The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-05-13
EQUILIBRIUM.

Since the admission of California, the strug.
gle of the Extremists of the South has been,
for the restoration of the " equilibrium " in the
Senate, then disturbed. The desperate game
played for Kansas has turned upon this point
Kansas Slave State, would make the Slave
States delegation in the Senate thirty.two
against thirty.two, which, with the Vice Presi.
DENT would secure the ascendency to Slavery
The struggle has thus far faled-Kansas
seems TO be eluding their grasp-and jus. at
this juncture, come Minnesota and Oregon,
Free States, knocking for admission. The Re.
publicans have but to say the word, and they
are admitted. Shaightvay the Free-State
delegation goes up to thirty-six, to be increased
in shsrt time by Kansas to thirty-eight-
thirty eight against thirtyl Equilibrium for
ever rendered impossibIel the dangerous illu-
sion, which has so long misled the South, in.
famed its Extreme men, and given them the
control of its councils, forever extinguished
A mischievous struggle forever given up Who
can calculate the beneficial Consequences
Shall this all be overlooked, and minor con-
siderations be suffered to overshadow the one
great Question?
Hxw STATES AND THERATro OF POPULATION.
In the brief debate that took place last week
in the Senate on the question of admitting Ore.
gen, the principal objection to the bill urged
by one of the Republican Senators was, that
the population is not sufficient, being less than
the ratio of representation for the several
thousand. Oregon, IL is
said, has only seventy or eighty thousand. New
States have hitherto been admitted without
much reference to such a consideration, and in
the case of Kansas all parties have uniformly
disregarded it. 81
During the last Congress the population of
Kansas was twenty-five thousand, and yet
Republican Senators and Representatives to a
man advocated her admission as State under
the Topeka Constitution. The population is
now probably about forty-fve or fifty thousand,
and yet both Administration and Republican
Parties are insisting upon its admission as
State; one, under the Lecompton Constitution,
the other, under a Constitution of its own
choosing. 1t is not too much to say that every
member of the House and Senate, by his &C.
ton on the Kansas Question, is estopped from
opposing the admission of Oregon, on the
ground of her population being lessahan the
ratio of representation. How can any Repub
lican take this ground, in full view of the fact
that he stands com mitted to support the claim
Of Kansas for admission, when she shall have
rejected Lecompton, and again submitted her
petition to be received as State, no matter
what her population may be?
We can understand why the Slavery Propa-
ganda should be anxious, for the time, to adopt
a new rule. They have already, in the English
Bill, ordained that Kansas may come in as
slave State, with population of forty.fve thou
sand or less, but, if she persist in her purpose
10 be free State, she must wait for admission
till she has ninety.tkree thousand and they
would be glad to adopt the same principle in
relation to Oregon-compel her to wait till
she reach that point. Why Republicans
should give countenance to such policy, the
People will not be able to understand. 1t Is
30 inconsistent and suicidal in them, that it will
never be accepted as the real ground of their
opposition to the Oregon bill.
Apart from all connection with the bills now
before Congress, it is proposed by some to es-
tablish rule, requiring as necessary condi
ton to the admission of State, that it have a
population equal to the ratio of representation
tla uboka H.
At first sight, the proposition may seem fair
and reasonable, but little reflection will show
hat it has no support in precedent in the Con-
stitution or laws, in reason, in justice, or in the
spirit of our institutions.
1t is matter of history that State after State
has been admitted, without special reference to
his consideration. Neither the Constitution nor
any law requires such a condition. The power
Of Congress under the Constitution to admit
new States is Observation-Disclosures is no re-
striction upon it, nor has it restrained this dis
cretionary power by any law.
Such rule cannot be sustained by reason !;
for, what has the fitness of community to or
ganize and act as State, to do with an arbi
trary amount of population Why is not
population of fifty thousand souls as able to
discharge the functions of State as a popu
lstion of hundred thousand2 And is it just
to make the admission of new States depend
upon q varying rule, having no relation whatso
ever to their fitness for self governments
rule whose operation is necessarily unequal7
The ratio of representation has been changed
five times since 1898. Down to 1911, it was
$4,000; then it was changed to 100000; then
to al 900; next to 70,680; and now it is SO, 423.
A State, then, with population of only $4,000,
was Gt to be received into the Union from 1898
to 1911 but now, no State should be regarded
as possessing this fitness, till it has $4,000
You would adopt different rule in effsct for
different States, one purely arbitrary, and hav-
ing not the slightest reference to their wants
or abilities and hereafter, should it become
expedient to raise the ratio of representation to
l2O, 600 or 10000, the new rule would exclude
States until they should attain that growth
The absurdity and injustice of the proposition
are palpable. ,s-....
Finally, the spirit of our free institutions
forbids the establishment of any such rule,
Fixing ratio Of representation is one thing
admitting new States, another. The consider
atoms that determine the policy in one case,
have nothing to do with the policy in the other.
There must be ratio Of representation it
must be such as on the whole and in the long
run shall operate equally upon the States; and
it must be determined by reference to the
efficiency of the House of Representatives
not SO low as to make the legislative body I'M
wieldy, disorderly, and inefficient. ON account