Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1858-11-27

time as If the Republican Party was getting dis.
outraged and that might therefore possibly get
II stilI larger vote than had counted IN. But by
the middle Of the month found that the results OF
the elections in Pennsylvania Ohio and Indiana
had inspired Republicans with confidence and
Democrats with fears.
| am not sure but Governor Seward's Rochester
speech did mnre than all things else TO damage my
prospects. Ii passed for Abolition speech es.
pecinlly because it espOused our old Abolition doc.
trine that in the end tue States must all be
blessed with Freedom or all given up to the curse
Of slavery.
hOpe too that the radical friends Of Freedom
will not be discouraged by this election. Never
was there more need of their persevcrence-fnr
never were her prospects darker. How very rapid
her decline since the public mind was drawn away
from the abolition to the non.exteBsiun Of slavery
By the year 1916 The Liberty Party, which was ev.
er intent on abOlshing slavery. had sweled It's
numbers to sixty or seventy thousand The strong
anti slavery sentiment of that year was responded
to by the House OF Representatives in vote of lis
To U6 for shutting out slavery from all the terrific
ry we had wrested from Mexico But by the next
Session the ma jrity was the other way. In 1917
the Liberty Party was swallowed up in virtually
new Party, whose candidate had never been known
as an abOlitUnist. The next year this tnew Party
gave place to another which placed at its head
that 2reeminent opponent of the abolitonists, Mar
tin Van Buren. Nevertheless this Party of lS4S
was compelled by the popular to be
what of an Abolition Party. 1t promised land
with MIR. Van Buren's express cousentJ to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia. So also in the
next formed anti-slavery Party-that of 1852
there was measure Of Abolition. But utterly
impoenr for good did these Parties prove and 80
will every other. that does not go for the abolition
ut all slavery, and that dues not. instead OF concc
ding legal protection to any part of it, hold every
part OF it 10 he piracy and an outlaw.
| III his Inaugural Address lin 1851 President
Pierce was emG"ldened by the growing pro.slaverv
public sentiment to say that slavery lis recognized
by the 0ostitutun and stands like any other ad
mitted right. and that the States whsre it exists
are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce tie Con
sttutiona PROVISIONS"
| In 1854 the Missouri Com promise was repealed
and the absurd doctrine of "Squatter Sovereign
~" installed in its place. Absurd indeed-for
since the Amercau people the Territories
them. They abdicate only when they cease
10 own them: and that cannot be until they be.
come S,n,es.
In 1856 the Republicans built their platform and
put in it Abolition plank. Even a. late as
1854 an attempt was made by the An;i.lavery
Party in c. ngress TO repeal the Fugitive Slave Act
But by the year 1856 sham An'i,savery Parties
had So far done their bad work upon the public
mind, that there was no longer n Ill for such Ie
neal.
Under the demoralizing processes Of these sham
An;i.slavery well Pro'slavery Parties the
cpuntrv now PREPARED Tor tina, elimination
uf wirkedness. tho Dred Scott Decision. Next
came the vote IA Congress 10y which the Rspuhli
can Party cancelled to Territory the right to come
into the Union with or without slavery that
vote. which cast this Party down into one indis
criminate heap with the other Parties upon the
low ground of "Squatter Sover9ignty."
Nothing now rem iinS for the Republican Party,
'r for its speedy and more nntionnllzed successor
~ fall in with the virtual doctrine &C the Dred
Scott DECISION and of Mr.. Bnchnrans positions.
that slavery exists, may exist in all the States by
f,rcs nf the Federal Constitution.
After all was not wrong in nttributing so dark
a Prospect to Freedom? This Anti slavery quack.
cry is necessarily near its end. The nunspnsicaI
movements against slavery will soon he all over.
We shall SOON tou ,h bottom. Then for upward
movement. Then for earnest and rapidly
growing Abolition Party "a Party that will not
meet slavery with mere nesations and the whining
cnaardy depreciation Of its exten-iun hut that will
boldly array against that mighty positive power
another and mightier positive puwer-Liherty
against Slavery II is only in the grarpe OF these
two powers with each other that slavery can be
conquered
| referred TO the Dred Scost Decision and Mr..
Buchaaan's positions. Abhorrent as thoy are To
every rightnnded man. nevertheless why should
they be complained Of by Republicans or by any
other men. who admit the legality Of slavery =
Mr.. Buchanan entirely right in saying that
slavery was Constitu.i1nally in Kansas rs IN
Georgia or South Carolina. Nay. if man can
be property, then Can slavery, which is simply
the reduction Of man to property, exist any
where, let statutes or even Constitutions
say what they will to the contrary. The
abominabe Lecompson Constitution did not err in
saying: The right of property is before and high
er than any constitutional sanction. For proper.
ty is not, as it is often called. the creature of law
Law can protect, but not create it. Property, be
inG such in the nature of ihings, is necessarily
property everywhere. Barley and butter being
recognized property in this State she would not
suffer Virginia to deny the rights Of property in
barley and butter. which New Yurkers had carried
to the Richmond market. If then New York al
lows that men can be property in Virginia, why
should Virginia be expected to tolerate the denial
Of rights Of property in men who dwell in, OF who
are carried to, New York; Whoever admits that
b can lawfully hold slaves in Virginia is estop'
ped by this admission from denying the right of
A b to bring them To New York and continue to
hold them in slavery. OF in other words as proper
".
do not forget that the safety of Kansas from
slavery will be cited to show that am ~rong IN
what Ibave said Of the worthlsssnsss Of the Non,