Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1858-07-27
lFsoM the 81. LOU: tMo) Do.noe,at OF moadsy
SPEECH OF hon. STEPHEN =. DOUGLAS
nEI INERrn.r
Spr,ngffid, W,u0is. .JuIy l7,h. ISIS,

SHEESh eE SoNs SIEt1tsN p. DstSILAE,
DELIVERED at
Springfield, Illinois, jay l7ih, 1855.
Ma. CHAIRaAS AND FELLOW CITIZENS OF SPnIsG-
FIELD, AND OF OLD SASGAMoN My hear; il filled
with emotion, necessarily connected with the allu.ions
which have been so happily and kindly made. "heh
[ receive a welcome like this, so unanimous, 30 Ell
thusisstio in welcoming me to my home among NY
old friends, there ia no language that can express 'ne
sentiments of gratitude which feel. l 40 ieel al
home whenever l return. AT this point Of Tue speeo"
the platform gave way, on account OF u sae1 hn -
Der of persons t~hronging upon H. unt osuu .hi -" an5
been restored, MI. Douglas mounted a taoIe' auu
amid entbn,iaatic cheering, continued his remarks
do feel al home whenever l return to Ola oshganou'
and receive this kind and friendly greeting wnicn
never fails to meet me whenever 1 IoIe .. ~" o1,Usa
nrssrnoe. But never before have l had suon cause
10 be grateful, and to be proud OF the imaune, VI T.
ception, as on this occasion. While l am "ulng 70
attribute a part of this demonstration 10 'ne Kihu anu
persopal relations that exist between ue' yetl oanno'
Conceal from myself that the controlling and pervad
ing element In this great mass OF human beings y
devotion to that great principle to Wh'cn ~ ms
wears of my life have been devoted. ana l re-
joice more in considering it as an appro'aI a my
support Of a cardinal principles. tnah L coulo
appropriate to myself as a personal compliment.
You but speak rightly when you assert 'nal
during the last session of Congress mere was an
attempt to violate one of the fundamental principles
upon which our free institutions rest. The attempt
TO force the Lecompton Constitution upon tue people
of Kansas against their will, would haVe oeen, IL
successful, subversive of the great iunuanen'ai prin'
Ciples of free government. 1t there ID 6ny one prin.
cipal more sacred. and more vital 10 the existence OF
free government, II is the right OF the people 70 form
and ratify the Constitution under when they are 10
live. That 10 the cornerstone OF the 'empieoi L'oer'yi
that is the foundation upon which the "hoie structure
rests. Whenever that can be- destroyed, sell govern
ment has received a fatal stab. deemed It my duty'
ne a Representative and as a citizen OF ILLINOIS, tore
sist with all my energy and ability the consuhulal!Un
Of that effort TO force a Constitution upon an uhwii-
ing people. | am aware that other questions nave
been connected with that great struggle, but they
were mere collateral questions, not affecting the main
point; My opposition to the Lscomp'oa Constitution
rested wholly upon the fact that 1t was not the
act and deed Of the people, and that u d'a no,
embody their will. l did not o%oJectto It on the ground
Of the slavery clause in it, but l should have resist
ed il with the same energy and determination, eyen u
II had been q free State instead OF q slaVehololng
State; and for the evidence OF this fact | wish you 70
bear in mind that my speech was made in Congress
on the 9th day Of December, nearly two weeks before
the vote was taken on the acceptance or the relection
of the slavery clause. did not then Know oouIo
not have known whether the slavery clause was 10 be-
rejected or accepted, but the impression at that time
generally obtained that il, would be rejected, and in
my speech | assumed. as the truih, the prooaorh'y
that it would be voted down. Then l said to the Uni.
