Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1859-12-03

openly aFOWlnB ulS principles and motives
goryng in them in danger and death, q,
much as when 10 security-tbat wounded
old father is the most remarkable figure il
the whole drama. The Governor, the off
GERS Of the State, and all the attorneys, are
pigmies compared to him.
/ deplOre his misfortunes. l sympathize
with bis sorrows. | mourn the hiding OF
observation of his reason. | disapproye
Of his mad and feeble schemes. l shrink
from the folly of the bloody foray, and |
shrink likewise from all the anticipatons
of that judicial bloodshed which doubtless
ere long will follow-for when was coward.
ice ever magnanimous If they kill the
man, it will be not so much for treason. as
for the disclosure of their cowardice
Let no man pray that Brown be spared
Let Virginia make him martyr. Now,
he has only blundered. His soul was no
BILE, his work miserable But cord and
a gibbet would redeem all that, and cover
up Browns failure with heroic success.
One word more, that is as to the insecu.
rity of those States that carry powder as
their chief cargo. Do you suppose that if
tidings had come to New York that the
United States armory 10 Springfield had
been seized by seventeen men, New Haven
and Hartford and Stamford and Worces-
ter, and New York, and Boston, and Alba
| ny, would have been thrown into fever
aud panic in consequence of the event !?
We scarcely should have read the papers
to see what became of it, We should have
thought that it was q matter which the
Springfield people could manage. The
thought Of danger would not have eutered
into our heads. There would not have
been any danger But in State where
there is such inhammable stuff as slavery,
there IS danger, and the people of the South
knew it. | do not blame them so much
for being afraid-there is cause for fear
where they have such population as they
have down at the bottom of society. But
what must be the nature of State and do
mestic institutions which keep brave men
at the point of fear all their life long ?
l do not propose at this time, to express
my opinion upon this general subject of
slavery. Ihave ell ewhere, and often, de-
liberately uttered my testimony ReAec-
tioH and experience only confirm my iudg-
ment of its immeaSurshe evils. 1t is doub.
le-edged evil, that cuts both ways, wound
ing both master and slave pest to good
morals a consumption of the industrial
virtues burden upon society, in its
commercial and whole economic arrange
ments a political anomaly, and nuisance
and cause of inevitable degrada alton in
religions ideas, feelings, and Institutions.
All other causes of friction, put together,
derived from the weakness or the wicked
ness of men, are not half so mischievous
to our land as is this gigantic evil
But it exists in our land, with broad
spread and continued hold. The extent
of our duties toward the slave and toward
the master, is another and separate queS-
ton. Our views upon the nature of slave
ry may be right, and our views of our du-
ty toward it may be wrong. At this time
it is peculiarly necessary that all good men
should be divinely led to act with prudence
and efficient wisdom.
Because it is n great sin, because it is a
national curse, it does not follow that we
have right to say anything or do anything
that we may happen to please. We GER
tainly have no right to attack it in any
manner that will crafty mems fancies or
passions. 1t is computed that there are
four million colored slaves in our nation.
These dwell in fifteen Southern States, with
a population of ten million whites. These
sovereign States are united to us not by
any federal ligaments, but by vital inter
ests, by a common national life And the
question is not simply what. is duty
toward the blacks, not what is duty to-
ward the whites, but what is duty to each
aud both united. am bound by the great
law of love to consider my duties toward
the slave, and am bound by the great
law of love also to consider my duties to-
ward the white man, who is his master |!
Both are to he treated with Christian wis
dom and forbearance. We must seek to
benefit the slave as much as the white man,
and the white man as really as the slave.
We must keep in mind the interest of eve
ry part-of the slaves themselves of the
white population, and of the whole broth
erhoOd of States federated into national
life. And while the principles of liberty
and justice are one and the same, always
and everywhere, the wisest method of con-
fering upon man the benefit of liberty and
Justice, demands great consideration, &C.
cording to circumstances.
How to apply an acknowledged principle
in practical life, is task more difficult
than the defense of the principle. 1t is
harder to define what would be just in GER
tain emergencies, than to establish the du-
ty, claims, and authority of justice.
Can any light be thrown upon this diff
cult path Some light may be shed but
the difficulties of duty can never he remov-
ed except by the performance Of duty
But some things may be eknown beforehand,
and guide to practical solutions
shall proceed to show the Wrong Way
and The Right Way.
1. We have no right to treat the citizens
of the South with aerimOay and bitterness,
because they are involved in a system of
wrong-doing. Wrong is to be exposed.
But the spirit of rebuke may be as wicked
before God, as the spirit of the evil rebuk-
ed. Simplicity and 6rmness in truth are
more powerful than any vehement bitter
ness. Speaking the truth in love, is the
Apostles prescription. Some men so love
that they will not speak painful truth, and
some men utter truth so bitterly as to de-
Stroy love and both are evil doers A