The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1858-11-17
TRles Issua for 1860 Framed and
I'cUdvr"tilhy the Republican C.ssI-
a:a1te for The Pres lscsE21


too great blunlercr, ard often cracks his Jokes
at the wrong tima anl place, and by some, PROB
ably erroneouSly, is supposed to have practised
it so long as to almost b,live n his own dama
goguism. Gov. nanki is too recent convert,
processes too many faiths, and talks too much
of having been a democrat, to suit: and then he
is so slippery anl foxy that his good faith in
anything, except what may benefit himself is
largely quest ioned. Sumner is too much ola
b,liver in the earlier forms Of their creed to a.
i dopt, with sufficient readiness, the changes
which the necessities orthe party may require.
Every aspirant is summarily killed off, with
! pointed and unanSwerable objections, none of
which apply to Gov. Seward. lie and his
friends consider him as good as actually NOM
mated. He claims to have disbanlcl the old
whig party and absorbed it in the republican,
swapping his fingers at the few who refused to
follow him as leader and adopt the newly
profcssed faith. His friends boast that he pros
trated the American, and that all Of that party
who are wcrth having have enlisted under his
banner, and are followers in his camp.
BY a single speech he sponged up AMI wholly
absorbed nearly every abolitonist proper, eav.
ing Gerrit Smith scarcely corporars guard, |
as the reward ofhis sincere but mistaken exer-
tions. Having blown to the winds all organi- |
cations other than his own and that OF the de-
mocracy, he boldly tenders an issue with the
latter for 1860. All collateral questions are ig-
nored by him as productive Of embarrassment,
and everything is staked upon one question
to Wit the overthrow and final destruction OF
State-rights, and consequently Of our Union
and our liberties, through the instrumentality
Of sectional agitation and action. lie expects,
| by warning upon the southern States concern
ing their own domestic institutions, which were
cherished and sustained by Washington, JEFF
ferson, Madison, Monroe, jackson, Tyler, Polk,
and Taylor, to combine the entire northern
and western States, and TO force the former to
conform to the bidding Of his party, or to break
up the confederacy-which he cares not so that
his aspirations and the desires his friends for
office and public plumber are gratifed Person
ally, he cares nothing tor the slave or about sla
worry. He thinks, and we hear has said, that
the democratic party can only be overthrown
| by resorting to this sec!ionli az ggression. He
contriyes theory which he thinks adapted to
and likely to accomplish his objects. Referring
to the local institutions of the South in q recent
speech at Rochester, New York, he said:
"Thus, these antagonistic systems are contin-
ually coming into closer contact, and collision
results. Shall | tell you what this collision
means? They who think that it is accidental,
unnecessary, the work Of interested or fanaticai
agtators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the
case altogether. 1t is an irrepressible conAic.
between opposing and enduring forces, ard it
means that the UHited States must and aoiH sam.
er Or Mter, bec20le entirely s2aveAollnq nation
or entirety free-IdbOf natiOn. Either the cotton
and rice fields of South Carolina and the suear
plantations ofLouiSiana will ultimately be titled
by free labor, and Charleston ard New Orleans
become marts for legitimate merchandise alone.
or else the rye fields and wheat fields Of Mas
sachusetts and New Ynrk must again be sur
rendered by their farmers to slave culture, and
+ to the production Of slaves, and Boston and New
York become once more market for trade in
the bodies and souls OF men. 1t is the failure
to apprehend this great truth that induces so
manr unsuccessful attempts at final compromise
between the slave and free States, and it is the
existence of this fact that renders oil surh Dre
trleI compromise, Ioien naaae, vain aad epaeaael-
a."
However expressed, the idea here is that he
is for interfering with the rights Of the States
fond compelling them to change their ancient
domestic institutions. State rights are to be
battered down, be the consequences what they
may. The nothern and western States will
not ro-ostablish slavery, because no one desires
it there, AMI such measure is not proposed in
one of them. As that cannot and will not take
place, it is clear, under this anaunciation, that
he goes for forc;bly annulng slavery in tn
Southern States. The exact means to which
he proposes to resort for this purpose are not
pointed out though they must be violent. lie
dare not specify them, because that would lead
to canyassilg their merits. He W ishcs to avoid
all really practical questions, about some of
which his exp2ctel followers might be wise and
patriotic enough 10 disagree. lie prefers y
single ISSUE, and to leay4 his disciples to draw
upon their own imagination for such means as
lit may suggest. lie says to himself ! know
that every voter in the trce States il opposed to
: establishing slavery therein. | believe elch
would prefer that it shoula not exist IN a,1v
State in the Union. III avoid specifying any
mode by which it can be abolished, | cannot | e
charged with proposing one that il harsh or
|, unconstitutional which all Just men woul o.
j pose But by avoiding all questions as to mode,
and keeping generally wished. for result prom
incnty before the voters in the freeStatos they
will look only to the object, and there sustain
the republican party, AMI especially myself for
: tie presidency" These are the views and pur.
poses upon which Mr.. Seward founds his hopes.
He believes he has skill enough to play his game
with success Tbe succeeds Il, his plans, State
Iriglsts, and the Union and our liberties, wiV fal
before him. THIS is the question, and the 0 D.
pie Of the several States must vote upon it,
I, The democracy accept the issue, and will fight