The Hillsdale standard. [volume] (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1851-1909, 1858-08-03

rltorlal legislature TO exclude Slavery from
any United States T. rritory, they omit to
declare whether or not the same constitu-
ton permits State, or the. people of
State, TO exclude it.
Possibly this was mere omission; but
who can be quite sure, if Mclean or Cur
ts had sought to get into the opinion de-
claration of unlimited power in the people
of State to exclude Slavery from their
limits, Just as Chase and Mace sought to
get such declaration in behalf Of the peo-
pie of territory into the Nebraska bill
/ ask, who can Re quite sure that it would
not be voted down in the one case as had
been in the other. The nearest approach
to the point of declaring the power Of
State over Slavery is made by Judge Mel
son. He approaches it more than once,
using the precise IDEA and almost the lam
guage too Of tie Nebraska act. On one
occasion his exact language, is, "Except
in case where the power is restrained by
the CONSTITUTION Of the United Statcs the
law of the State is supreme over the SUBJ
ject of Slavery within its Jurisdiction"
, In what cases the power Of the States is
so restrained by the United States consti
tuition. is lett an open question, precisely
as the same question as to the restraint on
the power Of the territories was left open
in the Nebraska act. Put that and that
together, and we have another nice little
niche, which we may, ere long, see filled
with another supreme court decision, de-
claring that the constitution of the United
States does not permit State to exclude
slavery from its limits. And this may es-
pecially be expected if the doctrine of scare
not whether slavery be voted down or up"
shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently
to give promise that such decision is all
that slavery now lacks of being alike law
fol in all the States. Welcome or unwel-
come, such decision is probably coming
and will soon be upon us, unless the power
of the present political dynasty shall be
met and oyerthrown. We shall lie down
pleasantly dreaming that the people of
Missouri arc on the verge of making their
State free; and We shall awake to the re-
alitv, instead, that the Supreme Court has
made Illinois slave State.
To meet and overthrow the power of
that dynasty is the work HOW before all
those who woull prevent ,he consunma-
ton. That is what we have to do. But
how can we best do III iH-a.e 4 i-.s 4.
There arc those who denounce US openly
10 their own friends, and yet whisper us
softly that 'Selator Dougias is the ablest
instrument Iii 70 10 with which to effect
that object. They do not tell US, nor has
he told us, that he wishes any such Object
To bo Effected. They wish US to infer all
from the iacts, that he now has little
quarrel with the head Of the present dy-
nasty, md fhat he has regularly voted
with us on single point, upon which he
and we have never differed. They romind
US, that he i. very great MIN, and that
the largest Of us are very snail oncs. Let
this be granted. But "a living dog is bet
ter than dead lion" Judge Douglas, it
not dead lion for this wo.k, is at least
csg and toothlcss one. How can he op-
pose the advances of Slavery? He don't
caIo any thing about it. His avowed mis-
sion is imprcssing the public heart" to
care nothing about it.
A leading Douglas democratic n.wFpa-
per thinks Douglas superior talent will be
needed TO resist the revival of he African
slave trade Does Douglas believe an ef
tolt to revive that trade is approaching p
He has not said so. Does he really think
SOL But if il is, how can he resist IT,
For years he has laborcd to prove it sa-
cred right Of white men to take negro slaves
into the new territories. Can he possibly
show that it is a lesa sacred right to buy
them where they can be bought cheapestl ?
And unqueslionably they can be bought
cheaper in Africa than in Virginia. He
has done all in his power to reduce the
whole question of slavery to one of mere
right Of property; and as such, how can
he oppose the fore ign slave trade--how
can he refuse that trade II that property"
"shall lie perfectly free'-unless he does
it as a protection to tho hcme PRODUCTION
And as the home producers will probably
not ask the protection he will be wholly
without ground Of opposition. ga
Senator Douglas holds, we know, that
man may rightfully change when he finds
himself wrong. But, can we for that rea-
son run ahead and infer that he will make
any particular change, of which he himself
has given no intinaticn? Can we safely
base our action upon any such vague infer
encel Now, as ever, wish not to mis-
represent Judge Douglas position, question
his motives, or do ought that can be per-
sonally to him. Whenever, if ever,
he and we can come together on principle,
so that our great cause may have assistance
from his great ability, i hope to ipterpose
no adyenlitious obstacle. But clearly, he
is not now with us--be does not pretend
to be--he does not promise ever to be-
Our cause, then, must he intrusled to and
conducted by its own undoubted friends
those whose hands are free, whose hearts
are in the work, who do not care for the
result.
Two years ago, the Republicans of the
nation mustered over thirteen thousand
strong. We did this under the single i'm
pulse Of resistance to common danger, with
every external circumstance against US. OF
strange, discordant, aud even hostile ele-
ments, we gathered from The four winds
and formed and fought the battle through,
under the constant hot fire of disciplined,
proud and pampered enemy. Did we
brave all then, TO fslter now l--now when
that same enemy is wavering, discovered