, 1859-09-19


Court is made, By which it is declared that
Congress, if it desires to prohibit the spread Of
slavery into tho territories, hns no constitutions
Al poxerto do so.. Nut only so, but thut de-
cision laya down principles, which, il puslcdto TO
their logical concIusion-l say pushed to their
Logical conclusion, would decide explicitly Tint
the constitutions Of the free Statcs, !orbiddnE
slavery. are themselves unconstitutional. Mnrk
mo, do not say the Judge said this; and let no
mum soy that 1 affirm the Judge used taesc
words; but only say It ia my opinion that
vhnt thor did say, if pressed to its Logical con.
c'osicn, vi Inevitably result thus. lCries Of
"good! goodF']
tv, as understand It's principles aud policy.
believe that there is great dauger Of the instltu'
ton Of slavery being spread out md extended,
until it is ultimately made alike lawfulin all the
states or: ills Union 50 believing, to prevent
that incidental and ultimate consummation, Is
the real and chief purpose of the Republican Or
ganlzation. say, "chief purpose Of the lie.
that if tue national House, shall fill into tho
hands Of the Republicans. slcJ. will hare to at~
tend TO I'LL the other matters OF national house.
keeping; MS well rs this. This chief aud real
purpnso If the Republican party is etnlnently
conservative. It proposes nothing. sase nnd
except to restore this government to its Original
tone, ia regard to this element Of slavery, and
there to maiutain it, locking for no further
change. in reference TO it, tIan that which the
original framers Of the government themselves
expected and looked forward to.
The chief danger to this purpose Of the ke-
publican party ID not just now the revival oi the
african slave trade, or the passage OF Con-
second bred Scott decision, making siaTery
lawful in oil the States- These ara not pressing
Us just now. They arc not quite ready Jet.
fhe authors Of these measures know that we
arc too strong for them; but they will be upon
us in due time, and We will be grappling
with them hand to hand, it they are NOT now
headed of They are not now the chief danger
tion; but the most imminent danger TINT no"
threatens that purpose, is that insldous Doug.
las Popular Sovereignty. This is the miner and
sapper. While it docs not propose to revive the
African slnye trade, nor to pass slave code,
no. to make second bred Scott decision, it ts
preparing ua for the onslaught aud charge of
these ultimate enemies, when they shall be
them to advances shall be given. I say this
Douglas Popular Soyereignty-for, there is a
broad distinction, rs understand it, between
that article aud genuine popular Sovereignty.
heliere there is a genuine popular sovereign
IT,. think definition Of genainc Popnla. soT-
ereiguty, in the abstract, would be about this
that each nau shall do precisely as he pleases
with himself, and with all those things which
exclusively concern, him. Applied to govern
1nent, this principle would he, that general
government shall do all those things which per-
tain to it, and al the local governments shall do
precisely as they please IN respect to those mat
ters which exclusively concern mem. ! 9nder-
stand thnt thus government Of tne unltea otates,
under which we live, is based upon this princi-
pie, and an misunderstood if it is supposed
TINT have any war to make upon that prin-
ciple.
now. "4at Is 1uoge Honglas fopo!ar ooger
etga1y: Hls, as a PllneiPie, np oIhel tnan
that, II cpe man chooses 70 MAKE = slaIe ot
anothef man, nehner that oihef man of anyboay
else nas right to object, tcneers aaa laughter
Applied in government, as ne seeks 10 apply It,
Il Is sh1s-it, in new territory into which
lew people are beg1aulnE to enter Tor tue pur-
pose Of making their homes, they choose TO
either exclude s!ayery IRON their limits, or TO
establish 1t there, however one or tae other may
aaecs the Pcrsons TO be enslavcd, or rtheinf'ulfe-
y greater number OF persons WHO are inter
wards 70 aneanit tnaI teff1tory, or the othef
members ol me iam,nes 81 communities, OF
which they are hnt an 1ncipient member. or the
general head OF the family Of States as parent
ot all-howerer their acllon may affect one Or
tie other Of these, there is no power or right
to interfere. That is Douglas Popular SoF-
eighty applied.
he has good deal Of trouble with his Popn-
-. 1''StctH.sJ. A1o .f'~.oaotJ
Of explanations explained are 1ntermannhle
(1aughter): The most lengthy and, as
suppose, the most maturely considered OF bis
long series Of explanations, Is bis great essay
IN Aafpers Magazine t!ouEhter). ~it not at-
tempt to eutcr npou any very thorough inTestl-
CATION Of his argument rs there made and pre-
aeuted. will nevertheless occupy d good nor
tion to certain points in it. Such Of you as
may have rcad this document will hare pcrceiv-
ed that the Judge, early in the document quotes
from two persons as belonging to the Republi-
can party, without naming them, but who ecu
readily recognized as being Governor Seward
Of New York and myself It is true, that ex-
actly fifteen months ago this day, believe,
for the first time expressed sentiment upon
this subject, and in such amanner that it should
get into print, that the public might see it be-
yond tue circle of u1y hearers, and my expires.
sion Of it at that time is tho quotation that
Judge Douglas makes. He has not made the
quotation with accuracy, hut Justice to him re-
quircs me to say that it is sufficiently accurate
not to change its sense.
The sense Of that quotation condensed is this
that this slavery element il durable element
Of discosd umone US, and that we shall proba.
Lty not have perfect t,eace in this country With
it until it either m: sters the free principle in
our government or il so far mastered 6y The
free principle as for the public mind to rest in
timent, which now express IN this wav, waa at
no great distapce Of time, perhaps in different
language. and in connection with some collate.
raj ideas, expressed br Cor. Sewnrd. Judge
Douglas has becn 50 much annoyed hy the cx-
precision Of that sentiment that be has constant.
iy, believe, in almost all his speeches since it
was uttered. been referring to it, I {ind lie al.
luded to It in his speech here, as well ns in tile
copyright essay (iaughtcr), do not now enter
upon tlis for the purpose Of making NJ clabo.
rate argument to show that ne were right IN
the EXPRESSION Of that sentiment. In other
words. shall not stop to SAY all that nirhi
properly be said upon this point, but only
ask your attention to it for the PURPOSE Of max.
ing one or two points upon il,
1fyou will read the capy.riebt essav. you will
discover that Judve Douglas himself ssvs tLat
controversy brtwecn H. American Colonies
and the government of Great Britain began on
the slavery question in 1893, and continued from
that time Until the Revolution; and while he
did not say 30. we ali know, that it has con,inu
ed with more or less violence eyer since the Rev.
olution.
Tbcn nc need not appeal 10 history, to The
declarations Of the trainers Of The government
but We know from Judge Douglas himself thai
slavery began to be IN clement II discoyd among
the wi,;te 5eoplc or this country a. far back *
loo 1nr dns eplu hnnarcd ard .s;1tv rears aro -
or fiye rene,ations Of men--countiay tailty
years to a generation. Now it would seen,
Ia ma that il might hove occurred to
Judge Douglas, or anybody who bud turned
lis attention to these fac9s, that there some.
thing in the nature of TINT thing, Slavery,
80 nsghat durable for mischief and diseord.
I.moIfer1
Thcre i. auother potut I desire to make in 70.
rard to This matter, before leaYe it. From