The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-07-13
AMERICAN POLITICS IN EUROPE-WHAT WE
HAVE DONE

The public law of the world, like the written or
statute law of the various States, requires constant
examination revisal, and Interpretation. The prin-
ciples of international intercourse by no means
so accurately defined, and the rights of parties SO
definitely adjusted hereunder, as admit of
tional dispute between them. Nations, like indi-
viduals, are constantly changing their relations to
each other thus affecting great interests which per-
haps have recently grown into being and demanding
TO be heard before the tribunals of universal auhor
ty The short career Of this government, which
from poweress infancy has grown up to the colossal
strength Of giant manhood within the narrow pc
riod Of threequarters Of century, is sufficient to
prove the justice Of these observations. We COM
menced life at distance great from tho common
centres Of civilization that, whatever might have
been our real promise, it next to impossible to
exert over the government of the world any consid-
cradle influence We were admitted, to be sure, in
to the family of States, but expected rather to obey
than to have any voice in giving laws to power
full associates An accurate examination of our re-
ations with the various States of Europe for many
years after the birth of the republic will prove that
we were merely endured without being needed. So
late as 1915, when the soveregns of Europe met in
Congress at Vienna to rearrange the territorial limits
of the different nations and to define and settle the
tenures of governors, we were not even noticed or
regarded, in truth, as having any rightful voice in
such matters. So far the continent of Europe was
concerned extending to the semi-barbarous people
of Asia, we were content with the principle Of
non-intervention, which thus forced upon us.
But we had an interest, nevertheless, as growing
al IN tha babi -
eral European States, and especially in the
laws which should govern the public waters Of
the world. We found, for instance, the Mediter-
ranean sea, an important arm of the ocean, almost
exclusively in the possession of the barbarians living
the south shores of those waters, who had estab
ished grand system of piracy, and had compelled
al the nations to pay tribute to them. England was
unquestionably more interested as trading people
than any other in arrestng such system and in bring
ing the pirates who enforced it to sense of their
obligations to the rest Of mankind. Our transat-
antic brethren. sensitive to the operations Of
an illicit trade and to the prostitution of flags to
piratcal uses, tamely submitted to put her whole
commerce on the Mediterranean subject to the pay
ment of tribute to organized outlaws. Having am
pie power to put them down, we submit that Eng
extent.
The government of the United States, then a fee
BILE naval power, ordered it's forces to the Barbary
States, and instructed its commanders not only to
resist the payment of tribute, but to make open war
even to determination of the pirates of Algiers,
Tripol, and Tunis This was the first great work of
intervention of America in the public law of Europe
for it was part Of the public law to accept the sys-
tenn Of illegal exachon and piracy which at the time
existed on the Barbary coast. Weneed not say that
Algerine tributes and the work of piracy against
which we waged fearful and successful war
ceased. sa
Tho next act Of Intervention in the government of
Europe was the interference of the United States
with the Quintuple treaty, which regarded as no
moro nor less than the combination of five Of the
great Powers, to enforce upon the high seas, spe-
cal police, regardless and in violation Of our rights
as an independent State. The vigorous, timely and
effective action of the present veteran head of the
State Department frustrated the plans of tho coal-
ton, and left him to consummate his noble work by
closing the matter sixteen years afterwards, by di-
rect negotiations with the government which is re-
garded as the originator of the Quintuple treaty.
We had long claimed in this country that "free
ships make free goods principle of maritime
law which is as much to be commended for its JUS
tice as for it's influence in modifying the horrors Of
war limiting its evils to the parties actually beli-
gerent. When the great struggle between France
and England against Russia commenced acting the
part of neutral State and knowing that legitimate
ly the contest in question must be confined Who'll
ly to the land, we took an early occasion to de-
mand OF the belligerents recognition of this prin-
ciple; and it was promptly conceded. We need not
say that the commerce Of England and France were
equally interested with our own in this result
The next step involving the Intervention Of the |
United States in the affairs of Europe was to protest
against and finally overthrow the long standing but
wholly indefensible claim Of the Danish government
in cxactDg tribute of American vessels and those of
other States in the navigation of public waters |
This case was extremely complicated the claim itself
10 demand and exact the payment Of certain dues |
resting upon prescription, which had been acknowl
edged by nearly all the governments in the world |
our own included. The kingdom of Denmark, too,
was closely identified with several of the leading
monarchs OF Europe; and it looked very much like
presumption for the United States to undertake the
work Of resisting exaction Of such hoary age and
so respectable in the party enforcing it, Denmark
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