Weekly American. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1858-1858, 1858-05-01

would reign IN Congress and throughout the country.
The honorable Senator from New York announced
10 that this was gross delusion that the admis-
sion of Kansas as free State would not terminate
the slavery agitation In Congress or anywhere else;
that neither Congress the country 10 have any
respite from its evils and that there will be
quiet the slavery question until the South shall
have abandoned all further efforts TO extend slavery
under the Federal Constitution, He even under
takes 70 advise the South on this point. He could
counsel nothing less. No ccnquering general in
cooler manner, OF with an air of greater authority,
ever dictated TO yanquished enemies the terms on
which they could have peace. But he does not en-
courage us with the hope of peace and quiet even if
the South should yield to his counsel and seek no
further extension OF slavery. Agitation, he informs
us, is TO go until the Supreme Court Of the United
States Is reorganized or shall recede from Of
the doctrines, 80 abhorrent TO him. il has lately pro-
mugated shall not enter into any discussion of
these doctrines. ! will say, however, that if the
opinions announced by that court are founded on
sound principles, and formed within the pale OF judi
cal authority under the Constitution, they will stand
and ought TO stand if otherwise, like hundreds OF
decisions in the Judicial history Of this country and
Great Britain, they will yield to further and closer
investigation without any disorganizing interposion
OF the legislative power. If many gentlemen
here say, they were extra judicial opinions, 0bter
dtcta, voluntary announcement of sentiments and
opinions they can do no injury in any quarter; be-
cause whenever the questions shall again arise
they will be open TO argument and REHABILITATION.
Whatever may be the decision of that Court ON the
power OF Congress to interfere with the questions of
slavery in the Territories, and however clear and
wellfounded in principle and authority its decision
may be, have supposed that inasD,uch as il is
question of constitutional construction or nterpi eta
ton, and relates TO the jurisdiction and power of
separate department of the Governments depart
ment always more or less uuder the influence Of po-
liiical consderations-the question would not be re-
garded as permanently settled and that whenever
IN future. as heretofore, Congress shall be called
ton will again become subject discussion and
such decision as the majority shall think proper to
declare. Congress was never swayed by the opinion
OF the Supreme Court on the question of its power
TO establish National Bank; nor will it be con-
trolled by any ofits opinions questions involving
political considerations If i am right in these
views, and when it is clear that no injury can be
done to either the North or the South by the opinion
recently pronounced by the Supreme Court upon
this question, why should it be made o pretext for
continuing this dangerous slavery agitation9
As to the opipion of the court on the question Of
the recognition of property in slaves by the Const
into any argument Of It, but will refer the henora-
bic Senator from New York. and others who agree
with him. to an authority which think they will
not disavow, and for which all who have any admi.
ration Tor great ability associated with all those per-
sonal qualities that give weight and character to
statesman, will respect. ! alude to Rufus King of
the organic period of our history. 1 alude to him
not only as authority upon point of constitutional
construction, but as model of Senatorial propriety
in the discussion of questions affecting the personal
senslbilites and interests of brother Senator's He
Is known to have been, if not the mover the ablest
champion of the slavery restrictive policy He was
also member of the Convention that framed the
Constitution In his speech at the commencement
of the controversy upon this subject in 1877 in
viewing the history of the concession made by the
Convention which framed the Constitution to the
slavehoding States of representation founded upon
threehtths OF their slaves added to their free popu
ation, he commended that it unequal and unjust
to the free States on the ground that it repre-
sentaton founded on property, and SO understood
when the concession made. and III the prTncjDle
was right, it ought 10 have extended to property in
the free States well as in the slave States.
That eminent man, while he showed himself de-
ermined opponent Of the extension of slavery,
sought TO weaken or undermine any of the securities
which existed for the protection of slave property,
by the announcement of any doctrine or sentiment
not in strict conformity with the obligations and re-
quirements Of the positive institutions of the Govern
ment in the counci of which he participated. He
always spoke within and under the Constitution.
He may have held slavery in as great adherence as
the Senator from York processes to do. He may
have considered that as question Of Christian
eth cs man cannot be the subject of property but if
such was his opinion, the greater the honor that will
attach TO his memory as a man and a statesman,
for his forbearance to set up his private opinions
of higher authority than the Constitution and Gov
ernment in the service of which he was engaged
j, The honorable Seuator from New York further
announced TO US, in exultant tones that cat last
there was North side of this chamber North
side of the chamber of the House of Representa-
tives, and North side of the Union, as we'll as a
South side of all these" and he sdmonished us
that the time was at hand when freedom would as
sert its due influence in the regulation of the domes
tic and foreign policy of the country.
When was there a time in the history of the Gov
eminent that there was no North side Of this cham
Der and Of the o,herr When was there time that
there was not a proud array OF Northern men in
both chambers, distinguished for their genius and
ability, devoted TO the interests of the North and
successful in maintaining themp
Though il may be true that Southern men have
Gllad fha Qrbai Tho
ton Of the time that has elapsed since the
ton of the Government yet when, in what " stance
was it, that Soutberner has been elevated to that
high station without the support OF majority of the
freemen Of the North?
Do you Of the North complain that the policy of
the Government under the long-continued influence
of Southern Presidents has been injurious fatal TO
your interestsr Has il paralyzed your industry
Has 1t crippled your resourcesp Has it impaired
your energies? Has il checked your progress in any
one department Of human effortp Let your mercan-
tile marine, your ships whitening every seattle fruit
Of wise commercial regulations and navigation laws;
etyour fourishng agriculture your astonishing pro
gross in manufacturing skill, your great canals your
thousands Of miles Of railroads. your vast trade in
ternal and external your proud cities, and your ac
cumuated millions Of moneyed capital ready TO be
invested in profitable enterprises in any part of the
world, answer that question Do you complain of
narrow and jealous policy under Southern rule, in
extending and opening new fields Of enterprise TO
your hardy in the Great West along the line of
the great chain Of American lakes even 10 the head
waters Of the father Of rivers and the rich and
fertile plains stretching southwark from the lake
shorcsS Let the teeming populatons-let the hum
dreds Of millions Of annual products that have
cceeded 10 the but recent dreary and unproductive
haunts Of the red man-answer that question.
That very prepopderance of free States which the
Senator from New York contemplates with such sat
isiaction, and which has moved him exultiDgly TO
eIclsim that there is at last North side Of this
chamber has been FASTENED by the liberal policy Of
Southern Presidents and Southern sta esmcn and
has it become the ambition Of that Senator 70 unite
and combine all this great rich, and powerful North
in the policy Of Gripping the and repress-
ing the power Of the SOUTH Is this 10 be the one
idea which is TO mould the policy of the Government
when that gentleman and his friends shall control ito
II it be- then appeal TO the better feelings and the
better Judgment Of his followers 10 arrest him in his
mad career. Sir, let have some brief interval Of
repose Mt least from this eternal agitation of the
slavery question. Let power 90 into whatever hands
IL may. Lat us the Unionl
have all the confidence other gentlemen can have
in the extent 10 which this Union is entrenched in
the hearts Of the great of the people of the
North and South; but when | reflect upon the des-
perAte and dangerous extremes 10 which ambitious
party leaders often prepared TO go, without
meaning 10 do the country any mischief in the
struggle for the imperial power, the crown Of the
American Presidency, sometimes tremble for its
fate.
Two great parties now dividing the Union on
this question Ii is evident TO every man Of sense
who examines il. that practically, in respect 10
ali hp will he ha hot IA, Nprth