Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1858-04-08
SPEECH OF GEN. ATKINS.
FCcETIEUED


az they understand them, as originally enunciated I
in the act organizing the Territory, must confess
that I do not see in this Justification; but per
haps, may not justly appreciate the force OF the
argument. They contend that they we're the oTlgl-
nal friends of popular sovereignty that they met
The storm when In its widest aud most terrific form;
that they nobly came to the rescue in 1854, when,
70 s appsarances the fury Of the blast must sweep
everything before IL; that they are, and ever have
been ready TO vote for the admission Of Kansas as
they aver with or without slavery whenever she
presents herself having previously voted upon, and
ratified by the popular will her constitution that,
while they are not controlled in their action by re-
ference 70 slavery at all, the Republicans though
every man. woman, and child in Kansas should de
sire that the Institution be tolerated would uuhesl
tstingly refuse her admission though mat reiusal
should slough her of were il possible into an IN
deDepdent and FOREIGN state This IS refining too
much for our homespuu understanding II is poor
comfort to the South; 1t is the apology when the
hanqman makes 70 the doomed criminal, when he
adjusts the halter it is keeping the word Of promise
10 the ear, but breaking it to the hope
Now what is the difference between Alr. Buchan-
ans nositiop and the Northern Democrats, who OPP
pose his views? It's this: while the President
neoted and preferred that the constitution, as a
whole should have been submitted to the people,
nevertheless he favOrs admission, as the only gues
ton about which there was any controversy has been
referred to them. The President thinks that the
convention was legally authorized to make oonsti-
tution that it was optional with the convention to
submit any part or all, or none Of the constitution
except the slavery clause couending that the Ian
guage Of the territorial act required the convention
10 submit the question Of slavery to the people;
while those who differ contend that language refer
red to, requires the whole constitution to be sub
mitted to the people. 1 with the President, ex-
cept that while prefer and rejoice that the slavery
question has been submitted yet l do not think that
there is anything in the territorial act obligatory
imperative. Il was entirely optional with the con-
yenliJn.
This is representative Government; it is sui &C.
Heris no other nation, either of ancient modern
imes perfectly embOdies the representative prin
ciple It is our boast that all power is inherent in
the people, and that our public officers at last
but our public servants. For convenience and prac-
icabilty we delegate that power to chosen for
specified purposes to act as our servants agents
Now, there is no rule Of law better established
and the validity of which is more universally
knowledged than that whatever is done By a duly
and Iegally-suthOriZed agent the prncipai is bound
It is especially true when applied to political
policy. We are emphatically representative Gov
eminent IS before observed. What we do here in
Congress- our constituency, through us. have done.
We are the medium so to speak, through which they
communicate one to another and to the world, Sir,
it will be conended that the convention not du
ly authorized to make constitution! The proof is
abundant on that point. They were legally elected;
they we're clothed with sovereigny-that sovereign
ty which lay dormant in residuary form until l.
was vtaZed by the action Of the people, and con-
ferred upon their delegates Il was in their
eigE capacity that they sent this their solemn
gsnc law for their future government, that might
10 due form initiate her into the great sisterhOOd of
States and that we might bespangle our banner
with another star answering to the young and vir-
gin State of Kansas Shall she be admitted or not
upon terms Of equality? The Constitution says that
Congress may admit new States when their form Of
government is republican. Have we any option,
without doing violence 70 the spirit at least Of that
sacred instrument which we have all sworn to sup
port
But to the difference All are in favor Of popular
sovereignty in the Territories declared in the
Kansas Nebraska bill. We think that the conven-
ton embodied this doctrine, that its action was the
action Of the people. But says the distinguished
author Of the bill Of 1854, ''no, the people must
speak and vote" Well, the people did vote; and
they declare TO through the convention, the high
est and most authoritative tribunal through which
their wishes can be made knoWl, that this constiU
ton is the work Of their chosen agents, and there
fore their own. Then 1t becomes a question, not,
say they CfsWe allow to each other honest motives
of principle, so much a question Of fact. There
is no legal information before Congress that this con-
stitution is not the voice Of the majority of the peO
pie Of Kansas. We must not 90 behind the law or
proceed outside Of the pale Of the law. We all agree
that no men or set Of men-that Congress and the
combined powers and energies Of this great Gov
ernment-Can force a system Of laws political
government upon the people Of Kansas against their
will without first violating the territorial act Of
1854 and every principle which underies the whole
federatiye system.
