The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-11-24
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN VIR.
GINA

paper oaieu Tue CtdTke Journal, published
near Harper's Ferry, in Virginia has incurred
the fierce hatred of the Governor of Virginia by
the publication Of the following appeal for mercy
in the case of John Brown. The article ia we'll
seasoned by Pro-Slavery sentiments, and one
would suppose that it condemns 'Aboitionism"
and Black Republicanism with sufficient sever
ity; but, unluckily for the editor he has the
names of R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia. and
Daniel s. Dickinson, of New York. at the head
of his columns, for the offices of President and
Vice President The Enquirer edited by
son OF Governor Wise, denounces the editor by
name, as traitor, disseminator of Abolition
treason, and insists that the people of the vicin-
ity. should suppress the paper The Enquirer
copies the article with the heading, "More
Treason" and introduces it to lis readers in the
following terms e
From the Richmond Enquirer
The following article from Parkinss paper.
the Clarke Journal, like the prospectus of the
New York Tribune, also published in the Jour
nal, was probably paid for and prepared under
the orders of Mr.. Horace Greeley:
Proper Mode of Treating the North.
Ozark Clouds Rolling Up from the North and South
"a QUESTION OF POLICY.
."W We have now the advantage over Black
Republicanism. They have essayed against us.
and failed. Many are disposed to condemn
them. Their ranks will be thinned and weak.
ened. But if we do not act exactly right. and
very prudently, their ranks will be strengthened
again, even beyond what they have ever been.
What is that right course? This is the trying
question. We have now the advantage by their
being in the fault, and We being the wronged, ag-
grieved party. We have this advantage at this
hour, yet our majesty and honor are INDICATED.
We have had blood for blood our law has pro.
nounced upon the character (threefold) of the
otfence-treason, murder, and instruction. We.
have shown Indignation and taken vengeance
Is there not stopping place? Have we not
powerY Have we not that great advantage of
power that can afford to be magnanimous :?
Must we 60 on shedding blood for blood TO the
last moment, and the last drop of its existence :?
Can we not retain the advantage we have now
gained consistently with our honor, the majesty
OF the law, and the safety of our property? If
we go on to the last, shedding blood for blood,
we will have no advantage. The North will
take advantage of it. They will swell the ranks
OF Republicanism, and become a permanent,
powerful sectional party, controlling the desti-
MES of this nation, and inevitably dividing the
Union. They will have the argument of blood
blood-blood, deliberately and from time to
time, to the last drop, shed in payment for their
offence. 1t will make us look implacable and
Unsuitable for blood. Then they will have the
argument of martyrdom. We may smile at the
idea, but they believe it, that John Brown was
in the conscientious discharge of religious duty
in trying to break the chains of Slavery. They
believe it; he makes them more and more be
leve it every day, by his letters and speeches
and his general bearing, and he will confirm
and establish their belief in his death. This
established belief will make it to them case of
deliberate martyrdom for sincere religious be-
lief and conduct.
"Gov Wise has given them the argument.
He has pronounced him truthful honest, and
sincere When did the world (of Christendom
and civilization) ever take a mans life for
what he did truthful, honest, and sincere ? ,
Slavery is not thing that requires to be up
holden by what even seems applicability and
ferocity. 1t is kind, humane institution, in all
Its workings, and right. 1t is upholden by its
merits, its inherent worth, and not by outward
force, ferocity, or severity. When the time
comes that 1t must rest upon bayonets, then the
time will have come when it has ceased to be
desirable or tenable. If it has not inherent
merit and excellence enough to keep it together,
We must let it go. But we know that it has
1t is palpable as day that it is the only relation
in which the white man and the black man can
live together. The Northern States are for
bidding the free negroes coming there; we
cannot have them here and it shows that the
only relation in which the white man is willing
to live with them is Slavery. 1t is plain and
palpable necessity, and the goodness of the in
stitution, to all parties, is equally plain and
palpable. Only let us be free from outside an
noyance, the intermeddling of Abolitionists or
oficious interference and soft sentimentalsm
which is Abolitionism, and the institution of
Slavery will rest as steadily and securely as the
institution of marriage or any other that is for
the common good. We can afford to even not
shed blood for blood to maintain it, if that will
stop the mouths Of Abolitionists. We are a
great, kind, Christian, humane, magnanimous,
generous, indulgent, refined people, and we can
afford to show it. In the midst of deserved
WRATH we can afford to remember mercy
AS Christian people, we are bound to re-
spect the motives of the sincere and conscien.
tons, however mistaken. We do not care to
weaken our position by shedding the blood of
such, and giving them no time for repentance,
If we can free ourselves from their annoyance
by their confinement, as we would confne a
mad dog.
"But blood for blood has been shed II more
blood on their side than on ours. 1t is now
only question of policy as to the further pro-
ceeding. Will it do more good TO go on shed.
ding blood, while we can find any to shed, or
to stop now and confne the rest for life :? Our
judgment is, and we are bound to give it, (if
every subscriber stops his paper, as we have
been threatened to some EXTENT in favor of
the latter. More good can be done, as pure
question of policy, by staying the effusion of
blood. Now, if this be treason, make the most
of it. We will be as ready to die, for convic-
ton as John Brown. As a pure question of
policy, we have most to gain by a moderate,
Placable, conservative course. We regret as
our highly-esteemed citizens. We appreciate
their worth as highly as any one. Beckham
and Turner left no superiors as valuable citi.
zens behind them. But now the deed is done
and blood has been shed in return, and few
are fugitives and outcasts on the earth, and
the rest are in chains and dungeons. How
much more can generous, magnanimous peo-
pie ask? How will it appear in the eyes of
the world, the unfavoring world TO Slavery, to
ask more-even to the last drop Of their blood
"We must remember that but small part of
the Christian and civilized world are on our
side with respect to Slavery. We have now an
while the world have this case in
their eye, to demonstrate our superior excel
lence of character, and disarIn them of their
opposition to Slavery. Their opposition to sla-
very is more from fancied wrongs than real.
They are misled by the very term Slavery.
They think it must be harsh, unkind, cruel, I'M
just, and almost as some have expressed it,
the sum of all villainies.' They of course
attribute to the STAKEHOLDER corresponding
character. They think us barbarians They
reason from the effect Imaginary to the cause.
But let us set them right, as Providence has
now ovo, onpOrtupitv 10 tba oan.o