The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-08-29


than 7t0 bills at 6hc., for expert The market WAS
nearly swept o supplies and the stock reaniag on hand
was hold at = further advance Of 10. No per ID.
Freight engagements moderate, while rates were
firm.
Mr.. Douglas, the Democracy and tho Chariss-
ton Convention.
In his last patentright manifesto on slavery in
the Territories Mr.. Douglas says "there are rad
cal differences" Of opinion among the democracy
on the subject, and that the disagreeing ActiOns
may be classed as follows
First Those who beieve hat the constitution Of the
the States or Territories beyond the powe Of the people
legally control out lesves tho people thereof perfect
~ form regulate their domestic institutions In
their own way, subject only TO the constitution Of tho
United States"
fishes slavery the Territories, and wlthnods from Con-
gress Territorial Legislature the power 70 control
It. Who Insist that In tue event Of the territorial e
gaatuYe failing enact the requisite laws Tor III protec
on becomes the imperative duty Of Congress 70 inter-
| pore It's authority and furnbh such protection
Third Those who, while protesting to believe mat we
contribution shes slavery the Territories beyond
the power OF Congress or tue Territorial Legislature 70
Congress 10 interfere for ts protecou but insist that
ia The duty OF the Judiciary TO protect ana aintan
| subject
Then follows the argument of the Senator to
prove that the true and only tenable position is
that occupied by the first of theee three classes
the position of popular sovereignty
accords to the Territorial authorities, as to the
authorities of State, the right, by "friendly or
unfriendly legislation, to encourage or exclude
the institution of slavery"
| This is the Presidential platform of Mr.. Doug
las-his bid for the SURFACES Of the Northern de-
| ,ronrocv ond his Y,liivo t,rp RI tina Couth ond
the Charleston Convention. Heretofore the can
didate has held himself subject to the decision Of
the Convention, but now the rule is reversed, and
eight or nine months in advance of the Conven
ton this candidate declares it subject to
his decision. In 1854 he introduced this "popu-
lar sovereignty" doctrine as q peace Offering for
the sweet voices of the South. 1t failed; for the
North, were compelled in 1856 to set aside
Mr.. Douglas and fall back upon Mr. Bucha-
nan, o man whose hands were innocent
| of any contact with that Kansas Nebraska bill
| Now, Kansas, through the incessant exertions,
contributions, emigrations and elechoneering
agitations of the republican anti-slavery poll
ticians, having been wrested from the South, Mr..
making Kansas slave State, and looks menac-
ingly at the South, as Northern man, from this
movable platform of popular Sovereignty"
The original "true intent and meaning" of the
Kansas Nebraska bill was to make Kansas a
slave State; and for their efforts in this direc
ton Mr.. Douglas and Mr. Pierce each expected
to command the Southern vote in the Cincinnati
Nonvoc+;or Tho +rornouJorc raoc+;on opd 70
volution which followed this bold Presidential
experiment in the North spoiled the whole pro.
gramme, both with regard to Kansas and to the
politicians concerned in the movement. There
was a terrible slaughter among them, and, to
save himself at home, Mr.. Douglas felt compelled
to abandon his own bantling and democratic
administration, whose duty it was to adopt this
bantling as the legitimate offspring of the Kan
sas-Nebraska bill. But in thus saving himself
in Illinois, Mr.. Douglas has torn the national
democratic party into the three factions de-
| scribed; whereas, had he stood fast by the Ad-
ministration, even if defeated in Illinois, he
would be standing to-day in a national position
of impregnable strength as Presidential can
| didate.
of popular sovereignty" at the critical point,
Mr.. Douglas has made it appear an imposition
and trick, which ''stinks in the nostrils Of the
Southern expounders Of his Kansas. Nebraska
bill. 1t is not ''the entertainment to which they
| were invited" They have been deceived in their
man and In his peace offering. Kansas is an
incipient free State; and upon this result he now
proclaims his doctrine Of popular sovereignty
not as candidate for Southern favors but as a
Northern candidate holding Northern balance
of power.
In this character, having issued and reiterated
his ulimatum to the Charleston Convention, and
having already secured in the election Of certain
Northern delegates a Judgment therein, the first
business Of that body, contrary to all precedent,
will be the platform Of the party. Should Mr..
Douglas be able to rally together majority
sufficient TO carry bis one idea of popular sove-
reignty," we dare say that that majority will
be left alone in their glory in the matter of the
candidate, and that the democracy will at once
be divided into two hostile sectional camps.
The only way of escape with the platform will
be in tissue of "glittering generalites," and
then, to avoid one sided construction, all such
candidates of one idea as Douglas, Wise, Davis
and Brown, must be set aside.
Mr.. Douglas, we do not suppose, will abandon
his ground. He has gone too far to retreat He
must maintain his position. The section which
he represents may also stand by him at Charles
ton; but, as it is the South which furnishes the
substantial votes to the democratic party, the
moral strength of the South in the Convention
will be very apt to override the numerical repre-.
sentation from the North. In any event, we may
safely predict one of two things from the Con-
vention- either the reputation of Mr.. Douglas