The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1858-07-13
BALTIMORE.
TUESDAY, JULY Is, 1853.

LOUIS NAPOLEON appears DESTROYS of showing to
the world what he is capable of accomplishing,
rather than what he has seriously proposed TO him-
self to execute While assuring the neighporlng
Governments that his intentions are wholly pachc,
he pushes forward with unexamped activity his
nrenarations for war; maintains, on peace estab-
1ishment. an army of 60O 900 men; increases his
naval forces; converts his sailing vessels into
screw steamers; makes the Notifications of Cher
boure n perfect marvel of engineering skill; and
filings out broad piers into the deep water OF the
harbor so that vessels of the largest class may be
moored alongside, and an army, brought rapidly
from the interior over Railways converging to that
point. NAV be embarked with all its material of
war at few hours notice. These mighty prepare
tions, without any apparent object in view have
awakened serious apprehensons of coming evil in
the neighborng States. English alarmists, re-
pudiate, as a pretty piece OF poetcal nonsense
Campbelrs grand but over confident boast that
BRITANNIA needs no bulwark,
No towers along the steep"
and call loudly upon the government to strengthen
the coast offences, and increase the Channel Fleet.
Mr.. D'IsRAELI, when questioned on this subject by
members of the House of Commons, declared
emphaticay that there was not the least cause for
uneasiness; but in spite of this solemn assurance on
the part of the Chancellor ofthe Exchequer the Eng
fish Journals still continue to ask why it is that
France is arming, and to urge upon the govern
ment the propriety of keeping close watch and
ward over the movements of its powerful ally
That so imposing q military and naval demonstra-
ton, during period of profound peace is well
tod TO co1icituda m thn mar Of
suar England, and the Continental nations gener
ally, cannot be doubted. This solicitude has,
moreover, acquired unusual intensity from con-
seriousness of the fact that, however much LOUIS
NAPOLEON may desire to preserve friendly relations
with his neighbors, he may yet be compelled at any
moment, under the force of internal pressure to
adopt line of policy at variance with his own in
clnations and adverse indeed to his true interests
He has elected to base his tenure of power upon
the bayonets of his soldery rather than upon the
affection of the French people, and if that soldiery
should become FESTIVE from macton, and demand
TO be led to new fields ofconquest he may yet be
strained to choose between disaection at home and
hostties abroad. Under such circumstances it is
not at all difficult to divine which of the two
alternatives he would accept. We do not hesitate
wars, be the most popular with the French people.
There is an hereditary enmity existing between
the two nations which no entente cordiale,
no interchange of royal courtesies, mingng
of banners against a common enemy, can ever
wholly dissipate. 1t is the one drop of bitter
blood which all the perfumes of Arabia will never
sweeten the one indelible impress which no sapo-
naceous compound can ever efectually remove
Like letters written with invisible ink, the paper
may show fair surface until the hidden charac-
tiers are developed by the application of heat. A
war with England would be hailed with enthusiasm
by the French soldiery, and would do more than
the most liberal concessions could accomplish to-
wards rallying that class of malcontents to the
support of the Government, from whose machina-
tons it has the most to fear. To commercial men,
and to men of substance generally such a war
would prove most disastrous; but in his passion
for Glory-the ruling passion of his race-the
Frenchman neither stops to count the cost nor to
reflect upon the consequences. The invasion of
England has long been favorite project in France
1t could scarcely be otherwise, when we reflect
upon the almost unbroken series of victories which
England has achieved in her contests with the
latter power. Agincourt and Cressy; Blenheim
and Families; Vittoria and Waterloo; the Nile
and Trafalgar, are but so many bloody protests
in the opinion of the French masses, against the
permanence of an alliance which it may be the
policy of the government to maintain, but which
the sentiment Of the nation disavows. Now then,
let us see why it is that France is arming. Sub
sequent to the Crimean war, and in part growing
out Of that struggle, many grave points of differ
ence have arisen between France and England
upon which there can be scarcely any possible
hope of an harmonious accord. LOUIS NAPOLEON
has declared himself in favor of uniting the Dan
ubian prncipalities, and in placing at the head of
the newly organized sovereignty, either Prince
MURAT, or the Count de MoRNY, and in this pro-
ject he is warmly supported by Russia. England,
and Austria, on the other hand, are equally de-
termined to prevent the union. They foresee in
the union of the principalities, and in the nomina
ton of French subject to quasi sovereignty
over those important States serious danger
to the independence Of Turkey, in the event
of coalition between France and Russia Mu-
tual distrust of the designs of the latter Pow
ers has drawn England and Austria closer togeth-
err has increased, at Paris, the bitterness against
Austria, to whose Vaccinations this charge of
policy is ascribed, and has produced an unpleasant
effect upon the relations existing between France
and England, which the acquittal of BERNARD, the
opposition to the construction Of the Suez Canal,
and the speech of Lord MAIMEsBURY, growing out
of the capture of the Regina Cell, have tended
greatly to aggravate. The Partisan Journals
both Socialist and Imperiast, characterize the al
lance of England with Austria as the negation of
all the previous policy of the English government,
o,d nc of tho p,ipati Of
cordiale. They contrast what they term " the
brutal accusation of Lord MALMEsBURY, denounc-
ing the emigration system of France as nothing
less than the re-establishmen of the slave trade in
disguise, with the conciliatory tone adopted in
Parliament and in the English Journals, to-
ward this country, in abandoning the Right
of Search. They charge England with gross
selfishness in opposing the construction of
the Suez Canal, and intimate that "France,
''observant of the universal discomfort, may yet
'seek to promote reconstruction of the European
''falance upon foundations more equitable and less
'fragile." Admitting that it is not the policy of
France to quarrel with England, because the in
terests of the two nations too closely identified
they declare that the insults which the latter has
already heaped upon her ally, in the Austrian al
lance, in the acquittal of ORsNIs confederates and
IN her parliamentary discussions have led France
to prepare for war; and that though she will not
seek the occasion, she will accept it with delight
whenever the occasion arises. Such is the tone of
the french journals, and the language of French
statesmen, ana we can now understand the reason
why France Is arming, and especially why it is
that LOUIS NAPOLEON is increasing to such an enor
nous extent MS naval resources If his own safety
demands, either from pressure within, or from COM
pcations without, that he should throw ao.,, a..
raee of battle he is ready for the eneroO.