, 1858-02-19


ground that he will not submit those ques-
tions to the people, and take the ground
that they should be submitted to the peo-
pie. This is the simple point of difference.
On that point the reasoning Of the Presi-
dent is with me, for he says that by the
terms Of the Nebraska bill, it was incum-
bent upon the Democratic party to insist
that the slavery question should be submit
ted to the people for their decision and if
the Senator from Indiana be right in say
ing that by the Nebraska bill the slavery
question was put on the same footing with
all others, then if he agrees with the Presi-
dent, he affirms that the whole Constitution
should be submitted to the people for their
ratification.
Thus we find the gentleman in conflict
with the President Of the United States at
all points, and in conflict with the Presi-
dent upon the very recommendations he
makes in regard to the Territories which
are about to become States, to-wit the
general rule Of submission. The Senator
from Indiana will not claim, like the Sena-
tor from Pennsylvania, that be has other
sources of information than the message"
He will not claim that there are sources Of
information which authorize him to deny
the propositions laid down in the message.
II he will, should like to know who is the
friend, and who is the enemy, Of the Presi-
dent of the United States.
The Senator from Indiana cannot main
Rain his position without rebelling against
a large portion of the message on the Kan
sas question. But | hold that he has
right to differ from the President. God
forbid that | should ever surrender my
right to differ from President Of the Uni
ted States Of my own choice have not
become the mere servle tool OF any Presi-
dent. so that am bound to take every
Recommendation he makes, without exam
lining and ascertaining whether its meets
the, approval Of my judgment or not. !
know that the President would not respect
me if / should thus receive dietum from
any authority contrary to my Judgment.
Again, yesterday, tried to ascertain if
there was any one Senator on this floor who
was prepared to yield obedience to the
Presidents recommendations in his message
without exception. Iiusianced the Pacific
Railroad, the bankrupt law, the tariff, and
many other questions. and could not get
a response from any one man who endorses
the whole, or is prepared to carry it out
All other men are permitted 10 dissent but
me 1t is factious in me 10 dissent If
dissent, it disturbs the harmony of the
Democratic party tell the Senator that
if be will stand faithful by the Cincinnati
platform, which affirmed the right of the
people TO decide all their local and domes-
tic institutions for themselves, there will be
harmony between him and me; and if each
member Of the party will stand by that
platform, there will be harmony in the
whole party Why not stand there? oh,
it is factious! 1t is intimated, not charG
ed, that there is something fearful, some
thing fearful, something terrible in this
thing of a man daring to be true and faith
ful to his principles, whom other men do
not desire that he should bo.
Allusions are made to men whose names
are known-to Burr and Van Buren-os if
they came from sources that would read
me out of the Democratic party. l should
like those who are arraigning my course
here, to compare records with me in my
devotion and service to the party for the
fourteen years that have been in Con-
gress. The assumption is, that will not
bow the knee to power, when that power
itself does not recommend it, and the insin=
uation is that l am factious. Sir, rcal it
faction; call it what you please; | intend to
stand by the Nebraska bill, by the Cincin-
natl platform, by the organization and prin-
ciples Of the party, and l defy opposition
from whatever quarter it comes.
predict that sixty days shall not go
over my head before shall be in harmony
with those who are now most relied upon
to crush me and the principle Of the Ne
braska bill, by the admission Of the Le-
compton Constitution. shall be mistak-
en- if, in sixty days, you come here uuan'
mously demanding the endorsement of the
Lecompton Constitution as test of faith.
The pro-slavery clause stricken out may
make popular sovereignty look very differ
ent in gentlemen's eyes from what it would
if it were in The pro-slavery clause in,
with the exception Of the Senator from In
diana, tine merits of that Convention may
look very differently to some gentlemen
from what they would if it were out
With me it can make no difference. re-
gard the result of that Convention as a
trick, a fraud upon the rights of the people,
and come with slavery or without slavery, |
an opposed to the whole Of it.
But we are told we must force the Le-
compton Constitution down the throats of
the people for the sake of peace; for the
sake of localizing the quarrel. How is
that to be done? BY passing an act of
Congress forcing Constitution on the peo-
pie of Kansas against the will Of that peo-
pie! What next? When you find the
stubborn, factious majority resisting the
government that You have imposed on
them, the President will be called upon to
use the army and the navy to put down in
surrection; and inasmuch as this Lecompton
faction is only composed of perhaps one
tenth or one-twenteth of the whole people,