The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-08-03
lFfOlIt Ute
Slave Trade.

| We design making a few remarks. and very
few indeed, upon this question, and what we
| shall say has no reference whatever to party.
1t is no party question The Democracy Of
Mississippi have decided that it shall be kept
out of the political arena And so have the
people of Tishemingo. And they have deci-
ded wisely. We cheerfully submit to the de-
cision, and under no CIRCUMSTANCES will we be
drawn into a.parfy discussion, ! Viewing it,
therefore, as g : question and one which
affects the DE- he whole ssaa.lesa rse'
pie. we shalls 1aere. express our os a!ln..
of It to time, ex. lriensee, and an enlightened
public opinion.
A great deal can be said pro and con- We
shall confine oursef to arguments in favor of
the foreign slave trade And the first is, that
it will give political power to the South. 1t
were fatal blindness to ignore the truth that
the two great sections of this country are dis
tinct and a fatal error to suppose that there can
be an equality of rights without an equality of
political power to sustain them. If the North
has an excess the North will govern, and
vice versa. 1t is utterly impossible that all
the paper instruments upon earth can give po-
litical equilibrium of social and political con-
ditions. Under these circumstances, the only
road to security is the road to political power
The slave trade will give us political power
Every fifty thousand slaves that come will
give us the right to thirty thousand votes in
the National Legislature, and thus, therefore,
will contribute directly to the political power
Of the South. But more than this The labor
basis at the South is too small to sustain even
our present superstructure or direction Slave
labors is too efficient and too cheap to permit of
hireling labor in competitor with it. It is too
valuable in agriculture TO be used at cotton
prices in manufactures and the mechanic arts
The difference at the South will be llar-
monized by the foreign slave trade. Every
white man of capacity viii own his slave
Every man of enterprise viii own his. labor
All of the ruling race will come to the same
social stand point; all will cast their votes
from the same position; as well at home as
abroad they will have common interest and
common cause the institution of American
slavery will become Refrigerated and erect, and
so compact and firm, will stand not only to
sustain itself, but to sustain the south, sublime
and composed among all the storms that rage
among other nations of the earth.
As an act ofjustice to the poor as to the rich
to Shareholders as to shareholders, it is
important that this state of things should
come about. The basis of slave labor, as |
have said, is too narrow for all to stand on.
To men of wealth it does not matter much; it
is equally well with them whether they are
on or off the platform. If of, they can pur-
chase back again, and it does not matter
whether the ticket of admission beat one hun
dred or one thousand dollars. 1t will be the
index of its value and it is of little concern to
him whether his wealth have this or any other
representative But to men compelled to
work their way, it makes all the difference
between their being slave owners or non-slaye
owners They are out of the ranks ofmasters
not from choice They may affect indiffer-
ence. to privilege from which they are exclu-
ded, but they have no repugnance to that con-
dition; perhaps the most common wish is that
they may approach it, and it is but fair and
just to that large class that slaves
shall be allowed to eomesip numbers sufficient
for them ,all, and that they shall have not only
the opportunity Of joining the class of slave
proprietors, but shall have every motive of
interest, as of feeling to do So and affirm the
nature and expand the fortunes Of that par
tubular form Of society with whose fortunes
they have CHANGED to be associated.