The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-03-25


he could not forbesr to express his convection
that the Administration, in 80 suddenly chang.
IL q its Kansas policy, had quailed and covered
before lust such men as Mr.. Toombs ana ms
Southern cosdjutors. At present, 1t seemed 70
him that nothing more was at stake than the
| tr;umph or defeat of party, and it was the Sem
ator's zeal in behalf Of political victory which
| caused him 80 greatly to exaggerate the pend
inc ;ssue. We must consider what would satisfy
| not merely party, but the whole country. The
President, however, bases his recommendation
on the ground that Congress is bound to accept
the pending Constitution, as having been legally
framed in pursuance of the organic act, and
plies that its rejestion would be deemed an
outrage by the Southern States. II is argued
that Congress has no right to look behind the
face of the paper thus sanctioned by the forms
Of law. Did the organic act authorize the form
alton of q State Constitution That it does,
the President says il too clear for argument.
That it does not, is admitted by M. Toombs,
who, while thus differing with the President on
question of Interpretation which the latter
pronounces self evident, does not scruple to COM
mend the logic of the Presidents Kansas mes
sage as being unsnswerable, and that, too, when
oy his admission he takes away the very found
a:ion of its argument. If the organic act did
not authorize the formation of this Constitution,
it results that the pending question of its &C
ceptance remains entirely open to the discretion
of Congress. So regarding it, he would enter
into an examination of the recorded evidence
by which he was bound to render just Judgment
in the premises-being free to accept or reject
| the pending proposition, as circumstances and
facts might determine.
Mr.. Bell then proceeded to review with great
minuteuess and accuracy the progress of polit-
icsl events in Kansas, and the proceedings
which led to the formation of the Lecompton
Constitution. Desiring to make q complete
and impartial record of the whole case, he chal-
| lenged contradiction of any statement which
other Senators might deem erroneous. In view
Of all the facts, he said. at the close of bis
ra,ive, that he was driven to the irresistible
conclusion that the Lecompton Constitution did
not embody the will of the people, and that
Kansas should not be admitted under it.
Favor was invoked by some for the Lecomp-
ton Constitution, because it recognised Slavery.
There was no hope of making Kansas slave
State, yet the view was held mp to the South.
The Pro-Slavery leaders of the Territory had
abandoned that idea more than year ago. He
read from letters of DR.. Stringfellow, DR.. Tebbs
Gen. Whitfield, Judge Elmore, and others, in
confirmation of this statement. 1t is only Fed
| eral officials, like Calhoun, Henderson, Mclean,
| and others, who now seem to encourage this
| expectation.
Bnt it is said that the admission of Kansas
will "localizs" the Slavery agitation. The
| idea was not novel one. It was said that the
Kansas Nebraska bill would accomplish this
object Had it done so7 And what assurance
had we that this latter hope would not prove as
| iIlusory as the former7 Eree-Soilisn had grown
and thriven on the food furnished by that meas-
ure. Indeed, the Republican party had sud
denly become the favorites of the Democracy,
and it now was sought to assure their success
| by passing this new measure. On the other
hand, did Southern men seek pretext for dis
union sgitationf Then, as he thought, they
| might prudently await better issue than would
be furnished by either the passage or rejection
| of this bill.
Mr.. Bell next reviewed the dogma that q
Constitution may be changed by the people at
their WILL in spite of the provisions contained in
It's body. This was q most dangerous and dis
organizing theory, and he was surprised that
one usually go conservative as Mr.. Hunter had
in this case, given in his adhesion to it.
The speaker tb en- criticised briefly the recent
speech of Mr.. Seward, and closed his argument
by an invocation for that political repose which
the country so much needed. Unless conser-
vative and patriotic men of both sections should
combine to calm the agitation, he feared our
brave ship of State was drifting towards the
breakers.
Mr.. Foster then obtained the floor, and the
Senate adjourned.
The army bill was taken up as the regular
order.
Mr.. Savage, Of Tennessee, advocated the
bill as rspoItsds 6B utAe sse;fes.s1s +4sy-vjrr
Press was responsible for furnishing a different
kind OF force than that which the Administra-
ton had asked for, but he was willing to take
his share of that responsibility.
Mr.. Marshall, Of Kentucky, said, he was pre-.
pared, upon his Congressional responsibility,
ID vote to recall the regulars and send volun-
teers in their places. 1t was a usurpation OF
rower for the President to send the army to
Utah while Congress was in session.
Mr.. Washburn, of Maine, contended that
there was now no legal authority for the en-
ployment Of any force whatever in Utah, and
suggested amendments authorizing the Presi-
dent TO use the army and the volunteers to be
raised for the purpose of quelling disturbances
| in Utah.
Mr.. GiddiDgs, of Ohio, urged that no army
/ ought to be sent against the Mormons until
polygamy-the "twin relic Of barbsrism ~
had been prohibited by act of Congress.
Mr. Faulkner, of Virginia, offered his substi
tuts for the fourth, eth, and sixth sections of
the bill, providing for raising additional regi
nents Of the regular army.
MIR. Blair, of Missouri, desired to know wheth
or the Government was prepared to exercise a
wholesome control over Utah, or whether that
| people was to be allowed to run riot yet longer
in the exercise of the privileges of " squatter
sovereignty" The Mormons had Instituted a
| blockade of the route from the Mississippi val
| lev to the Pacific ocean, and hurled defiance at
the Executive and it was high time they were
subdued. he quoted from the laws of the Ter
ritorial Legislature, to show their unjust and
tyrannical character, and recounted the out.
-sges which they had committed upon Gentiles
among them. The people Of the Northwest
could not longer permit these things TO 90 on.
They had friends yet among the Mormons to
be rescued, and they were determined that the
great route of emigration should not continue
to be blocked up. He denied that the present
force was at all adequate a small force would
be only an invitation to resistance, but large
force would put down the rebellion without
} bloodshed. He did not think the armv vould
be employed against Kansas. If the President
had resolved upon that course, few Thousand
troops more or less would make no material
difference. But the President, in his opinion,
had learned q lesson already which would lead
him to respect more the opinions and the lib
critics of the people. If anything should befall
the gallant little army now in Utah, the Presi
} dent ought to have power to send volunteers to
their aid The President was responsible fcr
their judicious employment, as he was for de-
tanning the troops too long in Kansas last sum
mer. He believed the President had power tc
send troops to the Territories, and hoped thai
this business would strike a fatal blow at the
beresy of "squatter sovereignty" He believed
in popular sovereignty, but it was the sove
reignty Of the whole people over their property