The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-06-08

| The war Is developing some curious revolu-
ticps in the political mind abroad. Things seem
to be everywhere turning upside down as viewed
from the old stand point. In England, as will
Ike seen by his harangues In London and Man.
chester, Kossuth is preaching the principle of
nonntervention. He is no longer the advocate
of British propagandism; he wants neither its aid
nor it's sympathy; he will be but too happy if it
remains quiescent. Stranger still, he all but
gloriies Louis Napoleon, whilst he recognises in
the empire "focus Of light" 1t is remarkable
how quickly the Emperor's sins against the re-
volution are forgotten in the benefits which his
present course is likely to confer upon Hun
! gary. Kossuth's u.s. however, not the only
conversion to extreme opinions which the war
has brought about. We find, for example, that
certain of the English journals which claim
20 be considered organs Of progress have
become violently Austrian, whilst in Ireland,
whatever strength has been gained by the Derby
government is due entirely to the efforts of the
Roman Catholic priesthood. Thus we have that
portion Of the press which is continually insisting
on the value of liberal institutions, and that por
ton of the constituencies which. is supposed to
be most revolutionary in its tendencies, ranging
themselves on the side of despotism. The fact
proves how much selfish interests are apt to pre-
dominate over the broad principles with which
party organizations are in the habit of identify
ing themselves. When their theories seem likely
to pinch them in tight place, there are but few
politicians, liberal or conservative, who care
much about their practical application.
In this country We fortunately have a public
opinion and a press that can view these muta-
tons Of the European mind uninfuenced by the
passions and prejudices of the hour. Having
nothing to gain by the events to which they are
owing, we can have no motive for investing
them with an artificial or perverted coloring
Hence it is that public sentiment here is begin
ming to exercise such marked influence abroad
and to be looked upon as an impartial mirror in
which the errors of European policy are faithful
ly reflected.
Pursuing our task of unprecedented criticism,
we can readily detect the motive of the hostility
of the English class organs to the movement in
favor of Italian independence. The English oil
garchy, whilst protesting itself accessible to
the influence of public opinion at home, is
suspicious to an extreme of any disturbance of
the ordinary course of events abroad that is like
ly to react upon their position. There are two
great interests in England which are constantly
struggling for the mastery-the one feudal in its
territorial monopolies, the other commercial and
financial With the first the church is closely allied
because it is dependent upon it for its existence
with the latter the masses, because through
it they can alone emancipate themselves from the
thraldom of the aristocracy. Whatever fine spun
theories may be uttered about the admirable
system of checks and balances which forms the
machinery Of the British constitution, it is not
the less true that there is continual conflict in
progress between these two interests, which re-
quires but slight preponderance of force in the
one to irrecoverably derange it. For this reason
the aristocracy have steadily resisted all mea-
sures of reform which contemplated an invasion
of the privileges of the church, hateful and in
vidious as these are to the great body
of the people. They reason, and perhaps
with justice, that encroachments upon
these privileges would be followed by attacks
upon their own. Under such circumstances it is
not to be wondered that when movement is set
on foot which endangers the principles on which
both feudal and ecclesiastical rights are founded,
the aristocratic classes and the journals in their
interest should set their faces resolutely
against it.
The inconsistency manifested by the Irish con-
stituencies in the jealous support which they
no 4orvx lat 1rIo Al g,
no new phase of the Irish mind. The principle
of divided nationality is so enracinated in the
latter, that it can never be expected to take an
imperial view of any question. In the present
instance there are sectarian considerations in
volved which would in themselves be sufficient
to override all others with highly devotional
people like the Irish. 1t is well known,
that for some time past strenuous efforts have
been made by the Papal Court, through Car
dinal Wiseman, to arouse a determined
spirit of hostility amongst the Roman Catholics
Of Ireland against the movement in favor of
Italian independence. They have been taught
to look upon it as one fatal to the interests of
Romanism, and hence it is that we find them
uniting with the tories and the Protestant clergy
at the elections That the latter should accept
of such associates is proof that old feuds are
regarded with Indifference in the presence of
events which are pregnant with danger to the
principle of the union between church and State
The indiscretions in which these combinations
have emboldened the journals in their interests
to indulge may be productive of very serious
consequences. Louis Napoleon cannot but feel
sensitively the bitterness of language and
unsparing vituperation used towards him
Seeing that he has committed no overt act
which can imply breach Of faith towards
his English allies, he had right to expect
that his declarations and acts should be
judged impartially by them. This malevolent
perseverance in an opposite course must even.