Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1859-07-19
from the Huntsville (Alahama) Democrat
ABSTRACT 9IGHTS-LIvING ISSUES.

and valucle>>. Nearly all the rights--at least,
those which States Rights and Strict Construc-
ton politicians and statesmen are accustomed
10 classify rs rc,erred riyhts-aye ridiculed as
distractions of the Virginia and South Carolina
school, and denounced as absurd and Of no
prac,ica! Import Those who think and speak
so lightly of abstract rights, are generally. OF
the old Federal school Of politicians, the advo-
Gates of strong government who impose
scarcely any limitation upon the powers of the
Federal Government, and find authority in the
Constitution for the exercise OF any powers
whereby they may fancy they can promote "thc
general welfare" however diS;lStrou>ly 1t NAV
effect the interests of mnorite|, and OF partl-
cular States, sections, classes or lndNlduaS.-
Almost all the enorintics OF class legislation
under the various forms of protective tariffs,
bank monopolies, government bountieS and ca
elusive privileges of one sort and another, have
found argument and excuse in the alleged pro-
motion OF "thc general welfare In utter dis
regard OF the reserved rights Of the States and
f, inaiicnabc, abstract rights Of the people.
Those who stgnatizc abstract rights as ah-
siird and ridiculous. are either reckless of wha!
they say and DO, or they don't know what they
talk about. For charitys sake, We wl! accord
! them the latter horn Of the dilemma, and en-
dcavor TO cnlglten their Ignorance.
! What. Mca, are m, abstrdct rights II ar
( .i1nerican citizen! Why. EVERY RIGHT Of LIFE,
LIBERTY AND PROPERTY. nhich an .imrict"
! ctizen cat ieyitimatety claim, Is AN ABSTRACT
/ RIGHT, untH occasjom cntls Jor rs pr"c'ic"i
exercise Then, it becomes u practical right.
: For example: The natural. naenablc right
Of self defence, is an abstract right-nothing
more or less so long rs person * nnassnilcd.
I Let HIM be aSSaicd, and that moment, the right
10 defend himself ceases 10 he abstract and
becomes practical right
The right Of personal liberty is an abstract
/ right Of every law-abiding American citizen,
until an unlawful attempt is made to restrain
! him OF his liberty; that moment, his right ri
liberty ceases 10 be abstract and becomes
practical right
! The right to bold property is an abstract
right until i citizen CHOOSES 10 cXcrcl>" the
right then, it becomes practical right.
In like manner, the right Of every citizen
| to his governments protection Of his life, lib.
cry and property, is abstract. until an effort il
( made to deprive h,m OF lie. liberty or proper
! ty; then. and no; TIL then, the right to prntcc.
/ ton ceases 10 he abstract and becomes prac-
lical.
The list OF abstract rights might bc extend
7 cd until every human right should be cmbrac-
! cd, even the right Of The pcnitcnt believing,
pardoncd sinner to Il home in Heaven already
, purchased with Saviour blood. for his right
only ceases to be abstract. when faith ends and
/ .rution begins Death converts the ab-,rac
ton into living practical reality.
Is il not sell evident that all Of the dearest
and most cherished rights Of man, relating
both to time and eternity when not in actual
exercise are mere distractions: But are they,
! on that account, less real and absolute less
dear and less to be cherished, guarded and pro-
tectcd. Certainly not.
Let us apply this scl9:cvlcnt proposition to
the question of the protection Of slavery in the
Territories. Every cltzen Of the United States
has the right TO carry his property. Of every
kind. into the Territories, and the right to its
protection by the Territorial Governments; and.
if the Territorial Government fails or refuses,
he has the right to the protection Of the Fcde-
raj Government in every department. Exccl!-
tive. Legislative and Judicial. These rights are
"hot-oct until they are denied ard pro. cc.;on iS
refused Then, they become practical qrcs.
ticns-iving issues.
Stephen \. Douglas. prominent aSpirant
. for the Presidency. Dol |, able influential
member Of the &. ). Senate. a branch of the
Federal Government on which are devolvcd
the power and duty Of guarding and protecting
slave property in the Territories, says that the
| Territorial Legislature may by lawful means,
by uiricndly legislation, exclude slavery from
the Territories; and he denies the power Of
Congress to prevent such unfricndly legislation,
and pass laws for the protection Of the slaTc
holder in his right to have and hold slaves in
the Territories. Senator Pugh. and other
Northern Democratic Senators and Reprcscn-
tatvcs and the Black Republicans generally
are understood to agree substantially with Sc
nator Douglas in these views. Thus. number
of the highest fllnctionaries of the Fedora!
Government unite in denying TO slave property
the protection guaranteed by the Constitution.
The question Of protection is therefore no longer
abstract, but a question Of grave practical i'm.
port-a diving ISSUE. which has been forced
upon the South by her enemies, and cannot he
avertcd or avoided. No reasonable man can
doubt that the Territorial Legislatures Of Kan
s.s and Nebraska. and perhaps others, will act
upon the suggestions Of Senator Douglas; and,
by "uniricndly legislation, render the holding
of slave property there insecure and thus 'r-
tually exclude it.
And can it be possible that any considerable
portion of the Southern people vii listen to
the tmid suggestions Of those time servers who
raise the croaking cry: "0h, keep qnict; you
will disturb the harmony Of the Democratic
party; YOU will drive off Douglas and his
friends. and inevitably defeat the Democratic
candidate for the Presidency in 1902 Or,
will they be deferred from the assertion oil
their absolute, nacnablc, constitutional rights,
bv the craven cry Of the subm ss!onist: There
is no use for the South to insist on her rights:
Congress will not grant them; and If she IN
sisls on the Intervention OF Congress ior the
protection of slave property, Congress will IN
tervene for its destruction, and the Solth can
not help herself II me caanot Zip orr
,olrcs u our rights III the Union, a Is higa
time ,rt rere helping oursslres outer Tic Union.
rimid counsclS and timId conduct can never
avail to accomplish any valuable purpose; but
holiness. carnestncss and energy, such aS cha
racterizcd our Revolutionary sircS can accom-
pliSh all VIC have q right TO demand m the
Union.
We have Constitutional right to demand
Justice and equality for the people Of the South
with the peop!c of the North in all the Terri
torie; Of the Union Justice and equality de-
mand the protection Of slave property, as well
as any other property; and if that protection
is denied bv the Territorial authorities it is
the right aud duty of Congress 10 intervene for
that protection. and the South should demand
it Of Congress. If Congress refuses, it will
argue such hostility Of the Northern people TO
the institution Of slavery, as to assure the
Southern people that they can no longer re-
main, with safety, in the Union. Initiating the
course Of their Revolutionary fathers towards
Great Britain. they should. in that event, dis.
solve the political bands which have connected
them with another, and assume among the
powers of the earth the separate and equal
station TO which the laws of nature and OF M
ture's God cntitlc them
We cannot believe that the Southern people
of the present day are inferior in their dc''o-
ton TO their abstract rights-thc rights OF per-
sonal security, personal liberty and private
orop,rty. than their ancestors; or that they are