The daily Butte record., 1858-02-03

Railroad the bankrupt law, the tariff, and
many other questions, and could not get
a response from any one man who endorses
the whole, or is prepared to carry it out -
All other men are permitted to dissent but
me II is factious in me to dissent! If |
dissent, it distur5s the harmony of the Dem
ocrat party! | tell the Senator that if be
will stand faithful by the Cincinnati plat
form, which affirmed the right of the people
to decide all their local and domestic insti-
tutions for themselves there will be harmo.
ny between him and me; and if each men,
Der of the party will stand by that platform
there will be harmony in the whole party
Why not stand therei Oh. it is factious =
It is intimated, not charged, that there is
something fearful, something terrible in this
thing of a man daring to be true and faith
ful to his principles, when other men do not
desire that he should be.
Allusions are made to men whose names
are known-to Burr and Van Buren-as if
they came from sources that would read me
out of the Democratic party. | should like
those who are arraigning my course here, to
compare records with me in my devotion
and service to the party for the fourteen
years that have been in Congress. The
assumption is, that will not bow the knee
to power, when that power itself does not
recommend it, and the insinuation is that |
BIN factious Sir, call it faction; call it
what you please; | intend to stand by the
Nebraska bill, by the Cincinnati platform,
by the organization and principles of the
party, and defy opposition from whatever
quarter it comes
predict that sixty days shall not 20 over
my head before shall be in harmony with
those who are now most relied upon to crush
me and the principle of the Nebraska bill,
by the admission of the Lecompton Constitu-
,ion. shall be mistaken if, in sixty days,
you come here unanimously demanding the
endorsement of the LecomptOn Constitution
as test of faith. The pro-slavery clause
stricken out may make popular sovereignty
look very different in gentlemen's eyes from
what it wond if it were in. The pro-slave
ry clause in, with the exception of the SEN
ator from Indiana, the merits of that Con-
vention may look very differently to some
gentlemen from what they would if it were
out. With me it can make no difference. |
regard the result Of that Convention rs u
trick, a fraud upon the rights of the people,
and come with slavery or without slavery, |
am opposed to the whole of it.
But we are told we must force the Le-
compton Constitution down the throats of
the people for the sake of peace for the
sake of localizing the qunrrel. How is that
to be done BY passing an act of Congress
forcing Constitution on the people of Kan
sas against the will of that people What
next? When you find the stubborn, factious
majority resisting the government that you
have imposed upon them, the President will
be called upon to use the army and the navy
to put down instruction; and inasmuch as
this Lecompton faction is only composed Of
perhaps 0ne-tenth or one-twentieth Of the
whole people, and there is not n man Of
them who dares stay there day without
the United States army to protect him, we
should have n special message from the Pres
ident recommending an increase Of the ar
my, aud the calling out of volunteers to
march to march 10 Kansas to put down the
instruction, and to mantain the Govern
ment which you force on them Mt the point
of the bayonet. That is the mode in which
you are going to localize the Kansas quar-
rel-by calling troops from Virginia and
from Wisconsin, from Illinois and from South
Carolina, from Massachusetts and from
Mississippi, and stationing those volunteers
around the city of Lecompton to protect the
Governor whom you impose upon that peo
pie against their will! Then | suppose there
will be perfect peace and harmony among
them all. You will restore peace in that way,
and localize the Kansas difficulty No, sir,
The moment you impose Constitution on
that people against their remonstrance and
protest, you have nationalized this difficult
ty, and pledged yourselves to maintain that
Government at the point of the bayonet,
and with all the power at your command. -
You have legalized civil war instead of To-
calizing the Kansas quarrel These are my
convictions | believe that such will be the
consequences, if We proceed in this mad ca
reer of forcing Constitution on a people
against their will. hope may be mista
ken. and that such consequences will not re-
suit; but, while such are my convictions, |
must be permitted to express them. If my
doing so brings down assaults on me, from
whatever quarter, high or low, from my
own section or an opposite section, | must
rebel those assaults; but do not choose to
go into any crimination or recriminatiou in
regard to consistency on former phases OF
this question, am willing that my consist
ency shall be judged of by the public
think my course is pretty well known, and
am willing that the people shall judge of it
Ii the course of the Senator from Indiana
is equally well-known, let the people judge
of it by that knowledge. If it is not AS well
known, have no desire, no disposition. to
hunt up old speeches and old records and
old letters to show his inconsistency. Con-
sistency has very little to do with this ques-
ten. The great point is, is it right to force
a Constitution upon people against their
will Am not right in my opposition to
that act of power and oppression | would
rather argue that question than 60 into any
controversies with political friends or even
political opponents. l would prefer that
they should consider me so humble an indi-
vidual that my history of fifteen years is
not necessary to be discussed, inasmuch as
during the whole fifteen years have found
them loud in praise of my course as to the
political iniquities which they now propose
to bring in Judgment against me.
But, sir, ask no mercy in relation to this
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