The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-11-11

promises, when made, vain and ephsmeral
Startling an this saying may appear to you, fel
| low-citizens it is by no means an original OF
even a modern one. Our forefathers knew
1t to be true, and unanimously acted upon il
when they framed the Constitution of the Uni
ted States. They regarded the existence of the
seryile system in so many of the States With
sorrow and shame, which they openly confessed
and they looked upon the collision betweer
them, which was then just revealing itself, ant
which we are now accustomed to deplore, with
favor and hope. They knew that either the on,
| or the other system must exclusively prevail
Unlike too many of those who in modern
time invoke their authority, they had choice
between the two. They preferred the system o.
free labor, and they determined to organize the
Government, and so to direct its activity, thai
that system should surely and certainly prevail
For this purpose, and no other, they based the
whole structure of Government broadly on the
principle that all men are created equal, and
therefore free-little dreaming that, within the
short period of one hundred years, their de
scendants would bear to be told by any orator
however popular, that the utterance of that
principle was merely rhetorical rhapsody; on
by any Judge, however venerated, that it was
attended by mental reservations, which render
it hypocritical and false BY the ordinance OF
1881 they dedicated all the national domain
not yet polluted by Slavery to free labor imme-
diately, thenccforth and forever, while by the
new Constitution and laws they invited foreign
free labor from all lands under the sun, and III
terdicied the importation of African slave labor,
at all times, in all places, and under all circum-
stances whatsoever. 1t is true that they neces-
sarily and wisely modified this policy Of Free
dom, by leaving it to the several States, affect
ed as they were by differing circumstances, to
abolish Slavery in their own way and at their
own pleasure, instead of coniding that duty to
Congress, and that they secured to the slave
States while yet retaining the system Of Slavery,
a three-ffths representation of slaves in the Fed
eral Government, until they should find them
selves able to relinquish it with safety. But the
very nature of these notifications fOrtifes my
position that the fathers knew that the two sys-
TENS could not endure within the Union, and
expected that within short period Slavery
would disappear forever. Moreover, in order
that these notifications might not altogether
defeat their grand design of Republic main
tanning universal equality, they provided that
twothirds of the States might amend the Con
sttution.
1t remains to say on this point only one word,
to guard against misapprehensibn. II these
States are TO again become universally slave
holding, do not pretend to say with what VIC
lations of the Constitution that end shall be &C
compshed. On the other hand, while i do
confidently believe and hope that my country
will yet become a land of universal Freedom,
do not expect that it will be made SO otherwise
than through the action of the several States
cooperating with the Federal Government, and
all acting in strict conformity with their respect
i've Constitutions
The strife and contentious concerning Sla-
very, which gently disposed persons do habitu-
ally deprecate, is nothing more than the ripen-
ing of the conflict which the fathers themselves
not only thus regarded with favor, but which
they may be said to have instituted
1t Is not to be denied, however, that thus far
the course of that contest has not been accord
ing to their humane anticipations and wishes
In the field Of Federal politics, Slavery, deri-
wing unlookedfor advantages from commercial
changes, and energies unforeseen from the
facilities Of combination between members OF
the siavehOlding class and between that class
and other property classes, early allied, and
has at length made a stand, not merely to re
tain Its original defensive position, but to extend
ITS sway throughout the whole Union. 1t il
certain that the slaveholding class of American
citizens indulge this high ambition, and thai
they derive encouragement for it from the rapid
and effective political successes which they have
already obtained. The plan of operation is
this: BY continued appliances of patronage, and
threats of disunion, they will keep a majority
favorable to these designs in the Senate, where
each State has an equal representation. Through
that majority they will defeat, as they best can
! the admission of free States, and secure the
admission of slave States. Under the protec
| ton of tho Judiciary they will, on the principle
of the bred Scott case, carry Slavery into all
the Territories ofthe United States, pow existing
and hereafter to be organized BY the action
of the President and the Senate, using the
treaty making power, they will annex foreign
slaveholding States. In favorable coniuncture
they will induce Congress to repeal the act of
| lSOS, which prohibits the foreign slave trade,
and so they will import from Africa, at the cost
OF only $50 head, slaves enough to fill up the
interior OF the continent. Thus relatively in
creasing the number of slave States, they will
| allow no amendment to the Constitution preiu,
dicial to their interest and So having perma-
nently established their power, they expect the
Federal Judiciary to nullity all State laws
winch shall interfere with internal or foreign
commerce i'm slaves. When the free States
shall be sufficiently demoraized to tolerate these
designs, they reasonably conclude that SLAYER,
wall be accepted by those States themselves
shall not stop To show how speedy or how com
plete would be the ruin which the accomplish
nlent of these slaveholding schemes would
bring upon the country. For one, | should not
remain IN tho country to test the sad exferi
nient. Having spent my manhood, though not
my whole life, in free State, no aristocracy Of
any KIND, much less an aristocracy of slavehold
ers, shall ever make the laws of the land in
which shall be content to live. Having seen
the society around me universally engaged in
agriculture, manufactures, and trade, which
were innocent and benefcent shall never be
denlzen of a State where men and women are
reared As cattle, and bought and sold as mer
ehandise. When that evil day shall come, and
all further effort at resistance shall be impossi
bile, then, if there shall be no better hope fol
redemption than can now foresee, / shall ga,
with Franklin, while looking abroad over the
whole earth for a new and more congenia]
home, Where Liberty dwells, there is my
/ country"
Il You will tell ME that these fears are extaya
CANT and chmerical. l answer they are SO
but they are SO only because the designs of the
shareholders must and can he defeated. But II
is only the possibility of defeat that render.
them SO. They cannot be defeated by inactivi
II ". ihere Is no escape from them, compatible
Il with non-resstance. How, then and i'm wha
way, shall the necessary resistance be made
There Is only one way. The Democratic part,
must be permanently dislodged from the Gov
ernlnent. The reason is, that the Democrat,
party is inextricably committed to the design,
of the shareholders, which l have described
Let me be well understood. do not charg,
that the Democratic candidates for public ofic.
now before the people are pledged, much les
that the Democratic masses who support then
really adopt those atrocious and dangerous de
signs. Candidates may, and generally do
mean to act justly, wisely, and periodically
when they shall be elected; but they becom,
the ministers and servants, not the dictators, o
[ ho IL. IL IL