The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-10-14

labor. I,doubt the economy of cheap labor in
the cotton States, under the present organizs-
ton of society. Its first. effects would be to
check white immigration, and to drive away
valuable and reliable part of our present popu-
lation. With greater expansion of territory
and wider fields for the greet staples, sugar
and tobacco, as we'll as cotton, to say nothing
of fruits and vegetables, We should need an i'm.
portation of black laborers and in that case
should be wiling to take them from Africa. At
present their Introduction here would reduce
our white population, and thus diminish our
chances for acquiring Central America, Cuba,
and the northern States of Mexico.
If we mean to increase our white popula-
ton, and thereby our weight in the Union, or
if We mean to retain our present population,
aad thereby retain our present weight, thcway
to do it is to keep up the wages Of labor This
cannot be done by the Introduction of cheap
laborers.
81 1t is clear to my mind, that if we have more
land than lsborers, then we ought not to &C.
quire any more territory, at least for the pres
emit, and therefore the acquisition of Cuba, the
colonization of Central America, and all kin
dred questions, must be postponed. If, on the
other hand, labor ia trenching, is close upon
the lands-I mean lands worth cultivating-
then we ought to get more land before we get
more labor, since labor without land will be a
burden rather than profit"
Senator Brown still thinks the Union shaky,
refuses to be candidate for the Presidency, as
it is not an Independent position.
\ ~ have been asked to state my
views as to the future of the Union, and / will
do 30 with the utmost freedom and fankness.
In twenty years have not changed my opinion
as to the great fact that you must give up the
Union or give up Slavery. That they can and
ought to exist together in harmony, and be as
they have been, mutually beneficial, is certain
ly true; but that they will not, is in my judg-
ment Just as true. The sentiment of hostility
to the South and its institutions is widening and
deepening at the North every day. Those who
tell you otherwise are themselves deceived, or
they wilfully deceive you. Twenty years ago
this sentiment was confined to few fanatics
now it pervsdes all classes, ages, and sexes of
society. 1t is madness to suppose that this
tide is ever to roll back. To-day, Seward, the
great arch-spirit of Abolitionism, marshals his
hosts. In twenty years he has not changed his
plan. He means to bring the Union, with all
its power and patronage, its prestige and its
glory, into direct contact with Slavery. The
day of battle cannot much longer be delayed.
When it comes-when the power of the Union
is turned against Slavery, when its arm is raised
to strike down the SOUTH know not where
other men will stand; but for myself, will
stand where have always stood, on the side of
Slavery and the South.
al was raised in awe, in almost superstitious
reverence, of the Union. But if the Union is |
TO be converted into masked battery for as
sailing my property and my domestic peace,
will destroy it if can and if this cannot be
done by direct assault, would resort to sap
ping and mining. This is plain talk. l mean
hat you should understand me, and that others
shall know where stand" |