Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1859-06-11
SPEECH OF ]. R GIDDINGS AT THE Gle.
VELAND CONVENTION.

Mr.. Giddings said lie had often met his fellow
citizens ia convention, and had at times addressed
them but never under circumstances so solemn
as those which nov surround him. | have The
sadly a strong attachment to this Western Reserve.
| FIRST came to Cleveland forty.seven years since
bearing my k~napsack and musket as n common
soldier, in q regiment of troops marching to the
defence of our frontier. In the ofing lay the
British fleet, and farther west savages were devas-
tating our settlements. Some of my companions
fell in that conflict ; the places of their s~epulchre
has been forgotten, but the spiri. which prompted
them to action has not died away. Here where
we now stand many around me listt ned to the
thunder of Perry nile engaged in that mighty
conflict which sheds such a halo of glory around
his memory. The sound Of those cannon has died
away ; the waters are now placid, but the heroism
that aroused those men to action still lives. The
soil for which 50 much blood was shed has recently
been polluted by the footsteps OF ~piratical slave
catchers.
Here in this New England of TIE West, in this
citadel of freedom, in open day, they captured a
man. and fastening the manacles upon his limbs
in the presence of q population descended from
New England sires were h~urrying him to a fate
far worse than death. 1t was q scene often wit
messed in Africa, but the stupid pagans of that ma
ton understand it to be an act of scar, while our
locofocos, of Ohio declares il the only mode of
maintaining peace.
While this tyranny confined itself ia Congress,
where it sealed the lips of representatives, denied
the right of petition, arraigned the most illustr;ous
statesman of the age for doing his duty, and COM
PEELED him to stand like a felcn before his accu-
sers, because he presented a respectful petition
from his people drove another from his seat for
daring to speak his honest convictions, and set
ting at naught the constitution and trampliug up
en- The rights of the free States, passed the fugi-
tive law; while it was thus operating al a distance,
you could only ~ip;erpose your protest, your moral
and political power against it.
When our State was first invaded, when il made
open undisguised war upon our constitution and
upon the laws and dignity Of our State when in
Cincinnati tho minions OF the slave power sho
2 down a fellow being in open day because he love'
liberty ; when Margaret Garner was constrained
' in the agony Of her soul to murder her own chile
rather than see it subject to this atrocious law
$ and an insolent Judge dared send his process ant
, take her from the hands of our State officers wbel
S she was charged with murder, and send her to tn,
| he'll of slavery, you could ~interpose no physica
0 resistance. The people of that region submitted
/ and the murderer who shot down q fellow beini
r goes unhanged, amid the population of that por
1 lion of our State 4; our State laws are there paral
yzed and rendered impotcnt.
, The war has been brought to our own doors
As the slave hunters we're %hurrying their victim t
Ia NOVA boathaDiSb land ubara ba ponl1 he epslay
ed, some Of our most respectable citizens rescue
him, set him free, and babe him obey God and &
good to mankind. It was q high moral duty, 70
E which | thank them from my Utmost soul. Bu
Q for thus obeying tho behest Of Heavens King, st
/ do unto others as they would have others do unit
= them" these men have been arrested, thrust int
prison. prosecuted, insulted.
e The advocates Of this fugitive act say that tn
g captive had no right to liberty that this hig
Y prerogative Of every human soul did not belong
e bin. They insist that God had given the slav,
e holders and doughfaces in Congress the right
n transfer him., soul and body, with all his inherel
rights, to ~piratical slave catchers and the oppre
Y sors of mankind. l know that your feelings, yo
"a manhood revolts at such atheism we do not b
70 lieve that Congress holds legitimate power to br
10 talize and degrade any class of men to consii
a their souls to moral darkness. and thoir bodies
h. the scourge. We look upon liberty as the inht
s. emf, and imperrishable right of every hum
being. That the right to enjoy it was breathed in
M man at his creation, and now forms a constitute
element in every soul that it never was and n
err can he separated from the individual. Congre
~ can no more change or affect this right than tn
can breathe life into q corpse. control the law
n, nations. or direct the will Of God. Pirates, sla
ar holders and despots may claim the body, m
scourge and degrade it, but the right to liberty
"A eternal and immutsble.
nd Here lies the entire question which agitates t
mi nation Did this man hold his right to freed(
,xt from the Creator I or from Congress The de
nd ocrats adhere to the act Of Congress. We sta
we by the law of nature-the immutable will
,at God.
H. am aware that but one judicial decision /
we met this point. The Supreme Court of the Unit
ior States 10 the case Of bred Scott, frankly met
rs and denied that black men have any rights II
to white men are bound to respect !" that we m
id with i~mpunity disregard the black mare right
nd live. or to that liberty which is necessary to ma
i've tain life. This doctrine shocked the consciences
on the Christian world it meets with adherence
.se oil portions Of the earth it constitutes the m
ii hsavendaring ~in6delity that ever found utteral
ate srom human lips.
eet As early as 1865 John Adams declared ~
right to liberty is anteeedent to human COVE
8 a ments. is derired from the great Legislator Of
of Uniperse, AND CANNOT DE REPEALED OR REsTRA
ED BY ngMAN LAWS" Only Tories at that day
ad MED the doctrine. They said the Stamp Act v
err, constitutional and the people were bound to Of
nd it, precisely as the tories of this day say we