The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-09-02


the Territories. When it was presided over by
Marshall, the court held that, in the government
of the Territories, Congress possessed the COM
bined power of the State and the Federal Gov
eminent. Those people who talk to US about APP
pealing from the decision Of the courts to pop
ular assembly, what have they done?
Why, over here at Cincinnati, when they met
to lay down their creed and declare what they
were for, they said in so many words that Con-
gress had no power to establish national bank.
The Supreme Court had decided that Congress
had the power. Where was their reverence for
it then? Applause and laughter They can
not appeal from the decision'of the court to the
people, (the source of all power,) but they can
appeal to this Convention in Cincinnati! And !
will not undertake to describe that Convention
Col. Benton once described it. Laughter l
would sooner have the decision of the people
than Of such a set of men.
But, fellow-citizens, the self-styled Democracy
not only set at naught decision of the court in
their party platform, but, while protesting such
devotion to the court, and to believe that q
court can do no wrong, they have made it a part
of their creed that single State has the author
ity to set aside the decision of the count OF Con-
gress, and the Executive. Do you recolect the
resolutions at Cincinnati? believe have them
here. One of the resolutions adopted declares
That the Democratic party will faithfully
abide by and uphold the principles laid down
in the Kentucky and Virginia Legislatures in
1898, and in the report of Mr.. Madison to the
Virginia Legislature in 1899; that it adopts
those principles as constituting one of the main
foundations of its political creed and is resolved
to carry them out in their obvious meaning and
import"
Do you remember what resolutions these WERE
They were the notification resolutions. Laugh.
ter Here is one of them this was in the Ken
lucky Legislature in 1898:
ResoiUed, That this Government created by
1 this compact, (the Constitution, was not made
the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the
powers delegated to itself, since that would have
made its discretion and not the Constitution
the measure of its powers; but that, as in all
cases of compact among parties having no COM
mon judge, each party has an equal right to
Judge for itself, well of infractions, as of the
mode and measure of redress"
In November, $780, the Kentucky Legislature
reaffirmed the principle of these resolutions, and
added the following:
"That the several States who formed that in
strument, being sovereign and independent
have the unquestionable right to Judge of the
infraction and that notification by those
sovereignties of all unauthorized acts done un-
der color of that instrument is the rightfu
remedy
d
Judge for itself of the nfraclions of the Constitu
ton, is the rightful remedy Now, look at these
men coming up to charge the Republican party
with great sacrilege in assailing the obter die
la opinions of the Supreme Court, and at the
same time pledging themselves in their party
platform to the right of any State to determine
at its pleasure and for itself what the Constitu
ton means, in defiance of decision of the Su-
preme Court and the Executive, and to nullify
an act of Congress which both sustain. That's
it. Good, good. This is the consistency they
exhibit when they make such assaults upon u.s.
But, fellow-citizens, if we are required to sub
init to the decisions of the Supreme Court, as t
the authority of Congress to exclude Slavery
from Territory, and if it be true that the peo
pie of Territory have no authority, as tn,
Judges of the Supreme Court in the bred Scot
opinion say-if the people of Territory while il
a Territorial condition have no power to exclude
Slavery from their midst, has not that court tn
same right to decide whether a State may ex
clude Slavery? Look whittier this doctrin,
tends. If neither the Congress nor the peopl,
can exclude Slavery from Territory, becaus,
the Constitution of the United States is the par
amount law of the land, and carries Slavery with
it. then the States cannot exclude Slavery be-
cause the Constitution of the United States is the
paramount law of the land in the States as wei
as the Territories and if there is anything in
that instrument which extends Slavery into the
Territories, the same provision must extend i
into the States also. N
Well, suppose the Supreme Court decide, as
they are bound to decide if they carry out thu
doctrine they have announced in the bred Scot
case, that by virtue of the Constitution Slavery
is extended into all the free States of this Union
are these gentlemen prepared to submit to that
[Cries of "No, no. You are just as much
= Al. It
ries Slavery into the Territories, and the mar
That is the necessary consequence of the doc
trine laid down.
There is now case pending known as tn,
" Lennon Case" and when the country gets pre-
pared to receive the decision, you will probably
hear again, from the Supreme Court of tn,
United States, the doctrine announced. that nm
der the Constitution Slavery goes into all tn,
States of the Union. That instrument, which
our fathers made for securing the blessings O
liberty, is thus to be perverted by the decision O
this Court-to become an instrument for Tho
spread of Slavery, against the will of the people
This necessarily results from the doctrine alread,
advanced, if acquesced in and carried out to it:
legitimate consequences.
THE PUBLIC EXPENDITURES.
But find am spending so much time upor
this Slavery question, that ! am becoming some.
what hoarse, and as | wish to say something to
you in regard to the expenditures of the Govern.
ment, and show that the party in power is as
false to its other professions as it is to those il
has at dfferent'times set up on the Slavery uues-
ton, viii pass for few moments to that sub
ject.
The expenses of the Government as you have
probably often heard, have increased enormously
within few years. The amount of money a,
ha dismissal n GOVprnrnnpf III ;a
than one hundred millions Of dollars. This
know has sometimes been disputed but have
here the official statement made by the Clerk OF
the House of Representatives,, showing that more
than eghty-one millions were specifically apprn.
priated at the last session of Congress; and there
are indefinite appropriations to pay claims, the
precise amount of which is not yet known, which
amount, at the lowest estimate to three millions
and half, making over eighty-four millions
aud there is an unexpended balance of appro-
priations made last year, amounting to more than
sixteen millions. These sums altogether make
more than hundred millions OF dollars ct the
disposal of the Administration for the present s-
cal year.
! know it is said that it is unfair to charge al
this to this year; that surplus will remain Al
the end of this year, to be carried to the mex
list; but | think 1t is much more likely tkGt the
Administration will come in with a deficiency
bill, and ask for some ten millions more as they
did at the last Congress, than that any surplu.
will remain.
The expenses of the Government during thu
Administration of Gen. Pierce were S232, 1920, 632
This is moro than all the expenses of the Coy
eminent from 1896, when it was organized, fo
thirty years together, including the war with
Great Britain in 1912. General Pierce expended
more money during four years of peace than ou
Government expended for the first thirty years
after its organization.
In 1928, the expenditures Of the Governmen
for all purposes, exclusive of the public debt
were 9,7s4, l54.59. In 1857, the expenses o
the Government, exclusive of the public debt