Delaware inquirer. (Wilmington, Del.) 1859-18??, 1859-08-06

England can consent to appear in a congress
now is the time when her voice may be heard
to advantage OH behalf of Italy.
In another article lie Nord shows that Ger
man troops cannot with any consistency at
tempt to hold garrsons in the strongholds Of
the'new Italian State of the Peninsular Con
federacy.
England Warned of tho Consequence
of her Suspicious of France.
From the Journal Dea Debaal
Because political alliances become now and
| then overloaded we do not necessarily con-
slider them compromised. There may be mo-
ments of disagreement or GOODNESS in the best
conducted households without coming to q
divorce Loyalty, moderation, patience, and
especially politeness in the forms of inter
course, end by appeasing the vexatious irrita-
tious, and we then regret having abandoned
ourselves too easily to the unreilecting pas
sions of tho present hour, for which the day
after there is no cause.
| The peace and its consequences being already
known, we are now at liberty to return with
| out passion to what has occurred during the
last three months bothin Germany and Eng
land respecting tho Italian question and the
policy OF France.
| Germany will excuse us for concerning our
selves with England first; we need not OK
| plain the reasons for ii. We are not suspect
ed of not liking peace; we have even been
reproached with liking it too much. We
have never looked upon this reproach as an
insult, because we have been and always are
ready to repeat that we 10 like peace, provi-
dod France does not suffer from it in her hon
or or in her nghtful share of influence or in
her legitimate intereses. On these conditions,
we certainly do like peace.
Neither are we suspected of not being par
tizans of the English alliance. Have we not
at times been reproached too much SO If
we were not offended at it, that was because
we We're always able to say why, how, and in
what measure we desired (and still desire)
the English alliance. II can only be OH GER
tain conditions that it appears to us season.
able to remind our neighbors of IL at this mo-
ment.
AS we have often said, we regard the init
mate union Of France and England to be in
dispensable for the repose of the world and
the progress of humanity in its entirety, a
progress that can only gain sure ground when
sheltered by the twofold power, the moral and
material power. resulting from this union
| As moral power we find in the genius of the
two nations allied for what is good that which
| separately, one or the other may want, and
sistible. As a material power, without pre-
sumption and disdain for any one, this alliance
appears to us to represent now, and for long
time yet to come, the greatest combined force
by sea and land that can he produced, for the
purpose ST doing good or preventing evil
| Tho Anglo French alliance, therefore, Il for
the most general interest of Europe and the
world, as it is also for the special interests of
the two nations. This is, in few words, the
reasons why we like it. But let us hasten to
say it, it cannot live and last save on the con
dition of being sincere, reciprocal contiding
| i'm one word, truly cordial. Ia this, then,
| impossible We do not think so for if we
see very clearly all the excellent motives for
peace and good accord between the English
and ourselves, we are still more struck, if
possible with the Inconvenience and dangers
| that spring up immediately on the diminution
or cooling down of these good relations We
believe i'll this; we express the opinion of the
majority of the statesmen in this country to
whatever party they may belong, the opinion
of the most enlightened part of the nation, of
those who have 80 often triumphed over old
| prejudices, and slenced old rancors.
| Is it not the same in Englandl After what
has just passed in the highest regions of pub
| lie influence 1t il impossible to doubt it. 1t
seems to US, indeed, that in these iecent times
the good sense Of tho English nation has pre-
| served the alliance with France against the
adverse efforts made by her statesmen With
cut seeking for proof of this in the diplomatic
acts already obsolete, we may find it, and even
more to the purpose in the recent discussion
4 i'll both houses of Parliament. We do not re-
eognize in them the customary reserve of the
great party which is an honor to the sound
judgment OF England.
We know, indeed, that it il tradition on
| la M ida of ha 81
and military estimates are brought forward, to
evoke before the eyes of the country the in
vasion OF Old England, to show them through
a magnifying glass Cherbourg, Brest, and
Toulon, prepared to launch their squadrons
I filled with soldiers on all the neigboring
| seas, converted into French lakes, tomorrow
at all events, il not to-day. We know that
this spectacle invariably recurs, and the
pounds sterling are voted. But hitherto the
principal part in that rather stale manmuvre
has been performed by some eccentric person.
| age, and we have attached but small inpor-
| lance to it, The circumstances however, I'M
der which the same scenes are repeated, the
| political Importance Of the new actors, tho is
| sues towards which they may tend, in spite
even of themselves forbid our passing over
unnoticed danger we should not have at
tempted TO coniure up.
II by one of these veerings about, which
| are possible amy day in parliamentary govern
ments, decision by majority of few vo les
more or less should bring back TO power to-
morrow the party overthrown yesterday,
would its programme be traced out in the
speeches delivered by the opposition in the
House Of Lords That would be serious.-
Dstrust, menace, almost insult with regard to
France, this is what we find in these manifes-
tos of the tory party distrust, although het
government Of the Emperor does not cease by
its words and acts to re-assure Europe respect
ing its intentions menace, although France
abstains scrupulously from all provocations
although she has made no armed preparations
beyond the requirements of the Italian war
lastly, almost insult, ill-dissembled beneath
this strange appeal tosuperannuated passions.
These are bad proceedings towards any one.
dangerous towards us. England may have
believed it to be her duty to remain neutral |
and forgetting her lineal policy, she may not |
have wished to exempt with France to free |
Italy. We are not going to examine after the |
peace iether she was wrong or right before
the war but that her neutrality should be
ostensbly armed against us that is what we
do not understand, because nothing explains
or justifes il.
France does not put forth the pretension
to dominate anywhere. On the seas as on the
continent she only desires her legitimate share
OF liberty and action. Is it to be said that
she ought to acknowledge and submit to this
domination on the part of another power -
Like England, France has rich and populous
coasts, colonies near and far great maritime
commerce, religious, political, industrial in
terests, in fine, moral influence to protect
over the globe; she has for that an army and