Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1858-09-28


The Banner snd other anti-I.ecOmptOn organs at
the South, finding themselves deserted by their own
nparty, have been trying to curry favor with the
Black Republicans. Our neighbOr has been making
decided advances to HoRAoE GRHEEEE and his aLten-
tiOns are now becoming 80 msrked that people are
beginning to talk about them. bis admiration for
for the old fugleman Of the Tribune is quite enthu
siastio ard the ardsr Of his devotion would to
be irresistible. He finds charms and graces about
GREELEY which no one ever suspected him Of pesses
sing, snd praises him for qualities directly opposite
to the WellsknoWn characteristics of the man. The
aburdity Of the rhyming lover who complmented
his red-hared mistress for the besuy Of her raven
locks, is entirely eelpsed in the Bonner eulOgy
GREELEY. The latter has sense enough to see
through this attempt to entrap him in 3 coalition
with The fag end Of Know Noihingism. III win re,
oeive the Banner unto his family as one Of The do.
mestics, but cannot allow it to regulate his house
hold. The Banner must not attempt to put words
into his mouth and form his opinions. He s not 70
be wheedled into an endorsement Of popular sover>
eighty and the bred Scott decisiOu BE rejects The
Banners compliments and turns cold ear to all its
homie words and hattsring phrases. We really
sympathize with our neighbOr in the miscarriage
Of his suit His devotion was worthy Of a better
fate, and GHEEIET was very unfeelng 10 receive his
advances SO eoldly. Just see what nice things the
Banner was saying about him and how cruelty
GREELEY msuses him; as7--azr-=--s---
He is in favor of leaving it to the people of the
territories to say whether they win or will not
have slavery, and says the proper time for them to
decide this question, is when they come to form q
State Constitution. On this point Mr. Greeley takes
q view Of the question more sound than that of
large portion Of the Democratic party who avoW the
'squatter sovereignty" doctrine, and contend that
the people in their territorial capacity have full pow
TO settle the question before sy form State Con-
stitution. In the same speech, Mr.. Greeley declares
his readiness TO leave the law Of the territory prior
10 the forming Of State Constitution to Congress
and the Judiciary Of the United States who have
already decided that Law, What better endorsement
than that does any man want, Of the bred Scott de-
cisioni
To all which the Tribune replies:
The Republicans are now urged from various
quarters to surrender waive their dempnd that
Slavery shall be legally excluded FROM the Federal
Territories and take their stand instead upon the
platform of Popular Sovereignty, so oalledthst is,
of the right Of the People nhabiting any Territory
to establish interdot Slavehoiding As they shall
think proper We cannot comply with this requsi-
ton, for these reasons sDFf "
1. When Mr.. Clay, in 1850, undertook to settle
this dispute by compromise which should preclude
any positive prohibition of Slavery he laid down
his first premise, that Slavery in the absence of
affirmative legislation, had no legal OF rightful exS
istence in the Territories; secondly, as to those
just acquired from Mexico that there was no proba
bility of its going thither On this basis, it was
not difficult to assent to the policy Of action
nonintervention by Congress. But the bred Scott
decision has radically changed all this, by estab-
fishing, as judicial doctrine Of our Government
that ell Territory of the United States from which
Slavery has not been legally excluded is legally
~ Il. -
Slavery practically thither and require the Govern
ment to protect him in the and enjoyment of his
human property. This novel and monstrous doc
trine imposes those who would save the Terrific
ries for Free Labor the duty Of active and vgiant
resistance 10 the encroachments of Slavery
II. We find that popular Sovereignty, with respect
to the Territories is rendered by this decision q
snare and delusion. The Supreme Court decides
expressly that the Territories do nothing in the
way Of excluding or prohibiting Slavery, whatever
they may do in the way Of protecting it. So that,
while Messrs. Douglas FOrney and others are ap-
pealing to TO leave this whole matter to the People
of the Territories, the Supreme Court has taken the
whole ground from under their feet by deciding
that the People Of the Territories shall have no
power il whatever. When tey shall hare ceased
to be people Of Territory, and become people of
State then they may act in the premises unless the
Supreme Court should give the screw another turn,
and decide that the rights Of property acquired un>
der the Federal Constitution aud laws are sacred
embryo State must, with their pOsterity, remain
slaves forever. No man who defeTs 10 the bred
Scott decision as law has any right to talk Of Popu
lar Sovereignty in the Territories, far Slavery
is concerned. 1t has clearly existence and those
who talk Of it use words without definite meaning
or use them for purposes Of deceit.
Now we call that bad treatment. II is most de-
cided and Observation-Disclosures to our neighbor When
he making every effort to propitiate your favor
and saying the kindest and most hatterug things
about you, you fatty contradict him After all his
cOsxing, the Banner cannot get GREELEY to admit
that he is 'sOund and conservative The Banner
tells him he is popular sovereignty man. GREELEY
says he isn't any such thing Our neighbor praises
him for sustaining the bred Scott decision. GREE-
LEY replies that he doesn't sustain it at all-thst it
is an ambomination and a fraud and he never will
recognize it as law. The Banner must embrace him
with al his sins upon him, and not try to persuade
himself that the abolition debauchee Of the Tribune
is pure, spOtless, conservative politician.
See First and Fourth Pages.
III z IL