Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1858-02-12

as Tor ten years. These are the funda- \
mental principles of American freedom,
and are reeognized,I believe,in some form
or other by every State Constitution
and if Congress, in the act of admission,
should think proper to recognize them,
can perceive no objection.
This has been done emphatically in
the Constitution of Kansas. 1t declares
in its bill of rights that "All political
power is inherent in the People" and
all free Governments are founded on
their authority and instituted for their
benefit, and therefore have at all times an
inalienable and indefeasible right TO alter,
reform and abolish their form Of govern
ment in such manner as they may think
proper. The great State of New York
is at this moment governed under Con-
stitution framed and established in direct
opposition to mode prescribed by the
previous Constitution. Ii, therefore. a
provision changing the Constitution of
Kansas after the year 1864, could by pos
sibility be construed into a prohibition to
make such change previous to that period,
this prohibition would be wholly unavail-
ing. The Legislature already elected
may, at its very first session, submit the
question to vote of the People, whether
they will or not have a Convention to
amend their Constitution, and adopt all
necessary means for giving effect to the
popular will. 1t has been solemnly ad-
Judged by the highest tribunal known TO
our laws that Slavery exists in Kansas
by virtue of the Constitution of the Uni
ted States. Kansas is therefore at this
moment as much Slave State as Geor-
gia or South Carolina. Without this,
the equality Of the Sovereign States COM
posing the Union would be violated, and
the use and enjoyment of Territory ac-
quired by the common treasure of all the
States would be closed against the peo-
pie and property Of nearly half the men,
bers of the ConfeGeracy. Slavery can,
therefore, never be prohibited in Kansas,
except through the means of Constitu-
tiOnal provision, and in no other manner
can this be obtained so promptly, if the
majority of the people desire it, as by ad-
hitting her into the Union under her
present Constitution. On the other hand
should Congress reject the Constitution
under the idea Of afording the disafected
in Kansas a third opportunity to prohibit
Slavery in the State, which they might
have done twice before if in the majority
no man can foretell the consequences. L
Congress, for the sake of those men who
refused to vote for delegates to the Con
vention, when they might have excluded
Slavery from the Constitution, and who
afterwards refused to vote on the 2Ist O
, December, when they might, as they
, claim, have stricken Slavery from the
: Constitution, should now reject the State
because Slavery remains in the Consti
, tuition, it is manifest that the agitation
upon this dangerous subject will be re
y newed in more alarming form than i
] has ever yet assumed Every patrio
, in the country had INDUCED the hop'
t that the Kansas-NebraSka Act woul,
: have put final end to the Slavery agi
! tation, at least in Congress, which had 70
1 more than twenty years convulsed tn
: country and endangered the Union. Thi
act involved great and fundamental prin
ciples, and, if fairly carried into effect, wi
: settle the question. Should agitation b
f again reyived-should the people of siste
:, States be again estranged from each otI
= er with more than their former bitte1
4 ness-this will arise from a cause, so ia
4 as the interests of Kansas are concerned
> more trifing and insignificant than hs
: ever stirred the elements of great pei
h pie into connection. To the People
u Kansas, the only practical difference b,
h tween admission or rejection depend
= simply upon the fact whether they ca
l. themselves more speedily change the
X present constitution If it does not aecol
n with the will of the majority, or frame
re second Constitution to be submitted
st Congress hereafter.
r. Even if this were a question Of me
ed expedieney and not of right, small d
is ference of time one way or the other,
not Of the least importance when co
er trasted with the evils which must nece
be sarily result to the whole country fro
n the revival of the Slavery agitation.
e In considering this question, it shou
ITO never be forgotten that in proportion
at its insignifcance, let the decision be VII
ee it may, so far as it may effect few tho
d srL.Is.r-.- r.