The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1859-11-24

which they were addressed-we answer that thew
illustrate fact which we cannot know too soon,
or too carefully consider. United in the bonds of
a common nationality, and members of the same
political system, with the people of Boston and of
Massachusetts,, the views which they entertain on
the subject of BROwN's treason, cannot be mat
ter OF indifference to US. 1t may be said perhaps,
that the people who met in fremont Temple were
parcel of madmen and fanatics inconsderable
in numbers and destitute of influence, and that
to quote their speeches, as at all illustrative
of public sentiment, either in Boston or elsewhere
is to give them a fictitious Importance, and to do
great injustice to the people of the North. We
wish that we could think it. We wish that we
could believe that the atrocious sentiments in
question were confined to the men who uttered
them, and those who applauded. But we fear tn,;t
such is not the case. These men speak with the
confidence of those who know that they have pub
lie opinion on their side Every student of history
every observer of human nature-is aware of
the tendency of small sects to exaggerate the
strength and the virulence of the sentiment which
is opposed TO them, and which they seek to over
come. 1t magnifes their Importance to assume
that all the world is against them, and that they
only are right. Fanatics are proverbialy covetous
of the honors of martyrdom, even when they lack
the courage to brave its terrors; and vanity, not
less than policy, prompts them to raise the cry of
persecution, when no persecution is thought Of
These very orators have, for years, been in the
habit off enouncing public sentiment at the North
in reference to the Slavery question: and all its be-
longings, MS cowardly and corrupt-and of ac-
cusing the press the pulpit the politicians and the
people, of shameful subserviency TO the South, and
of cringing and trucking to the Slave-Power. In
the speeches we have quoted, we find nothing of
the sort. PHILLIPS, and his Abolitlonist coadiu-
tors, have no complaint TO make that upon the
subject of BRowNs treason, at least, public senti-
ment is not with them. They had separated
themselves from the churches because they tolerated
the sin of slave-holding They had repudated
and reviled the Constitution and the laws because
they promise protection to slave-property. In
this instance, however, they unhestatingly assume
nay, openly declarc-that their words only echo
the common voice. when they proclaim Brown to
be Hero and a Martyr. The very expedient to
which they have resorted for the purpose of raising
a fund for his family, indicates their faith in the
universal sympathy for his fate A printed COPY
of Browns address to the Court on the occasion of
his sentence, sold for ten cents and hung up in New
England farnl-houses by the side Of the LORD s
Prayer and the Declaration of Independence
cheap likeness of the old traitor, framed and sus-
pended on the wall alongside of the portrait of
WAsHINGToN-these are the means adopted for the
double purpose of keeping alive BRowN's memory
among the people, and providing for the comfort OF
his family If the expectation of the inventors of
this subtle device for sowing the tares of perpetual
hatred and distrust between the North and South,
shall be realized, and the people of New England
be found willing to accept Brown as a martyr, and
to enroll him among their household gods it will
no longer be question whether those who thus
act are to be treated as friends or foes If pre-
MUM is to be offered at the North for the commits
sion of treason and murder at the South and the
death of felon upon a Southern galows is to be
followed by his apotheosis at the North-there
will soon be an end of all comfy, and friendship,
and confidence between the two sections, and in
their stead will be suspicion, fear hatred and il
NAV be- even war