Keowee courier. [volume] (Pickens Court House, S.C.) 1849-current, 1858-11-13


parties, first and last, committed themselves
to the principle and policy that State
should be admitted into tho Union, with
or without slavery, according to the will of
Its own pcoplc-thus rc-enacting one fca-
ture of the Kansas and Nebraska bill.
should myself have been willing to rest
there, and let Kansas rest also. Whatever
there was of principle or honor in the mat
ter, was secured by the votes already given
The English Bill, however, came up in due
course, and ! voted for it cheerfuly, be-
lleving that it was better calculated than
| any that had been offered, to close up this
miserable business, which has furnished
much the most disgraccful chapter, so far,
in our history
But it is said that in submitting this
land ordinance to vote of the people of
Kansas, Congress submitted also the lie.
compton Constitution with its pro-slaycry
clause. If SO, the passage in which it was
done can surely be pointed out. Badly
drawn up as the bill is, | should like to sec
the clause or the words that would Justify
such an assertion. If there was such a
clause why did not Judge Douglas and
his friends vote for it? Why did not the
Black Republicans aud all who voted for
the Crittendou substitute which submitted
the constitution, vote for this bill 1t was
the very point they made, yet to II man
they voted against it. That think should
be conclusive.
But, then, it is said it was a virtual sub
mission of the constitution to the people,
because, ifthey refuse to ratify the modi-
fcd land ordinance the admission of Kan
sas under the Lccompton Constitution was
defeated. Well, the facts are so; | can
not and do not deny them. But | should
like to know how that could by any posi-
bility have been avoided or remcdcd.-
Suppose Congress had admitted Kansas
without modifying anything, yielding even
to her enormous "lund grab" which en-
braccd many more acres than there arc in
all South Carolina, should like to know
II the Lccompton constitution would not
have been submitted to the people as vir-
tually as it was by the English bill that
is, not submitted at all, but left with them;
an inevitable necessity. Congress could do
no more-no less, no other way, The con-
stitution belonged to the people of Kansas.
Congress could not withhold it from them
a moment; nor could it make them organ
izc under it-assemblc their Legislature,
assume the position of State, and send
Senators and Representatives to Congress
against their own will. Can Congress CO.
cree State into the Union? Then Con-
gress can cOerce State to remain in the
Union, or drive a State out Of Congress
Is omnipotcnt. But where are then the
rights of the States? Fortunately for us,
the constitution of every State and of every
Territory asking to be State, is not only
virtually but actually in the hands of its
people at all times and under all circum-
stances, and they cannot be divcSted of that
control without the utter destruction Of the
constitution and an entire revolution. The
whole power of Congress lin the premises is
exhausted when it accepts the constitution
without condition.
There arc some who go still further and
assert that although there might DO no way
to avoid n submission of the Lccompton con-
stltuton to the control of the people of Kah-
sas, yet that the conference bill was COM
promise of principle, inasmuch as it specih-
cally required them to act, and it made for
them the definite opportunity to defeat the
constitution; ;;s Tscil as the ordinance. Now
this is true, as a fact yet the inference is alb.
surd upon its very face. IfCongress could
not take the Lecompton constitution out of
the hands of the people of Kansas, what diff
ference did tmake whether they voted OH the
ordinance in August. under the direction of
Congress. or any other time, whether fixed
by Congress or themselves? August was
agreed upon. because it was very woll to sot
o time and let thinga end. But from August
| to August, again and forever, this constitu-
ton was in the hands of the people of Kansas
and they could do with it what they pleased.
True, Congress might have avoided that spe-
cliic occasion and August vote, by byswallowing
the land ordinance and all, and asking no
security for the remainder Of the public lands
but still Kansas could have refused to organ
| ize as State. and no power under our con-
stitution could have intcrfered. 1t is all
words and nothing more. Congress was
charged with bribing Kansas to become a
slave State. But the bribe was by the con-
! ference bill four millions of acres of land.
insteand 0ftwenty-three millions. five had
given her tho whole twenty-three millions for
her useie6s slavery clause, there might have
been some ground for the charge. Yet it
| would have been of no avail, for Kansas
could under no bribe or coercion known to
i our government, have been compelled TO nc
I ceptthe constitution or ordinance, or become n
State against her will at any period whatever
| ! viii net presume that any one is less pro-
dciont in constitutional lore, or is less con-
yersant with the history of congressional pro-
ceedings in the admission of new States, than
myself. But will say that am incapable
OF c0mprehending thom at all, if in this con-
terenc0 bill there was any compromise" of
Southern principles or interests; any conces-
sion whatever by the South any departure
from the strictost construction of tho consti-
tntion; or any material deviation from the
/ usual practice of the governments. I9t