The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-09-29
PErERBoRo. Sept. 10, Is59.

- .Fh PETERB0Ro, Sept. ~, looS.
To the Editor Of the National Eya;
notice your criticism on the letter in which
decline to attend the approaching Anniyersa-
ry of the Rescue of Jerry.
You represent me as hold, lersthat Congress
should abolish Slavery in tb1 s-s,tes." In this
you are mistaken. Ny spec shes and writings
abundantly show how / woul compass the over
throw of American Slavery. | would have no
man made Federal Judgetwho recognises a
law for Slavery; and every Federal Judge who
does, / would have impeached. In this wise
the abomination would soon be brought to an
end.
You deny that the Repub lean party admits
the legality of Slavery in The slave States"
But that party admits the litigation to return
fugitive slaves. And is it >not on the ground
that the claim for them in tie States is legal
one, that it would have then. returned? Should
Germans emigrate from the South to the North,
the claim for their forcibls return would be
secuted as illegal.
You see no ground for Try apprehension of
servile instructions. But ou would, had you
my acquaintance with the nstster spirits among
the black men of the Northern States and Can
ada. Before going to Congress, hile>there, and
ever since, have predicted such instructions,
and have urged the preve ntion of them by
means of political action. Slavery might have
been brought to peaceful Seath at the ballot
box. But neither the Meth nor the South
would consent to do that. Its violent termina
ton is all that remains. GERRIr SMITH.
RENARKs.--It seems from. the foregoing let
ter, that we misapprehended.Mr. Smiths mode
of accomplishing the abolition of Slavery in the
States by the Federal Government. Instead of
believing that Congress possesses that power,
he thinks it the duty of the federal Judges to
liberate the slaves, we suppose, in disposng of
the writ of habeas corpus. This summary
method of disposing of the matter is liable to
all the objections which can be urged against
Legislative interference with the reserved rights
of the States. Certainly tho slave States did
not intend to concede this ptwer to the Federal
Judges, any more than they offended to concede
the power to the Federal Legislature 1t is to be
remarked, also, that such an exercise of power
by the Federal Government, even for the most
beneficial purposes, would change its whole
character, and render it consolidated Govern
ment with unlimited power instead of limit
ed Federal compact. Tha. such transforma-
ton would be fatal to the lii critics of white men
as well as black, was the universal opinion
among the trainers of the Constitution and,
certainly, the history of tn; country, by show
ing constant tendency I. the concentration
of power in the central Government, has not
tended to remove apprehe sion on this score.
The very evil of the times has been a usurpa-
ton of power by the admin ,trators of the Fed
eral Government, for the sa e of upholding and
propagating Slavery. :
In regard to the fugitive slave law, the Re-
publican party has made rs declaration of its
views; but doubtless diversity of opinion ex-
lists upon the subject I'll position that the
Era has ever maintained is, that tho clause
providing for the renditio.,. of fugitives from
labor is one of the agreements or compacts
among the States, like the milar clause for the
rendition of fugitives from Justice and that no
power is conferred upon Congress to legislate
in either case. 1t is for the States to execute
these clauses of the Constitution. 1t may be
admitted that this and one or two other clauses
of the Constitution rink at the existence OF
Slavery; but we have the authority of Mr.. Mad
ison, who reported the proceedings of the Con
vention, for saying that tie terms slave and
slavery were avoided, becanse the Convention
was not willing to admit in the Constitution the
idea that there can be property in man.