The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-04-07

ritories where it can be made profitable or de-
sirable to introduce Slavery. When they gave
up the contest, is it wise for us to affiict our
selves with needless alarms, and insist on suf-
fering imaginary woes? In point of fact, so
far as We can judge from recent experience,
the clamor at the South, in favor of extending
Slavery, would seem to have been chiefly con-
fined to agitators and politicians who have no
slaves of their own. This is made apparent by
laws, legalizing Slavery there. The press and
the party leaders made the welkin ring with
appeals to the Shareholders to invade Kansas,
and make it Southern State. The Federal
Executive favored their Vaccinations But
what was the response ? The Slave-owners re-
manned quietly at home. With all the convul-
sive efforts that were made, less than 200 slaves
were moved across the Missouri line, but kept
so near the border that they could be brought
back on very short notice. The attempt to
make Kansas slave State was in conflict with
natural laws too powerful to be counteracted
by the efforts of any political combination"
The Pittsburgh Gazette states that the friends
of Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, will pre-
sent his name to the Republican Convention
for the Presidential nomination. The Gazette
expresses its sympathy with the popular move
ment. We clip the following paragraph from
that journal of March 3Oth
HoN. SIMON CAMERoN.-Our correspondent
at Harrisburg in his letter, which may be found
in this mornings paper, alludes to the great
home popularity enjoyed by Gen. Cameron. 1t
is true view Of the subject and we are sure it
is not in the least exaggerated. This distin-
guished gentleman is beyond doubt the first
choice of the great Opposition party of Penn
sylvania, and should the National Convention
designate him as the peoples standard bearer,
the vote of the Commonwealth will be cast In
his favor by a majority of tens of thousands.
As far as Gen. Cameron, himself is concern
ed, we feel warranted in saying that his desires
and hopes are centred in the success of the
Republican party in 1860, and that he will use
all his efforts and tax all his we'll ener-
gies in achieving triumph for its candidate
for the Presidency. His great wish is to secure
harmony and concert of action in the ranks Of
the party; and if his name is deemed essential
TO attain that desirable object, he will not for
bid its introduction into the canvass. Should
the choice of the Convention, however, fall on
any other distinguished Republican, no single
individual can be found who will labor more
earnestly for the success of that nomination
than Gen. Cameron. He regards the success
of the party as a. paramount consideration, and
of greater moment than the success of individ-
uals. In the mean time his Pennsylvania friends
are resolved to present his name, in behalf of
the old Commonwealth, for the Presidency, in
| 1860. We need not say that our sympathies
are with this popular movement.
| A SOUTHERN VIEW OF POPULAR SOVEREIGN
| TY.-The following article from a Virginia
Democratic" paper shows that the Southern
| Democracy are not so mad as to desire the ex-
pulsion of Mr.. Douglas from the ranks. They
are perfectly willing that he shall continue his
allegiance and contribute his aid in the election
! of Pro-Slavery President 1t will be seen
that the editor of the Press regards popular
! sovereignty subject to the Dred Scott decision,
and subject to the ruling of the Territorial
courts, quite harmless hobby, and he
! doubtless imagines that, so far from harming
the South, it may contribute to the preserva-
ton of power in Southern hands:
From the Petersburg (vs) Press.
Senator Douglds's Speed. We have to
thank Senator Douglas for kpveral copies of
his speech on popular soverN enty. We have
read it with interest and whiL we dissent from
considerable portion of it, W. are free to con
fess that we cannot perceive a. dangers which
some of our contemporaries discover lurking in
its opinions.
To our view, the distinction between squat
ter sovereignty and popular sorereignty, as held
by Senator Douglas, is very marked. The
South might well complain, a. might any por-
ton of the Union, of Territory receiving its
social impress from the transient presence OF
every adventurer who happens to drop upon
her soil. But we question if a safer rule can
| h. Cd a1 no hot of tbalc lott
of the Territories, bound to their soil and at
tached to their interests by the same ties which
make up the value and the safety Of popular
power i'll organized State sovereignties
because, sooner or later, the perfected sover
eighty will perform the very act from the very
motives which govern the same communities
under a different name.
One important fact, too, seems to be for
gotten in most of the discussions. a single
case decided by the Supreme Court will fix
the law of property rights under the Constitu
tion which would then be enforced by a Judi
ciary of Federal appointment in the Terrific
ries, whose judgment must be sustained by the
Federal power. In this way, all the guarantees
of constitutional right that could possibly be
secured from Congress, and with far greater
certainty and stability, will be maintained
Congress depends for its complexion on too
many causes, to be relied on absolutely. The
Judiciary, however, We think, may be trusted
As to the rights of Slavery the bred Scott
decision is unmistakable; and we apprehend
little doubt that Territorial action, in hostility
with its precepts, would be speedily rebuked.
: Comparing the Missouri Compromise with
the non-intervention policy, whether loaded OF
not with popular sovereignty, or even squatter
sovereignty in its broadcast sense, we confess
we cannot conceive how Southern man
can hesitate between the two. The Missouri
Compromise itself opens ali below 360 30/ tc
these very questions, whilst it plants Itself upGg
the theory that down to that line Slavery is a
wrong upon the white race, and sternly in
, hibits it.
In any aspect of the question, it is ridicu
ioGs to make this subject source of disunion
and division in the Democratic ranks. There
is common principle enough which is safe for
all the country, on which the Democracy stand
in hostility to an enemy who would despoil, de-
grade, and spbdue us. We have a great work
to accomplish, the foes of constitutional
Union to meet and We should not exact from
our friends more than what they freely tender
Insecurity to every right we claim under the
organic law-equalty and respect.
MYsTERIoUs.-The Washington States, speak
ing of the transfer of the Union newspaper into
new hands, says:
ave hare already announced the change Of
proprietorship in the Washington. Union, by
which the official journal, as our grave contem
aorary of the MtetligeRcer courteously charac
terizes it, passes from the control of Mr. Corne.
Inns Wendell into the hands of Brigader Gene.
raj George Washington Bowman. The com.
plete details Of the transaction, though now in