The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-08-18
Majority for free States

1otal vote OF free States lS6
Total vote of slave States I2O
Majority for free States Sc
Aggregate vote of free and slve States 800
Majority necessary to elect aPresident l54
1t is only necessary to cas- the eye over the
above table, and recognise th truth of the re-
mark at the head of this article. 1t is impossi
BILE that the disorganized fations which still
cling to the name Of Democracy can, by any
combination of interests, minage to elect
President; and the truth is, hat, even united
as they were in 1856, they area minority in the
country.
But they cannot unite. The breaches grow
wider every day, and render il more and more
impossible to rally the people under their old
standards. There can be no Union patched up
between the followers of Douglas, with his squat
ter sovereignty; the followers Of Wise, with his
slave code; and the followers of Jefferson Da-
Wis, with his repeal of the laws which prohibit
the African slave trade. The two latter factions
may unite cordially, and will do 30, as there is
no substantial difference between them; but
neither can touch Mr.. Douglas, with his squat
ter platform, without exposing themselves to
certain defeat by the Southern Opposition, who
will not hesitate to step in and occupy the ultra
Pro-Slavery ground as soon as it shall be va
Gated by the Sham Democracy. Neither can
Mr.. Douglas come down from his popular SOW
ereignty platform, to that occupied by the South
ern politicians, without at once losing the con-
idence and support of his supporters. Even
MIR. Forney, while urging the claims of Mr..
Douglas to the Presidency threatens to desert
him if he finches in the support of his princi
pies.
Mr.. Forney is aware that Mr.. Douglass
friends In the free States are far more thorough
ly welded to the idea that the people of Ter
rtory may exclude Slavery "a sAfE IsFFtQ gHa
that they, being opposed to Slavery, insist upon
the right of Territorial sovereignty as an effect.
ual means to the end of excluding Slavery.
Should Mr.. Douglas, therefore, under the tempt
alton of a Charleston nomination, recede from
his position, and acquiesce in the constitution.
al theories of the South, he will be at once de-
serted by his Northern supporters, and their
weight will either be thrown away, or thrown
into the Republican scale. The threat of Mr..
Forney is worthy of being put on record, in this
connection. He said, in his recent speech at
Reading:
81 have said so much of Mr. Douglas. that
you may think that l have been making mere
Douglas speech. To rescue myself from that
imputation, l will tell you, and want my friend
Shartd - Al
Douglas was to travel back from the principle
upon which he stands, and the platform which
he has made for himself, 1 would Just as freely
oppose him as have opposed Mr.. Buchanan
for, as said to you beforehand we had all
better learn the lesson-the day has come for
brave and bold men. | do not believe that we
need fear Douglas. No, no; He has proved
himself, and cheers. But we must trust some
body. You will tell me that we trusted Mr..
Buchanan, and that he cheated us, in 1856.
That is true but remember that Mr.. Bu-
chanan's experience and example is lesson
to others. Nobody is going to initiate him,
God knows! Who would fall into such errors
l would like to see the man reckless and bold
enough to do what Mr.. Buchanan has done,
and encounter the storm of reproach he has
encountered"
Mr.. Forney but utters the sentiment of the
Northern Democracy in thus laying down to
Mr.. Douglas the consequences he may expect
if he ventures to barter away his principles for
Charleston nomination.
But is there no middle ground between the
positions occupied respectively by Messrs.
Douglas and Wiser The Administration and
the friends of Mr.. Hunter, of Virginia, have at:
tempted to find such a resting place for the
party; but when pushed to the wall, they have
been forced to acknowledge the correctness of
the position assumed by Mr.. Wise. Their
programme is non-intervention by Congress
with Slavery in the Territories; and they at.
tempt to satisfy the South with this halfway
measure by insisting that the Constitution, as
interpreted by the Supreme Court, completely
sweeps away squatter sovereignty, and estab-
fishes the rights of shareholders; and that the
Federal Administration is bound to see the de-
cisions of the Court enforced whenever the
rights of shareholders are assailed. They offer
another argument for Congressional nonnter-
vention of practical nature which ought to
be effectual, viz; the impossibility of inducing
Northern majority in Congress to legislate
for Slavery in the Territories. But the South
will not listen to these evasions and excuses for
withholding an acknowledged right. The Ad-
ministration and the Hunter men are forced to
admit that Slavery in the Territories is entitled
to protection at the hands of Congress, and
they are therefore justly chargeable with aban
doning the rights of the South from motives of
expediency. No; the South will not, in its pres
ent mood, and with its present high expecta-
tons, listen to the idea of compromising away
its rights.
There is no alternative, therefore. The
demagogues must, to use a popular phrase,
face the music" Mr.. Douglas must go down
to Charleston with Popular Sovereignty "-or,
in other words, the right of the people to exclude
Slavery from the Territories-nailed to his
standard. That the South win insist upon the
opposite theory, of Congressional protection to
Slavery, there can be no doubt. If the Conven-
ton were again to be held in Cincinnati or
Baltimore, where freedom of speech would be