The River Falls journal. (River Falls, Pierce County, Wis.) 1857-1861, 1858-10-20


the good old Anglo-Saxon common law
No, sir, the STAKEHOLDER shall have the a
priori right to go into the Territory with
his slave and to b them there as slaves
the right of man to oaon his laborer is
a prsori recognized by the Kansas and
Nebraska bill. And here let me add that
the bred Scott decision is most logical
construction Of the Nebraska bill, and ac-
knowledged to be such by Mr.. Douglas
himself, and that his bubbles between bis
squatter sovereignty and chat decision are
the most contemplate subterfuges by
which ever pettifogger made himself
ridiculous. Thus Mr.. Douglas squatter
sovereignty is based upon a presumption
in favor OF slovery. Upon the presump-
ton that slavery exists Of right, where it
is not prohibited by positive Legislation.
True popular sovereignty means the
removal ofall barriers which the ingenui-
ty of despotism has set to human liberty.
But MI. Douglas tells you, that the true
foundation Of American popular sover-
eighty is the right of slavery to exist
where it is not expressly prohibited: and
that it means the removal Of all barriers
which American patriotism has set to hui
man bondage If you conld ask Wash
ington, Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, Madison
Henry Clay for their opinion, who of them
would christen this abominable mixture
with the great name of Squatter Sover-
eighty? They would have stigmatized it
as contemplate bastard begotten in the
adulterous embrace of Democracy and
Slavery, with the features of Liberty on
lis face but with the black venom of des-
potism in its heart. | repeat it, sir, this
so-called popular sovereignty is but new
embodiment of the old antagonism but a
new signboard to the old concern; new
melody to the old song; y new trap set
for old fools. 1t is the old mistake, the
old confusion of ideas; there is nothing
new in it but one feature and that is its
very worst.
1t marks indeed new era in the his
tory of this country. All the compacts
between freedom and slavery, struck by
the fathers of this Republic and the sub
sequent generation of statesmen were
compromises between principle and an
interest. Endeavoring to reconcile the
social institutions of this country to the
fun lamental id as upon which ibis gov
eminent vas built, the fathers of this Re-
public labored for the gradual abolition
Of slavery, wherever they could reach it.
But, IN BILE to extinguish it at once, they
made concessions to slavery as to al un-
fortunately existing fact, without recogni-
zingin it any principle, from which it
might derive any national right. 10
them freedom was the ruling. the funda-
mental, the national principle, and slavery
a local institution, which existed only by
sufferance, and to which concessions were
made for the sake Of temporary expedi-
ency. This spirit governed the councils
of the nation in all acts relating to slavery
and Congress therefore did not hesitate
to exclude from the national territories
what it considered nuisance. Tffernan-
fest tendency was to remove the contra
diction between the fundamental princ-
pies of our government and social insti-
tuition, by sacrificing the latter.
Even the Missouri Compromise, so far
as it excluded slavery from certain terri
tories, was dictated by this same spir-
it.
The Nebraska bill, in opening the ma
tional territories to slavery, elevated sla-
very from the rank Of a mere obnoxious
fact to the rank Of national principle
According to that measure, slavery shall
have ight to exist everywhere by virtue
of the national law, where it is not abol-
ished and prohibited by local legislation.
Before Mr.. Douglas popular sovereignty,
slavery and freedom stand apparently as
equal claimants. But in fact, slavery has
acquired the right of precedence over free
dom. This is the principle which Doug
las has introduced into the policy of this
country in place Of the leading ideas o.
the revolution. He may claim the merit
of being the first man who succeeded in
displacing the p liticaFdeveopment of this
!. Republic from the solid basis of the Dec.
laration of Independence. The Nebras-
ka bill, very far from being progressive
movement was the boldest step in the re-
action against the principles Of the revo-
luton.
Do not say that | am INDUCING in q
mere play with abstract ideas and theoret
ical determinations and that things might
look better in reality for, | tell you, what
is nonsense in theory you will never make
sense in practice.
l know Mr.. Douglas principal position
that the people of the territories should
be left free to settle the question of slavery
| for themselves, carries some plausibility
/ with it. Bui why could it not he fairly
and quietly executed? Because every one
tried to execute 1t as he pretended to I'M
derstand it. Yes, sir, no sooner was the
/ word spoken than the contradiction which
/ lay hidden in the new measure, broke out
| in practical conflict. This was not as
toni>hing to me, for it cannot ba other
wise. when the construction Of ambiguous
measures is put into the hands Of antago
| nistic intere SITS.
/ Look at the Constitu ton of the United
States. Its words are the same for Mr.
Gerritt Smith Of New York, and Mr.
| Hammond of South Carolina. But how
does it happen that these gentlemen un
derstand its meaning SO differently e.
How does it happen that the same word
which signify Liberty to Gerritt Smitl
signify slavery to Hammondl 1t is be
cause their stand points from which tho
! Judge it, are different TIE one l0dks q