Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1859-08-20

they could act upon, 10 any event, why should a
diversity OF views upon questions which they adj
nit they would have no power to act upon, create
the slightes! dissersions In their ranksf
Those who regard Slavery as q great moral, DO,
litical, and social evil, will find their united. yiei.
liant, and persevering e~xertions necessary, to prs-
vent the institution from being spread over a vast
portion of this continent, now free, and its blight
ing influences from being visited upon the future
generations whose lots are there 10 fall, without
f%rittering away their strength in controversies and
discussions upon questions which can have no
practical beOring on these great impending dan
gers.
The danger Of a vast extension of Slavery on
this continent is more imminent now that when
the Republican party was first organized. Since
then. a new Interpretation of the Constitution has
been adopted by the Judicial and Executive BRAN
ches of the Federal Government, which establish.
es and legslizes Slavery in every acre of common
territory that We now possess, or may acquire, and
denies alike to Congress and to the people of the
Territories themselves any power to prohibit or
"oasa It. Stupendous projects are on foot for :he
acquisition OF territory in the direction Of the sro.
pics; and such is the deplorAble condition of Mex
leo, and the neighboring Republics of Central
America, that it seems almost. inevitable tina,
those countries will speedily fall into our hands.
"netner We desire them or not-unless we abso-
'uteiy reiuse to take them. Under the interpreta-
tion OF the Constitution above referred to-. the
States of Mexico and Central America, although
now free, would, on being acquired by US, instant
ly become lin the language of President Buchan-
AM "ss much slave States as Georgia or South
CAROLINA" In fact, according to this doctrine.
slavery would become even more firmly establish
ed IN them than in Georgia or South Carolina; for it
Is admitted that the people of those States have the
power to abolish the institution at any time thew
pIease-while this doctrine denies to the people
of the Territories any power over the subject. 40
long as they remain in a Territorial condition. It
Is claimed. as q necessary corollary from this in
depreciation OF the Constitution. that Congress is
pound TO legislate for the special protection of
Slavery in the Territories, against any attemp ut on
the part Of the people thereof to prohibit or OBJ
struct it's introduction--and it will REQUIRE the
united resistance of all the opponents of Slavery
extension TO prevent this doctrine from being car
ried into practical effect, by the enactment of a
Congressional slave code for the Territories.
The projects now on foot for the extension of
Slavery comprehend the speedy acquisition of all
the territory south Of US, 10 the isthmus of Pana-
ma, and the spreading of Slavery over it. A nee
essary part of this programme is the reopening of
the African slave trade. in order to supply the ma
terial for %peopling so large a territory with slaves.
This trade has already been practically reopened.
and no careful observer of the signs of the times
oap douht that - rr;l1 be
so long as the friends Of Slavery extension retain
q controlling power in the administration Of the
Federal Government, whether they succeed in re-
pealing the laws prohibiting it or not. It is no
longer a question whether the African slave trade
shall be reopened, but the question now ia, whether
it shall be continued OF put down-and it can ONLY
be put down by an administration which shall act
its face Ike flint against it.
AL the prominent issues before the country.
growing out of the Slavery question, namely, the
further acquisition OF territory. a Congressional
slave code. and the reopen;ng of the African slave
trade, have reference to the extension of Slavery,
and nos to its continuance or security in States
where it already exists. Against these measures.
therefore, not only Republicans, but all opponents
OF Slavery extension, can consistently unite, and
ought TO unite. Diversity of opinions and senti.
ments. on other questions growing out of the sub
|Ject OF Slavery, and in relation to which il ia ad-
mitted that no political action con be taken, ought
to DO no impeachment to an effected concert Of &C.
ton in relation to these great practical issues.
We have before remarked. that the only po.iti-
cal action that the people of the free States can
take, in opposition to Slavery is in resisting it's ex-
tension. 1t is admitted by oil, that Slavery in
the States where it now exists, must be nerm;,ted
to work out its own solution, without interference
on The part of the Federal Government. or the
Governments OF the free States. There is, howev-
er' one subject, which has some bearing upon Sla-
very IN the States, upon which it must be admit.
ted that either Congress or the Legislatures of the
Tree States have a right TO legislate.
All admit that the Constitution REQUIRES thu,
slaves escaping from their owners in one State
and fleeing to another. shall be delivered up. or
claim" But whether the Constitution ~confers up
on Congress the power, and imposes upon it The
duty. OF legislating in aid of the execution of this
constitutional provision, or imposes that duty up
on the Legislatures of the several State, is q cues
ton on which there is some difference OF opinion
Congress, however, has exercised the power Of
leeislating on this subject, from 1898 to tho pres,
emit time, and exercised it for more than half q
century without serious opposition or question,
since the enactment Of the fugitive slave law OIL
1851. the power of Congress to legislate on the
s"bject at oil, has been gravely called in question
by maryland that law has been condemned, no,
only upon the ground that Congress had no con.
stitu"onal power to pass it, but on the further
ground that it 10 unjust and oppressive in it's pro.
visions.
The last named objection is one which we be.
iieVe all Republicans admit to be well taken
against the law. Many good Republicans, howey.
or, believe that Congress has constitutional powe,
to legislate on the subject. while others. who would
not themselves give the same construction to thu
Constitution, think the question has been placed
beyond their control by judicial nterpre,ation.-
al men holding tbese oninion. ono,,..~.-