The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-05-21
YORK HERALD SATURDAY, MAY 81, l85s-TRIPLE sl1EET


per month. Had this man been retained the
accident could not have occurred. His dis
charge was fair sample Of the reckless disre-
gard Of human life which characterizes the
management of most of our railroad companies.
The War OF Liberal PropaEsndism In
Europe.
The present movement in favor of govern
mental progress in Europe is of 80 unusual
character that 1t requires to be closely studied
to enable the mind 10 grasp its full bearings.
When we find two of the most despotic mo.
narchs on the Continent placing themselves at its
head the first feeling that suggests itself is one
of suspicion We question their sincerity, and
we doubt the disinterestedness of their objects.
We forget, however, that both the French and
Russian Emperors are types Of new order of
political IDEAS or rather they the authors ofthe
renaissance of those theories which first broke down
feudalism in Europe by rendering the interests of
the sovereign identical with those Of the masses.
Thus in Russia we find Alexander initiating re-
forms which will have the effect Of emancipating
his people from subsection to the aristocracy.
In France, the policy of Louis Napoleon, like
that of his uncle, has been to destroy all inter-
vening influences between the throne and public
opinion. We may call this despotism if we
will, because it represents the exercise of the
one man power. But this is not the philoso-
phical or correct view to take of it, inasmuch
as it practically rejects the doctrine Of divine
right, and refers to the people as the source of
all privilege 1t rests its existence, in fact, on
the theory that it is the duty Of the ruler to con-
suit the welfare of the many in preference to
that of the few. Next to the republican system,
paternal despotism Of this kind is, perhaps, the
most acceptable to the popular heart. Consttu-
tional forms are liable to abuse, and they admit
of class privileges. We ought not, therefore, to
feel surprised to find France and Russia sympa-
thizing with the wrongs Of Italy, or the italian
revolutionists gladly accepting their aid. Never,
perhaps, was there more Legitimate illustration
of the justice of the French proverb Les extremes
Sc toachent.
To comprehend clearly the motives which in,
fuence Louis Napoleon in his policy in regard
to Italy, it is necessary to 60 back beyond the
stance, we investigate the circumstances which
led to the revolutionary troubles of 1s4S-49,
we will find that France not only did all
that she could, through her representatives,
to insure the concession of the reforms
that would have prevented those outbreaks,
but that even the provisional government of
February, through its mouthpiece M. Lamartine,
threw damper upon the efforts of the Italian
and German populations to free themselves.
With regard to Russia, she acted entirely in
reference to the circumstances Of her own posi-
tion rendered more or less embarrassing by the
foolhardiness and obstinacy Of Austria.
To show the consistent faulty and reckless
ness of the latter, we give in another part Of to-
days issue succinct history of the events
which led to the revolutionary movements Of
1S4S. The reader will find from it that it was to
Austrian misrule, and her tyrannical Intervention
in the affairs of neighboring States, that the out
breaks in Italy and Germany were chiefly due.
Since that period Sardinia has been compelled to
nct npon the defensive until the provocatiun has
become too great for her patience to endure;
whilst France, in aiding her, only follows up the
policy which she proclaimed in sending her
troops to Rome that the Italians shall be left
free to enforce the reforms that they require and
to change their institutions if necessary.
The revolutions which have so promptly taken
place in Italy on the first outbreak of hostilities
demonstrate the hatred in which the
Austrians are held by all classes of the Italians
It cannot be pretended that these movements
emanate from the populace alone, for we find
The nobility and the army the first to unfurl the
standard of revolt The conviction in fact is
general, that Italy can never enjoy liberal inst-
buttons as long as the Austrians are permitted to
have foothold upon its soil.
Notwithstanding the expressed determination
of France to confne the war to Italy, it is ques
tionable If she will be able to carry her wishes
into effect. Many events may occur to render
that limitation impossible. Take, for instance,
the chance Of fresh revolutionary outbreaks in
Germany. 1t must not be supposed that the
spirit which prompted the movements of 1S4S is
extinct Those movements were the first efforts
Of the antagonism which has sprung up between
the new life infused into German literature and
the despotism of the governing classes. Il was
the same vivifying influence breathcd into the
servile literature Of France which constituted
one Of the main causes of the first French revo-
luton. In Germany, as in France, after the
death of Louis XIV, the ruling powers have
been endeavoring to stfe and crush out The new
element Of liberalism created by this regenera-
ton of its literature. 1t is impossible that with
such thinkers and writers as she possesses Ger
many can remain in her present state of political
degradation. Gervinus who in his day had
studied deeply the tendencies of the German
mind and its capacities for self government, pro-
nounced the republican system as best adapted
to its temper and genius Our own experience Of
The German people would certainly go to con-
firm fis or,ir,ion and Il ir not innrolahlo 4l,a4