The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-07-21

aiacrlty IN seizing upon pretext OF constitu
honal impotency. General Cass, If not the IN
ventor, was one of the first to bring the doc
tripe into notice, by his Nicholson letter, and
TO turn it to account. On the faith of thai
letter he was forgiven his faint expressions Of
! preference for Freedom in the Territories, and
put in nomination for the Presidency in le4s.
The whole South of the Democratic" school
endorsed the Nicholson letter, except the then
insignificant Calhoun faction.
But, after trial, the South has found popular
sovereignty a treacherous reliance. 1t has
made California and Kansas free States and
now the doctrine is held in universal adherence
south of Mason and Dixon's line. They have
not only abandoned this popular watchword, but
! they do so on the identical grounds we have
| ever taken, and which we have briefly reiterated
in this article. They insist upon the right OF
| Congressional intervention-not, indeed, as we
do, for the prohibition of Slavery, but for its
establishment. So far as the constitutional
question is concerned, it is of no consequence
whether Intervention is for or against Slavery.
The doctrine is the same
at disadvantage. They have conceded our
doctrine of Congressional authority to legislate
for the Territories. And is this the time to
abandon the doctrine? Have we not fought
for years for it, and shall we now give it up be-
cause our enemies would seize upon it in
order to turn it against us? If Slavery were
really popular in the free States, we should
have reason to fear the application of this doc
trine of intervention but as Slavery is not
popular in that section, and no party there
dare come out for it, it is clear that we have
everything to gain by sticking 10 our princi
Piles. Let the Republicans hold on to it, now
that it is conceded by the Southern Sham De-
mocracy, and the Northern Democracy may
safely be left to take either horn of the diem
ma. They may go for intervention to carry
Slavery into the Territories if they choose, or
they may join us in applying it to exclude
Slavery. They are not the men to stand neu-
trail, and we are willing to put them to the test
As a practical question it by no means fol-
lows, that because we assert the right of inter
vention for the prohibition Of Slavery, we must
insist upon its invariable application. When
the circumstances clearly indicate the neces-
sary predominance of Freedom in Territories, as
for instance, in Washington, Nebraska, and
Dacotah, which have free States lying to the
south of them, the most Jealous and uncom.
promising advocate of the Republican theory
would not insist upon the application of the
Anti-Slavery proviso. In regard to the Terri
tory of Utah, which is remote from the Slavery
region, in high latitude, and which is COM
posed in great part of cold sterile mountains
and barren plains, we doubt if an Ant-Sla-
very clause added to its organic Territorial char
ter would be of any practical utility. Such
a clause cannot be added to its fundamental
laws until Republican Administration is in
augurated, and under such auspices it would
not be necessary, even if the inducements held
out by the soil and climate to introduce Sla-
very were greater than they are known to be.
Federal influence, rightly used, would forever
Danish Slavery from Utah, without the necessity
for Congressional intervention
New Mexico stands on a different footing.
Influenced by the Administration of James
Buchanan that sterile Territory has adopted a
slave code, with perhaps not fifty slaves to be
governed by it. This code should be abolished
If the people refuse to abolish it, then Con
gress should interfere, and abolish it for them.
In word, it seems to us that duty, as well
expediency, require that the Republicans
should adhere to their principles But let them
take a lesson of wisdom from their enemies.
Governor Wise has the merit of originating the
doctrine of slave code for the Territories. 1t
was intended as a direct offset to the Repab-
ican doctrine of free code for the Territories.
But he found, upon trial, that his new dogma |
was presented in form unnecessarily harsh. |
1t gave no discretion to the people of the Ter
ritories, however willing they might be to carry
out his Pro-Slavery policy. Finding he had |
made this mistake of form, Governor Wise puts |
forth a pronunciamiento as a standing adver-
tisement in the editorial columns of his organ,
in which he says " No Federal slave code"
" No Congressional discrimination in favor of
slave property" Bat if tie Territories fail to
protect stare property, or dssaH II, then 1t be-
comes tie duty Of Congress- and all tie depart |
p,ents Of the Federal Government to protect the |
rigM Of slageholding.
Here is an example of wisdom worthy of imi-
tation by the Republicans. They find that
their naked dogma which, as generally under
stood, requires Wilmot Proviso for all the |
Territories, whether they need it or not, is re-
pulsive to many good FreeSoilers aud Repub-
lcans. Let them then, as compromise, fall
back, like Mr.. Wise, upon the right and duty
of intervention, only when it becomes neces. |
sary. Let us hold fast to the right of Slavery
restriction, but let us refrain from the exercise
of it until it becomes necessary. Fortiter in
re, sudciter an modo.
VIRGINIA FL EETION EpEE CnIJ JCM |