Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1858-04-08
Radical Abolitionism.- No. 8.

end OF their whole movement we have only to
add, that the doings of cur legislature at its re-
cent session, together with the position assumed
by the Republican editors in relation thereto
fully corroborate all that we have said as to tie
anti-slavery character of the Republican organ
Mation Thanks to the editor of the Fireman
for his timely rabuke of recrcant and time
serving legislature. But for him the free men
of the state might never have known what their
political servants had been doing. We COM
mend him for his integrity to the cause, and
also for his untiring efforts to elevate his party
to proper anti-slayery standard. The work
he has undertaken is truly great but we would
not discourage him. therein And as to its prac-
ticability we have only to say, let him labor on
until he shall fully satisfy himself in relation
thereto.
The Republicans are not the only people
claiming anant-slavery character whose princi-
pies and measures are in conflict with our own.
There is party respectable for numbers and
influence, whose movements at the present time
seems to call for little attention They
claim to be abolitionists of the most radical
sort, being for the total and unconditional
abolition of slavery, in the states as well as ter
ritories. But they believe slavery Constitution
al and judge it expedient in order to abolish it
first of all to annihlate the Constitution. In all
their movements this sentiment is prominently
exhibited.
But before we acccdc to such a proposition
it may be well to inquire into the exigency of
the case, whether the Constitution is of such a
character as to require or justify such des-
perate and dangerous expodient. At any rate
it will be in order to have an Investigation Of
the case, before we render Judgment in the
premises. For after all that has been said we
lapprehend the Constitution has never had before
the public just and impartial trial So faI
as we have been enabled to learn, no proof has as
yet been exhibited sufficient to convict it Of
having pro-slavery character. Until this car
be done we are disposed to Join issue in it's favor
though we are aware that by so doing we array
ourselves not merely against the Garrisonlans
the party to which We have just alluded bu
against the Republicans, the Americans, thu
Democrats and also against the executive, til,
legislative, and judicial department of our gov
eminent.
As to the Garrisonians, we are not aware O
any disparity of views between us and them al
to the character of slavery, and the duty O.
the nation to abolish it, And as to devotion tt
the cause and disposition to make sacrifices tt
sustain it they set an example worthy of oul
imitation.
But as to the Constitution it is in their es
teen bulwark of slavery. In ours, bull
wark of freedom. They labor to degrade ant
dcmolsh it to the end they may abolish slavery
We for the same purpose labor to magnify anC
make it honorable. We assume the GROUND
that in our country slavery has no constitution
al or legal existence that there has ever beer
any constitutional or legislative enactment t.
establish it. In proof of which we not onl,
have the absence of all proof to the contrary
States men. A specimen of which we here in
troduce:
"They were brought here as slaves, sold a
slaves, and held as slaves, long before any en-
actment made them slaves. l eren doubt wheth
er there is a single State in the South that ere
enacted them to be slares. There are hundreds O
acts that recognize and regulate them as such
hu hot
create them slaves. Master and slave are con
stantly recognized as pre-existing relations.
John L. Calhoun, Reply to T. H. Benton, lS40
'No Legislative act of the Colonies can b
found in relation to it," (the introduction O
Slavery, p. 9; Am. Slave Code. p. 268.
g Ii the record of any such act exists, W
have not been able to find any trace of it -
Judge Matthew'S Wheeler's law of Slavery, p
10 Am. Slave Code, 267.
Senator Mason, of Virginia, objected to
jury trial for fugtives, on the ground tina
such process would require " proof to b
brought forward that Slavery is established b
existing laws - and, said . he, it would b
G impossible to comply with the requisiton, 70
g no such lac could Be produced.'' Goodeli
q Slavery and Anti-Slavery, PIP. 570,57l. MI
Bayly, NJ. c. of Va, agreed with him.
Senators Douglas and Toombs. in the debat
s on the Nebraska Bill, contended that no stat
o ute was necessary to establish Slavery i
p Kansas, because no statute has established it i
any of the States.
II Gen. Stringf3llow, of Missouri, used the sam
i argument in letter. in which he said g Tn
: veriest sehoolboy must know, as a matter of hi!
9 tory, that although Slavery existed in all I'll
old States, in not one of them ,cas lao eut
II enacted 10 establish it," The following gentl,
n men, namely, Messrs S. {. Brooks and job
V Mcqueen, of South-C Carolina, William Smitl
= Of Virginia, and Thomas L. Clingman, of Mort
~ Carolina, (members of Congress,) addressed
y oint-letter to General Stringfelow strongl
commencing his statements oodeTs NatiO,
o. al Charter
i This testimony coming from the source
v does, seems conclusive. We argue also tha
v Slavery is not constitutional, from the consider
It alton that there is no power on Garth or i
v Heaven that can make it So 1t being ayers
> to all laws divine or human. 1t knows no la
If but its own will.
, But we will let the Constitution speak e
}. itself privilege by the way it has not been a,
e customed to have. Most people who ha,
l. adjudged it to be pro-slavery have done SO n,
lie from any personal knowledge of character, b,
from the testimony of men, who, though o.
n cupying high political positions are ncvcrth
less biased in favor. of Slavery. 1t is their d
cisions and constructions that have blinded Il
minds of the people, darkened the polite
horizon, and shut up the Constitution in a sta
10 of snhserviencv To the slave nowar E.,,, Al