The Kanzas news., 1858-01-16

constitution, but Tor the mode OF making II,
would have been unexceptionable. do not
know; / do not care. You have no right
| to force an unexceptionable constitution on
a people. 1t does not mitigate the evil, it
does not diminish the insult, it does not
ameliorate the wrong. that you are forcing
| good thing on them. [ am not willing to
be forced to do that which would do if
were left free to judge and act for myself.
Hence / assert that there is no justification
TO be made for this fragrant violation of pop
ular rights in Kanzas, on the plea that the
constitution which they have made is not
particularly obnoxious.
But, sir, the President of the United
States is really and sincerely of the opinion
that the slavery clause has been fairly and
| impartially submitted to the free acceptance
or rejection of the people of Kanzas, and
! that, inasmuch as that was the exciting and
paramount question, if they get the right
! to vote as they please on that subject they
ought TO be satisfied; and possibly it might
be better if We would accept it, and put an
end to the question. Let me ask, sir, is the
slavery clause fairly submitted, so that the
people can vote for or against it? Suppose
| were citizen of Kanzas, and should go
up to the polls and say, Il desire to vote to
make Kanzas slave State, here is my ball
lot" They reply to me, 'Mr. Douglas,
! just vote for that constitution first, if you
| please" "Oh, nol' l answer, Il cannot
vote for that constitution conscientiouslv.
L am opposed 10 the clause by which you
| locate certain railroads in such way as TO
sacrifice my county and my part of the State.
| am opposed to that banking SYSTEM
am opposed to this Know Nothing or Amer
| lean clause in the constitution about the
| qualification for office. l cannot vote for
it." Then they answer, "You shall not
/ vote on making it a slave State" l then
/ say, Il want TO make it free State.' They
reply, ''Vote for that constitution first, and
then you can vote TO make it free State
otherwise you cannot" Thus they disqual-
| ify every free State man who will not first
vote for the constitution; they dsqualify
! every slave State man who will not first vote
/ for the constitution. No matter whether or
not the voters state that they cannot consci-
entiously vote for those provisions, they re-
! ply, "You cannot vote for or against sla-
very here. Take the constitution as we have
made it, take the elective franchise as we
have established it, take the banking system
as we have dictated it, take the railroad lines
as we have located them, take the Judiciary
system as we have formed it, take it all, as
we have fixed it to suit ourselves, and ask
no questions, but vote for it, or you shall
not vote either for slave or free State'-
In other words, the legal effect of the sched
ule is this: all those who are in favor of this
constitution may vote for or against slavery,
as they please; busall those who are against
| this constitution are disfranchised, and shall
not vote at all That is the mode in which
the slavery proposition is submitted. Ev-
J caH to tbo
| franchised on the slavery clause How
many are they? They tell you there is
majority, for they say the constitution will
be voted down Instantly, by an overwhelm-
ing majority, if you allow negative vote
| This shows that majority are against it
They disqualify and disfranchise every man
who is against it, thus referring the slavery
clause to a minority of the people of Kan
zas, and leaving that minority free to vote
for or against the slavery clause, as they
choose.
Let me ask you if that is fair mode of
submitting the slavery clause? Does that
mode of submitting that particular clause
leave the people perfectly free TO vote for or
I against5 lavery as they choose? Am l free
to vote as 1 choose on the slavery question,
if you tell me shall not vote on it until | vote
| for the Maine liquor law? Am / free to vote
on the slavery question. if you tell me that
[ shall not vote either way until vote for a
bank? Is it freedom of election to make
| your right to vote upon one question de-
pend upon the mode in which you are going
to vote on some other question which has
no connection with il? Is that freedom of
election? Is that the great fundamental
! principle of self-government, for which we
| combined and struggled, in this body and
throughout the country, to establish as the
rule of action in all time to come?
The President tells us in his message that
the whole party pledged our faith and our
honor that the slavery question should be
! submitted to the people, without any re-
/ striction or qualification whatever. Does
/ this schedule submit it without qualification?
1t qualities it by saying, ':You may vote on
slavery if you will vote for the constitution;
but you shall not do so without doing that
| That is very important qualifications
| qualification that controls a mans vote, and
/ his action, and his conscience, if he is an
! honest man-a qualification confessedly in
violation of ORr platform. We are told by
the President that our faith and our honor
are pledged that the slavery clause should
|. be submitted without qualification of any
kind whatever; and now | am to be called
Il upon 10 loFieit my Iditn anu ny hoHoi III
order to enable small minority of the peo-
pie of Kanzas to defraud the majority of
that people out of their elective franchise?
Sir, my honor is pledged; and before it shall
be tarnished, / viii take whatever conse-
quences personal to myself may come; but
RI never ask me to do an act which the Presi
dent, in his message, has said is a forfeiture
of faith, violation of honor, and that mere
ly for the expediency of saving the party.
1 viii go as far as any of you to save the
party. have as much heart in the great
cause that binds US together as party as