Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1859-05-30

are confined almost exclusively to the registry
simply of the Imperial DEGREES. From a
translation of the recent debate on the law
authorizing the loan of 100000, 900 frances
for the war in Italy, (Which we find in the
National Lltelligencer) we infer that there was
considerable difference of opinion among the
members. not only as to the utility of the
war itself, but as to the profitableness of it's
results, even should victory crown the French
army. Thus
NJ. Plichon said:
He voted aye, but with sadness. with grief.
and especially with the profound conviction
that the Government had needlessly embrol-
led the country in war full of hazards and
peris for objects at the least uncertain. In
his Judgment, it did not appear from any
communication of the Government that the
policy of Austria in Italy has of late been
threatening either to the honor or security OF
France any more than to the balance ofpower
in Europe. The political condition of Italy
was not a new fact. Since that condition
had been what it now is, many Governments
had succeeded each other in France. None
OF these Governments had judged that under
thee circumstances, France had an interest
sufficiently serious in that condition to justify
war. He now wishes the Government 10 de-
d
war it was going to make. Was it revolu-
tionary war, or was it a political war? Was
1t the negati0n or the conservation of the eX-
petition to Rome? He wanted to know
whittier they were going aud where they
would stop. He could we'll understand that
the Government should be interested IN the
fate of Italy, that 1t should seek by the infiu-
ence OF its counses to soften for that country
the rigors of foreign Nominations He could
well understand why France should second
with its wishes the Italian cause;bu beyond
this we neither could nor should go. He had
ever been opposed tothe policy of Intervention
In his opinion the moral exampl' of Pied
mont, If that State had been sore skillful and
discreet in its conduct towards Austria
would have acted much more efficaciously
for the ameloration of the fate of Italy than
all the armies of France could hope to do.
At the best. supposing all the difficulties
of the war surmounted. and the victory as
sured, what would France make by her
victory? How would they be able to recon-
struct Italy so as to meet the wishes of the
Italians? In his Judgment, the French pro-
tectorate would be no better liked than the
Austrian. At different periods France had
held sway in Italy, and she had never had
occasion to congratulate herself at the fact.
Towards the close of the last century the
French were received in Italy as deliverers
In 1915 they were driven out as oppressors.
For Italy the deliverers of 1915 were the
Austrians, these same Austrians who are the
oppressors of to day.
Even if the war, instead of spreading and
becoming European, were reduced to the
proportions of struggle between France
and Piedmont on the one hand against Aus
| tria on the other, alone and depending on
| her own forces he would consider it a very
| grave event. But lie could not see what
| guarantees they had against that mysterious
unknown which every war hides in it's bosom.
In his opinion the internal peace of the couu-
try as well as its foreign security, was liable
to be compromised by this war 1t was i'm
possible to be revolutionary in Italy. and re-
main conservative in France and at Rome.
| The revolutionary spirit could not be
reused at one point without being walked at
| all Others.
These are words of deep significance words
full of sound sense, strong reasoning aad
| prophetic warning; and we marvel that they
were not translated into English before they
reached this country.
NJ. Baroche, President of the Council of
| State. in answer to the question = How
| would the Government preserve order at
home while carrying on the war abroad,
| said:
1.-The public peace will he maintained.
| either by universal consent, by the co0pera-
| ton of all good citizens or by the certainty
that. if attcmps at disorder should appear,
| the Government would find in this House,
| and in all the great departments of the State
the mos's energetic support in suppressing
| them The gentleman had said that after
having been in former days received by Italy
| as dcliverers, the French had been out of il
| in 1915 as oppressOrs. The House had pro-
tested instantly and with one voice against
| this strange oblivion of history. In Italy, as
else where, France, in 1915, bad yielded
| beneath the weight of coalition with which
some persons still seeks to menace her, but
which the moderation and wisdom OF the En-
peror will pevent from ever being formed
| again. Nor were the French driven out OF
| Italy as oppressors. To this allegation, so
unexpected the House had replied no, no!
| and he as President of the Council of State,
would repeat that patriotic denial.
The gentleman had said again that he
| would have voted against the war. aud that
the House would have done like him ii IL had
| been consulted. And here again the denials
of the Legislative Assembly replied on the
| spur of the moment. And what was the time
| chosen for the utterance OF such wordsI The
| moment when the soldiers of France are en-
| teriug on the campaignl Is il meant to send
| them such declarations as the order of the
dayg In the name of the Government the
| speaker thanked the House for the warmth
with which il had repealed them. The army
| by the country and its representatives.
The gentleman had spoken finally of a vote
| given with sadness, with grief, upon the pro-
| ject OF law which raised the contingent OF
| the class of 1883 to 10000 men. lie re-
preached the Government with having need
! lessly committed France to the war. The
| House had protested again with vehemence.
Il did not = ish that such words should reach
| the ears of the soldiers absent on furloughs
renewed at notice, aud who, from all parts III
France, are directing their steps with so much
| zeal, with SO much of patriotism tow ards their
| flag. Here again the House said no, and the
| President OF the Council of State thanked
them for il.
Julius Favre agreed. in the main, with Mr..
| Pilchon:
AS to the real cause Of the war. the speak
| er, To avoid AL uncertainty, would ask the
| President of the Council Of State to say
| whether he misiook aud wrongly interpreted
| the national thought underlying the war
| For himself he thought thai the sword Of
| France had been drawn IN behalf OF Italian
| Independence, aud should not return TO ia
seabbard as long as one Austrian should re
main on the suil OF the Peni lsula. IL that
| were der uled an exaggerated idea. he asked
| that the question might be answered accord
| ingly. Already the popular emotion which
begins To declare itself has overturned ID,
throne Of Aastria's lieaseaants. Is IL wished
to erect them anew. Ii The Government d
| Cardinals should be brokeH. would the blood
| OF Romans be shed 20 relnstAte III
In the opinion Of the speaker 10 was impos
| tibls. He did not think the Government bad
any OCCASION % make explanations en- thu
| point IL was enough 10 keep silent The
| dilemma proposed h this, either abandon Ita-
l ly and Piedmont OF else set Italy free; that i
4 10 say, drive out the Anstrians- III the Gov
ernnlent dos not Contradict the second oil
l these alternatives he woald accept L. II
1 pretend thai France shoaid rrssrict herself
1 90 parely defensive war would be 10 make
L.ar... = q, in1llr..cl alln n Austria and 4.