The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-12-08
THE NATIONAL ERA: WASHINGTON D. Co. DECEMBER g. 1859.

the Union, they will lose all share in the terri
tories, in the army and navy, and in the other
property of the Union. AS seceders, they will
leave the Confederaey in full possession of all
these appliances of power, and will go out of
Il commonwealth of States naked and defence
legs. They viii in vain appeal to Congress for
share in the common Territories and other pub
liz property. That body would have no right
1 vote away the public domain to what ON any
s. CHI pretext of secession as the success of
p rticuiar party; would be band of rebels, and
tie President and Congress could not, without
fagrant dereliction of duty, permit secession on
srsch terms. Unless there were an open aggres.
si,n upon Southern State rights, the seeding
S.ates would find no sympathy with any party in
tie free States, and public opinion in that quar-
ter so far from toleratinga division of the public
lsads and other property, would imperatively
demand of the Administration rigid enforce
ment of the laws against treason and conspiracy.
Recent events have demonstrated the folly OF
the threats in which the Southern Democracy
INDUCED in 1856, that they would march to the
CT pital, and overturn the Government, in the
e ent of the election of Republican Presi-
d mt. 1t is now manifest that the South is the
lsj t.country in the world to go to war; and a
th AT of seizing the capital, and expelling a
Republican President, will be regarded as
enpty bravado, just as a similar threat coming
from Mexico would be treated.
We say this in no feeling of disrespect for the
COZ sge of Southern men but they are sur
TO lded by circumstances Of embarrassment
an. peril which no courage or skill in war
COLD disregard.
dR. BUCHANAN ON THE SUPREME
COURT.
For the last two or three years, the organs and
advocates of Mr.. Buchanan's Administration
ha- been hurting denunciations at all who dare
to ,ubt the infallibility of the Supreme Court.
Tt Il gentleman himself set the example of in
to.sfance, by declaring in his inaugural speech
that the decision of the court in the case of bred
Scott had finally and forever settled the ques-
tis;n that Slavery exists in Kansas and Ne
btrska by virtue of the Constitution and that
az good citizens would at once acquiesce in the
DECISION. His organ in this city, then styled
th Union, denounced as traitors and enemies
of.he Constitution all who dare to question the
bs ding authority of the court in the premises;
al ! it has become a settled principle with the
D ,mocratic party, that to insist upon the right
OF Congressional prohibition of Slavery in the
Territories is moral treason. What, then, must
bt-thought Of the President himself, when it is
kr3wn that, so late as 1871, when in his intel
le.sual prime, he openly denounced and ridi-
we'd the idea that the authority of the Su-
pl me Court can bind the action of Congress,
tn people, and the Executive
abe Chicago Times, the organ of Judge
d nglas, has discovered precious specimen
of moral treason in an old speech of Mr.. Bu-
cslfnan, delivered on the 9TH July, 1871, in the
u tied States Senate, upon the Bank question.
Il these times of excitement and danger, it
MY be doubted if the author of the following
sediments can be allowed to roam at large,
W q due regard to the public safety. But we
tr him over to the tender mercies Of Gov.
Use, whose military force, on their return
f<-m Charlestown to Richmond, might very
es,ily, if they possess any portion of the cour-
a : and daring of their vanquished enemies,
Il se quiet possession of the White House and
tA,occupant, and convey the latter without diff
feulty to Richmond for trial, under the new
Democratic creed, as expounded by the Gin
eli nati platform, the bred Scott decision, the
f0 to urge the propriety of such proceed
ins but we merely suggest what would seem to
bttaemanded by the safety of the South, if the
recent Democratic expositions of the Constitu-
ii are to be taken as true. Mr.. Buchanan,
o the occasion referred to, said:
= Now, if it were not unparliamentary Ian
- ge, and if did not desire to treat all nv
ftt-lds on this (Whig) side of the house with
t respect which l feel for them, l would say
t the idea of the question having been set
t. ] so as 10 bind the coRsciences of members
@ Congress, when voting on tho present bill, is
- l,cutOus and absurd If all the Judges and
az he LGIcyers an ChriStendom had decided in
to affirmative, when the question is thus
h,Daght home to one as legislator, bound to
V, for or against new charter, upon oath to
support the Constitution, must exercise my
olol Judgment l would treat with profound
res eect the arguments and opinions of judges
i,aG constitutional lawyers; but if, after ALL
sFey fail to convince me that the law was con.
itutional, should be guilty Of perjury before
! -ish heGUen if voted in its favor.
But even if the Judiciary had settled the
.lestion, should never hold myself bound by
,eir decision while acting in a Legislative char
ter. Unlike the Senator from Massachusetts,
ar. Bates, shall nerer consent TO place the
tS1ties Of the people IN the hands Of any Judi
-,Ot tribunal
| --.f n MAI dc ula 7 l.
Gle memory of Chief Justice Marshall; but |
saoutd neCer haze consented TO make eoen him
| <8t final Gr6iter beticeen the Government and
~ people ofMis country on questions of consti.
~, iondt liberty"