The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1859-12-08


her ser reliance. Strong h tfcse she SIT wihdor
anxiety and calmly witch the progress ofevents unravel-
Ing their peaiions noting their tendcnces, and pro-
logic may be probably deduced from them But the re-
verse Of ths-if We may juige from what we READ In
PRINT and bear in conversaton-is the temper of
countrymen We can hardly insist strongly upon tho
fact tha by the large proportion Of Engishmcn the Euro
pesn diiteuy-as It Is now called-is entirely mtcon-
ceved That m'sooncepon lies in the imputaion OF an
unqualified olo fdes TO powerful parsonage This Is
the key OF ALL Considered from this point OF view, all
be Of Il french
sparks some Of which IN the of things must ex
plods and plunge The world into combustion Ia that case
England must abandon her neutrality and then viii COZ
The tug OF war;
Now, going 70 take upon ourselves the vndica
ton OF recent French policy. We have expressed our
opinion OF It with great freedom as II has developed
Itself, from time time sun less shall we shrink tom
repeating our nte Sc disappointment ut the abrupt tent
nation OF the promising crusade IN tho cause Of lan
liberty by the peace of Vairanca and the treaty Zu
rich, We not Of those who any moral Or po
cal necessity for the restoration Of the self exed Dukes
whose rights reserved when the prelmiories Of
peace agreed TO. Neither confess the CO
gsney q The Argument BY which i y con.eDied that
form Of government, Central Italy Is not 20 be al
lowed 70 do the same. Here then, are many points IN
which clearly we, in common with all other Enghshmen,
have no sympathy with the views and tie policy Of
France but does therefore follow that there is nothing
COED other acts OF the French government Is all
French policy wrongY Are there not many essential
points Of European policy on which France and England
are perfectly agreeds Are those first prinapleswhich,
the basis Of the Anglo French allianceat AL in dis
Iutes If in what ways We cannot answer that qes
tive that it implies Any divergence on the subject Of
nay only adjectvcly TO the general question Of the
balance Of power and ecnc ,ohat may Of present compiled
tions, se al hea sada not 90 70 gar for an iaea
The that be said OF the present state o. El
rope that II confused and complicated, that war Is
probable, ana peace as Mr. Disraeii once said not
hopeless !" But when speak of war or peace We do
not peace with England for OF all the great
Powers England is involved in existing elements Of
mar yauy net VI
Of die Hdon question. Every how that might
happen But there no earth a. present. and
In prospect why England should depart from her
present principle OF neutrality. Should the Congress
that now appears probable be unabe TO come 10
satisfactory resolution OF tie questions proposed to IT,
and Italy he again plunged into war OF indie
pendence, the fault will not rest with Englan 1, but
with that Power which, in the midst Of q ca
conquest that has never been surpassed for the
bslancy aud api ty o. exploits, abruptly concluded
peace upon unsatisfactory, costsad,cory and impossible
conditions might result from an
pit part of the dukes TO recover their DON'T
Mons by rce by the rrupon Of the Paa forces into
the Ron@gna or by second invasion Of Austria
quen the acceptance by Piedmont OF the sovereignty
Of Central Italy. Any of these improbable possOiEtes
might again kinde war in Italy. But what possible
principle could England be dragged into its t.
This brings the great point 1--WE SHALL . Is said
abe dragged into II by France. France desires with
England desires excuse for it of which the rest Of the
world VIII not complain and on principle which will
enlist the sympsthes Of all the despoto govera-
ments. The Emperor they go to say, "is play
ing fast and loose With lialy in order to draw Eng
hnd nos,s rons into the Italian question The Congress
is trap 10 induce England TO break her neutrality; and
when the real question Of the independence Of Italy
to be raised, England will be forced choose between
the two horns OF demma-eher TO deny vndicate
by arms the principles for which she has always con
tended as the true bases Of International policy In
neither Of these will che have the sympathy Of France
and out Of that will war; All this has been said
in substance again and again by the press Of this country
and is being sai DOW. But anything more inconsequen
al Was surely never promulgated Tor alarm
ing ratons creating dstrast IN politics and dismay in
commercial circles. I.#
Whether the Emperor OF the French desires war with
England not be only knows But ue are bouxd 10 say
that nothing in his policy hos indicated any such desirr
France, but his special, family, and dynastc mterests
would lead him in the opposite direction He has gained
an uDspeakable amount Of moral strength in his
country from the friendship Of England The aiaace
has been advantage TO England but has bless
ing beyond all price TO France in the early struggles OF
her second empire. And at the present moment the
friendship OF Great Britain lie worth TO France
both people and Emperor-than her enmty. IT,
then, nothing in the POLICY, nothing in the interests
OF France, move her TO war with US, what other mo.
