New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1859-03-09

under the feCeTal Cossttuuo0, was doc'dne GOV
up aud acted upon By tie State Of yirsini, in tsc
very frat year Of government under tue Federal
Constitution. Since then, it has been suthori-
taiively laid down and repe,tedly sustained by tho
Supreme Court Of the United States 1t is an
ancient marlin, and one Ct high authority, that
no man can serve two mssters. This is especiar
the case where The nights, dgnity, honor and self
respec. Of oue Of these masters are liable to be
brought into jeopardy by tue sc.s or authority OF
the otber-s description entIrey applicable TO the
execution Of the FGgilive Slave acts. Everybody
knows that the act of 1850, the oDe now prnci-
pally operative. wa. passed by the treacherou,
votes of certain Northern representatives, against
the known and warmly expressed wishes OF their
constituents. Who regarded that act not ouly as
cruel and unjust, but as unconstitutional. Such
was aud such is the emphatic sentiment of the
people Of the State of New.York, as confessed and
admitted even by the spologists for this &C! OF
Congress. What more proper then, than that the
Legislature of the State should give voice aud ef.
feet TO this universal sentiment By prODo1ucug
all who are ready to take part in its execution unfit
70 be officers of hers7
There are also obvious ressoIs for the second
provision of the bill, securing to persons Claimed a
fugitives from labor an advocate and attorney at
the expense of the State. Suppose theSe acts OF
Congress to be sbu,ed for the purpose of kidnap-
ping-a purpose which they are well calculated to
serve, and the temptation to which, considering the
present high price Of slaves is now very great-the
persons certain to be the subjects Of this expert
ment would be the very poor and helpless, to whom
the State owes defense, not more from considers
tons of humanity than out Of regard for its own
dignity and honor.
As 10 the fourth object of the bill, the total pro-
bibition Of slaveholdng in this State, one of our
city journals, we notice, which, like some Of the
Democrats in the Legislature, processes great de-
testaton Of Slavery, attempts to make merry over
this provision, a. if it were entirely superfiuous.
But, if The n. T. Times will allow US, there do
appear to be some very conclusive reasons why an
enactment of this sort should now be passed. Our
Southern brethren are beginning to set up the doc
trine that under the Constitution Of the United
States, as galvanized into new life and action BY
the bred Scott decision, they possess right TO
carry and to hold, to work aud to whip to buy aud
to sell. and otherwise to enjoy their slaves, nos
merely in all the Territories, but also in all the
States. Even DOushface Northern Judges have
been found to hold the doctrine of right in the
Southern slaye-traders to convert the FREQ States
into convenience orthe carrying on Of their traffic.
There is at this moment pending before the ST.
preme Court Of the United States a sui! prompted
by the State of Virginia, of which the object is to
establish the right of Virginia and other Southern
sIayebreeders and slave drovers to set up opens IN
New-Yolk, in which their slave cattle may be kept
-suhiec, meanwhile, Of course, to Inspection
by would-be purchasers, and such bargains
as may be msde-preliminsry to their
shipment to Texas and elsewhere. Is it not de-
sirable to NEE. at once decidedly, promptly and
emphstically, these insidious attempts to gain for
the viper Of slave holding, an entrance into our
business and bosomsl No where in the world are
what are called vested interests, but which are to
often no better than vested abuses, stronger than
here in New-York. Nowhere in the world are
abuses, when once established, SO difficult to be
got rid Of In other countries, they are reduced to
the necessity of evadins the lsw; here they boldly
set it at open defiance. If any man doubts this
let him take short walk through our city, and
observe the liquor shops on every corner. Not
only do those shops exist in defiance aud disregard
of law, they actually rule the city. For Heavens
sake, let US guard in time against the establish
ment among us of slave pens and the Slave-trade
as vested interest also. Should they once con-
trive to get introduced among us in that character
we would not positively guarantee that our excess
siyely amiable neigbbor OF The Times might not be
induced out of its philosophical tolerance Of things
as they are, Notwithstanding its present dislike of
Slavery and the slave trade, to become, If not their
advocate, at least their apologist.
Tbore remain the clauses Of the bill which secure
a trial before Jury, and the establishment, to the
satisfaction of Jury, Of the facts of service due
under the law of some State, flight therefrom, aud
a right TO those services vested in the claimant
before any person coming into New.York from an
other State, shall be allowed to lay hold of person
resident here, perhaps for fifty years, and may be
the father or mother of family born among US,
and TO carry of cut of the State the party so
seized That an act of such high authority ought
not to be exercised except upon the clearest proof
of right-a proof satisfactory not merely Olawyers
ard Judges, but TO the public at large, seems to US
pretty clear. Were there no other reason for it,
there is this asuf ,isnt one, abundantly proved By
experience that without provision of this sort it
is impossible, without producing a riot 10 carry
into execution the constitutional provision for the
rendition of persons, fugitiyes from labor.
Bot, say some squeamish Sham Democrats, with
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