The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-03-31

meant efforts 10 save money In regulating
details of administration We have ef-
fected no retrenchment corresponding to
the decline of our revenues. There will
be the same deficiency staring US in the
face as we enter the next year, which re-
proaches and shames US now, when we
leave the closing year behind US. And
now, to sum up all in one word, all our
general schemes of retrenchment, and all
our special schemes of frugality, have fail
ed to furnish any help to us in restoring
the equilibrium between revenue and ex-
pense. Even in the dark and troubled
reign of Louis XVI, the failure of the
fiscal ministers to effect the same great
object was less distinctly confessed before
the summons Of the States General of
France.
Insomuch as the retrenchment specific
has entirely failed, what remedy for the
public disorder remains3 There is one,
and only one an increase Of revenue !;
and this must be effected by increasing
the imposis on foreign commerce, be-
canse these imposts practically afford all
the revenues we enjoy. There are, how
ever, two ways of effecting an increase of
the amount of these imports. The first
one is that which was proposed by the
honorable Senator from Rhode Island,
Mr.. Simmons, namely, to provide that
duties shall be levied on home valuation.
This system seems TO me to commend it.
self TO all who desire TO see our commerce
conducted in our own ports, by our own
~ utfhnna InSc 10 tho TraaSs.ru and
without fraud and perjury incident to
the present system Of collecting revenues
by ad yaloren duties, or valuation at the
ports of shippers in foreign countries.
But the Senate has taken different view
of the subject, and has rejected the propo-
sition of the Senator from Rhode Island,
on due elaboration, and by a decided
majority.
There is only one other way to restore
soundness and solyency to the Treasury
without borrowing, and that way is to in
crease the duties on foreign merchandise
imported into the United States. Whether
this is better or worse way than the way
of retrenchment or home valuation would
be, is not now question. The Senate
will take notice and the country will take
notice that we, the Senators on this side
of the Chamber, have been willing, and
have lent our aid TO the efforts which have
been made TO secure the adoption of the
alternatives of retrenchment and home
valuation which | have discussed. The
power is on the other side. 1t is only CO.
operation that this side Of the House can
give, because as yet we who sit here are
a minority. But even The Senate itself
cannot originate such measure as the
exigency of the case demands. If it were
bring in bill to levy specific duties on
the imporations of iron, and the mer-
chandise fabricated from it, with a few
other articles, sufficient to raise the reve-
nues so high as to meet the current ex-
penses of the Government. The Consti-
tuition of the United States forbids me,
and devolves the responsibility of origina-
ting such measure exclusively upon the
House of Representatives. But the House
has thus far failed to do it. What, then, is
the Senate TO do in this case? Shall we
authorize the Treasury to borrow, because
the House of Representatives does not see
proper TO tax' | am unwilling 10 do il.
Let the House perform its proper duty
acquit itself of IFS Just responsibility. /
prefer to wait until the House of Repre-
sentatives shall act, and act as it ough TO
DO. | do not even now anticipate that
the House will refuse or neglect to per-
form It's duty. If the House shall still
neglect or refuse, shall persist in neglect
ing or refusing TO tax, then | would still
neglect or refuse to borrow until the last.
That House will not ultimately neglect or
refuse. IL may do so if it finds us willing
TO borrow, and TO relieve it of It's great re-
spOnsibility. To invite the representatives
of the people to borrow now is only to
demoralize the House, and divide with it
the responsibility of creating permanent
public debt. Let the House of Represent
atives understand that it must prepare a
measure to raise adequate revenue by tax
alton, or else that the Government shall
go without supplies.
am not to be deferred from this course
by any idle clamor, such as the charge
that | want to initiate high tariff, tariff
of protection for the sake Of protection.
The record is made up plain enough,
thank God, now. What / require of Con-
gress is revision of the tariff, and an in
crease of duties, not so as to enact high
tariff, but so as 10 enact a tariff high
enough TO save the country from a nation
al debt-a tariff not for protection, but
one which shall foster industry while it
shall secure needful revenue.
MIR. President, regard the whole dis
pute in this country between those who
are supposed to support the policy of free
trade and those who are called the friends
of protection as dispute about words and
names, but not at all about things. Free
trade, absolute free trade, is practically an
ImPossIbIlIty IN country which derives
all or the chief part Of its revenues from
duties imposed on foreign merchandise.
Ii we had the resources adequate TO the
supply of our Treasury, there is not an
American citizen who would not advocate
free trade. We would all be in favor of
free trade IT circumstances and conditions
left it possible.
Who would not be in favor of liberty TO
buy everything he might want, free of all
Government assessments, taxes, and i'm
posts, whatever9 But Government must
exist, must be maintained, must be main
tanned by taxes of some kind. 1t finds il
easier to levy taxes indirectly than to levy
them directly on land, labor, or capital.
Hence, our Federal Government maintains
itself by imposts on foreign commerce,
and the proceeds OF TIE sales of the pub
lie lands, excluding all direct taxation
whatever. When will any Administration
or CONGRESS be able 10 aha ndnn thiS mol;