The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-10-14


Lynn. The former was in Congress a few
years ago, where his fine abilities won for hin
an envisble position, and bis acts proved hi.
Gdelity to the cause of Freedom. Mr.. ALLEl
is man of eminent business capacities, quiet
sagscious, and determined, and has long beer
recognised as one of the most influential of oui
friends in Massachusetts,.
GKRRIT SMITH AND THE REPUBLICANS.
The New York Tribune, speaking of Gerri
Smith, the Gubernatorial candidate of those
Abolitionists who do not see proper to support
the Republican ticket, says:
| ave regard Mr.. Smith as good man en-
/ gagged in a very bad business. Just as in 1874
he and few like him, by drawing off $4,000
Auti-Slavery votes from Clay and Frelinghuy.
sen, elected Polk and Dallas, and secured Tex
as to the Slave Power in our Union, at the cost
| to the Republic of most needless and unjust
war with Mexico, he is now doing all in his
power to throw New York once mere under the
wheels of the Juggernaut of Slavery Propa.
| gandism, elevating to power the most debuach-
ed and unprincipled faction that ever existed
to wit, the Soft Democracy. This is what Mr..
Smith is doing, whatever he may mean to do.
Every vote he receives over thousand will be
| substracted from the poll of the Republicans,
as he and his hackers must know"
This kind of augmentation will tend, we
fear, to strengthen rather than weaken the sup.
porters of Mr.. Smith.
We were among those who advocated an In
dependent candidate in 1874, and were 80
deeply convinced of the importance of the Lib.
erty movement, that sooner than abandon it,
We were willing to leave the old Parties to fight
their own battle, whatever the result and in
similar circumstances, our course would be the
same. Both the Parties were controlled by
their Slaveholding wings-neither dared to
take the true Constitutional position in regard
to Slavery-no matter which obtained the as.
tendency, the Slave Power would give it law.
Henry Clay had steadfastly set his face against
| all movements calculated to foster Anti Slave
| ry sentiment. His opposition to the annexa-
| ton of Texas was founded on reasons that were
fransitory, and bis election would merely have
postponed an event which the continued domi-
nation of the Slave Power would have rendered
| inevitable. Had the Liberty nsn yielded him
their support, it would have been at the ex.
pense of a movement which, should it ever be-
come general, would effectually transfer power
from the hands of the Slaveholding Oligarchy
to the People, and render impossible such
schemes for the extension of Slavery.
1t was q far seeing policy that made them in.
accessible to the appeals of the Tribune, and
by perssting in it, they paved the way for the
Free Soil movement of l848, and the Republi.
can Party of 1856, whose policy is precisely
| that which they urged with so much importu.
| nifty.
| Let the Tribune show the Anti Slavery
voters of New York that the Republican Party
occupies just the same position, as to doctrine
and policy, that the Wing Party did, when it's
great leader in the Senate pronounced that ia.
nous invective against the Anti-Savery Cause,
which elected from John C. Calhoun his
Thank God" that the Union was now safe,
and it will multiply Mr.. Smiths supporters by
the score. Did we believe it, we should not
hesitate to bid hin. God speed, whatever might
| be the immediate effect of his movement on
| the several Parties.
But we do not believe it. The Wing Party
10 1874 was just what the National Wings
represented by Millsrd Fillmore and Washing.
ton Hunt, are now-respectsble, conservative,
fearful of agitation, compromising, without a
creed or policy in regard to Slavery, and, how.
ever we'll inclined and liberal at the North, al
most always practically subservient to Slave
holding dictstion.
The Republican Party is distinctively organ
lied in opposition to the Slave Power, and to
the existence of Slavery outside of the limits Of
the Slave States. The great body of the men
who supported an Independent candidate in
1874 in New York, occupied precisely this DO
sition. Why, then, should they refuse to sup
port the Republican ticket? The majority O
them will, we are sure, give it their hearty SUP
port, believing that by 30 doing they will sus
tain Principles on which they acted in 1874
Efforts enough have been made to induce tn,
Republicans to lower their standard-but thu
lar without success. The Party has not re
nounced or compromised any of the Principle
it proclaimed at Philadelphia in l856-and tn
resolutions of the Republican Convention o
IgNew York, that put in nomination the presen
II
ticket, are q substantive reafirmation Of thos
Principles. Entertaining this view, We thin
it most deplorable that any Anti.Slavery voter
should 30 act as to contribute to the perpetus
ton of power in the hands of the Slave Demot
racy.
We know that Mr.. Smith and some of hi
friends will persist in their present course
They hold certain opinions which they deem
paramount Importance, and intend to supper
them at the ballatbox. They have right {
10 30, without being arraigned for dishonesty
Of collusion with any corrupt Party. But, Ii
them not arraign as for inconsistency, becaua
We cannot recognise the truth of some of the
doctrines, or their practical importance. The
hold that there is no Law for Slavery zoe hol
hat Slavery has no warrant from the Comma
Law, the Federal Constitution, or the La
If Nsture-that it ID supported by Statute Law
u positive enactment, alone-bat this Law
~rong, and ought to be repealed. They hol
hat the Federal Government may interfere fe
he abolition of Slavery within the States, q
we'll a. out Of them; zoe, that the Feeders
Government possessing only delegated power
and the States never having delegated to it th
power to abolish Slavery within their limits,