Weekly American. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1858-1858, 1858-05-01

disappointed aud desperate politicians in stirring
up the people to assemble voluntarily in Convention
disregarding all the restrictions In their Consttu
ton and strike at the property of the stakeholder
The honorable Senator from Kentucky inquired
what. under this new doctrine, would prevent the
majority of the people of majority of the States Of
the Union from changing the present Federal Com
situation, and abrogatng all existing guarantees for
the prot ction Of the small States, and any peculiar
or particular interest confined TO minority Of the
Sta es Of the Union. The analogy, admit is not
complete between the Federal Constitution and q
Constitution Of State; but the PRONUNCIATION Of the
general principle that majority Of the people are
fettered by constitutional restrictions in the exer-
else Of their right TO change their form Of govern
| ment is dangerous That is quite enough for the
purposes of demagogues and incendiary agitators
When read the special message OF the President,
| said to some friends that the message taking it
altogether was replete with more dangerous heresies
than any paper had ever seen emanating, not from
Pr ssdent of the United States but from any poti-
cal club in the country and calculated 10 do in
jury consider 1t in effect and in its tendencies,
organizing anarchy. 45,
We are told, that if we admit Kansas with the Lee
compton Constitution, this whole difficulty will soon
lie settled by the people of Kansas. How? BY d s.
regarding he mode and forms prescribed by the Con-
stitutlon for amending ltY No. am not sure that
the President after all the lofty generalities an
nouneed in his message in regard to the inalienuble
rights Of the people, intended to sanction the idea
that all the provisions of the Lecompton Constitu-
ton, in respect TO the mode and form OF amending it.
L
elected may OF its first meeting call Convention to
amend the Constitution; and in another passage Of
his message he says that this inalienable power Of
the majority must be exercised in q lawful manner
This is perplexng Can there be any lawful enact
ment of the Leg stature in relation TO the call Of
Convention, unless it be in conformity with the pro-
visions of the Constitution? They require that two
thirds Of the members Of the Legislature shall concur
in passing act 10 take the of the people uon
the call of Convention and that the vote shall be
taken at the next regular election, which cannot be
held until two years afterwards. How can this diff
Guilty be got over? The truth u.s. that unless all
stitutional impediments in respect to forms be set
as;de and the people take il in hand TO amend the
Constitution on revolutionary principles, there can
be no end of agitation on this subject in less than
three years. long since yentured the prediction
that there would be no settlement of the difficulties
in Kansas until the next Presidential election. To
continue the agitation is too important to the n-
terests of both the great parties of the country to dis
pense with it as long as any pretex be found for
prolopging it, In the closing debate the Kansas
Nebraska bill told its supporters that they could
do nothing certain to disturb the composure of
the Chamber, one from Massachusetts Mr.. SUM-
NER and the other from Ohio, Mr.. CHASE, than to
reject that bill. Its passage the only thing in
the range of possible events by which their political
fortunes could be resuscitated so completely had
the FreeSoi movements at the North been paralyzed
by the Compromise measures of 1850. ] say now
to the advocates of this measure if they want to
strengthen the Republican party and give the reins
they desire to weaken the power Of that party and
arrest the progress of slavery agitation, reject it
and if il is their policy to put end to the agitation
connected with Kansas affairs at the earliest day
practicable, they say it u.s. then let them remit this
Constitution back to the people of Kansas, for their
ratification rejection In that way the whole diff
Guilty could be settled fore the adjournment of the
present session of Congress, without the violation Of
any sound principle The sacrifice of the rights Of
either section of the Union. fs@aa Il
But the Pi esident informs us that threatening and
ominous clouds impend over the country; and he
feat that If Kansas is not admitted under the Le-
compton Constitution, slavery agitation will be re-
vived in dangerous form than it has ever yet
assumed. There may be grounds for that opinion,
for aught know; but it seems to me that if any Of
the States the South have taken position this
question which endangers the peace Of the country,
they could not have been informed of the true cond
ton of affairs in Kansas and of the strong objections
which may be urged on principle against the accep'
ance by Congress Of the Lecompton Constitution. And
have such confidence in the intelligence of the peo-
pie ofthe ole South that when the history aud char
acter of this instrument shall be known even those
who would bs glad to find plausible pretext for
dissolyng the Union will see that its rejection by Con-
gress would not furnish them with such a one as
they could make available for their purposes.
