The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-08-17

-" - .ias iaF ana Iree country, he would be
caaghi and sent back to his owner. in less
te 1llan 40 ne occupied in his vain race for free
, uoli I ne northern people may becontrolIed
" .hel, INTERESTINGLY never have been
soveIhea oy constitutional obligations, and
the case. e'o 'iA'e IN
i. put whii s. am satisfied that the people Of
.Ile poIaer states are mistaken in their opin-
ions anu fears IN this matter still it is pow
eiiui perhaps a controlling objection in their
liiiiiuS " tiie formation of separate confed-
eracy of the slave States. These and ether
cohsloerations, both local and general, would,
in all probability. prevent a common eonenr,
renee of all the southern States in move
ment towards separation, even for causes
which might be held sufficient by majority
Of them; and doubt whether general con-
vention could be obtained to consult upon the
common safety, and to consider and decide
the question Of disunion; or If such conyen-
ton was assembled, whether ANYTHING like
unanimity would prevail in its counsels. How,
| then, Shall those States, less than the whole
or even less than majority, satisfied of the
necessity, policy and sacred duty of some &C.
ton looking to their security out of the Union
how shall they proceed towards the accom-
plHsAtncHe vi IAIdL OpJcCt
Fellow-citizens, the action of single State
except under circumstances enlisting the
strong sympathies of her contiguous sisters
might lead to defeat and disaster. If Soutf
Carolina had resolved herself out of the Unior
in 1882, on account of the alleged oppressive
operations of an odious protective tariff
which at one time was said to have been Sc
| riously considered and contemplated, she
| could not have resisted the combined opposi
ton of all her sister States, and the power o
| the Federal Government, upheld as it was by
the approving voice of the country The gal
lantry of her sons would have maintained 9
hard struggle against federal coercion, either
in the form of federal laws or federal bayonets
but they would have been forced to yield al
last, and resume their former position as q
State in the Union.
Whatever, therefore, might be my convic-
tons of the Unconstitutional and dangerous
aggressions of the Northern States and the
necessity and propriety Of a Southern conted.
eracy to secure the rights, interests and honor
of the South, should be slow to recommend
or approve the secession of single State, with
out the probable cooperation of her co-terim-
nous sisters, and still less against their ex-
pressed will and wish But whenever a
respectable number of the Southern States
convinced of the necessity or policy of seeking
their safety or happiness in a new govern.
ment, shall determine upon such step, they
can accomplish that object, if not without diff
Rculty, at least without bloodshed or civil
war. Let the States of South Carolina
Georgia Alabama and Mississippi, become
animated by a common spirit of resistance to
Northern aggresSion-let them become con.
WINGED that their safety, their interest or thei1
honor demands separation from the North
and the formation of new government fol
themselves and their posterity, and concert
| ed and determined movement by them would
| draw every other slave State into their poi.
cy and compel them to join, sooner or later
| in Southern confedefaey. Unless concilrl-
| ted and reconciled to their former associates
and the Union, by the concession of additional
and satisfactory constitutional guarantees
| those four States could in twelve months
| break the bonds of this Union so far asundel
that no power upon earth could ever reunite
| them. Let any one of them through a con
ventiun called by authority of its Legislature
| solemnly resolve that the true policy of the
| South was to form separate government
and express a willingness and readiness t.
join any of her sister Southern States in the
| formation and maintenance of such govern
ment Let her invite in on imposing and sol
emn form all others agreeing with her il
opinion and object, to appoint delegates to
| convention to be held at time and place de
| signated, for the purpose of declaring their in
dependence and setting up government fo
| themselves Let such convention Of thu
States suggested or others meet and in ebedi
ence to the will and wish of their constituents
declare their independence of the present fed
eral Government, frame constitution and
form government, and proclaim themselve:
to the world a free and independent nation
Would any effort be made to force them back
into the Union? How and by whom
Could the federal laws of the old Government
be enforced over sovereign States thus united
and determined to be free Federal laws
and federal officers would be alike powerless
and impotent. Would ships of war be sent to
blockade our ports to enfoTce the collection o.
federal revenues, to cripple or destroy ouI
trade and break up our intercourse with for
eign nations ? Vain attempt! The million
and helf of cotton bales produced by these
four States, to say nothing of other articles Of
export, would burst asunder every barrier
which federal power could throw around
them. Prohibited by our own Laws from
passing into and through the adjoining States
of the old government these immense objects
of commerce and wealth would find their way
to the ocean and over it to all other countries,
in spite of federal laws or federal guns. Any
attempt to shut out such a supply from the
cotton looms of the old world would set all
Europe in blaze and bring to our aid the
hberating navies of every commercial nation.
Would an attempt be made to invade and
conquer US as rebels with federal arms and
federal armies The first regiment that
crossed Mason & Dixon's line On such an er-
rand would be the signal for the rising up OF
thousands Of stout hearts and stalwart arms,
even in those Southern States that had not
Joined US, to drive the abolition leaders back
to their dens. Who can for moment, sup
pose that the other slave States would either
stand indifferently by or join in a movement
Of the federal Government, usurped or con-
troled by northern abolitionists, to strike
down the spirit of southern resistance and Co
cree their kindred and friends into degrading
submission? No, sirs the very first at
tempt at federal legislation looking to coercion
the very first military movement towards
our conquest, would arouse the sympathies Of
all our sister Southern States, and drive them
out of the old and bring them with hasty
steps into the open and inviting arms of the
new republic Such would be the inevitable
effect of any hostile demonstration against the
new confederacy, and no such demonstration
would be made. Nor would it matter wheth-
er any effort were made or not to coeree the
seeding States into their former position IN the
Union. A new government once formed and
nut into operation would attract all the other
Slave States to it--no human power could
hold them off. The attractions of common
interest and common sympathy-ofa COM
mon race, language and religion-of common
danger, insult and injury--of kindred assocla-
tons and kindred institutions-of similar pur-
suits and similar obiects-of like origin and
a like destiny-would be as potent and as all
and all pervading natural laws of
and gravitation, to unite, fasten and
bind together by bond too strong to be bro
ken by the combind efforts of all the nations
Of the earth. No, fellow-citizens, let a South
ern confederacy be once formed by even few
IF the slave States, and all the laws which
control human action would stamp their i'm
press upon every southern State of this Union,
md be irresistible.
And now, for what cause, and on what oc-
,asion, shall such a movement be made by any |
IF the southern States This question is al
.eady answered to certain extent by the sol |
mn declaration of our own State, enumerated |
It Milledgeville in the Convention of Decem- |
,er, 1850 That Convention was not one |
ormed by voluntary primary meetings Of the /
,eople assembled in small numbers, and as
Usual in such cases controlled by few leading
nd ambitious men-it was Convention called |
" the Governor under the authority and in I
tructions of the Legislature-the delegates
we're elected by the people of the several coun-
les under the small rules and regulations of
were chosen after protracted and
eated contest, in which all the objects and
earrings of the proposed Convention were
ally discussed and considered by the people
it was an authoritative and imposing Con-
ention, composed of some of the ablest and
est men of both political parties in the State
it spoke the voice of the people in unmista-
able language, and although there was large
nd respectable party in the State which did
OF think that the Convention went far enough,
ct they acquiesced in its final action and its
,Iemn resolutions of resistance in the future,
may safely say that if the people of Georgia
ere never before or are not now, united upon
nv other political subject, they are united
BON the platform framed by that Convention
he 4th resolution of that platform declares
That the State of Georgia, in the judgment