Arkansas true Democrat., 1858-11-17


 have been at least as good, because it is pro- slavery. Before introducing little more testi- mony. we will notice the attempted argument of the opposition organ. After telling what Mir. Buchanan said and did, which sayings and doings are old refuted islanders and perversions, he demonstrates to his full satisfaction that the democratic party is not the pro- slavery party. Like great many false reasoners he proves too much. If the democratic party is anti-slavery it follows that the opposition party is pro-slave' ". We all know that the black republicans are, in all things, in direct opposition to the de- mocracy, that one opposes what the other sup ports, one defends what the other attacks and the policy and principles of one and the reverse of the policy and principles of the other. It, then, the democratic party is anti-slavery It follows as matter of course, that the black re- publican party is pro-slavery. The Gazette opposes the democracy because he says it is not sound on the slavery question. Of course, his next step is to favor black repubcanism as be- ing better for the interests of the South. One position is just as tenable as the other. It IS very foolish attempt to prove that white IS black Tel him now, in his admirable logical mode Of reasoning, prove that black is white, and see if he can find anybody fool enough to believe 1t.
 But to show that democracy at the North Is the same as at the South let us take an extract from the letter of B. F. Butler, of Massachu- sets, accepting the nomination to Congress:
 Again, believe it to be an essential element of the democratic creed and promulgated at Cincinnati, in 1856, as well as plainly deduci- ble from the doctrines of the "Fathers ofthe Re- public" one to which every living, democratic statesman has, at some period, pledged himself that the people of every community, who asso- ciate themselves upon theterritory of the Unit ed States, and obtain sufficient numbers so as to be organized into a territorial government, have the right, by their legislation, under the constl- tuition, to manage all their domestic institutions in their own way or, in other words, to deter mine for themselves fully the status of society under which they will live, and that this right continues until the formation Of such territory into state, when it is conceded by all Then, slaves, being decided to be property by the su- preme court in the states where slavery exists by local law, are protected as such Tn the ter ritories, as far as in the several states, giving the master the right to hold them while there is no territorial legislation on the subject, with the further right to remove them within rea- sonable time, after legislation is had, that di- vests him of his property by Il law declaring them free.
 This would put the rights of the south upon their true constitutional basis, leaving the pub lie domain fairly open to competition and eml- grafton, permitting the question of "bond or free" to be settled by the natural laws finter- est and profit, or by the newly formed commu- nity as as it is of ability to settle any other question of government policy. retaining in the slaveholder, who had brought his property up- onthe public land, under the protection of the constitution, the right to take it away, if in dan ger of being dvested of it by territorial leglsa- tion. More than this the south ought not to ask; more than this the north ought not to grant, Of course, from this reasoning, no one would hold that by carrying his slave into un- occupied and uuorganiZed territory the master valves his right to him, so that by this act he would be emancipated.
 Upon this subject I deem the public mind to be substantially settled in the full determina- ton to leave slavery to be dealt with by the
  istence. With it, we in Massachusetts have nothing to do, save to let it alone, or to treat it in our political as we do in our business relations, wherein we buy and sell the products of slave labor and furnish our own fabrics for its sup port, thus recognizing the institution as an ex- isting fact, for which we are, in no way, respon- sible, and because of which we, in no way, dis turb ourselves save to sell our brogans and ne- gro cloths for the use of the slave as dearly as possible, and to buy its cotton and sugars as cheaply as we can.
 These opinions upon the subject ofthe rights of the master and his slaves in the territories are in view of the action congress ought to take in the matter, and are wholly independent of the judicial aspects of these questions, which will be doubtless settled according to their legal merits when they arise ill the various matters of controversy.
 Such is the language of Massachusetts, democrat writing to democrats.
 Let us See what free-soiler says of the de- mocracy. We will put on the stand one who stands shoulder to shoulder with the editor of the Gazette in his opposition to the democracy. Let Mir. Horace Greeley of the Tribune speak, and we hope that the editor of the Gazette will not object to our introducing one from the ranks of the opposition, in which ranks he is found battling so earnestly. In an appeal to the black republicans of New York, before the election, Greeley said:
 Does the Dred Scott decision-pronounced by democratic judges every one placed on the bench by Jackson and his lineal successors- a1lo,y tho poor1a of n or reject slavery? You know that it does not that it clearly affirms the right of ary saveholde, to carry slauery into any territory against the re-
 onstrances of euery other tnhabitant cf said ter ritory. That decision was approved in advance by James Buchanan in his inaugural. It has been fully endorsed and adopted by his party It is to-day portion of the accepted creed of national democracy.
 Who can account for this discrepancy? A great opposition leader in New York says it is. A would be great opposition leader in Arkansas says is not. In the object to- wit, the destruc- ton of the democratic party they both agree;- for this they both labor with equal zeal, each in his way and to the extent of his ability Considering that all the abolition presses count by scores and the abolitionists of the North number many thousands in point of numbers the weight of testimony is against the Gazette. It is not probable;-it is not even possible, that they should all be wrong and an Arkansas edi- tor even with all his facilities for acquiring in- formation, his great grasp of mind and his total freedom from prejudice, should alone be right Right or wrorg, one thing is certain:-they are pursuing the same object, striving for the same result, and have common end in view. Cree ley and Seward in New York, Wilson and Bur- lingame in Massachusetts and the editor of the Gazette in Arkansas are joined in common cause and are waging the same unholy war.
 CONTESTED ELECTION CAsE-The Senate committee on elections made report in the