Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1859-04-15

4 P|ccUcciSA
| the machinery of the once powerful Democrat
ic party of the Union, have moulded its princi-
| pies to suit themselves, and, by the constan,
agitation of the slave question, have combined
the whole South with them, in position an
tagonistical to the North. The real interests
Of the grain growing States of the South are
identified with those of Pennsylvania, aud yet
she receives sympathy only from part of Ma
rylaud, Kentucky and Tennessee. It is time
we were done with the negro question, SO con-
stantly thrust upon US by the cotton States.
From the date of the Declaration of Inde-
pendenee until,noE, Pennsy lvania has been Re-
publican. Republicans, as that term was un-
derstood BY those who made the Constitution,
and as it was understood and held by Jefferson
Madison and Monroe, and the Republican par
ty, before the North and South were ar-ayed
against each other as sectional factions; before
sectionalism became stronger than patriotism.
Pennsylvania was then, and I hope will long
continue to be, the Keystone of the Federal
arch. Never falling in any emergency to re-
spond to the call of duty, whether her aid was
required In the tented field, or at the polls;
whether for war or peace, Pennsylvania~ has
always been true to herself aud to her duty, as
member of the Uuio8 What she has been
| she will continue to be. As an humble, but
honored citizen Of the State, have been train
ed to bslieve that it is no less the duty of ey-
cry citizen than of the President os the United
States, to preserve, protect, and defend the
| Constitution; and this / construe to include the
| rights of the South no less than the rights OF
| my own State. This / eonstrue to embrace no
| less the rights of the cotton and rice planter
of Carolina and Georgia, than the rights Of
! the miner or manufacturer of Pennsylvania
and Massachusetts. / hold that we are one
people, united by al identity of interest and
! of duty, anc again assure southern Senators
that |, as az individual, and Pennsylvania, as
State, are now, and ever will be, ready and
willing to preserve, protect and defend all and
every one of their rights under the Conetitu-
tion, whenever and however they may be as
sailed, whether it may be by foreign enemy
or a domestic fee.
| Having said this much, / will add that /
was Che of those known as the original Jack
son men; that / was. and am, of the school OF
| Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Calhoun, and
that look to them, and to the Constitution for
my rule of action. What, then, is the Ian
guage Of the Constitution! 1t says: the Con-
gress 'sshall have power to levy and collect
! taxes, duties, imposts, and excise; to pay the
debts and provide for the general welfare OF
/ the United States" and "to regulate commerce
with foreign nations and among the several
| States" Now, what is the construction which
| Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Calhoun, and the
| Republican fathers gave to these grants of
powerl Did they deny the power of Congress
| to pass protective tariff Was not the fact
| that the Parliament of England was opposed
| to the growth of manufactures in the colonies
one of the chief causes of the Reyolutioua Did
not Pennsylvania, by her Senators Morris and
| Maelay, demand, In the first Congress, protect
| i've duties? Did not jefferson, Madison, Mon
roe, Calhoun, all and each, advocate the en-
| couragement Of American manufactures, as
conducive to the ssgeueral welfare?" Let not
Senators be startled. quote the words from
the Constitution, and | will show them that
they were properly and wisely placed there
| Did not General jackson recommend pro-
tectiEe duty on iron, because it is an article in
dispensibe to the 'general welfare" for which
we should not be dependent on foreign ma
| tions!
| will not take up the time of the Senate by
| quotations. | refer to the known and oft-re-
peated opinions OF southern statesmen when
they represented and spoke for the south; and
| refer to their known opinions, because there
are some who rely on the influence of their
names to sustain the new theory of al caforems
the modern bed of Procrustes, which regu-
lates the ssgeneral welfare" by the length of
party platforms. profess to be practical in
/ the business relations of life. have great rs-
spect for the opinions and precepts of these
great men. Ny purpose was not to cite their
opinions as the rule which should at this time
regulate our opinions; bat would show that
| they have all admitted not only the right to
create, but the expediercy of protective tar
| iff; and to insist that that which was right and
expedient then, is now al indispensable neces-
sitY. | propose to do this, by contrasting the
| tariff enacted BIZ the men who made the Con-
stitution, with the tariff of the present day;
the tariff of specific and protective duties, with
| the new system of al ualoTemS; the tariff which
gave life to our manufactures, and created a
! body of American merchants, ready with their
wealth, with their lives, and their honors, 10
"preserve, protect and DEFEND the Constltu-
| tion; with the tariff which makes US debtors,
dependent upon the caprice and financial poll
cy of foreign bankers, and substitutes the agents
of foreign manufactures fer the American mer-
chant; converting into mere money changers
those who, under wise regulation OF our for
eign commerce, would be the hope, the pride
and support of our country in peace and in war;
making them dealers il usurious interest, and
! sha7ers of notes, instead of dealers IN the pro-
duce of our industry, giving to it life and en-
ergy.
The time was, when an American merchant
could purchase foreign merchandise on credit
He gave his bond for the duties, and was ena-
bled from his sales to realize the funds, net on
ly to pay the duties, but to purchase American
produee, which he RENTED tc his correspon-
dents in Europe, IN time to meet his payments
Then the British manufacturer furnished The
capital, and commerce was reciprocal exchange