The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1859-09-23


IT. We never heard il doubled, and expect we
3 never will. But the statement of it proves no.
thing, defines nothing, and explains nothing.
II merely darkens the subject, as words with
: out meaning always do.
But notwithstanding all this cIrcuity OF ex-
pressen and consequent opaqueness of meaning
10 the magazine article of Mr.. Douglas, we
think we can guess what bis opinions are or will
| be when be comes to reconsider the subject
lie will admit lat least be will not undertake to
denY) that the status of negro, whether of
serVItude Or freedom, accompanies him where
yer he goes, and adheres to him in every
part OF the Union until he meets some To-
cal law which changes it.
1t will also be agreed that the people of a
State, through their Legislature, and the people
OF Territory, in the constitution which they
may frame preparatory to their admission as
State, can regulate and control the subject black
race within their respective Jurisdictions, SO as
TO make them bond or free
But here we come to the point at which o.
plnlons dlverge. Some insist that no citizen
can be deprived OF his property in slaves, or in
anything else, except by the provision of State
constitution or by the act of State Legislature;
while others contend that an unlimited control
over private rights may be exercised by Ter
rorIal Legislature as soon as the earliest settle
| ments are made.
SO strong are the sentiments of Mr.. Douglas
IN favor OF the latter doctrine that if il be not
( established he threatens US with Mr.. Stewards
''rrepressibe conflict" which shall end only
| with the universal abolition or the universal
dominion Of slavery. On the other hand, the
ha Tpd1 of 81
nearly ali..he Democratic members of Congress,
the whole of the party South, and a very large
majority North, are penetrated with convic-
ton, that no such power is vested in Terrific
rial Legislature, and that those who desire to
conhscate private property Of any kind must
wait until they get constitutional convention
or the machinery OF State government into
their hands. We venture to give the following
reasons !or believing that Mr.. Douglas is in error
The Supreme Court has decided that a Ter
rltorlal Legislature has not the power which
! he claims for it. That alone ought to be suifi-
| clent. There can be no law, order, or securI-
ty tor any mans rights, unless the judicial
| authority of the country be upheld. Mr.
Douglas may do what he pleases with political
conventions and party platforms, but we trust
he will give the Supreme Court at ate beaft nth ithah
Republicans have yet Withheld.
The right OF property is sacred, and the first
object OF all human government Is to make it
secure. Life is always unsafe where property
is not fully protected. This is the experience
OF every people on earth, ancient and modern.
| 70 secure private property was a principal
| object Of .nagna Charta. Charles the |.
afterwards attempted 10 violate 1t, but the peo-
/ pie rose upon him, dragged him to the block,
! and severed his head from his body. AT a still
/ later period another monarch for kindred
offence was driven out of the country, and died
! a fugitive and an outcast. Our own Revou-
Ii on was provoked by that slight invasion upon
the right OF the property which consisted in the
exaction of trifIng tax. There is no govern
ment in the world, however absolute, which
would not be dsg lced and endangered by
wantonly sacrificing private property even to
a small extent. For centuries past such
outrages have ceased TO be committed in times
of peace among civilized nations.
Slaves are regarded as property in the South
ern States. The people of that section buy
and sell, and carry on their business, provide
for their families, and make their wills and di-
vide their inheritance on that assumption. 1t
is manifest to all who know them, that no
doubts ever cross their minds about the righttG!
ness OF holding such property. They believe
they have direct warrant for it, not only in
the examples Of the best men that ever lived,
but in the preceptS of Divine Revelation itself );
and they are thoroughly satisfied that the :ela-
ton OF master and slave is the only one which
can possibly exist there between the white and
the black race without running both. The pe0-
pie of The North may differ from their fellow
citizens OF the South on the whole subject, but
knowing, as we all do, that these sentiments
are sincerely and honestly entertained, we
cannot wonder that they feel the most un-
t Speakable indignation when any attempt is
/ made 10 interfere with their rights. This
$ sentiment results naturally and necessarily
4 from their education and habits of thinking.
: They cannot help 1t, any more than an honest
man IN the North can avoid abhorring a thief
4 or housebreaker.
e The jurists, legislators, and people OF the
: Northern States, have always sacredly respec-
ted the right of property IN slaves held by their
: own citizens within their own jurisdiction. 1t
q, is a remarkable fact, very well worth noticing,
S that no Northern State ever passed any law to
= take negro from his master. All laws for
Y the abolition of slavery have operated only on
: the unborn descendants of the negro race, and
the vested rights of masters have not been
= disturbed in the North more than in the South
d In every nation under heaven, civilized
= seml-barbarous, or savage, where slavery ha!
# exstediin any form at all analogous to ours, The
|, rights OF the masters TO the control Of then
!. slaves as property have been respected and or
+ no occasion has any government struck at those
! rights, except it would strike at other proper
ty. Even the British Parliament, when i
\ emancipated the West India slaves, though i
;, was legislating for people three thousand
e miles away, and not represented, never &c
: MED either the LEGAL Or the natural rirht O