The Ashland union. [volume] (Ashland, Ashland County, Ohio) 1854-1868, 1859-09-14
4olitieaI.
WEBSTER
FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.
Extract from the Speech of Daniel Web
ster, delivered at RuffalO, N. ", ON the
22d May, 1851 -tLl 81 4HfI t p te--

ster, delivered at RufTaIo, n. Y, ON the
22d May, 1851 sttt 4fi'i p s2Ta
! Gentlemen, there is but one question in this
country now or if there be others, the others
are but secondary, or subordinative that they
are all absorbed in that great and leading ques-
tion and that is neither more nor less than
this; that can we preserve the union of the
| States, not by coercon-not by military power,
NOT by angry controversies, but can we Of this
generation, you and /, your friends and my
4 friends, can we so preserve the Union of the
United States by the administration of the
powers of the constitution as shall give con-
tent and satisfaction.to all who live under it,
and draw us together, not by military power,
but by silken cords of mutual, fraternal patri-
otic affection2 This is the question, and no
other. Gentlemen believe in party distinct
ions. am party man.. There are questions
belonging to psrty in which l am concerned,
and there are opinions entertained by other
parties, which rePudiate; but what of that ?
IF house be divided against itself it will fall,
and crush everybody in it. We must see that
we maintain the government over us. We
must see that we uphold the constitution, and
we must do so without regard to party
y x r.
It is obnoxious to every one, and we all know
it, that the origin of the great disturbance which
agitates the country is the existence of slavery
in some of the States; but we must meet it !;
we must consider it; we must deal with it /;
earnestly, honestly and justly.
From the mouth of the St. Johns to the
confines of Florida, there existed in the year
of grace seventeen hundred and seventy-fve
thirteen colonies, of English origin, planted at
different times, and coming from different
parts of England, bringing with them various
habits, and establishing each for itself, institu
tions entirely variant from the institutions
which they left. But they were of English
origin. The English language was theirs J;
Shakespeare and Milson were theirs, and the
Christian religion was theirs and these things
constituted them together. The aggressions
of the parent State compelled them to set up
for independence. They declared independ-
the Fourth of July, seventeen hundred and
seventy-six, made them independent. That
was an act of union By the United States in
Congress assembled. But this act of itself
did nothing to establish over them general
government They had articles of confedera-
ton before to carry the war. They had
Congress. They had articles of confederation
afterwards to prosecute the war. But thus far
they were independent, each of the other
They entered into eonfederacy. and nothing
more. No State was bound by what it did
not itself agree to. This was the state of things
gentlemen, at that time. The war went on
victory perched ON the American eagle-our
independence acknowledged.
The States were then united together under
confederacy of very limited powers. 1t
could levy no taxes. It could not enforce its
own DEGREES. It was confederacy instead of
being a united government. Experience show
ed that this insufficient and Inefficient
And therefore, beginning as far back almost
Il. Il IL.
for the formation of the united government
government in the strict sense of the term
a government that could pass laws binding on
the citizens of all the States, and Which could
enforce those laws by its executive powers, hav-
ing them interpreted by a judicial power be-
longing to the government. Well, gentlemen,
this led to the formation of the constitution of
the United States, and that constitution was
framed on the idea of a limited government.
1t proposed to leave, and did leave, the differ
ent institutions of the several States to them
selves. 1t did not propose consolidation. 1t
did not propose that the laws of Virginia
should be the laws of New York, or that the
laws of New York should be the laws of Mas
sachusetts. 1t proposed only that for certain
purposes, and to certain extent, there should be
a united government, and that government
should have the power of executing its own
laws. All the rest was left to the several
States.
And we now come, gentlemen, to the very
point of the case. At that time slavery exist
ed in the Southern States, entailed upon them
in the time of the supremacy of British laws
over u.s.. There it was. 1t was obnoxious to
the Northern and Middle States and disliked,
and honestly and seriously disliked, as the re-
cords of the country will show, by the South
ern States themselves. Now, how were they
to deal with it? Were the Northern and Mid
die States to exclude from the government
those States of the South which had nourished
a Washington, a Lawrence and other distinguish
ed patriots of that part of the country Were
they to be excluded from the new government
because they tolerated the institution of slavery?
Your fathers and my fathers did not think
so. They did not see that it would be of the
least advantage to the slaves of the Southern
States, to cut off the South from all connection
with the North. Their views of humanity led
to no such results, and of course when the
constitution was framed and established, and
adopted by you here in New York, and by
YOUR ancestors, in New England it contained
an express provision of security to the person
who lived in the Southern States to fugitives
who owed them service that is to say, the fugitive
from service or labor should be restored to his
master or owner.
Well, that had been the history of the coun- |
try from its first settlement. 1t was a matter
of common practice to return fugitives before |
the constitution was formed. Fugitive slaves
from Virginia to Massachusetts were restored
by the people of Massachusetts,. At that day |
there was great system of apprenticeship at
the North, and many apprentices at the North |
taking advantage of circumstances, and of
vessels sailing to the South, thereby escaped |
That led to clear, express, and well defined
provision in the constitution of the country on
the subject. Now, I know that all these things
are common-that they have been stated
thousand times, but in these days Of perpetual
discomfort and Misrepresentation, to state I
things thousand times is not enough, for
there are more than thousand persons whose |
consciences, one would think, led them to
make it duty to deny, misrepresent, falsify |
and cover up truths. Now, here is the consti-
tuition. fellow-citizens, and I have taken the |