Alexandria gazette. [volume] (Alexandria, D.C.) 1834-1974, 1859-03-01

them on advantageous terms, by pledging
the public lands as security. In this view
Of the subject. it would be wiser to grant mo-
ncy to the States for domestic purposes than
20 suuandcr away the public lands. and
transfer them in lars" bodies into the hands
of spectators.
4 successful struggle on the part of the
State governments with the general govern
mcnt for the public lands would deprive the
latter of the means of performing Its high
duties, especially at critical and dangerous
periods. Besides, it would operate with
equal detriment Ia the best interests of the
States. 1t would remove the most whole
some of all restraints on legislative bodies
that Of being obliged to raise money by tax,
alton from their constituents-and would
lead Ia extravaganza. If not TO corruption.-
What is obtained easily and without respon-
sihilitv will be lay>hly expended.
3. This bill. should it become a law, will
operate greatly 10 the injury of the new
States. The progress of settlements and the
increase of an Industrious population own
ing an interest in the soil they cultivate, arc
the causes which will build them up into
great and furnishing Commonwealths.-
Nothing could be more preiudicial to their
interests than for wealthy individuals to ac-
quire large tracts of the public land and
hold them for speculative purposes. The
low price to which this land script will pro-
badly be reduced will tempt spectators to
buy it in large amounts and locate 1t on the
best lands belonging to the government
The eventual consequence must be that the
men who desire to cultivate the soil will be
compelled to purchase these very lands at
rates much higher than the price at which
they could be obtained from the government.
i. Ii is extremely doubtful, to say the
least, whether this bill would contribute to
the advancement of agriculture and the me
chanic arts-objects the dignity and value Of
which cannot be too highly appreciated.
The federal government, which makes the
donation. has confessedly no constitutional
power 10 follow it into the States and en-
force the application of the fund to the in
tended objects As donors We shall possess
no control over our own gift after it shall
have passed from our hands. 1t is true that
the State legislatures are required to stipu-
late that they will faithfully execute the
trust in the manner prescribed by the bill.
But should they fail to do this, what would
be the consequence? The federal govern
mcut has no power, and ought to have no
power. to compel the execution of the trust.
1t would be in as helpless Il condition As If
even in this the time of great need, we were
to demand any portion of the many millions
of surplus revenue deposited with the States
for safe keeping under the act of 1896.
). This bill will injuriously interfere with
existing colleges in the different States, in
many of which agriculture is taught ~ sci
ence and in all OF which, it ought 10 be so
taught These institutions Of learning have
CROWN up with the growth of the country un-
der the fostering care of the States and the
muniiiccnrc IF individuals To meet the adj
yanring demands for education They have
proved great blessings to the people. Many
indeed. most of them-are poor and sustain
themselves with difficulty. What the effect
will be on these institutions Of creating an in
definite uumberof rival colleges, sustained by
the endowment Of the federal government,
it is not difficult to determine.
Under this bill, it is provided that scienti-
tic and classical studies shall not be excluded
from them Indeed, it would be almost i'm
possible to sustain them without such a pro-
vision: for no father would incur the expense
of sending a son 10 one of these institutions
for the sole purpose of making him scentl-
fc farmer or mechanic The bill itself mega
tiyes this idea, and declares that the object
is ito promote the liberal and practical edu
cation of the industrial classes in the several
pursuits and professions of life This GER
tainlv ought to be the case. In this view OF
the subject, it would be far better, if such an
appropriation of land must be made to in
sttutions of learning in the several States, to
apply it directly to the establishment of pro-
fcssorships of agriculture and the mechanic
arts i'll existing colleges without the interven-
ton of the State legislatures. 1t would be
difficult to foresee how these legislatures will
manage this fund. Each representative in
Congress, for whose district the proportion of
twenty thousand acres has been granted, will
probably insist that the proceeds shall be ex
pended within its limits. There will I'M
ioubtedly be struggle between different
localities in each State concerning the diyis-
ion of the gift, which may end in disap-
pointing the hopes of the true friends of az
rculture. For this state Of things we are
without remedy. Not 80 in regard to State
colleges. We might grant land to these cor
porations to establish agricultural and me-
chanical professorships; and, should they
fail to comply with the conditions on which
they accepted the grant, we might enforce
specific performance of these before the Ordi-
nary courts Of justice.
6. But does Congress possess the power,
under the constitution, to make a donation of
public lands to the different States of the
Union to provide colleges for the purpose of
educating their own people?
presume the general proposition il un-
deniable that Congress does not possess the
power to appropriate money in the treasury
raised by taxes on the people of the United
States for the purpose of educating the peo-
pie of the respective States. 1t will not be
pretended that any such power is to be
found among the specific powers granted to
Congress, nor that it sis necessary and prop
or for carrying into execution" any one Of
these powers. Should Congress exercise
such power, this would be to break down
the barriers which have been so carefully
constructed in the constitution to separate
federal from State authority. We should
then not only lay and collect taxes duties,
imposts, and excuses" for federal purposes,
but for every State purpose which Congress
might deem cxpedient or useful. This
would be an actual consolidation of the fed
eral and State governments, 80 far as the
great taxing and money power is concerned,
and constitute a sort of partnership between
the two in the treasury of the United States
equally ruinouS 10 both