New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1858-05-18

While our maritime rights must be msintaned to
their fullest extent, a pretended regard for those
rights will not, we hope, be made a cover for the
Slave Trade. That the American flag is constantly
abused for this purpose; that the savers fitted out
in the ports of Cuba are mostly if not entirely
Americsn.built; and that they attempt to skulk to
sea still in the character of American vessels,
hoping in that way to escape rick and capture by
the British cruisers-these facts perfectly no.
torious to everybody. If the doctrine set up by
Mr.. Cass, ia his late letter to Lord Napier that
our vessels cannot be entered without the consent
of the persons in charge from the cruisers of any
foreign power-not even for the purpose of ascer-
tanning whether they are in fact American vessels
is to be adhered to, it would seem to be so much
the more incumbent upon US to do ourselves what
We deny the right of others to do-to take care
that the American flag and the outward appear
ance Of being an American vessel are not employed
to facilitate a business which is not only vi)la-
ton of The treaty between Great Britain and Spain
but which is also breach of our own laws.
We should ourselves much prefer, for a variety
of reasons that the enforcement Of our laws against
The Slave Trade should not be left, far the po
lice of the seas is concerned exclusively to British
cruisers. We quite agree with Secretary CasS,
that such a state of things cannot be submitted to
by aty independent nation without injury and dis
honor; though it certainly appears to US that in
this particular the injury and dshonor consist rather
in our leaving our laws against the Slave-Trade to be
enforced by others than in the fact that they are
40 enforced. Undoubtedly, there are many
points as to which the interference of Brit
ish naval officers to enforce our laws
would be highly impertinent. Such would
be tie case with all laws-as our revenue laws,
for instance-enacted exclusively for our own bene-
fit and convenience. But these laws against the
Slave. Trade do not seem to be of that sort Great
Britain ard the United States are mutually bound
BY treaty to exert their beet efforts for the sup
preston of this traffic. and Grea! Britain has, there
fore, by virtue of this express stipulation, not to
mention the general sentiment on this subject OF
the civilized world, an interest in the enforcement
of our laws. Suppose that piracy-and BY our
law the Slave-Trade is piracy-was as extensively
carried on under the American flag, and in Amer
can built vessels as the SaveTrade is, and with as
little su:cess in tuppressing it on the part
of our Government as is attained in the matter Of
the Trade should hardly be surprised, per-
hsps we should hardly have a right to complain,
that vessels under the American flag suspected Of
piracy were occasionally overhauled BY foreign
cruisers, and, suspicious circumstances appearing,
were sent in for trial. The true way in such cases
would seem to be to remove all occasion or pre-
te1te for foreign interference, by ourselves taking
the matter in hand. Let us first make ourselves q
vigorous and sincere attempt at the enforcement Of
our laws against the Slave-Trade before positively
setting down our foot that Great Britain shall no.:
he allowed 10 interfere in the matter.