The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-12-01
economy special public peace, and special
pablo health"
The nronnsed orranic Ia IL az follows.

economy, special public peace, and special
pablo health"
The proposed organic law is as follows:
BE 1t enacted. de-, That hereafter our ne
gro labor system shall be held, taken, and ad-
Judged to be Warranteeism, in which the mas
tiers shall be magistrates, property in man shall
be abolished, labor obligations shall be CAPT.
talized, caste shall be maintained for the prog
ress and purity of races, the negroes never
shall be citizens, the rule OF the distribution as
OF the system shall be justice, the agent'of the
distribution shall be the State, and the act of
distribution shall be the ordinance of work and
wages"
The Reueille says:
Mr.. Hughes has taken one position of in
calcuable importance, and of future bear
ing which cannot be estimated This is the
demonstration thatour labor system now is not
Slavery. The Reports aim is to demonstrate
this great and momentous doctrine. Since it
was promulgated, the best authorities in the
United States have supported it. One of the
greatest is Jefferson Davis. In his famous
speech at Jackson, he took the bold and i'm
pregnablc ground that Slavery was misno-
mer,' or, in other words, that our labor system
is not Slavery. So, too, the able and venera-
Bile Virginia philosopher and statesman, Ed
mund Ruffin, in his recent essay, entitled Sta
rery and Free Labor Defined and Compared"
declares that our labor system is not Slavery.
de says, with those views protest against
the fitness and truth of the usually received
definitions and applications of slave labor and
free labor So, too, that learned and thor
ough journal, the London Cotton Plant, elo-
quently says, in this connection, Finally, and
in conclusion, we ask, is it not clear and be
yond mistake, that he, foolish, worldwide
lie, is the evil we labor under, that monstrous
lie and absurd misnomer, which terms the
natural subordination of the negro, slavery. In
addition to these indisputable authorities, is
another. The philosophic and well-read Saw
yer, in his admirable Institutes, first quotes
the legal definition of Slavery, and then most
truly says: Many of the features of this def
milton have but a nominal existence, without
any practical effect He also expounds and
most ably confirms another one of Mr.. Hughes's
doctrines; and this is that the idea OF property
In man is an absurdity-a fiction of law for
convenience of alienation, administration, and
registration Says the Institutes in this con-
nection, The idea of property in his person
the negro's) is but fiction of law The tre
mendously practical bearing of Mr.. Hughes's
teaching is nothing more nor less than this !:
If our labor system has so progressed as not to
be Slavery in the contemplation of the Consti-
tuition, but to be Warranteeism, then the IN
PRODUCTION of African warrantees will not be in
violation of either the letter or the spirit of the
Federal slave trade acts. This of course can
not be denied. Justice is the essence of War
ranteeism. AS soon, then, as Mr.. Hughes's
organic law is passed, just so soon African
warrantees may be legally introduced"
1t will be seen that this scheme originated
in an effort to evade the laws which prohibit
the importation of slaves from Africa or more
probably that absurd and abortive enterprise
is annexed to it, in order to render it popular.
In any event, we regard the movement as
highly important, as it will inevitably, if adopt
ed, lead to a material modification of Slavery.
Let the South repudiate the name Slavery, even
for shame, and we shall have reason to hope
that the day is not distant when the thing will
be as odious as the name.