The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1858-09-22
BALTIMORE.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER %, 1888.

Il n
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER %, 1858.
The H6es Napolfoniennes are beginning to eX-
pand themselves There have been three speeches
recently made in France by members of the French
government all of which may be justly regarded
as authoritative expostious of the future policy of
LOUIS NAPOLEON, and as expressly designed to pre-
pare the way for certain notifications of the I'M
perial rule. The first of these speeches was made
in the provinces some six or eight weeks ago by
Prince NAPOLEON. On that occasion the latter told
those whom he thus publicly addressed, that it was
their duty to take a more active interest in public
affairs; that they should learn to rely more upon
themselves and that, instead of depending solely
upon the inspiration of the government, they
should endeavor to obvate the necessity of strong
central power by proving themselves capable of re-
lieving the government of Il portion of the heavy
responsibility imposed upon it, and thus giving to
that government the moral strength it derives from
public opinion. In an address more recently made
by Count DE MoRNY to the council of the Puy-de-
Dome he told his auditors that great interests were
often delayed sacrificed by too implicit Deepen
dence upon the central power, and expressed
his belief that this state of things would
shortly be reformed. ''Whenever," said
he "a District is enabled to administer
FITS own affairs, business will be expedited, and a
"good deal of discomfort toward the central
'power will be Modified; but the country must
''be educated in this new SYSTEM" That both Of
these remarkable speeches have been made with
the full sanction of the Emperor, there cannot be
shadow of doubt, and assuming this to be the
fact they indicate that he, at length, feels him
self seated with sufficient frmness upon his throne
to relax the stringency of his rule and to prepare
the minds of the French people for the gradual
reception and appreciation of more liberal instu-
tons. This amelioration of his policy is, more
over, in entire accordance with the opinions eX-
pressed by Louis Napoleon, i'll 1899 in his Hccs
Ndpol60nienneS In that book he asserts
that no government can be established on
invariahle forms, and quotes, in support of his
argument the proposition enunciated by ARMAND
CARREL, that, ''every question of political form
has its data in the state of society, and nowhere
''else." LOUIS NAPOLEON, therefore, contended
that the best government is that, which, adapting
itself to the wants of the time and modelling itself
the existing state of society, employs the means
necessary to clear and smooth the road for advance
ing civilization. In dsorganzed state of society
Capitalization was, in his view, the only means of
re-estabishing sound government, and of sus-
tanning liberty eventually. Capitalization how
ever, he considered, should not be regarded as
fnality, hut only as means to an end Towards
the close of the work, he expresses his belief that
| ba1 Cd Nv In
peace with the European Powers, to have devel-
oped his policy, he would have consolidated
liberty in France, because he had already estab-
lished what should precede liberty, and that 10
complete the confidence between the ruler and his
people, che would have given the Chambers the
''wdeSt liberty of discussion, and would have
''fnay, relieved the press of It's shackles." 1t
has been the custom heretofore to ascribe to LOUIS
NAPOLEON the possession of one leading idca--a
desire to rule absolutely without conceding to the
people any political privileges whatever that might
tend to limit the functions, weaken the strength
of the central government In this, at least we
apprehend that some injustice has been done to
the present Emperor of the French He, himself,
declares, in the work to which we have already
referred, that 'the more moral force authority
physical" and it is evidently for the
purpose of evoking this moral force in support
of his government that he has permitted Prince
NAPOLEON and Count DE MoRYY, to announce to
France the concessions he is prepared to make Up
to :he present time, he has shown more confidence
in the bayonets of his soldiery, and in the iniu-
ence welded by the clergy especially those of the
rural districts, than in the masses of the French
people But now that the zeal of the legitimists
appears to have died out, and Red Republicanism
is losing its popularity, with the lower ORDERS
now, that the Revolutionary spirit has been re-
pressed, and the success of an organized conspfr-
acy has become almost a matter of mpOssbtv
he evidently feels that the time has come, when he
may consult more freely the expression of public
opinion, by surrendering to the people portion
of that power he has hitherto retained in his own
hands. If however, the speeches of Prince NApo-
LEON and Count MoRNY are particularly note
worthy, as foreshadowng the domestic policy
of LOUIS NAPOLEON, that of Count DE PERsIGNY,
on the AngloFrench alliance, is scarcely less re-
markabe. Whatever may be thought of his
arguments in favor of Imperialism, it must be
admitted that his review of the foreign policy of
LOUIS NAPOLEON is both eloquent and TRUTHFUL
while the frank and manly earnestness with which
he defends the alliance, offensive and defensive
between England and France, may be safely ac-
cepted as a proof, not only of the high value
which he sets upon the preservation of the entente
cordiale, but of the little confidence he has in the
friendship of the Continental Powers Had these
opinions been expressed through the columns of
the W0nlteur, they would not, in all probability
have commanded much attention; but coming, as
peror, they acquire double significance Taking
then, the three speeches together and regarding
them as indicative of the future policy of LOUIS
NAPOLEON, there appears to be good grounds for
hoping that the old system of Capitalization
is about to undergo important notifications; that
treer voice, and larger share in the management
ofpublic affairs, will be permitted henceforh to the
French people, and that gradually if the expert
ment wins for the Emperor the popular regard the
rule of physical force will be subordinated to that
OF moral power; but even if the attempt should be
made to work out these great results, the process
must necessarily be slow, and the conditions
favorable; and, above all, there must be absolute
freedom from internal disaffection, and peaceful
relations with foreign powers.
From the granite crags and massive fortifca
tions of Cherbourg, two thousand pieces of artil-
lery Numbered, month ago, a welcome and a
warning to Englands Queen and people, In the
harbor and the ofiing of the old Norman seaport
were congregated thousand vessels of all de-