, 1859-06-03
Parties aad Platforms .

The local questions, and the status OF
political parties, as set forth in the follow
ing article, which we find in the San Fran
cisco National, of April nth, are equally
rs applicable in this Territory as in Califor-
nia and we therefore ask for it an atten-
tive perusal by our readers of oil shades Of
political belief
All the hopes of the opposition are based
!, upon schiSm and division in the democratic
ranks. They know that so long as the
democracy are united, they are powerless
for their overthrow In the FIRST place their
own elements nre hopeessly discordant-
The democratic concordance is the soul of
harmony compared TO the dissonGnt and
harsh twang Of their clashing antagonism,
1t is true the black republicans, in the cam
paign of 1856, presented very formidable
front. They well nigh swept the entire
north Why was this? Not from any love
Of the people for the pernicious and incen-
diary doctrines of Seward. That ultra
sentiment Vas rebuked and repudiated in
the nomination Of Fremont, Every body
who is not bigot or an ignoramus, knows
that the political opinions of Fremont aud
Seward have little, if any, coincidence or
affinity. Fremont was born and raised in
the south--married in the south--one of
the most eminent Of southern statesmen
was his father-in.Iaw-and In previous years
his warmest admirers and hackers had been
southern men. His residence in a northern
city had been of recent date. When elec-
ted to the Senate Of the United States, he
was understood to be national democrat,
and although defeated for reelection, it
was not because Of any suspicion, or odor
thereof, attaching to him indicative Of nm.
soundness. We say, therefore, the extra:
ordinary run be made gave no evidence Of
the popularity of Seward-republicanism. In
fact Fremont declared, during the midst Of
the campaign, M we remember rightly, that
be had not even read the platform upon
which.it was said he was running The
Fremont party Of 1856, therefore, vas not
the black republican Seward party Of to-
day, but powerful opposition, formed
without reference to community of senti-
ment, united upon man, surrounded by
many personal elements Of claptrap popu-
larity, having in common one mighty slim
ulaht-power and its ndjuncts-to be ac-
quired only by the overthrow Of the demo-
cratic party. As such it was on opposition
nothing more-ofa most formidable caste
and Of a character most to be feared Had
it succeeded in completely uniting with il,
as it did partially, the Fillmore element,
the defeat Of the democracy would have
been inevitable. trd
The question then, is, can the opposition
in the free States unite purely as an oppo-
sition, or will they not be compelled to as
sumo positive front themselves, upon an
ultra Sewardplatform, and give the de-
mocracy, with their brilliant nntecedents
and successful record, the vantage ground
OF forming the nucleus and ruling element
Of powerful opposition themselves As
the recent elections there have thrown them
in the minority, this would seem to be their
proper position. 1t was the attitude taken
by Douglas in Illinois-oppositiou TO the
ultra Seward platform as laid down by Lin
coin in his opening speech--and upon that
opposition he triunphed Let the republi-
cans be forced, every where, TO show them
selves in their true sable tints, and like
result will follow in one half the free
States
To counteract, however, the odousness
or want Of principle of the opposition
great stress is laid upon faacied division
in the ranks Of the democracy upon the
question of the rights Of territorial Legis-
latures over slavery in their respective lim-
it's. Those who build their hopes upon this
foundadon,- will find it all sand. The de-
mocracy intend to have no division on this
subject. The north and south are prepared
and willing to accept the Cincinnati plat
form as common ground, and will eschew all
novel interpretations into their platform. In
California we will have not the slightest
difficulty. We believe that no additional
legislation is needed to protect and guaran-
tee southern constitutional rights. What
the future, in its varied and multitudinous
possibilities, may bring forth, we shall not
attempt to divine. The business of the
statesman is with the present. The bust
ness Of legislation is to supply existing rem
edies and correct existing evils. None but
the theorist and visionary would overleop
} the barriers Of the present TO hunt up i'm
, aginary evils in the future. 1t may be TAX
} en- for granted that whenever a territorial
Legislature shall attempt to exclude slave
ry by law, positive or Indirect, the social
status of that territory is determined. 1t
would be proof either that there is public
sentiment existing in such territory, fatal to
its permanent existence, or that its soil,
climate, products, &c, are unsuited to the
profitable use Of that species Of labor. In
, either event, temporary protection would be
au injury to the south. 1t wOuld be hold.
ing out false and delusiVe hopes, that could
only result in barren fruits. AZ
Even the leading SOutherners who par
ticipated in the recent debate in the Sen.
, ate, did not claim that any necessity exist
ed for Congressional protection to slavery
in the territories. The whole discussion,
which seems to have been accidental and
lpnnrprn editotad fnrnAd m the mower OI