Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1859-09-16
the people an opportunity of voting on it. Mr.;


also been submitted to popular vote. Now
hc is willing that the whole slavery dispute III
,nv Territory, ard all questions that can arise
concerning the rights Of the people TO that or
ether nronertv, shall be decided at once by 4
Territorial Legislature, without any submission
at all. Popular sovereignty IN the last Con,
cress meant the freedom oil the people from all
the restraints Of law and order: now II means
a government which shall rule them with rod
of iron. 1t swings like pendulum IRON one
side clear over to the other 49,,
Mr.. Douglas opinions on tins suo)ec' o'
sovereign territorial governments are very Sn''
cular: but the reasons he has produced 10 sup
port them are infinitely more curious sun. TOT
instance. he shows that Jefferson once miro
diced into the old Congress OF the 'onieuc!a'
ton a plna for the government OF the ler'''o ,,
rics, calling them by the name OF new S'ateS'
hut not making them anything like sovereign
or independent States; and though tins was u
mere experimental projet. which was rc)ec'eu
By Congress, and never afterwards referred 10
by Jefferson himself, yet NJ. Douglas argue,
upon it as if it had somehow become part OF
our fundamental law.
Again lie says that the States gave 10 the
Federal Government the same powers winch rs
colonies they had been willing to conccde to
the British government, and kept those which
as colonies they had claimed for themselves
If he will read a common school history OF the
Revolution and then look at Art !. sec. : OF
the Constitution. he will find the two follow
ing facts fully established: l. That the Federal
Government has power to lay AMI collect
taxes. duties, impostS and excuses; and, ,.
That the colonies, before the Revolution, utter
" refused to be taxed by Great Britain; and, 50
far from conccding the power, fought against it
for seven long years.
There is another thing in the article which,
if it had not come frons distinguished senator,
and very upright gentleman. would have been
open TO some imputation Of un!arneSS. He
quotes the Presidents message, and begins in
the middle of a sentence lie nroiesseSsto give
the very words and makes Mr. buchanan say:
THAT slavery exists in Kansas By virtue, OF the
Constitution of the United State" What
Mr.. buchanan did say was very different
thing. 1t was this 1T has been solcmnly adj
Judged by the highest judicial tribunal known
virtue of the Constitution of the United
S,stcs." Everybody knows that by treating
the Bible in that way YOU can prove the non-eX-
istcncc Of God.
The orgumcntu m mlhomincm * not fair, and
we do not mean to use it. Mr.. Douglas has y
right to change his opinions whenever he
peases. But we quote him as we would any
other authority equally high in favor o.! truth
We can prove by himself that every PROPOSE
ton he lays down in Harper S Magazine is
founded in error Never before has any public
man in America completely revoIutionized
his political opinions in the course Of eighteen
months We DO not deny that the change is
heartfelt and conscientious. We ONLY insist
tina, he formerly stated his propositions much
more clearly, and sustained them with far
greater ability and better reasons, than he does
now.
When he took tour TO the South, nj the be-
ginning of last winter. he made speech at
New Orleans, in which he announced to the
people there that he and his friends in Illinois
accepted tie Dred .Srot; decision, regarded sttreS
as property, and fully admitted the right of Il
Southern man to 20 into any .ttder( tertiary
with his slave and to hold him there as "ih,r
property is held.
In ls+9 he voted in the Senate for wha: was
called Walkers amendment, by which it was
proposed to put all the internal affairs Of Cali
lornia and New Mexico under the domination
of the Presidsnt, giving him almost unlimited
power Iegisiatirs. iydiciol, and cJccHtirt over
the Internal affairs Of those Territories. (Scc
3oth Cong, p. y Undoubtedly this was 4
strange way Of treating sovereigntie>. If M
Douglas is right now, lie was guilty then Of
most atrocious usurpat;on.
Utah is as much n sovereign State rs any
other Territory, and as perfectly entitled 10
enjoy the right of scli:government. On the
18th of June, 1851, Mr.. Douglas made speech
about Utah at Springfield, Illinois, in which he
expressed his opinion strongly in favor of he
absolute and unconditional 1tpem Of the
organic act, btotting tie territorial gorcrmaeht
ont IF existence. and putting the people under
the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United
States, ike 1t rort, arsenal, dock-yard, or
aaga.iae lie does not seem to have had the
least idea then that he was proposing 10 en-
tinguish sovereignty, or to traInple upon the
sacred rights of an independent people.
The report which he made to the Senate in
lSjG, on the Topeka Constitution, cnunciates Il
very different doctrine from that Of the maya
zine article. 1t is true that the language Is 4
little cloudy. hut TO one can understand the
following sentences to signify that the territorial
governments have sovereign power 10 take
away the property of the inhabitants:
The sovereignty Of II Territory remains i'll Gjt u
aar. .nsD.nd.d in the United States, IL NUsf t"r IN.
p.oi. mil Mey skai be ad'aR.I i@to he Imam rs q
.S,dt,. In Ms m.1"itm. they are admitted TO ENJOY
and exercise al the rights and privileges OF ScIig"-
vernmcnt IN saJor}indtion 10 M, ConstjtutioH OF the
United States, and ~ nEEDIEScE To TIE ORGANIC LAW,
passed by Congress in pursuance of that instrument.
These rights and privileges are MI derived from the
Constitution Mrough III. oct cf Congr,sS, and must be
exercised and cniovcd in subsection % al the liiuita
L. 1tttsF. ft.
poses"
The letter he addressed to a Philadelphia
meeting in February, 1853, is more explicit,
and, barring some anomalous ideas concerning
the abeyancs Of the power and the suspension
Of it IN trust, it is clear enough:
Under our territorial system, il requires sovc-
reign power to ordan and establish constitutions and
governments. While II territory may and should
enjoy all the rights of scgovrrnmcnt. IN o5,d'.ac,
IL ds o,gahic lar, il is NOT SOVEREIGN ro"LE. The
socsr.ighty Of Territory 1tDdHS IN dJeydhct, '".-
ptEdd III the United States, IN trnt for TIE grGPt'
ri,n they J,eoms d !St,a., and ci"Dot be wdh'i'""h
JroD. III. hanis 81 The H.tee and r.si.i IN the I''Yf
ofa Territory ritLomM he consent Of t""gr.ss."-
The report which he made in the same month,
from the Senate Committee on Territories, is
equally distinct, and rather more emphatic
against his new doctrine
- This committee in their reports haze always held
that territory Is not sovereign power that inc 80
yrrcirnty Of territory Is in nbcya suspended in
the United States, ia trust tor the people when they
become II State: that the United States H. trustees,
carno bc Invested OF the sovereignty. nor tile Terri
tory bc Invested with the night 10 assume and cXcr-
else it, without the consent o Congress. II the pro-
position bctr that sovereign power alone can m
.t;tV's gorernmtnts, and that the sovereignty oi
territory is IL ahryancc, suspended III the United
States. in trust for the people whc! they hcconc II
State aud that the Sovereignty cannot bc Invested
from the hands ct II trustee without the assent Of
Congress, it follows, an inevitable CONSEQUENCE
that the Kansas Legislature dl no; and roud not
confer upon the Lccvm,ton convention the sovereign
power OF or.lanmg 81 constitution tor the people o
kansas. in place OF tie "r:i!!t 1T passed by Con
crr>>
The days are past and gone when when Mr..
Douglas led the fiery assaults Of The opposition
in the Lccomp.on controversy. Then 1t was
his object to prove that Territorial Lcgisla'
turc. 80 iar from being oinuipotcnt, was power
less even to authorize an election Of Delegate,
IN considcr obout their own aiIlirs In was rs