The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1858-11-01

The PRUSsIAN Prince REGENr.-Ihe London Econ
omist says of the Prince who replaces the King of
Prussia in the direction of affairs:
1t is well worth remembering that the Prince of
Prussia, who is now so popular,-if not with the
Liberal party, at least with the party whom recent
events have turned into the only active political
substitute for the Liberal party in Prussia a,-was,
in 1913 and lS49, the object of popular antipathy
in Prussia, as the one wholly reactionary member
of the Royal Family; and that he only recovered
his popularity when the European war broke out,
and his sympathies were known to be strongly
with the Western Powers, while those of his broth
er leaned strongly towards Russia. The truth, no
doubt is that the Prince of Prussia is a statesman
OF the old Prussian type, eager for the extension
and Importance OF his country abroad, distrustfu
of untried machinery at hOme,-without any strong
sympathy for popular principles also without
any of that monarchical vanity which prefers that
all good influences should reach the people through
the channel of royal favor alone. He resisted the
revolution, because he felt and saw that revolutions
uproot much that is almost essential to the life of
nation, and because, probably, he did not feel and
see that there is period in nations history when
it must either win for itself of self
government, else drop into decay. But, the con-
stitution once established we believe the wish of
the Prince unlike that Ofthe King, has always been
to abide by it and let it have honest support Like
many OF our older English statesmen of the Reform
Bill time, he was afraid of change; but again, like
many of those statesmen, he felt the duty of ae-
quiescing heartily in change once acceded to and
accomplished. And now for years past it has been
wen understood that he dld not approve that tam
perlng with the constitution which the King en-
couraged in order to get Chambers subservient to
his favorite system.
The character and policy of the King were widely
different. Far more open to the sentimental side of
Liberalism, he appeared at times almost in harmony
with the wishes of his people,-but no sooner had
the personal interest of these concessions passed
away, and that quiet working of institutions be-
gun which constitutional King pledges himself to
respect than his sensitive vanity was hurt at the
effect because he that all such institutions must
supersede the Monarch's personal influence. He
could not only bear, but even welcome, Liberalism
while tie excitement ofbeing himself euogised as
Liberal King lasted,-but no sooner did he see
the inevitable tendency of Liberalism to throw
the Crown into the shade, and to dispense even
with the Importance of royal condescensions, than
he fretted under the change, and strained every
nerve to render the concessions he had made, a
dead letter. No paper constitution, he said, should
come between him and his people. In other words,
they should do nothing for themselves. He would
do all for them. The Prince, on the contrary who
with stolid Prussan martinetism resisted change,
turned out better cOnstitutionalist, because he
had more also of the scrupulous fidelity which res
oluteiy holds to promise once given, and less of
the sensitive vanity which deplores a personal
eclipse, than his more impressible brother. The
consequence has been that the Prince has gained
In popularity what his brother lost-and in his fire
quent, sometimes constant retreat in discharge of
his duty in the Rhine-provinces, has carried with