Saint Paul weekly Minnesotian. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn.) 1858-1859, 1859-08-13
Cas.lus nj. C1ay,s speech 1n Coxipgton,


mitted by law to reside in Mississippi
Cassius M. C1ay's Speech In COyington
He Deaounces Both Candidates ,to,, Gocernor d
hentueky as Political Quacks, aad calls xpon TIL
! Non. Shareholders IN KeRtucky to O,yaaise for
National Republican Victory in 1850 =! g"
AS we predicted, "a dispatch from Louisville
to the Cincinnati Commercial stating tina
| Cassius NJ. Clay would take the stump fol
Bell for Governor, turns out to have been :
canard, and was intended for political effect
Mr.. Clay spoke in Coyington, KY, on Friday
night the 29th to an audience of fifteen hun
dred people. The following synopsis of his
speech is from the Cincinnati Commercial o
Saturday the Both.
SUBSTANCE OF MIR. CLAYs REMARKS.
Mr.. Clay said that he had taken no public
part in the excited canvass now drawing to a
close, but had cheerfully responded to a call
from his friends for political address in Gov.
ington. He was an humble representative Of
the Republican organization, and he only ask
ed of the Wings and Democrats, and Gmeri-
cans of the city, a respectful hearing.
no new controversy land it is we'll to recognize
the features of struggle as old as the world
the struggle between the class in possess
sion OF Ileglmate power, and the people who
would be free of that power. The possessors
are nservatives-conservative of monarch
ical prerogatives, of privileges Of: caste, of the
material advantage for the day, derived from
the ownership of labor. Napoleon |. express
sed his view of the conflict of principles by
declaring that Europe was bound to be Cos
sack or Republican. So here in America it
is inevitable that as nation we must be the
Propagandists of Slavery-and that in its
worst torm-or of Freedom.
10 the men Of Kentucky he wished to pre-
sent this living issue, Would they have a
commonwealth in which labor was honora-
ble?" 1t was the cxecrable feature of hu-
man slavery that it degraded-not the Afri-
can, but the condition of labor The idea of
the independence of these States was the es-
tablishment of a federated Union of States,
in which the right of all men to all the sweet
rewards of labor-health, sleep, property, and
g the pursuit Of happiness" should be uni
versally recognized. The fathers of the Re-
public too fondly hoped this recognition was
secured by the War of Independence. But
in the Convention that framed the Constitu-
ton, the slave power rose, and demanded the
Indirect recognition Of slavery and Iegalzation
of the slave trade for a term of years. The
fatal spirit Of compromise prevailed, and, ra-
ther than 60 back to English allegiance and
taxation without representation, the trainers
of that instrument legalized the slave trade.
The slave power grew apace; Kentucky, and
Tennessee, and Alabama, and Louisiana were
gained. Even the compromise of 1920 car.
ried slavery west of the Mississippi and the
Of 1850 contained still greater
Were the people of Kentucky prepared to
stand by and be committed to the support of
slavery propagandism, by the small minority
who had hitherto represented the State?
= The present Gubernatorial contest had no.
thing init tY' enlist tlie enthusiasm or the care
Of Kentuckians. Your Bells and Magofiins
were quarrelling about measures, and meas
ures only-neithor of them dared to risk
full discussion ON the principles underlying
the extension or rejection Of slavery in the
territories. lie (Mr. Clay) called this polti-
cal quackery and empiricism. There was no
thing in the present canvass that touched the
heart of the people-notning that challenge,
the Interested attention of maturity or evoked
the enthusiasm of youth.
He repeated that the question, which most
Of all interested twenty-five out Of every thir-
ty of the people Of Kentucky, was whether
the condition of labor should be honorable?
Would the slave holders of the South be
forever retiring with their scraggy horses and
ricketty wagons from the baleful presence of
4 holding Oligarchy, under whose cold
shade there could be no common schools-no
social equality-no ownership of the soil valu-
able to those who themselves held the p!ow.
Would tic on-slaye-hoiders, who had moved
first to Kentucky, then to Missouri, and now
to Kansas, consent to continue this westward
at every remoye-untli with
the Indians they finally disappeared: .:on the
Pacific slope!
There was hope in the future, The con-
troll OF the National Government was about
to pass to the Republican party. Stephen
a. Douglas would stand in the Charleston
Convention like the mutincer at sea, who
has the ships charts and compass on the pow
der magazine, and with lighted match in hand
demands supreme command Of the ship, or
will engulf all on board in common ruin.
The South may surrender to this hold con-
spirator, but Pennsylvania is revolutionized,
and Illinois will no longer follow Douglas.
The prominent politicians of Kentucky
were looking two ways-they were preparing
to be with douglas successful, and against
Douglas defeated.
But the men of Kentucky had higher pur-
poses to accomplish than could be secured by
the election of any nominee of the Charleston
Convention.
Mr.. Clay appealed to the naturalized citi-
zens of the State to recognize the political Or
ganizatioh whose perpetlity and success de-
pended upon the elevation of the condition of
labor, and who repudiated the doctrines of
the so-called Democratic party, enunciated by
Lewis Cass, which abandons the American of
foreign birth, if impressed into the service of
European deSpots.
Mr.. Clay was listened to with marked at
tention throughout.
6 Filtration of Married Wcmen.,'