The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-08-18
ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
From the London Times, July 26

country, and that, if any immediate danger is
to be apprehended, it must be on the eve of a
recess. 80 long as those halls are lighted up
so long as any member can ask question and
demand an answer, or, at least, express his own
opinion, all is safe. 1t must have been an OBJ
stinate form of the same feeling that kept the
Senate of Rome in full session till the rude
Iouaves of that day walked in, and stroked their
boards to see what they were made of. No
doubt, we all of us feel the sound of the voice
great security against robbers, ghosts. and all
other enemies. The belief is carried SO far,
that it is commonly thought that in case of
an invasion, Parliament would be summoned
as q matter of course, to give the requisite
powers for defence-such powers being sup
posed to be wanting. What would be done in
such case it may be rash to say, but the rea-
son of the thing seems to suggest that a Parlia-
ment is totally incapable of assistance at such
crisis; and the best thing it could do would
be to go home, leaving a quasi dictatorship in
the hands OF Government Of all matters, the
conduct of war, and especially the defence OF
country, seems the least fitting for public discus
sion. Already our neighbors are astonished at
the freedom with which our weak points are pro
claimed and discussed, and at the opinion which
seems to prevail that a good plan of defence
can be concocted in debate public to the whole
world. Public it must certainly be, and, if not
through the pens of the gentlemen Of the gal
lery, at all events by the tongues Of the mem.
beers below. But, unfortunately, it so happens
that war always finds us unprovided it is al
ways done i'll at first, if not at last and there
is always that to be done which will never be
done, except by the pressure of opinion. So,
in fact, the House of Commons may do some
good in the matter as we can, and almost any
body can. The country at large will feel CRATE
full to Sir De Lacy Evans for his proposal OF a
Commission on our National Deiences.
There is at least occasion for it, even if, in the
present state of naval and military science in this
country, there are not the materials for a good
Commission. There is a widespread distrust,
We will not repeat after Lord Lyndhurst, Of our
neighbors, but of the people upon whom would
devolve the arrangements for our defence.
When 1t is discussed at great length, and with
a show of science, in one of our leading Quar-
terlies, whether London should be defended or
not and when it is decided that, according to
the famous programme ola lamented nobleman,
it would be the duty of the Guards to march out
at one end while the enemy marched in at the
other. it certainly is time TO ask who is respon-
sibe for the defence of the country, and whether
he knows what to do.
The most splendid booty in the world, or that
ever was i'll the world, lies within reach of any
easy spring, and we very much doubt whether
at this moment it is so much known by any
body who is the person to give the necessary
orders In the event of an invasion. We say this
not at all in alarm. Perhaps it is better there
should not be any great parsonage among Us
with unbounded authority, unbounded selfcon
Il Il L. IL 4
tenders spring up for the occasion. The frs
measures taken for the defence Of Sevastopo
do not seem to have been remarkably wise
Whatever plans they were, they failed utterly
and, in the opinion of the military authorities
the allies had only to march in and take the
to the surprise of the garrison as of the inva
ding army, the earth began to heave, mound:
grew like huge ant-hills round the city, and by
the time our engineers had erected their bat
teries, there were miles Of rampant high enough
to protect the increased and nexhaustible garri
son. Somebody or other, some plan or other
would turn mp on the emergency; a Gen. Tod
teben would drop from the heavens so we dc
not despair but still it is better to know tina
there Is a plan of defence. Ii would be Il com
| fort TO be assured that it is not the deliberate
intention of her Majestys advisers TO surrender
the metropolis to the first bandit that asks fo1
our money or our life. The feeling that sucl
is the national determination must tend to in
vite the eupidity of the adventurous. We really
| cannot answer for anybody under very strong
temptation. Our excellent pastor breaches anC
| practices the ten commandments threadbarc
and presents the very picture Of content ana
| selfdenial. But he has ten children, and onlv
G300 year; and we would not answer for hi
virtue, if he should happen to discover that
| rich old parishiOner is In such state of bod
and mind that he will leave his money Just a
he is bid, under sufficient appeal to his super
stitious terrors. Really, if England SHOULD
know that she could, with perfect safety, com
pei France to repay her tomorrow all the cos
of our extra ornaments for the last three d
| four years, we are not sure whether her Males
| tvs Ministers, Parliament and the whole peo
| ple would not instantly resolve to take the ne
cessary steps, whatever they might be.
OF course, we are aware that when we tall
| of defence, we render ourselves liable to tn,
| sarcasms of those who think this proper tall
only for old ladies, aged peers, and full-priceC
newspapers Yet since the beginning of this
| year there has occurred strange variety o
events of nature to disturb the reveries OF the
| profoundest peace dreamer. That one grea
| military Power, with a long prepared armI
ment, has rapidly wrested large province from
| another, is only one of those events, and, a!
far as we are concerned, by no means the mos
| important. The most surprising, and perhaps
| also the most serious, is that both these Pow
| ers have suddenly become friends on the sin
gular condition of feeling themselves equally
| aggrieved, equally betrayed, and equally wrong
ed of province by the malignant neutrality o
certain other Powers, among whom are we
To England, Prussia, and other German
| States Austria owes, so she believes, the los
of Lombardy, and France the loss of Veneti'
to Italian independence. They have both
therefore, a quarrel against US, and it is not a
all necessary that they should explain to the
world that their quarrels are compatible. WheI
fear that it will rankle for the proper time, ant
break out in fiery eruption. Should Prussi;
be the object, England would have to conside
how she would stand, if France succeeded il
first humbling and then conciliating all tn
| Powers of the Continent and then in maxim,
| them believe England to be their worst enemy
| We have also to consider that, under provoca
| ton and alarm, we are not ourselves the dis
creetest or the most temperate people in tn
world. Mr.. Bright would tell US that the pres
was the worst offender of all. We might no
only reply ourselves, but even point out tina
the existence of party adverse to all milltar,
preparation, and even to armed resistance, mus
tell on the possible foe. But in the face O
what has happened and is happening aroun'
us, we cannot neglect to take measures Tor de
fence. If we have armies and fleets all owe
the world, if we send from our overtasked pop
ulation and our treasury to protect our chill
dren wherever they go, we ought not to neglec
our children at home. If we cannot raise {
rampant around the whole of this isle, if w
cannot raise fortress every two or three miles
and arm it with Armstrong guns, at least W.
can look to our great ports and arsenals. 1t il
said, they are not safe against a properly con
certed attack Let us have the fact inquired
| into NV those who ought to know sometime