Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1859-03-16

ttuDa IN q FtEuIt point Ol view, III IiInP oil
war. under certain circumstances. / admit
ihe security that it would bring to our COM
merce under certain circumstances; but now
we are not in a condition to accept that
fsland. though L should be gift presented
20 tis bv Spain without any consideration.
particularly unless we had the security or the
guarantee of the non-interveution of England
and Frunce. That island can only add to the
recurity of our trade or commerce, or 10 our
defensive attitude in time of war. when we
shall have built up our Navy to such an ex-
tent as TO maintain possession Of IL against
any Power or two Powers combined, that
might seek to dislGdge us in time of war.
Gentlemen now proclaim their ind florence TO
what England or France might be disposed to
do. One gentleman, the Senator from G"or-
Qia IMr. TOOmbs dcfied the power both Of
England and France aud even vent 80 far as
10 say that nothing wOald rejoice him more,
than an opportunity to cope with those great
Powers. when their authority WAS attempted
TO be interposed for such purpose a. this. tn
defeat the policy of the United States in the
acquisition of Cuba. Why, sir, if this is not
mere empty bravado. the honorable Senator
cannot have reflected for a moment upon the
reasonablcnrss of such a declaration. The
very first blow that would he struck at Onr
mower in n war either with France OF Great
Britain. with our present feeble establishment,
or any addition We could make 10 II for Il
great number Of years. would he to WRIST the
possessiou of Cuba with all its fine barbOrs
from US, and IT, make them the means of an
noyance inst al OF protection and security.
The time will come when il may become ne
cessary for the 8, curity aud full devel"pm' mt
of the power AMI resources Of this country,
that we should have Cuba; bu. il will never
he expedient that we shall acquire Cuba until
We are able to maintain possession OF it
against all the Powers that might be disposed
o aSsal us.
Furtht more, am of opinion that, if we
were to acquire Cuba. there would be some
addition TO the present profitable trade which
We have there. The mark fer the northern
manufactures would be extended in some de-
gree: but WHEN the population of that Island
shall have extended to- the utmost limit re-
uuircd for the development of sugar-p planting
and their nth"r resources, the consumption Of
the corn the flour. the beef. and the pork of
the or at agricultural regions lying north OF
the cotton-growing regions OF the West WOuld
be but n frac ion of the surplus pr ducts of
those great States. The prospect held ont of
cheap sugar. too. might lie found equally de-
lusive. I should suppose. in the natural or
der of things. for some time there might be
reduction of M pric" OF sugar; bat when you
reflect upon the growing consumption OF that
article by all the civilized. prosperous. and
growing population of the temperate zones,
that idea might be equally dclusIve with the
other.
But Mr.. President, / pass from that view
OF the subject. Extraordinary as this propo-
siiOn is to appropriate or provide 100000 900
TO be- under tn disposal of the President in
entering upon further negotiation with Spain;
IMP, &C, dent, d a. it is in the circumstances
il; unconstitutional in spirit
as il IL, is not more dangerous and alarming
than the pcrncious doctrines and theories Of
public policy which accompany it. What are
they! ..rr
"The law Of our national existence is growth. We
cannot. If would, disobcy IL. While should 10
nothing stimulate Il NATURALLY should BE- careful
not To impose upon ourselves a regimen strict
30 prevent healthful development. The tendency
Of III" is the expansion Of the great Powers Of the
they cease TO grow they will soon commence that
period Of decadencc which is the fate OF all nations
az OF individual man"
These doctrines are put before the country
under the sanction OF standing committe"
OF the Senate of the United States. announc-
ed with all the precision and apparent con-
fidence of an axiom in political economy and
philosophy, that the law of our rational cx-
istence is growth. What does that growth
mean? Growth within? Growth in the
mode "f our political organization? Growth
III the improvement OF the territory within
which we now live? Growth in wealth and
population and moral culture? Is that the
meaning of it? 1t ought TO lie the law of our
existence that we should grow in all those
respo Cts; but the growth alluded to by the
is not confined TO that limited
view of internal growth, improvement within
the territories which we now enjoy. moral
and advancing civilization. 1t
Ia, fl,..t 4
not well foupded in theory, nor verified by
the facts Of history. What, sir. any people,
within any prescribed limits you may choose,
great or small, may be retarded in their
their wealth, and their moral
culture, by INSTRUMENTATION, by Internal
tissensions, exhausting civil or for cign war
aud they may 50 be kept stationary for
& ,nrra ions, without imparng materially the
native energy aud spirit OF the population,
" hicb may still remain after all these adverse
fortunes. 81 II is not true that there is any
lust comparison between the growth Of n
. ion, or stationary position, To the life of
man as il progresses from youth to manhood.
when men arrive ut the period of decadrnce
Nor is II true in reference To- that other eX-
pan an. or larger power IL you pleas; if
there is any connection between u Confined
expansion and an arrival at The period of
decad.nc'. "a in the case of individual man.
There is no appropriateness In The COMPARE
son. The manhood Of nation cannot be
rought in the category within the principle
Of the d. ctrine laid down here. After its
srowth shall have been passed, aud shall
have been progressing for three hundred or
toIr hundred years, It's manhood may embrace
a pcriod If four hundr, d or five hundred years
before il arrives ut that period of decadence
indicated by ceasing the policy OF expansion
r.nt,l.lirG
hies. 80 often referred TO as evidence Of the
inevitable doom awaiting all modern nations,
owe their fall 10 many cau,cs. and comhina-
lions Of Causes. a'd circumstances in their
condition, which do not operate In modern
times in the same force or combination. |
.ball not undertake to Discriminate the
causes Of the decay aud fiual extinction
which existed in the overthrow of ancient
and republics from thoae which
threaten modern cations. Nor shall | stop
here, though will suggest il for the reh c.
lion OF those who hear me. 10 point out the
peculiar causes and circumstances which
Exist in oar condition ia this country which
expose us To the chances OF premature decay
and extinction Is RepIb aud free people.
II we will look at the causes which have con-
iributed 10 the overthrow OF the ancient
republics. we shall fnd more force In the cir
:umstances and condition Of this country
'haa la relation 10 some Of the large Powers
1t Europe.
But, sir, these are idle specnlations rs to
The truth or fallacy Of the doctrine laid down
by the honorable senator from Louisiana IL
this report, tint growth is the law Of sxis-
ience. and that, when we cease To grow. We
must soon arrive at the period Of decadence,
sad STARE the fate or destiny IN the case Of
man. This is idle. Were il given
10 me Mr. President now Ia unf,,ld The
-oli Of time, and | could see inscribed upon
u an allotment OF half the period Of dura-
lion 10 this Republic which WAS allowed to
sreek or Roman power, should rsjoice.
sItis manifest that the grow III alluded 10 In
the report. Is expansion now. Immediately. or
Is soon as IL can DC accomplished. assuming
mat our progress nation, or people,
W have already reached that period Of ma
Luri, y from whence our decliae may lie ad-