Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1858-03-19
And az sA6aaskr MIEEer. q Fsbn.ary
th. ISL. ANS nrophcclod

lalions, but il is needless. Tho so-calIed
Democratic press spoke almost with ono
voice. But the bill passed, and tho conaes
quences predicted by tho Mirror followed.
Tho Democratic party, which in Ohio, had
few years before adopted an anti.Slavery
platform, and had subsequently, achieved a
succession Of Victories each moro brilliant
than tho preceding, was Overwhelmingly
defeated at the next election, nnd not sin
gle Congressional district returned mem
Der of that party TO the next Congress
Tho odium Of the Pierce Administration
which forced tho detested measure through
Congress, attached 10 the party which placed
Pierce in power, and brought upon il total
lprostratior, even where the press and the
majority of tho party opposed the bill, and
even defeated Democratic members nomi-
mated for reelection, who had voted against
the bill. The people demanded rcnunc'd-
tion Of the party, as condition of support
| Nevertheless, as soon as it became under
stood that acquiescensc in the Nebraska bill
was made a condition Of appointment to Of
fee at Washington, and that the Admins
tration, sustained by tho controlling influ-
ence of the Slave Power, was determined
to make the approval of it part aud parcel
of the party creed, little by little the oppo-
sition began to die out in the party; and
the process went on until at length the
principles of the Nebraska bill were incor-
porated into the Cincinnati Platform, and
adhesion to thom became a test Of party
allegiance. A great multitude, indeed, OF
Democrats who were Democrats in deed and
not in name only, renounced that allegiance;
but their places were so far made good by
bunker pro-slavery Wings and renegade
Free Soiers, that the party was still able to
achieve ono moro Presidential triumph in SO.
And now suppose the Lecompton bill 70
, become law: what is there to warrant the
belief that tho results will be. substantially
different from those of tho passage of the
Nebraska bill Tho opposition to the for
: mer in tho party is neither more general
t nor moro earnest than was the opposition
to the latter AS Pierce was then, SO is
Buchanan now. AS the slave power, the
controlling element in the party organiza-
t ton, sustained Pierce then, so does it sus-
D tain Buchanan now AS the policy of tho
, Administration became the creed Of the
party then, so must it become the creed of
the party now. AS those who would not
consent to be read out Of the party then,
: succumbed finally to the policy, and pro-
: fessed the creed, so must the same class sue
Y cumb and profess now. Many there were
then, who said, "Am a dog that should
= do this thing?" and answered their own
G question by doing it. Many such thore be
5, now, whose future will correspond 10 theirs.
c As the people then rejected at the polls
q even those who voted against the bill, il
they yet undertook to retain membership in
J, the party which consumated the wrong, SC
" will the people now, with those who at
tempts the like double part.
C. There are, however, two great circum
,r- stances of difference between 1854 and SO
!, The first is that the question of Lecomp
ton and anti-Lecompton must necessarily
s. disappear with the passage of the bill, if
ell as We doubt not they will, the actual
o. ly elected Free State Legislators and
n State officers, take possession of the Kan
sas State Government, and proceed to con
u form tho Constitution by amendment tc
oil Free State views. In that event the act o.
ut adminisson under the Lecomptcn Consti
Ia tuition will only mark the disposition ant
character Of the Administration party, wht
" attempt the wrong. 1t will no longer be ,
u practical question before the people. Th'
u question of Nebraska and anti-Nebraski
er was moro permanent, for it represented th'
= struggle which commenced with the bill
nc and is not yet decided, upon the great issue
10 whether the Territories Of the Union, 50 ia
We as the General Government can them Sc
ed shall be slave or free.
The other important circumstance Of di
nc ference is this In 1854 the anti-Nebrask
- sentiment is organized; In 1853 the ant
T Lecompton sentiment is organized and tn
re- great Republican party, which all but achies
Or ed National Victory in 1856, and is Gel
it tain if only faithful to its principles, to il
,at men, and to itself, to achieve such victor
in 1860. We do not mean to disparago th
anti-Lecompton sentiment which has bee
lu- manifested, in the so-called democratic pa
aiu ty. We respect and honor the men WI
ON, have dared on this question to take groun
tb so boldly, so gallantly against the controllin
:, influence of their party. So we honore
." Alfred P. Edgerton and Andrew Stewa
90 to name no more--in 1854, but they a
MS. tempted to reconcile continued allegiance
of their party with their votes against the N
,s braska bill, and the confidence of the pc,
!, pie forsook them.
''n We wait to see what viii be the outcom
u.s. of the anti-Lecompton movement in Ii
III Democratic party. That it cannot coptr
50 tho party in spite of the National Admin
tration and tho slave power, we are sure.--
For That as faction in the party, it will /
11iGISS powerless after few months, We think o
Ich, most certrin. Whether those who have o
erS ted in it will attempt to organize such "a
ton, or frankly identify themselves with Il
great body Of the opponents of the Lecoml
sys ton swindle, in the Republican party, is Il
cry cry practical question which will decide ths
tsSS destiny, but nothing else, for the Rspubl
ONE can party viii fulfill its mission. Such
party does not grow up, through long yea
are of discussion, effort gradual diffusion
light on great public question, and slow
,ood widening and aeeumulating resolve In d
o%s nss hearts of the people, for nothing.
ion; Tho mission Of the Republican party
and to mako Nebraskaism and (Lecomptonis
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