Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1859-02-27
The European Complication.

The New York Post says that its foreign papers
| by the Africa furnish nothing decisive to the
prospects of q European war. The opening Of the
British Parliament was expected to throw some
light upon the subject, but the illusions of the
Queens speech to difficulties which are menseing
and serious are delicate the last degree referring
simply to her solieitude to maintain treaties inv0-
late and preserve the public peace.
In the debate which followed the speech there
was more positive tone. Lord Derby, as Premier,
denied emphaticaliy the existence Of any under
standing, on the part of England, with any foreign
power whatever, which might fetter her Fl ee action
in the case of hostihties. Neither did he know Of
any difficulties existing between the European gov
eminent, which might not be settled without resort
to the dreadful alternative of war. At the same
time he spoke of the state of North Italyas that
of a slumbering volcano, and he SO far betrayed
his proclivities to assert that the hold of Aus
tria on Italy was a kind with which neither Eng
land nor any other nation, any preext whatever,
had right to interfere. He condemned in express
terms the proceedings of Sardinia. He stated,
also that the government had received assurances
from the Emperor of the French that he would not
countensnoe or assist Sardinia in aggressive or
unjustifable war. But he did not say who was to
judge as to the aggressiveness propriety of the
war.
Palmerston, the greatest diplomatist of the Com
mons, and the statesman Of England most intimate
'ly acquainted with foreign affairs, tame in his
remarks; he merely spoke of war as probable; no
word escaped him as to the freedom orindependence
of Italy he thought it most undesirable that AUS
tria should possess provinces south Of the Alps
made her an object of hatred; still the treaty of
1915, signed by sl the great powers of Europe, had
guaranteed these provinces to Austria, "ani no sin
gle power was entitled to violate that treaty without
good cause" So that in reality his statement was
simply that no gle power should attempt to dis
possess Austria without fair pretext. The armed
occupation by Austria of other parts of Itsly-of
Rome, for example-nO treaties had guaranteed, and
this was a fair ground of complaint. The remedy
briefly proposed by him was the withdrawal of for
eign troops from Rome and the reformation of
abuses in Central Italy.
Disrael, the Chancellor Of the EIchequer, replied
on the side of peace.
But while this debate was going on, pamphlet
appeared in France, under the title of "Napoeon
III. and Italy" which, if it be true that it was
written chiefly by the Emperor, is more important
than the debate. 1t appears in the Times second
edition Of the 9Th instant in full, and though modes
rate in tone, is decided. The principle running
through it is the necessity for the regeneration of
Italy, and the closing paragraph maintains that,
while treaties respected as the law and the
guaranty of international relations, they cannot
prevail public opinion and policy but on cOndi
ton Of responding to the wants, the DEVELOPMENT,
the transformations, and the requirements of mods
ern society" 1t is regarded a most hopeful omen
by the party OF French intervention in Italy.