Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1858-09-30
. SENATOR DOUGLAS.
From the Richmond ENQUIRER,

From the Richmond Enquirer. -,4'. q
Our adviees from Illinois are of the most
cheering description. It's confidently as
serted that the Democrats will have ma
jority in the Legislature Of at least twenty
votes over the combined votes Of The Black
Republicans and the .BOlters'Ior rather
over the Republican vote alone-for it is
improbable that their allies win carry a sim
gle county election. 'i9
The coalesced opposition have been fair
ly beaten on every issue started. either on
the stump or through the press. They
have not scrupled, however, to resort TO the
most dishonorable lodges. Among these
stands conspicuous the Iudicrous attempt to
construe Judge Douglas speech at Free
port, into squatter sovereignty an,i-Dred
Scott pronunciamento. The Illinois states
mun never did better service 10 the consti-
tutional rights of the South, than will be
effected BY following up the frank and man.
iy suggestion Of that speech. 1t repeats,
from an authoritative source, what the En-
qnirer has persistently held up TO the atten-
ton Of southern men-viz: that the pres
ent state of Federal legislation is entirely
inadequate for the thorough and efiectual
protection of slave property in the Terrific
ries. The Kansas Nebraska act gives the
people of Territory full power 10 legislate
for themselves, subject only 10 the limita
lions prescribed by the Federal Constitu.
lion. The bred Scott decision demonstrates
that The Constitution Of The United States
denies TO a Territorial Legislature the
power to prohibit slavery. ...- - ae..-'
Thus slavery cannot be prohibited in a
terrtory:Y But how can it be protected p
The Kansas act does not protect it. That
law does not make it imperative on terri
torfai legislature TO provide "Iocal police
regulations, furnishing remedies and means
Of enforcing the right to hold slaves.
Under the present state Of federal legisla-
tion, there are no special remedies and
means Of enforcement provided for the Sc.
curity Of the constitutional rights of the
South in this respect. Slave property is
left to the more general regulations of the
federal code, embracing every species Of
property. The experience Of every slave
State in the Union demonstrates that such
general provisions are altogether inadequate
for the security of slave property. Slavery
is not mere institution Of property. It Is
in itself separate element of patriarchal
governments social element in another
sense than that in which property can be
so considered. 1t has direct influence on
the relations offamilies, neighborhoods and
political communities. Peculiar in its ma |
ture, it requires a peculiar adaptation of
municipal law for its healthy maintenance.
Take single example. A settler goes to
one Of our Western territories which hap
pens to have an anti-slavery Legislature.
His slave is persuaded away from him by |
some underground agent, whom he after
wards Identifies as the malefactor. What
can he do? He consults his lawyer, who
tells him that he will be obliged 70 frame q
new action on the case, for which there is,
in all probability, no precise precedent
and thus trust TO civil suit TO recover in
special damages the value Of his slave
The wrong doer may be bankrupt-or the
plaintiff may be altogether unable TO pro-
duce evidence as to tho value of the slave.
At best, he will be sure to find the civil
suit long contested and expensive, and f.
nally comes out minus only his lawyers
fee, in consequence Of purse being made
up by an abolition society 10 protect
the defendant from loss. The latter be-
comes oftentimes more enthusiastic than
ever in the cause Of underground railroads, /,
and the plaintiff iinwardly resolves never
again 70 trust 70 o civil suit for the protec-
ton Of slave spropsrty. He loses anolhsr
slave, and again consults . isgsl sdsiser-t
this time, with view 10 institute criminal