The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-03-03

and an individual man. Are our internal az
fairs so perfectly organized as to leave no
range to our ambition? Has even the ques-
ton of currency been placed on satisfactory
basis? Is our great internal domain reduced
to such narrow limits as to afford no scope to
our energies? Our territory is now greater
than the whole area of the Roman Empire. All
tins We are bound to protect and defend and
to defend the accessible points of our extended
frontier would require 100000 men, with at
least ESQ war steamers. The chairman of the
Naval Committee says our whole guns are
l,l00. The French navy alone has $4,000
cannon aHoat, with 500 ships, of which half
are war steamers. We are not now prepared
for such a war; and yet the President an
nounced, on a recent occasion, that our policy
henceforth is expansion.
Mr.. Kennedy, of MARYLAND, addressed the
Senate, arguing that the acquisition of Cuba is
subversiye of the best interests of the South.
Referring to the aspect of our domestic affairs,
he considered that innovations had been en-
grated ON the policy of this Government, which
inevitably betoken its dissolution. The doctrine
of State Rights did well, while we were homo
generous people, bound together by common
troubles; but that day has passed. The I'M
bounded prosperity of this country, its fertile
lands and increasing wealth, has attracted to it
people from every cline. There is no common
interest to bind us together. The Constitution
and the Supreme Court are derided, and the
Constitution threatens to be but a rope of sand
unable to bind, from having no power to pun
ish infractions of that Constitution. He had
been derided as an old Federalist, and the men
who so denounced him had now on the table
two billsmore dangerous in consolidating power
in the hands of one man than any that ever
emanated from the old Federal party. They
had also bill to give away the public lands to
the sweepings of European lazar houses to
squat thereon, and under an easy franchise to
control that Government before they know
word of our language or have one idea towards
comprehension of our institutions. Yet, while
offering this extraordinary bonus to the discon-
tented spirits of the Old World, they refuse to
vote for and denounce the old soldiers BILL
How comes it, he asked, that there is such di
versity of opinion in the Democratic party
marching under one banner, and protesting
common principles?
He proceeded to ask how it is possible for us
to hold Cuba with but ffty-seven ships in our
navy to protect the fifty Cuban harbors? Our
Paraguay armada consists Of canal-boats and
side-wheel steamers. Have Senators reflected
on the baneful effect the acquisition of Gu
ba would have on slave property? He remem-
bered the opening of Alabama. Virginia has
exodus of her labor to localities where it would
be more remunerative. With the slave trade
stopped, Cuba would be a perpetual drain, and
would put planters into more unequal contest
By Withdrawing the labor from their cotton
fields into sugar production. 1t is estimated
that five hundred thousand slaves will be alb
stracted from the Southern States, and thou
sand millions of capital, within FIVE years. And
if we drift into war with England and France,
we will have to maintain contest with fifteen
hundred ships on our extended coast Gne
These are considerations for the American peo-
pie, as they will change the whole course of
our policy, and inaugurate new era of stand
ing armies and enormous fleets. The time is
also inopportune for the acquisition of that
island. In conclusion, he did not admit the right
to bring in foreign nation with foreign tongue
and foreign teachings, and ignorant and incapa-
BILE to understand our institutions In his opn-
ion, we were fast losing all those landmarks
which characterized our early nationality, and
were fast becoming a mere Confederation of
heterogeneous States. For these and other con-
siderations, he was opposed to the acquisition of
Cuba.
Mr.. Wade here moved to adjourn. Lost, by
II to %.
Eight o'clock p. M.-The Senate is rapidly
filing mp. The galleries are full.
Mr.. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, moved to post
pone the Cuba and take up the homestead bill,
and proceeded to speak on the latter.
Mr.. Sldell called him to order.
Mr.. Doolitte insisted on his motion.
Mr.. Johnson, of Tennessee, although he had
for fifteen years advocated the homestead bill,
asked Mr. Doolttle to withdraw his motion.
Mr.. Douglas, as a friend Of the homestead
bill, made the same request.
Mr.. Clark of Connecticut, as friend of the
homestead bill, moved the Senate adjourn.
Lost, by II to 30.
Mr.. Trumbull asked Mr.. Hunter to pledge
himself not to bring forward the appropriation
bills, to prevent vote on the homestead bill.
Mr.. Hunter would give no such promise.
Mr.. Trumbull appealed to Mr.. Johnson to
stand by and press the homestead bill.
! Mr.. Biger asked Mr.. Trumbull, for himself
and the Republicans, to name the hour at
which they would vote on both measures.
Mr.. Trumbull, for himself, was ready now,
but could not make any pledge for his friends.
Mr. Seward said, that after nine hours dis
cussion on the Cuba bill, it was time to come
back to the great question of the age. Two
propositions now stand face to face; one is the
| question of land for the landless, and the other
is question of land for slaves.
| Mr.. Slidell here rose.
The Vice President. Win the Senator from
New York yield the floor to the Senator from
| Louisiana?
| Mr. Seward. No, sir do not
Mr.. Slidell called Mr.. Seward to order. He
was discussing the comparative merits of the
two bills.
The Vice President decided that Mr.. Seward
was in order.
Mr.. Seward went on with o few words, when
Mr. Fitch appeaTed to the Chair to put the ques-
ton of order to the Senate, with view of stop
ping what threatened to be an interminable
| discussion,
| The Vice President declined to do so.
Mr.. Seward went on, saying: ut is in the
Thirty fifth Congress that the homestead bill has
been put aside" He then contrasted the merits
of the two bills.
Mr.. Toombs said, as to "land for the land
ess," it carried with it some demagogical power.
He despised demagogue, but despised still
more those who are driven by demagogues.
What are the other side afraid Of? If they do
not want to give 3Q,OO0,000 to carry opt a
great NATIONAL policy, let them say so, and not
attempt to get rid of the issue by saying, ave
want to give land to the lapdless.n
| Mr.. Wade said the question was, land to the
landless, or niggsrs to the niggerless. He would
antagonize these issues and carry the appeal
to the country. The whole object of the Dem
ocratic party was to go round the world hunt
ing for niggers. They could no more sustain
their party without niggers, than they could a
| steam engine without fuel,
| Mr. Fessenden took Mr. Toombs to task, and
asked if the language he had used was not an
imitation of the great man at the other end of
the avenue, lthe PRESIDENT who recently adj
dressed an out-ofdoor crowd, saying none but
towards shirk this Cuban bill. He told the
Senator the Republicans did not tremble nor
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