The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-12-29
For the National Era.
WHAT DO THEY WANT2

Or, rather, what can they, as reasonable
men, expect of persons opposed in principle TO
slaveholding? Can they expect that such per-
sons believing as they do that slaveholding is
a trrong, will compromit principle, and, out of
pure regard for the Shareholders, and to make
them feel less insecure in their possessions,
abolish the liberty of speech and of the press
in the Northern States? Is this what they ex
pect? Is this what they desire?
There are millions of people in the United
States, and not few in the slaveholding States
themselves, who conscientiously consider the
Institution a monstrous 1oroRg-as clearly a
wrong as extortion, fraud, cheating, stealing,
robbing, are wrongs for IL has a common
origin with observation-disclosures selfshness, which
is condemned alike by the teachings of Christ
and by right reason. Necessity cannot be
pleaded in palliation, for the power that is re-
quisite to reduce or to hold the labor of another
man to my exclusive use, proves a physical
ability to be existing in me to earn my sub
sistence by my own labor.
Honestly believing this, is it reasonable in
the wrong-doer-so considered by me-to ex-
condemn the wrong whenever l may have &C.
casion TO refer to it ? To whose ears do | speak
of it, and to whose eyes do | write Not for
those of the slaves, for they are too distant to
hear, and are so comprised about with domes
tic and police regulations, that my words cannot
reach their ears, nor my writings their eyes;
nor could they indeed read it, if it were laid
L e
upon them by law.
Why, then, should l forbear 10 speak and
write in condemnation of slaveholding as a
moral wrong? My talking and writing are not
expected or intended to reach the slaves. PERI
chance they may reach their masters and
shall / therefore be silent, lest an arrow from
my bow should pierce the conscience Of the
wrong -doer and discharge long-cherished alb
scess of a mass of corrupt and degrading prin-
ciples2
1t seems to me that no really rational man
can expect US thus to muzzle our own speech
and our own presses. Ifa thing so unreasonable
is expected, it were well enough to let them
know at once that their expectation is as vain
as il is unreasonable. Let them then make up
their minds, without more ado, to endure as
well as they can pain which is without rem
edy for, so long as Slavery endures, and there
are mind. and souls in the world which regard
it as a moral wrong and political evil, so long
will it continue to be condemned and repro
bated And slaveholding, simply of itself, is
not all, in regard to the people OF color In the
South, that must continue TO elicit expressions
of adherence and condemnation. Among the
odious consequences of the " institution" that
of diyesting free people of their liberty by law
reducing them and their children to Slavery
forever, if they dare to remain in their native
land-not as penalty for crime of which they
have been duly convicted, not even for an al
legged offence but merely because their freedom
may possibly inspire the slaves with desires for
liberty, is so extreme degree of barbarity and
oppression, that it is not possible for any one
mbued with principles of justice and humsni-
ty to contemplate the hideous monster without
loathing aud indignation.
That Slavery is q political. eril, the simple
fact that it has caused the Union itself to be
threatened with dissolution is a demonstration.
Nor do they who SO fippantly threaten the
country with this dire calamity hope for it as
a measure of redress. By no means. They are
not fools--far from it-and only idiots can see
any advantage whatever to be gained for slave
holders by the severing of the bond that binds
these States in one. No; it is not redress they
seek, but revenge. They know well that there