Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1858-09-04

moHcy anu surplus shlpplnR enough IN tho world
to accomplish 1t IN n may times ten days. Shal
VIC free them and keep them as underlings? Are w
quite sure this would better their condition Z
think would not hold one ia slavery az any rate
but my opinion is not clear cnt ugh to dcnounc,
people upon. Shall we free them, and make theu
politically and socially our equals ?"
/ Let the Judge note this nov am among mel
who have some abolition tendencies.
shall we free them and make them POLITICAL,
and socially our equals? My own feelings will no
admit Of this, aud If they would, the feelings o
the great mass of white people would not. Wheth
tr this accords with strict justice not is not thu
sole question A UNIVERSAL feeling. whether we'll o
i'll founded cannot safely be disregarded. Wher
they remind us Of their constitutional rights | nc
knowledge them fully and freely and would give
them any legislation for the recovery of their fug
tves which would not be more likely in the strn
gency of its provisions to take free man into sa
very, than our ordinary criminal laws are to hang
an innocent one." Loud applause.
| have reason to know that Judge Douglas knows
that said this. think he has the answer here to
one of the questions he put to me. do not mean
to allow him to catcchise me unless ho pays back
in kind. | will net answer questions one after an
other unless he reciprocates, but as he made this
inquiry and have answered it BEFORE he has got it
without my getting anything in return. He has
got my answer on the Fugitive Slave Law.
THE CONSPIRACY TO NATIoNALIzE SLAVERY.
want to ask your attention to portion of the
Nebraska Bill ut being the true intent and
meaning Of this act to egislate slavery into any
Territory or state, nor to exclude it therelrom, but
to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way subject only to the Constitution of the
United States" Thereupon Judge Douglas and
others began to argue in favor of Popular Sover-
eignty--the right of the peo pie to have slaves if
they wanted them, and to exclude slavery if they
did not want them. But, said in substance, q
Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Chase, believe,) 1--WE
more than suspect that you do not mean to allow
the people to exclude slavery if they wish to- and
II you do mean it, accept an amendment which
propose expressly authorizing the people to exclude
slavery"
believe l have the amendment here before me,
which was offered and under which the people
of the Territory through their proper representa-,
tives might If they saw fit, prohibit the existence
Of slavery therein And now state it as q fact, to
be taken back if there is any mistake about it,
that Judge Douglas and those acting with him,
voted that amendment down. Tremendous ap-
plause.) now think that those men who voted it
down, had a real reason for doing They know
what the reason was. 1t looks to US, since we
have seen the Dred Scott Decision pronounced
holding thatunder tho Cousttution'the people can
not exclude slavery-I say it looks to outsiders
poor, simple, amiable, Intelligent gentlemen great
laughter) as though the niche was left as place
to put the Dred Scott decision in-(laughter and
cheers IA niche that would have been spoiled by
adopting tn amendment And now, say again,
if this was not the reason, it will 'ail the Judge
much more to calmly and good hu noredly point
out to these teope, what that other reason for
voting the amendment down, than, swelling him
self up, to vociferate that he may be provoked
to call somebody a liar Tremendous applause.
Again there is in that same quotation from
the Nebraska bill this clause-@'lt is being the
true intent and meaning of this bill not to legs-
late slavery into any Territory or State" have
always been puzzled to know what business the
word Estate" had in that connection. Judge
Douglas knows. lie put it there. lie know
what he put it there for. The law they were
passing was no. about States, and was not max
ing provisions for States. What it placed
there for After seeing the Drod Scott Decision.
which holds that the people cannot exclude sla
very from Territory, if another Dred Scott de-
cision shall come holding tina. they cannot ex-
cude it from State, we shall discover that when
the word was originally put there, it was in view
of something which was to come in due time, we
shall that it was the other half Of something.
(Applause,) | now say again. if there is any diff
ferent reason for putting it there Judge Douglas
in good humorod way, without calling auybody
a liar, can tell what the reason was. (Renewed
cheers
DOUGLAS rRo'sLAvERY PRoPAGANDIsT.
ask the attention of the people here assembled
and elsewhere to the course that Judge Douglas is
pursuing every day as bedrIng upon this dest!un
of making slavery national. Not going back to
the records but taking the speeches he made yester
day and day before, and makes constantly all over
the country-I ask your attention to them. In the
first place what is necessary to make the institu
tion national? Not war. There is no danger that
tho people of Kentucky will shoulder their mus
kes ard with youns niger stuck on every bay
onet march into Illinois and force them upon US
There is no danger Of our going over there and
making war upon them. Then what is necessary
e. ri nliz of ia
the next bred Scott decision. 1t is merely for the
Supreme Court to decide that no State under the
Constitution can exclude 1t, just as they have al
ready decided that under the Constitution neither
Congress nor the Territorial Legislature can do it.
When that is decided and acquiesced in, the
whole thing is done. This being true, and this be-
ing the way as | think that slavery is to be made
let Us consider what Judge Douglas is
doing every day to that end. la the first place,
let us see what influence he is exerting on public
sentiment. In this and like communities, public
sentiment is everything. With public sentiment,
nothing can fail without il nothing can succeed.
Consequently he who moulds public sentiment,
goes deeper than he who enacts statutes OF pro
nounees decisions. lie makes statutes and decisr
ions possible or impossible to be executed. This
must be born 10 mind as also the additional fact that
Judge Douglas is man of vast influence, so great
that it is enough for many men to profess to be
lieve anything, when they once find out that Judge
Douglas prolessed to believe it. Consider also the
attitude he uhes at the head of large party
party which he claims has majority OF all the
voters in the country.
This man sticks to a decision which forbids the
people of Territory from excluding slavery, and
he does So not because he says it is right in itself
he does not give any opinion on that--but re-
cause it has been decided By the court, and being
decided by the court, he is and you are bound to
take it in your political action as la~-not that he
judges Mt all Of its merits, but because decision
Of the court is to him "ThuS saith the LoTd." !"
Applause lie places it on that ground alone
and you will bear in mind tina. thus committing
himself unreservedly to this decision, commits hl@
to the next one Just as firmly rs to this. lie diu
not commit himself on account of the merit or ue
merit of the desision but it is Thus saith the L9ru
The next decision, much as this, whi oe iuus
saith the lard There is nothing that can divert
or turn him away from this decision. IL is nothing
that can point to him chat his great pro1otspe,
Gen. Jackson did not believe in the binding force
az decisions Ia is nothing to him that Jefferson
did not go believe. have said that have oi'en