The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-10-28


mistakes, which it may have to correct during the
coming session.
W. II. Seward and His Impudent and Hide
ous Revolutionary Doctrines.
We have received report of the late speech
of Senator Seward at Rochester, and according
TO the leading points thus communicated it ap-
pears that the political ultimatum Of this arch
agitator is the absolute extinguishment of sla-
very within the limits of the United States at all
hazards and reckless Of consequences. The late
disastrous defeats Of the Northern democracy
have emboldened him to throw off the mask, and
he now stands boldly before us more repulsivc
abolitionist, because more dangerous one, than
Beecher, Garrison or the Rev. DR.. Parker.
On the subject OF slavery, Mr. Seward contrasts
the intentions Of the trainers of the constitution
with the subsequent tendencies of the govern.
ment under the control of :" the aristocracy of
slavery" Upon this point we think that g the
intentions of the trainers of the constitution"
are so very clearly indicated in the constitution
itself that no man, except a fanatic, fool or
demagoguc, can misunderstood them. Thus the
continuation of the African slave trade for a
term of years. the clause relating to fugitive
slaves, and the clause counting in three-iifths of
the slave population of the slave States in pre-
ference to their Congressional representation, are
clauses which not only recognize but encourage
and protect NE institution of slavery. Bold
therefore, as Mr. Seward has become in the cha
racter of the great anti-slavery champion of the
North, he yet falls short of the frankness of Gar
rison, who fatty repudiates the constitution OF
the United States, the teachings of the Bible. the
laws of the State and of society and everything
else which may stand in the way of the political
equalization of all races colors sexes and condi-
tions of the human family
But the time has come when Mr.. Seward thinks
he may safely declare that "this country must
eventually be wholly free or altogether slave
territory" Upon this assumption he argues that
the Southern 'slave power and ''its great ally"
the democratic party, must be pushed to the
wall, or they will not stop short in their aggres-
sions until African slavery shall he fastened upon
the free States themselves. To this end the next
move Of 1.-THE slave power" will be the revival of
the African slave trade and the next the nulIili-
the negro traffic among the several States. This
is frightful picture; but mark how plain tale
will suffice to put down the brazen-taced impu-
dcnce Of this political charlatan.
The movement set on foot in the South some
time ago, by pack Of sectional agitators of the
same grade a. Master Seward has been efiectu-
ally extinguishcd by this very administration
which our INSCRIPTIONS Senator can only recog-
nize AS tool Of the "slave power" The strin-
gent laws Of Congress against this African traffic
were brought forward as the unanswcrablc argu-
ment upon the subject: and there the movement
in question ended. The traffic can only be re-
vivcd through repeal Of the existing laws
which make II piracy. And how are they 20 be
repealed! The great mass Of the Southern peo-
pie are against the repeal; but if they were
united for the repeal wha, could they accomplish
against the present overwhelming preponderance
Of the North in both branches of Congress. The
free States. a. against the slave states, now
stand rs IL to IL. by the year 1860 they will
probably stand a. II to IL. including the pre-
sent embryo free States Of Kansas. Nebraska
Oregon and Washington. And then Delaware
and Missouri arc in a rapid transition from slave
labor TO free labor, under the same fundamental
law Of political economy which has changed from
slave States TO free States all the old Northern
States.
II Is neither TO southern aggrcssions,' nor to
the 'slavc olgarchy," nor TO the democratic
party. on the one hand that We can charge the
extension Of slavery nor il II to the anti-savery
movements Of the North that We must look for
the suppression or the limitation Of slavery The
institution j. regulated by the universal law Of
compensation. II did no; pay in the old North
crn States. and II was abolished: Il would not
pay in the new Northern States. and Il was ex-
cluded; il does pay in the tobacco, cotton. rice
and sugar producing States Of the South, aud
there il has been continued and extended. And
thus, under the federal constitution. the laws
regulating the abolition and the extension Of
slavery are the fundamental laws Of labor, eli
mate, products and compensation
Under the compacts Of the constitution and
under these fundamental laws. free labor and
slave labor will quietly and pcaccably regulate
their own metes and bounds: but under the doc
trinc Of Mr.. Seward, that all the States Of the
Union must be converted into free States TO pre-
vent them all from becoming slave States, all
existing laws upon the subject human and di-
vine, are disrcgarded and dclcd, and the pro
gramme Of a bloody revolution between sections
and races is pronounced. Ills equality
Of all men before human tribunals
Is necessary feature Of this gene
raj programme; but TO bring il about
the existing constitution OF the Union must be
superseded by the active agencies Of sectional
coercion, a coercion which we all know can
never be attempted without hazardng the imme-
date contingencies Of disunion aud civil war
This IL the enter,ainmeat " which Mr., Seward