New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1858-11-09
From FLASHING TON.
y,sm Our Own Correspondent.

me pIu1jplOus clhfnOr winch t1e ifV-soia''''
presses have raised over Mr.. seward's Rochester
speech-"t the brutnl aud bloody manifesto of Sem
ator Seward" AZ The n. T. Heraid terms it--hss
affected the nerves of even the Republicans mere
and created an impression among men who should
know better. that Mr.. Seward has committed r
grave error, has taken step IN the wrong "'''c-
ton, and has rsskly committed himself 10 ne" and
mon.trous doctrines. The exaggerated excite
men, produced in political circles by the speech IL
ewing wholly to the fact that ii wss caught up by
The Democrats az a convenient subject for de0un-
s;.t;on on the eve of election. Mr.. Seward has
vepeatediy avowed the same epnions, and taken
The sam, positions an HIS Rochester specck. He
did so in the Senate last Session, and he did
wears ago in speeches in the Senate and on the
stump Or former occasions, indeed, he has gone
much further than this. SO far from beng ultra,
Mr.. Stewards Rochester speech is a guarded and
moderate staiemept Of the principles OF the Anti
Slavery party.
In his ,pecch At Cleveland in 1-4-. he declared
4 an crrer TO suppose ''tkat Slavery has any ceR-
.stitutenal guaranty which may not be released,
"apd ought not 10 be reli1quished." In the saIae
speech he said; Whenever the public mind shsll
twill the abolition OF Slavery, the way will open
"for IT, Slavery can be limited f. It's present
"bOuDds. 1t can be aneliOrated II can be and
1T must be abolished, and you and can aud must
"do it,"
Again, in his speech at albany October u, lo55,
Mr.. Seward said:
Slavery Is not and never can be perpetual 1t
will be overthrow either eacefuy dswluy preer
this Constitution il will work the snbversion Of the
Constitution, together with It's oSn over.brow.
Passages bke these, tie purpOrt OF which is
stronger than anything ~ the Rochester speech,
might be cited IN abundance from Mr.. Stewards
record. And there is scarcely prominent orator
or writer IN the Republican ranks whe does not 20
IS far or Anrther, than Mr. Seward. FOrexampe:
Senator Hale in his letter Of reply to the invita-
ton to address mass meeting OF tRe friends of
Fremont IN the City of Nsw-York, in August
1876, said.
al look forward, hopefully, Tor the day when the
word slave shall be without practical meaang III this
or the Eastern Continent; when universal man shall
stand tlect,as God intended be sh"ud, calling
Erd maaer save the common lather Of us all, and
Recognizing government we that which 10 founded
The PRINCIPLES Of eternal justice and universal rights
Of humanity If did not believe that the election of
Fremont and Dayton would be step in that direction
the IuOvelrcnt would receive little sympathy from
me-"
Senator Wilson, in October, 1866, p speech at
the TaberIpcle, NeH-iork. said:
"a" We shall overthrow the Slave Power Of the Re-
public We shall eathrone freedom; shall abolish
Slavery in tfe Territories We shall sever the National
GoveIDnent from all respOnsb ility for Slavery and all
connection with it, and then, gentlemen, then, when
We have pUt the nation, in tue words OF Mr. Van b.
yeD, openly, actively and perpetually on the side of
Free dom, We shall have glorious allies in the South.
We shall have generous, brave, gallant men rise up
ia the South, who will, III their tne in their
way for the interest of the master and bcndman, lay
the foundations of policy OF emancipation that shall
give freedom TO three and halt millions Of in
America
The Buffalo platform of 1s4S declared tllat the
object OF the party then formed was "to maintain
" the rights OF Free Labor against the aggressons
" Of the Slave Power, and to secure Free Soil for
ga Free Peoples" that the settled policy OF the |
nation at the formation of the Union was "to |
limit, lOcalize, and discourage Slavery; and To
I" this policy, which should never have been de- |
"parted from the Government ought to return" |
and lastly, that " ii is the duty of the Federal Gov
"ernment TO relieve itself from all responsibility |
for the existence or continuance of Slavery |
wherever the Government possesses constitu-
tiona authority to legisate on that subject"
The Pittsburgh National Convention of 1852 de-
clared in its platform:
"That Slavery is a sin against God and crime
against muD which DO human enactment usage
make right; aud that Christianity, humanity and
patriotism alike demand It's abolition that no perna-
nent settlement Of the Slavery question can he looked
for except in the practical recognition of the truth
that Slavery lie sectional ami Freedom national; by
the total separation Of the General Government from
Slavery ard the exercise Of its legitimate aniconsti.
tntioral influence on the side Of Freedom"
The Philadelphia platform of 1856 denounced
Slavery az twin relic Ofbarbarlsm with pOlygaIny
declared that as ali men endowed with the
inaienable right TO Liberty, the primary object and
uIteriOr design Of the Federal Government were to
that night among other rights, to all persons
under IFS exclusive jurisdiction. 1t alludes to the
fact that our Republican fathers b" abolished Sav-
"ery in all national territory" and ap-
peals for The support and cooperation of all who
in favor "a of restoring the action of the Federal
Government to the principles Of Washington and |
Jefferson"
These expressions of the Philadelphia platform
mean all that Mr. Seward said at Rochester, and |
were 81 understood by the majority of those who |
accepted that platform. In most of the States |
which gave their electoral votes To Fremont and |
Dayton, the resolutions of the Republican State |
Conventions were much more explicit, and took in |
many cases far more extreme ground than can |
fairly be imputed 10 Mr. Seward. In fact the !
adoption Of any lower ground of action on the |
Slavery question by the Republican party would |
hazard the loss OF NewEngland, New-York and /
Ohio, through the secession of the more earnest |
Abti-Slavery men. a new Liberty or a new Free |
Sod party would be formed, which would break |
down the Republican party the Wing party Was |
broken down. The real danger to the Republican |
party is not front but in the rear. IL is safe ard
viii, be successful so long il presses boldly on
and conironis the Slave Power with determination
and energy. But if ii hesitates and falters il will
perish BY internal dissensions. There is danger |
undoubtedly that the cautious and tmid and half |
bafsd portion of the party may be alarmed at what
seems IL them the progress of ultrasm and faLatl
cissi. But clearer understanding of the nature |
Of ihe struggle that is going in this country be-
tween Freedom and Slavery. will satisfy even this !
class that anything short of Mr.. Stewards plan of
acton would break the opposition 10 the Pro- |
Slavery Democracy into disorderly ard conflicting