Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1859-11-16
The Stapoato.
For the Standard.
SENATOR DOUGLAS AND JUDGE BLACK.

much mootcd question Of the power as well as duty
Of Congress to legsate fer the protection Of slavery
in the territories.
We will, in the FIRST place. preface our remarks
by general review of the aspect of the case as seen
in the different phases which the subject has been
made to assume by the champions on both SIDES.
The back Republicans contend that there is now
an "irrepreSsible conflict between opposing and en-
during f,rces," and which must be continued until
either the enc or the other shall have attained the
mastery
This is at once, proclaiming "war to the knife,
and the knife to the hilt" against the Constitution
as it is for, mark you they deny not the constlt
tona rights of the South but contend that there IS
power behind the throne stronger than the throne
ITSELF and they trace this to cmanate from the thigh
er law"
With such fanatcism as this we have too much
selfrespect to argue. for the Imagination, and not
the Judgment sustains the conclusions at which they
have arrived but nevertheless, these very concu-
sons should not be overlooked for they arc conclu-
sions, and conclusions Of the most fearful import,
unless they be guarded against.
There is a second party. with Senator Douglas at
their head, who, although they deny the power be-
hind the throne, and trampe under their feet, with
scornfrl disdain, the "hgher law" doctrine, and ap
peal to the Constitution, and to the Constitution
alone as their standard of action and as their rule of
ito say the least of it to the attainment Of the same
ultimate object, but by different means.
Yes, it looks to that with which the Wing party
char ged John c. Calhoun nbanking bank by
a bank, "-breaking down a constitutional govern
ment by the Constitution ITSELF
The leader of this party. although hitherto DEM
ocrat, and who, in many well fought battle, has
stood up manfully for the constitutional rights of
the South yet, so far as this question is now in
voved occupies an equivocal position, and is "sor-
ter so So and sortcr not So" yet, upon the prn-
ciple that o man looks to the consequences of his
own acts, he is $50 so" all the time, and now occu
pies the unenyiabe position of not having the moral
courage to carry out the honest convictions of his
oft expressed judgment
If in this attempt to sail between the two shoals,
he should find himself stranded upon both, let him
not complain, the thorns that prick him are of the
tree he planted" They have and will pierce him.
and he must and will bleed.
There is third party which may be denomina
ted the Democratic party proper, (of the "opposi-
ton" party do not speak, for they have no open
"national" organization, and exist only in name, it
would be uncharitabe in the extreme to impute SEN
tments to them which they did not hold, and par
tcularly so 10 that portion of them in North Caro-
lima, for if understand their recent programme"
there is nothing Objectionable in it. for it is Democ
racy in the commencement, in the middle, and in
the end-Democracy all the time. The only thing
regret is, that gentlemen so respectable, so patr-
otic and so intelligent should not have perceived
that in the South, at least, are all embarked on
board of common bottom, that we assaed by
a common enemy, and that too, upon aceak point,
SO far the future administration of the government
is concerEed that in perceivng this, they should
be the least disposed to risk even the probable con-
sequences of division among ourselves.
No time for mere party chickering's now 4; for the
Trojan horse in the shape of territorial sovereignty
nay, worse than this--the Trojan horse evscerated-
the "irrepressiLle conict" has been presented and
the Greeks are at our very doors, knocking for ad
mission; but enough of this digrcsson.) But of
the Democratic party have the right to speak, for
we are of the original PANEL, and claim the right
from prescription, from usage, from time immemo-
rial and from the further fact that from the earliest
manhood down the "sere and yellow leaf" through
all the phases of party. have never given single
vote (when discretion was allowed us aSSaing, in
the main, the timehonored principles of our party.
Yes with the Yanceys, the Fishers, the Saunders,
the Strange's, the Edwards, the Reds Graves and
Bounts, we have always been in the thickest of the
fight; in subordinate position, it is true but in
the very best calculated to test our unfinchng
devotion to the principles of the party.
The Democratic party neither now, or ever have,
claimed that the federal Constitution gives either
the power to establish or to prohibit slavery, and
Judge Black spoke nothing but the truth when he
said that as far as he could comprehend the opin-
ions held by the great body of the Democratic party
"that the federal Constitution does not establish
slavery any where in the Union" but leaves both
the slave, as well the free negro, in the original
condition in which it found thcm,-slave If slave,
and free If free.
Starting ont, then, from this point, we will meet
the question fairly and squarcly With slavery per
Ennurncc hoe 70 do
She has not even the power, SHOULD the ultimate
end of the black Republicans be gratfed) to confer
citizenship" upon free negroes, even though they
should all be manumitted by the respective States
so that we need have no fears that "Cuffv" will
ever present himself as representative IN an Amer
can Congress, so long the existing state Of things
continues
We will first attempt to make good this position,
for 1t is corroboratve Of the conclusions at which We
have arrived, and from its reflex effect sustans the
very principles. (when rightly comprehended) which
We now contend for
We know full we'll that State, and State alone,
can confer and restrict the elective franchise but
that constitutes not "citizen" We know that
the federal Constitution in speaking of the quaf-
cations of the Electors of the representative branch
says that the ELECTORS in each State shall have the
qualifications requisite for the electors in the most
numerous branch of the State Legislature; but that
constitutes not a Citizen" And, finally we know
that to Congress belongs the power and right of
naturalization and that this power attaches necessa
r!y and from the very nature of the case to every
distinct Independent political organization that ever
had existe zee. 1t is founded upon selfprotecton,
upon the right of each to manage its own institu-
tons in its own way and to control its own internal
police. Yet, knowing all this, we do contend, and
in so doing we think We are fully sustained not
only by the concurrent history of the country but
from differences irresstibly deducble from the bred
Scott case that the trainers of the Constitution never
could have Intended that the government they were
then creating should confer the power of citizen.
ship" upon any of the African race
In the case referred to- the defendant in the plead
ings denied the jurisdiction of the Circuit Court Of
the United States, upon the ground that the plain.
this ''ere stares and such were not citizens Of
Missouri, and as such had no right to sue in the
Federal Courts, and they dismissed the proceeding
for want of jurisdiction.
In this case, it is true that they were slaves; but
the Court, in assigning the reason why the Circuit
Court had not jurisdiction expressly put it upon tn.
ground that they acere not "citizens" of Missouri
in hoc