The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-03-18
THlRTY-FIFTH CONGRESS-,
FIRST SESSION.
Tuesday, March 9, 1858.
SEN ATE

The Senate resumed the consideration of the
Kansas question, and Mr.. Hsmlin, who had the
floor, commenced his speech by calling atten
ton to some of the statements and doctrines
| advanced by Senator Hammond. He criticised
hisremarksin regard to the condition of the poor
at the North. 1t was true that the North com
prised in its population many who were poor. In
large cities at the North, the existence CT beg
gary and want could not be denied. Was there
no beggary or want in Baltimore, Charleston,
and New Orleans? Among the rural popula.
ton of the North, mendicants were unknown
Poor men there were in abundance, and power
ty may always bring more or less of dependence
but was that dependence such as justified Mr.
Hammond in terming its subjects slaves
And what was the condition of the Southern
poor, ~ described by Southern writers, and by
Mr.. Hammond among them? Mr.. j. 81. Tay.
lor, of Charleston, had estimated the number Of
unproductive and indolent white men in South
Carolina at the number of one hundred and
twenty-five thousand, whose grade of civiliza-
ton was only one step in advance of the Indian
savages. Mr.. Hammond himself in a public
address, had deplored the presence in South
Carolina of a claes of poor white men who CLEAN
q precarious subsistence by fishing, hunting,
thieving, and by trading with slaves, and sedu.
cling them to plumber. Mr.. Hamlin read ex.
tracts from De Bows Rerie,c, and from the
Richmond (Va.) Dispatch, in further illustra
ton of the fact that the South is encountered
by worthless pauper class. he presumed
knowledge of the North, and perhaps drew his
differences from the state of society in South
Carolina. The poor everywhere had claim
upon their more favored brethren, and, in this
respect, he ventured to say that the citizens of
Boston contribute more to deeds of public char
ity and bene6cence than the whole Southern
States combined. Mr.. Hammond had further
disparaged the character of Northern laborers,
by placing them substantially in the same cat.
egory with the slaves of the South. Mr.. a.
felt assured that the Senator did not mean to
utter libel on the workingmen of the North,
and had perhaps drawn his conclusion with re-
spect to their character from his observations
Of Southern laborers, who are degraded by close
contact with Slavery. He thought, however,
the inference was unjust. He stood in the
Senate as laboring man, the representative
of Northern laborers-and though he could
wish their interests and reputation were com.
mitted to ADLER hands, he would not be unfaith-
full to his trust, or neglected. of his duty, when
their character was arraigned.
Without concluding his remarks, Mr.. Ham.
lin gave way to motion to go into Executive
session.
HOUSE.
On motion of Mr.. j. G. Jones, of Pennsyl.
vania, the House went into Committee of the
Whole, Mr.. Houston, of Alabsma, in the
chair and nominally resumed consideration
Of the bill making appropriations for the con-
suiar and diplomatic expenses of the Govern
ment for the year ending 30th June, 1859.
Debate on Kdns0s.-Mr. Keitt, of South
Carolina, addressed the Committee in favor of
the admission of Kansas under the Leconpton
Constitution. He contended that the Federal
Government, being formed by political societies,
pre-existing, could only know political socie.
ties, and not individuals. The only political
society recognised in Kansas was that organized
by the Kansas Nebraska bill, and that political
society had called Convention which formed
q State Constitution. That Convention was, in
theory, "the People," being composed of their
delegates, and clothed with their attributes of
sovereignty. Mr.. Z. here gave refined analy-
sis of the philosophical distinctions between
government and society, the conclusion being
from society, and that its highest form of ex
preston was found in Convention charged
with the duty of organizing fundamental law
or State Constitution. The idea of submitting
Constitutions for popular ratification was
mischievous heresy striving for perfection
through the agency of barbarism an elevation
of individuality over the combined rights of the
community. The object of government was
the protection and preservation of personal
rights and property rights. Personal rights
were always safe, because the majorities were
united in their protection; but property rights
needed greater protection, being the rights only
Of the minority, against which the populace
were always enlisted.
He denied that the people of Kansas would
have power TO change their Constitution ore.
vious TO 1864, although in this he might differ
from most of his friends. The Iecomnton