New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1859-10-29
CENTRALIzA TION-FEDERATI0N

able to Judge the events Of Europe calmly and with
eat psssion. They alone are uninfusnced BY preju-
Sees or fears they alone have clear inaghtinto the
chaotic confusion Of European politics. Unity or
union, Capitalization or confederation; between
these Central Europe il hesitating. This is mani
tested in Italy BY positive facts; in Germany ~ the
discussions As well Of professors, her seltconsn
futed, theoretical statesmen, as OF the PrAcHcs'
Statesmen in her Cabinets. Indeed, % many pens
are busy in the pesceful discussion and solution Oh
tie question in Germany a. there are Of bsyonet' IN
N,,v under the command Of Garibaldi and Of Fsnt.
What in Italy is fact, drawing into its whirlpool
De Governments Of most Of the European States
i IN Germany Q menacing cloud, threatening ne"
complications when it shall burst
Capitalization or federation 10 the vital question:
fer All the Itslisn G0vernments-for the new and
Uniformed, as well as for the old and established
France, Austria, and England are compelled to
share in its discussion, the excitement being COM
nunicated to them like the reek Of blood from the
fields of Magenta and Soferino. Germany had
brooded over it for centuries, and whenever the
old fabric Of European government is shaken, Ger
mans start up from their speculstions, endeavor TO
give them form and utterance, and to frighten
away some or many Of their rulers The lucu-
hrstions Of political philosophers, Of historians
and statesmeD, TEEN with projects and plstforms,
which are reechoed by the German press aud BY
he more daring politicians But the question
seems ss difficult Of solution by the sword and the
Yised cannon ss by the protocols Of diplomacy The
Interest,", general and special, of nationalities,
tribes, clans, and families dynastic and aristocratc
positions and privileges, conflict with each other;
good and bad passions enter in and complcate
still more these complicated questions
The present and the future, war or peace, con-
fsgraton or orderly progress and development
seem to depend on the solution. In this terrible
clash Of passions and interests it is natural that the
best intentions should sometimes be carried astray,
the 6rmest and clearest minds become clouded and
shaken by the clamor Of surging events. The
American Press although it feels warm and deep
interest in the welfare Of the European peoples,
does not share in the excitement which wells the
eyes of the actors, and deafens their ears to the
couusels of history, philosophy, and sound logic
80, more easily than any European press are we
enabled 10 weigh and estimate, fOresee, and fore
wan, to appreciate the events and the eIpecta-
mons Of European nations and to do this from an
American, that is from universal, humane, and
apeaceful standpoint.
The American Republic can in no way dread the
increase in space or power of any one European
nation or empire. Our security, our interests,
political and material, cannot be jeopardiEed by
them. England may lose India, the Ionsn Islands,
= Gibraltar, or Mats, or acquire any new empire in
any region Of the globe, without endsngering our
existence Neither would it harm US should
France extend to the Rhine, annex Savoy and
make Italy . satrap; if the dreams of Scandina-
yian unity were realized, or if modern Bar
barossa, carrying the Hapsburg, or the Hohen-
zollern, or Saxe-GOtha escutcheOn, should issue
: from the cavern of Vinyfhausen, establish Ger
man empire overshadowing all Europe, ana 'aus
fulfIl tho warmest expectations OF leusohAs
dreamy politicians; or, finally, the Co'slck
should some day guard the Danube, the Oder the
HsIle.pout and the mouth Of the Peiho. Our
e.i,teuce in this hemisphere, as well az our rela-
tons with the old world, are Independent, a. well
Of geographical division of Europe as of the forms
of government. This absence Of interest clears
SAe atmosphere for us, and makes it easy from
siyen data to draw the horoscope Of Europe.
We, a. Americans, cannot for moment hesitate
between unity and union-between fusion, central
iration, and federation Our choice is made, and
sloriously sustained by facts and events. But
both these principles are to be judged as to their
intrinsic value, and their adaptation to the normal
progress, and to the development of the great and
real interests of humanity.
Capitalization was an agency of civilization II
The crude, savage, warlike state of society Still
il is at best two edged sword, as dangerous fol
the one who holds it as to him who is exposed to
its blows. In the life, growth, and development
of certain European nations Capitalization has been
for time beneficial and sautary agency For
example, it has made France what it is by the
working of the centuries, and by the centralizing
instincts Of the Valois and the Bourbons. BY q
still more condemned Capitalization the Convention
saved the great French revolution from the assaults
of combined Europe. but if Germany had been
equally centralized in the sixteenth century, it is
probable that Professionalism would have been
crushed, a. was Calvinism in France; for at the
start Calyinism was spread almost as generally
among the French as was the teaching of Luther
among the Germans. We might give similar COM
parsons and illustrations from the history of Spain
and Italy.
But we consider unity, Capitalization, and fusion
as belonging wholly to the past, and therefore no
longer vital or useful TO nations at all advanced in
civilization. Capitalization is good for Russia,
which has still to keep up a warfare socially aud
harb m RI ian