The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1859-03-20
WASHINGTON CITY.
SUNDAY. MARCH go. 1859.
sLAYERY IN AMERIcAN PoLTTIcs.

tt6 - 0NNNA
slavery, we shall make no apology for publishing the
remarkable letter on the subject which occupies a
portion of our paper this morning. II is the pro-
duction of a man who has evidently boxed the COM
pass of northern fanatieisms and follies, and has re-
turned, a weary and repentant prodigal, TO the pa
ternal roof Of the constitution of his country, TO the
conservative measures of the founders of our politi-
cal system. We have not read for many months, a
piece of composition so pithy, so sententious, 80
able, 80 sound, catholic, or conservative in its senti-
ments and conclusions as this letter Of Mr.. LoyejOy.
The production is the moro remarkable, as the ex-
preston of the sentiments, not alone Of the individ-
nal author of it, but of an immense class Of honest
men at the North who are sick to disgust of the
abominable fallacies of anti-slavery fanaticism. 1t
is The production Of a Representative" mind, and
the conclusions which it enforces are those, we
doubt not, of an immense majority of honest, candid
men in the northern States. But, although publish
ing this strong document on this subject, we must
not fail to ~reiterate our reprobation of the habit the
whole circle Of our American politicians have fallen
into of making slavery the chief topic of partisan
debate and gladiation.
IL is quite as necessary to understand who is spe-
cially interested in the extension of slavery as TO
know who it is that would overthrow that institution
of society in the States where ii exists. There is a
sad misrepresentation all over the country about the
character of slavery-how it lives-by whom it is
maintained and for what ends. 1t has been so long
denounced in the free States that the South has come
to regard it as the chief object of rational existence,
not only to support it, but make it the very cor
ncr-stone and foundation of civil government. 1t
has been thrust into the foreground of every repre-
s~entation of the southern States. When the subject
of federal revenues is discussed, slavery is sure TO
crowd itself into the very heart of the discussion.
If the interests of this government in Central Ameri-
ca comes under examination, slavery is certain to
creep into the inquiry, and the subject must take on
the lights and shades of that omnicient institution.
If the question of maintaining the army and navy is
under Amusement, slavery is brought up again, and
the claims of both are measured by the bearing they
happen to have upon that everlasting interest. Ger
tain it is that American politics have some how got
sadly mixed up with slavery. 1t is in every
mans mouth-on every tongue and promises to
become, in an early future, quito equal to the en-
ployment of all the spare intellect of American repre-
sentatives in the national Legislature. 1t is very
proper, therefore, that the public should understand
distinctly what is this wonderful institution of
slavery.
We do not underrate its Importance in connection
with the industry of the States where it exists but
we are convinced its nature and character are not very
well appreciated there. 1t is not, and never ought
to have been, the subject of political controversy at
all. It's very importance is enough to prove this.
We doubt exceedingly whether the actual owners
of slaves have been foremost, or are now foremost, in
investing their property into national politics. There
is not another kind of property in the Union that
could bear such an ordeal. When slave ten
ures are subjected to the caprice of politicians and
the value Of that species of property is made to ebb
and flow with the success or defeat of this or that
party at elections, that will be the time when slave
holders will have discovered that partisan contro-
versy is a poor reliance for the protection of slavery.
1t is beneath the dignity Of a sovereign State of this
Union to send representatives to Congress to discuss
the character of its domestic institutions. The ma
tional Legislature should be the scene of appropriate
investigation into subjects over which that body has
at least a color of jurisdiction. And the question of
the extension of slavery in this or that direction is
one which is equally foreign to the two representa-
tive bodies. Speeches can no more extend slavery
than propagate slaves. Nobody goes to this or that
place with slaves on the advice of members of Con.
gress. Nobody in this wise, practical age of ours,
is foolish enough to invest his property in a Utopian
scheme for colonizing territory with slaves to effect
great political ends. Those who talk such nonsense
are worthless agitators without means or RESPONSE
bility. They get enlisted as p~artsans, they talk as
partisans, they make partisans, and they are purely
partisan representatives. Precisely so it is with the
abolitionists right at the other end Of the Union.
They see in a congressional speech a formidable and
pregnant scheme for extending slavery. They are
alive to the subject and to the necessity of resist
ance. 1t is Gods service to meet and overwhelm
the "slave oligarchy." The country is full of these
miserable political truckers these frothy, wordy
philanthropists on the one side, and these chival-
rous slave propagandists on the other. The two
classes are really utterly worthless. There is no
value in them. They do nothing but excite animos-
tiles where there should be cordial friendships.
They are mere billstickers, advertising affairs in
which they have no possible interest. They talk
loudly of freedom and Independence, whom, in truth,
they are the slaves of passion and prejudice. They
dicuss learnedly the question of rights, when they
know nothing of such matters in practical life. They
devote themselves TO the liquidation of abstract ac-
counts. They are hypothetical politicians, with intel