The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-05-06


natl resolutions, in Mr.. Buchausns letter of &C
ceptance, and in his inaugural address, were
accepted as q pledge and a guarantee to the
people OF Kansas, of the full and free exercise
OF this right Relying upon these solemn and
reiterated pledges, and this universal and un-
Questioned understanding, the Free-State peo-
pie might very well regard it as they did regard
it-of comparatively little importance who com.
posed the Convention, what particular indi.
viduals had the framing of the Constitution, or
whether they were chosen by few or by many
votes, so long as whatever Constitution they
might frame was to be submitted to the people,
and to pass the ordeal of their scrutiny and of
their vote. If they approved it, they could say
SO; if they did not approve it, they could say
SO, and reject it. The Constitution, the whole
Constitution, and nothing but the Constitution,
was to be presented, for direct vote, to the
people themselves, for their approval or disap-
proval. Under these circumstances, the Free
State people RETAINED from taking any part in
that election. In addition to all the other rea-
sons for not taking part in this election, these
pledges and assurances furnished very strong
inducement and justification for this course Of
action.
This Lecompton Convention having been
elected under these circumstances, under these
positive and repeated promises and pledges,
4
were to submit the Constitution to direct and
fair vote of the people, for acceptance or re.
lection, it is quite too late now to say that the
Convention was invested with the sovereignty
of the people; that they were the people in q
representative capacity that all the powers of
the people, in that behalf, had been delegated
to them; that they acted instead of the people,
and without restriction; that they were at lib.
erty to withhold from the people whatever Con-
stitution they might frame. They were invest.
ed with no such sovereignty, with no such au-
thority, with no such power. They were in-
vested with no power but to frame form of
Constitution for the consideration of the people,
to be ratified or rejected by them, as they should
see fit. So the people of Kansas understood it
at the time. So the delegates themselves I'M.
derstood it. So everybody everywhere under.
stood it. They were the mere agents of the
people, with authority clearly limited, to per-
form particular act, which, when done, was
to be delivered over TO their principal, the PEG.
! pie, for their final action. They were mere
committee of the people-nere scribes or pro-
thonotaries, selected for the purpose of drafting
a form of Government to be submitted to the
people, for their. acceptance or REFUSAL as they
should judge to be for the best. This was the
utmost extent of the authority with which that
Convention was invested.
Sir, the Free-State people of Kansas knew
very well, from past and bitter experience, that
they would be cheated in one way or another,
if they went to the polls at that election. They
knew enough of the members of that Conven.
ton to believe them capable of any swintle
which by any possibility they might be able to
practice upon them. But they had not then
/ learned how soon the President of the United
States would forget his pledges they had not
then learned, and could not have been made to
believe after all his fair promises, that he would
so soon bring the influence of his position and
the power of his patronage TO aid in the effort
to carry out to its final and bitter end fragrant
deception practiced upon them-a bald and
barefaced and impudent mockery of their hopes
and expectations, and of their right, too, under
the pretence of a submission, which was no
submission at all, and by which they were trick.
ed out of the privilege which had been most
solemnly assured to them, and by which they
we're wheedled out of the exercise of the most
sacred rights which belong to American free.
men. 1t seems the Convention knew their
master much better than the people did. Will
Congress ratify the cheat? That is the CUES
ton, and the very question now before us.
Let us see, now, cir, how these pledges
have been redeemed. The President and his
Cabinet, and the whole Democratic party, and
even the delegates themselves, were too strong.
y and too publicly and VIGOROUSLY committed
to submission of the Constitution to a direct
vote of the people, for approval or rejection, to
be altogether overlooked or disregarded. Some
plan, some divice, must be contrived, by which
| at least to save appearances-to save some
appearance of consistency and of common
honesty, and, at the same time, to save this
bogus Constitution. The recent Territorial
election had made it very apparent, that if the
Constitution was submitted to the people, it
would be rejected by an overwhelming vote !;
| and yet, it would hardly do to withhold it alto
gether from them, after the whole party, from
the President of the United States down to the
President of the Lecompton Convention, had
pledged themselves before the world that it
should be submitted to the popular vote. So
cunning device was hit upon, by which to
mock the people with an appearance of sub
hitting the Constitution to them, and, at the
same time, making it impossible to cast vote
against it. No knave ever hit upon a more
artful scheme by which to cover his own vii.
lainy and to delude the public The device
furnishes mere pretext of having done what
everybody had promised should be done when,
in fact, nothing of the kind has been done.
The plan contrived for the pretended sub.
mission of the Constitution was this: Two
kinds of ballots, and only two kinds, were to be
used one of which was endorsed "Constitu
ton with Slavery" the other, Constitution
with no Slavery" These we're the ferms pre-.
scribed by the Convention, and these were the
only ballots that could be cast. A more artful
piece of legerdemain was never contrived by
the wit CT man. Let US see its operation. The
people could only vote for the Constitution
with Slavery" or for the I" Constitution with no
Slavery but for the Constitution, at all events.
if they voted at all. No man, who voted at all,
could vote against the Constitution. But It is
said and insisted that the question of Slavery
or no Slavery was fairly submitted to the peo.
pie; and that being the great question in con.
| troversy, that the pledge to submit the Consti.
tuition TO the people was virtually answered.
But, sir, the question of slavery-the question
whether Kansas should be free or slave
State-was not submitted to the people. Now,
let us look little further into this trick, by
which it is pretended that the Slavery question
was submitted to the people, when, in fact, it
did no such thing.
Now, it will be perceived, by reference TO
the schedule which describes the plan of sub.
mission, that if majority of the ballots cast
Ore for the f" Constitution with Slavery" then
the Constitution was to stand as it was framed.
without change or modification; and nobody
denies but that is a Pro-Slavery Constitution.
But, if majority of the ballots cast were for
the "Constitution with no Slavery" then the
Constitution was still to stand as it was framed,
except that the seventh section, which author-
ICES the future importation of slaves into the
State, was to be stricken out. This was the
only change that was to be made in the Con-
stitution, in case majority of the people
| voted the ballot Constitution with no Slavery"
Now, observe--and here is the trick--that, al.
though the seventh section should be stricken
out, the Constitution still provides, in the