The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1859-11-17
Richmond, Wayne County Indiana, November 18th, 1853

ry banner and sought ONCE as rec democrat;
unblushingly declaring Llavery never was
al issue in Kansas The principles of the
Kansas Nebraska bill IN the shape of Squat
=, Sovereignty. has rendered the introduc
ton Of Slavery into Territories impossible
and the passage of that bill the work OF the
national Democracy. Mr. Bates merely holds
as prsaciple that which the Democracy
have established as fact The question oi
Slavery extension is no longer before the
people 1t is discussed now only as an alb
straction.
If Mr. Bates does not believe Slavery to
be wise and useful inssitution-ii he is op-
posed to irs extension into the Territories
already free-he nevertheless just as firmly
adheres TO the rights of property in slaves in
all the States where Slavery exists. and Will
go Just as far to protect the rights of States
in that specie of property as long as those
States choose to keep it, as any man living.
Farors tie principles Of the Fagitive Stare
La,c
Mr.. Bates believes in the unqualified right
of the owner to recover his slaves. il they
escape TO free State: aud If President. he
would execute the Fugitive Slave Law, if
the army and navy of the government were
required to the task. And if the Fugitive
Slave Law should be repealed, or should be
found to be inadequate to the service OF re-
turning abscoDdng slaves 10 their masters,
Mr.. Bates would urgently recommend to
Congress to pass some law that would more
certainly and more acceptably carry out the
constitutional guarantees of the rights OF
Southern Shareholders. He would consider
the Union broken compact if these plain
guarantees were denied By the deliberate
and persevering action of any part of the
Confederacy.
If Congress. clearly representing the will
of the country, should pass laws legalizing
and protecting slave property in the Terrific
ries, previously free. Mr.. Bates would exc
cutute those laws promptly as any other
laws of the land. If Territory should or
ganize into a State with a sufficient popula-
tion to justify its admission, and present
constitution tole: ating Slavery. Mr.. Bates
would not orpoees the admission Of State
because it had pro Slavery constitution.
Re,oices that Missouri is becoming Free
State.
His creed is, that every State has right
to say how much i. wants Of African Slave.
ry, and how long it wants it, and how to get
rid OF 1t when the people are tired of it. He
does not regard it as perpetual institution.
but as in its very nature, abnormal and eva
nescent, changing rapidly under the influence
OF climates, commerce, civilization, religion,
laws. He knows (and is glad to know it,)
that Missouri is becoming free State; and
he does not deplore the fact that it is by trans
portation and not by emancipation that the
State is SO rapidly becoming free for he
knows that the emancipation of the Slaves
to remain in this country and mix with the
whites, is abhorrent and intolerable. And to
send them abroad by sudden and total exo
dus, is beyond the means Of any government.
WI hat is beyond his own wisdom he leaves to
the nsciutable ways and infinite wisdom Of
God. The rapid and peaceful extinction OF
Slavery that is going on IN Missouri. without
the aid OF emancipation parties and with
out the heat and acrimony of domestic dis
cord, is entirely in accordance with the views
and feelings of Mr.. Bates. While Mr.. Bates
is glad to see Slavery declining in Missouri.
other strong Oppositionists are sorry to wit
ness the same.
Slarery beyond the reach Of Demagogues--
Free Labor bound to become dominant.
Mr.. Bates finds no cause of discord be-
tween himself and that pro- slavery neighbor
on account Of this difference; for he knows
that neither the JOY of the one. nor the sor-
row of the other will quicken or delay the
inevitable consummation that is ahead. Mr..
Bates regards the fate of Slavery as out of
the domain of denagogues-utteriy beyond
their reach-and impelled by that power that
brings the times and seasons to their appoint
ed course, and rolls up the heavens as a scroll.
" hen he has done with the wondrous pano-
rama By his own example he has shown
that he prefer. TO live by his own Tree labor.
tha 1uh Of cla Rr1f he
claims to be in this particular, only a law
unto himself"
TIE necessity Of procuring foreign Tsrr'fo-
ry for eolonizng free Blacks.
He would never under any circumstances.
countenance a national organization, having
in view the interference with Slavery in the
States. The entire function of the Federal
Government in regard 10 Slavery, in his opin
ion, should be to protect it where it is - not
TO extend it where it is not - and, Sd far as
policy and ability may allow. to help those
States 10 get clear of 1t that may wish to do
SO, by the procurement of foreign territory
suitable to the ready aud cheap coloni alton
of free blacks, already become grevious
nuisance in every State of the Union, both.
Free and Slave. This is national nuisance.
and should begin to find national remedy.
The policy already broached in some States
of selling again into Slavery the free blacks,
whom humane or grateful masters have
emancipated unless those freed persons leave
the State-when, indeed, all the Slave States
and many of the Free. prohibit their en-
trance within their limits under heavy PEN
allies, is. in the highest degree. cruel. 1t is
barbsrous. And it would disgrace the Amer
lean Government in the face of Chrisieudom
to permit such policy to prevail. from the
lack of its own Intervention to procure sui
table home for these sorely hunted and dis
tressed freemen Of well worked and servile
race.
If there be anything in these views OF
Slavery that Northern or Southern patriot
can condemn, We would ike to have 1t point