The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-12-06
Mr.. Douglas ON his Southern Pilgrimage
II avcech M NIernr,hss

Mr.. Douglas ON his Southern Pilgrimage
His Speech az Memphis.
We transfer to our columns to-day the bulk of
the opening Southern speech of Mr.. Douglas at
Memphis, Tennessee en- route to New Orleans, on
social and political pilgrimage Considering
this speech as compcehending his Southern bid
for the Charleston Convention, it assumes at
this crisis some degree of Importance, and will
doubtless command a searching examination by
the interested politicians and Presidential as
pirants of all parties and sections of the Union.
With regard TO "thc fatal hercsy," as Mr.
Douglas properly calls it, first during the pre-
sent year enunciated by Lincoln, of Illinois, and
subsequently by Seward, at Rochester, to w.t.
that we are involved in an "irrepressble conflict
on the slavery question, which cannot be arrested
until all the States of the Union shall become
free States or slave States there can be no ques-
ton that Mr.. Douglas occupies the true ground,
and has made, and is resolved to make, the most
Of it. So, too, with reference to the bred Scott
decision, and the political inferiority and subjec
ton Of the African race, under the constitution
of the United States. &c. too, in relation to
State sovereignty, State rights and State juris
diction upon slavery and the local status of the
African Upon all these points Mr.. Douglas is
substantially sound and unanswerable; but the
moment he leaves the States and gets into the
Territories he founders like an Indifferent swim
mer in water beyond his depth.
He sticks to that ''fatal heresy" of popular
sovereignty in a Territory, and thus exultingly
justifes his hostility to the Kansas policy of the
administration on the ground that "no power on
earth can rightfully force constitution down
the throats of an unwilling people," The charge
thus involved against the administration is
answered in the simple facts that the Lecompton
constitution was the lawful emanation of the
Kansas Nebraska doctrine of Mr.. Douglas HIM
self: that the President could not go behind the
record and that the factious course pursued in
Congress by Mr.. Douglas was rebellion against
his own bantling, and treacherous desertion of
the democracy, whom he had inveigled into this
cunning snare. The "true meaning and intent"
of his Kansas-Nebraska bill was originally to
make Kansas slave State. This was his offer
to the South in the Cincinnati Convention. The
South, under the Northern reaction thus ex-
for the article, and so Mr.. Douglas turned upon
them; and this is the difficulty which he is now
attempting to explain away upon the palpable
absurdity of Territorial popular sovereignty
Congress organizes the Territories, frames
their organic laws, prescribes the mode and
limitations of their local elections and legisla-
tive jurisdiction; and, under the authority of
Congress, the President appoints the Territorial
Governors, Secretaries, Marshals and Judges,
and gives them their instructions. And yet Mr..
Douglas would have us confound this subordi-
nate and dependent position OF the Territories
with the individual sovereignty of the States
The sovereignty over the Territories is Con-
grcss, and there is and can be no such thing as
popular sovereignty in a Territory. Otherwise,
the marching of federal army into Utah, with
a new set of Territorial civil officers to "regu-
late the domestic institutions" of the Mormons.
was an outrage upon Territorial popular
sovereignty"
Adhering. however, to this fatal absurdity of
Territorial popular sovereignty" Mr.. Douglas
contends that slavery in Territory il entirely
subject TO the local laws. But he is met upon
this point with the Southern plea of Congress
siona sovereignty, with the plea that the Terri
tories are the common property of the copartner
ship Of the several States, that Congress Is their
agent, that the Territories are thus open to slave
property as to all other private property, and
that il is the duty Of Congress to provide for
the security Of slave property against local pre-
judices which might otherwise exclude 1t, or rob
the owner of il after his arrival in the Territory
Upon this nice distinction between "squatter
sovereignty and Congressional sovereignty
Mr.. Douglas will find his hands full before
another year is over, or we are very much mis-
taken.
With these passing observations, We leave this
Memphis speech Of Mr.. Douglas to the digestion
Of our readers. His issue with Seward Is broad,
clear and satisfactory; but upon the subject of
slavery in the Territories he raises a new issue
with the Southern fire-eaters of a rather startling
character, in reference to the acquisition Of Mex
leo and Central America. Admitting the Terri
torial supremacy Of local laws and prciudices
there. the annexation Of those countries would
involve the annexation to the South of vast
empire, in which they would find the social and
political equality Of whites negroes Indians and
hybrids, fully established Have you ever
thought Of that Mr.. Douglas
THE CuEvAIrER WEBn IN Defence or W. II