Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1858-02-13

Speeches in Congress- on the subject OF Kansas
and the Slavery question generally. We copy
from the National Intelligencer.
Mr.. GARTRELL, OF GEORGIA.
Mr.. Gartrell of Georgia, addressed the commit
tee in defence of the institution OF domestic slave
ryas existing at the South, and the necessity to1
its extension and perpetuaton under this GoVern
meut, replying to the remarks OF Mr.. Blair, oi
Missouri, who few days since denounced the IN
stitution as q cancer upon the lace, which unless
removed, would eat into the vitals of the body poll
tic. This he said was a ianatical idea, stereotyped
by certain politicians from the time OF John Ran
dolph to this hour. lie maintained the reverse OF
the proposition, and held that Southern slavery
was right in principle and in practice; that 1t was
blessing both to the African and to the European
races, developing the resources and assisting the
progress Of the country; and that it had elevated
the nation in the scale of morality, wealth, enter
prise, and intelligence to point never attained by
any o,her nasion.. As . Sovthern man and slave
holder, he defended tho Institution OF slavery as
being in strict accordance with the principles OF
right, the stricest dictates of humanity, and the
highest sanctions of law, both human and divine.
The time for apologizng for slavery had passed by;
the false premises of Randol ph and others OF the
evil consequences of slavery upon the social, NOR
al and political condition Of the Southern people
were fast being oblteraed by those unerrng teach
ers, time and experience. Politicians and inlsgui
ded philanthropists were beginning to acknowledge
their errors, and to bow in acknow ledgment to the
justice and wisdom of the institution of domestic
slavery. The philanthropy Of the French and En-
glish nations now ready to re establish the
slave trade, which they had formerly denounced
in unmeasureI terms
Slavery was not only sanctioned by the Consti
tuition but the highest possible authority, the Bi'
BILE. Mr.. G. then read passages from the Old les
lament, which he argued not only sanctioned slave
ry but provided laws Tor its protection for all time
e6 that ti.p ins ns.tutiOu of slave
~ drove out from the South its ente-prising young
men. On the contrary, Northern men were in the
habit of seeking wealth and position in the slave
States. lie had no doubt that it the Yankees went
to Central America they would become slave own
ers. and the people Vi the South would bid them
God speed.
The project of planting colony Of free negroes
on the borders of the South could never be carried
out. 1t was Just impossible 20 make freemen
of the African race upon this continent as to make
slaves of the Anglo Saxon race. Upon the brows
of the latter written Freedom" upon those OF
the former 'servtude." In this cunnezion he read
statistics to show that in liayti Trinidad, &C., the
attempts to elevate the African race had proved
disastrous failures. and quoted from the London
Times recent article in favor OF slave labor. lie
contended that slave labor had given to the Nor
thern States all their prosperity and read from the
census of 1850 statistics of crime and pauperism,
showing that the excess was against the North
lie presented these matters in no spirit OF un.
kindness, but for the defence and justification OF
the institution of slavery. The South had always
stood by their Northern brethren in the hour Of
trial. and had always been true and loyal to the
Constitution and the Union. They would still be
true and loyal, and ready maintain and preserve
our free institutions. and transmit them to their
latest poserty; but ho told gentlemen plainly, dis
passonately, cooly, and deliberately that their
assaults must cease. He knew something of the
loyalty of the South to this Government and some
nF Snnf ham itntiO npHar bp a n
ments of the North; and he told gentlemen that
the time had come when this question must be met
and settled by the action of this House and during
this Congress. The question of the disunion or
dissolution of this great nation must be deternn-
ed now. Gentlemen might call him an aarmist or
an extremist, and tell him the South had threaten
ed before and backed out when the time came; but
there was no threat now. There was a strong de-
termination amoug the masses of the people of the
South to have equality in the Union or indepcnd-
ence out of it, Above all things, next to Southern
rights and Southern honor, he was anxious to pre-
serve the Union intact; and he asserted that there
was not free man among his constituents but
would join him in saying If you would preserve
the Union you must preserve our constitutional
rights. We ask nothing more and we will take
nothing lesso
What he had said had been directed to two OBJ.
jects As an American citizen, proud of his whole
country, proud of the North as we'll as the South,
his tIst object was to preserve, by course of for
bearance here. the Union framed by our fathers;
and his second object was to secure to his people
their constitutional rights. He might be driven
from the former object and forced to abandon the
Union, but never while he had an arm to raise, a
tongue to speak, heart to feel, hand to strike,
could he be driven from the maintenance of South.
ern rights and Southern equality.
In order to preserve Southern rights and equal.
ty and with them the Union of the States, he told
gentlemen that they must admit Kansas as a slave
State under the Lecompton Constitution This
whole Kansas question depended upon the great