The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1858-11-03
Giddings SpeaI<s--L Lei Republican
Trimmcrs TaIks Heed!

Two months ago, when old Joshua r. Gid
dings was tricked ous of a denomination for
Congress, there was unbounded rejoicing among
the politicians who follow the lead Of Critten.
den, COrwin & Co. They fancied that the old
man was now dead, and that he could no lon
ger compel them to represent square undis-
guised front to the enemy. Ere this, however,
they have learned that the man who has fought
them so many battles, still lives and that he is
not likely to be idle. On the day of the late
election, he Commenced his work anew by a
! towering letter to COrwin which may be found
in full on the first page Of to days Sentinel on
the baking down policy which he had recon-
mended in the matter Of admitting more slave
states into the Union. Still later, he has re-
| published in the ASltaJula Seetnel (his home
organ,) the Philadelphia Platform Of 1856 with
accompanying comments that show what was
the purpose OF the Republican party in that
contest and what Che clams) it still mnst con-
tinue to be or the party itself ceases to exist
After much other matter, he proceeds to say;
eve have no choice left US, we have no al
! ternative or middle ground before US. Our own
party existence is identified with the boldest
war in defence of our principles As the grea-
test and most dangerous enemy Of liberty, we
must oppose slavery. We must now fight, not
its extenSitn only, but its e1isteaee We must
wage war upon it to the last, admitting no COM
p,oD2e s'Qpping short Of nothing but its entire over
Hi1cv. Its defenders propose no compromise
and agW accept none. So should it be with u.s.
| The very extent of all implied in our Platform
must be our goaf We must insist upon the
! total eradication, first from our own State, of
every vestige Of the influence and power of Sla-
very, then for the General Government IN its
territories and upon the seas. Then we must
follow it to the States where it exists, with all
the lql0fut powers of the General Government
to limit its evils there, by all the influence and
political machinery Of the Nation. We should
| promise to use the patronage of the General
Government for freedom as it is used new for
slavery. And all the power ofthe party should
be pledged 10 hem in and hunt DOM the acculSed
institution, will all the lawful powers we can
carry beyond the limits of the Slave States.
We should follow it to the very lines of those
States-which, ofcourse, we cannot constitu-
tionally cross-and project into them all the
moral influence of Liberty and preach the gos-
pei offreedom to them, urge emancipation upon
them; feed them with the political loaves and
fishes, and all else that will promote our cause.
Above all we should let it be understood by ey-
cry man that joins tie Republican ranks that
he has enlisted in a holy war of liberty in a
sacred crusade against "every form of oppres-
sion over the minds and bodies of men," Sla-
rryy has no rights. We should therefore conce}e
1t none. The sole admitted barrier to our work
should be the fact that we have no government
tai power within the Slave States. With that
exception, we should march forward, without
concealment without compromise, till The in
stjtatj0u is no more. This is the issue our op-
ponents present to us. Shall we not meet it
Ike mem Who is so base as to saH no2