The Ashland union. [volume] (Ashland, Ashland County, Ohio) 1854-1868, 1858-03-03
SPEC CHI
Hon. is. Green, Of Missouri,
Dclavered IN tie Senate Of the U,aited
States, December l6, 1857.
(ccNTINuED.)
CONSTITUTION OF KANSAS

izing the Legislature of iAe Territory to provide
by law for the election of delegates by the people
aud the assembling of convention to form a
constitution and State government preparatory TO
their admission into the Union equal foot
ing with the original States,so ii shall ap-
pear, by census to be taken under the direction
of the Governor, by the authority of the Legsla-
ture, that the Territory contains ninety-th.ee
thousand four hundred and twenty lmhabitants-
that being the number required by the present
ratio OF representation for member of Congress-
Thus, the Con. mittee on Territories in
1856 responded to the recommendation of
President Pierce, aud the Senate respon-
ded to the rcp2rs by passing through the
body bill authorizing the people of
Kansas to form a constitution and State
government. This shows that [ am not
the only man who construes the Nebraska
bill to mean that an ena bling act is nee
essary before the right of admission into
the Union becomes complete. / show
you that the President of the United
States, who approved the bill, the Presi-
dent who made it an administration meas
ure, SO understood at the time, and SO de-
clared in his message. I show you that
the Committee on Territories which draft
ed the Nebraska bill so understood it at
the time. / show you that the same SEN
alto which passed the Nebraska bill by the
votes of the identical Senators who passed
that bill, thus construed it at the time.
1t is too late now to say that neither
the President who signed the Nebraska
bill, nor the committee who reported it,
nor the Democratic Senate who passed it,
understood it. The evidence can be ac-s
cumulated mountain high, that it was the
true intent and meaning of the act, as we
expoupded it at the time, that the people
should be left free to form their institu-
tieHs in their own way up to the last mo-
ment of adnission-not slavery only, but
all local and domestic institutions in cen.
tradistinction to Federal or National ins
stitutions They have as much right to
vote on the banking sys-om, the Judicial
ry system, the taxation system, and the
school system, as they have to vote on the
slavery question.
The Senator tells us that the Nebraska
bill meant only the slavery question, be-
cause we here feel no o-interest in anything
else. 1t may be that the people of Mis-
souri, feel nc interast In thing else. It
mao be that the people of Illinois felt no
special interest about the banking system
or school system of Kansas. It may be
that the people of Virginia did not care
what sort of taxing system Kansas
might have but does it follow that the
people Of Kansas did not care The peo-
pie of Kansas had an interest in the tax
alton system, in the school system, in the
banking system, in the judiciary system,
in the elective franchise. These loeal
and domestic Institutions were everything
to them. We did not care about them.
Why? Because they were none of our
business.
The Senator says that ought not to
refer to these questions, because | have
no right to a voice in them. True, l
have no right to voice in their local in
stitptions, but the people of Kansas have;
and it is my duty to see that they have a
free and untrammeled expression of that
voice upon all their institutions. l deny
that you have a republican constitution
unless that is done. A constitution fore
ed on people against their will is not
republican constitution within the spirit
Of our institutions. 1t is no argument to
say this constitution is an excellent one.
You have no right to cram good thing
dewn the threats of the people of Kansas
against their will. It strikes at the fun
damental principles of liberty. This
question between .us is radical. 1t is
whether that people shall be permitted to
form their own constitution, aud whether
the constitution ander which they are to
live shall en- body their viii or not. It is
not {. matter cf form whether the consti-
tuition shall be submitted to them. That
is but ono mode of obtaining the evidence
of the fact of their wiil. The President
says it is the best mode, and agree
with him, the principle being that their
will is the great essential sine qua non
before you can bring them into the Union
as State.
Then Mr.. President. the simple qaes-
ton comes back, shall that people have
the authority to form and regulate their
institutions to suit themselves? The
Senator says we may admit them if we
see proper, and ought to do SO, in order
to terminate the controversy. Sir 1 viii
do anything that is right. anything that
is just in order to terminate this contro-
versy No man living is SO anxious for
its termination than [ am. [ will sacri-
fee everything but principle and honor
and my country, in order to close the
controversy. But how are you to close
it2 You must close iten the principles
Of eternal justice aud truth, or it will
not stay closed. You must terminate it
on the principle of self-goverment, or
the constitution under which the people
are to live is not republican. No patch
ing up, no system of trickery by which
the majority are cheated by the minoity,
will settle this question. Instead of pro-
ducing peace, that will only be the be-
ginning of undue controversy. When
the broad facts stand admitted before
the world that this constitution is the act
of minority, and not of the majority
the injustice becomes the more manifest
and the more monstrous. The only rea,
son for not submitting the constitution
is that it would be voted down if it were
submitted. This is an admission that i
is the act of a minority, not of a MAORI
ty. Do you expect that you will restore
peace and quiet to the country by forcing
upon people constitution which doe
not embody their will ? I tell you tina