The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1859-09-24

eminent to the Cabinets of Europe Dignifed and
statesman-like in its tone, the Memorandum con-
sttutes-not less by the spirit which it breathes
than by the facts and arguments it presents-an
irresistible appeal in behalf of the rights which it
asserts, and the cause which it pleads. To argue
in an elaborate State-paper the right of people
abandoned to themselves, as the Tuscans have
been, to 'elect government conformable to their
town interests and feelings" does, indeed, seem
10 be work of supererogaton. 'It is'-as the
authors of the Memorandum say-t'a right too
elementary to need discussion" In the very
first article of our Declaration of Rights it is
affirmed 'that all government of right originates
''lrom the peoples founded in compact only
''and is instituted solely for the good of the
"whole." Assuming this truth to be automatic,
the trainers of the Declaration find no difficulty in
deriving as q corollary therelrom-''the inaliena-
''ble right of the people, at all times, to alter
''reform, or abolish their form of government in
''such manner as they may deem expedent" But
simple and selfevident as we may believe this pro-
position to be, we must not forget that "a decent
'respect TO the opinions of mankind" led the
founders of our own Government, ITO declare to
'fthe world the causes which impelled'' them to
exercise their 'inalienable right" This is what
the Tuscan Governmenthas undertaken to dom the
Memorandum in question. The enumeration of the
wrongs which the Tuscan people have sustained
at the hands of the Grand-Ducal family, furnishes
the best demonstration ofthe justice of their cause
Accordngly-after a cursory review of events
since April, 27th,-the Memorandum starts out
with the proposition that ''the exercise of sover-
ttai0nfy n
public law of all nations and ages, tutelary
Function towards that people-not war, nor
sshatred.'' 1t then goes on to show how inconsis-
tent with that 'tutelary function" have been all
the dealings of the House of Austria-L Lorraine. 1t
calls to mind the erection of the Fort of Bevdere-
constructed not for the purpose of protecting
Florence, but of overlooking and menacing it.
One of the latest acts of the Provisional Govern
ment, we may observe, has been to order the de-
moliton Of this fortress-never more destined,
writes a sympathisng Engshman, ITO threaten
''the gories Of old, the liberties of young Flor
fence" The next fact cited by the Memorandum
is the ';fight into the arms of Austria" This
the Government assumes to have been tantamount
TO formal abdcation-adopting in this respect
as we have heretofore stated, the precise ground
upon which English statesmen proceeded when
in 1858, Convention of the two Houses of Parlia-
ment declared the throne vacated by the fight of
JAMES H., and rendered it accordingly to the Prince
and Princess of ORANGE Finally, the presence OF
the Arch-Duke FERDINAND in the Austrian ranks
at waiting for the ISSUE to return
TO his domnons escorted by Austrian
soldiers, if the Austrians should prove
''the winners in the fights forcibly adverted
to, and the extraordinary spectacle suggested of
prince fighting in the ranks of the enemies of
CHS country, and only when defeat is certain. 90
ing over TO the opposite side, and exclaiming
Now, am with you" This Archduke FER
D1NAND-be it observed-is tho son of Foldino, the
late Grand Duke, and it is for his restoration that
Austria is really solictous his father it is said
having promised to abdicae in his favor In thus
bearing arms against his own subjects this Prince
has acted far differently from the Count DE CHAM
BoRD-the Bourbon claimant of the French throne
who, upon the breaking ont of the war, quilted
his asylum in the territory of Austria-beng I'M
willing as he said to accept the protection of an
enemy of France. In the same spirit, too, the
young Duke DE CHARITIES, of the Orleans branch
of the same family, joined the Sandman army,
his countrymen. Altogether therefore, the Memo
randum must be conceded to have established con-
cusively the fact that the Austro-Louenese dy-
nasty is an international" and ''periuredr one
between whom and the Tuscan people ethe
events of the last ten years. and especially of the
''last four months, have placed an imperative
barrier lncurable aversion and distrust" it
adds-"on the part of the people, and indispensable
'rancor and luminosity on the part of the Prince
''would render any future reconciliation between
them impossible. The restored dynasty could
"only reign by force. Is civilized people''-it
asks-'which has proved the possession of
@civic virtue and patriotism, to be given over as
'prey to the ambition and the interests of an alien
'1amily? Let the conscience of Europe pro-
''nounce." Nor is the appeal which the authors of
the Memorandum make to the policy of Europe
less cogent They declare that the restoration of
the deposed dynasty-'could only be accomplish
'ed by violence, and could not fail to be accompa-
"'nied with grievous agitations and followed by
'terrible reprisals, and pertnently ask the ques-
tion-"will Europe permit return to that inter
nal ebb and How of revolution and conspiracy
'of vengeance and repression, which has so long
distressed and distracted Italy, and ieopardised
''the peace of all our nations and governments p,
With the alternative thus presented, is contrasted
The prospect which would open for Tuscany and
Italy, in the event Of the national will being re-
spected, and the proposed union with Piedmont
taking place. "With this union, the perpetual
agitation, more or less latent, which has tormen-
''ted Italy for so many years, will disappear at
''once and forever in Tuscany, when her fate is
placed in the hands of powerful King who
possesses the confidence and gratitude of all the
populations of Italy" The unanimity of the
popular vote in favor of annexation to Pied
mont and the necessity of constituting a power
full Italian State-"a necessity of defence and a
necessity of equilibrium are equally insisted
upon. Without such barrier against Austrian
aggression and usurpation,-it is argued-sttbe
"balance of power, not in Italy alone, but in Eu-
''rope, will be in jeopardy" 1t is in this portion
of the Memorandum that the sentiment of Italian
nationality is strongly developed, and, indeed, in
sisted upon, as the principal characteristic of the
present movement Not only has there been no
question 'of forms of government" as in lS49
but, Italy grown wiser through sorrow, has out
lived "the old inveterate weakness of disunion and
municipal jealousy" which has stained so many
pages of her history with blood 1t is true this
idea of Italian unity is no new thing. 1t is
as old as the days of DANTE, and the struggles
of the Guelphs and Ghibelines But various
causes have combined to keep the nation asunder,
and to foment the spirit of sectional discord and
dissenson. In the middle ages, commercial rivalry
had much to answer for in this respect. When
Venice, and Genoa, and Pisa were competitors for
the trade of the Indies and the East, it was found
impossible to keep their mutual jealousy from ri
pening into hate, and bearing the fatal fruit of
war. Then, there have been at all times the pres
ence and the intrgues of the toreigner-of the Ger
man In the North--of the Frenchman and the
Spaniard in the South-of all nations at Rome
struggling for the possession of the Papacy and of
that power which the of the triple crown for
ages exercised over the destinies of Eurone
Times have changed since then, and-happilv
for themselves-the Italians have chan ged with
them. No better proof can be given of the pre-
dominance of the national feeling, at the present
time, over all local jealousies and ancient antipa-
thies, than is furnished by the unanimty with
which the States of Tuscany, Modena, Parma and
Romagna, have chosen. to merge their separate ex-
istence in that of Piedmont, and the earnestness