Kenosha tribune & telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1856-1859, 1858-03-18
Speech Of VIM. II. Seward, on the Kan.
sas Bill, in the U. s. Senate.
March 3, 1656.
Extract from the last part Of the Speech.

4
| Extract from the last part of the Speseb
This, Mr.. President, is concise ac
count of the national Intervention in
the Territories in favor of slave labor
and Slave States since 1920. No Won
der that the question before us excites
apprehension and alarm. There is at
last North side of this Chamber. a
North side of the Chamber of Repre-
sentatives, q North side of the Union, as
well as South sides of all these. Each
OF them is watchful, jealous and reso-
lutte. 1t 1t be true, as has so often been
asserted, that this Union cannot sur
vive the decision by Congress of di-
rect question IL yolving the adoption of
Free State which win establish the as
cendancy of Free States under the Con-
stitution, and draw after it the restora-
ton of the influence of Freedom in the
domestic and foreign conduct of the
government, then the day of dissolution
is at hand.
| nave thus, Mr.. President, arrived at
the third circumstance attending the
Kansas question, which have thought
worthy of consideration, namely-that
the national Intervention in the Terri
tories in favor of slave labor and slave
States is oppose to the material, moral,
and social development of the Republic.
The proposition seems to involve par
adox, but 1T is easy to understand that
the checks which the Constitution ap-
plies, through prudent caution, to the
relative increase of the representation
OF the free States in the Mouse of Rep
resentatives, and especially in the Sen
ate, co operating with the differences of
temper and political activity between
the two classes, of States, may direct
the Government OF the Federal Union
in one course, while the tendencies OF
the nation itself, popularity regarded are
IN the direction exactly opposite.
The ease and success which attended
the early policy Of Intervention in favor
of free labor and free States, and the re-
sistance which the converse policy OF
intervention III favor of slave States,
encounters, sufficiently establish the ex.
istence Of the antagonism between the
Government and the nation, which /
have asserted. A vessel moves quietly
and peacefully while it decends with the
current. You mark its way by the foam
on its track onlywhen tits forced against
the tide. will not dwell on ether proofs
such as the more rapid growth of the
free States, the ruptures of ecclesiasti-
cal Federal Unions and the democrat
izing and Reorganization of political
parties.
Mr.. President, | have shown why it
is that the Kansas question is attended
by difficulties and dangers only by way
of preparation for the submission of my
opinions in regard to the manner in
mined and settled. l think, with great
Difference to the Judgment of others,
that the expedient, peaceful; and right
way to determine it, is to reverse the
existing policy or intervention in favor
of slave labor and slave States. 1t
would be wise to restore the Missouri
prohibition of slavery in Kansas and
Nebraska. There was peace in the
States until the great statute of Free
dom was subverted. 1t is true that
tn ere were frequent debates here
on the subject of Slavery, land that there
were profound symathies among the peo-
pie, awakened by or responding to those
debates. But hat was Congress
instituted for but debate? What makes
the American people to differ from all
nations, but tlis,-that, while among
t h IN power cnforces silence, here
all public questions are referred to de-
/ no IN Ill 81
the Supreme Court of the United States
has removed the foundations of the
great statute? | reply, that they have
done no such thing; they could not do
it. They have remanded the negro man
bred Scott to the custody of his mas
ter. With that decree we have nothing
here, at least nothing now, to do. This
is the extent of the judgment rendered,
the extent of any judgment they could
render. Already the pretended fur
Their decision in subyerted in Kansas
So it viii be in every fee State and in
every free Territory of the United
States. The Supreme Court, also, can
reverse its spurious Judgment more
easily than we could reconcile the peo-
pie to its usurpation. Sir, the Supreme
Court of the United States attempts to
command the people of the United
States to accept the principle that one
man can own other men, and that they
must guaranty the inyiolability of that
false and pernicious principle. The peo-
pie of the United States never can, and
they never will, accept principles so uu-
constitutional and so abhorrent. Never,
never. Let the Court recede. Whether
it recede or not, we shall re-organize
the Court, and thus reform its political
sentiments and practices, and bring
them into harmony with the Constitu-
ton and with the laws of nature. In
doing SO, we shall not only reassume our
own just authority, but we shall restore
that high tribunal itself to the position
it ought to maintain, since so many in
alienable rights of citizens, and even of
States themselves, depend upon its i'm
Ipartiality and its wisdom.
Do you tell me that the Slave States
will not acquiesce, but will agitate?-
Think first whether the Free States will
acquiesce in a decision that shall not
only be unjust, but fraudulent. True,
they will not menace the Republic
They have an easy and simple remedy,
namely, to take the Government out of
unjust and unfaithful hands, and COM
nit it to those which will be Just and
faithful. They want only little more
harmony of purpose and little more
completeness OF organization. These
will result from only the least addition
to the pressure of Slavery upon them.
You are lending all that is necessary,
and even more, IN this very act. But