Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1859-10-19
EXTRACT
From the Speech Of Hon. JAMES CnEssu7, JR, De-

lrered at Camden, s. g., September 2S 1859.
l have attempted to show you the condition of the
South; that there are troubles great and imminent;
that the South has contributed to bring them about
that for sefdcfence powerlesS in the Senate,
poweress in the House of Representatives, and if
the republican party succeeds in the contest of 1860
or afterwards, shall be worse than powerless in
the executive department.
We may now proceed to consideration of the
necessities of the South.
The present indications are that the South is grid
ing on its armor for the contest in 1861 that there
is counselling among its members as to the plan of
battle, and that it intends to fight with rugged
energy that will allow no defeat. | trust it will
sanction no other principles than those of the Con-
sttution, which are broad enough to embrace every
true man in the republic; in fact let the battle he
for the Constitution and against the of the
Constitution, and not merely for the election of a
President. In my opinion, the election of Prcsi-
dent will be of little or avail, unless it bring
with it sentiment that will replace the Constitu-
ton firmly on its basis and thus establish the equal
ity of the States and the rights of both sections
alike otherwise the battle will recur with greater
odds against us. In such contest will heartily
Join with those in whose fate am bound, however
little may expect from the result
In my Judgment the first great imperative neces-
sty of the South, at this juncture, union among
those who compose it, and the second an assiduous
development of its material resources, with organi-
cation of material power To effect this union in
the South, would postpone all questions of mere
policy that may stand in the way. The South is
bound together in common fate. 1t ought not to
separate indeed it cannot separate with any
able prospect of present or future success.
If we cannot, with all the motives which now
press on U.S. unite in the Union, how can VIC expect
to unite out of it. if driven to that extremity? We
must learn to unite in the Union and then we will
be safe in any contingency.
Those who are strong must bear with the infrmi-
ties of the weak whether of hot haste tardy action
or overcautons counsel. Do this and all will he
right. To effect this, the South must counsel to-
gether with candor. courtesy, and federation. No
one has The right among equals to presume that he
is altogether right, and others altogether wrong
Such presumption is harsh and offensive, and can
end only in disaster. | caution my countrymen
against the indulgence of any such temper.
l am persuaded there are no fundamental differ
ences which ought to divide the slaveholding States
They have equal intelligence patriotism, and spirit
Having common interest they ought to have COM
mon purposes. I know they have been divided in
some measure by recent issues in the democratic
party. They ought to be especially wary at such a
time how they allow themselves to be tempted like
boys, to display their agility by catching at every
apple of discord which the adversary may throw
among them. They should accept no issues which
are cunningy devised only to distract. Of such a
character is the pretended issue of slave-code by
Congress for the Territories When did the South
ever ask for such code? We do not want it. 1t
is the last thing that should be asked of Congress-
If rendered, we would accept the gift of no such
Trojan horse.
The proposition to reopen the African slave-trade
has not yet attained strength enough to divide the
South regret, however, to see it introduced
With great difference to the distinguished gentlemen
who urge it, it seems to me another Pandora's
box without even hope at the bottom. As meas
ure Of public policy, it is altogether mpractcabe al
this time The States gave the power to Congress te
prohibit it; Congress has done So Until the obi
cation is cancelled South Carolina will not put If
the plea of non est tactunp to her own bond. fur
ged as political issue in the South it will divide
the Staterights party from the Sabine to the Poto
mac-hom the Atlantic to the Mississippi 1t be
comes our wisdom, therefore, in the present condi
ton of affairs, to let it sleep.
The territorial question has recently assumed
shape SO imposing on the public mind that am no
permitted to pass it in silence.
Let us touch on the theory Of the question, an,
afterwards regard it practically. There are tw
views Of it. even in the democratic party, almos
dramatically opposite, but not supported by equa
weight Of reason and authority. One view is tina
the territory belongs to the United States and tn
absolute sovereignty over it is in them; that it wa
acquired for the benefit of the people of the
States that the Federal Government holds it O
trustee for their common use, until it shall properl
be associated with the other States as a co-equ.
member of the Union and that Congress has tn
exclusive right to provide for its government; ths
the power of Congress to egislate for it under tn
Constitution is exclusive that the machinery ,
Government to be employed for the protection
persons and property Of those who may Sc authorize
to take up their abode in the Territory is at the di
erection of Congress, and for that purpose Congress
may legislate directly, if it choose, and appoint il
own officers to carry such legislation into effect;
may, if such be the best mode, erect territori
government there, and confer on the inhabitan
power to choose the members of legislature, whic
is to act as an agent created and appointed by Co
gress, to pass laws necessary and proper, subject
the supervision of Congress; that the power
Congress over the person and property of ctizt
in the Territory is not discretionary @but the Te
rltory being part Of the United States, the Cover
ment and the citizens both enter it under autbor
OF the Constitution, with their respective rights
hned and marked out; and the Federal Governme
can exercise no power over his person and uroper
beyond what that instrument confers, nor lawf,l
deny any right which it has reserved y that n
Constitution denies the right to Congress to denr;
any citizen Of the United States Of his proper