Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1858-03-30

character OF their own institutions, let Us take cur
chances IS to this Institution Of slavery as the people
may determine Here it is against US; there is some
chanee for US if re leave the question the people
L they say mo slavery, exclude It from every Ter
Eitory in the Union; but If they say sslavery" in
the organic law which they may form, and come
here for admission let it remain it is no business Of
Congress 1t is for the people and not the Con-
gFess Of the United States, to decide Where, ask
does opposition TO this principle lead Where are
those Ofyou that deny this power and say it shall be
exercised by Congress instead Of the people in the
1ermatien of their constitutions, s0ing? I find q
resolution, adopted in Philadelphia In June, 1856
wlich declares
Thst the Constitution ooDters upoo Congress sovereign
power the Territories Of the United States for their
government and that in the exercise Of this power both
the light and the duty Of Congress TO prohibit in the Terri
tories those twin relics Of barbarismpoy gamy and ss
very
ask our southern friends IS well as our northern
friends where does this principle carry US know
those in hot pursuit Of the slavery question are
willing to assume, and have assumed, because they
have the power, that Congress is sovereign, and
therefore has jurisdiction Of the question Of slavery
in the Territories but The time will come when ne
grOes get out Of the way, when a large portion Of
that party will abandon that principle, and deny
that any such power is conferred on the Congress Of
the United States as sovereignty over the Terrific
ries. Every man who denies the exercise Of power
BY the people, and claims it the part Of the Fed
eral Government is led naturally to the platform Of
the Black Republicans adopted in 1856, in the nom
ination Of Mr.. Fremont. Where else does it cary
yOui Il carries you back to that position which was
maintained and exercised by the Parliament and
Crown Of Great Britain in reference to the colonies
We might well get right in reference to first prin-
oiples. The time will come when a large portion o.
the Republican party, when negroes get out Of the
way, when TIE question Of slavery is removed, and
they begin 10 analyze the great principles Of free
-fN1 rlfoHa do
gress is sovereign in the Territories. l deny it
wholly. 1t comes in conflict with the first prin pes
OF free government. l care not whether it is exer
cised OF claimed by the Black Republicans of the
North, or any other description Of party, North or
South, East or West.
have said more than intended, Mr.. President
but have been induced to speak at this length be
cause We have before US the subject of the admission
Of Kansas under the LecOmpton constitution and the
doctrine OF Instructions which together embrace the
first principles Of this Government. did not hear
my honorable colleague state what would be his po-
stion as to the last resolution He will not under
stand me as improperly asking the question: what is
his position in regard to it?
Mr.. BELL. will answer my colleague with pre-
eisiOn. Alter stating the grounds which thought
the doctrine Of instruction not solidly founded
said that Il would be perceived that did not &C.
knowledge the instructions of the Legislature of my
State as imposing me the obligation Of obedience;
but, nevertheless, would defer greatly to the sen
tmen.s Of my Legislature on any subject in regard
to which believed their views to be founded on a
knowledge Of the subject in all its bearings and con
sequences; and in such case as that unless there
was some constitutional difficulty in the way, would
defer to their sentiments. My colleague, ] hope, is
now thoroughly informed Of my true position this
subject. say the sentiments of the Legislature
should be treated with respect in ell cases where
they appear 10 have been founded on full knoWl-
edge of the subject which they instruct their Sen
atOrs, in all its bearings and consequences; and
would be disposed to conform my course according
to them.
Mr.. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. I do not wish to
travel out of the way to interrogete my colleague;
for, if know myself it is nay in ention to cultivate
those relations which should always subsist between
men who occupy places on this floor; but confess
that do not know whether I understand my honor
| able colleague now or not. It may be my fault,
though, and not his It may be my misfortune, and
not his fault,
DIR, BILL. / ask my colleague to state any diff
heulty, aud will answer him with frankness
Mr.. Johnson, of Tennessee. Throwing in good
many contingencies, he says that if there were no
constitutional difficulties in the way he would be
inclined to defer it to the will of the Legislatures
but there are many eondtions-'ifs," and lands f"
and ''buts"-that I am at q loss to understand his
true meaning.
Mr.. BELL. But I will take all conditions away,
except the question OF constitutional right. Now
understood me.
Mr.. JOHNSON, Of Tennessee. Then do I under
stand my colleague saying there is any cOnsitu-
tionsl difficulty in the way of the present question of
the admission Of Kansssl
Mr.. BILL. Not at all. Ny colleague now under
stands me-
Mr.. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. am very much
gratifed at that
MIR. BELL. lido not 20 into details. There might
he which qhould
did not understand have predcated the course
which should adopt under instructions, upon the
idea that their Instructions should appear to be in
pursuance Of convictions founded upon thorough
understanding Of the subject on which they under
take to instruct, in all its hearings and oonsequen.
Oes Nov / hope my colleague understands me.
Mr.. JOHNSON, of Tennessee Not quite.
Mr.. BELL l will explain further. do not mean
anything equiyocal at all.
Mr. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. As we have got into
this collOquy this question, and as it is going on
pleasantly, and nothing unkind is meant OF inten-
ded, wish to know whether my colleague will vote
fer the admission of Kansas INTO the Union under
the LscOmptOn Constitution in consequence Of the
instructions, will vote for it without regard to
them want to get at the precise lint Of the ex-
tent to which the instructions bear on his course
Mr. BELL. will crafty my colleague in any
reasonable wish or desire he can have. will an
sWer that I would not, in consequence Of any in
struCtOn of the Legislature of my State act as the
Legislature desired, unless should be convinced or
believe that those instructions were founded on
full understanding Of the subject in all its bearings
and consequences. Now, 1 hope my colleague under
stands me. If he does not and will state his diff
Guilty, will answer it explain it. say this with
perfectly friendly feeling.
Mr.. Johnson, of Tennessee. The position Of my
honorable colleague, if understand it. is this: in
the first place. to the instructions as to the will Of
the people, expressed in 1854 and repeated in 1855
and again in 1885, and in 1857 he does not acknoWI
edge obedience.
Mr.. BELL VIII my colleague allow me to explain
that!
Mr.. JOHNSON, of Tennessee. Yes, sir
Mr.. BELL He understands that say would not
defer to any opinion of the Legislature expressed
in 1854 while that bill was pending before the
Senate. Do understand him to say that he wants
to know that
Mr.. JOHNSON, Of Tennessee. Yes, sir.
Mr.. BELL. / sssUredly would not upon the
ground that l considered then, as I consider now
that they hsd no such knowledge, or reflection, or
understanding, Of the tendencies of that measure,
as could authorize them to instruct me under such
circumstances as to make me feel morally bound to
as to the right of instruction. would respect the
resolutions of my Legislature when not only passed
BY my friends, but even by my opponents. should
not wish to treat them with disrespect but when
came to act the subject should treat them with
reference to the foundations on which | supposed
their opinions TO have been expressed and their in
structiOns given. should inquire whether they
understood the subject properly or not.