The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-01-29
The Presidential Question, the Admlnlstra-
tl0n and the Democracy.

verge OI OeStruCllOu LII iooO, WIS saved turOubu
the nomination of Mr. Buchanan for the Presi-
dency, if saved in 1860 will be saved through
the sagacious recommendations of the annual
message of Mr.. Buchanan of December, 1868.
No laborious presentation of political stats
tics, historical facts, party witnesses and crcuul
stantial details can be demanded now, by the in
tellgent political reader, to satisfy him that the
democracy and the opposition forces of the
| country are in a most lamentable condition of
| discord, dsintegration and dissolution. From
| several prominent democratic journals at this
moment lying before us, our opinion, heretofore
repeatedly expressed, that there is no longer
democratic party, in the broad national sense
of the term, is fully borne out The old elements
| of the progressive Jacksonian democracy still
exist but the conflicting schemes, views and
| platforms of the various Presidential aspirants
and President making cliques of the party have
| cut it up into as many clashing revolutionary
| factions as there are in Mexico. Very true,
there is still attached to the administration the
nucleus of solid national organizations but it
| is only, as matters now stand, one Of these
various existing divisions Of the party
There is the Douglas popular sovereignty
| division of the North and Northwest, whose car
dinal principle is the absolute jurisdiction and
supremacy of the people of the Territories re-
spectively over the question of slavery therein
| The Northern State elections Of last autumn
have disclosed, very significantly, the zeal and
the strength of this Douglas wing of the party as
| political balance Of power. Opposed to this
faction, however, and its hobby of popular
sovereignty we have strong division of the
party in the South, which declares that Con-
gress has the power, and that it is the duty of
| Congress, to interpose in such acts of positive
legislation Us may be required to protect the in
stitution of slavery in the Territories against the
soil squatters thereof Singularly enough, too,
| the central Virginia organ of Gov. Wisc-the
| staunch defender of the anti-Lecompton rebel.
! lion of Douglas-is the leading advocate of this
proslavery Territorial policy of Congressional
| intervention.
Between these two divisions of the stulti6ed
democracy upon the slavery question: there can
| be nothing but an everlasting split, should the
| experiment be made at Charleston Of forcing
the policy of the one faction or the other into the
| national party platform. There is disagree
ment in the party equally marked, North and
South upon the tariff question, repre-
scented on the one side by Mr.. Bu-
chanans judicious recommendations of reve-
nue. tariff, embracing that incidental pro-
lection which may be extended to our home
manufactures, through the discriminating policy
of specific duties; and, on the other side, by the
| free trade ad valorem recommendations of Mr..
Secretary Cobb. The experimental votes or de-
bates in Congress, and the dead lock Of the Com
mittee of Ways and Means upon this subject,
seem to indicate, beyond the shadow of doubt,
that nothing can be done in the way of q party
policy upon the tariff, to satisfy the Southern
free traders, without alternating the indispen-
sable protective tariff democracy Of Pennsylva-
| mia, and r1oe Versa.
Then, again, in behalf of the Southern State
rights. strict constructionists of the Virginia
| school Of John Taylor Of Caroline, we have
had, through the Richmond Enquirer, the most
indignant remonstrances against what they call
the ''old federal doctrines" of Mr.. Buchanan, as
presented in his practical recommendations con-
corning the Pacific Railroad project general
law of bankruptcy, including banks and corpO.
rations, a military protectorate over the North
ern provinces of Mexico, and certain discretion
airy military powers in regard to the information
| al affairs of the Central American States &C.
! Nor is this all of this additional schedule Of
democratic disturbances; for upon the question
of the revival of the African slave trade, as be-
trayed in the lively impromptu debate in the
House the other day, it appears that not few Of
the active leading democratic politicians of the
South are ready, upon the affirmative of this
question, to make it political issue, regardless of
consequences.
! Now, let us suppose that all these conflicting
cliques, factions, sections, principles, kinks and
crotchets Of the wrangliDg and discordant de-
mocracy are brought together, cheek by jowl in
| the Charleston Convention There they are
! but what can they do? What candidate or plat
form can they adopt upon the territorial slavery
question, the tariff question, the bankrupt ques-
ton, the Pacific Railroad question OR the slave
trade question! A democratic row will be inevi-
table, we apprehend and split in the conven-
ton and division of the party upon two or three
scrub candidates, should the experiment of
nomination or platform be attempted upon any
Of these issues, in any shape
Where, then, is the line of safety, of reunion
and harmony, for the divided democracy? 1t is
comprehended in the new policy chaIked out in
the Presidents message policy which contem-
plates the sinking Of all these existing factions,
splits and sectional crotchets and bubbles, and
personal cliques and animosities, in some great,
overshadowing issue, appealing directly to
the popular pulse Of the country. The thirty
million Cuba bill presents us an issue of
of this complexion, and from the signs of
alarm and confusion which II has created in