The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-07-15


that no limitation that right to be permitted in
| any form [Applause
Hence what wAs my duty in 1854, when 1t became
cessary to bring forward bill for the organization of
Kansas and Nebraska Was il not my duty in obedience
to that Illinois platform to that standing instruction
adopted almost unanimously was IL not my duty TO in
corporate In that Nebraska bill the great principle of
sefgovernmen declaring that it be the true intent aud
meaning Of this oct not legslae slavery into any Ter
rory State TO exclude it therefro, but to- leave
the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their own dornstic institutions in their own way did
Introduce that unciple it into the Nebss
ka bill, and perhaps did as much as any living
in the enactment Of that bill applause by 1t estab
fishing that doctrine upon the public policy of the
country. thea vindicated that principle against as
sauts from all sections of the Union. During this
last session 1t became my duty to yindcate it from
assaults from tile other section of the Union i vim
dicated il bo&4V and fearlessly, as the people OF
Chicagc Witness when IL assaulted by free
soilers IA voice Yes, old boy and during this Con-
gress have vndcatcd it equally boldly and fearlessy
when 1t was attempted to be violated by the almost
| united South. Applause Ipledged myself to you
every stump in Illinois in 1854 pledged myself to the
people of other States, North and South, wherever
spoke gave the pledge in speeches in the Senate and
in Congressional reports and in every form in which
could reach the public mind or the public gave
the pledge that far the power should be in my
hands, would vindice that principle, the right of the
people to form their institutions to establish free
States slave States they chose and that that prn
cple should be violated either by fraud violence
or by crcumyention, or by any other means if it in
my power to prevent it. [Applause] / submit to
you, my ellowctzens the question for your decision,
whether have net redeemed that pledge in good faith
Voices g Yes. Yes my friends, have redeemed it in
good faith and it is matter OF heartfelt qualification to
to find these assembled thousands this multitude of
persons assembled this nghtbearng their testimony to
the fidelity with which have vindcated that principle,
| and performed my pledges
In connexon with that will be entirely frank with
you My object to the right of the people of
each State and of each Territory North and South de-
eide for themselves and to have slavery not just
they should choose. equally frank to say to you
that my opposition to the Lecompton constitution
not preaicated upon the ground that it pros sa-
very constitution nor would my action have been differ
ent had been free-soil constitution My speech
against the Lecompon fraud made the 9th of De-
cember while the vote upon the slavery clause in the
constitution not taken until the 21st day of the
same month-nearly two weeks afterward. made my
speech against the Lecompton monstrosty solely upon
the ground that it violation of the fundamental
principle of free government the ground that 1t
not the act and deed of the people of Kansas and did
not imbody their will They adverse to it hence
denied the right of Congress to force it upon them
either free State slave State Cries of good
''brayo 'helr hear. deny the right of the Congress
Of the United States to force free State upon unw
ling people IA Voice 'Good, again. deny the right
of Congress to force slayehoding State upon unw
ling people Ideny your right to force good thing upon
people unwilling to receive it Laughter The great
principle, the right of every community to judge and de-
eide for itself whether thing is right
it is good for them to have it, evil for them to adopt
1.-THE right Of free action and the right of free thought
the right Of free Judgment upon the question: is dearer to
every true American than any other right under free
government Hence my objection to Lecompton that
II undertook tS force consultation ppoR that people
against their WILL in opposition to their wses and FOR
that reason violated the great principle upon which all
/ our institutions rest
1t to this argument to say that slavery is
evil and hence should not be tolerated You must
allow the people to decide for themselves whether it is
good or an evil You allow them to decide for them
4 ss whether Maine iuuOr q
allow them to decide for themselves what kind Of
mon school system they will have you allow them to
decide for themselves to what kind Of banking sys
tenn they will adopt, ii they will have any you allow
them decide for themselves the relation between hus
band and wife, guardian and ward in fact, you allow
them to decide for themselves all other questions
| why not let them decide thsf Whenever you put
limitation upon the right of any people to decide what
laws they want You have destroyed the great fundamen
! tai principle of sefgovernment [Applansc.
In connexion with this subject, perhaps 1t will not be
improper for me- this OCCASION to allude to the posi-
ton of those who have chosen to arragn my conduct
this question. "a Voice: Talk to the crowd,
and not to the people around you there Another Voice.
| Three cheers for the administration.
have observed from the public prints that but few
days ago the republican party of the State of Illinois
sembed in convention at Springfield, laid down plat
form, and nominated candidate my successor.
Voice ''No! neverH and slight Kisses / take great
pleasure in saying that have known personally and in
,imately for about quarter of century the worthy
gentleman nominated for my place, and will say also
that regard him rs kind amabe intelligent gentle
man. and an honorable opponent, and hence whatever
issue may have with him will be issue of principle,
and not one involving personality. Loud applause
That gentleman made speech before that republican
convention which had unanimously nominated him for
the Senate which speech evidently carefully written
and well prepared 1t constitutes the basis upon which
he proposes to carry the campaign during this summer
That speech lays down two distinct propositions, which
shall notice, and upon which shall take direct
and bold issue with him,
In the first place, he sets out in his speech to say
quoting from Scripture, that house divided against it
self cannot stand; that the American government di-
vidcd into equal number of free and slave States
not stand that they should all be the one all be the
other In other words he asserts, fundamental prin
cpe Of this government that there must be uniformity
in the awsoca laws and domestic institutions of each
and all the States of this Union He therefore, invites
all the savehodng States to band together organ
i've one body and make upon slavery in Kentucky
upon slavery in Virginia, upon slavery in the Caronas
upon slavery in all the savcholdng States of the Union
and to persevere in that until it shall be exermi-
mated He then invites the savehong States to band to-
gether as unit and make aggressive upon the free
States of this Union with view to establish slavery in
| Illinois, New York and New England-in every free
State of the Union--and keep up that warfare until it
boldly and clearly war of scctionsa Of the North
against the Southof the free States against the slave
States-a of determination to he continued relen
| lessy until the the other shall be universal and
all the States shall either become free become slave
Now, my friends, must say to you frankly that L
take bold and unqualified issue with him upon that prin
cipe. assert that it is neither desirable possible
that there should be uniformity in the local laws and do
estic institutions of the different States of this Union