The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1859-01-12
THE STRENGTH AND POWER or THE UNITED
STATES.

Wlthln the past rev months IL mas become lasll-
ionable for the London and Paris press to rdicqle
the pretensons of the United States as the govern
ing power on this continent aud to animadvert upon
the utter heplessness Of our military establishment
1t is within own knowledge that the journals
ferred to have exhibited unaccountabe ignorance
of the real questions involved in Central American
Mexican, and Cuban matters, they have entirely
misstated the position and purposes of this govern
ment in reference thereto
There is large class of writer's in England and
Paris who estimate the strength and power of gov
eminent solely by the extent and efficiency of its
army and navy. During the recent Crimean war
Great Britain was constantly disparaged in view of
the greater numbers of the French troops, and APP
parenty, the ready action of the Emperor's
government in conducting the operations against Sc
bastopol For grand movement of the kind, it is
undoubtedly true that government is efficient and
imposing precisely it is conducted by oneness of
council. But the strength of State is hardly
to be measured by any such standard. Under
despotc system its readily
developed. There is power in the Executive to ex-
act obedience to his will to enforce military schemes
best adapted to the ends TO be accomplished. 1t is,
party to compass more lofty bound but it does
not indicate greater energy, strength, and efficiency.
1t is yet to be demonstrated to the European nations
including England that the most powerful element
of government is to be found in the distribution of
estates and the independence of landhoders. In
Great Britain the number of proprietors does not
exceed thirty thousand in the United States there
are nearly three millions. This great fact con-
stitues the basis of our State and federal sys-
TEN. It is government in itself perma-
nent and effective for the preservation of order,
the punishment of crime, and the enforcement
Of Justice than our political institutions 1t lays at
their foundation and is the of their authority
Some of the early founders of the republic who dis
trusted the system adopted, openly advocated the
creation Of money power with view of insurng
the allegiance of the money and property classes.
They saw the force of estates in England, and that
they had ruled that country, and dstrusting the
wisdom and integrity of the popular mind, proposed
at once to recognise the former distinctive
power in the government. They We're right in their
estimate of the influence of money in political affairs
but were clearly wrong in seeking to make it an ele
ment in the political system. What was required
to render that system powerful and perpetual
the adoption of principles adapted to ends of justice
and equality.
The distribution of estates in this country is the
achievement Of free institutions. 1t has created
government which excludes the possibility of
archy, and, we had almost said, the possibility
of revolution. Our political system is made by it
wholly secondary to our industrial system. Our
three millions of propretors are three million guar
antors of order and of representative integrity 1t
may suit the vanity Of public agent to claim for
himself distinctive political character and identity;
but in reality there is such thing Ills return to
the people is secured before he has time to build up
a representative status. and he is approved
cordng to his merits and good faith in executing the
trusts confded to his judgment rejected for his
deficiencies by the same token
There is more positive strength, endurance, and
effective power in the body of independent Ameri-
can proprietors than I'M the combined governments
of the continent of Europe 1t may require more
time to organize them--to withdraw them from ac-
tive pursuits and bring them into the fledbut once
there and the armies of the world could not prevail
against them. This is idle boastingt is the
truth drawn from simple view of the actual condi
ton of thirty millions of people engaged in active
labor educating their children in useful knowledge,
and, above ALL in the dignties and responsibilities
of free government Armies, like medicines admin
stered to the system, are applied only as remedies
to diseased conditions. The analogy holds good to
the extent in many instances of permanently inn
pairing the constitution of the patient, and perhaps
aggravatng the disease they would remove. The
history of the human family does not prove that the
maintenance of large armies has advanced the
permanent welfare of the people. There is more
virtue and strength in producer, more OF the ee
ments Of power and rule, than in fifty soldiers All
the great governments loaded with debts, inso-
much as to necessitate the employment of vast ar
mics to keep them in existence. The European press
indulge in free denunciaton Of the Indifference
of American States and corporations to discharge
their obligations. There may be justice in the criti
cism Where there is failure it arises from inabil-
ity, at the moment, to pay. But our industry and
energies are not crippled by vast standing armies
We have three millions of proprietors at work We
are conducting great system of labor on an eco
nomical plan, with limited taxes, without soldiers
in peace and if we poor to-day we shall be rich
tomorrow Our very failures indicate strength,
health, aud prosperity They arc the excuses of
youth and not the stumbling and decrepitude Of age
Vbev ;nport ipdscreton not inability