Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1859-02-11

Of presenting to the Convention the naihes W
ten live Wings from the county Of Amelia
Now, whether they are better of, or can dc
more good us living monuments Of a Dead de
funct and almost forgotten race, or as spiri'ua'
embodimcn,s Of that unearthly essence, We
leave to the rcsurrectcd c%onclave to decide.
His spiritship, WIN. Ballard Preston. was
then regularly installed as permanent ffe''
dent.
For the Enquirer.
LETTER Ill.
The Presidents Cuban Proposition The sanatss Bill
R,t even could the contemplated purchase OF
Cuba be effected consistently with the Constr
tution. the means whereby it is proposed to &C
complish it, | humbly conceive, arc un"aF'
ranted. p..;., Pale.
! tions, already signalized BY the readiness IL mas
shown to comply with the Presidents oenesls'
has presented 4 report sustaining ms views;
and followed it up with a bill granting nun all
the latitude he could desire, and more perhaps;
than in direct terms he would have Vehturea
to ask. 70 enable him to repeat a proposal so
decidedly. not to say Indignantly ~reJec'eu up
wards of ten years ago. rs to nave hereloio.e
prevented its repetition, this bill places i. t'>
disposal thirty millions Of dollars '-ata limc
when we are rapidly rearing tfat Stronses'
prop of u corrupt government, a ha'ota' ueo''
II authoriScs him to pay that sun 70 SPAN III
case 4 treaty should be entered INTO WIN her,
rithout rafting FOR the ratification" 81 ne
Ssnatt. Should there not he money enough
in our well.drained treasury, he Is authorised
to borrow what may be required on the credit
of the United States, rithout RESTRICTION rs "
he rate cf' interest.
In the wide range Of encroachment by the
Federal Government, few instances can oe found
more at war with sound principle. or with the
letter and spirit OF the law which gave 1t ex'
~istcnce, than that before US.
Tile pouer 20 borroe nancy, IS one OF the
powers expressly and exclusively vested in
Congress. have already endcavored to show
that no Department Of the government can del
eyatc its own powers aud trusts to any other.
[ will not repeat the arguments which suS-
tain so settled a proposition.
If il be said that in authorizing the Prc>i-
dent to borrow, Congress DO not delegate or
transfer the power, but execute il Memselresby
their agent, and that the rule applies qui .faeit
per aliYm r,cit per se-thc obvious answer is.
that high public trusts OF the character OF
those in question, do not come within the rule.
Such a prc,crsion would be rs diSingenuous as
il would be unfoundcd. Where would it lead
us: Congress may dorro@ money; therefore,
then man anthorise tie President TO borron
money. Why not then confer the authority
On any other officer or citizen? And why not
ON the same principle give to him, in whom
I'll executive power is vested, all the powers OF
legislation, also, which the constitution has
conided alone to them?
The bill not only proposes to surrender 10
the President the power to borrow but to vest
in him an arbitrary discretion TO nix the rate
If interest. Incidentally and substantially, II
transfers to him also The taxing poner:: for
should it pass, Congress stands pledged TO re-
deem the loan. II Congress may thus IN effect,
authorize him to saddle the country with 4 tax
Of so. 900, 900, at his discretion, why not
with 800. Ii for one purpoSc-even SuppoSlns
| that purpose lawful-why not for any other.
IL to put money into the Spanish Treasury, why
| not 10 nut II in or out Of our own: Ii Tor the
next tto uears-why not for the next century:
But again, if the negotiation should succeed,
if the Mighty Ruler who then shall WELD the
! thunder of the Cnion, shall descend from his
lofty throne in a shower Of gold, and the
fair Isabel shall agree TO yield the jew
el she holds most precious, shall the
gold be hers on n bare promise, before the
lawful authorities on both sides shall have
given their consent? To drop all metaphorical
%aallusion, shall the money be paid until the
United States are put in peaceful possession Of
the Island:
Before a treaty is duly ratified by the Sen
ate. it can confer no right and impose no obi
CATION on the government Or citizens OF th'
| limited States. 1t is not pretended that it.
ultimate ratification by the Senate can be dis
pensed with. They must act upon 1t, and con
seaucntly nav ra,ify or reject. Suppose II
should turn out, after payment OF the tnlrty
millions. which we tell Spain she may have II
advance if she pleaSes-and which, therefore
in case of her consent TO sell, she will be Ger
tain to claim-supposc 1t shonM happen ina
the Senate refuse to ratify-suppose that tht
Cubans, claiming all the rights. at least, which
we allow to squatter sovereigns, do not choose
70 be sold like u flock Of sheep, to a natior
which does not understand their dialect. no
respect their laws and usascs; we are unable
consequently to obtain quiet possession. i'
force these people to be free against their Will
especially if they should be aldcdih thcir reoei
lion bv some foreign power. As we were IN ours
might cost us in blood as well as gold NOR
than We are willing to pay. Or say that q Stub
born minority Of Black or White Republicans
of one.third and onc-apprehend on the on
part. that the area of slavery may be extended
or on the other, that it will not-what then
The thirty millions are gone. We coul'
not think of asking Spain to refund what wa
voluntarily paid by the President on the ialt'
of our Government. Our only recourse woul'
be TO look to the President and thos
members, of Congress who voted for the unlaw
full measure, or to secure what We could b.
stopping their salaries.
But to be serious: Gan the people be taredam'
their money appropriated to meet the Prortsion
Of an vnratjfed treaty.? a compact OF no NOR
validity than a bill on its first reading: | hum
bly contend it cannot. 1t is not only indeli
cate towards the Senate thus to attempt to fore
stall their free judgement, but the approPrid
ton and tie payment in execution OF q nul
compact, must also be unlawful and void. In
President certainly is to take care that tn
laws be faithfully executed; but nc Is entruste
with no authority to execute laws or treatlc
which form a part Of the supreme law OF tn
land, until duly sanctioned by the constitute
authorities. An unratlfed treaty, Is no treaty
I have so far viewed this subject in on
only of its many aspccts-its consistency wit
the great charter of our rights. Thus regard
ing i. my mind is impressed with the sinceres
conviction that the whole scheme, both in II
objects and its means, is frausht with error an
mischief j. r.
For the Enquirer.
To the Democratic Party Of Lunenburg and Prime
Edward.
At the last Nottoway Court, the Democrat
having assembled upon previous notice to M
-. "a rrnrcsnnf them in Ill