The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-02-10
WASHINGTON, D. G..
THE IsSUE-ITs HISTORY.
SPEECH OF HON JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS.
OF OHIO.
II THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
JANUARY IL, 1859.
lcoScLUDKD /


At the assembling of the Thirty-frst Con-
gress, some eight members separated from the
Old parties, avowing their determination to vote
for no man to the Office of Speaker, who hest
iated TO pledge himself SO to arrange the com
mlttees as to secure respectful reports upon
Northern petitions in regard to Slavery. Both
OF the leading organizations saw that this would
at once develop the great issue which they
feared, and they rejected the proposition. Under
those circumstances, no candidate could COM
mand majority Of the votes, and after con-
test of three weeks they united in resolution,
declaring that the member receiving the highest
number Of votes should be elected. The Demo
cratic candidate was thus elected, and the
Wing party actually died by Is efforts to pre-
vent the development of that influence which
defeated all its measures. From that day, 1t
appears only in history. But it were in vain
for historians to record transporting events, if
statesmen, politicians, and people, close their
ewes TO the obvious teachings of these exam
pies, and strive to maintain political party
composed of discordant elements, with COM
mon principle on which all can unite.
The advocates of liberty had greatly increas-
ed in 1852. Their National Convention was
characterized for its dignity, and the high moral
and political character of its members. Its
platform of principles was more elevated and
statesmanlike than had been previously put
forth by any political party. But as neither of
the old organizations openly denied the truths
of our Declaration of Independence, the friends
of Freedom fOrbOre TO reiterate them, such
reiteration would constitute no issue with either
of the other parties.
They had denounced all agitation upon the
subject of Slavery; indeed, they avoided ma
king any issue between themselves Neither
denied any doctrine or policy which the other
asserted and this timidity determined many
Of their members TO take more distinct posi-
tion whenever an opportunity should be pre-
scented. The people generally felt it unbecom-
ing intelligent men, unworthy of the descendants
OF our revolutionary sires. 10 fear the investiga-
non or the public discussion of human rights.
Fortunately, at that time the people who had
settled in Kansas were calling for Territorial
Government That region had been solemnly
cOnsecrated 10 Freedom and the right of its in
habitants to life, liberty, and property, was TO
be again recognised or denied by Congress.
It appeared inevitable that members Of this
body must be driven from their hiding places
/ had for some years looked to that period
with hope and expectation that it would bring
out the issue between Liberty und Slavery.
But the chairman OF the Senate's Committee on
Territories, feeling the difficulty of his position
and DESTROYS of retaining the confidence of his
constituents, and atgthe same time to avoid
confict with the slave power, determined TO ad-
here 10 the old expediency Of evasion; vet Ihe
appeared undecided and vacillating. He re-
ported his bill 10 organize the Territory, then
moved its recOmmitment, changed il, and re-
reported it; and finally resolved on denying the
right Of Congress to enforce within our Terri
torres that provision Of tho Constitution which
declares that - no person shall be deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of
law; and 10 assert, IN opposition to this dis
tinct declaration, that tho people of a Territory
may il they choose, deprive portion of the
human family of liia, liberty, and property
may rob them of their intelligence, their man
hood.
\ has doctrine being so modified as to limit
the power OF eoclUdiRg Slavery TO the Convon-
ton which might frame their State Constitution,
became for the time being the avowed doe
rrine Of their party leaders; and, after the lapse
% more than sixty years, the dogma put forth
~ Mr.. Pane In 1871 was avowed in the SEN
..ta this House. and lly Individuals of the party
tbrouehoW the nation. The advocates Of this
atheism attempted to sanctifv il by calling it
popular sovereignty and argued that peo-
pie. when fOrming.a Government. may author
"a piracy and murder and robbery, if they
moose to do so; that the right to enslave our
fellow constitutes one Of the very ele-
uuenis of "selfgoy.-rnment"
This avowal Of unlimited tyranny. without ref
srence 60 the Constitution, or TO that eternal law
Of nghI and wrong which ordained by ma
rurs God. aroused the people at the elections
ih sd that the Democrats were left in mi
nority ia this body.
Bni the opposition was composed Of conflict
.lng elements; some were shareholders, some
Anierycans. but most of them were Republicans
These factions could not unite in the election
q Speaker, any subject touching Slavery.
The Republicans adopted resolutions pledging
their support to any member who wOnld so ar
range the committees as to secure respectful
reports Oh Northern petitions in regard to
Slavery, precisely as the advocates of Freedom
had doue in lSI9. The Democratic party and
fourteen Americans discarded this reasonable
proposition; but those two parties could not
agree with each other, and a contest unequalled
IN our political history followed. For nine weeks
the conflict ragged, until distinguished Repub-
lean from Massachusetts, was made Speaker;
and it would appear that the whole nation must
nave seen the necessity for bringing the radical
question OF human rights before the people for
decision. The Democratic party, in 1856, when
assembled In General Convention, officially
avowcd the doctrine proclaimed by their lead
ers in 1854. Thus, by the force Of circum-
stances, was that party driven step by STEP after
more than twenty years resistance, to take
definite position in regard TO the greatest ques-
ton which ever agitated the Christian world
These circumstances had been created by Adams
and Slade and Gates and Palfrey and Hale and
King and Allen and Wimot and Root and Dur
kee and Julian, and other members of Congress-
and By societies and lecturers and editors who
had labored among the people, TO drive the ad-
vocates Of oppression TO an avowal of their
doctrines.
To effect this object. had toied for many
years. had in this body, asserted the doc
trine of mans inaienable rights, and called on
gentlemen of the Democratic party to admit or
deny 1t; but | had called in vain. / had trav-
elled and spoken in thirteen States; had writ.
ten essays and newspaper articles; | had com
piled a volume of what | regarded as interesting
incidents, showing the secret workings of the
slave power. These had been gathered with
great labor from moro than two hundred docu
rnents reposing in our library under the accu
INFLATED dust of MANY wears. To expose this
moral and political infdelity, | had encountered
Southern opposition and Northern distrust; and
/ greatly rejOiced to see that party compelled
10 avow its doctrines; for / well knew that the
avowal of its principles would show that its DAYS
were numbered.
When tho Republicans met in National Con.
vention, in June, 1856, but one alternative lay
before them; they were constrained to take
position upon the undying truths promulgated
In the Declaration of Independence, and per
petuated in the Federal Constitution, or to dis
card those doctrines, repudiate the Constitution
and unite with the Democratic party. The plat
form of the Republican party was necessity
rendered imperious by circumstances. So oh
vious was this necessity, that in the committe,
appointed to draw up confession of politica