Port Tobacco times, and Charles County advertiser. (Port Tobacco, Md.) 1845-1898, 1859-02-24

sistent, the decision is given in favor of the
industrious free negro. What follows!-
The white man turns off in sorrow. and find
ing his hopes gone for a settlement here,
leaves his home and native State for the far
West or South; there to reproach, with
shame and Indignation. his unnatural mo-
ther, who has discarded him and taken to
her affections free negro. WHO is injured
by this constant drain upon the bone and
sinew Of Old Maryland? The State itself
and her material interests suffer in so many
ways that need not 60 into details. Does
the negro we retain compensate for the loss
of the white man? Certainly not. The
position vacated by the white man is not fill
ed by the free negro, either socially or poll
tically. We are, by this dangerous policy,
Strengthening an alien element in our midst
that only wants numbers and leader to
prove its hostility to the dominant power of
the white man. And when the State shall
need the strong arm Of the white man to re-
pei her enemies, protect her fresides and
her affairs, she will find her .'worst enemies
those of her own households" and like Sam
son, she will also find her power and pres
/ tige shorn by this Deliah of free-negroism.
Such is the inevitable tendency of this course
on our part, and such the conclusion a loriori.
If then, it is impolitic on our part to en-
courage this supposed industrious few of our
free negroes to the extent indicated, the ar
gument derives increased force when applied
to the vast numbers of our worthless and de-
praved free negroes They will not leave
us voluntarily and am opposed to forcing
them out Of the State, though I believe a
large portion Of our people are ready for
coercive measures It is not the negro's
fault that he is cursed with freedom: it is
the fault of the State, and would have the
State redress their wrongs by restoring them
to slavery again. Our climate suits them
admiralty and we need their labor. Mary
land suffers for want of labor and we have
enough to meet the demand if all bore their
share. Nor can we afford to tax the labor
of the white and slave population in order
that 80, 900 lazy and debauched free negroes
may eat up their substance, fill our jails and
penitentiary, and load US with taxes to pay
Court charges for their criminal outrages
upon our peace and property. Both human
and divine laws forbid this criminal indul-
gence on our part. What says our Bill Of
Rights? "The Legislature ought to encour-
age the diffusion Of vi'tue, the promotion o1
agriculture, commerce and manufactures,
and the general naelioration Of the condition
Of the people," Art Al. Have our Legis-
lature never felt their responsibilities under
this enumeration of their duties? Do they
suppose they are redeeming their sacred
oaths to support the Constitution Of this
State, while derelict in the fundamental du-
ties for which government is instituted p
How can those great interests of the body
polite be promoted while 10000 vagrant
and useless human beings listlessly prowl
about in idleness, retard progress, and war
against virtue? The power to act is ample:
what says the 21st Art.-"The Legislature
shall pass laws for the government, regatl1-
tion and DISPOSITION ofhe free colored
population of this State" So much for hui
man laws. What says the Bible on this
subject ?-"We commanded you that It any
aoould not aoork, neither should he eat." /"
Again-"There are some among you DIS
orderly, aoorking not all, but are busybodies. -
Need we any more authority from God or
man to enforce useful labor as condition
upon all who may compose our population ?
All our people will respond to these sugges-
tions in the affirmative, but many of them
do not see how the object is to be effected.
They would attack the evil in round about
series of laws full of provisos and conditions,
that even our lawyers, much less the free
negroes, can hardly interpret. The result
is, such laws become dead letter, and the
evil goes on. Our people have not come
up to this question with boldness, vigor and
simplicity that suits the free negroes. They
know the meaning of slavery; but when
you declare them free and then attempt tc
control them, they cannot and will not re-
concile their freedom with your restraints by
law. Their logic is if they are free, they
are not subject to the will of another, and
the law that restrains that freedom is a usur-
patton of their rights. But when you in
form them that their freedom is merely
nominal, subject to the DISPOSITION o1
the State, and that you intend to resume
sovereignty over them by putting them
back into slavery-why, then they respect
you for your candor and acknowledge your
authority. This free negro question cannot
be dealt with in any other way. We may
omit this remedy and try various subterfu-
ges, but in vain; the evil will go on from
bad to worse at every returning session oi
our Legislature.
Freedom with them is SYNONYMOUS with
idleness, idleness begets vice to an alarming
extent. just this moment [ learn two ne
gro fellows have had fight and one Of them
has dashed out the brains of the other with
club. One of them lies in the grave, the
other in our county Jail. Who suffers from
the outrage thus committed? The peace
and dignity of the State. Who pays the