The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-09-23
WASHINGTON. D. c..
THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER %, 1859
THK REPUBLICAN, PARrY-sHALL IT LIVE
OR DKf

|
On returning to our post, we regret that
there should be any occasion for asking the
question pre6xed as q title to this article.
Some twenty-five years ago, few of rs
began to insist that the one real Question of
American Politics was that of Slavery, in its
Political Relations. We contended that, under
the pressure of circumstances and considers
tons growing out of that system, and aided by
q unity ard stability of purpose springing from
q great common Interest, the shareholders, as
Class, had obtained the control of the Federal
Government and Federal Politics, and we're
insidiously sectionalizing them, making them
subservient to the growth of Slavery and the
aggrandisement of their Power. They did not
disregard the other interests of the country, but
dealt with them always in subordination to the
necessities Of the slave system. The division
of the People generally into two large Parties,
on questions of Trade and Finance, afforded
them an opportunity, by securing the machine
~ of party organizations, to control to a great
extent the voters of the whole country. The
People, engrossed by conflicts in regardto Banks
and Tariffs, paid no attention to the peculiar
policy of the Shareholders. They had no ex.
ceptional interest to watch over, no one institu.
ton, like that of Slavery, to give unity and spe-
ci6c purpose to their counsels. In National
Convention, should the Slaveholding managers
noiselessly exclude from place or influence a
free-State man, who had offended them or ava
kened their suspicious or, should q caucus in
the Senate or House so arrange the Committees,
without bruiting the matter, e. to shut out from
them all danger to the "peculiar institution"
nobody noticed it, it aroused no excitement, it
passed without comment. In this silent and
insidious way, it came to pass that, while the
People were agitated by the questions of a
United States Bank and Protection, the Slave
holders obtained the mastery of the Federal
Executive, of Congress, of the Wing and Dem.
ocratic Parties, and Of the general policy of the
country. The People thought of nothing but
settling the questions at issue between Democ
racy and Whigism the Shareholders were of
course interested in these questions, but far
more deeply concerned in the one exceptional
Interest, which, demanding extraordinary care
and effort for its prosperity, gave unity, stabl.
ity, and force, to their action.
1t wA only when the agitation of the Anti.
Slavery Reformers twenty-five years ago had
succeeded in provoking discussion in Congress,
thet the existence of the Slave Power, and its
hrm grasp upon the Government and the PEG.
pie, began TO be understood We all know, and
ought well to re member, what contempt and
invective were Cured upon the heads of mem.
bers who ventn'sd To mites en- anti Slavery CON
timent-by what violent methods the Slavehold.
ers sought to crush the right of petition and
freedom of debste. Official power and party
Influence were every where directed towards the
suppression of the agitation and the ostracism
OF the agitators. The Wing and Democratic
fart'es wed with each other in their zeal to
conform themselveI to the will of the Slavehold.
ers. They had bet formed to settle questions
OF Trade and France, without the slightest
reference to this, to them, new Question of Sla.
very. They knew not how to deal with it their
aim was to avoid it, thrust it out of the way,
30 as to preserve party unity. Need We recount
the numerous devices, the disreputable lodges
and compromises they reeorted to, as the con.
h:ct went on, the Public Mind became more
excited, and Public Opinion gradually grew
less concerned about old Questions, as it tend.
ed more toward d. the new
The Bank question was settled. The Tariff
question was disposed Of, 80 far a. mere Party
action could dispose of it, or will ever be able
to dispose of it. The real Question of Ameri.
can Poftics-that of Slavery and the Slave
rower-was now rising to confront them.
Events following one another in rapid success.
sion rev called it in its true proportions. First,
the annexation of Texas, then, the war on Mex.
leo, for the purpose of acquiring territory to be
appropriated BY Slavery, then, the Wilmot
Proviso &C ntroversy, brought to light the exist.
ence Of q Power whose operations, although 80
long carried on under disguise, had not been
the less eal and effective.
Old Questions had indeed passed away, but
not the old Parties. Unwilling to surrender
pohticai power, or the hope of it, they attempt.
cd to keep up discussions that had become use.
ess' Issues that had ceased to be vital, and thus
smut out the new and alimportant Question.
iney did not dare to grapple with it, to ascer.
tam Its dimensions, to determine its relations
to attempt to settle it upon Constitutional Pr;n.
ciPles. They had no principles, no policy in
relation to it. They dreaded the awakening Of
antagonistic sentiments, disorganiza alton. tie
alienation of Shareholders. First, they attempt.
ed to thrust the Question aside; then. to com.
promise il, anxious to maintain their nation.
atty" as they styled it, and to retain the ALI
snce of the Shareholders. This anxiety wa.
reciprocated. 1t was important to the vievs of
the Slave Power that the two Parties should
avoid disruption on this Q uestion-that thew
should keep the People amused with subordi.
nate or unreal issues. If the Question could
be thrust aside or ignored, as in the case of
Texas, it would be well; Slavery would have
gained its end, without endangering the organ.
ization of the two Parties through which the
Slavehelding Class controlled the voters of the
free States. If it could be compromised, as
in the year 1850, by the defeat of the Wilmot
Provso policy, all the new Territories would at
least be open to Slavery, and the old Parties,
still safe, might be used thereafter for Interior
purposes.
so the Wing and Democratic Parties con
ttlved to live until lS5O-and then, in 1852,
'nelr National Conventions, rasifyipg the Com
promise OF 1850, went into the Presidential
election on that basis. Both had criminally
surrendered Principle, acted on from the be-
ginning by the Government, in regard to Sls.
very; both had acquiesced in the continued
domination of the Slave Power both had man.
aged to preserve the odor of " nationality" and