The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-12-02


on the government. The North has been misled
equally with the South they would not trust to the
covenants Of the law they would not fulfil the obi
cations Of the bond they would not cultivate and
expand The spirit Of iraternal union but would per-
sist in regarding the South as a public enemy, bent
upon aggression and the hostile propagation Of their
peculiar institutions the public Territories. Is
it not now seen that all this was mere moonshine
a mere blunder Of politicians involving compound
error, FIRST, with regard 10 the purposes of the
South and, secondly touching the real interest and
welfare of the North. The latter never have had
power 10 injure essentially the former while it is
clear the other hand that the South hold in their
hands very much OF the welfare and prosperity of
the North. 1t sthe union of tho two sections which
has achieved their signal success and although it
may not be patriotic to adjust the question of great
est benefit to the the other, and to determine
which has power TO do the most mischief III the
event of dissolution of the compact it is
be nevertheless, to refer to obvious facts bearing
upon the subject. The South is strong enough to
protect herself and that is all there is of the matter
for everybody comedies her prosperity and none but
the blind will doubt her ability, in out of the Union,
to maintain government and to continue to develop
her lnitless resources Precisely the same language
We would apply to the North. They great and
powerful in their institutions, their industry and
wealth They possess peculiar advantages and de-
rive peculiar profits through the operation of the
free trade principles of the federal Union. They
were fortunate in having commanded partnership
with people whose labor and productions are all
dissmilar to their own The very diversity in this
tions of the country and the equally opposite habits
of the people, constitute the most powerful bond of
our industrial and commercial union.
What then, is to be thought of the meddng fan
atics thus largely benefited, and owe all, or nearly
ALL their prosperity to their political relations with
the South, who continue to assail them and to
embroi the two sections in perpetual controversy
| But this evil is not all side There are great
numbers of people in the slave States who do little
institutions who stand at the doors of the Union
telling all the passers-by that they armed for an
early exit. What constitutes hostility to southern
institutions Z" What are the grievances which are
to thrust them out of the Union? Do they answer
that the northern fanatics are very abusive2 Then
! let them remember that Exeter Hall is also full OF
denunciation and that Mr.. Seward, Mr.. Garrison
and the Duchess of Switzerland have more
power over southern Institutions than the King OF
Siam has over the United States capital. 1t is nc
criminal act for in England this country to
make Ounce of himself and if it were, we would
still insist that Mr. Garrison and Mr.. Seward should
be exempt, for they constutionally weak on the
subject of slavery. But there many Stewards
and Garrsons in the South-ve many who act upon
public sentiment in opposite direction to be
| but to the effect
But as all sensible men of either section have
come to the conclusion that slavery quarrels are
utterly barren of practical fruit except to array peo
pie against people, and to build up under the gov.
eminent unconstitutional factions, why should we
| have any more extreme sectional men? Why does
the South talk about what they will do in certain
contingencies, and the North pirate and prattle about
the "slave Oligarchy," the "slave Power and
.'save drivers?" What sense is there in these
terms of reproach2 Why should quarrel about
a matter which we cannot decide or control2 No.
body is 50 wanting in Judgment as to suppose that
slavery is to be maintained abolished by parties
| 1t is not political affair--a democratic repub
| lican institution