The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-08-26

Ms. SSssSsr ORE On ahs KA .sss QSssssxs and
sSs African sbass Ted.
Ip 40 extra Of the Aod+reon Is CT Gazette wo
have received a tull report Of the proceedings
at bsrtecue at Craytonville, complimentary
10 The Hon. James L. Orr, Speaker OF the House
Of Representatives Of the present Congress.
There wes q grand turnout of the people on the
occasion, q 6nc military display, 3D., the exer-
cises of the day closing with speech from the
Speaker upon soue Of I" the leading measures
that engaged the attention Of Congress st Its
last session"
OF this speech We give In full Ia another
pert Of this paper, so much as relates to the
Ksnsas question, the British right OF search
out sticp, sad the African slave trade, Mr..
Douglas aid the Charleston Convention the
uemsip6er being devoted in the old partisan
wsy, to q Qualification of the democratic
party, which IL matter OF no particular interest
TO cur Intelligent readers Nor Is there any
remaI ksble value In the views Of Mr.. Orr on
Kspsss and the African save trade apart from
bis official and sectional position; but as
Speaker of Congress, and as . conservative
democratic representative Gom the fiery and
fuspy little State of South Ccroiiaa his opinions
will challenge the attention of all sections and
| 81 parties.
| Fret then, upon the Kassss question, Mr..
! Orr gives us brief history Of the case, from
| GOWN TO The passage OF the Eoglish bill. In
| The course of this running history he very
! ios,iy remarks .bet the vote or the Crittendeu
amendment developed "the most anomalous
srgi, eIsatiop in the protested principles Of the
abolition republican party-tbe baldest aban
document o. long cherished political tcnets that
| ever saw, heard or read Of; and if its effects
are lot greatly to demoralize their organiza-
,ior, then their rank and file are less honest
than have supposed them to be-" But sits
| effects" have been greatly to demoralze their
| organization" For example, who can now tell
what is or where stands the republican party
| of New York? Thurlow Weed says it stands
upon it's old platform Of mo more slave States
and no more slave territory" but 'hold, hold, "
ssys Greeley, "you ave too fast. Our Know
Nothing friends want to come in, and you
must take down the five barred gate
of 1856, and substitute something q lit
tie easier to get over. In fact, you
must be prepared, good Master Thurlow, to
abandon Uncle Tom entirely, if that step ehould
be needed to secure the Know Nothing balance
of power In this State now, and in all the States
hereafter. Do you understand
| Such are the visible effects Of the "tergiver-
| sstions" and qualifications of Seward, Hale,
| Giddings d the republicans en- nasse Of both
Houses of Congress upon the Lecompton con-
| the party have thus been obliterated and the
| party is all upset and tumbling to pieces upon
| this question Of "no mere slave States and no
more slave territory" Mr.. Orr says the con-
servatives of the North who voted for Fremont
| in 1856 "had made up their minds to repudiste
the extreme sectionalism OF the Rhiladelph ia
platform" and that thus the vote on the Crit
tenden amendment "was q concession by the
leaders 10 the moderate men of the party" but
| il is our opinion that the object of that vote
was to embarrass the administration aud split
| up the democracy, without counting the conse-
quences OF the qualification to the republicans
themselves. The only concession" In the case
was TO the Southern Know Nothings and tho
Douglas desertera
We should next like to know what the honora-
BILE Speaker means when he says that the
constitution (Lecompton) Is not submitted TO
the people for ratification" and that "only the
change In the ordinance il to be passed upon by
| thems' Are we 70 understand from this that
the Lecompten constitution "still livos!" for II
Il be dead as II surely In, then most assurcdly,
has II been "pascd upon" by the people of
Kansas, and most conclusively too But giving
the Speaker the benefit of his bubble upon this
point, let us try him upon another. He says,
al do not concur with our able and distinguish
\ ed Senator, Mr.. Hammond, that the Kansas
| Nebraska bill was cheat and a humbug.r
And why, Because, Gays Mr.. Orr, the bill was
| important, inasmueh as II wiped out that obi.
Gus Missouri restriction, which degraded us
from q just equality with the free States" and
because the bill Of repeal established the doc
trIne Of popular sovereignty.
Mr.. Or contends that this was q great
achievement, and that In support OF II, "the
decision Of the Supreme Court In the bred
Scott case protects our rights during the exist
ence of the Territorial government" We fear,
however, that Mr.. Orr lie thus filing his stomach
with the chat OF Southern distractions which
does not satisfy the more practical stomach of
Hammond. The underlying " meaning and
intent Of The Kansas Nebraska bill was that
| Kansas should be o slave State practical
offset to California; but the experiment has not
only failed at every point and in every shape
and form, but at every stage Of II the failure
has been still more and more disastrous 10 the
pro slavery policy under which this Kansas
/ La hill orioinataJ IA haa th,,s ov~cr.toJ