The weekly Mississippian. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1859-1864, 1859-09-07
From the Gre,.d,ssa Locomotive.
The Charleston Concentration Rights
and what we owe to Ourselves

OtGAit AESlIuJltNC AAS
feelings which should exist between citizens
Of common country, and placing ii immi-
nent jeopardy the very existence Of our
Federal Union This controversy has assum-
ed various phases, and artful politicians have
endeayored to veil their designs by different
DISCUSSES; but all persons of ordinary intelli-
gence must know, and every candid men will
admit, that the origin and continued existence
of the controversy is attributable to the settled
design of the people of the Northern States TO
exclude slavery from the Territories. We will
not here notice any ulteIfor objects which
they seek to attain. This design has not been
relnquished, though some of the more direct
means of accomplishing the end may be yield
ed in despair such. for instance as law d.
rectly prohibiting slavery. The late decisions
of the Supreme Court, aided by the light shed
by discussion upon the powers of Congress,
have thrown such barrier in the way Of the
Freesoil party, that they have abandoned all
designs, for the present Of enacting any law
by Congress directly impairing the rights Of
the Shareholders. But it is fact worth bear
ing in mind, that they still maintain the pow
er of Congress, under the Constitution, to re-
strict slavery and they still aim ultimately
to accomplish their object by means Of Con-
tation. TO do this, they know it is necessary
to command not one department of the Gov
eminent only, but all the departments-Iegis-
| htive, judicial and executive. Then the bar
| rier presented by the bred Scott decision will
be swept away by Supreme Court moulded
to suit, and the President and Congress will
| be plant tools to accomplish their Object
| Such is the openly avowed design of the Free
hat
| from time to time assume They now choose
| 10 be known by the name OF the Opposition .
| the same name in which a large number OF
Southern citizens delight But while they
are thus making their approaches by sapping
and mining the citadel which now defends
| the rights of the South, they busily employ
other means of distracting weakening and
destroying ''the slave power" They deceive
many by pretending to join the Southern
| rights party in maintaining that Congress can
not rightfully intervene upon the subject of
slavery by interfering with territorial legis-
lation. This is their diguise but it deceives
some, or rather gives them a desired pretext
They endeavored to exclude slavery, but fail
ing in this, they change their tactics and in
sist that the power to protect slave property
| is identical with the power to exclude il, and
| NOAiSISSS IL tllS pIUp-
er policy. This, to them, is an important point,
a high ground, upon which they may halt
temporarily, and erect batteries for defence
and assault 1t is fact well understood, that
property is timid,' and that slavery is the
most timld species Of property, and will not
| go to any place where it may encounter dan
| ger. Moreover, it is well ascertained that the
Northern people are more adapted to rush
/ and Ia 81
Besides, all the elements of ambition and
fanatlcism can be brought to bear, in the
Northern States to form "Emmigration Aid
Societies to take possession of the Territories,
in reality for capitalists as well as for f'free-
DOM" As they cannot get the Wilmot Pro-
viso, they have discovered they can do with
out it; and they can yield the proposition
for the present, that Congress can intervene
to exclude slavery, that they may wear
disguise and maintain that Congress cannot
rightfully protect it.
Time and space will not permit us to enter
into details for the purpose Of showing how,
IN thousand ways, slave property may be
molested and etfectually excluded from the
| Territories, by lawless wretches the first
sqNatters, who form associations to make war
by means of fraud, treachery, deceit and vi
olence upon this species Of property Every
man of common sense knows that the dear
est rights-aye, any and every right may be
valueless without laws to protect rights. For
what else are governments instituted and
laws made True, it is admitted nolD for
disguised purpose, that the right to slave pro-
perty is constitutional right, which neither
Congress nor territorial Legislature can pro-
hibit or destroy and that the Supreme Court
will protect this right whenever a case be
made. But it takes not only Sights, and
wrongs, and parties, and the Constitution to
make a case, but remedial laws also. Con-
stitutional rights to slaves, indeed Could
the Federal Government exist any one year
| by virtue of the Constitution only, without
laws enacted by Congress Could the people
of any State exist as a civilized community
under the Constitution of the State without
other laws? Constitutional rights indeed !
As valuable as tito to land, without amy
other power to use it than to lie down on the
bare ground without the power to procure
| food and clothing, or to defend against robbers.
| But we are answered, i'the people in Terri
tory will have the Common Law" Indeed
And what is that Waving technicalities and
all nice istinctions-enough waving certainly
we will admit this, and define the Common
Law to be, (what it is not) all the English
law existing up to the date Of the Declaration
of Independence, fortified, if you please, by
| the Constitution of the United States. Now.
as we said before, we cannot enter into details
to show how defective the Common Law and
Constitution would be to protect the rights of
slave owners in the Territories but for illus
tration We will suppose strong case Sup
pose all the laws in the State of Mississippi be
repealed, which have ever been in force, since
the Declaration of Independence, and the peo-
Pile be subject only to the laws of England
then existing; and supposing that any good
law-abiding citizen should own slaves in
county where large majority were fanatieal
abolitionists. Suppose they harbor his slaves,
or they rise in instruction, and be encouraged
and armed by abolitionists-and suppose he
resort to the English Common Law. Poor
fellow! he would have no redress by law, and
would have to run away from his slaves and
their allies But in a new Territory, at this
time, with abolition fanatics sent by Aid So
cieties from New England, and paid and arm
ed to rob him of his property, even though it
cost the lives of himself his wife and his chill
dren, what could he do? Resort to the laws
of England older than 1776! Not so our sires
acted
But it must depend upon the action of Con-
gress or of the Territorial legislature whether
the Common Law be adopted; for otherwise
the Territory will be subject to the laws of
the country from which it was conquered or
purchased-the laws of Mexico, for instance
And then the Black Republican party and
Stephen A. Douglas maintain that the Terri
torial Legislature may repeal, amend or add
to such Territorial laws at pleasure and that
Congress may not rightfully intervene to
thwart the will of the people of the Territory.
So the rights of Southern citizens are abso-
lutely at the mercy of abolition squatters and
Aid Societies. To this conclusion, then, every
sensible man must come, that slave property
is not safe, and that the Southern States and
people cannot enjoy equal rights in the Terri
tories, the common property Of all the States
bought by their treasure and their blood, UNI
less protected by the legislation and by the
Executive arm of the General Government
The States have equal right to the Territorial
domain for their political strength, and for the
enjoyment of their citizens but they have
no political power over the Territories, having
granted that power to the Federal Govern
ment in trust for their benefit and that Of
their people equally What rights they have
not granted, they have expressly reserved.
And what is the extent of the power granted
"To make needful rules and regulations" for
their use and benefit, fairly and equally. Then
if their rights should be impaired or in danger,
such "rules and regulations as would amply
protect their rights, would be manifestly
'needful." These, Congress have the express
power to make, and would violate consti-
tutional duty by not making them. Besides,
the Supreme Court, by a most solemn adju-
dication, has decided that Congress has the
power and is bound by duty to protect slave
property in the Territories,
Under all the circumstances then, what do
the Southern States owe to themselves and to
their people To insist upon their rights
their right to protection. There is no dis
guising the fact, that the question of their
rights is now at issue before the great tribunal
of public opinion and upon the decision of
this issue the practical operations of the Gov
ernment are to be based. We are speaking of
the abstract question Our rights are denied;
and not to assert them is to yield them. And
if they are not denied, who can complain that |
we assert them and why hesitate to acknow-
ledge them frankly. But they are denied. |
One of the great parties contending for the |
political power with rare unanimity assert |
their denial, and expect to maintain their po-
sition by the next presidential election