The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-04-08

shifts, expedlents, schemes and devices had beon
tried in vain, settlement was effected upon
the simple basis Of tie Missouri compromise.
The Texas annexation the Mexican war, and
our vast territorial acquisitions resulting there
from, brought upon the country more formi-
dable and complicated agitation of this vexed
question of slavery, extending from 1876 to 1850.
And yet in 1850, after the expenditure of
months of sectional buster and bravado, by the
hour and by the day, and of experiments and
expedients by way Of a compromise without
number, the simple schedule of measures pro.
posed by Mr.. Clay In February gave peace and
security to the country in September.
So in regard to this case OF Kansas. All the
entanglements and difficulties which factious
and scheming demagogues have been weaving
around it are as ilmsey in their texture as so
many spiders webs, and can all he broken by
the simple act of admitting Kansas into the
Union. All the other difficulties which have
invested the question are settled impor-
tant principle at stake has been secured. Ad-
nit Kansas, and the whole trouble is at an end
delay her bill of admission, and the whole
perate and INSCRIPTIONS sectional agitators.
But it may be said that the great and distin-
guished spirits which shaped and controlled the
compromise of 1920, and the adjustment of
1850, have disappeared from the stage, and that
in exchange for those strong leading minds,
Congress is now ruled by paltry hucksters and
Juggling politicians. To this we may reply,
that while in 1920 We had good but neutral
and negative sort of President in Mr. Monroe,
and while in 1850 we had a weak and wishy-
washy executive in the person Of Mr.. Fillmore,
we have in 1858 ali executive whose positive
character and inhexible decision of purpose
have been more than match for these buck
sters and factious jugglcrs of Congress He
has reduced even that dyed,in the-wool aboli-
zionist, Giddings, and all his confederates, to
the important concession that q pro slavery
constitution she'll I've no bar hereafter TO the ad-
mission of new State.
Why, then. should there 10 any more chatter
ing or idle negotiations upon the subj ect with
the opposition factionists who really desire no
settlement. If the House will not recede, let
the Senate permit the Crittenden Montgomery
substitute to slip through; or if that will not
answer, let the scheme Of joining Kansas aud
Minnesota be tried without further ceremony.
Should that fail, let the Lecompton bill be tried
with the unequivocal recognition Of the right of
the people of Kansas to alter or abolish their
constitution at any time henoeforwsrd, noiwith-
standing the 1864 interdict of the Lecompton
schedule. In word, it is the duty of the ad-
ministration party Of Congress. upon this bill
or that bill, 10 admit the State of Kansas into
the Union without further loss of time The
President has done his duty; let his supporters
in Congress do theirs. The admission now
hangs upon the har-spiitting differences be
tween the two houses. 1t only remains to be seen
whether this Congress will do its duty to the
administration and the country, OF play into the
bands Of the disorganizing factions and dema-
gogues of the opposition camps by throwing
over the act Of admission 10 the next session.
THE CONSOLIDATED BANKS or NEW YORK.
Some Of the small democratic politicians are
shocked at our suggestions Of a union among
the banks of this city. They see in il an effort
10 revive the old United States Bank Some
petty financiers also have laid hold OF the idea,
and are dwarfng il by suggestions of bullion
bank.
The idea of a union among the banks of this
city for the general management Of the banking
business neither involves any rcsuscitation, in
any form, Of the defunct United States Bank.
nor conflicts with necessary increase in the use
of bullion az currency. That idea rests upon
the obvious maxim that in union there is
strength-that had the banks been united and
net divided last fall there would aave been no
very serious revulsion, and no breakdown on
the part of the banks themselves. Il commends
itself q, once to the judgment of every one who
can form an opinion on public affairs
II is not neceseary--to adjus. such union
that the banks should give up their separate
individual existence. Each might continue 10
be separate and distinct from the others in refer
ence TO lis local and particular business while
ooalescing with its neighbors for certain specific
objects. There might, in fact be confederacy
Of banks just as there is confederacy Of States,
With general Congress, and particular bank
Legislatures.
This confederation has already obtained a
share OF public favor among the banks The
Clearing House system il u confederation for a
certain specific object The action Of the Me-
tropolitan Bank is also in one sense a proof Of
combined action on the part of the banks. The
late resolution TO allow no more interest on de-
posts il confederation itself Now all that is
wanted TO make the banks impregnablc and 10
prevent reyulsion forever hereafter would be
for the banks to extend tAis confederation 10
other branches Of their business; for instance to
take the foreign and domestic exchange business
out Of the hands OF the individual bankers who
now transact it, and to depu!e certain bank to
do IL for the confederacy by this means such
heavy failures as occurred in August and Sep
tember last among the Western bankers and
prccipitated the rcvulsion Of last fall could
never occur; nor would the banks be exposed