The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-12-08
POSITION OF SENATOR BROWN, OF
/ G; ssh MISSISSIPPI.

4 sketch OF q speech maue oy ocnooH Dfo"n, Va
Mississippi, before the members of the Legisla-
ture- The full report, which has come to hand
in the. columns Of the Mississippiar, is even
more interesting, for the novelty of his views,
than the photographic report has led us to ex-
pect. He would dislike to be compelled to,
| choose between Messrs. Seward, Douglas, and
Buchanan but of the trio, he gives the prefer
ence decidedly to the former, while Mr.. Blu
chanan stands lowest in his regards. The fol-
lowing racy picture viii be read with interest
"There are three classes of persons at the
| North who think it their privilege to discuss
and decide what are our rights under the Con-
stitution. First, those who broadly assert that
Congress has the power, and that it is its duty,
to exclude us, as Shareholders, from an equal
participation in the use and enjoyment of the
| Territories, the common property OF the States.
Mr.. Seward and his followers constitute this
class. They are our enemies, so acknowledged,
and we are theirs. ~ s. rs.
The second class are those who admit our
| equality-say that our slaves are property under
| the Constitution and that we have right to
! 60 like other people, into the Territories, and
| take our property with us-and then assert that
the people of the Territories, the first who get
there, may, by non action or unfriendly legsla-
ton, drive us out. These are Mr.. Senator
Douglas and his followers. They claim to be
Democrats, and shall therefore have, by-and.by,
my respectful consideration.
"The third class are those who not only ad-
NIT our equality, and our equal and just right
| TO go into the Territories and take our property
with u.s. but who assert that we are entitled to
| protection after we get there-but who assert,
| at the same time, that, although in power, they
] will do nothing to secure US In our rights. That
is to say, that no odds how far the laws may
fall short of establishing that justice, insuring
that domestic tranquility, providing for that
| common Defence and promoting that general
welfare which were the primary objects of or
| daining the Constitution, still that they will
pass no other laws, but will leave us to the
courts, unaided by statute laws, for our remedy.
To this class the President and majority of
his Cabinet and his Northern supporters gen
orally, belong.
Besides these, there is yet little band,
small and feeble too few to be classed as a
party-a mere handful-who assert our equal
ity under the Constitution, our rights to full,
perfect, and adequate protection, and who
maintain that it is their duty to use ali the
efforts in their power to secure US our rights.
So far as l can see they are Spartan band
fighting for naked justice, without leader,
without hope and for pure love of principle.
If they had a leader, / should love to hug him
to my bosom, call him brother, and pledge him
that we would fight together in defence of the
| Constitution, the Union, and the equal and
exact rights of every part of this great Confed-
eracy.
"While do not ignore the existence of this
little band and am even hopeful that better
day may dawn upon ii, my dealing for the
hour is with the other classes.
I" / have said of Mr. Seward and his follow
| Al Il ID tboirc
He has declared that there is an irrepressible
conflict between US. So there is. He and
his followers have declared war against US, and
| am for fighting it out to the bitter end. 1t rs
clear that one or the other must go to the wall,
and the sooner the better.
I" 1t is said by our opponents at home that in
the event of Mr.. Stewards election to the Presi-
dency on the distinct basis of his Rochester
speech, the South ought not to withdraw from
the Union, but wait for the overt act. If it Is
known that a great Captain has surrounded
himself by his followers, and is marching at
their head, with Southern subjugation written
on his banner, are we bound to wait until he is
actually in our dwellings before we prepare for
resistance? If a man who is known to keep
his word threatens to shoot me on sight, am
obliged by any law, either human or divine, to
wait till [ am actually shot before | make de-
fence? The election of Mr.. Seward or any
other man of his party is not per Sc justi6able
grounds for dissoving the Union. But the act
of putting the Government in the hands OF men
who mean to use it for our subjugaton ought
to be resisted, even to the disruption OF every
tie that binds us to the Union.
"Whatever may be the resolves of Mr.. Doug
las, and however far he may have wandered
from the plain teachings Of the Constitution
and that great national highway that leads to
national justice, yet hope that his flock may
listen to the voice of the good shepherd and
return to the paths of duty.
"Of Mr.. Buchanan and his friends | hardly
know what to say. If we are to take the Con-
stitutiOm newspaper as the exponent of their
views, | cannot hesitate to say that some OF
their positions are more indefensible than either
Stewards or Douglass. Seward denies us all
right to constitutional equality in the Terrific
ries; and monstrous this assumption Isl it
cannot be denied that his conclusion not to
give us protection is fairly deducible from his
premises. If we are not entitled as constitu-
tional right to equality, it is clear we can only
ask protection as a matter of grace. And in
that case Mr.. Seward and his friends may grant
it or not, as they please. / reject with scorn
his starting point, and thus show my disdain of
his arguments and his conclusions.
"When Mr.. Douglas admits our equality,
and our right to protection, he imposes on him
self, as one OF the supreme laWglverS OF this
country, an obligation to assist in giving US
; protection. This obligation he repudiates, and
sets up against it, and as paramount to it, a
right on the part of the people of Territory,
no odds how few in number, by non-acton or
unfriendly action, to deprive us of our rights.
| must say that, if we are to be robbed of our
rights, l prefer to have it done by Stewards
Congressional bandit, rather than Douglas
guerilla squatters.
Mr.. Buchanan comes nearly up to the
point-almost ful6ls the requirements of the
Constitution. But then he falters. He admits
our equality he asserts our rights to protec-
tion-denies the right of Douglass guerilla
squatters to exclude US. But when asked
whether he will recommend and urge his
friends in Congress to override the squatters,
and forbid them by non-action or unfriendly
legislation to deprive of our rights, he faters
; he hesitates, and finally says, No, 1 can't do
= that Mr.. Buchanan and his followers tell US,
if we deprived of our rights, we have an
3 appeal to court. And, pray, what does Mr.
Douglas tell us? If you are denied your
rights, go to court Most generous shepherds
: Noble guardians of our rights May we not
|, go to court as we'll and as safely without your
counsel as with it? How often shall we tell
you that this sending us to court is an insult
: ing mockery? How are we to get into court
on the complaint that the Legislature has done
{, nothing-passed no law for our protection !
How shall we maintain suit for our rights
against statute so unfriendly as to exclude us
and yet so cunningly worded as to lie com
pletely within purview of the Constitution?
, "Mr. Seward proposes to exclude US by the
direct vote of Congress Mr.. Douglas says no
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