The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1859-07-14


patty with the Republican party, but would
desire its defeat.
In any event, the class of delegates spoken OF
would be troublesome, even though we might
by chance have nominally majority In the
Convention, and in no event could they be of
any possible benefit, while they might, by uni
ting their votes with the so-called Conservative
delegates elected from districts and States that
were reliably Republican, succeed in making
such nominations and adopting such platform
as would insure our defeat. And as long as it
is we'll known that we have many weak backed
brethren among US, who in every trying emer-
gency need sitting up with, and quite too large
number of old fossils who have no desire to
see any liberal movement succeed, and are only
with us because of their hatred of the Admins
tration party and the hope political preferment
it stands us in hand to be watchful for number
of such delegates always elanage to slip into
every Republican Convention. They obtain
these positions in variety of ways-some by
their wealth and great responsibility; some
by remaining quiet and inactive on all ques
tons where there is difference of opinion
in the party on questions of principle or ex-
pediency; some by refusing to take part in
favor of or against the nomination of any
man, caring but little who is nominated, or
whether the party even succeeds in electing
their candidates, unless they are themselves on
the ticket. But by far the greatest number of
this class of men who succeed in getting into
our Conventions do so by falsehood and double
| dealing; and they resort to it because they
know the people would not tolerate them for
moment, if they expressed their real opinions
! These men are the same everywhere, and can
be readily pointed out by any one who has bad
any experience with that very dignifed, con-
sentative, respectable kind of Goldfish aristoc
racy, who have more sympathy for the slave
owner than they have for the slave, and for
what are called "vested rights" than for natu
raj rights. These are the men who are always
fearful of any radical movement-who do moth
ing themselves, and yet grumble if anything is
done by sincere and active men-who never
pay a dollar to advance the interests of the
party, but are always ready to ask for the best
Offices. Far too many of this class of men were
in the Convention in 1856, and it is but fair to
presume will again be elected to the Conven-
ton of 1860, even from some of the most relia-
| bic Republican districts.
| This class of men are those from whose &C
ton there is always danger, especially when, by
uniting their strength with delegates from States
and districts in which there are but few, if any,
Republican votes cast, they would have large
vote in the Convention. In such a contingent
cy, a combination of such men could endanger
the party in the coming campaign, by uniting
with some of the factions that almost always
| show themselves in conventions. And by low
ering our standard, apologizing, or by doing
that which would be regarded by the people as
worse, because cowardly, refusing to speak out
boldly against the crime of Slavery, the nfa-
nous fugitive slave bill, and the usurpations of
the Slave OGgarchy in the administration of
the National Government; by refusing to
place the party actively on the side of Free
dom, and not pledging its nominees to oppose
the admission of any more slave States, and
the introduction, in opposition to the will of the
people of the nation, of Slavery into our Ma
tional Territories, and declaring ourselves un-
qualifedly in favor of placing the Government
where the men of the Revolution left it, on the
side of liberty and law, of strict economy, and
equal and exact justice to all men,
If the principle of representation, however,
is adopted, and the delegates are elected by
ballot, as suggested, in Republican District
Congressional Conventions, there be no
danger from this class of men, because their
numbers would be so few that they could have
but little power in the Convention /; but if this
point is not carefully guarded, the Slave Power
may, and doubt not will, attempt to control or
divide us, by sending their emissaries into our
Convention, if they can find a pretext for so
doing, as they certainly WILL if the National
Committee invite all opponents of the present
Administration, Pro-Slavery as well as Repub-
hcan, to send delegates; and if they send them,
we could only blame ourselves for the result,
which would probably be disastrous.
Suppose the Committee assume to disregard
the proposition to call Republican Convention
Oh the basis of representation, and issue call
inviting all citizens of the several States who
are opposed to the present Administration
party, to send delegates to National Conven-
ton, to nominate candidates for President and
Vice President; the States being allowed, in
accordance with the basis formerly adopted by
the old parties, the same or double the number
of delegates in Convention that each State has
electoral votes. What would be the result ?
Why Missouri or any other State, with few OF
no Republican votes, could call State Con
vention, which need not be attended by dozen
delegates, and that Convention could elect the
whole number of delegates to which the State
would be entitled under such call, although
three-fourt of the Congressional districts in
the State might not have a delegate to repre-
sent them in that body. Yet this handful OF
men, representing nobody, could and would
under such a call from the National Committee
elect the entire number of delegates to which
the State would be entitled. Thus Missouri
would come into the Convention, and, if she
chose, could vote down the reliable Republican
State of Maine, although Missouri could not
under any combination of circumstances, give
her electoral vote to any Republican candidate
in 1860, while Maine could and would give hel
eight electoral votes to the nominee, provided
the Convention, under such call and appor
tionment and with the kind of delegates which
would thus come together, did not las there
would be every probability of their doingl adopt
such platform and nominate such candidates
as to make defeat with all true Republicans
preferable to victory in which event there
could be no doubt as to the result, not only in
Maine, but in every reliable Republican State
Is it not better therefore, in view of the import
ance of this subject TO discuss it now, and
have an expression from the Republicans o.
the Union, before the National Committee
issue their CALL and it is too late to correct the
blunder? There can be no doubt but what the
Western States who contribute so largely to
. the success of the Republican party, and cast
more votes in many of their Congressional dis
tricts than is cast in some entire States that
will be represented in that Convention will not
be satisfied to have their Is, 900 or 10000 Re
, publican votes neutralized by delegates from
districts, say the ninth district in Egypt Hi
nois, where they cast but few, if any, over
1000 Republican and Opposition votes com
bincd, while in the third district in the same
State the straight Republican vote is nearly
%, 900, and without which we cannot carry the
State.
What Justice, ask is there in giving the 9th
district, with its 1000 electors, the same power
in a nominating Convention as the Sd district
which has more than ten times the number Of
Republican voters? That there will be dele
gates in the Republican Convention of 1860, as
there was in 1856, from States and districts
which cast but few, if any, Republican votes
, and which cannot give us electoral vote, is
| oartaip And aa Rapubicap T uould ho <be