New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1859-09-14
THE STATE OF OUR POLITICS.
POSITION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
SPEECH OF HORACE GREELEY
At Auburn, California, August 6.
Ipa,nesrosaeauy Reported 70, IA. sa1a"s"'o Ua'oa

In pursuance Disappointment, HORACE GEEELEf I'D
dressed the citizens nf Auburn On the Afternoon Oh
Saturday. August 6. The speaking in the dining
room Of the Empire Hotel, which was provided with
t.pnorsrv benches for the occasion. The room was
crowded 70 its utmost capacity, about two hundred
,nl fifty persons, among them large number Of
ladies' being present. The meeting was called TO order
s2p. No., and C. A. futile chosen Chairman.
Mr.. GREELEY appeared on the platform and was en-
physically cbeeIed.
The CguRnAY-Ladies and Gentlemen: have the
pleasure Of introducing TO you Horace greeley OF new"
York. Loud cheeriDgJ
Mr.. GREELEY then eaid:
FELLow-CITIzEss OF CALIFORNIA Distance IN
kcstion does not always indicate difference in princ-
pie or in purpose. i am among you stranger; and
You are on the eve Of exciting election. beg you
70 understand that have no remarks to make with
reference TO your local contentious or local candidates
have no charges to make against the one or the
other; / have no exculpations TO make Tor any.
come TO you TO speak Of great National controverses
and sbal endeavor TO make what have to say plain
and brief speak for the Republican party Of the
Union and shall endeavor, far as may, to make
it's principles and it's views fairly understood before
Won. Let me say ther, in the fret place, that the
Republican party is great fact. No man heard the
psme-no man knew of such an organization until in
the year 1854. In OF the passage OF the
Kansas Eebraska bill, great number OF citizens OF
aiferept parties said TO each other: These old con-
tentions are obsoete these old differences no longer
wide us. We are united BY anlovershadowing con-
dicton that the progress Of Slavery in this Union
vought not TO be further extended" and on the
Igth of that conviction they came together and
formed a new political organic alton.
The name given TO that party, instinctlvely, with
obvious fitness, was the Republican party" tindi-
Gated return to the old platforms and TO the old ideas
IL ;xf tuuca ad KpDub-
hcsn. BY the Federasts, Democrats, and Whigs, the
idea was entertained in substances but until row the
name had been discarded. New issues oversbadowed
old oIes until when the people came back to the prn-
cipes and views of the CT the Revolution, they
took up the name under which those men OF the Revo
luton had formerly stood" the Republican party.
That day is the ascendant party in not less than
twelve to fifteen States Of this Union II is the party
which, by the people of those States has been in-
trusted with their government and they, certainly not
the east intelligent not the least influential, not the
least educated States in the Union. am sure no man
will say that where the Republican party is ascendant
there school houses less numerous or the people
less educated there, churches less frequent or the
people less morals there, newspapers lees alb indanly
circulated, and the people, therefore, less intelligent
than in other parts Of the Union. am sure that will
not be said What is it, then, that in twelve to fifteen
States of this Union, from New-York, the largest,
down to Rhode lsand-the smae in territory OF their
nuDber--frOm the farther East to Minnesota, Iowa,
and Kansas has placed in its present position this rev
party rising necessarily the runs of old parties,
drawing IFS strength from their ranksl What has
given It 30 sudden and powerful an acquisition of
strength until to day the almost unanimous prescence
of the American people looks forward to its early and
decided triumph What sitl
will say, in the first place, that though ~ " ne"
party it presents principle nor motive OF action
1t demands that the policy traced out 0y the fathers OF
this American Union for the government OF this Union
should today be Recognized and pursued py the rulers
doctrine to teach respecting Slavery, Liberty or any
other question whatever. Its fundamental principle is,
that the doctrine laid down by Thomas Jefferson in his
Territory adopted and approved by the unanimous
voice OF Congress in 1857, again reenacted by the
rst Federal Congress in l7ss, and thereupon signed
and approved by Wsshington-he, as well as major
ty Of that Congress, and the author Jeerson) being
themselves saveholders-the principle tia! the Ierrs-
tory on hich Siarery had not been planted Should re-
main free erermore. That principle 10 be an estab-
lshed and controlling principle of the Government, Is
the anmatiDg purpose OF the Republican party. Its
position il a conserv alive IL attacks no rights 1t
wars upon no established institution. 1t says simply
that where the earth he's hitherto been free for any man
10 labor on and has not been polluted by the tread OF
chatteaed negro slaves that there Freedom shall be
the law Of labor and Slavery sh be Inflicted only for
crime. Such was Jeffersons principle, enunciated and
formed into bill intended to be basis of law in
1884. Such was the principle adopted by the Con-
Rress Of 1857, and reaffirmed by that of 1852
On that principle the Republican party plants Itself
and ssks to go no further. i. not Slavery in
the States though any Republican, as trust all con.
siderate must, regrets that Slavery exists 10 any
American Sate-deepy regrets 1t, and desires that 1t
should come to an end. Our weapons, with any OF Us
who choose to make warfare upon that institution all
are those of proposition, of argument and OF fact. We
have Just the same right to remonstr anst Slavery
in Virginia as ntemperance or any other evil Bot we
have power to lessen or affect its existence there.
We claim more, and desire none. We desire only that
The common Territories of this Union they
by arms, bought by the blood and purchased by the
treasure Of freemen, shal remain fIeeheir free soil
to be the homes and nursing places Of ffeemen to the
and of time. IGreat applause SO our fathers, when
they were them elves slavehoders-when our State OF
New-Yolk and LsaI y every State were saveho.dipg-
70 they agreed and insisted in 1854 and 1877. They
said; Though Slavery is here, we don't want to ex-
tend II elsewhere. We know II 10 be a CURSE we
know it to be blight and an injury, and therefore
we will allow il to remain here untl we can get rid
Of il, but not LET it extend further"
There was no difference among the men of the Revo
lutCr--the patiiots-the Wings Of the Kevouhon-on
this point. Every man knew that the Declaration OF
Independence was manifesto which bore not more di
rectly against the King OF Great Britain and his ty.
rsnpical assumptions Of power than against the bru-
ishsd here under the auspices IF British rule In fact
Jefferson drafted and tried 10 have adopted in the
Declaration Of Independence a count charging the
King of Great Britain with having, in opposition 10
atrccOus African slave.tsde and thereby filed this
country with Iegro slaves, to the prejudice and injury
Of its white freemen. Oae or two members objectng
was left ont. Blu. all men knew that the American
Revolution was Congress declared in the memorial
70 the British people, struggle for the rights of hu
man nature not for part locality, class race,
but for the rights of MANKIND They felt that though
time must be allowed to get nd Of evil so serious
that of Human Slavery, that time would certainly
make all difficulties smooth and Slavery would pass
away.
Whsp in the Constitution of l7s7-thst under which
we now hve-it was provided tina, Congress might,
after the year 1905 prohibit the Introduction or emf.
grafton of such persons it might fit, il was sup
posed that that provision, pointIg to the overthrow