New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1859-08-23

A few candid Journals which sincerely desire the
defeat of the Democracy in the coming Presidential
election offer such basis Of cooperation for effect
ing this object that the Republican party cannot
for moment entertain the idea Of entering into
union wit, them on the terms proposed. Among
these journals one Of the most respectable and in
fuentsl is The Philadelphia North american. In
q recent elaborate disquistion on this mbject, it
says;
otis only by cooperation concession and the besrancs Of
ideas, that b. assured To achieve II,
Opposition unite and sink those dVereroe opinion
which education and eonried'n Their nature
was form ed they srmonzd and subordnaed 70
attain the seat good Of a more perfect Union'
The " differences of opinion" mentioned in this
extract relate to the subject of Slavery Not forget
ting the liberal treatment which the Republican cause
and candidates received from The North AMERICAN in
the severe contest of 1856, and in State aud city
where aid to both was much needed; and with an
earnest desire on our part to have the powerful
assistance of such journal in the conflict before
us, we must, nevertheless, assure our contemporary
that what it desires to zee done cannot be accom-
plisbed. The Republican party has no thought or
purpose Of abatiDg its opposition t. the extension
of Slavery. To resist the schemes of the Negro
Propa qandists, it was called into existence. Its
first general battle was fought on that ground.
Though the precise question at stake then-the
Liberties Of Kansas-has, thanks 10 her brave sons,
and the Republican party and its Anti-LecOmpton
allies been settled in favor Of reedOm, the prima
ry principle involved in that memorable contest is
as much and as really at issue now as it was then.
The field of combat is changed. The grounds Of
quarrel remain the came.
But, while the question involved is of the like
generic character now as then, it is assuming
vastly more portentOus proportions in the pending
Presidential campaign than those it exhibited in
the last. Then we resisted an attempt to force
Slavery upon single Territory Of the Union. Now
the de,isn is to plant and protect that institution
in all the existing Territories of the Republic, by
means of legisst i've, executive, and Judicial In
tervention-to acquire by purchase, or conquest,
foreign territories to be in their turn blghted
with the same curse, and to reopen, under legal
sanctions, the African slave trade, in order to sup
ply the necessary meabs for thus enargDg the area
of human bondage on this continent. If, therefore,
there was necessity for Che organization of the
Republican party in the years 1855 and 1856, to
meet the single issue which the Slavery extension
lists rendered to the country then, there not far
stronger reasons for its continued existence to en-
counter and if possible master the manifold issues
which the same interest is pressing into the current
contestl
Even if the Republicans were themselves
willing to sink" the Slavery issue out of sight,
to withdraw it altogether from the canvass, aud
abandon without further struggle, all the old land
marks of Freedom set up by the Fathers, the at
tempt would be as idle as it would be criminal
The Slavery extensonists of the South will not
allow that question to be ignored. They have
thrust il into the Presidential arens, and they will
keep it there during the conflict even though every
Republican and every Northern and Southern Con-
servatiye should consent to its withdrawal. Can |
so intelligent journal as The North American have
overlooked these pasent, pslpabe facts' In the
recent elections in the South, was not Slavery by
far the mort prominent subject indeed almost the |
only subject in the press, and on the stump |
Was it not the Alpha and the Omega
Of the canvass1 Is not the Democratic
party, North and South, shaken to its center
by antsgoDstic creeds and personal feuds origin.
ating in this fruitful theme Does Dot every
body anticipate that directly and indirectly, as it
shall modify platforms and measure candidates, it
alone will agitate and possibly divide the Charles
ton Convention In word, is it not the political |
topic on which the great mass Of the American |
people think, feel, write, and talk moro than upon
all Others put together To these queries, but
one answer can be given. We submit, then, to
our respected Philadelphia contemporary, and to all
others of like mind that to attempt to divert the
upon the popular consideration others about which
it cares relatively little, would be to tbs last degree
preposterous in purpose and fruitess in result
Az that is left for patriotic men, then, 10 to deter
mine on which ride Of this controversy they will
throw the weight Of their influence. And, when
this alternative is as evident to our Philadelphia
neiehbor as it is to US, we have DO doubt of the |
position it will occupy in this unavoidable conflict
Recurring to the extract We have taken from its |
calm and coIciiatory article, We would suggest |
whether the only practicable basis of Union for |
Eighteen Hundred and Sixty, is not that which We |
have from time TO time proposed We will state
!, in the briefest terms Let so much of the Oppo.
sition as sgree in substance upon the Slavery
issues involved in the Presidential contest, unite
to elect candidate who fairly reflects its views,
snd viii resolutey carry out its policy; in the
mean time sinking differences of opinion" on
other and subordinate matters Now. We admit
that this is tie precise opposite of the basis Of
union proposed BY Tk< North Amerioan We sl.o