The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-06-23
100
IConfinued from fr,t paqs.l

these realms desire the proclaimed principle of
neutrality to be understood, and as to the con-
sistency with which it ought to be acted upon.
Neutrality is q general expression, yet it i'm
plies special meaning, the bearing of which
cannot be fully fathomed unless we have it clear
IL understood with which of the contending par
ties her Maiesty's Government would side, If
they were not to remain neutral. Hear, hear.
Now, nv Lord, do not remember to have heard
of one single official or semi-ofhcial declaration
which has left the impression on nv mind, that
If her Maesty's Government were not to re-
main neutral they would side with Sardinia
and France against Austria. But have heard
Of many declarations forcibly leading to the in
ference that the alternative was either neu-
trality or else support of Austria. Loud cries
of ''No, no." 1t was always universally ad
mitted, that in the beginning England was to
remain neutral but it was added, that she
should watch what turn events would take, and
should arm in the mean time. so as to be pre-
pared to do-what? To repel any aggression
of her territories, colonies, and dependencies?
Of course, that should be done that would be
done. and gloriously, too. "Come the three
corners Of the world in arms "-you know the
rest of the proud, bold strain. But this has
nothing TO do with neutrality or non-neutrality;
this is question of attack and defence, and
the plainest common sense reflection will sug-
gest that England viii not be attacked in this
war; if she does not run into il herself. GCheers.
No; it was said that England should arm, in
order to he prepared to protect her interests.
Again ] should say, so far, good only that
interest" Is very vague word il may mean
nothing. or It NAV mean anything TO suit the
fancy of the coming moment. Hear, hear.
But we have been vouchsafed foretaste of
what it might mean. We have been told that
if a French feet should enter the Adriatic, it
might be the interest of England to oppose it
we have been told, and on high authority. too,
that If Trieste we're to be attacked, it might be
the interest of England to defend it nav the in
spired Ministerial candidate for the West Ri
ding of Yorkshire even told the electors that it
might be the interest of England to protect
Venice. From what? OF course, from the
great misfortune Of getting emancipated from
the detested yoke Of Austria. Cheersl Thus,
turn it as we may, the alternative is this either
England remains neutral, or else she will be
brought to support Austria. If in this war
England were TO depart from the principle of
strict and impartial neutrality, you would be in
danger of seeing the colors of England nailed
10 the mast of Austria-you would have the
fair name Of Britannia coupled to that Babylon
of abominatiOn whose power rests on a tissue
Of conduct which, as Professor Newman re-
marks, IN his work upon the Crimes Of the
House of Austria, even in the ancient heather
times caused the holders of power thus gained
90 be regarded as selfontlawed, hateful TO gods,
and deserving of no defence from men. This
feature Of the case, that departure from the
principle Of neutrality means support of Aus
tra should never for moment be lost
sight Of 1t will convince every true hearted
Engishman, that, though the proclamation of
neutrality is deserving Of unreserved approba-
ton, there is much left to be watched to be
cleared up and to be controlled by public opin-
ION. The important question is What is the
world TO understand by the assurance that the
English Government are firmly purposed and
determined TO abstain from taking any part in
tins war; Is this declaration made under the
tact provisO that England will remain neutral,
provided the war remains restricted TO Italy?
or is 1t meant 10 intimate that England will ad
here TO the principle of impartial neutrality and
strict noninteryention, although, in the natural
course Of events, the area Of the conflict may
happen 10 be extended to other parts of the
Austrian dOminions, and the eventual issue of
the complications happen to be corresponding
" enlarged? | wish this assembly to come to
a proper conclusion on this subject.
l shall therefore, with your leave, my Lord,
enter on a brief inquiry to certain precon-
ceived IDEAS might well call them preu-
dices-which, If they not emphatcally re-
pudated by public opinion, will be likely TO
poets held out by the proclamation of neutrality.
These prejudces turn, in The first place, around
n radically erroneous Interpretation Of what is
called the Italian question; secondly, around
7he undue regards which we hear protested on
the part of England for the treaties of 1915
thirdly, around what diplomatists call the local
ization Of the war; and, lastly, around that
greatest of all imaginable misconceptions, that
the integrity Of the Austrian empire is essential
TO the maintenance Of the balance of power.
May it please your Lordship to allow me to
make some remarks on each of these points.
First, as to the reat merit of the Italian ques-
ton. There are connections which owe their
origin to maadministration and misgovern-
ment. These may be put TO rest by seasonable
concessions improvements, reforms. But, my
Lord, Ill governed as Italy is, with the exception
of Piedmont, the Italian question is not of this
character. The problem imperatively claiming
Its adequate solution in the Italian question is
not such or another form of government, such
or another abuse or grievance, demanding such
or another improvement, concession, redress.
No the Italian question is a question of nation
alitv. And because it is a question of nation
alitv the first and foremost point in its practi-
cal solution Is, the total and definite expulsion
of Austria from Italy cheers her expulsion
In such manner that she should not be able
10 20 back. Renewed cheers Many politi-
cal questions may admit of a compromise but
this is one of those which can admit of no com
promise. Either Austria must be definitely
elected from Italy, or else, do what the Powers
of Europe may, the Italian question will recur
AGAIN and again. No administrative reforms
no l'eadjustment of provincial frontiers, could
coninte it, and no terrorism could stihe it
Nothing short of the utter determination of the
Italians could secure the rule of Austria IN
Italy; and nation of twenty-six millions BAT
hes even determination. Well wrote Lord Ma
pier to Viscount Palmerston in 1913: "The
Italians may be crushed, but will not be ex
tirpated. The enthusiasm Of hope will kindle
and the broken thread will knit again anC
again" 1t is from this nature of the Italian
question that already in 1916, when the Papa
dominions were even worse governed than the
are now-and to say this is 10 say very mucl
indeed laughter the moderate liberal par
ty-I say the moderate party-decared to tn,
Papal cotamissaries, " that howsoever dreadful
howsoever insupportabe, were the particula
suferings of the Roman people, their question:
with the Government had for them but a sec
ondary interest-the principal was ltaly-tha
what revolted their feelings more than anything
else was, that the Papal Government had mad
itself the slave of Austria in Italy, and tina
whenever an opportunity for fighting the Aus
xriaus should offer itself, the Romans wolll
ioin in the fight with the energies of wear;e,
and indignant people, because the life of al
Italy was elevated TO the sentiment of national
itv. it is likewise owing to this nature of tn
Italian question, that when Venice and LON
hardy had risen in lS4S, the whole Of ltal
united in a crusade against Austria. The sam
nature Of the italian question explains the fac
that when, in l84S, from lar lest the Frenc
Il IL D.