The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-08-04

parties claim the right of Congressional inter
vention, the one for the protection and the
other for the exclusion of Slavery. 1t seems to
US that no Anti-Slavery Democrat, however
welded to his theory of popular sovereignty,
could hesitate in prefering the Republican to
the Sham Democratic party. The Americans
and Wings, for like reasons, and for the stronger
reason that they admit the right of Slavery re-
striction, but deny its expediency, must vote
with the Republicans in such contest.
Here we have two elements of Opposition to
conciliate, the Americans and the Free Soil
Squatter Sovereignty Democrats. Both agree
with the Republicans, they say, in desiring the
establishment of Freedom in the Territories.
One of them admits and the other denies the
right of Congressional intervention. The Re-
publicans assert the power but are willing to
waive its exercise for almost all the Territories
now in the Union. On the other hand, the
Sham Democracy claim the right and the duty
of Congressional intervention for the protection
Of Stdcery IN the Territories Can these parties
for moment doubt where the path of duty lies,
in such circumstances
But it will be said that these wings of the OPP
position will not be compelled to choose be-
tween the alternatives presented in the Anti
eryintervention Republican, and the Pro-
Slavery intervention Democratic tickets. The
Free-Soil Democrats may vote for Mr.. Douglas,
on his platform of squatter sovereignty and
the " Americans may have a separate ticket
of their own, with some conservative Wing as
their standard bearer; or these elements of OPP
position may unite. On the latter supposition,
it is clear that they will constitute Northern
sectional party, with no strong bond of union
or brilliant prospect of success. Neither the
Southern Democracy nor the Southern Opposi-
ton can support Mr.. Douglas as the representa-
tive of popular sovereignty. Both parties in the
South are pledged and committed against that
doctrine, and both have INDUCED freely in
abuse of Mr.. Douglas. No Southern State ex-
cept Maryland can be carried, and in none of
them can respectable vote be polled for can
didates representing such principles.
In the free States, their prospects would not
be a great deal better. A /" National" Demo
cratic ticket would be in the field, backed by
thirteen slave States, upon which it could cal
culate with certainty, and upon Maryland with
probability. 1t would be weak in the free
States, it is true, with its Pro-Slavery creed and
candidates, but it would be strong enough to
paralyze the Douglas sectional faction in every
free State-even in Illinois.
If these parties, instead of uniting, run sepa-
rate tickets, the case will be still worse with
them. They will draw off few thousand votes
from the great parties in the free States, but
neither of them can carry State. Their
chances will be hopeless, and the masses of
men will follow the standards of one or the
other of the great parties, to the neglect of the
small factions.
In the above speculations we have taken it
for granted that Mr. Douglas and his principles
will be thrown overheard by the Charleston
Convention. Nothing is more certain in the
future than that this will take place, or else the
Convention will break up and scatter the party
into fragments. There is not the remotest prob
ability that the South will accept either Mr..
Douglas or his platform. If however, they ac-
cept him, it will be on their own terms, and he
must in turn repudiate his PLATFORM and &C.
cept the doctrine of Congressional Intervention
for the protection of Slavery in the Territories
and standing on that platform, Mr. Douglas
will at once be shorn of his Northern strength.
Apart from the stern determination of the
SfB5i OF p6ptRtar sovereignty FROM the party,
tbara ofbar Obo olae &c
which stand in the way of Mr.. Douglas.
The South claims the candidate for the next
term, and she has host of proud, ambitious
aspirants for the place, who concur in nothing
so much as in the determination to unhorse
Mr.. Douglas, and if possible drive him from the
party. Jefferson Davis, Wise, Toombs, Hun
ter, Mason, Stephens, Brown, and others, have
determined that Mr.. Douglas shall no longer
lead the party in any capacity. They have not
repented or relented in their hostility to him,
Congress, and he deceiyes himself if he hopes
TO be forgiven. They hate him as much for his
ambition as for his popular sovereignty, and
they regard either as objectionable.
) The Republicans can make no compromise
or concession of principles or of candidates
which would secure the cooperation of the
Southern Opposition. If the South, of all par
ties, repudiate Douglas and popular sovereign
ty, it will for greater season repudiate party
which has Freedom for its sheet anchor. Let
us therefore stand by our principles. Let US
asset tie principle of Congressional interven-
ton for Slavery restriction; but in the spirit OF
concession, let us waive the needless applica
ton of it to the Territories. This practical
compromise, while it involves no sacrifice of
principle, will coneiliate all who are not really
Pro-Slavery in feeling.