The Hillsdale standard. [volume] (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1851-1909, 1858-03-23


In the first constitutional Congress, the
slave States had fifty Represents.
tiyes, and the one free State had only
eight; now, the free States have one hun.
dred and forty-four Representatives, while
the slave States have only ninety. These
changes have happened in period during
which the slave States have almost unn-
teruptedly exercised paramount influence
in the Government, and notwithstanding
the Constitution itself has opposed we'll
known checks to the relative increase of
representation of free States. / assume,
therefore, the truth of my first proposition.
suggested, sir, second circumstance,
namely, that whereas, in the earlier age
of the Republic, the national Government
favored this change, yet it has since alto
gether reversed that policy, and il now OPP
poses the change. / do not claim that
heretofore the national Government always,
habitually. intervened in tho Territories in
favor Of the FREQ States, but only that
such Intervention preponderated. While
slavery existed in all of the States but one
at the beginning, yet it was far less intense
in the northern than in some of the south.
ern States. All of tho former contempla
ted an early emancipation. The fathers
seem not to have anticipated an enlarge.
ment OF the national territory; consequent
ly, they expected that all the new States
to be thereafter admitted would be organ
lied upon subdivisions of the then existing
States, or upon divisions of the then exist,
ing national domain. That domain Law
behind the thirteen States, aud stretched
from the Lakes to the Gulf, and was bound
ed westward by the Mississippi 1t WAS
naturally divided by the Ohio river, and
the Northwest Territory and the South
west Territory were organized on that di
vision. 1t was foreseen, even then, that
the new new States to he admitted would
ultimately overbalance the thirteen original
ones. They were, however, mainly to be
yet planted and matured in the desert.
with the agency of human labor.
The fathers knew only of two kinds of
labor, the same which now exist among
ourselves-namely, the labor of African
slaves and the labor of fieemon. The
former then predominated in this country,
as it did throughout the continent. A
confessed deficiency of slave labo could be
supplied only by domestic increase, and by
continuance of the then existing importa-
ton from Africa. The supply Of free la
Dor depended on domestic increase. and
voluntary immigration from Europe. Set
Elements, which had thus early taken on
free-labor character, or a slave-labor char
acter, were already maturing in those parts
OF old Statos which were to be ultimately
detached and formed into new States
When new States of this class were organ
lied, they were admitted promptly, either
as free States or as slave States, without
objection. Thus Vermont, free State,
was admitted in 1901; Kentucky, slave
State, in 1906. Five new states were
contemplated TO be erected in the North
west Territory. Practically il was uroccu
pied, and therefore open to labor of either
kind. The one kind or the other. in the
absence of any anticipated emulation, wo'd
predominant just as Congress should inter
vene to favor it. Congress ntcrvened in
favor of free labor. This, indeed, was an
act of the Continental Cevgrcss, but it
was confirmed by the first constitutional
Congress. The fathers simultaneously a.
dopted three other measures Of less direct
intervention. First, they initiated in IT.
80, and completed in 1908, the absolute
suppression Of the African slave trade -
Secondly, they organized systems of for
clgn commerce and navigation, which stim.
ulated voluntary immigration from Europe.
Thirdly, they established an easy, simple,
and uniform process of naturi lization.-
The change Of the balance of power from
the slave states to the free states, which |
we are now witnessing, is due chiefly to |
those iour early measures Of national inter |
vention in favor Of free labor. 1t would
have taken place much sooner, if tho bor-
ders of the Republic had remained un-
changed. The purchase of Louisiana an |
the acquisition Of Florida, however, were
transactions resulting from high political
necessities, in disregard of the question be-
tween free and slave labor. In admitting
the new state Of Louisiana, which was or.
ganized on the slave-labor settlement of
New Orleans, Congress practiced the same
neutrality which it had before exercised in
The states of Kentucky and Tennessee
No serious dis7ute arose until 1919, when
Missouri, organized within the former rrov.
nee of Louisiana, upon slave. labor set
Element in st. Louis, applied for admission
rs slave state; and Arkansas was mani
esiiy preparing to appear soon in the same
The balance of power between
he slave states and tho free states was al.
eady reduced to an equilibrium, and the
,leven free states had an equal representa-.
ion with the eleven slave states in tho
senate of the United States. The slave
tates unanin ously insisted on nm unquali
led admission of Missouri. The free states,
With less unanimity, demanded that the
lew state should renounce slavery. The
controversy seemed TO shake the Union 10
Is foundations, and il was terminated By
compromise. Missouri was admitted as
slave state. Arkansas, rather by impli-
alton than by express agreement, was to
o admitted, and it was afterwards admit.
ed, rs a slave state. On the other hand,
avery was forever prohibited in all fiat !
art OF the old province of Louisiana vet
emaining unoccupied, which lay north of
he parallel Of SEE so north latifude.- ,
he reservation for FREQ labor included tho !
immense region now known ms the Terri 4,