Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-03-03

the subject, lost heart, lost confidence in the
election of Mr.. Fillmore, and went over to
the support of Mr.. Buchanan. Theresult was
that Mr.. Buchanan carried the State OF Ten
nessee: and it was the first time in a period
of twenty years that that party had succeed
ed in presidential election in that State. II
is significant fact, connected with the sub
iect of these resolutions, that Mr.. Fillmore
who had declared that if he had been mem
Der of Congress he would have voted against
the Kansas-Nebraska bill, received sixty-six
thousand votes from the freemen of Tennes
see. under all the apprehensions which had
been excited of the election of Mr.. Fremont
and that his election would be the signal for
the separation of the southern from the
northern States. Mr.. Buchanan had major
ity of only about seven thousand votes. al .
Jude to the fact merely to show how little
weight the result of such an election as that
could have in determining the question
whether my constituents had decided against
INV course on the kansas-Nebraska bill.
The next election which took place in Ten
nessee came off last year, in August, 1851
more than three years after the passage OF the
Kansas-Nebraska act. 1t is true that, in that
election, the Democracy carried both branches
Of the Legislature, and that their Governor
was elected by largely increased vote. The
fact WAS that the American party, and the
Wings who united with them in the recent
contests in Tennessee, discouraged and de-
pressed by the unexpected defeat in the fall
of 1856, only some six or eight months be-
fore, could not be melted to make an active
canvass except in few counties, while in nu-
merous others great numbers of them did not
even go the polls. That [ state fact no.
torious in the section OF Tennessee in which L
reside.
As to the extent to which the Kansas-Ne-
braska bill assisted the results of the election,
| have to state that, so far as | am informed.
that subject was made topic of discussion
wherever on the part Of the Democracy they
believed capital could be made out OF 1t; but
only in a single congressional district, that OF
my late colleague in the House, Mr.. Etheridge,
was that the main or exclusive question dis
cussed in the canvass. The result of the con-
| test in this district was that he was defeated
| by a very small vote, according to my pres
| ent recollection. derived from the public
| prints, by no more than one hundred and for
| ty-two. OF not exceeding one hundred and
! fifty votes and that in consequence of
| the apathy or over-cOnfdence OF his friends
| in one or two counties of district which
! embraced seven or eight. What effect it
| ought to have | will not say; but will say
| that, in 1855. eighteen months after the vote
! given by that gentleman against the Kansas
| Nebraska bill he carried his district and was
reelected by an increased vote, getting at
! that time a vote exceeding his proper party
! strength in his district. La 1855, | ought to
have stated in fairness that two of the mem
| bers of Congress who had voted against the
| Kansas Nebraska act, were defeated; but from
the inquiries | made at the time, | came to
the conclusion, which nave not since chang
ed. that their defeat was not the result of their
! course ON the Kansas ehr;ls ka act rs upon
the question the American principles and
| formula which was the main point on which
! that election turned.
| From this review of the three several cleo
tOns in their order which have taken place
since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill,
think | am warranted in saying that upon
no fair rule of Interpretation applicable to
such questions, can it be said that my cOun-
| trymen of Tennessee have declared against
my course. But | pass on sir.
In one of the garbled extracts quoted in the
preamble of these resolutions and taken from
| Il speech made in the closing debate OH the
Kansas Nebraska bill. in the Senate, in 1854,
| and in which | stated the circumstances under
which should feel bound to resign my seat
! in the Senate, 1 said, that IF, upon this or
any other great question affecting the inter
| est of the South, / should find my views con-
ficting materially with what should appear to
be the settled sentiment of that section, |
should feel it my imperative duty to retire;"
implying clearly that to such a sentiment,
| fixed and settled in the way which / must
have had in my mind when made that dccla-
! ration. / ought TO defer, holding that it was
more likely to be sound and correct than my
! own individual judgment, however well con-
| sidcred; and that If | could not conscientious
! ly conform to such sentiment. | ought to re-
| tire. Now, as to the question whether at any
| time since the passage of the kansas-Nebras-
| ka act, there has been any settled sentiment
| in the South in relation to the wisdom of
the ansas-Nebraska act, | venture to
| hat ,,t ti,,,A gip fha
of that measure has there been any set
tied sentiment of the people of the South
in its favor. If you take the result OF
! the several elections which have taken
place during the last two or three years
! in The South as Il test Of the sentiment OF the
people on this question, | grant You that Il
large majority would appear TO have been il
favor of it; but what are those elections il
/ general and in almost every instance, but &
trial of strength between parties in which
many other questions are mixed up with this
both in the SOuth and North so that they
show nothing cOnclusivcly as to the number
of citizens anywhere who approved or disap-
proved of such measure? besides, in sever
al States of the South, it may have been thai
the sentiment in favor OF the repeal of TIT
Missouri compromise appeared too strong Il
be resistt d. and that the opposition upon
principles of eXpcdency, might not choos,
to make any issue with them upon that sub
ject.
Again, there is another consideration, en-
titled to great weight, in showing whether
these elections afford any proof whatever of
settled sentiment on the part of the people il
relation to the Kansas Nebraska act. Their
il, in every State of the South, in every com
munity, large class of quicscent citizens
VINO follow their party leaders, and vote wild
them in all elections, and who cannot b,
moved to investigate or take any interest il
questions having only remote consequences
! Whatever may have been the sentiment of ;
majority of the people of the South in the las
two or three years ON this SUBJECT, ventur,
the assertion now that if they ere all pollcd
. and their free opinions, unintiucnced by party
, considerations. or interest. or associations
aSc, riained, an overwhelming ma ority woul,
pronounce the repeal OF the Missouri compro
mise the most unfortunate measure ever sane
toned by Congress.
| said that the extracts quoted in the pream
BILE from my speech in 1884, were garbled
, They are so, as every gentleman will find VIII
will take the trouble Ia read the whole of tina
speech. In that speech | said, in reply to tn
Senator from Georgia Mir. Toombsl that
/ was disappearing my constituents d.
not refer TO il with any displeasure now, bu
, | speak of it as fact; stated then-that
had but little Doubt am not certain that
did not state that | beleved-that the impres
sions of the people of Tennessee, my constitu
I entswere at that time ia favor OF the measilr
A which Was then opposing. In several othe
, passages OF that speech | stated in suhstanc
|. that took my course, relying on the intell
! gcnce of the people VIII. time could be allow
ed them TO exercise their Judgment in relation
To the subject, in the confidence that when the.
e came To understand the provisions and pre-
bs.ble objects of that hill, and 10 rec III mis-
: chievous consequences, they would sustain m
5 in my course, whatever their impression
might DC at that t.uIe. There were parts ,
4 the context that ought to have been quoted q
. referred Ia in the preamble to thuse resolu
tons, "a furnishing the true int, rprelation {
the extent of what said in relation to resign
i ing my seat in Congress but il did not sal