The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1859-01-30
rnE roLIcY or oun FonEIGN nEIArIoNs.


THE POLICY OF OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
We have few interests of strictly political ma
ture with other governments. AT home and abroad
We look to the of industry than 10 the
triumph of peculiar politics. The extension OF com.
merce with foreign States and Of course, the main
tenance Of friendly relations, objects OF primary
importance TO the American people--objects to ac-
complish which no reasonable effort should be
spared. live had political interests to maintain
it would be the dictate of wise economy and sound
policy to do whatever might be done to enlarge our
intercourse with other nations.
1t is mdeniably true that we owe something TO
the opinions OF the world We are in no respect
isolated. We have been foremost in efforts TO re-
move restrictions from universal commerce and
have sought especially to enlarge the sphere of its
operations by procuring license for ships and
according Ike privileges to those of other
nations, TO be the common carriers between
the ports Of foreign States. commercial, agri
cultural, and manufacturing people, ana possess
ing peculiar advantages in all these great de
partmens of industry, it has been the pride of our
couutrymen that we have been foremost in exerions
TO Iiberalize. enlarge, and consolidate international
intercourse, in removing obstacles which lay in the
way of such intercourse in securing the absolute
freedom of The seas, aud in breaking down the am
Gent policy of exclusiveness which had long dis
figured the governments Of the world. We are not
and never can be- an isolated people. 1t is policy
utterly repugnant to the very constitution of the
American mind, inconsistent with our material inter
l.l. ,F
cal government. All experience has shown that the
energy sagacity, and enterprise Of the American
people are fully equal to those of any other nation
We have nothing to fear and everything to gain from
intimate relations with the governments of the world.
Our industry is largely based upon such inter
course. Tire channels Of commerce cannot be too
numerous, too deep, or too thoroughly explored
We are yet in Tie infancy of our career Our
ships are upon all the public waters in all for
eign ports. We are recognised as one of the first
commercial powers. Can il be said that it is the
policy of such people, with such fruits of inter
course before them to begin the work Of retreat by
adopting a system of barbarian exclnsis eness !?
When the sealed empires OF China and Japan just
thrown open to the missionary influence of commerce
and Christianity when Persia invites us to her ports
and throws around our adventurous counrymen tho
protection of her laws is it wise, humane, or ju-
Iicious TO put dominos, to hide lights under
bushel-to extinguish the fires Of our admirable
commercial engine. Diplomatic representation is a
law of universal government We might not con
cur in the justice and necessity Of this law as an
original rule of the nations but we have not the
power even to modify it, If it is wrong, it is not
wen to attempt its abrogation by disregarding all
the forms of its ancient poiy. We might possibly
suggest radical improvements in the various govern
ments of the world but that is not in our way, be-
yond the force OF example. We exist as State
and hold relations with other States on principles of
equality. We ask no more than this Then it fol-
lows that we must take matters find them. If
we seek foreign intercourse, the presumption is that
it will be for our benefit and advantage perhaps for
the benefit and advantage of others. If we maintain
agents abroad, they are supposed TO be the repre-
sentatives of our industry-of great agricultural
manufacturing and commercial industry. Are these
interests to be neglected for the pary sum of two
hundred thousand dollars year, to be saved thereby
to the treasury? Our political interests abroad are
very limited and it is fact worthy Of special note
that, amongst all the schemes of politicians, foreign
programmes do not enter into them. Nobody goes
abroad for political effect nobody seeks foreign
land as the avenue to home promotion
Then what means this economical eruption against
the profgacy of our foreign intercourse2 Has its
expenses enlarged as those of other departments
Of the government have expanded? Are its fruits,
which have been gathered into every hamlet Of the
country, no longer tasteful desirable? Is sys
tenn of social intercourse with the nations to be
abandoned? Are we too good TO be friendly and too
rich any longer to indulge others in the consumption
Of our fabrics and products Are we entirely
independent? Clearly, there is some misapprehen-
sion about this business some danger of committing
q grave error We have hardly recorded our visit
to Japan and ceased rejoicing it's admirable ter
mnaiion before met by species of furore in
Congress against the maintenance of our. position in
the family of States Is it wise thus TO actH Is it
what our interests, our pride, character
commercial nation demand 1t is not our reading of
the views of The American people.
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