The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-08-04
THE MORALITY OF DOUGLASISM-
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.

THE MORALITY OF DOUGLASISM-
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.
The Chicago DAILY Times is the especial or
gan Of Senator Douglas. 1t was established by
money drawn from his pocket, and its general
tone of thought is regulated under his immed-
ate supervision. The following article upon
the sacred duty of obedience to the fugitive
slave law, which we copy from that journal of
the 23d instant, may therefore be taken as an
official exposition of Mr.. Douglass sentiments.
The writer seems to be entirely oblivious of
any such principle as conscience, implanted in
the human heart by the Creator, and can con-
ceive of no higher sanction for human actions
than the statutes Of the land. He advises all
who have any scruples about catching run
away slaves to quit the country, and seek a
home in some foreign land This is the true
spirit Of Mr. Douglas. All who have heard
him and seen him, in the Senate Chamber or
on the hastings, can attest the faithfulness with
which his organ reflects his sentiments.
The GOODNESS with which Mr.. Douglass or
gan asserts that no one denies the constitution
atty of Congressional enactment for the re-
capture Of fugitive slaves, is also Characteristic
of Mr.. Douglas. But the editor should know
that Mr.. Webster, in his famous speech made
on the 9TH of March, 1850, admits that he could
find no authority in the Constitution for a f1-
gitive slave law, and merely yielded his private
opinion to the decisions of the Supreme Court
Any one who will refer to the Constitution will
find that the clause in reference to fugitives
from service is the second section Of the 4th
article. 1t is one of the compacts between the
States, and is unaccompanied with a power
conferred on Congress. Two or three sections
of the same article are accompanied with spe-
cial delegations of legislative power, while this
is not. Mr.. Webster said, in this connection,
" | hare always thought that the Constitution
addressed itself to the Legislatures Of the States
or the States Themselves" That as
my judgment. Ihare always entertained that
opinion, and entertain 1t nOlo"
This opinion Of Mr.. Webster will answer as
offset to the authority of Mr.. Douglass or
gan.
From the Chicago Times ofJuy 23d
FUGITIVE SLAVES AND THE LAW FOR THEIR
RENDITION.
Nobody disputes that the Constitution of the
L nited States would be impaired in one of its
vital parts, If, at any time, or for any reason,
Congress should fail to have a law in force re-
quiring the rendition of escaped slaves, and
prescribing the manner in which it should be
done. Such law must be constitutional, for,
50 to speak, and to speak truly, it is part of
the Constitution itself. There is no palmer
provision in that sacred instrument of Amer
lean liberty, than the one concerning this sub
iect and no law was ever enacted, or ever will
be, that can be more certainly binding on the
CITIZENS than the fugitive slave law. 1t is bind
ing in conscience, and, if men recognise such
a thing as morality i'll politics, it is binding
there, too But there is higher sentiment in
the body polite than is found in the petty
and uncertain politics Of the day--ws mean
that sentiment of patriotism which covers all
| things, pervades all things, and animates all
things in and Of the Union. 1t is this senti-
ment that must sustain the fugitive slave law,
if it is to be sustained. Men whose minds are
heated by some temporary excitement, or whose
! sympathies have been aroused for the moment
| by the recital of some tale of misfortune and
suffering, may resolve for the moment that the
law is wrong, and that they will not counten-
law stands the Constitution, and dependent on
both of these is the present wonderful prosper,
| ity and unparalleled happiness of the people OF
this country. All our hopes for future that
| shall fulfil the promises of the present, are
| based on the conviction that the Constitution
and the Union will last for hundreds of wears
and sill endure.
We cannot understand how any man in his
! senses, and whose heRst is also right, can raise
his voice or lift his hand against the fugitive
slave law We now have or some other law to
the same end, equally stringent. For ourselves,
having made oath 10 support the Constitution
of the United States, and obey all laws made in
pursuance of its provisions, we could not find il
in our hearts to break that oath, and turn Abo
litionists. This bargain our fathers made with
the South, agreeing to protect that section in
its rights, and to surrender up to it such per-
sons as are held to labor therein plain words,
slaveg--when they shall escape to the free
States and cSG be found and however much
We may regret its terms or its necessity, it is
| nevertheless bargain as really binding on us
| and will be as much so on those who shah ooIae
after Us, as on the patriots who made it. When
a man makes Up his mind that he can no longer
accord his approval--it may be his tacit ap
| proval-of the fugitive slave iSw, be has then
made up bis mind that he cannot support the
Constitution of lis country. The best course
for him then to pursue, is 10 leave the country
for his ceuntFy's good" and seek for freel
and better Government among the crippled
States and cancerous despedsms Of the old
world
The fugitive slaves themselves have no RICH;
to complain of the operation of the law Or il
they have any snch right, it is not of the fra
mers and supporters Of the law that complaint
should be made. If it is stringent IN its pro
visions, and summary in its course, it is moi
more so than has been found necessary by act
ual experience in executing it. When the Law
was somewhat milder than it is now-though
the present is substantially the same law thai
we have had from the beginning of the Govern