ted States Senate, as / now proclaim to you-my con-
stituents-tbat you have no more right 10 force a free
State Constitution on an unwilling people than you
have to force a slave State upon them against their
will. lApplarse.] You have no right 10 force q good
/ lulbk VI n "a Ah'tN PS'
10 receive it-lcheers Aud then again, Inc highest
privilege Of any people is to determine tortheinseiVes
what kind of institutions are good, and what Kino are
bad: and il my be true. that the same people, situated
differently, with respect 10 latitude, climate, produc
tons aud other necessities, might decide the same
question one way in the North, and another way In
the South, 10 order to apply their inetltutlons TO the
wants and wishes of the people,. You ara familiar
with the Leeompton struggle, and l will occupy no
more time on that subject, except to remark that when
we have driven the enemies OF this principle from the
effort to force the Lecompton Constitution upon the
people, and compel them to refer 1t to the people for
acceptance or rejection, We ind q concession of all the
principles for which l had contended throughout the
struggle. When l saw tina. the Constitution was not
10 be forced upon the people, l felt anxious TO give 1t
nv support; but when | examined II, l found the
mode Of reference so Objectionable as to make it uo'
fair and unjuet. And, sir, addressing Mr.. Edwards
upon bis right it Is q maxim with me, that an unfair
election is no election at all. Every election should
be fair-should be free-with the came privileges for
q negative vote ~ for an affirmative. The objection
to what was called the English proposition, by which
the Constitution was referred back 10 the people Of
Kansas, was this that if the people choose TO &C
cspt it they should come in now with only 3o.oOO III
habitants, while il they voted to reject II, and TO form
one in accordance with their own wishes, they should
stsy ont until they had 80, 400 inhabitants. A dscrimi
nation wac made between the free States and slave un
der the Federal Constitution. l deny the right, the
Justice of any distinction or discrimination between
the States North and South, free or slave. Equality
Is q tuQQdm6Ot6I pIluClpl6 VI LUIS Hcui'-
While | would never consent to the passage of a law
providing that a slave State may come in with 3o.OO0
Inhabitants, and a free State be &ept out until 1t has
81, 900; on the other hand / never would sanction a
law admitting a free State With $4,000 and excluding
a slave State with less than SO 100. My principle Is
to recognise each State in this Union as independent
| and sovereign, and | will apply hat principle not only
to the original thirteen States, but TO every State since
brought into the Union, and nlf0 to every State that
| shall hereafter be received into The Union, as long ss
water shall run and grass grow. Applause. For
these reasons I felt compelled by a sense OF duty-by
| q conviction OF princlple-to record my vote AGAINST
what is called the English bill.
But as the bill became a law, aud under that law
an election 10 ordered to be held on the fret Monday
in August, for the acceptance or rejection OF the pro-
| positions submitted by Congress, / have no hesitation
in saying to you, as the chairman OF the committee
| has Justly said, that whatever decision the people OF
Kansas may make must be final and conclusive OF the
whole subject for il, at their election, u msJority OF
the people Of Kansas shall vote for the acceptance of
the Congressional proposition, ksnsas becomes a
State of this Union, and the law becomes irrepealsble,
aud the controversy terminates forever. 1t, on the
other hand, the people Of Kansas shall vote down that
proposition, as it is generally understood they WILL
that moment the L%ecomptoD Constitution is dead be
yond the power OF resurrection, and thus the contro.
versy terminates. Applause. And when the mon.
ster shall die / shall be willing, and l trust that all OF
you viii be wi ling, to acquie'ce in the death OF the
Leoompton Constitution. lApplause. Hence our
controversy may now be considered as Terminated, for
surely in three weeks from this time it will be terms
mated forever, and thus all the i'll feeling, all the en-
FILTERED feeling, would cease, unlees an attempt shall
be made in the future TO repeat the anne outrage on
popular rights. / need not tell you my past course
is a sufficient guarantee of the fact, that If the occa-
sion shall ever arise, while / keep a seat in the Senate,
you will find me carrying out the same principles that
I have been doing this past winter, with all the powe r
| may be able to
have the qualification OF saying that do not be.
lisve it will ever arise. Firstly, because the fate Of
L~eeonpton ia 8 warning to the politicians Of every
State. SECONDLY, the President OF the United States
has said that hs trusts the example in the Minnesota
case, wherein Congress passed d law called the ena
bling act, requiring the Constitution to be submitted
TO the people, should be followed in all future csses.
A voice, That's right
Mr.. d. egree with you that it is right. 1 said
20 in my speech in Congress-. | have frequently in
debate rendered TO the friends OF the Presidency my
voluntary pledge, that if he aud they will stand by
the recommendation Of the President, they will al
ways find me working hand and hand with tbem.-
All We have to do, therefore, is to adhere in the future
firmly, as 1 have in the past, 10 the principle asserted
in the Presidents message, that the example OF the
Minnesota case shall be carried ont in all future cases
Of admission of new States.
Let that be done and the principle of popular sove.
reignty will BIZ maintained in all 'its vigor and integ
rity. / rejoice to know that Illinois stands promi
nently and proudly forward among the States which
6rst took their position immovabiy upon this prin
ciple of popular sovereignty applied to Territories az
we'll rs TO the States. You all rscollect that when,
in 1850, the peace of the country Was for q time
distut bed. in consequence OF the agitation Of the
slave question, and the attempt to force the Wilmot
Proviso upon the people, II required all the wisdom
and patriotism of Clay and Webster to device a
system by which harmony might be restored to q
distracted country. Those compromise regulations
eventually parsed, and became recorded not only rs
q settlement Of the then existing difficulties, but as a
! rule Of action to prevent the recurrence of like evils.
These compromise measures rested-as l said in my
spsech on my return home 10 Chicago that year-on
the principle that every people ought to have the
right to form and regulate their own domestic insti-
tutions in their own way, subject only to the Coneti-
tuition. They were founded on the principle that
every State possessed this right, and that the Terri
tories should enjoy the same. When the Illinois
Legislature assembled q few months after the adop