The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-07-08


nation and Great Britain. Our present Execu-
live is u Democrat, under the guidance of the
slave power; and Southern statesmen are too
sagaciOus TO suppose that our nation can endure
war in support of the slave trade. In the
present state of the popular mind, war with
that Power, for such cause, would bring the
institution TO a speedy termination in every State
Uf the Union. Northern members have no de-
sire for war; they prefer the more tardy, but
equally sure, method of effecting emancipation
by force of public sentiment.
The imperfection of our language often leads
10 protracted discussion; | shall therefore avoid
the use of terms as far as possible in what I am
about to say.
1.-THE right of search, as exercised upon the
high seas in times of war; appears to be generally
understood, and in regard 10 it there is no con-
troversy; but for sixteen years our Ministers at
London and the representatives of the British
Government have been explaining to each other
/" The right Of rtstdtion," and a war is threatened
because photographers have failed properly to
define that form of expression.
Now, sir, | shall not attempt to do that which
so many ADLER men have failed to perform; but
assert fhe right, and the DUTY, Of the commander
Of any ship engaged IN suRpressing piracy to ascer-
tam ME national character Of any suspected Uessel he
may Aaesz upon the ktgh seas.
| also declare it equally the duty of every cap
tain, officer, and sailor on board the suspected
Ship cheerfully to give this information. The
owner of the suspected ship, and the owner of
the cargo, are bound by every moral considera-
ton to require such captain and crew to give
this information when demanded.
Ii is the duty of all statesmen, and of all Gov
ernments, TO require the ships belonging to their
citizens to furnish this information when sus-
pected. This obligation arises from the fact
that all nations are interested in discriminating
pirates. But merchants, ship-owners, and sea-
a, ,r,a- ~.
object than any other class of citizens, and their
obligations correspond with the benefits derived.
] will add, that for ages pirates have been re-
garded as "Outiaws, at war with all nations
and all nations are supposed to be at war with
them.
These rules have been held and practiced upon
by this Government since we have been nation.
Many Of the older members of this body will
recoect that after the close of the last war, the
Gulf of Mexico was infested by pirates whose
headquarters appeared TO be the Isle of Pines,
lying at the west of Cuba. naval force was
engaged for Il considerable length of time in ac-
complishing the destruction of those outlaws
Now, sir, during that whole expedition they
visited every suspected vessel that fell in their
way, no matter what colors it bore. They
visited British and Spanish and French vessels
for that purpose, just freely they did those
which sailed under our own flag. 1t was their
duty TO do So ! think their instructions will be
found to contain orders to visit not only suspect
ed Uesseis, but suspected places. And | believe
the official reports now on file in the Navy De-
partment will show that they faithfully fulfilled
their Instructions. They visited ships; they
landed upon territory belonging to other nations;
and deny that England or France, or Spain,
ever uttered complaint or demanded explana-
ton. Indeed, the ships and people of those ma
uons went further. Seeing our Government
carrying on war for the benefit of mankind,
they lent our ships and men employed in that
work every convenient aid and facility. And
had suspected ship bearing the British flag
refused TO make her true character known her
commander would have justly incurred the odium
of aiding and encouraging piracy; had the
British Government denied our right to ascertain
the character Of suspected ships bearing the flag
OF that nation, should have charged them
with synpathizing with the pirates.
la these remarks / have described not merely
our practice on that occasion, but on every occa-
sion. have described not merely the practice
of our own Government, but that of every civil
Ized nation. From the 18th of july l776, to this
day, our practice, and the practice of Christian
Governments, has been uniform, when operating
against pirates, excepting that class, more tech
nicaly called American pirates" who, under
the flag OF the United States, are engaged in the
African slave trade. These were formerly treat
ed differently. They not regarded as at
war with mankind. They bore the flags of vari-
Gus nations, and pursued their nefarious voca-
tons unmolested. But as Christianity extended
and Its principles were better understood this
traffic in human flesh was seen to be a reyolting
crime, and most Christian nations pronounced it
piracy, and treated those who pursued it as
outlaws" worthy of death
Participating in this general view the United
States py express statute, prepared with great
labor examined and deliberated upon with great
solemnity, and passed by the Senate and by this
House, | think, without dissenting voice pro-
nounced the African stare trade 10 be PIRACY. and
those who followed that vocation to be pirates.
worthy of death. The act was duly approved by
The Executive published, and announced TO the
civilized world
At this point of my remarks lay down
another proposition which, think will not be
doubted or denied: BY this important STEP we
AS nation became obligated, bound in Justice
and propriety, to treat those engaged in the Afr-
can slave trade as pirates. That, as a Govern
ment, we are bound to aid and assist in eradica-
ting this piracy from the earth. That it is the
duty of our statesmen and citizens to lend all
convenient assistance to the ships of Britain and
OF all other nations engaged in suppressing this
piracy That 1t is the obvious duty of the com
mander officers, and crew, of every SUSPECTED
ship, whether it bear American French, Spanish
BRUSH or tussian colors cheerfully to give sat
isfaciory evidence of her nationality, when called
IN the humane work of suppressing this traffic in
slaves If any officer refuse to give such inform
aton, the refusal constitutes evidence of o,,ilt
In short lay down the comprehensive proposi-
uon, that so far as this Government is concerned
so far as our statesmen, our people, our mer-
chants, our shlp-owners, the commanders and
crews OF our merchant vessels are concerned we
hold tue same relation to the African slave trade
which we hold to other piracies-bound by all
the duties incident to piracy of any other char
acter.
Now sir, like all other propositions based upon
clear and obvious justice, think these will not
be deaitd No statesman will take issue upon
any one of them. They will deny none of them
The only objection that can be raised against
them is that which our Ministers at London
have repeated thousand times. They insist
that British officers, in visiting our ships to as
certain their nationality, may abuse their power
grant it and no power was ever held by man
that was not liable to abuse. They also urge
that British officers have committed wrongs upon
our ships, when visiting them for the avowed
purpose of learning their character: and add
that, in every such case, the British Government
is responsible, and has in epery instance promptl,,
granted indemnify.
| do not believe that single instance of such
abuse has occurred, at any recent period. in the
Gulf OF Mexico. If any has taken place, I have
no apprehension whatever that hostilities will
follow: for am confident that the British Min
istry will, in past times, explain, apologize OF
indemnify those who shall be shown to have sus.
tanned loss.
Here might, with much apparent propriety
leave the subject. But our Government is now
openly engaged in efforts to overthrow the doc
trines have laid down-doctrines which com
mend themselves to the conscience and judgmen
of all rejecting men and of civilized nations. Tn,
absurd position now occupied by this Govern
IL u l. l.