Staunton vindicator and general advertiser. (Staunton, Augusta County, Va.) 1858-1860, 1858-07-24


continues to harp on the Inconsistency Of
'the Democratic party, aad, although pro-
I fessing unbounded love for Fir. fletcher
~ith peculiar ceeontricity, takes the trouble
every Issue TO *Erftc 4oag editorial, calcu-
lated to impure the prospects of its favorite
With this, we have nothing to do, and will
leave our contemporary to indulge his ingc-
nulty in making the best of a position which
he acknowledges himself to be wrong -
Our ncighbor can, for his life, see no DIFF
itcrencc between The case Of MIR. Letchcr,
,-asad that 'of Mr.. Summers We have alrea-
ldy given fully cur reasons for making a
wide distraction between those two gentle
men, asd oaiy iEtcnd in this article, to at
tempt to scfate "a strong -argamcGt" which
the Spectator has adducca to show tfhat the
believing slavery social apd political evil,
is faoSe dangerous than viewing it as
moral evil. We will quote in full, ''the
strong argument" and leave our readers to
Judge for themselves:
Convictions Of moral duty make very
slow progress in the minds of men; YOU
mast educate The people to bring them up
to your standard Of right and wrong, and
andece them to act upon it, and after long
series of years, when everybody is satisfied
that slavery is sinful, some time about the
advent Of the Millennium, you may Get
them TO abolish the institution. In the
other case, as soon as you convince men that
their interest would be promoted by par
ticular course Of conduct, they will be
prompt to pursue that course. Sclf-inter-
est-dollars and cents--is the great motive
power with the majority of mankind
Bring this power into action, and the desi-
rcd effect is readily obtained. Thus the
latter opinion in regard to slavery is practi-
cally more dangerous than the other
Now, we think our cotemporary will con-
Tess, that he has admitted by taking this
trouble to make the best of his case that,
MIR. Summers did believe slavery moral
evil. and we hope to show that this is at
least one difference between the two gentle
men. But TO ''the strong argument.n-
In the FIRST place, we state this fact, which
we defy the maker of the strongest ar
gument ia the world, to dispute, that
the conviction Of its moral turpitude,
is the only danger which has ever
slavery, that conviction in the
minds Of the people Of the South, in the
first days of the Republic, shook the insti-
tuition to its centre, and taoitly gave it up
to destruction, and if the convictions of NOR
al duty had been 50 very slow of progress as
the premise of the ''strong argument" as
rts,the opinions Of our people in 50
short time, would never have undergone
The change sufficient to ward off the impcn-
ling blow,-that opinion, or the prctense Of
that opinion, now impcls the North to its
ancompromising war on slavery, and fos-
'ers and protects the underground railroads
Ind their agents These. and many others
ire the effects Of the views which Mr.. |
summers entertained On the other hand |
ghat have been the bad effects of the views
Fhicli Mr.. Leteher once, unthinkingly held |
IS he acknowledges himself, absolutely
lonc. We readily agree to The position Of |
the strong argument" that so soon as you
ring 'tself interest" to bear against slave
y, the institution must fall before this
great motive power of mankind. And so
f you bring the same motive to bear against
government laws, or any other human insti-
ution, you at once overthrow it. But We
viii venture to assert it would be as easy to
make any sensible man deliberately believe
hat laws, agriculture and commerce were
luisanccs, as to make him view slavery in
he light Of a political evil. Very little re-
lection will bring him to acknowledge his
rror us it did in the case Of Mr.. Lotcher.
But enough of "the strong argument