The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-10-16

The New York Times will pardon us if we express
a little surprise that public journal in the great
commercial emporium of the Union should counsel
the organization of parties upon purely sectional
grounds. Speaking of the democracy, the Times
says, they must adapt themselves to sectional in
terests and prejudces." II will be conceded that
the advice Of our contemporary has been adopted by
every other party, and now are urged to recog-
mise democracy North and democracy South.
We submit to the Times whether, inasmuoh it
proposes to create distinctive party organizations in
the two great sections Of the Union, it would not
also advise that there shall be established two gov
ernments for the same sections We take it for
granted that the New York press are sufficiently
enlightened and practical to be able to that,
whenever the North shall be united into a
compact organization against the South, they
win carry the federal elections SO as to make
the President and command majority of the ma
tional Legislature. These results are certainly nev-
liable. Now, what effect is this species of policy
likely to have upon the public sentiment of the
South Will they be satisfied With Will they sub
nit to it? We think not. In the event of disrup-
ton of the Union, who, in the city Of New York,
would thank the Times for suggesting the course
that was destined to produce such disasters? But
we go little further and express the conviction
that the North is not fitted to govern any country
butts own Its 'prejudices against the South are
deep and fanatcal II they had power over the lat
ter, they would only injure themselves by its ur-
lawful exercise. There is no portion Of the Ameri
can people that can be made subjects of another
nor is it safe to trust either section with absolute
control. s@ .s .
Perhaps the Times will answer us that parties
have nothing to do with the government; that they
are not recognised element even in its organic
law. That is technically true, though, in point of
fact it is great error If we consult the history of
the past it will be found that all our administrations
have been fostered into being by our political or
carnations, nsomuch that there is real exception
to the rule This is so with respect, ALSO to nearly
all the questions of administrative policy which have
been discussed in American politics The two or
three parties have sought popular support on the
basis of opinions widely advocated or opposed by
them, respectively, and the result has been deter
mined as the or the other received the sanction
of the public judgment of the country. 1t would be
folly under such circumstances to maintain that po-
litical organizations not identified with the
government. There is, we know, large class of
theorists and stlted digntaries who exhibit great
horror at the bare mention of the fact that parties
should be recognised in the public administration
These men live in the upper atmosphere of our po-
litical system, and come down only when their
friends get into power to be the most proscriptive
and intolerant partisans.
If then, parties to be recognised in prac-
teal sense, it is certainly important that they
should be guided by principles at least not incon-
sstcnt with the conditions of the government It is
clear that their organization, on purely sectional
interests and prejudices, would be most danger
GUS experiment even if we regard alone the har-
mony and efficiency of the public administration.
We utterly unwilling, for instance to trust to
the exclusive control Of either northern or south
ern democracy. The influence of local "prejudicesD
would soon widen every breach, inhame every dis
cord fortify every example of injustice and lead to
irreconcable political antagonism to be followed
by disunion and anarchy. This is estimate of the
scheme of the Times should it prevail. 1t would
simply substitute for the law of the Union the policy
of elections 1t would offer a reward for dema-
gogusm and dishonesty, and operate as perma-
nent paralysis upon all integrity and patriotism 1t
would bring into the government not merely con-
hicting opinions, but infamed passions, quarrels,
and hostile representatives
We have no faith whatever in the doctrine that
the federal constitution possesses any inherent self
sustaining power. It is law resting upon con-
sttuent force which force mparts to tits vitality and
its powers Of endurance. Stripped Of these it is a
rope of sand incapable of the least resistance five
are right in this analysis Of the federal system it is
certainly unwise and wicked to counsel the array Of
parties on sectional interests and prejudices."
We are very much disposed to call things by their
right names, and in this spirit we admit that there
are too many signs Of disposition to recognise the
existence Of northern and southern democracy.
There are, doubtless, many ambitious men in the
South whose visions are so introverted as to see
quite ndiferently many northern aspirants for public
honors shaping their opinions to gather up in
their support the largest amount of sectional inter
ests and prejudiccs." The true principles of the
government would seem to be unsuited to this adj
vanced age of benevoence and philanthropy The
question is no longer what is right, but what is the
best policy We must not refer to the law as our
guide but to the popular preudces of the place and
the moment. Our rules must be 80 framed that the
exceptions shall prevail over them, Indulgences