Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1858-12-03

base on which he has to support himself Tn r.
earnest opposltlon vas to be feared only from t an
tocracy, who renowned their powerful influence 1 a
Ingiy But tne Roman arlstocracy had lost all Ln
In their sedependent power the civil wars had oee
to all the world their inability to restore and 70
the old republic Despair had seized them all fT
thought more OF sensual enjoyment of life and &c rey
they were more sure in doing homage to the FnohS
than IN opposing him. Besides, Augustus tried f. a.
fy the political ambition which thew VET " Sats
Hard and cruel he had been during the
his victory he did for the reconciliation of tbo "er
cy whatever could be done The high arstoo
an envied position in the Senate which was found
entail yet, and here Also the opposition was acS
speak free,y. Inc lower arstocracy of the kni@b.o
found rich source OF gain in the settled con3;t;n8nS
affairs and in the financial profits of the Same OF
In France, on the contrary, the most ;mrnto.
position is not to be looked for in the separao "nG
and red clubs, who speculate in terror and or ooJSt
crime still less in the old arstocracy but in t6o Tor
Gated civic classes in the third class 1t has boros s
much wider spreading than the Roman opnos;tio
is to be found everywhere in the French cities Il
its principal seat in Paris the historical centre Of t
French Empire. 1t is, Also not as deeply demorli5
as the Roman arstocracy The preferences Of tI
French nation yet alive in the civic class which
always being strengthened by fresh reinforcements or
the provinces and the country This class has prohb
not yet learned from the history of the revolution t
they are unable to govern themselves but by no oa
they renounce participation in the legislature of T
State and the control of the government The r;4
years Of constitutional anarchy have strengthened &
seconsclousness, and the remembrance of the Same i
yet strong, and awakens desire of an anaooicaI a
tion while fear of the renewal of the year l9l9 so
pears the more and more 1t is true the constit;P,
of Napoleon has had some consideration for his con
tutional sense partly in the formation of tho Snnt
which is called to protect the constitutional PRIVILEGES
partly in the Institution OF so called legislative b0dv
loForo ,rbo +lol ;llo bo1,o 10 h.
the germs of constitutional right in these institutions
have net come to free development and have not proved
their inner strength as barriers against dication # i
impossible, that the third class, accustomed for onr
time to have an important share in the political power
and excluded therefron should feel satisfied in their
wishes. part of this class may be satated by mate
rial things by the ourshng state of manufactures and
commerce, by participation in financial specuations and
profits, but only half; and the higher standing educated
part of it, not at all.
Every intelligent man will admit that many empty
words spoken in the constitutional chambers and
that in the constitutional demeanor of the parties fine
public interest was often endangered and injured by p
slanmous vanity and unreasonable party jealousy Ey
cry impartial man must acknowledge that Napolcon III
has conducted the foreign policy with satesmanke tai
en for years. and better than any of the constitutional
ministers under the Bourbons and under Louis Philippe
But the contrast between the former free talativencss
and the present forced taciturnity of the third class
too remarkable not to be felt, with sense of shame
and anger an unnatural servitude The French like
to speak, and they do it with great versatility. Now
they shall listen only to what the Emperor speaks in the
name of France. A Frenchman thinks that his ideas
have an influence upon his nation, nay upon the whole
world, and he is forced to keep them for himself
He has no longer tribune, nor tree press-ony the
ideas of the Emperor shining lonesome Oh the po
cal horizon The Emperor alone Thinks feels acts in
France Paris even the head and the heart of the coun
try In which all the and all the blood of France
come together, the enlightened, ingenious Paris has
grown dumb. 1t is not to be imagined that the Oppos
ton in Paris should be annihated in this way-it must
increase secretly and the opposition of Paris which
has shown itself very prominently already at the last
elections, is dangerous one for Paris is naturally great
er than the Emperor himself and Paris will live longer
than Napoleon Ill. The opposition of Paris can wait
for it's time.
Many pretend that the Emperor cannot correspond to
the demand of greater political freedom without imme
diately creating dangers again. and perhaps this
may be true Perhaps the itempered opposition would
make of the press and the tribune for violent attacks
the nearest friends Of the Emperor on his system
last on himself and the open combat Of the parties,
the revolution even would break out again. If this be
so, then France is in very bad way indeed but these
lldlty OF the Napoeonean state in We can
hardly believe that to so eminent statesman NapO-
leon is, and with enormous power he would retain
in his hands, it should be impossible to keep dnastc
or revolutionary opposition within their bounds with
out refusing the liberty necessary to the French national
character.
Augustus supported himself not only on his army but
also on the great of the people in Rome who had
nothing to hope for but only to fear from the arsocra
cy, and on the whole provincial population who had for
merry been impoverished by the arstocratic Proconsu
pue suffered severely during the civil wars. The impe
rial order protected their peace moderated their tastes
and thus secured their material prosperity Napoleon
III supports himself also the fourth Glass; the lower
civic and the working class in the Cities and the
tic population. But neither he offer them such great
benefits, Augustus to the provinces has this pop
ulaon to fear much of the third class the lower
classes in Rome and the provincals of the arsocracy
Their condition has not been materially changed by the
changes OF government have they to fear much of
new alterations for to their wishes for secured u
rsdction peace and material prosperity, tie educated
classes agree with them entirely A precise political
constitution is beyond their intellectual horizon The
political fate of France however, has been destined for
centuries by the opinion and IDEAS of the Cities and Of
Paris principally, much than by the country. 1t
Is true Napoleon Ill has granted the lower classes
greater consequence by the introduction Of universal
right of suffrage, but the gratitude for this gift which,
in TRUTH is more outward show than reality, will hard
y make good the deficiencies of this fundament OF the
imperial constitution for length of time.
According to opinion, the frmness of this con-
stitution therefore, essentially depends thereupon that
the empire, it has elevated the glory and might OF
France in the foreign policy, should also know to recon
ce the third class in the INTERIOR and to combine with
strong order the political freedom of the people But
the prospect of this at present is much less promising
than formerly.
the Interior has just approved grant of 294568 acres
of the land to Florida under the