New-York daily tribune., 1858-08-03

&c ..,.. u, ,;gsts Of hsnan -d,u.," "9y tts
{. bl,s.;nf OF lac suttor Of thsss Iists' on tie
"uears eIered for theiI defense, 20 ihis address
proceed, "thty prevailed against al opposition,
I" ard nov form the basis Of thirteen independent
Statts" This does moi sound very much Ike tie
doctrine Of Mr.. Douglas that our fa.Ae's N frsm-
pg their constitutions had regard only to number
ore, and were utterly negligent OF the rights OF
anybody else nsy, that they inTessed them
selves With the power Of reducing other people to
Slavery. The doctrines laid down By Mr.. Douglas
as tie basis Of bis political system amount to
neither more nor less than an unmitigated
and Unlimited despOti,m. There seems to be
OILY Gle tight that he recognizes, aud that
is tie right of the powerful 70 trauple tn, weak
under foot. He carries into politics the famous
doctrine that Whatever is is right Liberty with
him does not rest upon any Natural basis. II is
entirely artificial, creature Of the law, and the
people of Illinois at this mome1t have no other
guaranty foI their Liberties Of tnJ greater strength
or validity than mere act Of the Legislature.
Supposs that Mr.. Douglas is right in his ss,ump
ton that our Government was made for white men,
tia. will not help bis case. he must either admit
or DEFY the existence Of those rights Of nan
Of y hch Jefferson speaks and which the Congress
sioDal Committee quoted s'o7e put forth as the
basis OF cur Institutions. II ne admits the existence
Of such rights, then by 90 possible argument can be
justify the reducing to Slavery Of men Of any rs'e
or any color. lie vi be obliged to admi. tia!
Slavery is en- injustice and wrong which,
wherever i exsts ought TO be rectfe5, and th.t to
undertake to e.tsbli,h it anew would be utterly
without justification or excuse. On tie other
kard, if, for tie sake Of spreading a charitable
cloak over the iIiquity Of Slavery, he goes the
length tf pIonounoing tie rights Of man to be
dream and chimera in doing that he
strikes deadly blow, lot merely at the freedom
of black ner, but at the rights and Liberties
of white ilen. There is 10 part Of our State cOnst
tutions to whch greater value ard importance
vas affixed BY our forefathers than the bills Of
rights by which they are preceded. When the
Federal Constitution was first ohered to TIE people
of the States for their approval and ratification,
there vas 70 objection to il so generally urged and
more which made 60 deep an impression upon the
public mind, as the fact that it did not embody any
bill of rights; AID If was with tbs view CT satisfy
ing the susceptibility of the public or this point
that the F!I.t Congress busted itssf with selec-
ton from the numerous smeLdments proposed by
the ratifyiDg conyeniioDs-the amendments thus
selected, ard subsequently adopted, being intended
to supply that deficiency New, the value Of these
bills of rights consists altogether in the restrictions
which they put upon the legislative authority, aud
in the fact that they debar tho Government from
that power which DIR. Douglas claims for it Of de-
privipg individuals or classes Of Individuals of the
natural hight of life, liberty and tie pursuit Of
hsppiAe's. Tie great peculiarly Of OUT G)geIn-
ments consists in the Limitations which they involve
and imply. They all acknowledge law higher
lot on!y than the enac ments Of any Legislature,
but higher than the provisions Of any written con-
stituton; aud, whatever Nlr. Douglas may say to
The contrary, they 10 more admit the right to en-
slave than they do the right to rob and murder.