the new Territories
and lived quietly, peacefully and prospsrously,
aud organized those free institutions which
adorn and beautily all free States We say hat
this has beun a uniform practice Of the Govern
mcut ever since its organization until tho year
1850 And that the friends Of this policy have
uniformly f uud its results to be in all respects
such they anticipated, aud such as were al
together honorable to the Republic itself
Now, sir, we are asked to abandon this old
doctrine; to leave this venerable and time hon
ored policy for sume Other mode of organizing
territories. We are told that the people of the
| territories should have the exclusive power of
determining this form for themselves. That 1t
/ is a matter Of the utmost indifference to the
people of other free States, whether slavery
goes into Kansas or Nebraska, or whether II be
excluded.
My fellow citizens, do not subscribe to this
doctrine. On the other hand, | say that the
people OF the free States have an imnsHss in.
terest in this question. / say that il these
territories are to become members of tins great
and glorious confederacy, it is but right and
proper, and only right and proper, that we
should exercise al our constitutional powers, to
have no members of the conledcracy but such
as assimilate in their Institutions To thu free
States | say 1t is of immense interest TO the
people NI Tue IItt Dldltht LOT you h9S ahah inc
territories that we now own are only = small part
of what we shall own in the history Of the years
TO come You all know that the genius Of our
TepubliC is to enargo itself indefinitely every
| hand. 1t may be for aught know, from Pana-
ma on the South, TO Baiiin's b on the North.
| We mayor may nOt,as we choose, endanHer the
the realization Of this glorious future, by ac-
ccpting with all its contingencies this doctrine
of so called Squatter Sovereignty.
Now | am Tree 10. say that if Squatter Sovsr-
| eighty was the most effective mode of prevent
ing avery from going into the territories, and
it was within the limits Of the Constitution.
that such power should be given 10 the people
oil tho territories thea as a logical result Of the
great purpose OF the Republican party, should
make no war upon such doctrine, for our
great point is to make war upon slavery in the
! territories. That purpose, the Republican party
is bOuod to adopt and prosecute to the furthest
extent But when you come to look upon
the operation of this doctrine of Squatter
Sovereignty IN Kansas, when you see that
Free State people in that Territory have only
been able to maintain their freedom at
the edge of the sword and the point
of the bayOnet against The army Of The
United STATES, and when you TemsmOer that
the executive power oflhs Federal Government
is but the mniOn of the slave power of the
South to perform its will, however that will
may be given; i say, my fellow citizens, that
YOU must have moro confidence than | have, of
freedom being protected under these disadvan-
| tageOus circumstances, If your are willing to
accept as its only protection tbs doctrine of
sO-ealled Squatter Sovereignty. We have tried
| the experiment satisfactorily, and why should
! we repeat 1t Why should ws abandon 4 time
! hOhOred and Constitutional aud effective mode
of protecting freedom in the Territories, to
alont iah hos ali Mt fatl.I %
accomplish its end except through the means
10 which ! have adveucd Let us then 20 back
90 the old landmarks OF the country my fellow
| citizens, to the old pathways marked outby the
trainers of our government and aS they have
| led our ancestors to the great goal of freedom
so ~ill we prosecuts the same pathway for the
attainment OF the same glorious end.
| But my friend says: Why not trSSt the
! the people Of the Territory Are thoy not az
wise az you are Do you lose your intelligence
by going from Guy ,hoga county, to Kansas or
to Nebraska! Are you not as capable If vow
erniug yourself there as here Well that
! would all do very we'll, if you had not potosr
at Washington TO CONTROL you as soon az you
entered the Territory. That power which has
striVen 80 hard to control the people of Kansas.
| But if they wanted the people st Kansas
TO govern themselves, why did not this distin-
! guisted gentcman'a friends in The Senate of
the United States, the Democratic Senators
from the North, when the Kansas Nebraska bill
was under consideration, accept the amendment
of Senator Chase, now Governor Of your noble
State, which gave to tho people Of Kansas and
Nebraska the right to exclude slavery from
their territory in terms
When the question was upon the adoption OF
this amendment every Democratic S0nGtOr Vo
ted against showing clearly that whaS they
profess to give the people of the territSry ihe