Litchfield enquirer., 1859-09-22

I ise Act, which being he says, inconsiste,
 with the principles of the Compromises C
 1850 and of Popular Sovereignty, is void
 that the people of that Territory should b
 allowed, or not, as they see fit, to have Slave
 ry-lt being the true intent and mea ding of tn
 act neither to plant Slavery therein nor to ex
 clnde it therefrom, but leave it subject to tn
 will of the people.
 That is the foundation of what is the pres ent National Democratic doctrine. It is th' doctrlne~of indifference, of neutrality, of per 1 feet impartiality between Liberty and Slavery in opposition to the doctrine of Jefferson aIt Washington and the modern Republicans which was that Slavery should exist only where Slavery had previously been legalize' or established, and aN free territories should be free only eyermore. We stand on the olt ground and we combat the doctrine misnaned Popular Sovereignty, which 10 man ever hcarc of prior to the letter of General Class, written to Nicholson in December, l847, CT January lS48, wherein the doctrine was first proponnd- cd. We stand by the old paths We walk in the ways of our fathers, while the doctrines propounded on the other side, however just and wise, are certainly new ones. They were unknown to Democrats, FederaIists or Wings of the earlier days of this Republic They are modern inventions, and in my judgment modern fallacies. Let me endeavor to show wherein their fallacy consists
 In the first place, the authors of these doc trlnes-and you may test q doctrine best by seeing how strictly it's authors support it-thc authors themselves shrink from applying their doctrines to new case. Here is the one revi- wing the African slave-trade. The new doc triue of to-day. in opposition to that of our fla thers, afirms Slavery not to be a positive ev
 but local and sectional good. The modern Democracy doctrine pretty generally every where, and countenanced by all it's platforms, is, that though Slavery may be bad thing in the Northern latitude, yetin the tropical South it is good thing--a benc6cent thing that you can't work down there except by slaves, and cannot make black men work there cx- cept by making them slaves. That is the doc urine. Suppose it true? Then go forward. In Florida or Texas according to this doc Urine, it is benefit for the people to have slaves. Certainly, and, with the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, the people eau do as they please. Slavery is good thing in cer- tain localities. Very we'll "But," say the people, i've want slaves here in Florida and Texas, and you concede our right to judge for ourselves whether to have or not have them. You concede this on the ground of Popular Sovereignty, and also admit that Slavery is a good thing in certain localities. Now, then, by what right shall you confne us in looking round for the slaves You admit we want them, aud yet couiine us to that market where we have to pay a thousand dollars 8 head, when there is another wheye we could bny them for cue hundred dollars head" On what principle--this is Douglass proposition {; can you avoid it Nobody proposes to make Douglas buy any slaves--aithough, believe, his children own some in Miss.s>ippi--nobody proposes anybody shall buy slaves, or any State allow the importation of them that does not choose to- Now, under what right of Pop ulur Sovereignty, whether of MT. Buchanau's or Mr. Douglass platform, do you deny to the people of those States, now importing slaves claudestinely y-as they have and will, ill spite of your laws--the power to make laws for themselves, under which they shall import them lawfully, openly, and in the face of day r. They are the popular sovereigns of their own States. They say they want slaves. You say
  When you allow this, that they have a right to say whether they shall have slaves or not :; when you have insisted that they shall be their own judges, and said that in those hot aud tropical climates labor can be done only by slaves how do you turn a short corner and say that they shall only buy them ill Virginia and Maryland at one thousand dollars head when they can suit themselves much better at one-tenth the price in the African market
 How can Douglas say that he will not be candidate for President at the next National Convention if the re-opening of the slave-trade form porti of the platform, when he has, by popular sovereignty affirmed by the Nebras- ka Bill, agreed to leave the people free to act for themselves? What use to leave them free? If they can have slaves, what use to fix the market so high they cannot buy them I say the construction of the popular sove- reign ground is that of the African slave trade. They say, We are in favor of Pop ular Sovereignty" Now, let us buy slaves where we can afford to buy them, rather than send to Virginia and buy them at a price we cannot afford. l believe that the true and ol,-
 y construction, and the one contended for when that doctrine shall have been established as the doctrine of this Union-as I trust it never can be- But when it shall be establish ed and acquiesced in, they who uphold it Call net resist the admission that the slave-trade may be Iegitimately and lawfully opened, as it is already clandestinely and secretly carried on. The Republicans maintain forlnidable front, that they shall not reduce their doctrine to practice. and reopen the African slaye-trade. Well, thea-I near great deal of .lepre- cation of Slavery agitation. Some men won der why we canuot be still about Slavery - Why, can let it alone if it will let me alone but there have been questions sprung upon the country continually by the Slave Power. The annexation of Texas was Pro-Slavery meas ure, known to be such. The repeal of the AI;.a....: r.-....-o;ao limo of IQO0 waS neither