five there be? The wilder aarn,ists unhesitatng
y tell US that il is simply the man sdes Of Napoleon.
His people, y they say, bate aud be will fight
crafty his people. He armed 70 the teeth, there
fore must be intending to fight and only There
stratng their srdty. And this difficult to do
In the present instance. What, may ask could Napo
leon propose by an INVASION Of EngandS The utmost he
could Effect, granting him improbable success, would be
the desuuetion OF ssme thousands Of Eglhhmen and
the spoatoD Of some Of coast river towns at
cost 10 himself and his people that would be fearful
think Of The Ne landed sron rs.ura sothi,,g
tM eentual dgfsas ana disaster couM result to
hun, and he ,o0uld haze lost all moral isflAenee
ufshout any compromising glory; he would have
destroyed his place in history for the most
unworthy trite that led misguided man into mis-
CHEF But while there imaginative motive to induce
the Emperor to contemplate the invasion OF England
there every reason in the world to justify the keeping
the empire in state of readiness for war The
times require it. The perpexty Of nations requires it,
And It is tor England TO follow the rule and by the
strength Of her navy, her army, her militia, nsr rifle
corps her naval volunteers every other source OF
strength, to b. reacy for every emergency that may
arise. We eridenQy entering ,posa stormy period
and is part Of every Kingdom that h IS anything 20
lose to place nse in position to hold its own. This we
may safely do without nenscipg allies and without
suspecpg them. We arm, but we do no. invade
France France arms bat she wiser than invade u.s.
ATTACKS OF THE FRENCH PRESS AND An INVASION
RANIC. Is ss
IRON the Inndcn Times, Nov. 22.1
When we resolved to draw, in the most explicit and d
rect manners the attention Of the French
the manifestations Of hostility part OF the French
nation and the French press, did IT after full consde
ration Of the heavy responsibility assumed We knew
that should be accused Of fomenting anmostes al
ready too prominent and Of seeking pretence
deprecated But we thought that nothing was 10 be- aosd
by hypocritca retcehce and that the service we
could render to The Of point how
maniesty every thing tended towards is interruption
We were not without hope than when IL made mani
fest to the Emperor Napoleon now entirely he by OPT
MON this country held responsible from his absolute
control the press and his employees for the sudden
passion which has aasted France he would see the ne
cessy of acquittng hmse Of that responsibility by ex
ercsng his power in the direction towards which all his
avowed and official acts tend We been dsar pointed
in neither expectation We have as much abuse
ondest antcipatons have led Us TO expect One
halt OF the French has told that statements
false: the other half has admitted them to be tre lint
has declared that the anmosty Of which complain has
been brought upon us by our eTn misconduct principally
in not joining France in that very from which the
French nation itself before ts commencement was 80
pctorousy averse But il have been heartily abused
we have also been completely successful TIE Emperor OF
The French hcs dree his Minister Of tie Interior % send 10
ne PROJECT Of each department confidential circular IN
nI.xfr
Language Of Tie French press uah regard TO Eg1na-ko
the fact that such language Icing found IN Journals ,shiM
cordially support the imperial government inent.fy
that gosynment ydth Ctacs upon allied and frsdiy
lct and that is desirable for the dignity Of NE imperial
government and tie nadt', ince Of peace that ne Petecs
should use esr intnce TO put to the 1aris No
doubt, we could prescribe the manner in which the
evil we complain Of should be put to- we should
have rather seen another expedient The whole i'm
porfaDCe Of the attacks maze by the French press on
England lies in the absolute subsection Of that press 70 tue
French government u Is because, as have shown
by system Of the most rd and absolute coercion every
editor Of French newspaper Obliged perform the
of1se OF censor for The government that attach such