Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-04-09

hundred of them who are on the census list.
Mr.. TOoMBs. do not understand that.
Mr.. BELL Does the honorable Senator from
Georgia say he has examined the names?
Mr.. TooMBs. They have been examined by
friend of mine.
Mr.. BELL. Is it not fact that only about
nine hundred of those whose names were on
the census list voted?
Mr.. TooMBs 1 think that is mistake.
Mr.. BELL. / can refer to the evidence.
Mr.. TOoMBs. What evidence?
Mr. IL. To the report of the names that
were pollcd, compared with those on the cen
sus list
Mr. TONES. That, think, you will find
not to be a record That is the difficulty.
Mr. BELL. But it shows the returns of the
election. and is evidence
Mr. TONES. There is no such record in the
world Let me explain to my friend what l
mean. The census that was taken was a re-
cord. As for all these accounts, by which it
is made to appear that only eight hundred of
those who were on the census list voted, they
do not appear by any lawful authOrity-hy
any record. Has any person, on whom the
Senator from Tennessee relies, ascertained the
fact?
Mr.. BELL. Yes, sir.
Mr.. TooNBs. 1t was never ascertained by
any authority.
ton of the House of Representatives ascer-
tanned it,
Mr.. TooMBs. | do not consider their report
a record but perhaps | do not understand
what a record is.
Mr. BELL Perhaps | do not know what
record is. | refer to all the record that could
exist in such a case, and | say that this fact Is
stated on sworn evidence. VIII that pass for
evidence? TWAS testimony taken by authority
g .NfD hHyT haIeC
of both political parties.
Mr. ToOMBS. If it is evidence in itself
ii is evidence for the purpose-nOt other
wise.
Mr. BELL The clerk of The committee of
investigation compared the names on the cen
sus rolls with those on the election return lists
or poll books, and of the twenty-nine hundred
returned on the census rolls In February,
1865. he could find only eight hundred and
ninety-eight names recorded on the pOll-boOks
or list Of voters returned in March. Now,
the question is where did the other five thou
sand and odd votes that were pOlled on the
3Oth of March, 1855, come frOmy From over
the borders of course, or made up by forged
returns. These are facts, as well authentica-
ted as facts of the kind could be-not in an
cient times not in the dark ages, but i'll the
present day of light. These facts were ascer-
tanned under the supervision of joint COM
mission of partisans on both sides of the ques-
ton. | do not desire. however, to pursue this
inquiry now for | mean TO resume 1t at an
other time. / will merely say here, that at
this election. by these means, every member
of the Council and House of Representatives
elected, except one. was OF the pro-slavery
party. Governor Rcedcr set aside the election
certificates in several cases, ON the ground of
irregularity or fraud and new elections were
ordered; but in those cases where the free
State men were returned elected, the Legisla-
ture rejected their claims to sit as members,
and admitted those who had been set aside by
the Governor. The prO-slavery party thus
secured the whole Legislature, except one
member, as | understand the history of the
case.
Mr.. ToOMBs. That is true.
Mr.. BELL. The honorable Senator admits
that to be true. 1t was all one-sided affair,
and made so by the five thousand and odd
voters in that election not found on the census
returns The honorable Senator in the course
of his speech appealed to the judgment of the
impartial-to such as have no connection with
either of the parties in Kansas-and asked
what would be their decision upon this ques-
ton? | appeal to the same impartial tribu-
nal That Legislature was elected chiefly by
voters from Missouri; by citizens who had no
right by the organic law, to interpOse in the
election. t was irregular, and unlawful in
every sense of the word.
But, sir | am anticipating my argument. /
thought however. that | would travel out OF
my course for few moments in order TO
show that the honorable Senator from Georgia
was totally mistaken to the facts that |
considered fundamental i'll coming to right
understanding of this question. | saw that
the honorable Senator from Kentucky. not
having looked into these points as carefully,
perhaps, as | had done, utterly amazed.
he seemed to be cOnfuuuded, when his friend
from Georgia gave such totally different
version and cOlOring To the facts connected
with the election of 1855, from what he had
understood.
The honorable Senator from Georgia has
furnished me. in the course of his argument,
with some points for consideration for which
thank him. lie tells us in substance and
plainly enough, that it is victory which is now
TO be contcnd,d for. This measure must be
carried now that an issue is made upon it
lie has pronounced high and overweight
eulogics on the course of the distinguished
gentlemen now at the head of affairs in rela-
ton To this question. | shall attempt to show
how far, and with what justice, they are emit
tied To the eloquent eulUgium of the honora-
bic Senator from Georgia. and this | shall
not do with "A view of maniiesting any per-
suual disrespcct to those high functionarics |
do not seek, in anything | shall say now or
at any time, to detrdct from the high personal
character of those distinguished gentlemen.
| am not sure, however. that they have been
the bold and undaunted men that they ought
to be in the positions which they occupy, at
such a time this, in such crisis this
and upon such question the present. |
fear that they have covered and quailed be-
fore such bold men the Senator from Geor-
gia and others who concur with him as to the
policy which ought TO he pursued in relation
TO Kansas affairs.
The Senator from Georgia, throughout his
speech, seemed to be resolved upon victory,
in carrying out all his plans connected with
Kansas affairs, whatever consequences may
follow; and am afraid that the President and
his Cabinet may have been constrained TO
espouse this measure under the positive and
impcrious requisition of such gentlemen Us
the Senator from Georgia
| intend if | have time, to review the Kan
sas-Nebraska act and its consequences, re-
spectfully towards the authors of il person.
ally, that the country may learn lesson
from it, | shall not undertake To teach the
Senate to what extremes the passions of men
may lead them when they once get fully COM
mitted To u violent controversy on such ques-
tons. Ii was the passion for victory that
carried the Kansas Nebraska bill through Con-
gress under circumstances more extraordinary
than ever attended the passage of any meas
ure, so important In its consequences, through
any Legislative body, except, perhaps, in the
times of revolutionary France. | do not
mean to say the gentlemen were actuated by
bad principles, or mischievous purposes; but
Senator's aud Representatives seemed TO me
To have been so iniamed and cxasper,ted by
the fierce collisions OF sentiment aud opluiOns
between them and their opponents, that their
reason WAS taken captive; they became in
fatuAted, and all their energies came TO be
upon one purpose, that Of vic
tory 1t will b. well to contrast the circum-
stances and results OF that measure with the
attending the present question.
that We may form some rational estimate of
the real value of those principles or objects
sought to be established or accomplished by