The Van Buren press., 1859-10-14
For the Van Buren, Press.
Democracy and Douglas.
NUMBER III.

Democracy and Douglas.
NUMBER III.
To say that half the people of the Unit
ed States are opposed to slavery upon relig
ious and moral groun DIS and upon ground.
of political economy, would be merely 6
statement, the truth of which every mar
and woman in the civilized world is a wit
ness to. To state also that the people o.
nearly two-thirds of the States have abol
ished or prohibited slavery in those States
is the statement of fact of equal notoriety
The character of this opposition is no ne,
thing it was so before the establishment
of the government The nature and char.
acter of the controversy between the north
and the south upon the subject of slavery
demonstrates, without going any further
that it is in the highest degree a subject that
Congress must not interfere with. What
does nine-teIrhs of the south unite in de-
claring is the nature of the northern oppo-
sition to slavery? Why, fanaticlsm, NOR
al and religious Whether right or wrong
has nothing to do with it. There are no
people more certain of thing than they
are that we are wrong. That such is the
nature of the case is enough for any demo-
ocrat to know, to remove any doubt hemay
have as to whether Congress has any right
to interfere in the matter.
say, then, that the man who is yersed
at all in political philosophy. and who has
any tolerable knowledge of the great OBJ
jects which the supreme government Of this
contederacy was designed to accomplish mast
know that it cannot meddle pro or con
with institutions pregnant with such ele-
ments as we know are involved in the slave
ry question. l maintain that the position
is incontrovertible and those who inter-
pret the constitution SO as to make it justi-
fy the.government in so meddling, justifies
in destroying itself. The pecuniary ele-
mcnt of slavery must, like eastern manufac-
lures, seek protection and prosperity out
side of Congressional legislation, except in
the single instance provided for in the con-
stitution-the rendition of fugitive slaves.
When the people of Massachusetts and
some other States in that region made such
powerful efforts to obtain congressional
protection" for their " peculiar interests. -
the south as vehemently opposed them. The
south applied to their claims the leveling
principle OF Democracy, "no favoritism-no
discrimination-no protection-and strict
construction OF the constitution" That was
the Democratic watchword. The Democratic
party declaimed against the hot house plan
of fostering peculiar local institutions and
interests. 1t intended that every such es-
tablishment must wind its way into popu.
lar favor by its own merits alone. And
this was the final result of the matter-and
eastern manufacturing establishments were
Va n In fns,sr II
goring your OK. The tables are turned
now 1t Is our OK that is gored-that is a diff
ferent case. We feel that the Democratic
leveling principle is all wrong we sec
nothing SO ugly, as of yore, about the old
terms, protection" % discrimination, &c
Ao~ we don't see the philosophical propri.
ETY. or making everything win its way into
the peoples favor by its own usefulness. &c
We see great propriety, now, when people
don't like our peculiar bread and meat max
ing institutions, for Congress to interfere
and make them like it. When the manu-.
featuring States were passing through tha,
fiery ordeal, there were about them sprink
lin, of Democrats, they had hard road tc
travel they were looked upon by the host.
OF federaiists by whom they were surround
ed. in the same light as our present north.
ern men of federalist proclivities look unou
the real Democrats here-as being little bet
ter than traitors to their section of the
country. National Democracy was very
good for eastern interests, but our southern
soi distant dem ocrats turn up their noses a,
it now. They have a southern Dem mocracv
The pretenslons of the eastern federalists in
this matter of protection, was more reason.
able, and less violation of the constitu.
ton than are theclaims of southern federal.
lists their policy was practicable it was
a mere matter of dollars and cents, and ran
foul OF the religious and moral sentiments
OF no section of the Union. They would
have, at least, built up the manufacturing
interests OF the country. On our side we
make nothing by obtaining what we de-
mand-Congresssonal protection of slavery
IN the Territories /; we get the law, and
there we stop, as in the case of the Lecomn.
ton biil-we would have got the bill-Kan.
sas IN the Union with two anti slavery sen.
ators and an anti-slaxery representative
In the other case we would get an inoperat.
i've Congressional Intervention law. As
President Buchanan said in his letter of ac-
ceptance-such policy .. would prove vain
and iilusory In practice in governing the Ter
ritories." Neither isthere any point Of homo,
OF involved for the south never had this priv
ilege ofdiscrimination which is now claim
ed by some. in favor of the slavery interes,
never claimed it from the beginniny,
They would sacrifice the Democratic parfy
s.living 70 OBTAIN what they never had
VIM .ne iunqamentai principles Of the gov.
amcn' 1ehy .nem' ana which IT they OBJ
- I'm .ne Jaw ol population and every other
October l, 1859.