Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-06-24

on both sides, will cid in sulky permission
to our saucy young cousin to do what he
pleases on the other side of the Atlantic
We wish to act with better foresight than
that. What is Government doing? 1t had
best at once intimate to the American
Government its readiness to take any proper
step for obviating future disagreement with
out sacrificing those principles of humanity
recognized by both Governments. As, too
It is not prepared to say that the cruisers
have been acting according to orders, it ought
to express a readiness to inquire whether they
have done so or not But the worst is to be
feared when Government knows nothing
when the grievance goes on, and nothing is
done to stop or to soften it.
From the London Star, An.
The intelligence from the other side of the
Atlantic, by the last two or three mails, Is of
very alarming character British Cruisers
in the Gulf of Mexico and off the coast of
Cuba are accused of committing high-handed
outrages upon American merchant vessels in
those waters. We suspect there NAV be some
exaggeration in the reports in the New York
papers of these occurrences, but the indigna-
ton OF the American nationalsts who are as
touchy as the English themselves on the sub
ject of the honor of their national flag. and
the peremptory tone assumed by the Cabinet
OF Washington in communications understood
to have been addressed to our Government
in the matter, leave little room to doubt that
war between the two countries will be inev-
liable, If a restraint be not Immediately i'm
posed upon the operations of our naval Off
GERS in the Gulf of Mexico. Some twenty
cases are mentioned in the New York papers,
and many are referred to in the official cor
respondence between Gen. Cass and Lord
Napier, in which American vessels have been
rudely brought to by British ships of war. in
some cases fired at, and even into, boarded
and searched to ascertain whether they were
slavers. Congress at once took notice of
these proceedings, and Mr. President Buchanan
promptly co-operated. The result is that the
United States Navy is to be Immediately rein
forced on that station, and that Mr.. Dallas
the American Minister at this Court has been
instructed to lay the facts before the British
Government, to require that these outrages
should cease, and to peremptorily demand
satisfaction for the insults to the American
flag, and indemnity for whatever damages
have resulted from the visitations of the
British cruisers
People will readily understand the danger
which is eminent from this explosive state of
things, should our Government fail to have
the fortitude of receding from the untenable
position it has assumed We feel as deeply as
it is possible to feel on the subject of the slave
trade. and are as anxious as any to see it sup
pressed forever but surely England cannot
make that object justification for the inva-
sion of the rights of an Independent nation
And what is this right of visitation and
search which we claim and which we have
now rudely, and it appears unnecessarily ex-
ercised, but an invasion of one of those liber-
ties most highly priced, and strenuously
fought for by the American people We shall
not appeal to that mass of contradictions, the
international code of laws, it is termed, to
prove that this right of search forms no part
of it. although we might do so safely but we
appeal to history. America has always stead
tasty resisted our claims to this alleged right
In the var of 1912 between Great Britain and
the United States, one of the objects was, on
our side, to enforce the right, and, on the
part of Americans, to resist it. That destruc-
tive war ragged for nineteen months. and the
treaty of peace which closed it did not even
mention the right of search. and OF course
left the dispute on that point precisely where
it was-a striking illustration of the cruel alb
surdity of resorting to war, as a settlement of
such disputes. and an experimental proof also
of the readiness with which the Americans
will draw the sword in defence of the meg
rity of their flag. if driven to it by the pre-
tensions of the British Government.
The orders of the Admiral in command on
the West India Stations to adopt the vigorous
measures of visit and search in the anti-sav
cry blockade of the Cuban coasts were sent
out, we believe, not by the present, tat by the
late government. The blockading squadron has
ALWAYS been pet means with Lord Pamers-
ton for the suppression of the slave trade, and
it has undoubtedly found support from public
opinion in England. We need not inquire
just now into its alleged efficiency or its alleg-
ed failure. That is not the question /; for
even if it could be demonstrated that the
slave trade into Cuba would be entirely sup
pressed by the British cruisers searching every
vessel, whether bearing the American flag or
not, the primary question presents itself, What
right have we to do this? And how can we
make the violation of a right. even for good
object, a justification of war, which would in
evitably follow? The American Government
is under reciprocal treaty obligations with
Great Britain to do what it can to suppress
the slave trade; but if it be lukewarm and
insincere in that purpose is it therefore the
business of England to go to war with the
United States Can that great nation. proud,
powerful, and pcrtinaciOusly stubborn on all
points of national honor, be compelled to go
actively, heart and soul, into blockade
against slave ships? The idea is as mon
strous "a, if il has entered any mans brains
it is wicked. We all know very well that the
Government of Washington, and the predom-
inant party in Congress and in the Executive
have sympathi,s rather in favor of than
against the traffic in negro slaves; and it
must have been very well known also TO Lord
Palmerston when he dispatched the orders we
have alluded to, TO the commander of the
blockading squadron. that they would lead
not to the repression Of the slave imports into
Cuba, but to that very evaporation of feel
ing in the United States against this country
which, were the noble lord still in power,
might keep both nations lowering on the
brink of war, or perhaps precipitate them
into that direst of all calamities. Remember
ing the general maxims of the Palmerstonian
foreign policy, and the slight reasons which
the late Prime Minister had personally for
allowing the friendly relations of the two
countries to consolidate and strengthen them
selves, observing also the sub-irritant tone
of the representations on this subject Of the
blockade, made by our Minister at Washing
ton, We cannot accuse ourselves of Injustice
towards the late government, in saying that
profanity The ot1e,isiUe proceedings Of cruisers IN
The Gulf Of MeIico Ueye ordered from a Uery differ
eHt B,otiue than a SRgiem,Hded desire 10 pre,ent The
introduction Of captured africans INTO Cuba.
We hope the Administration of Lord Derby,
will take a different course. II is not ques-
ton of abandoning the blockade, but of re-
speeding the American flag, which the Amer-
cans are determined to make respected. The
answer of Mr.. Fitzgerald on Tuesday night to
Mr.. Lihdsay's question on the subject, al
though not quite satisfactory, was perhaps,
as much so as, under the circumstances, could
be expected The bare prospect of war
with the United States on such cause of
quarrel is destructive in its effects on COM
merce and industry Wehope instructions hare
already been sent o,a 10 arrest these boarding and
searching operations Of cruisers and that trheH
The facts shall hare beca asoeTtdHed due amends and
repar0tloas tciA be offered for tehat Vrong may
hate been done.
From the European Times
We do not apprehend that anything serious
will arise out of this transaction (tbe boar
ding Of the brig MOBILIZE for it will be found.
we suspect, on enquiry, that the version of
the affair which has been made public in mac
curate and grossly exaggerated; but il would
be premature to give an opinion on the sub
jet until the persons whose conduct is thus