The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-10-29

ter for the peace of the republic.
Southern Views OF the Late Abolition
Affair 81 Hsrper's Fcrry-What shall
We Dot
The late unparalleled abolition conspiracy,
with all its astounding rami6cations, may well
be considered as the prelude to q more serious
and comprehensive discussion of the slavery
question, especially in the Southern st ties,
than any which has marked the various sec
tional agitatons Of the subject for the last forty
years. The two editorial articles which we
transfer to this paper the first from the leading
democratic organ of Virginia, and the second
from conspicuous organ Of the conservative
opposition party of Tennessee-are somewhat
significant in this connection, as indicating the
probable drift upon this subject of the Southern
democracy and the Southern opposition.
Our Virginia democratic contemporary pleads
that snon-intervention by the federal govern
ment" in the matter of domestic slavery "is
practically abolitionizing Virginia." that "if
the negroes at Harper's Ferry did not rally to
the black standard and enlist in the 'irrepres-
sible conflict it was because non-intervention
IL
Northern Virginia, "the authority of the master
does not exist" that the negroes of that Sec
ton "remain in the State because it suits them
to remain for that the enforcement of autho-
rity or labor there ''results in the certain loss
of the slave" On the other hand, it appears
"that when this unrestrained liberty becomes
insuferable to the white, the negro is converted
into money, and hus white labor gradually
undermines the institution" of slavery.
All this is doubtless true; but what is the
remedy proposed? We are told that in "the
days of Harper's Ferry fme,tes we want the en-
forcement of laws, and not their negation,"
that protection of slavery is demanded by the
blood of slaughtered citizens" that "the
Southern man who dares deny this right is
even more criminal than the inmates of the
Charlestown JAIL" and that this right to federal
protection comprehends protection to slavery
in the States and Territories This is the
remedy of the Richmond Enquirer, speaking as
an organ Of Governor Wise and the Southern
democratic party. To render this remedy
effective, the ways and means must be provided
by Congress for more satisfactory enforce
ment of the Fugitive Slave law in the Northern
States, and special code of laws must be
passed by Congress for the protection of
slavery in the Territories while they remain
in the territorial condition. But it is only ne
cessary to look at the complexion of the new
Congress to see that this protective legislation
is ont of the question, at least for two years to
come, while the peace of the country calls for
immediate action.
We thus turn from our Richmond democratic
scheme of protection to our Nashville opposi-
ton contemporary. He says that 'the folly of
the Southern people in their incessant demands
for more slavery legislation is exhibited in
strong light" when we come to trace this ter
rible abolition experiment of Brown back to the
Kansas Nebraska bill; that the South, according
ly, should cease to agitate this question ofslave
ry, and that the people have the means in their
hands of putting an end to this evil of agitation,
"by resolutely refusing to elevate men to po-
litical Offices who seek to ride into power by
incendiary appeals to sectional prejudices."
This is very good, and we must all come to
this at last; but the crisis demands something
more than the suspension of the slavery agita-
ton, and the question still recurs, what can we
do that will meet the exigencies Of the day?
The answer is at hand Restore the Missouri
compromise line. Undo the mischief which
was done in 1854, and put us back upon Henry
Clay's substantial peace treaty of 1850. That
peace gave such universal satisfaction to the
country, that both the democratic party and the
10 al v11o
form in 1852; but as W. H. Seward stood in
the way Of the wing party, it was borne down
and destroyed by the general rally of the
people, North and South, to the democratic
party. Thus, when poor Pierce entered the
White House he was backed by the most pow
erful party in position and numbers, that ever
existed in the United States. Then he might
have secured his party in power and the peace
of the country for twenty years without
break; but instead of this, in the second year of
his administration, we find the democracy tram
pied down by an opposition majority in Con-
gress, and beaten and broken to pieces through
out the country.
And how we're all these disasters, and the
fierce ard revolutionary Kansas border ruffian
wars, and this FIVE years internal agitation of
slavery, eliminating in this Harpers
Ferry outbreak-how were all these
troubles brought about? By that one
solitary act-the repeal of the Missouri
compromise. That compromise was the
Pandora's box. the opening Of which let loose
all this train of evils upon the country. Pierce
and Douglas wanted the votes of the South in
the Cincinnati Conventions; Jefferson Davis
coaxed them on; Caleb Cushing joined the
league; Marcy stood aloof, strong enough to
stop the movement, but afraid to resist it;
Atchison, ruled out of the Senate from Mis-
souri,, saw chance to come back to the Senate
from Kansas, with the door opened 80 that