Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1859-06-17
Changes in the Principles o: Political Parties.


journal of Commerce" in which change OF
principle in the Black Republican party from
Congressional prohibition of slavery in the
Territories, in 1854. TO silence on that GcS-
ton in 1860, is confidently predicted by our
New York contemporary.
The journal of Commerce" commenting
upon this subject, thus alludeS to Gov. Wise:
Our readers are aware that portion Of the
Southern politicians, Governor Wise, Of Nir-
ginia, among the number, now hold explicitly
that it is the duty Of Congress to intervene to
protect slavery in the Territories. This is not.
if We Judge correctly, the accepted doctrine of
the Democrats of the Union, As party, but it
is insisted upon by portion Of the Southern
men. including. probably. the most devoted
friends of the institution Of slavery, and, We
must do them the justice to say, who he<ltited
about accepting the non-intcrvention policy IN
1854. and have scarcely been sasiSticd with II
Mt any period since"
Gov. Wise does most explicitly hold that 1t
is the d"ty Of Congress to intervene to protect
slavery in the Territories, and We would most
respectfully ask ofour esteemed contemporary if
il doex not ogree ~W kim' Is not protection
of persons and property the constitutional du-
ty of the Federal Government, and, rs such,
the duty Of the legislative as Of the other tc-
partments?
The ends and objects Of the Federal ConSti-
tuition were "union, justice. domestic tranquil
", common defence, general welfare and iber-
ty to ourselves and our postcrity," and We
would ask our contemporary whether these
ends and objects can he obtained if one OF the
Departments of the Government refuses its pro-
lection to property" Isnot the q"itt enjoyment
ofprop,rtY essential to ~ more perfect Union,
"to establish justice" To promote domcs-
tic tranquility" to common defence to gen
cra wclfnrc" and to secure the blessings Of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity:"
And can there be quiet enjoyment Of proper
perly if one department Of the Government
fails in its d"tyf
The accepted doctrine Of the Democrats of
the Union as party has been put forth on
two great occasions. In 1852, ut Baltimore,
the Democracy resolved that Congress has no
power under the Constitution II inttrftrc with
or control the domestic institutions ct' Ht s@rc-
raj >totcs,' &c. and in Cincinnati, in 1886
">ov-rxrrnrEREScr by Congress with slavery
in State and Territory, or in the District Of Co.
umbia," was unanimously adopted as the pla>
form Of the party. IN power under the Con-
stitution to interfere" and non.intcrfercncc,'
convey the same meaning and were intended
to express the same idea, viz that the Consti-
tuition conferred no power on Congress to ,si"j-
L,h or jrohjbi the institution cJslacey in
the territories. 1t is now yielded by all parties
that Congress has no power to prohibH slavery
in the Territories, while the power TO r''1jliI
slavery is contcnded for by none The ncgation Of
the power to prohibit anil {" est"J'ih is con
sentcd to hy all parties. But there are some who
deny the dn'y of Congress to conserve consti-
tutiona rights, and to protect constitutional
property. This destructive party. we hope,
finds no countcnance from such law-ahiling
paper MS the journal of Commerce"
Is the agitation of the Slavery question to
be rc-opencd by denying TO slave pro-
perty the protection extended 10 every other
kind of property: \ fearful responsibility
will attach to that party or man who hazards
the perpctnty of the Union by pl"ri"g s'"re
property 5tyond tic palr cf proter''"" "o''
giren 10 all timds cf Property.
The enjoyment Of lands require one kind Of
laws for its preservation, and horses, sheep and
cattle require different laws for the enjoyment
of them. and slave property may require still
another kind of lsws for the protection
Of it, and that man or party who
grants laws necessary for the protection
OF lands and horses, sheep and cattle, and de-
nies to Southern men the laws necessary to the
protection of slave property is =" "git"t"r 81
Me 'slarery questio"" The South earnestly
desires quiet, and that this unhappy agitation
shall cease; that compromise, the Pandora
box Of ills and wrongs shall no more disturb
the peace and happiness of the country. but
that settlement, final and full, hall be made
of this question, so far as the Democratic party
is concerned and that the settlement shall
he in accordance with the Dred Scott decision.
The South asks for no code of laws; she de-
mandS that M inyidouS distinction shall bc
drawn for or against slave property. That Con-
crcss shall lcgslatc for slavery only as it csis-
latcs for other property, and, when necessary
adopt such laws as the nature OF the proper
ty may demand.
If there is any part of this position that the
law.abiding citizens of the North cannot agree
To- will the y. Y. journal OF Commerce point
it out: 4 discussion of this question will re-
move many errors and as we earnestly desire
the cooperation of an able and honest contcm-
porary like the journal of Commerce, we re-
, spectfully ask it to direct its attention to this
question, and elucidatc it with that ability,
fairness and justice, for which that paper is
Justly distinguished. What higher use can
the journal of Commerce make oil lis
talents and influence than in brushing away
the cobwcLs Of sophistry, Misrepresentation.
! and deception, that agtators have woven
around this simple question The Northern
mind confused by the cry Of IA slave code,
needs enlightenlng, and sound conservative pa
pcrs owe duty to their country to elucidate
and remove the prcjudices of their readers
Ignorance at the North Of the position of the
South on this question, may place the two Sec
tons in hostile antagonism, which can be
avoided and prevented by correct understand
ing OF our true position
Gov Wise has fairly and dispassionatcly
argued the whole question in the Sanford let
.Ax AL a.. 4l,.. la..ar .ra cn.nnanI thn nInur.