New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1859-04-15
FROM. WASHING TON
,rresropdsnt-

F" WASHINGTON, April 13, 1859.
.,,.o,sb the presen, indications point to post
- ,hs threatenet hOstilltIes between
france and Austria, it is evicen' 'na' '0' struggle
-, .oms. sooner or later; ADD when u does
.oms that none Of the great powers can be passive
......tor, or armed neutrals as Austria AMI
prn.., were during the Crimean war. question
~ ..o.idersble magnitude to the mercantile aud
.,;,,;,g srests Of the United States must be
s.Tnivad in that struggle whenever the first blow
LII Ia struek. And il is well worth considering
- ,s;th a view 10 full discussion Of our rights
~ neutral power 10 a European war, under the
" Paris Declaration" OF ESQ.
hiring the Crimean war, the conceded rights OF
hsIl;oereDts in relation to neutrals carrying enc
mics goods, were temporarily suspended b! fraoce
and England, and we resped large benehts wnle
the hostites lasted, In the transportation tIanlc
20 and from the Baltic and Black Seas That pass.
mo success led Gov. Marcy, with his accustomed
frecAst. To open negotiations with the Maritime
Powers for the purpose of incorporating INTO the
Maritime Code, and as permanent part OF the
law Of nations, what England and France hadtacltiy
admitted 10 be neutral right, viz, the immunity
Of neutral goods in enemies ships and OF enemies
Goods in neutral ships, except con!raband. .
While this negotiation was pendi0g, Congress OF
and made the following declaration:
l. PhvreeriDs IL sDe remains abolished.
2 Neutral hsg covers enemies goods
RooIssss mus. be effective by force sufficient TO pre-
y, mt .cosss 10 the coss; Of the enemy ,,.,..:
These propositions we're declared to be 'lndlvlsl-
Ole and the Powers accepting them were preciud,
ed from "entering into any arrangements 10 regard
10 the right of neutrals in time ofwar, which does
moi nj the same time restOn the four principles.
THE limited States were not represented at the PariS
Conference, but Count Ssrtges presented the de-
aratop 10 the late Administration for the purpose
of securing their adhesion to 1t. In memorable
letter. dated July -, 1856 Secretary Marcy, while
refusing to become aparty to the naked declaration,
expressed . willingness TO adopt the four points,
provided the first proposition amended with the
following words: "And that the private property
"of belgerent on the high seas shall be exempted
"irom seizure by public armed vessels OF the other
- begerents, unless it be cOntraband."
Without such an amendment, the property of an
enemy in his own ships would, with the ships, be
liabe 10 capture; with it, all private property, the
ship included would be free from seizure, except
contraband. Without the amendment, and as
party to the original declaration, we, as belllger-
emit and with a small navy, should have been de-
priyed OF privateers to protect the goods OF our
citizens in our own ships with il, while privateer-
ing would have been abolished all property on the
ocean would be from capture, and prlvateerS
for its protection would consequently become I'M
necessary.
1t would be very easy to trace the reasons why
England, smarting under sense OF resentment at
that time, insisted upon coupling the abolition of
priyateerng with the permanent concession OF
neutral rights knowing, that, thus hampered, the
/" indiysible" propositions would be rejected by u.s.
and that in the event of European war ships OF
The United States would be debsrred the right to
carry the goods of belligerents only to the
parties to the declaration, and by which We had
largely profted in the Crimean war.
Notwithstanding this retaliation by England,
there was fair prospect that convention, EN-
bracing the Paris declaration, with the amendments
of Gov. Marcy, would have been adopted by most
of the European Powers, except, perhaps, Great
Britain. When Mr.. Buchanan came into Office
one of his first acts was to arrest the negotiations
ON this subject, which had then progressed to u
favorable point, by circular letter to all the Pow,
ers interested. There the question hss rested TIL
now when it is revived by the aspect OF affairs III
Europe. If war should occur, what would our
position be, in view Of the existing condition of
fhinesl 1t is easy to put that nterrogatory, but
not quite so easy to answer 1t. The subject is an
important one and well worth considering IN all
Its relations.