The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1859-11-11

and supporters, it is not the fault of those
who did understand it precisely as l inter-
preted it at FreepOrt, and as the country
understood it in the Presidential canvass of
1856. Mr.. Buchanan, and leading members
of his Cabinet, at all events, understood the
Kansas Nebraska act in the same sense in
which it was understood and defended at
the time of it's passage Mr.. Buchanan, in
his letter accepting the Cincinnati nomina-
ton, affirmed that "legislation is founded
upon principles as ancient as free govern
ment itself, and in accordance with them
has simply declared that the people of a
Territory, like those of State, shall decide
achether Slavery shall or not erist within heir
limits" Gen. Cass, now Secretary of State,
has always sustained, from the day he
penned the nicholson letter" to this, that
the people of the Territories have right to
decide the Slavery question for themselves,
whenever they please. In 1856, on the I'd
day of July, referring to the Kansas. Ne.
braska act, he said: II believe the original
act gave the Territorial Legislature of Kan
sas full power to exclude or allow Slavery
Mr.. Toucey, the Secretary of the Navy,
interpreted the act in the same way, and on
the same occasion in the Senate, said: "The
original act recognizes in the Territorial
Legislature all the power which they can
have, subject to the Constitution, and sub
ject to the organic law of the Territory
Mr.. Cobb, the Secretary of the Treasury, in
speech at West Chester, Pennsylvania, on
the 10Th of September, 1856, advocating
Mr.. Buchanan's election to the Presidency
said "'rhe Government of the United
States should not force the institution Of
Slavery upon the people either of the Ter
ritories or of the States, against the will o.
the people, though my voice could bring
about that result. stand upon the princi
pie; the people of my State decide it fol
themselves, you for yourselves, the people O
Kansas for themselves. That is the Consti
tuition, and 1 stand by the Constitution.
And, again in the same speech he said
whether they" (the people of Territory,
decide it by prohibiting it, according t.
the one doctrine, or by refusing to pass law
to protect it, as contended for by the othe
party, is immaterial. The majority of tn
people by the action of the Territol ial Leg
lSldluIC Will OCCluC IllC QuCStIOu 1uu al
must abide the decision when made"
Here we find the doctrines of the Freepor
speech, including non action" and I'm
friendly legislation" as lawful and prope
mode for the exclusion of Slavery from I
Territory, clearly defined by Mr.. Cobb, ant
the election of Mr.. Buchanan advocated OF
those identical doctrines. Mr.. Cobb mad
similar speeches during the Presidential
canvass in other portions of Pennsylvania
in Maine, Indiana and most of the n ortherl
States, and was appointed Secretary of tn
Treasury by Mr.. Buchanan, as mark 0
gratitude for the efficient services which ha,
been thus rendered. Will any Senator VIII
voted to remove me from the Chairmanshil
of the Territorial Committee, for expressing
opinions for which MIR. Cobb, Mr. Touce
and Gen. Cass were rewarded, pretend that b
did not know that they, or either of them
had uttered such opinions when their nomi
no Senator will make so humilating con
fession. Why then were those distinguished
gentlemen appointed by the President, ant
confirmed by the Senate as Cabinet Minister
if they were not good Democrats-sound Of
the Slavery question, and faithful exponent
of the principles and creed of the party? l
it not significant fact that the Presiden
and the most distinguished and honored O
his cabinet should have been solemnly ant
irrevocably pledgedIto this monstrous heres.
of popular Sovereignty" for asserting
which the Senate, by Mr.. OWNS franl
avowal, condemned me to the extent of thei
power?
1t must lie borne in mind, however, thai
the President and members of the Cabine
are not the only persons high in authority
who are committed to the principle of sci
government in the Territories. The Hon
John G. Breckenridge, the Vice Presiden
of the United States, was member of thu
House of Representatives when the Kansa.
Nebraska bill passed, and in speech deliv'
cred March %, 1854, said:
Among the many Misrepresentation SEN
to the country by some of the enemies of thi:
bill, perhaps none is more fragrant than the
charge that it proposes to legislate slavery into
Kansas and Nebraska. Sir, if the bill contained
such feature. it would not receive my vote
The right to establish involves the cOrrelative
right to prohibit, and denying both, | would
| vote for neither. The effect OF the repea
WI VIC WioSOuIl COIH CuClCioiCs 10 uCi'
| Their to establish nor to exclude, but to leave
the future condition of the Territories depend
ent wholly upon the action of the inhabitants
subject only to such limitations as the Fedora
Constitution may impose. 1t will be OBJ
served that the right of the people to regulate
in their own way ALL their domestic institu
tions is left wholly untouched, except whatever
is done must be done in accordance with the
Constitution, the supreme law for US ALL"
Again, at Lexington, KY, on the 9th o.
June, 1856, in response to the congratula
tions OF his neighbors on his nomination fol
the Vice Presidency, Mr.. Breckenridge said
"Tne whole power of the Democratic orga
nization is pledged to the following PROPOSE
tions That Congress shall not interpose upon
this subject slavery in the States, in the Ter
ritOries or in the District of Columbia that the
people of each Territory shall determine the
question for themselves, and be admitted into
| the Union upon a footing of perfect equality