Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1859-03-16

the territory you had better travel with your liquors
Hence if the local Legislature has the same right
over slaveproperty as over every other species of
property what right have you to complain Of that
equality? But if you do complain, how are you 60
ing to help it? And let me say to you that if you
oppose this just doctrine, if you attempt to exempt
slaves from the same rules that apply to every other
kind of property, you will abandon your strongest
ground of defence against the assaults of the Black
Republicans and Abolitionists."
Now, Mr., Speaker, while introduce Senator
Douglass speech to sustain the position which
have taken that slaves property and ought to be
taxed property, it must not be inferred that en-
dorse his opinion that territorial Legislature can
legally exclude slaves any other kind of property,
in the possession and enjoyment of which the con-
stituton protects Inc, from the common territory of
the United States. Congress cannot confer upon |
the territorial Legislature power which it does not
itself possess. To assume therefore, that terrific
rial Legislature the creature of Congress, can le-
gally exercise a power which it is admitted Con-
gress cannot exercise under the constitution, is a
monstrous absurdity for it is concedng to the ter
ritories, while they are dependent upon and under
the control of the general government, power
which only be exercised by them under the con-
sttution of the United States after they have been
admitted into the Union sovereign States If
the Legislature were to pass law excluding slavery
from territory, would not the Supreme Court of
the UnltcQ OLateS declare IL uncOnStltullOn! Anu
would not the general government protect me in the
enjoyment of my property in defiance of the law of
the Legislature? Has not Congress the lower
to abolish territorial government? If so, and
it exercises it. what becomes of the law, the Legs
lature, and the doctrine of popular severe gnty
in the territories? But to return to the discus
sion of the subject under consideration 1t will
be seen, Mr.. Speaker by the admirers of Sem
ator Douglas, that he sustains my position that
cloyoc pronartv and ouoht to ha faynd
as property. And he admonishes the South that
whenever you attempt to exempt slaves from the
same rules that apply to every other kind of pro-
perty, you will abandon your strongest ground of
defence against the assaults of the black Repub.
lcans and Abolitlonists." Therefore, Mr. Speaker,
those who attempt to exempt slaves from the same
rules that apply TO every other kind of property,
have, if Senator Douglass views are correct yielded
their strongest ground of defence against the as
sauts of the black Republicans and Abolitionists,
and are to that extent, giving "aid and comfort
to the enemies of the institution of slavery and the
South. But, Mr. Speaker, am not only sustained
by the high authority of Senator Douglas, in the
position that slaves are property, and be held
only as property but by authorities entitled to more
confidence and respect than even Senator Douglas.
l am sustained in my position, Mr.. Speaker, by the
constitution of the United States, by the fugitive
slave law, the decision of the Supreme Court of the
United States in the bred Scott case, and the con-
situations and laws of all the southern States under
all of which slaves are recognized and treated as
property. fit be admitted and presume no Sen
ator will deny it, that slaves property, why not
tax them as property? If they are property, why
should they be taxed only as persons? The black
Republicans and Abolitionsts say that slaves are
persons only and not property and those who insist
that they shall be taxed only as persons, and lat
tempt to exempt them from the same rules" of tax
alton that apply to every other kind of property"
tactly admit the truth of what they say. But if
slaves are property, are they, property entitled
to any exemption from taxation more than any
other species of property? Upon what reasonable
pretext can the owners of one species of property
claim an advantage over the owners of every other
kind of property, in paying the taxes necessary to
support a government which affords equal protec-
tion to all kinds of property?
Under government where there should be per-
feet political equality, and where has much
right to invest his money in land as has to invest
his in bank stock or C his in slaves, there certainly
can be no good reason why A and B should pay
more tax for the support of the government than
c. where the investments have been equal in amount
and where all the investments equally protected
by the government 1t will not be denied that all of
our citizens have the right to invest their means,
and general rule do invest them, in that kind of
property which they believe to be most remunera-
tive Now if A thinks $1,000 invested in land,
invested in bank stock or slaves, and B thinks
$1,000 invested in bank stock will pay him larger
profit than the same amount invested in land or
slaves, and thinks $1,000 invested in slave prof.
erty will pay him larger profit than the same
amount invested in land or bank Stock does that
furnish satisfactory reason why should be taxed
81 80 on his investment, B s. 40 on his, and only
81 20 on his This is the practical operation Of our
present system of revenues fully illustrates the in
expectancy, inequality and injustice of the sys-
tenn and furnishes a conclusive argument in
favor of the change proposed by the introduc-
ton of the bill before the Senate. But this
is not all, Mr.. Speaker, slave-property requires
and receives not only as much but more pro-
lection, under the government of North-Carolina,
than any other species of property. They are pro-
tected both property and persons This is as it
should be- but while they are and ought to be pro-
tected as persons and property they should be taxed
only as property. Ifmy neighbor inficts an injury
upon my slave may seek redress in the courts of
justice and recover damages for the injury done to
my property, but can recover nothing for the pain
and suffering inflicted upon my slave as person;
that is deed for which he must be indicted, con-
victed and punished as an offence against the "peace
and dignity Of the State" If therefore, slaves re-
quire and receive protection under the laws of
the State than any other kind of property, their
owners certainly ought to be willing to pay much
tax in proportion to value as the owners of other
property have to pay for the support OF the govern
nlent But there is another fact which should not
be overlooked Slave-property is not only as well
protected as any other kind Of property, but is
equally as profitable, if not more So than any other
kind Of property in the State. And that is not ALL
it not only as we'll protected and profitable to
its owners as any other kind of property, but is
much more easily convertible into money than any
other species of property in this State.
If then, Mr.. Speaker, the principle of taxation
| ho -, skoo
are property if species Of property as such Is
not entitled to superior advantages over another; if
slaves are acquired and disposed of like other prop
erty; if the owners of one species of property are
not entitled to greater privileges than the owners
of every other species Of property; if we have a
right to invest our money in whatever kind of prop
erty we choose. and choose to invest it in other
property than slaves, because we may think it will
hotkon clouo rfu and