The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-12-22


When the Senator attempts TO present TO us
here principle by which his party is to be ruled,
we have right to ask him, and to know, by
what practical measures of legislation his party
propose to give effect to the principle which they
undertake 20 assert. Now, let us take the case
,ofs Territory Immediately occupied by emigrants
/ from Southern State, and by them alone, ac-
companied with their slave property, which the
ESupreme Court declares to be legally their prop
erty there-I wish to know by what practical
measure of legislation the Senator proposes to
give effect to his principle. Is it by a code to
abolish the property of the STAKEHOLDER in his
slaves there? Is that what he proposes to do !?
If the people of the Territory desire to use that
form of labor, does he mean to deny them that
right, and to deny it by act of the Federal
Legislature prohibiting the enjoyment of that
right to the inhabitants of the Territory
More than that; if, when they come to form
themselves into a sovereign community, and pre-
seat themselves here, under the Federal Consti-
fusion, for admission State of this Union,
with clause in their Constitution protecting
slave property, wish to know whether it is part
of the policy and purpose of the party of which
the Senator is a member, giving effect to the
principle here asserted their rule of action, to
reject the application.
If the end and aim of the Senator's organiza-
ton is limited to the Territorial question, and
when that is done with, all is done with it on the
slave question, then the South will know, 80 far,
what to expect from them.
Next, so far as the Territorial question is con-
cerned, ask the Senator to give US the practical
measures by which they propose to give applica-
ton to their principles, and to tell upon what
ground they assert that property in slaves is abo-
ished by the Constitution, and yet justify con-
tinaed recognition of that right in the District of
Columbia, the forts and arsenals, and those OF
the Territories of the United States in which it
has been permitted, not only by the acquiescence
but by the direct authority OF law, to exist, for
such was the case in Tennessee, and in other
portions of the new States. Congress did, by ex-
Dress enactment, authorize the existence of Sla-
5sery. / yield to the Senator.
Mr.. TRUMBULL. Mr.. President, | am glad
this discussion has arisen. / have no right to
impeach the motives of gentlemen the other
side l suppose they really labor under some
misapprehension in regard to our principles. l
think, if we could understand each other, the
good old times, when man from the South and
a man from the North could meet together in a
friendly spirit, without any dispute upon this
question, would return. l think misapprehension
is the foundation of the great controversy upon
the. Slavery question.
The Senator has thought proper to speak of
ttesSouth. He speaks of the degradation, as he
calls it, to the South, of excluding them from a
Territory
Nr. YULEE. That was the Senator's own
void. l merely quoted his own language.
Mr.. TRUMBULL. We mean no degradation
to the South. am sorry that the word South !"
has been used with regard to this alleged right
to. extend Slavery to Territory. | tried yester-
day to explain that the South is made up of a
breat many persons who not shareholders,
fy far many more than the shareholders, and
therefore l do not know what right those who
rCl oil hava IN 70 IN @La
they the South. They are portion of the
South, and a small portion only, about one
twentieth part, as shown by the census
The Senator asks if this platform Of principles
is only intended to apply to the Territories. Most
tssuredly the Republican party had its origin in
The question of Slavery in regard to the Terrific
rts, 1t was the departure from the policy of
this Government, from the day of its foundation
Gown to 1854, which gave rise to the Republican
perry. 1t was an organization in reference to
tha-question of Slavery in the Territories and
ne&here else. There is nothing in this platform
in regard to the question of Slavery in the States
of.tais Union; and, lest forget it, permit me to
say that | speak not for the Republican party
except as its platform speaks. l claim no au-
tA2iity to be its exponent. It's exponent is its
rifciples, as declared here in this document
Mr. YULEE. desire to have his exposition of
tas platform, or what he presents as his plat
FIRM.
Mr.. TRUMBULL. The Senator speaks of what
.0iesent as the platform. Now, is it possible
that the Senator from Florida has not seen, and
dosi' not know, this platform? Is there any
ottr? Why say, " what present as the plat
f9lni?" Why not say, " the platform of the Re-
pu lean party?" Why should we seek here, in
tn. Senate of the United States, to mislead any
Dol =? | am sorry we cannot speak of admitted
fot tt, as they are. We are trying here, l trust,
to arrive at an understanding with each other.
Tia is my object; and l wish to do away with
az Nhese clap-trap expressions and these ugly
MAKES that are used for the purpose of exciting
prt9 Idice. Why is it that members of the Sen
asC Of the United States and that the Cabinet
oibe4rs of the country, talk of the Republican
pAHy as the Black Republican party2 Do they
wa, to create prejudice against it? The Sen
a.krdid not use that word.
a.. YULEE. No, did not use it.
{ =. TRUMBULL. / happened to speak of it
no lit has been used in this debate-because
RI Senator seemed to cast a suspicion upon the
Pc form. Why, sir, there is but the one
n Fir. YULEE. 1t may be. l would state here
e lie Senator, that l did not use the term Black
Republican.
u TRUMBULL. l have said you did not
H. YULEE. But did not use tho term Re-
pa ihcan here, for the reason, as said last night
IL Z. that term and that party denomination hav-
iI.g been once consecrated by a national party of
far other, and, as humbly think, higher objects
Il an the present party, no party, whatever its
objects may be, has the right to appropriate that
name. 1t has become the property of a precc-
ding party, and therefore some qualification of
tie Term Republican, by which the gentleman's
paitg may be defined, ought 20 be adopted.
wieNnot myself apply qualification, but leave
it Q that party to discover, as hope they will
sesp qualification of the term Republican
4. TRUMBULL. Mr. President, it is because
WI advocate every principle advocated by the
ot' Republican party that we adopt its name ;
al j say to the Senator to-day, show me de-
pa tlre from the principles of the Republican
patty of Thomas Jeffersons days, and will op-
pose that departure in the Republican party of
to-day. 1t Is because we advocate the princi-
pl<s of Thomas Jefferson, because we advocate
principles OF the Republican party of 1900,
tint we call ourselves Republicans and, if |
kfsS myself, will adhere to the principles of
the old Republican party in regard to this ques-
ton. The father of that party is our great model
Our principles are taken from him. The very
words of our platform which the gentleman OBJ
jects to- were indited by his hand.
Mr.. YULEE. "To create not to destroy, a
free government"
Mr.. TRUMBULL. Yes, sir: and we will nor
petuate free government by continuing the prin-
ciples that he advocated. But, sir, what beyond
that How has it come, from gentleman upon
that side of the House, to tell us we must not
call ourselves Republicans, when they assume
to call themselves Democrats? Democrats
And the illustration of your principle democ-
racy, is the supremacy of aristocracy of slave
holders in this country. Any man can be a
member of the Democratic party who will adopt
your creed on the subject of the spread of Sla-
very, and the upholding of slaveholding nstitu-
tons in this country, which concern directly not
one man in sixty of the population of this Union.
That is the party that has arrogated to itself