The Council Bluffs nonpareil. [volume] (Council Bluffs [Iowa]) 1857-1867, 1858-08-21

ding the assets among themselves. If
] should be found dead tomorrow morning
nothing but my insignifcance could proven
a speech being made on my authority
before the end Of next week. Is happen
that in that ''popular sovereignty" will
which Mr.. Clay was identified. the Missouri
| Compromise was expressly reversed ant
II was a little singular if Mr.. Clay cast hl
mantle upon Judge Douglas on purpose t.
have that compromise repealed.
Again, the Judge did not keep faith witt
Alr. Clay when he first brought in his Ne
| braska bill. He left the Missouri Compro
mise unrepealed, and in his report accom-
panying the bill, he told the world he die
it on purpose. The mares of Mr.. CIa,
must hase been in great agony, Till thirt,
days later, when ''ropular Sovereignty
stood forth in all its glory.
| One more thing. Last night Judge Doug.
las tormented himself with horror about my
| disposition to make negroes perfectly equa
with white men in social and political re.
iations. He did not stop to SOW that
mately follows from anything have said
but he rashes on with his assertions.
adhere to the Declaration Of Independence
| willing to stand by it, let them come up ;nt
amend it. Let them make it read that al
men are created free and equal except ne.
groes. Let US haya it decided, whether
the declaration of Independence, in this
blessed year of 1883, shall be thus amended
In his construction of the Declaration las,
year he said it only meant that American.
IN America were equal to Englishmen in
England. Then, when pointed out to him
that by that rule he excludes tho Germans
the Irish, the Portuguese, and all the other
people who have come amongst Us since the
Revolution, he reconstructs his construction
in his last speech he tells us it meant Europe
ans.
| press HIM Il little further, and ask if il
meant to exclude the Russians in Asia? OF
does he mean to exclude that vast popula.
tion from the principle of our Declaration
of Independence? l expect ere long he will
introduce another amendment to his defni-
ton. He is not at all particular. He is
satisfied with anything which does not en-.
danger the nationalizing Of negro slavery
1t may draw white men down, but it must
not lift negroes up. Who shall say. 'I an
the superior, and you are the inferior?'
My declaration upon this subject Of negro
slavery may be m!srepresentcd, but cannot
be misunderstood. | have said that dc
not understand the Declarati n 0 mean that
all men were created equal in all respects
They are not our equal in color: but sup.
pose that 1T does mean to declare that all
men are equal in some respects: they are
our equal in their right to ..Iife. liberty and
the pursuit of happiness. Certainly the ne.
gro is not our, equal in color perhaps no,
IN many other respects; still, in the right
to put-lnto his own mouth the bread that
his own hands have earned, he is the equa
OF every other man. white or black. In
pointing out that more has been given YOU
you cannot be justified in taking away the
little which has been given him. All ask
for the negro is, that if you DO not like him
let him alone. If God gave him but little,
that little let him enjoy.
W hen our government was established, We
had the institution Of slavery among u.s.
we were IN certain sense compelled to
tolerate Its existence. 1t was sort of ne.
cessIty. We had gone through our struggle
and secured our independence. The trainers
| OF the Constitution found the institution
Of slavery amongst their other institutions
at the time. They found that by an effort
TO eradicate it, they might lose much OF
what they had gained. They were obliged
to bow to the necessity. They gave power
to Congress to abolish the slave trade at the
end Of twenty years. They also prohibited
it in the Territories where it did not exist
They did what they could ana yielded to the
necessity for the rest. also WELD to all
which follows from that necessity. What
would most desire would be the separation
Of the white and black races.
One more point in this Springfield speech
which Judge Douglas saws he has read so
carefully. expressed my belief in the ey-
Is'ence OF conspiracy to perpctuate and
nationaize slavery. did not profess to
kno" II; nor do | now. showed the part
Judge Douglas had played in the string of
facts, constituting, TO my mind, the proof of
that conspiracy. showed the parts played
by others.
IcharScd that the people had been dcceiv-
ed into carrying the last Presidential cleo
ton. by the impression that the people of
the Territories might exclude slavery If they
chose. when it was known in advance by the
conspirators, that the court was to decide
that neither Congress nor the people could
so udeslaverv. These charges are m ore
distinctly made than anything else in the
speech.
Jadgc Douglas has cnrefnlIy read and
re-read that speech. lie has not, so far rs
know, contradictcd those charges. In the
two speeches which heard, he certainly did
not. On his own tacit admission renew
that charge. charge HIM with having
been party to that conspiracy and to that
deception for the sole pupose of nationai-
zing slavery.
Mr.. Lincoln sat down amidst loud and
continued cheering