The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-02-03

1t becomes destructive OF the Liberties or happi-
ness of any portion of its Inhabitants" And
having avowed these doctrines as the basis of
his vindication, he boldly challenged them to the
issue. Every person present felt the strength
of his position. His stalwart foes were sudden
ly Frustrated. His prosecutors were confound-
ed. Not one of their number could be per-
suaded to admit or deny those great truths.
1t is also due to the truth of history to say
that other members sympathized with Mr..
Adams, and assisted him in these efforts in
greater or less degree, according to the interest
which they felt in the subject. Among those
most active were Hon. William Slade of Yer
mont, Hon. Seth NJ Gates of New York, and
at later period, Hons. John p. Hale and,
Amos Tuck of New Hampshire and John G.
Palfrey of Massachusetts. Indeed, shall not
soon forget the expression Of the aged patriot,
when his learned colleague Mr.. Palfrey) clos
ed his first able speech in favor of human
rights. The countenance of the old man elo-
euent" seemed radiant with hope as he ex-
claimed, "thank God the seal is broken; the
seal is broken; Massachusetts, is no longer
silent" The lovers Of Liberty in this body saw
at that period, most clearly, that men holding
the doctrine of the Republican fathers would
never seek to WELD the power Of Congress, or
of the Federal Government, to enslave man
kind or to deprive them of those rights with
which the God of nature had endowed them.
They well understood that the real issue was
based upon primal truths, although Southern
men would not-nay dared not-acknowledge
it. Mr.. Adams abored through life to bring out
the real facts to the public view. 1t was his
ruling principle, which exhibited itself strong ia
DEATH | visited him while PROSTATE upon what
was then supposed his death-bed. In the ST.
lent chamber, sat beside the dying patriot.
His lamp of life seemed Pickering in its socket.
His voice was feeble, but his words were earn
est. l told him that his physician feared to
have him converse upon any subject likely to
excite emotion. Looking me full in the face,
said he, " l am on the uerge Of eternity; shall
never meet you again in this world / must
talk )" and he proceeded to say that he had no
hope for the perpetuity of our Government, or
for the liberty of our people, except that which
was based upon its return to the doctrines on
which it had been originally founded and he
exhorted me to exert whatever influence /
could for the attainment of that object. He
subsequently, fingered awhile between this and
the spirit world, until the kind angel whispered
his release to a higher sphere.
Mr.. Chairman, l am at times led, in my own
mind, to compare the anxiety of the dying
Adams to form the present issue, with that Of
some living politicians to abandon it. He,
however, had the benefit Of great experience.
He saw and knew that the slave power welded
the Government; that the interests of the in-
stitution guided the legislation of Congress and
controlled the Executive action; it made and un-
made our United States Bank itfostered our do
nestle manufactures, and then made war upon
our manufacturing interests it dictated pro-
tective tariff. and then repudiated the polisy it
encouraged, then abandoned, the iron interest,
Just as the prosperity of slave labor seemed to
require. And when from this forum members
L Al L
their lips we're sealed by gag rules the free
dom of debate was stricken down, and the right
of petition denied, that Slavery might be en-
couraged. Every measure and policy of Gov
eminent was made to bend to the interest Of
that institution. These things were clearly
seen by Mr. Adams and his contemporaries, and
their efforts to bring out those important facts
to the understanding of the people were con-
slant and unyielding. To me it was then In
comprehensive how any man could expect that
Government would do justice to the laborers of
our free States, while its whole patronage and
influence were exerted in favor of the most ar
rant despotism towards the laborers of the
South. Some Southern members were more
consistent. They boldly asserted that labor
must everywhere be compulsory; that both
North and South the capitalists owned the Ia
borers that the influence and powers of the
Government should therefore be exerted for
the protection of capitalists, and leave them to
take care of the laborers and they welded its
powers for that object. was then, as now, in
capable of comprehending how an issue, in re-
gard to tariff, upon any other collateral ques-
ton, could effect radical reform in our Gov
eminent. The necessity for basing our political
efforts upon the essential truths avowed by our
Republican fathers, was to me most obvious.
l had assisted in trying the experiment of
uniting men of conflicting principles for the |
purpose of carrying the election in 1910, and |
driving the Democratic party from power. /
labored earnestly for the election of Harrison |
and Tyler, believing that if we succeeded, we /
should, among other reforms, regain the free |
dom of debate in this body. After the result
was known, and while the President-elect was
on his way to this city, made an effort TO
speak on the subject of Slavery. l was met at
every step by shareholders and by gag rules,
but succeeded. My friends regarded my eff.
fort as successful-as an achievement But
the President, whom / had assisted TO elect, ex-
pressed his adherence of all attempts to agi-
tate the question of human rights and when.
after his arrival, | called at his quarters to pay
him the customary respect, he gave me such
unequivocal evidence of his Indignation, that l
was constrained to surrender my own self.
respect, or to withhold all further manifesto
tons of respect for him. While he lived, his
influence was exerted in favor of the gag rules
in favor of Slavery and the next year | was
publicly censured and driven from my scat in
this body, for avowing doctrines which no slave
holder dared deny; but they united with North
ern services to censure me for uttering truths
on which no man of reputation presumed to
take issue. This occurred under Wing Ad-
ministration, for whose election had labored
most earnestly; and by House. large ma
jority of whose members belonged to the party
with whom had always acted. These facts
illustrate the fallacy of uniting conflicting ele-
ments merely to carry an election. They show
that when the Executive thus elected assumes
any definite policy, the party at once dissolves
into its original elements, and the various fac
tons turn their weapons against each other.
The disarmament Of the Wing party in l84l
left no remaining doubt on the minds Of think
ing men, that, political party, to become per.
manent, must base its organization upon i'm.
mutable truth and the failure of President
Tyler to carry out the views of the party who
elected him constituted an important step to.
wards the development of our present issues.
committed to our doctrines but by surrender
ing his opposition TO the annexation of Texas,
he lost the support Of portion ofthe Northern
vote, and was therefore defeated. His failure
constituted another lesson to politicians, against
the policy of uniting political opponents for the
mere purpose of carrying an election,
The annexation Of Texas, with the avowed
purpose Of extending and eternizing Slavery,
constitutes an important chapter in the pro-
gress of events, showing that the Democratic
party then acted upon the doctrines now avowed,
but evaded every effort to compel them to show
their colors.