Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1858-12-25

vote Tor or against Slavery. Everybody knows it.
Upon the very face Of the Constitution, when the
form OF q submission was gone through with, il
was so palpoble that it could not be commended
No man could have gone and voted for or against
that Constitution in the manner in which il was
submitted, without voticg for the introduction and
tho pefpetuity Of Slavery; end the President, if
he does not ought to know that fact.
Sir, q great many Of US are constantly and con.
'inually reproeched with on attempt TO ngitate
ana 10 introduce these a%gitating questions into the
discussions Of the Senate and the House Of Rep.
resentatives. We are represented as men who
are continually standing in the way of peace, and
wc are denounced continually as agitators. Sir,
what have we seen here at this very session, at
this very first meeting of Congress to-day The
very first thing that was asked to be taken w out
Of Its ordinary course wa q question relating to
this very subject of Slavery. 1t was not asked
by an Anti'Slavcry man; it was not asked by one
OF those whom the President would denounce Ms
enemies to the Constitution but it was asked that
Congress, at the very commencement of this SEES.
sion, should take up q DILL which presents the Sla
very question in the most offensive form that il
has ever been presented to the American Senate or
to 'he American Congress.
We have been asked, and we have agreed to do
it to-day, by o vote, to pass by all the other claims,
public and private-the French spoliation claims,
which have been waiting for Justice at your doors,
held by your own citizens for more than half a
century, are postponed, that you may take up out
Of its order a bill which proposes to pay men for
slaves, as they aro called, whom the Supreme
Court Of cur own country have decided were not
slaves, but we're held against law and against
right by the hand Of force. They were liberated
by tho action Of the Executive under the decision
of the Supreme Court of the United States and
yet n bill to pay persons for illegally and violently
holding these men is the only one that ia deemed
worthy Of the action of the American Congress at
its first sitting, SO far as to take it up out Of its or.
der There is nothing Of agitation, | suppose, in
sill this,
As 7 heard tho Presidents message read, l
thought some light flashed upon my mind in re
gard to that motion ; for the President after going
On to recommend the acquisition Of Cuba for the
very pious purpose of abolishing the slave trade
that Is all he wants it for-comes to the Amistad
case, and says, ii We pass that bill, he thinks i;
will have q favorable influence on our negotiations
With Spain that is, we can put them in good
temper by paying them for the illegal seizure and
holding Of men that cur courts have decided were
illegally held. If we put our hands into the Fed.
eral Treasury, and violate cur conscience by pay,
ing these men for illegally and unlawfully holding
those Africans, it will put the Spanish Govern
ment in such gaod humor that they will be more
likely TO listen favorably to our proposition for
purchasing Cuba. l am opposed to the Amistad
bill from beginning to end, all the way through,
and the more opposed to it when the President
tells us what he wants it passed for.
Sir, if the President wants peace and if those
with whom he lebors want peace, why does he
not begin himself; and why does he, in this man.
ner, at the very outset of this session Of Congress
throw this question before US, and challenge VI
either to speak out or to DO silent and submit tc
the i'm p%utations which he would make, and thu
m~isstatements Of fact with which, in my humble
Judgment, the message abounds upon this matter
If he wants peace, why does he DO that, and Their
put US in the alternativelo either by silence ad
hitting that they are true, or else protesting tina
they are not true, and thereby subiecting our
selves TO the charge of being agita,ors?