The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-11-12
MR.. SCENARIOS KxpEnlaKsrun cEucTs

ner of the spider. weave the webb u thes eorceits
with elaborate palms altogether from resources wibin
ooncei with these poliiicians is lsTs nasrsa laa
a great practical or historical truth. and they viii
expend infinite patience aud ingcuuiiy IL fortieiag
IT by argument against the force a actual fset ase
sturdy truth.
The mind Of Mr.. Seward IA type " aas elass
and that of Mr.. Lincoln is % ihe same caste tits
the characteristic Of the democratic mind 10 deal
with things they are. and never 30 allow oonecit
or mere theory TO seduce them away from what Il
practically wise and judicious Nlai Is subslan
tally just and proper. Mr.. Seward and bis asseei
ntes, on the contrary, adopt conccit or espouss
sublimated theory, without reference 10 ia prAct
cal value or effect; and, naturally Stunning tbe
teachings Of experience aud the learning the sub
ject derivable from history, rely exclusively upon
their own reflections and unbridIed spcculalios ior
arguments in its support.
The conceit of Mr.. Seward that there has existed
an eternal warfare between the systems Of free labor
and slave labor and that il is 10 go in this
try until the hills of Now England shall be cultivated
by slaves, or the savannahs of the South be titled 10y
free negroes and the kindred idea OF Mr.. Lincoln
that Union diversified by two systems Of labor d
by that fact divided Union, and must fall like the
house of Scripture " divided against itself, ("
notable instances of the class Of conceta Ia which
this school Of politicians are continually indulgiug
The conceit that diversity makes division, by
which Mr. Seward and Mr.. Lincoln would naugurate
war of sections and Of social systems of opinion
and Of votes in this Union, is not one but has
had many metamorphoses and renaissaaees.
It is Of European and monarchical origin and was
long the fayorite argument against the praceabliy
of republican government. 1t was there contended
that this form of government was unsuited to ex-
tended empire with diversified Institutions, popua
tions, and climate that it impossible for a
public, which derives its powers directly from the
people and egislates by their voice, to frame gene
raj laws adapted to antagonstic and inIarmonous
interests, habits prejudces, and creeds; but that
republic could only exist in states of small extent
snch as the dimnutive cantons of Switzerland
Nor was the argument confined to earlier times
to the other continent. 1t twas imported into
hemisphere, along with many other now exploded
theories of the Old World, and was urged in l7ss
against the adoption of federal constitution. 1t
is to be observed that the argument has always been
urged with reference to the idea of consolidated
republican idea of which Mr.. Seward and his class
Of politicians in this country unable to dvest
themselves. However strongly the objection may
apply to consolidated republic it loses all its force
against coaysderaey of republics such
own Union.
Gov. Clinton in the convention of New York to
ratfy the federal constitution made reference to this
. theory. He said "when we take view of the
United States, we find them embracing interests as
various their territory is extensive Their habits
tier productions their resources and their political
and commercial regulations different as those
of any nation upon earth. general iao, therefore,
qohieh might be aceu calculated for Georgia. might operate
most disadpantageousy and cruelty upon Nep York. 1
only suggest these observations for the purpose of
having them satisfactorily answered"
To these observations of Gov. Clinton Alexander
Hamilton and Mr.. Jay replied, in the same terms in
which Mr. Corbin in the Virginia convention, re-
piled to similar argument.
Mr. Corbii said, THE honorable gentleman has
objected to the constitution the old worn-out idea
that republican government is best calculated for
a small territory" = what has SO often
been deprecated will be removed by this plan
= The extent of the United States cannot render
this government oppressive. The powers of the
general government are only of general nature
and their object is protect defend and strengthen
the United States but the internal administration
of government is left to the State legislatures who
exclusively retain such powers will give the States
the advantages of small republics, without the dan
ger commonly attendant the weakness of such
governmental y "a confederate gov
eminent u.s. of all others, best calculated for an ex-
tensive country. Its component individual govern
ments administer and afford all the local convent
ences that the most compact governments can do,
and the strength and energy Of the confederacy may
be equal to those Of any government. A govern
ment Of this kind may extend to all the western
worldnay, may say ad infnium.'
We make these quotations to show the antiquity
of this theory Of the necessity of homogeneousness
and to show that it was discussed and discarded in
the adoption of the federal constitution.
IT is not to be denied that it would be impossible
10 devise uniform municipal code which would be
adapted to wide extent of empire embracing diver
sifed institutions, interests, pursuits, and races.
But this objection applies to other forms of govern
ment no less than to the republican. The feat was
found impossible under the Roman empire. Spain
also experienced its impossibity in establishing her