In a spirit Of kindness, may I not inquire of
party-fTieRds this floor who differ with US, if they
are not going behind the principle Of nOn-inerfer-
ence when they refuse to accept this constitution
1t came legally and regularly to them from the duly
constituted tribunal but propose 10 dictate to the
lL8T1I h, ,T--
the framing of their own government? Call you
that leaving it TO the people ito form and regulate
their own affairs In their way would 1t not
be the act Of the people in obedience to the manda-
tory behess Of Congress? Call you that question
not Of principle, but only Of fact? 1t to
if we maintain the doctrine Of nOn-interVentiOn in
full force and in its original purity, must be
cautious how we impose restrictions and make sug
gestions It's none Of our business how the people
make their laws or what kind Of laws are enacted
when they come % make a constitution, provided
We know that il is the people, and a faction who
are acting-Which We can only know through the
forms Of law, and regular procedure.
The Topeka constitution presented to the last Con-
/ gress was spurious emanGtiOn from a still more
| spurious and illegal source. It had none of the
sanctions Of law and regularity. Not so with this
The great wrong to the pro slavery party Of Kan
sas has been committed by the negligence Of the
South, and by certain men in the South who have all
the time desired that Territory to in free
State supposing that political capital could be made
thereby for themselves and their favorte partzan
leaders. May not the pro-slavery party in Kansas
initiating the example Of the great Roman general
when he was betrayed by his own friends and in the
agony of death exclaimed. get tl BTutG'-point to
certain politicians of the South whose every effort
has been to cOnsecrate her soil TO Aboltionism For
them there is no excuse, no pailiation. They have
been false to their section and tbeirown people
The position of certain leading politicians IN my
own State has done much to retard the progress Of
cause in that Territory, by denouuciug the Kan
| sas aud Nebraska bill l do not, however, allude
to my honorable colleagues this floor, especially
from the Hermitage and MurfreesbOrO districts who
stood up in 1854, and staked their political heads
upon their featy to principle they, believe, are
the only gentlemen Of that party who saved their
] heads in Tennessee; those who voted against the
bill have been consigned by the righteous judgment
Of injured people to the tomb, from whose sleep
Of death there is no resurrection Instead Of en-
couraging the Southern people TO remove thither,
! they have used means to dam up the streams Of
Southern emigration to that Territory, thus beCOm
ing active and efficient emissaries Of the 8nt-slave
| ~ Emigrant Aid Society.
Men who we're friendly to the establishment Of
slavery in Kansas predicted that 1t could never 20
there's that it would not be profitable and ihat the
soil and climate forbade it.; while quite another sci
Of Southern politicians urged, in addition 10 the
reasons just stated that there protection TO
be afforded the slave owner in his property, and
that whoever emigrated thiher with his slave did 1t
at the peril Of losing him How false all these
predictions and positions. The soil, climate and
latitude Of large portion Of Kansas are just the
same as that Of Missouri; where I am informed, by
gentlemen whose credibity is beyond cavil or doubt
that thesnnual profits Of the labor of anegro amount
to $500 in the production Of hempand tobacco and
yet we are told that slave labor is improbable.
As to the danger Of losing your slave by abduc-
ton or escape, the facilities are no greater than
they in Of the Southern States The courts
Of the Territory furnish all the protection which
the civil authority affords in the States These are
the arguments originally started by the Abolition
lists as soon the Territory was organized with
the sole view of making it a free State; and re-
gret that Southern men, prompted by whatever mo
tive, should have caught them up and heraed them
all over the South TO the detriment Of the proslave
~ cause l do not desire to slavery by aiven-
tious aid forced into Kansas, do desire to see
1t forced out by any such appliances. In the mean
time, Kansas has been exceedingly unfortunate in
her Governors. I believe, however that the Gov
errors have been equally unfortunate; for while
they have attempted to stab Kansas, they in turn
! have been stabbed. and all AbOlitiOnism cannot