Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1859-07-13

until called into being by the Federal
congress, IN the organic act of Territorial
government. In all these demonstrations
oi power and there can be none Others
outside of them in Territorial Govern.
ment, we beheld the direct, positive and
tangible evidences of the presence of the
sovereignty of the Government of the
United States, excluding the pretensions
Of Squatler or Territorial legislative SOW
ereignty, or Popular Sovereignty when
used as q convertible term with these, as
being alike untenable in fact, and prepos-
ferrous in logic.
But IT must be borne in mind that the
Federal Government cannot act in a Ter
ritory as despot, or arbitrary ruler; and
here IS The difference Jct,ceea oar doctrine and
that q tie Wilmotproeisioaites. IL must gov
ern IN a Territory in the sense of the Con-
stitution, from which it derives us life
and its every function, and it is bound to
respect, with strict impartiality, the rights
ana interests of all parties concerned,
these parties being the States and people
OF the States respectfully. Now the Gov
ernmens OF a Territory is not natural and
indeIeasible, but derivative from the Con.
gress; otherwise, the few thousand inhabc
ltants OF a Territory, after its aquisition by
purchase, or as indemnity for war expenso
es perhapse, would have the right to set
themselves up as foreign State, if they
SO liked, and to deny the jurisdiction OF
the United States. But Congress, when
establishing Government in Territory,
cannot mpart to it authority TO do, by
feeble Territorial enactments, what Con-
gress itself cannot undertake to perform
under the Constitution, and can never
venture to undertake, except in fragrant
usurpatlon of powers not delegated. but
reserved TO the States.
We are opposed, however, to the intro
duction OF any provision particularly pro-
tecting slave, or any other kind Of proper
ty, into an act organizing a Territorial
Government. But il Territory attompt
nulliicaton or REBELLION, in the shape of
resistance to acts of Congress, orto Judi
cial decisions in their proper logical and
legal consequences, or to any other legiti-
mate acts done in and by virtue of the
Constitutional authority oi the United
States over the same, then the Federal
Government should at once interpose and
put 1t down, not SO much for the sake of.
slave, or any other kind of property, or
even. OF the personal rights of citizens that
may be thereby invaded, though consti-
tuting sufficient reason for the moye-
ment,as looking 70 henecessity Of its oDn pres
er0atioR. But before the happening of any
such act of notification, or rebellion, and
at the time of organizing Territorial
Government, the presumptions are all in
favor ola legal and peaceful course of DO.
lltical conduct on the part of the inhabi-
tants oi a Territory; Vherc0s tie doctrine OF
Coggress'onal tRtervention would ASSUME tie re-
Uersc In fine, we are disposed to mann
tain on this question, and at all times, the
fundamental principle of the equality ofMe
Saates. Weare distinctly opposed to any
compulsory REIMBURSEMENT, in the name
ofsquatter sovereignty, of the rights of
the S;ate of Pennsylvania, as one of the
sovereign propretors of all the public do
main or Territorial property of the United
States, and we still occupy, without any,
change of opinion the ground held by the
following resolution of the Cincinnati Con-
vention of 1856, to wit:
'Resoired, That we recognize the right
Of the people of all the Territories, inclu-,
ding Kansas and Nebraska, acting through
the legally and fairly expressed will of u
majority ofactual residents, and whenev-
er the number of their inhabitants justi-
fies it, to form constitution with OF with
out domestic slavery. and be admitted in-
to the Union upon terms of perfect equal
ity with the other States y
This resolution distinctly represents the
marked difference between the revolu.
tionary efforts of the first squatters in a.
new Territory to abolish Negro Slavery or
to prevent the introduction Of Slave props
erty into the Territory, by the incompe-
tent agency of a Territorial Legislaturo,
and the constitutional and quiet exercise.
of the rights of Sovereignty, by the people.
of a territory in the formation of State.
Constitution with or without domestic
Slavery, as they may determine In the
meantime, the citizens of each and eyerv
State being in all respects equal with
each other under the Constitution, take
their various kinds of property with thenI
into the Territory, and while in a nerrito-
rial condition they and their property are
all equally protected by the Constitutions
of the United States and the bred Scott
decision. We thus stand on the sure.
VI lllt 1tnNlllullOH anu JnG
Law, which sternly and justly deny the ar
bitrdry poi0er Of one set Of settlers 70 con hscatc
The property Of another set. We thus avoid
too, those contests between settlers, by
which the people are kept in constant
state Of commotion and turbulence, with
murder, rapine, burnings and all kinds of
violent acts, throughout their entire Ter
ritorial existence, and to the prejudice OF
their best interest, and of the peace and
harmony of the States Of the Union. Fa
A little more than two years ago Penn.
sylvania had the proud satisfaction to witt
ness the elevation of hermost distinguish
ed Statesman to the Presidency This IL
lustrious citizens, her choice and that of
the country for the first Office of the Re-
public, was elected after doubtful and
dangerous contest, ns the candidate of the
National Democracy Of the Union, over
the nomioee of sectional movement sud-
denly springiBg into its calamilous exis-
tence on single ianaticnl idea, avowedlvf
confined in its operation to one rnoiety Of
the Confederacy, and in its reckless disre~