Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1858-07-01
Emancipation: Arguments Pro and Con,

anu the DeWOCTdtJ are discussing Inc L
Emancipation question. We give an extract
from each, 10 let eur readers see how they
manage the question, and to suggest to both
that the shareholders themselves, who have
an interest in the question, are generally
competent TO attend 10 their own business
and when an agent is desired, they do moi
want self constituted one.
The Republican sums up thus, ssaius
Emancipation
Without pretending 10 provide payment
in advance for the slaves 10 be emancipa.
ted withou: caring where The money is fo
come from-studiously concealing from the
people that, if the project is carried out al
all, under the Constitution, II must be at or
expense Of q. least fifty millions of dollars,
and a tax upon The people 10 that amount
utterly Indifferent rs 10 the effect Of such
proposition upon The other great interests
of The State, so that they are Kept in Office
by ia ticket is now in process Of forma-
lion, Of which this is the cardinal and only
principle. No means are proposed TO get
rid Of the enc hundred and ten thousand
slaves now in the State, and increasing
every year, but if they should be emanci-
pated, they are TO remain here, and be a
part Of our population, coming in contact
with every interest Of the white man, and
il the schemes Of some of these fanatics are
carried out, putting them on the spine level,
socially and politically with the white race.
The Democratreplies, and argues in favor
Of Emancipation, as !ollOws;-
No ole that We know of has ever We,
proposed 10 liberate tie slave population Of
Missouri, and turn them adriit amongst our
own free laborers. No one that We know
Of, has ever proposed 10 pay shareholders
fifty millions OF dollars for such emancipa-
ton, or 10 lax The people Of this state TO pro-
mote that purchase. No one that we know
Of contempla,es violating either the cons,i-
tuition Of Missouri, or the rights of prop
erty, as legalized, in advocating the cause
Of free abor and accomplishing the work Of
slavery extinction. At least for our own
part, we can clearly and conscientiously
discam each and all of The propositions
Honest opponents will give US the benefit
OF this statement; dishonest opponents will
continue TO circulate their own version
In behalf Of those who have initiated The
great industrial movement, which looks 10
the substitution of free for slave labor-the
multiplying of the white race instead of the
black receive may say also that they have
no such ideas in contemplation; but have al
ready enunciated policies which deal with
the questions involved far more practically
and far more speedily. 1t is upon the tide
Of progressing populations, in view Of cul-
minating machinery, with recognition of
our undeveloped resources, and appreciat-
Ing the conceded disappearance Of the SER
vile system before the march Of unshackeled
enterprise, that they have rested their
cause in its incipiency. That is their
ground. ARtecedent facts have already
disclosed much of The character of the pro-
erosion which is to relieve Missouri from
this incubus, and nntecedent facts will very
properly illustrate just now the future
courses it is likely TO pursue. Slavery ex-
tinction has been pressed on gradually for
soms years in parts Of the state; and il It
be pressed ON now with q more vigorous
effort everywhere it will not alter either
the mode or The end. Nothing is left Of the
slavery question here but the question Of
time, and the very conduct Of the negro ad
yoca,es is fast reducing that 10 the narrow.
est limit. Let US instance case in point.
The county of Gasconade had in 1851
relative population of 1886 free whites and
lO4 slaves. Free labor. however, marked
it as IFS own, and began 10 make there its
settlements, and fix its home. The result
was that Gasconade had, in 1856, rela
tive population 1854 free whites, and As
slaves. The free white population in five
years had increased one-third-ihe slaves
had decreased one-half. Furthermore,
there were no free negroes in Gasconade,
either in 1856 or in 1851. No such ele-
nenl was left as a residum. Slaves and
slavery had disappeared at the advent Of a
free yeomaDry, yet no tax was levied 10 buy
the slaves-no constitution was infringed 10
get rid of the slaves. One half Of the slave
property of that county disappeared entire
ly from the field of employment within the
time named; yet will any one have the har-
dihood to assert that that free labor triumph
was an attack upon the rights Of private
properly. Some may have sold their slaves
south at enticing prices, others may have
sent them off, liberated as a radiance: both
classes perceiving that the enhanced value
of their lands from an influx Of people and
the superior worth and thrift of skilled in.
du.try far more than compensated for the
abolition. And thus slavery is seen 10 have
been half obliterated from the county Of
Gasconade without infringement upon indi-
yiduals, without charge upon the public,
peacefully, prosperously, Progressively
And the same gradual elimination may be
shown in other parts. St. Francois was
returned in the census Of 1851 as follows,
1885 free whites, 1921 slaves; but mineral
development induced an influx of free la
borers, and the census Of 1856 thus emun-
crates the effect-5033 free whites, 726
slaves. The slave population under the in.
fuence of white immigration had decreased
almost half within The five years. VIII
il be affirmed that this process Of slavery
extinction initiated against the constitution
NJ RIGHTS IF any CLASP On the contrary,