The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-05-27

oppressive LaXatlOn WHICH 10 crushing dll Cidsses
OF our citizens. And this thing will continue to
go on until the taxpayers adopt some measures to
rid the city Of the incubus which dishonest poll
ticians-by whatever party name they may call
themselves laid upon it.
The Neutrality OF England and Germany
The Course Of Policy I'm tho War.
The intelligence received by the steamship
Asia defines more clearly than has hitherto been
defined the positions that England and Ger
many are likely to hold during the present con-
test. The Queen of England has issued her pro-
clsmation of neutrality, and it is certainly one
that jumps with the ideas Of the English people.
The England of to-day is widely different from
the England of two generations ago. George
LIE, aided by the genius of Pitt and the subser-
viency Of thoroughly corrupt Parliament, was
able for long series Of years, and in direct op-
position with the popular desire, to expend all
the energies Of the British people in combating
and destroying the spirit of order and reform,
which, springing from the first French revolu.
ton, threatened, at the beginning OF the present
century, to overturn the feudal and dynastic pri-
vileges of Europe After an intense struggle,
and shoulderiDg the British nation with an in
crease Of twenty-five hundred millions of dollars
Of national debt, he succeeded in staying for
time the strides Of the new born spirit of the
age.
Since then the interests of England
have become popularized, her policy has
hnnn hnV i0ad md hop
has become equalized with that of other
nations. The interests of the aristocratic classes
and the dynasty are now overshadowed by
those of industry and trade. King and lords
hold their old places in the political scheme of
the nation, but the Commons are now something
more than machines to vote supplies and to be
bought up at so much the head by ministerial
gold. She can no longer claim to be the mis-
ress of the seas, or the arbiter of coalitions and
dictator of policy. To-day, as. a Power, she is
only a peer among peers. Forced by the de-
velopement of other nations to abandon the ar
rogant claims which long series Of sacrifices
and of victories enabled her to assert fifty years
ago, she has materially softened her foreign
policy. At the same time, the growth of her
home interests has changed that of domestic
parties. Though the tories are to-day in power,
through the divisions existing in the liberal
ranks, their views are widely different from those
of the tories of old. Although the recent cleo
tions have given them small gain, enough has
transpired to show that in the next Parliament
the liberal element will surpass them by at least
one hundred votes. From this it is evident that,
should the Coburg interest succeed in getting
the present ministry to affiliate with Austria in
the struggle against France, even this would not
suffice to carry England into the war. Her great
popular interests are too deeply grounded in
peace to permit that. On the other hand, the
great interests of France lie in not provoking
renewal of the struggle against the first Empire,
and England's rights as neutral will be zeal
ously respected by her.
The policy of the German Confederation is
guided by different interests, but they tend to
the same peace-preserving end. A series of ex-
tracts, which we reprint elsewhere to-day, COM
pletely elucidates this point. From these it will
be perceived that the Protestant States of Ger
many refuse to be drawn into the Austrian
scheme of defending its possessions in Italy and
the pretensions of the Romish church. They
cling to the federative compact, which expressly
stpulates that the members of the Confederation
shall not be called upon to aid in any aggressive
war carried on by one of the confederates, nor
in any war defensive Of possessions outside of
the Confederation.
The proceedings of the Commission of the
Federal Diet, now in session at Berlin, are in
complete unison with these intentions. The
loan and means for raising money asked for by
the government were unanimously voted, and
the sentiment of German nationality was ex-
pressed by all. But Prussia could see no reason
for giving armed assistance to Austria, even if
the war in Italy should degenerate into revolu
tionary movements, and she at once protested
against the proposition of Hanover, that
corps of observation should be placed on the
Upper Rhine. 1t is said that all the speakers
were anti-Napoleonic. But this proves nothing
The members of the Diet, as at present consti-
tuted, do not represent the popular sentiment or
the intellectual tendencies of Germany. They
are the representatives of the numerous petty
sovereignties and principalities that now divide
and dilute the German nationality. Their action
is to certain degree governed by the German
popular sentiment for they well know the dan
ger Of opposing it and taking arms in behalf of
the feudal privileges Of church and State. There
fore they talk against Napoleon, while they
pursue the neutral course which he desires
them to pursue. Here, too, the highest in
terests of France will no doubt govern her
course. Not desiring to give to Austria the
effective aid Of the German Confederation
against her, she will avoid attacking any por-
ton Of the true German territory.
Austria, some weeks since, had appealed to
the German Diet for cOuntenance and
aid; but Prussia, on the other hand,
has declared that she will maintain her
rol, n,,l. I'LL