The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-01-07

of Congress on Monday last, Considering the
Kansas question had assumed in the interval
Of the Christmas holidays) the Lccompton
constitution would at once monopolize the de-
bates of both houses, and that the report of
Mondays proceedings would furnish US some
important Developments on all sides upon the
paramount issue of slavery" or "no slavery"
We had especially anticipated some disclosures
of the strength or weakness of the Lecompton
programme in the House of Representatives !;
but we have been sadly disappointed. The exact
whereabouts of the Northern and Southern
democratic members of that body, on the Kan
sas difficulty, remains AZ much a mystery as
heretofore; but with regard to Gen. Walker
and lis alibusters we have had, for several
days, surfeit of eloquent harangues-flibus-
ter and nti.flibuster-South and North.
Many Of our unsuspeoting readers will no
doubt think it very remarkable that, not
withstanding the overwhelming importance of
the Kansas issue, it should thus be completely
pous pretensions of Walker the filibuster. But
the thing is easily explained. Kansas, as she
now stands is tough subject to handle. Any
member of Congress who now touches it must
define his position as in favor of the South or
against the South. Any man who now advo-
Gates the Lecompten constitution must do so
with plea for the South in behalf of Kansas az
a slave State and any man who opposes the
recognition of said constitution, though he may
plead the plea of popular sovereignty" will
be classed with the Northern party opposed to
the extension of slavery. Here, then, are the
perils to our Congressional politicians, cliqves
and parties which have struck them dumb This
is why Kansas has been 80 utterly ignored in
the House since the adoption of the Lecompton
constitution in Kansas, with the slavery clause.
In this dilemma, Walker the ilibuster has
been godsend to the men of Buncombe of all
parties and sections in Congress Nothing can
be done with Walker nothing can be done for
Walker; and, whatever the Hon. Mr.. Jones or
the Hon. Mr.. Smith may say about Walker, it is
not likely to hurt anybody; but it may prove to
he good for Buncombe But all this time
these men of Buncombe have been think
ing, and studying, and wondering ''what in
the name of God shall we do with
slave State constitution for Kansas under the
peculiar circumstances of the case, and the Pc
culiar situation of the North and of the South,
and of our party and of ourselves? Everything
will be turned upside down in the South if we
reject this constitution, and there will be hor-
rible row among our people in the North if we
accept it," Accordingly the members of the
House remain standing upon the brink of this
great question, like sinners upon the banks of
Jordan, afraid to plunge in, for fear they would
rise no more A few bold and daring spirits of
the Lecompton faith must lead the way; and
these have not yet appeared.
In the meantime Col. Forney, Of the Phila-
delphia Press, adheres to the doctrine that the
Lecompton constitution should be rejected on
the local plea of popular sovereignty" and
says that our warning that a dissolution of the
Union may follow the rejection of Kansas as
slave State is an idle threat, amounting to no
thing. To convince our incredulous cotempo-
rary, and all others entertaining the same delu-
sive ideas upon the subject, that the safety Of
the Union may depend upon the admission Of
Kansas with her Lecomption constitution,
we publish elsewhere in this paper several
very significant extracts from some
of our leading Southern journals. From
these extracts il will be discovered that
the South will probably make the admission of
Kansas as a slave State their ultimatun, and
likely be the signal for the initial steps in be-
half of the formation of separate Southern
confederacy.
Disguise IL rs we may, the real difficulty in
this Kansas business il slavery, and the real
contest il for the absolute political supremacy
of the North on the one side, and for South
ern balance of power, or check, on the other.
There are Southern men who believe that, in
admitting Kansas as slave State Missouri
will be safe as a slave State; but that If we
make Kansas q free State, Missouri will soon
be compelled to abolish slavery. With this be-
ginning, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland and
Delaware would soon follow next in order,
from the pressure Of Northern emigration and
Northern political ascendency; and where,
then, would be the safeguards for slavery, even
in the cotton States? II is not Kansas alone,
therefore, that the South will consider as de-
pendent upon this Lecompton constitution, but
the whole line Of the border slave States from
Missouri to the Atlantic seaboard.
This Lecompton constitution, then, involves
the decisive battle for political power between
the North and the South. Thus far, from the
oloee Of the Revolution OF rs, including the
compromises Of the federal constitution, the pc.
Iticai harmony of the Union has been main
tanned by mutual concessions from the North
and South, and particularly in reference TO the
admission of new States; and there never has
been case in which the harmony of the Union
depended 70 much upon the good old plan OF
admitting at least one slave State with two free
States, as in the case Of Kansas. II we admit
Als~-------x-- IL