When the Kansas Nebraska bill was under discus
sion in S54 in looking to all the consequences which
might follow the adoption of that measure, could
not overlook the fact that sentiment of hos y to
the Union was widely difused in certain States of
the South, and that her sentiment was only pre-
vented from assuming an organized form of resist
ance TO the authority of the Federal Government at
least in of the States in 1851 by the earnest re-
monstrance of a sister State that was supposed 10
sympathize with her in the project of establishing
Southern Republic. Nor could / fail to remember
that the project speak of the Convention held in
South Carolina In pursuance of an act of the Legsla
ture--was then postponed, not dropped The argu-
ment was successfully urged, that enterprise of
such magnitude ought not to be entered upon with
out the cooperation of greater number of States
stated that all the cotton planting States would be-
fore great while, be prepa ed 10 unite in the move
ment and that they, by the force Of crcums tances
would bring in all the slayehoding States. The
ground was openly taken that separation of
inevitable necessity 1t was only question of time
II was said that no new aggression was necessary on
the part of the North, TO justify such step. 1t was
assumed that the operation of this Government from
its foundation had been adverse 10 Southern interests
and that the admission Of California as a free State
and the attempt TO exclude the citizens of the South
with their property, from all the territory acquired
from Mexico, was sufficient justification for dis
union. 1t was not mere menace 10 deter the North
from further aggressions. These circumstances made
O deep impression my mind at the time; and from
a period long anterior TO that, had known that it
was maxim with the most sklfu tacticians among
those who desired separation, that the slavehodng
States must be unted-consolidated in one party.
The object once effected dsunion, il was supposed
would follow without difficulty.
had my fears that the Kansas Nebraska bill was
expected 10 cons0ndatc the south, and 10 pave the
way for the accomplishment Of Interior plans, by
Of the most active supporters Of that measure
from the South; and these fears i indicated in the
closing debate on that subject Some of the sup
porcrs of that measure, fear, reluctant now 10
abandon the chances Of finding pretext for agi-
tating the subject Of separation, in the South in the
existing complications Of the Kansas embodiment
10 what extent the idea Of disunion is entertained
IN some Of the Southern States and what importance
is attached 10 the policy of uniting the whole South
in one party, preliminary step, may be inferred
from a speech delivered before the Southern Con-
veDtion lately held in Knoxville, Tennessee, by Mr.
De Bow, the president Of the Convention, and the
editor Of popular Southern Review. | will only
refer TO the fate TO which the author resigns
those who dare 10 break the ranks of that solid pha-
lanx in which he thinks the South should be COM
bined-tIat is, to be held up to public scoru and
public punishment traitors and tories, more
STEPPED in guilt than those Of the Revolution itself"
have but few words more 10 say on this sub
ject. / have been panied at many things which
have heard in the progress Of this debate The hon
orable Senator from New York Mr. SEWARD and
the honorable Senator from South Carolina Mr.
HANMoNDl opened new and wider and more aluring
fields for discusson-alluring, not by their tendency
l., train the public mind 70 contemplate the de-
strucon Of the Union with complacency, but as suR
costing subjects Of debate which offer an unlimited
range for intellectual dispay-rich themes for the
gildings Of fancy. / shall not venture beyond the
borders Of these new fields Of discussion | could
not but be struck and fascinated by the grand out
lines Of the gorgeous yet beautiful filing up of the
picture Of Southern power and resources presented
by the able and eloquent Senator from South Caro-