The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-07-15

or IN any. Shape whatsoever. Com vol. l, pag,
!, 1857 IAn bill proposes to raise revenue b!
borrowing IL you look at the practice of thu
Honse OF Eommons, you will see that loan bill
are in the tsst class of revenue bills. as
, Sir - the Senate has sent this revenue bill
here IN vac lationi of the Constitution, the House
ought not 10 receive it. There is an example il
British hlterl, where such bill was sent By
the House Of Lords TO the House of Commons
IL occurrea teo hundred and fifty years ago
The House of Commons sent the bill back to the
House Of ards, with message that the House
OF Commc IS could not even consider the bill
because il violated their privileges. From thai
day to this the House of Commons would never
allow the Souse of Lords to originate any money
bills. 1t vas from that feature in the British
Consttuti'sa that our fathers modelled the pro.
vision inse fted in the Constitution of the United
States ard the only difference between our Law
and the La " of England is, that the Senate may
amend rev anaebills, but cannot originate them
The Houst of Lords cannot amend them, nor ado
even an appropriation for one dollar to any bill
for any pa pose, because it is the privilege of the
House OF Commons to raise money bills. To
show the Importance attached to this power
ask attentisn to high authorities:
Il; is The seeient lndsputabe privilege and right 0
The House OF Commons that all grants subsidies OF
amen aias DO pegnia this House nd are FIRST
by them Comment vol. I, page los.
ofthe House eommosi is that The Supplies are raisst
upon The body of the people, and therefore it Is prope
that ihsy sene should have the right of taxing them
II would therefore be extremely dangerous to give
ieet il is sn 5ient that they have power Of reiecnS
If they hini the Commons too lavish improvident
their gratis - Sunne, vol 1, page los. f8If
The Comaiofs only ire asurers 10 The nation
but also posl, the initiative of any bill imposing tax
for who.evef purpose y Ferrdrs La,o Of Parliament
SO tenae cue have the Commons been of this money
privilege, this they have frequently rejected bills con-
m re- rleu tha fboir
"on Sd july 1878 resolved, Thai ali aids and
The sole gyt o., ne Commons and ali bills for the granting
OF such aids and supplies ought TO begin with The
Commons I'd Il is the undoubted and sole right of ht
Conu1tns TO tirec, limit and appoint, in such bills the
ends purgo.s conside ATOMS conditions limitations
changed or Uttered by The House of Lords ~ FeraH
passlO5
resisted attempt of he Lords with this
right that ib latter have long since desis,ed from either
such bills pa ssd by the Commons The period in which
the greater naber of prece dents begins from the
last century and wherever The question has arisen the
prompt and JEALOUS denial of the Commons has crushed
the encrcacf men 90 eectuay than lattery the Lords
have abandoned all further attempts as hopeless This
privilege row The sole and undsputed right the Com
, mons.n-Fr az, page 107 II 81
AS the SENATE has sent us this BILL let as fol-
low the exst,ple of the House of Commons, which
have reel ad, and send it back with the message
that we cars1ot even consider it, because it viO-
lates the pr 9yileges of the House of Representa-
tives. A .lgle evidence of the spirit and watch
fulness of tur fathers would save us from further
encrOachmhht. But we are told that the Senate
has sent lean bills to this House before. Well,
if there have been bad precedents, see no reason
why we shot Id continue to follow them. Instead
Of references to the Constitution, we are referred
to bad presidents. We may be referred to the
Treasury lcAn bill, at the beginning of this ses-
sion, which came to us from the Senate. / say
that even multitude of bad presidents does not
repeal the Constitution of the United States If
so, then th.re is no safeguard, no virtue, in the
Constitution. 1t is the unalterable law of the
people, anda,either precedents nor Presidents nor
Senates dane overthrow it, 80 long as there is an
Independent House of Representatives to hold
them in check. .I|
NEGtECTs OF POWER BY THE HOUSE.
But many of these abuses have grown out of
the neglected. the House. We have thrown too
much of the business of the House upon the Com
mittee of Ways and Means Voluminous reports
from the L .acutive Departments are sent with
out indexes to that committee. 1t is not in the
power of that committee to give the proper in
quiry and c,nsideraton to all this business, and
therefore t}ey become the mere transcribing
clerks of tina Executive Departments. When any
information is asked for in debate, no member
is able to give it but the chairman of the Com
mittee of Ways and Means sends to the Clerks
desk, to be read, a letter from some subordinate
under the President. This is not right. Every
committee should be allowed to originate its own
appropriate bill. There is no reason why the
chairman O. the Committee on Military Affairs
Mr.. QUITM.sl should not have the preparation
of the ARM appropriation bill, instead of the
Committee If Ways and Means The Committee
on Military. Affairs consists Of gentlemen we'll
acquainted With the details of that service, and
there is NOT one soldier, much less general, on
the Commitsee of Ways and Means.
There is 20 reason why the Committee on Ma
val Affairs, over which the gentleman from vir-
ginia MIR. 3ocoCK] presides, should not frame
the navy appropriation bill. The Committee of
Ways and Means was originally intended as the
committee t. which should be referred measures
of revenue ssld tariff. Instead of being confined
to that; theS have had transferred to them the
whole legislation of the country and when that
committee IL composed, as it is at this session,
OF strong Apafty cast, and the Administration
can commarS a majority on it, we virtually de-
prive ourselies of all power to decide on ques-
tons of egi lstion, and intrust them all to that
committee. From the large mass of business
thrown upe1 that committee, it is compelled
either to neglect portion, or to report to the
House witht1t that ample information which we
ought to haze on every question of finance.
Another neglect or abuse is in the mode in
which we conduct our business The practical
limitation OF debate is surrender of our privi-
lege. Ever,s grievance should be redresscd be.
fore an appropriation is made. The old maxim
was, grievances before subsidies" 1t was I'M
der that good old maxim of the British law
that our fore fathers held in check the Crown of
Great Britaii. 1t was under the same principle
that our fore athers entered into the revolutionary
struggle. We ought to stand by it. but instead
OF that, we eome here and debate st length Exec
utve usurpe tion and then, at the end of the ses-
sion, rush the appropriation bills through, giving
the Executive all he wants, and ample means
and power t. laugh US to scorn. An Opposition
that does net perform its full duty, that does not
withhold APP toprarions until the Executive yields
to the just demands of the people, is not true to
itself or its constituents. M \
Again, we appropriate money, and never in
quire into itiexpenditure The seth rule pro-
vides for a Committee on Expenditures vet that
committee never meets. 1t is a remarkable thing
that that cor mittee, which ought to be one of the
most importint of the House, is totally neglected
In the re erence of the Presidents message,
the Committee on Expenditures is never men
toned; yet 4 ought to have before it all the ex-
penses OF the Government, and every dollar ex-
pended by tie Government should undergo be-
fore it cassful scrutiny. By reference to the
rule, it will he seen that that committee is bound
to examine every item of expenditure, and to see
that it is male in conformity with law. Yet it
has not met Tor years. So, too, with other COM
mittees. Shortly after the late war with Great
Britain, five or six standing committees were
created, to examine the expenditures in the yari-
Gus Executive Departments. These committees
are annually appointed, but rather for show than
service. Nothing is referred to them 1t is not
their fault, knt the neglect of the House. Here
is reform which ought at once to be made. All
these commsttees on expenditures ought to be
charged by the House with the proper docu-
ments, and sbould faithfully perform their very
important dftses & -I