Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1858-03-31


After be had concluded
[cOETHUED.J
Mr.. JOHNSON. Of Tennessee. understood my
colleague then to state that the instructions in re-
ference to his course in 1854 have no influence upon
him whatever.
Mr. BELL. do not say 50, and do not authorize
my colleague 10 say so.
Mr.. JOHNSON, Of Tennessee. understood nv col
league to say he would disregard them.
Mr.. BELL. No, sir; I do not mean to say that
shall disregard them. Whatever I have uttered on
this subject and whatever propose to utter, 1 do
not mean shall be misrepresented in this body.
have said that there is certain respect due TO the
expression Of the opinions Of a Legislature in all
cases and under all circumstances. l have express
sed tkat opinion heretofore, and do not mean TO
take any ground inconsistent with it. do not think
my colleague can misunderstood me, if he is dispos-
ed to understand me. do not say this with any
unfriendly feeling, but have stated distinctly the
ground on which 1 act in this case. When the Leg
islature Of Tennessee express their views, or
wishes, or instructions, or Recommendations 70 me
the representative Of the State which they repre-
sent, feel bound to treat them with certain de-
gree Of respect in all cases; and when 1 perceive
that those instructions have proceeded from con-
yictons founded on a full examination Of the sub.
iect in all its bearings and consequences, ought TO
defer to them, and suppose that ought not to set
nv Individual opinions against them.
But the case is different SIS TO opinions such as
those hastily formed when the Kansas Nebraska bill
was under consideration in the Senate; and al
though every friend had in that Legis ature voted
in favor Of such measure as that, under the cir
cumstances under which presume they must have
voted without reflection, from sudden impulse, on
the question being proposed to them suddenly, and
never having been mOOted or considered by the peo-
ole before the moment when il was introduced into
this body; though l should respect my friends in
the Legislature, and my political opponents, and
should not speak harshly of them, [ should ssy
that these were not expressions of opinion founded
on such examination and investigation of the ques-
tiOn in all its bearings and consequences as ought
to induce me to defer to it. / acknowledge a moral
obligation to act reasonably all questions Of this
kind-nOt to act merely on my opinions, which may
be formed upon prejudice. l ought not to be bigot.
ed and obstinate in setting up my own judgment
against the deliberately formed opinion Of whole
community, or Of all my political friends as would
seem to be the in the instance referred to by
my honorable colleague, in regard TO the amend
meut offered by Mr. Mcknight. feel great kind
ness and respect for their views in all things but
should utterly disregard them in the formation of
my opinion to the course to be pursued in refer
enoe to the great interests which should know they
wanted 10 advance and protect as well as myself
Without treating them with the least disrespect, I
WOuldnot be governedby their opinions, formed under
such circumstances, practcu'arly In relation to the
question Of slavery in q community.
have already expressed my thanks to those
friends WhO stood by me in the very breach, and
said owe will leave our Senators to decide as in
their judgment they shall think best, with conn
deRce: those Senators are as much interested in
protecting the great rights Of the South on the
question Of slavery as we are" My colleague prob
ably knows that great many men in the South are
more deeply interested than am in the protection
of that peculiar slave interest; but presume he
knows that l am largely interested myself. If he
does not, l now inform him so and inform him
further, that have suffered in my property by the
continued and eternal agitation Of the question; BY
the very course pursued by the party to which he
belongs, in consequence Of the declarations and the
defamation and the Of the leaders of
his own party in the election Of 1856. The result
of their then was that the prospect of free
dom was discussed in every kitchen and every slave
cabin in the State Of Tennessee, and, presume, in
most of the other slave States of the Union.
l stand here unimpeach6b bic that ground
What contend for, the greatinterest Of the own
ers Of slave property IN the South, is peace. The
hinge which my course will turn 70 the ques
ton Of which my colleague has inquired Of me, is
whether or not the admission Of Kansas under the
LecOmpOn constitution will give peace and quiet on
the subject Of slavery? l am deeply interested in
the question.
