Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1858-12-02
Extracts from the Speech Of Senator
Hammond, at Barnwell Court House,

But viii not detain you longer with
what belongs to the past. The present
and the future are what concerns Us most.
You desire to know my opinion OF the
course the South should pursue under exist.
ing circumstances. will give yon frankly
ard fully the results of my observation and
reflection on this all-important point. The
first question is, Do the people Of the South
consider the present Union Uf these States
as an evil in itself, and Thing that j, is de-
sirable We should get rid Of under oil cir
cumsiances? There are some know who
dc; but | am satisfied that an overwhelming
msioriiy Of the South would, if assured that
this Government was hereafter to be con-
Quoted on the true principles and construc-
lion Of the Constitution, decidedly prefer 10
remain in the Union, rather than incur the
unknown costs ind hazards Of setting up
separate Government. / think say what
is true when / say that, after oil the bitter
ness that has characterized our long war
fare, the great body Of the Southern people
do not seek disunion, and,will moi seek it as
o primary object, however promptly they
may accept it as on alternative, rather Than
submit 10 unconstitutional Arrangements Of
their rights. confess that for many years
Of ny life believed that our only safety
was The dissolution of the Union, and |
openly avowed it. should entertain, and
without hesitation express, the same sen,i-
ments now, but that the victories we have
achieved, and those think we are about tc
achieve, have inspired me with hope, may
say the belief, that we can fully sustain our
selves in the Union, and control its action
in all great affairs. 1t may be well asked
how can entertain such views and expec'
tations, when within those few yesrs the
South has lost her equality in the Senate
and The free States have at length decided
majority in both Houses Of Congress, while
the unfortunate Kansas contest has sweep
into their political graves SO many Of oul
ancient friends in those States, that il may
be doubted whether they have at this mo
ment, after the recent elections-ihe finale
Of the disastrous Kansas abortion-a major
lily in any single one Of them; and there
seems TO be al present no prospect Of oul
extending the area Of Slavery in any guar.
ter.
These facts are true; and If you will bea,
with me, will place them all in The strong
est light can before you; for it is Of the ut
most Importance that We should at least see
clearly how we stand, and what are our re-
sources, in order TO form an idea Of what
we can do, and how avoid wasting ouI
strength on what cannot be accomplished.
The equality of the free and slave States
has long been lost in the House. By the
admission of California, it was lost in the
Sc ,ate. Since then, another free State Ina:
been admitted, and another yet has passed
the Senate, and in a few years more we
shall have Kansas, Nebraska, Washington
New Mexico, and perhaps others, on our
roll. The immigration from Europe 10 The
North is sufficient 10 form one or more new
States every year. To the South there Is
literally no emigration. We have since the
closing of the slave trade added to our pop
ulatiOn mainly by the natural increase Of
our people, and we have no surplus popula-
ton, white or black, TO coloniZe new States.
We lost Kansas partly by our inability 10
colonize it, and we are perhaps yet TO have
struggle for portion of Texas. The
idea, then, Of recovering the equality ofthe
two sections, even in the Senate, seems re-
mote indeed. We have it proposed to re-
open the African slave trade, and bring in
hordes Of slaves from that prolific region to
restore the balance. | once entertained
that idea myself, but on further investiga-
tion abandoned il. / will not now 60 into
the discussion of it further than to say that
the South is itself divided on that policy,
and, from appearances, opposed 10 it by a
vast majority, while the North is unani.
mously against il. 1t would be impossible
TO get Congress 10 reopen the trade. Ii IT
could be done, then it would be unnecessa-
~, for that result could only be brought
about by such an entire abandonment by the
North and the world of all opposition TO
our slave system, that we might safely cease
TO erect any defences for it. But if we
could introduce slaves, where could we
find suitable territory for new slave States!
The Indian Reserve, west of Arkansas,
might make one; but we have solenniy
guaranteed that to the remnants Of the red
race. ESefyWHefc c'seJ Dehe'c, hc ooi- :
ders of our States have reached the great
desert which separates the Atlantic from
The Pacific States of this Confederacy.-
Nowhere is African Slavery likely 10 -four
ish in the little cases Of that Sahara OF A
merica. II is much more likely, | think, 10
get the Pacific slope and 10 the north in the
great valley than anywhere else outside Of
its present limits. Shall we, as some sug-
gest, take Mexico and Central America, 10
make slave States? African Slavery ap-
pears TO have failed there. Perhaps, and
most probably, it will never succeed in
those regions. II il might, what are we 10
do with The seven or eight millions Of hardly
semi-civiIized Indians, and the two or three
millions of Creole Spnniards and Mongrels,
who now hold those countries? We would
NOT enslave the Indians? Experience has
proven that they are incapable Of steady la
Dor, and are therefore unfit for Slavery
We would not exierminate them, even If
that inhuman achievement would not cost
ages of murder and incalculable sums Of
,..,., W. oould hardly think of attemnt-