New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1858-08-27

hands Of the daveh)dlpg and Siasery -e1Ieuuu's
olsarchy, consisting nominaly of tao or three hun'
bred thousand persons, but practically OF lees taan
ore.tenth of tie whole number, it does seem TO Us
that pride and shame, if 10 nobler impuLes would
ippel them TO arouse in their might and throw on
the degrading domination.
In the purer age Of our Republic, nothing Ike
this was known. Though eleven or twelve oil tae
thirteen original States were slsveholdirg, Aosi-
Slavery statesmen hsd at least equal voice IN the
National Councils. Benjamin Franklin without re-
bule memorialzed the first Federal Congress to DO
all in it, power for the cause Of Transcription.
Jefferson initiated aud Washington approved the
frat act by which Slavery was excluded from the
Federal Territories, though both were slave
HOLDER, and tie elect Of shareholders. Inc
,Jeaeronian (sirce called Wilmot) exclusion Of
Slavery from tie Territories was first enacted By
slayeholdiDs Congress. John Jay, Alexander Ham,
ilton, Rufus King, with most Of the great men Of
the Washipetonian era, were active Emancipation
lists. Nobody then thought Of making Anti Slavery
opinions or scts bar to Federal Offices or honOrs.
Now how changed Among the hundred thou.
sand reI.ors now drawing their sustenance ftom
the Federal Treasury, we do not know Of one
who s, even in profession hostile to the perpetua
ion and dffuAion Of Slavery. II there be one, We
are sure be must be Judge, or must hold BY some
tenure il dependent Of Presidential favor. No pos
sble fanaticism in behalf of Slavery-not even an
active ard prominent support of the reopening OF
the African ave.trade-operates as q bar to the
acquisition or retention of Federal station; but any
sort of completely with Anti. Slavery doctrines or
efforts is fatal. While no United States Consul or
Commercial Agent abroad dares or wishes to lisp
syllable In favor of the inalienabe Rights Of Man,
our Emb. ,dor at the French Court officially con.
graduates the President on the triumph of Pro-
Slavery ideas and practices in the councils Of the
French dsspo as evnced in the revival of the Afri-
can Slave. Trade der the guise Of Apprenticeship;
and cur ambassador to Brazil officially informs tie
Emperor that Brazil ard the United States are
the maintenance of Human Slavery-a suggestion
which tie Emperor pOintedy ignores in bis reply.
Thus the Executive vies with the Judiciary 10 the
bred Scott decision in placing our country-not a
part of it, but the whOle-before the civilized world
in the attitude Of chief protector aud propaganda
Of Slavery.
The London Cotton. Plant-of which No. for
August is before us-is another illustration of
this truth. Though published anonymously, it is
well known to have been originated by the Pro-
Slavery zeal and to be sustained by the money of
the holder Of one of our lucrative Consulates in
nr;Sa If ia a
we'll printed, shrewdly conducted octave weekly,
combining the manners of Chesterfield with the
principles of Capt. Kidd. Though appealing to
American planters for support its arguments are
addressed to the worshpers Of Mammon and Mo.
loeb in Grea. Britain, with q view to cementing
that tact alliance between the cotton growers of
the South and the cotton-spinners of Great Britain
and their factors by which the policy Of the two
nations has 10 good degree been directed for
sOme years. Its wstchword is Free Trade, under
which tenn it arranges the free importation Of
African csptives to till American plantations as well
AS Of British fabrics TO crafty the tastes of their
masters. Mr.. Boyces Free Trade Report fifty fills
a large share in this number, followed by leader
of The Georgia Palladium, urging the reopening Of
the African Slave Trade. The Cotton. Plants own
leader is of course on Boyce whom it slori6es i'm
n ensely; but lot without substratun of good
witness the following:
The Free Traders Of the South begin to inquire
into TIE sincerity of that free in Eogaud which
taxes tobacco nearly twelve hundred per 40
adjusts the schedule to give British commerce and
British Industry the benefit Of protection where pro-
tectcn is Necessary. The South begins 10 ask, with
seriousness, If Engsh free trade is not after all
POLICY rather than PRINcIPLEl"
"Ors reason Why Mr.. CLAY could never carry his
gre az American policy was that he did not propose 20
esisste for the labor interest OF both sections. On
the contrary. he absolutely proposed to legislate
agsrst tie lsbcr interest of the South while fostering
and extending the labor interest Of the NORTH"
AS to the Negro question, il il the real question.
S1mo cLe nuat meet i. msnfrly, constitutionsly aud
II cannot be evsded becsuss it is the
fourdston Of every other interest aad Is forcing i1
wsy naturally before the world. TIE Presidential con-
tesi in 1860 will tmn upon it.
The Editor tries to menace the Cotton, Spin
rers with an alliance between the Free Labor
interes! of the North and the Planting interest Of
the South, on the basis OF Protection to Home
for the former and freedom to import
slaves for the lstsr but be seems quite aware that
this is Qusker gun, by which no one is likely to
be frightened. The AlGsnce Of Free Trade with
Slavery E1tel sion is too firm, too natural too long
70 be dissolved even in seeming, as
m.neuyer; and We with some good men, who mean
to re.ist Slsveholdipg domination yet who oppose
the Protection of American Industry, would
ponder this while They may rest assured that
there is nothirg casual nothing fortuitous, in the
preui.ss bot that the international policy instinct
ivey upheld BY the advocates Of eternal and ever
espsnoirg Slavery is not that calculated to sustain
TO extend, to dignity and commend Free Labor.
BY the following extracts from The Cotton