Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-04-12

the vote snail De taken at the next regular
election, which cannot be held until two years
afterwards. How can this difficulty be got
over? The truth is, that unless all constitu-
tional impediments in respect to forms be set
aside, and the people take it in hand to amend
the constitution on revolutionary principles,
there can be no end of agitation on this SUBJECT
in less than three years. long since ventur-
ed the prediction that there would be no settle
ment of the difficulties in Kansas untll the
| next presidential election. To continue the
| agitation is too important to the interest OF
| both the great parties of the country TO dis
pense with il as long as any preteXt can De
| found for prolonging it. In the closing debate
| on the Kansas-Nebraska bill told its supper
ters that they could do nothing more certain
| to disturb the composure OF the two senators
| who sat on the opposite side of the Chamber,
| the one from Massachusetts Mr.. SumnerJ and
the other from Ohio, [Mr. Chase, than to re-
iect that bill. lis passage was the only thing
| in the range of possible events by which their
nolitical fortunes could be rcsuscitate4, so
completely had the Free-Sol movement at
the North been paralyZed by the compromise
measures of 1850. say now to the advocates
of this measure, if they want to strengthen
the Republican party, and give the relns OF
Government into their hands, pass this bill.
II they desire to weaken the power of that
party, and arrest the progress of slavery agl-
tation. reject il. And if it is their policy to
put an end to the agitation connected with
Kansas affairs at the earliest day practicable,
az they say it is, then let them remit this con-
stitution back to the people of kansas Tor
, their ratification or rejection. In that way the
whole difficulty will be settled before the adj
journment of the present session of Congress,
without the violation of any sound principle,
or the sacrifice of the rights Of either section
of the Union.
But the President informs us that threaten
ing and ominous clouds impend over the coun-
try: and he fears that if Kansas is not adj
mitted under the Lecompton constitution,
slavery agitation will be revived in a more
dangerous form than it has ever yet assumed.
There NAV be grounds for that opinion, for
ught | know: but it seems to me that if any
of the States of the South have taken any
position on this question which endangers the
peace of the country, they could not have
been informed of the true condition of affairs
in Kansas, and of the strong objections which
may be urged on principle against the accept
ance by Congress of the Lecompton cOnstitu-
ton. And | have such confidence in the
intelligence of the people Of the whole South,
that when the history and character of this
instrument shall be known, even those who
would De glad to find some plausible pretext
for dissolving the Union will see that its rCjcc
ton by Congress would not furnish them with
such a one as they could make available for
their purposes.
When the Kansas Nebraska bill was under
discussion in 1854. in looking to all the con-
sequences which might follow the adoption of
that measure. | could not overlook the fact
that sentiment of hostility to the Union was
widely diffused in certain States of the South;
and that that sentiment was only prevented
from assuming an organized form of resist
ance to the authority of the Federal Govern
ment, at least in one of the States in 1851, by
no par "A q
was supposed to sympathZe with her in the
project of establishing Il Southern Republic.
Nor could | fail to remember that the project
i speak of the convention held in South
Carolina, i'll pursuance of an act of the Legis-
lature-was then postponed, not dropped.
The argument was successfully urged that an
enterprise of such magnitude ought not to be
entered upon without the cooperation of a
greater number of States than they could
then certainly count upon. 1t was urged
that all the cotton-planting States would, be-
fore great while, be prepared to unite in the
movement, and that they, by the force of cir
Cumstances, would bring in all the slavehold-
ing States The ground was openly taken,
that separation an inevitable necessity
1t was only a question of time. 1t was said
that no new aggression was necessary on the
part of the North to justify such a step. 1t
was said that the operation of this Govern
ment from its foundation had been adverse to
southern interests; and that the admission of
California as Il free State, and the attempt to
exclude the citizens of the South, with their
property, from all the territory acquired from
Mexico, was a sufficient justification for dis
union. 1t was not mere menace to deter
the North from further aggressions. These
circumstances made deep impression on nv
mind at the time, and from u period long an
terror to that / had known that it was
maxim with the most skillfui tacticians among
those who desire separation, that the slave
holding States must he united-consolidatcd
into one party. That object once effected,
disunion. it was supposed, would follow with
out difficulty.
[ had my fears that the Kansas Nebraska
bill was expected to consolidate the South,
and to pave the way for the accomplishment
of Interior plans by some o. the most active
supporter of that measure from the South;
and these fears indicated in the closing de-
bate on that subject. Some of the supporters
of that measure, ] fear. are reluctant To aban-
don the chances of finding some preteXt for
agitating the subject of separation in the
South in the existing complication of the
Kansas embodiment.
To what extent the idea of disunion is
entertained in some of the southern States
aud what importance is attached to the policy
of uniting the whole South in one party as Il
preliminary step, may be inferred from a
speech delivered before the southern conven-
tino lately held in Knoxville, Tennessee, by
Mr.. De Bow, the president of the convention
and the editor of a popular southern Review.
| will only refer now To the fate to which the
author resigns those who dare 10 break the
ranks of that solid phalanx in which he thinks
the South should be combined-that is, to he
held up to public scOrn aud public punish
ment as traitors, more stepped in guilt then
those of the Revolution itself"
| have but few words more to say on this
subject. | have been panied at many things
which have heard IN the progress of this
debate The honorable Senator from New
York mr. SEWARD and the honorable Sena-
tor from South Carolina mir. HAMMoNDl |
opened new and wider and more alluring fields |
for discussion lluring, not by their tendency |
to train the public mind to contemplate the |
the destruction of the Union with compla- |
cency, but as suggesting subjects of debate |
which offer an unlimited range for intellectual |
themes tor the gildings of fancy. |
| shall not venture beyond the borders of |
these new fields of discussion. l could not |
but be struck and fascinated 10y the grand |
outlines and the gorgeous yet beautiful filling |
up of the picture of southern power and re- |
sources presented by the able and eloquent |
Senator Ii ON South Carolina; but the fascina- |
ton was all gone when my eye was ut leisure |
To rest for an instance on the dark background |
which the rich penciiings of master artist |
were intended TO light up. Still these chang |
ing emotions did not prevent me from feeling |
some surprise that the eloquent .nator, whom |
| know 10 be both just and generous, could |
lind il in his heart To close his speech without
some slight expression ~ gTatiude--oil ng |
some small tribute 20 the worth OF that glori- |
ously old Federal Union, which, after all its |
by tariffs, navigation laws, inter |
nal improvements, ard national banks, had /
still left the South in the possession of such |
multiplied riches aud blessings.
wish | could, with propriety, pass with
out notice some passages in the speech of the |
Senator from New York, Nj. SEWARD |
LnAy.rIs M hnIn ID r.nnlllN | h-iNt. m nnklnd