New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1859-05-04

Dut Inc 4utsllth "h'tH r"u pi'PVu"u
many questicns-namely: ]. The assumed right
Of Any STAKEHOLDER plant Slavery in any Territry
oftLe United States. in defiance Of the unanlmol{
protest Of the other inhabitants Of that Territory;
2. The inability of the Legislature of said Terri
tory to pass any set which shall nvslidate or Affect
this sweeping claim on behalf Of the siavehoder'
saye to uphold and enforce it; 3. The right of any
STAKEHOLDER 10 take his slaves into and through any
Free State on his way to some other state or
Territory, and to remain with those slaves IN any
Free State so long az he shall deem necessary, ton
which question the States Of New-York and Var
ginia are now Mt issue in the Courts;) a. The right
Of the STAKEHOLDER TO take those he claims as his
slaves in any Free State where he may find them, aud
the duty Of the said Free State to consent to and AID
such capture; s. The right Of the Slave Interest to
have Cuba purchased or conquered. as Louisiana,
Florida, Texas, successfully have been, in order
TO increase its power and security 6. The right Of
shareholders to obtain the slaves they require from
Africa rather than Virginia the former being vast
" the cheaper; Z. The right Of Southern juries to
acqut persons caught in the act of importing
slayes-sad juries assuming that our laws which
make the Slave-Trade piracy are unconstitutional
There ale still otler questions affecting origin
ating in Slavery now pending, while new ones are
from time to time arising; but we have instanced
enough to prove that "thc Slavery question ill.,
wolves many questions, and that these questions
are not to be put aside by the decree of body
even 80 powerful and influential "a 1.-the Wing
" General Committee" blr Ketchum, you are
man of mark, but commanding the sun and moon
to stand still has doubtless been attempted many
times while we have record of its succeeding
but once.
But again, Mr.. Chairman! you propose in effect
to ignore "the Slavery question in our politics
henceforth, and select and support candidates for
National positions with reference to their views on
the Tariff, Foreign Relations, Internal Improve
ments, &c. Very good let US suppose this we're
done, and we Republicans, with you Old-Line
Wings, were assembled in convention to agree on
our candidates for President and Vice-President
Well: we who have been Republicans, with twelve
good States at least at our back, propose, we will
say, Gov. Seward for Presdent--would you assent
Certainly not. But why! Because you dislike
his views on the Tariff Internal Improvement, or
say that he could never be elected because the
Southern Wings could not or would not ignore
"the Slavery question" Or, if you did not say
exactly this it would be just this in substance that
would render him, in your view, an impossible
candidate.
And this We have right TO complain of, Mr.
Chairman! While we Union Republicans are
l. 4. II a ca. IN ri
to unite the Opposition in 1860, and turn out the
present wretched dynasty we meet no correspond
ing oyertures from your ghost of a party. You
talk Of cancellation and harmony; but when we
come right down to business, you concede nothing,
propose nothing, but that the immense majority
shall surrender to lean minority, yielding up
principles, measures, men-everything "YOu
"dont talk turkey onest o U.s." In your programme
we Republicans are TO concede everything, you
Old-Lincrs nothing. We shall try to act SO as to
make this apparent to all who really seek union
of the Opposition on fair and honorable terms, aud
ct them decide what shall practically be done
We are not afraid of their verdict.
But, Mr. Chairman let us consider the perOra-
ton of your Wing Speech Of Monday:
Wen do remember the incredulity aud apathy which
palyzei the minds Of good in this country when the
n xrcn Of II vas to the Union suggested Then the
powerful esmestsOice Of Daniel Web
ter In strains Of eoquenee never to be oen sounaou ae
Texas the ration bringing with 1t the dsas
Of results before advered to- In jnyeson with
he eminent person after his speech OF 7h March 1857 IN
the innovation Of Cuswben that event occurred be
adopt the motto 0vs COUNTRY As II IS Let US bind tosehe
in indisub Union and cultivate ana develop aud oesu
tify, and adorn what we have But ADD NOTHING"
Yes, Mr.. Chairman you remember" all this,
and good deal more You " remember that Mr.
WebsteI's opposition TO annexipg Te1as-(yes, and
uour opposition too, Mr.. Chairman i)-was based
on HOsTIlITY TO THE EXTENSION OF SLAVERY.
MI webster's prophetic eye foresaw the coming
storm so early as 1887, and took occasion Gin
speech at Niblo's Garden, we believe) TO declare
his repugnance TO such extension. His speeches in
1914 all based the resistance to Annexation mostly
if not wholly on this ground. Perhaps you may
remember-what nee shall not forget-hls black
Claws Alabama letters fell upon us like bomb
during the canvass of that year. The Annexation
of Texas was not, per Sc disastrous" II was the
additional power and prestige thus secured to Slavery
that rendered il so obnoxious TO the Wings OF the
Free States-yourself among the number, Mr.
Chairman! And it is this which renders our ac-
quescence in the purchase of Cuba impossible
The repugnance of Spain may be overcome; the
Cubans may be induced to regard the purchase
fayorably; but if Slavery is maintained there, the
North will protest against it; and if it should mean
time be abolished, the South will not have it. Why
a