My colleague has spoken about the principle of
popular sovereignty, and l congratulate the gentle
men from the South who have listened to him with
so much attention. think he has made the strong
est argument against the admission Of Kansas under
the LeCOmptOn constitution, that have heard in
this body; but that is not the point which make
now. say that the pivot On which my whole policy
turns, is TO have peace on this question. If l
be made TO believe that the admission Of Kansas,
under the LecOmpJOn constitution, will give peace.
an for it. My great object is to have peace, and
quiet the subject Of slavery, between the North
and the South 1 know very well that l take a to-
tally different view from of my Southern friends
in reference to the objects to be secured in this mat
ter. l choose to call them friends, for there has
been breach in our social ercOurse though with
some there may have been tendency toi they can
satisfy me any ground that the admission Of Kan
with the LecOmptOn constitution will give peace,
shall 20 with them cordially; but if its len
denotes and consequences are not TO give peace,
against it now, firmly, and forever. want this
question settled. am not sure that the proposition
before the Senate and the country will give peace;
and indeed, far as the information have derived
extends inclined to think that 1t does not tend
to give peace.
l think peace can be given on this question, and
intelligent man can doubt it. Peace can be given
and insured; but passion, resentment, pride Of con-
sistency, may, perhaps, prevent the adoption of
course which will secure il.
l am much obliged to my colleague for allowing
this interpolation Of my views. think he has made
the most powerful argument on principle that have
ever heard on the floor Of the Senate against the
admission Of Kansas under the LeCOuptOn COnsutU-
lion; but perhaps he can explain it,
Mr.. JOHNSON, OF Tennessee. l am very much OBJ
liged to my colleague for the courteous and lucid
manner in which he has some two or three times de-
fined his position; and must conclude that there is
nothing wanting on his part but IL Is obtuseness on
the part Of myself that cannot comprehend clearly
and distinctly all his positions.
Mr.. BELL. l am sorry for it.
Mr.. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. Il is an unfortunate
condition to be in. In the first place [ understand
my competitor --
Mr.. BELL. l an no competitor Of my colleague
Mr.. JOHNSON, Of Tennessee. l accept the
rectiOn, and respect the motive which prompts it,
understand him, first, TO say he disreCards the in
struCtcus given in the first resolution reference
to his former course on the Kansas question.
Mr.. BELL. l beg to correct my colleague again.
pray that he will do justice. l said that beg
ged to differ in opinion with the Legislature on that
subject, in the most courteous language that was
capable Of using-nOt to disregard them.
Mr.. JOHNSON Of Tennessee. Without being ego
dstics vain, sometimes believe that know when
have an issue, and when l know that have one
which will hold. Now, to save the multiplication of
words, or any further explanation on this subject,
will try to make myself understood. The resolu-
lions Of the Legislature declare:
Be Il rssogped b. the General assembly of the Srte
Of Tennessee That fully with me hon. John
Bell as 70 the duty Of Senator when the voice OF
constituency has decided against bin question mate
rally affecting their interest
Of hr Bells cDuntryueu Of Tennessee IN the recent ec-
TONS has declared against his the Kansas Ne
braska BILL question II vital importance to the South
Here are two resolutions about which there can be
mistake; but the point Of my honorable colleague
is that in reference to these two resolutions there
has not been sufficient time TO mature public opinion.
Let US look al this point in proper spirit and see
whether we cannot come 10 a full understanding of
the mstter. In 1854, the Legislature in both branch
ss, expressed an opinion the course he took at
that time. He seems to think they then did not IN
derstand the question. Well, sir, in 1855, an cleo
ton came of in the State, which v canvassed
from extreme to the other This identical uues-
ton discussed, and majority Of the people, by
their vote, decided against him
Mr.. BELL May ask my colleague 10 say wheth-
er any resolution was passed by the Legislature in
relation to the subject, while the Kansas Nebraska
bill was pending?
Mr.. JOHNSON, Of Tennessee. One resolution !
passed the Senate, giving instructions on the ques-
ton. Another resolution was passed by the House I
which 4Fs1