Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1859-09-20
For The Ehq..i3tr.
IVI tN' ivy ''P''
,,.,rv,ntiou and Non-lnterveNtion.

To discuss the doctrine oil intervention, 10 III
ford protection when necessary to persons III
the culoymc,t of that, which is by the CoilS,',
tuition, recognized as property We can a:a
nothing to what has been already so AMY WIZ WIZ,
ten upon that subject. and if we woulu We eou'u
not adiucc in any new and equally convincing
form, those strong and irreslst'oie "'s'i','''''
with winch our leading men nave ie'll's''" W.,
We say that there are those WHO row" "l"'
the doctrine some because tIeE co"'e'" io' '''I
rirht of s,riattcrS to determine inc question: vi
slavery or no slavery for themselves, o'hcfs DC
cause they regard it as barren and iruitlcSs
abstraction. from the discussion OF when We
u,v expect no good result. Those who make
Tho latter objection, maintain that the South Is
To gain nothing by insisting upon the recognl'
lion of what they acknowledged to be her con
stitutonal right, and they urge that, diScardin:
all such mere distractions we should unite Tor
the overthrow of a common enemy. II the
South is TO gain nothin. by insisting upon the
assertion OF her constitutional equality. the
North can lose nothing by its acknowledgment,
and we can see no good reason Why we should
not plant ourselves upon high constitutional
ground. Gentlemen may talk and write ol
harmony till the last day, but there can he no
harmony among men vino radically dlier. we
cannot be thoroughly and completely united as
party, when there is such wide ana essen
tal difference Of Interpretation OF the Co'lstIt'
ton TO which we must refer to determine 'Ic
powers and duties OF Congress IN relation TO the
common territory Of the Ualon. IL THIS w!iole
question is mere abstraction and The South Is
to gain nothing by insistin: upon Tie re-
cocniton of her constitutional rights, th.h
we are at q loss to discover what good result inc
gentlemen proposed to accomplish by the IN
production of this slavery question INTO The
halls of Congress in Il new form, when they
brought forward and passed the Kansas ana
Nebraska bill with view to repeal the MIS-
>cur Compromise The Missouri! act was I'M
constitutional, but we cannot discover the III
tent Of blott;ng out that black line, which .;"u
been drawn across the face Oh TINS lair country
dividing us into two distinct sections, unless
it was 10 return to the Constitutional solution!
OF the whole question.
According TO tie Interpretation placed by
Mr.. Douglas, and those who agree with nan
in sentiment upon the Kansas and Nebraska
act, and the Cincinnati platform, the South
has and can gain nothing by all The changes
which have been o.. late years effected. lheh
whv did Southern Senators and Representa-
tors Join with him in the repeal OF the Mis-
souri, line? If they did not propose, that
as Il party we should plant ourselves upon hiSh
constitutional ground, and that this question
should be finally and forever settled upon Tic
true basis, then. with no earthly object i'll view,
they gave occasion TO all that fearful! storm oil
agitation which followed the passage of the
sas-Nebraska bill. rs citizen oil \lr.
ginia living in Il Slarcho!Gns community,
cannot see that we should more readily submit
to mode Of settlement, by which Congress III
vests itself of the duty 10 protect us IN our
rights of property, and leaves the first settlers
rncrc Squatters upon the common doma'n) TO
exercise entire and complete control over The
whole question, than to that other mode pro-
posed by the Republicans, which Is TO exclude
slavery b. Congressional cncroachincn' Inc
friends OF Douglas and the Republicans offer
the same price for Southern submission, II hit
initiation and shame can be called price
As many slave States will be admitted
into the Union under the one mode OF
settlement Us the other then the Republicans
should no more be regarded As our common
enemies than Mr. Douglas and his adhercntS:
II we do not mean TO assert cur constitutional
equality and to insist upon the recognition oi
our rights, then those who talk so much about
abstraction had better counsel submission TO
whatever our Northern brethren, in their wis
dom NAV dictate We should strike our iiag
and cease to be ridiculous and contemplate in
the eyes Of the world The people Of this sec
ton have not forgotten the hue and cry which
was raised over the Nicholson letter from the
pen Of General CasS An effort was made 10y
our leading men TO convince us that 1t did not
mean squatter sovereignty, and yet there are
those who are now loud in their advocacy Of
Douglas and his hcrcSicS when he boldly an
nounces the very principle then so odlous.
But do we fight for mere abstraction: and
is the difference between us and Douglas upon
u point which may be passed over lightly: We
differ in our Interpretation OF the Constitution
itself--thc fundamental law Of the land. We
differ as to the powers and duties of Congress
as defined by that instrument; and If justly
liable to the charge OF pursuing an abstraction,
then the Constitution Itself Is an abstraction.
Our difference is radical, because it arises upon
the Interpretation Of the fundamental law OF
the land upon an instrument which defines the
powers aud duties of the Gcncral Government,
and which We cannot, dare not, ignore, as some
would-bc thermometers mildly suggest. There
can be no such thing as harmony where there
is not perfect agreement. Men, regardless OF
all principle may. for a time, lie held together
10y the cohesive power Of public plumber, but,
upon the division Of the spells, which belong
to the victorS, they are sure to fall ont. If one
in sentiment then We will he one in action, and
then no greedy pursuit Of plunder can separate
true and patriotic men of principle The De.
mocratic principle must and will prevail, in this
free country, over all opposition, whatever
name it may assume. That organization known
Il.
through the controlling influence Of timc-scrv-
ing politicians, and, consequently, may suffer
many defeats; but those great principles taught
by Jefferson, and cXpounded by Jackson, must
and will eventually prevail.
Our true policy as party is to look only to
the Constitution as our guide in the discussion
Of this question Of slavery as well as of all
other great questions. The Supreme Court has
declared that the only power conferred by that
instrument upon Congress over the question Of
slavery in the Territories, is the power to pro-
tcct and guarantee masters in thcirrights. This
is plain and an easy solution Of the whole
question; it is the constitutional doctrine of
perfect equality. and We cannot safely abandon
it from any mere considerations OF eXpedcncy
1t is never eXpedient to ignore the ConStitu-
ton. We do not fight for an abstraction, but
for vital principle; and, for one, would ra-
thcr fall battling for right, than TO achieve sue
cess by the abandonment Of all principle for
the sake of gaining the spoilS. The issue has
been thrust upon us, and we must meet it like
men determined to vindicate their rights, or we
had better throw up all, and ask the North to
assume pro;cctoratc over the South. In con-
cluSon, we are entitled to the nomination at
Charleston, and, for one would insist upon
it. No good reason can be offered why a South
crn man should not be selected as our Standard
bearer, except that it be said, that no ono can
receive Northern votes cxccpta Northern man.
If that be true the South should be convinced
that they are our friends just so long as we Of
fer to pay them well for it. If they agree with
a.. ,,;1 lao Will, us wIupypr