The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-05-02

Threatened DESCRIPTION of the Entente Cor
dtaIe Between England and France.
will be seen from the interesting debate in
The English House of Lords on the question of
war in Italy, which will be found in our columns
this morning. that there are evident symptoms
of the breaking up Of the entente cordiale be.
tween France and England. II was hypo-
eli ical alliance from the first and we predicted
it would not last, 1t was not called by its right
name-itw was not cordial or hearty understand
ing. 1t was mere hollow truce, in which there
was no heart or sincerity on either side. In en-
term into this alliance the Emperor of the
French had b own secret motives, aud the Bri-
fish government had theirs But the great differ
ence between the allies Just now is that Napoleon
has carried all his objects hitherto has gained i'm
mensely by the bargain, and accomplished what
bis uncle in vain attempted to do; while England
has suffered severely by it ia every respect
lost her prestige in the sight of Europe. Her
government probably feels this result, and is
ashamed to see the country dragged any longer
at the tail of France. 1t is not prepared again
to play second fiddle to Napoleon in great
European war. To do so would be too degrading
and too Improbable, and the British government
prefers to risk his displeasure and hostility
rather than submit to the humiliation. The en-
tente cordiale was but a rope of sand and now all
that appeared cordial about it is likely to be
scattered by the first gust of war like the sand
of the desert before the breath of the simeon.
There was no bond of union, no principle of
cohesion in it, and it could not be permanent
1t is true that it is not stated by the British
Ministers in so many words that the alliance is
at an end; such events are never so announced.
But from the whole tenor of the sp e ,hes Of
Lords Malmesbury and Derby it is very plan
that anything but cordial understa 1ding now
exists between the British and French govern
ments. In order to take off the wire edge of the
announcement to Parliament, the other Powers
are lectured all round, with the exception of
Prussia. But it is impossible not to see that the
aninats is meant for France.
After expressing the natural friendly feelings
Of England to Austria as an ancient ally in the
most glorious pages Of English history; as be-
longing to the same Teutonic race; and, lastly,
as being exempt from jealousy to her on account
Typographical position-three grounds Of friend
ship the converse or each Of .phioh holds good
in the Of Fraucc-in the next breath
Earl Malmesbury assails the French Emperor
in these words:-"It is difficult for an Eng
lshman or for an English Minister to I'M
derstand by what process of reasoning, by
what process of sound policy, the ruler of that
prosperous country has been induced to interfere
with other countries internal affairs" Lord
Derby also says that "the time is gone by for
trifing," that the British government has with
drawn from further interference, unless that one
last proposition which it has made is still pend
ing, and will maintain an earned neutrality"
What that means in the case Of England every
body who has read her history knows. "And
it," says Lord Derby, "war breaks out, what
ever be the consequence, our neutrality, as long
as it may last, must, to certain extent, be an
armed neutrality, enabling us to take our part
on that side which honor, justice and the dignity
of the country may indicate as best deserving our
support" This language is menacing to Napoleon
in the highest degree. Still stronger lie another
sentence of the Earl Of Derby, which, when taken
in connection with the words of Lord Malmes-
bury which we have already quoted, is evil
IDENTIFY aimed at the same distinguished mark 1t
is as follows-"A serious responsibility, with all
its results will be laid on the head Of the Power,
whatever it may be, which, without due provoca-
ton, and without the most urgent necessity,
seeks for its own ambitious purposes to involve
Europe in the calamities of long and bloody
war"
1t is clear that the Coburg family interest has
prevailed, and that the English government will
now stand by the treaty of Vienna, which it has
so often permitted to be volated-on one occasion
for this same Coburg family interest, when Bel
GUM was separated by revolution, in 1880,
from Holland, and Leopold placed on the
throne. If the Treaty of Vienna is
good for anything, why was it not upheld in the
case Of the Netherlands? 1t is worthy of remark
that Lord Clarendon is as strenuous in maintain
ing the treaty of Vienna as Lord Malmesbury or
Lord Derby, and remarks that the unanimity of
all parties on this point has strengthened the
government. But Louis Napoleon dsregards the
treaty Of Vienna-his own existence as Emperor
gives it The lie If the British government is
resolved to stand by the treaty of Vienna, then
t must prepare to dethrone it's faithful ally"
Louis Napoleon, as it did Lis uncle and the Ma
poleon dynasty forever, in virtue of that treaty,
on the very year in which it was consummated.
Everything, therefore, indicates the disruption
OF the ente'de corCsat. The meddling Of Russia is
spoken OF as leading to this result But this is
mere excuse The English government wants
to take its stand now, and we may expect soon to
see, as consequence, one Of the most sanguinary
and terrible wars that has ever taken place 10
Europe.
Mr.. SoULE AND Mr.. DoUGLAs.-In comment
ing upon late editorial of this journal. on the
dsseneiODs and divisions of tho da,nocracv In