Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1858-01-29

! by two-thirds vote. The words of the Con-
stituiou are s'if he approve he shait sign t. but,
if be shall not approve, he shall rstarR 1t with
his objections to the House in which it shall
have originated Words could not convey
power, aud prescribe duty IN more clear and
definite form 1t IS nanifestly the intention OF
| the Constitution that the deliberate aud con-
scientious approval of the Governor shall be
given to bill before it becomes law, in al
dition to the approval of the two Houses that
have previously passed il; uuless the majorities
afterwards given TO u upon reconsideration 10
each House, shall be so decisive as to clearly
indicate the wisdom of the measure. Ii is true
that upon things trivial or indifferent, where DO
great Interests are involved, nor constitutional
principles in question, no private rights assail-
ed, considerations OF expediency may be taken
into account by the Executive bur certainly no
substantial objection, whether of policy or of
principle, can he waived by hm in view OF his
oath to support the Constitution Ten days
Sundays excluded, are allowed the Executive
to consider bill, and to approve or veto it,
after which it will become Law without his
signature, If not previously returned. The
practice of my predecessors has been occasiou-
ally to permit bills to become laws by this liul-
itaIion of time They have taken effect in the
entire absence of Executive action. But be-
lieve this has only occurred where the Exeeu-
tive has found ii Impossible to form positive
opinion upon the measure-wnere, though not
unobjectionabe, it was trivial-or, where 1t
Was manifest that veto would not cause It's
defeat. This Executive practice ought not TO
dc extended, aud the practice itself IS epea 10
question. For If the provision that bills nei
tner signed uor returned within ten days, shall
become laws, was intended as guard against
Executive abuse, iH holding tleiu au undue pc
rlod, and not u mode BY which the Execu
tive might cause them to take effect, Without
the responsibility OF acting urou tbe,n, t.wnuld
seem clear that the practice OF holding them
over Tor such purpose cannot be defended.
But the Legislature by its adjournment
within ten days after the passage OF DILL, may
deprive the Executive OF due tims for couSid-
erlng IT, aud hence it is provided that ia such
case It shall becoue law unless sent back with
IN three days after the next meeting. In mod
cru practice large number OF bills are usual
ly sent 10 the Governor within few days Of
as pSs @ et .he lsglsiature winch L i
+ adjournment takes place. lu fact many are
/ sent 10 hlm IN the very closing houis of tie
session. But II would seem plain that the Ex-
ecntive could reasonably ask ln such case only
the foil constitutional period Of ten days for
/ forming his opinion, aud that all bills be be-
/ l.eves it his duty to approve shall be actually
/ signed within that period. BY the exercise Of
reasonable industry this can in all cases be ac-
eomplished Then, such bills rs he disap
proves will be held over 20 be returned 10 the
! brl f,f 4
! three days after their next meeting, according
/ to the constitutional provision. This will prop
I crly dispose Of all bills ia his hands at the ad-
journment, uLiess indeed it be allowable to
mold over bills aud porlnit them to becone
/ laws without his action.
! The propriety of signing bills hy the Cover
/ between the sessions OF the Legislature has
been questioned. Il docs not accord with the
old practice, and is certainly liable to abuse
During my ternI it viii be strictly confined TO
the fist ten days after an adjournment, aud all
bills not then approved, may be considered as
awaiting the next meeting of the General As
| sembly, to oe returned with the Executive dis
approval. The Executive should not be- sub
jected for long periods of time to the Dolicita-
! rions of those interested in bills, nor shuolG he
be subject TO the imputation of iudecsion, or
| favorltlsm almost unavoidable in such cases.
Nor is it right that he should have iu his hands
the means of influence which the holding open
Of his decision upon bills during recess woul6
/ confer Besides great wrong may be done
to those interested IN legislation, by coutinuin:
them for undue period in uncertainty as 10 ihs
fate OF bills 10 which their rights, their proper
ty, or their business may be involved. Thee
are evils which an Executive may Obviate, ly
settling his policy firmly in the outset of lis
administration. 1t would be well, also, for tie
Legislature to 50 shape its action as 10 avid
the necessity of sending many important bills
to the Governor in the closing days or hours, Of
a session.
Feilolv CnizenS:-Although it will no be
expected that / should at this time discuss III
detail the particular questions which will uob-
ably come before the government durinj my
term, desire briefly to give expression 4 the
general views of public policy to which Ihold
In their application to practical issues nov
pending The currency Of the State is insueh
disordered condition, that genera and
wholesome public opinion demands its rrorm,
and abes establishment of etfectuai bfriers
against future commissions. This is shject
which will test the intelligence, the frness,
and the patriotism of the Representatives of
the people in the Legislative department aad
may impose grave responsibilities upon tf Ex-
ecutive. Ny views are decidedly hostiito the
emission and circulation Of small notes as q
currency; to the increase of Banking Apital
under present arrangements, and to the ssnes
of bank paper upon securities inadequa for
their redemption. The want of uniformly IN
the legal provisions under which exstinabanks
operate, is Objectionable. Ia tue revisif aud
amendment Of our banking system, the bubble
iutkrests in my opinion demand the exsnsion
OF the specie basis upon which issues artaade,
the suppression of the smaller denom'naens OF
notes heretofore allowed; thorough retrts OF