Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1858-10-14
PLYMOUTH INDIANA, THURSDAY, OCTOBER

to arouse sufficient energy in the free States
to carry population there sufficient to con-
troll the Territory, or in any way shape its
destinyi
There was the utmost Indifference in the
free States in regard to that Territory; and
ifthe Pro- Slavery patty had been discreet or
had exercised common sagacity, they would
have opened that Territory without med
ding with the Missouri Compromise. But
| by repeating that Compromise they outraged
the sentiment of the North. They virtual :
! ly said awe will wrest it from the posses
sion of the North as the inheritance of Free
dom, and will make it our fors the purpo-
ses Of Slavery" When they said we will
do it, the North said you shall not do ii;
and the result was, that they have not done
| it, and they cannot DO it. If this is the eff
feet of such law, if it only begets haz-
ardous security, and we have abundant
power to carry institutions where we
will, what do we want OF the hollow name
of law concerning any of the Territories
north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes.
We regard their destiny as determined for
Freedom. South of that line there is but
one Territory where there can be any strug-
gle; that Territory is the Indian Territory
but where is that situated? 1t cannot be
one hundredth part so difficult to secure that
! Territory as it was to secure Kansas.
would rather contend with the opposition
in Arkansas, and that portion of Missouri
bordering on the Indian Territory, than
contend against the people ofthe Platte Ter
ritory that borders on the Territory Of Kan
sas.
Now, if it is fact that we arc able to do
better and do more for Freedom without a
law than with law, then say that, instead
of its being the duty of Congress to legis
late for the Territories, it is the duty OF
Congress to take the best steps for the cx-
tension Of Freedom; and, in my opinion,
the true ground for any party desiring TO
secure the freedom of the Territories is to
work for absolute non- intervention, either
by Congress, by the Federal Executive, or
by any nonresident power whatever. And
L do not borrow this doctrine from the Dem
ocratic party, or from any principle of that
party. 1t is the doctrine that lies at the
foundation of this Government, and which
was first inaugurated bv the early settlers
1t was in accordance with this doctrine that
the early Congress OF this country wa.
founded. 1t was embodied in the charter
that was given to the Plymouth Colony
in the New Haven Colony, and Providence
Plantation. And so we have earlier au
thority than the Democratic party for it.
existence now-and better authority.
al. Il 4
applied? Is there any hazard in its appli-
cation? j have quoted to you already the
instance of Kansas. where | show you no
only theory in its favor but actual fact =
Notwithstanding all the power which The
Chief Executive could WELD, notwithstand
ing the power his patronage could bring t.
bear upon the people, and in spite Of tn,
proximity of Missouri, the freemen Of tina
Territory are day triumphant. In view
then, of these facts, and of the safety will
which the application of this principle may
) be made, in view of its potency, superior t.
that oflaw, for one am ready to adopt it
! do not ask the support of this Conven
ton. i know there are some who are mo-
ready to endorse these views. | submit
these views on probation. Should they
be examined further and found to be goot
and true, | hope the Republican party viii
be ready to occupy this platform. for W,
cannot afford to lose any weapons; and
think the right weapons are offensive, mo-
defensive.
We have been standing on the defensive
too long. When the Slave power has beer
pursuing, we have retrcated. But the slav,
power has no defensive weapons when free
men come into conflict. tell you, gen
tlemcn, that had rather have Slavery IL
Virginia, so far as it is an obstacle to oul
progress, than dense fog on the Allegha
MES. There arc cntreaties coming from
many of the Southern States for New Eng
land colonists, and the existence of Slave
ry in those States is a great induccment
for them to occupy the land, which they
can procure at slave-State prices, and thcr
bring it up to frce-State prices, thus in
creasing the value of their property from
eight to ten times. Thus the existence o.
Slavery instead Of being an obstacle to oul
progress, is actually an inducement and en-
couragement.
/ tell you there is no power in that in
stitution to withstand frecmen and free
principles. And it is libel upon freedom
to say that it cannot triumph except when
sustained by municipal law. We. cannot
extend Christianity or Freedom by law, but
by hard work-by working men coming
into contact with those who sustain oppo-
site views and sentiments never will ash
for such law. l would as soon ask fol
an appropriation to protect Monadnock
and Mount Tom from he south wind. II
you want free States in this country, dc
not sit in your parlors and talk againsl
Slavery, but go to work and make them.-
you want to extend Christianity, go to
work and extend it. You cannot iegislats
men into heaven; they must go there by
other means.
Now. then, what class of men do I de-
sire to raise up in this country to work a
gainst Slavery or any other evil? Work
ing men. and not a class of sentimentalists
have no sympathy with that philantIro-
ply which cannot endure the privations
and hardships that men must encounter in
order to extend free principles and free in
stitutions. Inever hayebcen one to .sshriek
for Freedom" or complain of the aggres-
sions of Slavery, and | never will. If the
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