Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1858-07-02

EisTxAS Co, and not personally either Of the Propne
tors @
Discussion of the school Bill in the Senate.
ToONcUsuox OF GOV. 5oHNsoNs REMARKS
Mr.. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I do not wish to
! consume more than q few minutes time, but de-
sire to say few words to set myself right l do
not know whether heard the Senator from New
York correctly or not in his constitutional argu
| ment, but what am about to say can as well be
| said in the absence of correct understanding of
! his remarks rs otherwise. If understood him
] correctly, he seemed 10 think the power was clear
! beyond doubt know that on all propositions TO
take money out Of the Treasury, 1t is very hard to
make constitutional question, and really in these
latter days, the Constitution practically has almost
ceased to exist. Il scarcely means anything 1t
/ is an antIguated affair." a mere paper WaH, to make
use of an old remark, that man who wishes to VIC
late can push his finger through wherever he thinks
4 proper, piece Of gumelastc that can be expen'
/ ded or contracted at pleasure That IS about the
shape the Constitution has got into and most per-
! sons interpret it to suit their peculiar notions
know it is getting ancient and cut Of date TO talk
about constitutional questions, but am rather old
fashioned such points.
1 The Senator from Massachusetts, says that the
Congress of the United States occupies to the Dis
trict os Columbia the same relation that the Legs
laure of the States do TO the people of the States
Let US take that proposition and see where it brings
4
States Maryland had full power 10 legisate for it;
it could lay taxes it could coIeci taxes aud apprO
| PIRATE them 10 c0mmon schools. That IS clear.
I Where did it getthe taxes from? From what sou &C
! did it collect revenue? Was it not from the peo
pie of Marylaud? Then il the Legislature ceded
all tbejurisdiciOn that Legislature had to the Fed
ersl Government, can this Government exercise any
greater power than tie Legislature Of Maryland
exercised over il? The fact that Congress has eK-
elusive pOWr Of legislation here does not confer any
i n Al. e.. III. Nks,IN
gfess of the United States takes the place Of the
Legislature Of Maryland, give Congress, while act
ing in the capacity Of Legislature for the District
control over the Federal Treasury? say it does
/ not, and the proposition canuOt be sustained IN
| sound logic While Congress occupies the relItlo
of a Legislature, it exercise the functions of a
/ Legislature and none other. This would give il
control over the fund collected from these people
| TO appropriate it to their own purposes aud not
control over the Federal Treasury Of the nation.
I Let us take another case. Suppose yougo TO the
constitution of Maryland, and It says that the Leg
slatuse shall pass Law TO abolish slavery When
the Legislature ceded she territory to the United
States, did it confer ,ry greater power than it
had II could not abolish slavery, aud It could not
/ coneede to or confer upon Congress the power to
abolish slavery here Not all If exclusive leg
slation gave unlimited power Congress could abol-
! sh slavery in violation of the fundamental law OF
the State Of Maryland. Suppose, for instance, the
State of Maryland could grant titles Of nobility The
CONSTITUTION OF the Dultu states Etc6lJ pIOuADlts
your granting them but because you have exclusive
legislation can you confer titles of nobility IN the
District Of Columbia! 4! Not at all
| Then, when we test this matter by principle, we
find that simply those powers which might be exer
csed by the Legislature that ceded the territory to
/ the Federal Government can be exercised by the
4 Federal Government. Can you not confer power
on the people Of the District to collect taxes for
common schools and educate their children, as they
should beedueated, in every proper manner? But
the argument seems TO dWindle and the views of
some gentlemen 10 diminish and become very small
when they talk about taking twenty or fifty or one
hundred thousand dollars out Of the Federal Treas
ury for the purposes Of education in the District Of
I Columbia.
My friend, the Chairman of the District Commit
tee, makes rather pathetic appeal He says that
/ have acquired 10 some extent in the country, the
reputation Of being The poor mans friend. Wheth-
er | have acquired that reputation or not, l know
how the fact is {: know that the finger cannot be
pointed TO any vote ever gave in tue Congress Of
the United States for ten long years or IN my own
State Legislature, or to any recommendation ever
made to the Legislature as Executive Of the State,
that in conflict with the interests Of the great
mass Of the people. In advocating the proposition
have moved to-day feel that am ding on pre-
cisely the same ground. l am for smehorating, for
aeyatng the condition Of the great mess OF the peO
Pile. l am in favor # each community doing that
of its own resources, and upon its own respon-
slDlty Let the states pfoYlde lnelr Systems VI 6u
ucatiOn and educate their children, and tax their
people 10 sufficient extent and enable them 10 do it.
Each community should be taxed that extent which
will enable every child within its own limits 20 be
educated. have advocated that in my own Legis
iature How do / now come 10 conflict with that
principle When gOtO the State which have
the honor in part 10 represent find there-l re-
gret that it is So but the truth should be told and
} know it is in other States as well as my own
thousands Of children who need education, whose
parents have not the means to educate them, and
who are suffering for the want of education. Many
of them if they received it. might be brilliant stars
boys of talent, girls Of genius, who would prOh
as much by education as any ,hildren here could
What does this bill propOse It proposes to tax tha
very community who need money for educationa
purposes, and to use their taxes for educating
d children in the District; TO fch money from them
as it were by the operatio of your revenue system
to take money away from your gaunt and haggarc
( poverty You lay tax on their salt, on their su
, gar; on their iron their leather, their flannel
, on their calico you lay tax on all the necessarie
i it is satesmanlike; then we the poor man
friends, if we shovel it out by the thousands ant
e millions to this particular community!
n NY honorable friend from Mississippi appeals t.
It me as the poor mans friend and says here are tW
b. thousand Eve hundred little boys on bended knee
II petiuoning the Congress Of the United Stasts t
is educate them. Well sir, how many little boys ar
there in the State of Mississippi who have no edues
y ton; how mpBy of them there would come 0efor
ID the Senator on bended knees asking him to prOvid
10 means to educate them? What Is the pro ositio
here2 1t is to take money from the parents of tn
t, two thousand FIVE hundred or, perhaps twenty fy
. Thousand children IN bis State who need educs
e ticn and bring it to Washington city to lavish it
children here. Ifthat IS what the gentleman call
being the poor mans friend, confess do not uI
dsrsland 1t l know his sympathies are excited
His heart Is patriotic; hels benevolent and kiBd an
NJ every emotion Of his is generous People in th
/, community get around him and excite his symps
thes He sees ths distress about him here. HO
many thousands, az, millions, there thrOughol
the States whose children are suffering as much fl
the want of education? Is it right to tax them an
still let them want andsuer and bring their none
Of here and pour out for education in this Dstrc
III All ask is, that each community shall educate i
own children and sustain its own poor
8 Sir, no one prizes education more highly thauId d
"a felt the smart Of want Of it in early life. kno
Is what it is to have been excluded from the benefit
or schools. 1 have my sympsthies with the destitu
boy who is cast upon the world without farthir
to sustain him. know all about his condition;