The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-05-05
THE WAR PROSPECT IN EUROPE.

The long promised Ministerial statements OF
the progress and actual state of negotiations
upon the Italian question were made in the
British House of Lords by the Earls of Malmes
bury and Derby, and in the House of Commons
by Mr.. Disraeli, on the 18th ult.
"From these revelations, it appears that the
Informal INTERPRETATION attempted by the Eng.
lish Government through the visits of Lord
Cowley to Paris and Vienna, had reached an
encouraging stage when the proposition of a
general Congress, emanating from Russia, was
received. Abandoning its individual efforts,
the British Cabinet at once devoted itself to ad-
vance the Russian project but early encoun-
tered serious difficulty in the refusal of Aus
tria to treat unless Sardinia disarmed Suisse
quently, this difficulty was obviated by a sug-
gestion that the three quasi belligerent Powers
should disarm previous to the meeting of the
Congress- Austria acceded to this plan, but
Sardinia declined, and the Emperor of the
French would only comply with an important
odi6cation-namely, that if Sardinia disarm-
ed, she should be admitted to a seat in the
Congress, and that the disarmament should not
precede the deliberations of the Congress, but
should constitute their initial topic. AS there
was no hope of Austria or England acquiescing
in these requirements, the ultimate possibility
of pacific settlement seemed, at the departure
of the steamer, to have entirely vanished In
deed, in all well-informed circles, it was under
stood that the object of the counter proposition
of France was merely to gain time for the com
pletion of her military preparations"
The Earl of Derby made an able speech, in
the course of which he said
"The time is nearly come when England
which has, indeed, made one more effort, sug-
gested one more proposition, which | am not
at liberty to lay before your Lordships-shall
say that, the period has gone by for trihing, and
that, having exhausted all her powers of per-
suasion, and left no stone unturned to effect a
settlement upon principles which have received
the unanimous approval of her Parliament, she
must, however reluctantly, withdraw from inter
ference in affairs in which she can no longer
hope her interference would be useful to the pub
lie interests or consistent with her own dignity,
and must again reserve to herself as she has
done up to the present moment, absolute and
entire freedom to take such steps as she NAV
hereafter think fit. Cheers
any noble friend has already pointed out the
lamentable consequences which must arise, Il
war does break out, to Italy herself, whatever
be the ultimate result, or whoever be in the first
instance successful. l think my noble friend
undertakes the magnitude of the danger. if he
supposes that the war will be confined to Italy
1t will be war, in the first place, of the most
sanguinary description, because war of princi
pie and of passion. 1t will not be war be-
tween two great nations contending for some
definite object, but war exciting the most VIC
lent passions and once begun in Italy, it will
extend far beyond the limits of that country
Other passions will be reused, other interests
will be touched, other nations will be called tc
interfere, and the war originating in Italy will
certainly at no distant period extend far and
wide, wrapping the whole of Europe in one
general confagration."
Mr.. Gladstone condemned in strong language
those passages of Mr.. Disraeli's speech in which
he seemed to imply that if England took part
in the probable war, it would be on the side o.
Austria. The English people cannot be drag
ged into the support of Austrian absolutism.