The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-05-20

and effect to such slsw as this2 Does not every
man here know that even if my construction OF
the Constitution were wrong, and mai rity OF
the qualified voters of Kansas were to attempt
to amend their Constitution 90 as to abolish the
ownership of property ia slaves, after this afro
cious thing had become the fundamental law oil
the State by the assent of Congress, such amend
ment would be held by that citadel of Slavery,
which is located in the base of this Capitol, to
be in violation of vested rights, and therefore
void ? The whole power of the General Gov,
eminent would be arrayed to sustain that vested
right, if you please, against the expressed will
of a majority of the people of Kansas.
Sir, this is the irst instance in which the Con-
gress of the United States has attempted, by
formal enactment, to give perpetuity to this in
stitution of Slavery within the limits and juris-
| diction of q sovereign State. As q State-Rights
man, standing here, pledged as l am to main
tain the rights of the people and the rights OF
the States, / protest against this dangerous as
sumption of power, and claim that it is the right
of the sovereign people within the limits Of a
State abolish the institution of Slavery at their
pleasure. Does any Representative from the
South assert this power to be in Congress?
do not object to restraints upon States in
favor of liberty, and to the end that the Consti-
tuition of our common country may be upheld
in full force, and that the great and sacred
rights of human nature may not be irtringed
but protest against this Lecompton conspira.
| cy, which denies the right of self.government,
and ignores the will of the majority, if ex.
pressed, or attempted to be expressed, against
despotism. Let gentlemen beware how they
attempt, even under the power and shelter of
q great central Government, more than impe-
rial in its resources, to crush out the heart and
conscience of the people. GoD Is IN History.
Let gentlemen give heed to its lessons of the
| terrible retribution which sometimes overtakes
| those who seek to establish an odious and hated
despotism over the minds and conscience, the
brain and heart of freemen.
Sir, I claim for myself the same right as did
the Congress of 1911, to inquire {" whether this
Leconspton Constitution IS consistent aoith the
provisions of the Federal Constitution 2" And,
sir, have come to the conclusion that it is
not only inconsistent with the Constitution of
the United States, but that it is in direct con.
hct with the rights of every man, woman, and
child, within the Territory of Kansas.
Mr.. MAYNARD. Will the gentleman allow
me to interrupt him?
Mr.. BINGHAM. No, sir. If you please, l
prefer to conclude what have to say without
interruption. This instrument declares that
the right of property in slaves and their increase
is not within the control of the majority of the
people Of the State; that this right ia before and
higher than any constitutional sanction. This
instrument asserts another provision, the brutal
despotism of which can hardly be eaualled, ex-
cept that recently exercised by Nicholas, whose
hands were red with the blood of murdered Po-
land and the assassinated liberty of Hungary.
1t is the provision which dooms freemen, guilty
of no crime, to perpetual e1ite. Such are some
of the provisions of this internal instrument
Il e.
called upon to vote.
What, SIR, are the arguments addressed to
Us to induce US to give our assent to this in
strument? The President of the United States
stoops from the position of his great office, hith.
erto made illustrious by Washington, Adams,
Jefferson, and Madison-he comes here into
the Hall of this House of Representatives, and
tells Us that this Lecompton Constitution, with
all its atrocious provisions, is eminently rea.
sonabte and proper, because Kansas, says he,
" is at this moment as much q slave State as
Georgia or South Carolina" And he does not
stop with this. The President has officially
declared to us that these slave provisions are
Just and reasonable. Justice, sir, to sell
mans wife, Justice to cell chids mother +?
Justice to drive a man, guilty of no crime, away
from the land of his birth, from the scenes of
his childhood from the graves of his kindred
IL
own toll (? Justice to deny to a man the enjoy.
ments of his own home? Justice to deny to
man the presence and prattle of bis own chill.
dren? Justice to deny TO man the convictions
OF his own soul? Justice Justice, sir, is the
unchangiDg and eternal rule of right; it is the
attribute OF the great God of Nature. 1t dwelt
with him before worlds were; it will abide
with him when worlds perish By the iudg-
ment of the Pagan and Christian world, it is
INJUSTICE to deny to any man his right.
Mr.. Speaker, it is not Justice to wantonly
subject men, women, and children, at the arbi
trary will OF another, to stripes and imprison.
ment, to hunger and thirst, to cold and naked.
ness, robbery and murder. To enslave a man
is to murder him by slow torture. This will
not pass for justice among men, until men for.
get the distinctions between right and wrong,
good and evil virtue and vice.
By this bill, sir, we are not only to sanction
the monstrous atrocity of chattel Slavery, but
we are to say, if the majority will accept the
bride, that atrocity shall be perpetual. We are
to agree that the children of wrong and oppres.
sion in Kansas shall have no delverance in the
future that they and their children shall, from
generation to generation, toll on in the house
of their bondage in the words of this instru.
ment. that no alteration shall be made therein
to affect the ownership of property in slapes.
Sir, the American Congress, by this enactment,
is to declare that if the maj ority will accept the
bride, the Congress of the United States will
perpetuate the horrid lie that one man NAV of
right sell his brother for thirty pieces Of silver
as Judas sold our Lord
l say to gentlemen, you may pass the bill, but
you cannot make the lie perpetual. A lie can
not live forever it has no vitality in it. Sooner
or later, it must perish. Perpetuate the atrocity
that majority may Of right enslave the minor
ity, or drive it into returnless exile Make this
rule of wrong perpetual There is nothing
perpetual but God, His truth, His Justice, and
the creatures of His hand. say to gentlemen
on the other side, you have it in your power to
save our country from this foul dishonor. Why
do you hesitate to deny your assent to this
great wrong? Is it because you believe with
the President "that Slavery exists in Kansas
under and by virtue OF the Constitution of the
United States 2" Is it because you believe,
with certain political economists of our day,
that Slavery is the natural and normal condi.
ton OF the laboriDg man? If that be YOUR
conviction, act 1t out cay so in words. It is
your right and your duty to declare it. And
by an open, manly svowsl Of it. you will com
mand the respect of those who differ from YOU
for your eandor, if you can never hope to com.
msnd their approval of your principles. De
clare openly your true purpose and intent. For
Gods sake, do not shirk this great issue under
false, and, if may be allowed the expression
without meaning to be offensive, fraudulent
pretences of State rights and popular sover.
eighty. Why do you hesitate to say openly
what your support Of this bill manifestly i'm
ports-that it is your purpose to establish and
uphold chattel Slavery in Kansas under the
forms of law and at al hazards? Why do you
hesitate to avoW thia nurnosa7 Ia n not he