Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1858-07-01
From the London Star, of June A.
An English View of the Late Pro-
ceedingS of the Gulf


. ceedings of the Gulf.
;. The intelligence from the other side o.
8 the Atlantic BY the last two or three mails
a is of a very alarming character. British
cruisers in the Gulf of Mexico and off the
coasts of Cuba are accused of committing
high-handed outrages upon American mer-
s chant vessels trading in those waters. We
d suspect there may be some exaggeration
in the reports of the New York papers of
s these occurrences, but the Indignation OF
v the American Dationalists, who are as
3 touchy as the English themselves on the
B., subject of the honor of their national flag,
c and the peremptory tone assumed by the
, Cabinet at Washington in communications
! understood 10 have been addressed to our
/ Government in the matter, Leave little room
to doubt that war between the two coun-
5 tries will be inevitabl lie it restraint be not
f Immediately imposed upon the operations
| OF our naval officers in the Gulf of Mexico
Some twenty cases are mentioned in the
New York papers, and many are referred
to in the official correspondence between
Gen. Cass and ! ord Napier, in which
American vessels have been rudely brought
to by British ships-of-war, in some cases
fired at and even into, boarded and searched
to ascertain whether they were slavers.-
Congress at once took notice of these pro-
ceedings, and Mr.. President Buchanan
promptly co-operated. The result is that
the United States navy is to be Immediate
ly reii forced on that station, and that Mr.
Dallas. the American Minister at this
Court, has been instructed to lay the facts
before the British Government, to require
that tn ese outrages should cease, and to
| perem pt orly demand satisfaction for the
insults to the American flag. and indemnity
for whatever damages have resulted from
the visitatons os the British cruisers. =.
People will readily understand the DAN
ger which is imminent from this explosive
state of things should our Government fail
to have the fortitude of receding from the
untenable position it has assumed. We feel
as deeply as it is possible to feel on the
| subject of the slave trade, and are as anx-
ious as any to see it suppressed forever;-
but surely England cannot make that OBJ
jecs justification for the invasion of the
rights of an independent nation. And |
what is this right Of visitation and search |
which We claim and which we have now |
rudely and, il appears, unnecessarily exer-
cised but an invasion Of one of the lber-
ties most highly priced and strenuousy |
fought for by the American peoplei We |
shall not appeal to that mass of contradic-
tions the international code Of laws, as it /
is termed, to prove that this Tight of search |
forms no part of it, although we might do
so safely; but We appeal to history. Amer
ica has always steadfas.y resisted our
claims to this alleged right. In the war of
1872 between Great Brita in and the U. s.
one of the objects was, or our side to en-
force the right, and on the part of the
Americans to resist it. That destructive
war ragged for nineteen months, and the
treaty of peace which closed it did no,
even mention the right of search, and of
course left the dispute on that point pre-
cisely where it was,-a striking illustra-
tion of the cruel absurdity of resorting TO
war as settlement of such disputes, and
an experimental proof also of the readiness
with which the Americans will draw the
sword in defence Of the integrity of their
flag, if driven to it by the preiensions Of
the British Government.
The orders to the Admiral in command
of the West India stations to adopt these
vigorous measures % visit and search IN
the anti-slavery blockade of the Cuban
coasts were sent out, we believe, not by
the present, but by the late Government
The blockading squadron hes always been
a pet-means with Lord Palmerston for the
suppression of the slave trade, and it has
found support from public
opinion in England. We need not inquire
just now into its alleged efficiency OF its !
alleged failure. This is not the question, 6
for even if it could be demo nstrated that {
the slave trade into Cuba would be entire :
ly suppressed by the British cruisers search :
ing every vessel, whether bearing the ,
American flag or not, the primary question
presents itself, What right have we to do i
this! And how can we make the violation Z
of right, even for good object, justin c
cation If war, which would inevitably 70 a
low! The American Government is under v
reciprocal treaty obligations with Great 1
Britain to do what it can TO suppress the
slave trade, but if it be lukewarm and in U
sincere in that purpose, is it therefore the i
business OF England to go to war with the !;
United States! Can that great nation, :,
proud, powerful, and pertinaciously stub
born on al. points Of national honor, be i
compelled to 60 actively, heart and soul, in u
TO blockade against slave ships! The n
idea is as monStrous as, if it have ertere !,
any mans brain, it is wicked. We all :
know very well that tho Government of n
Washington and the predominant party in \
Congress and in the Executive have SYM :,
pathies rather in favor of than against the ;
traffic in negro slaves; and it must have h
been well known also to Lord Palmers,on h
when he dispatched the orders we have al ;
luded to to the commanders of the block ,
aiding squadron, that they would lead. not h
to the repression OF the saye imports into I,
Cuba, but 10 that very evaporation Of feel h
ing in the United States against this coun- o
try, which, were the noble lord still Iu ,
power, might keep both nations lowering
on the brink of war, or perhaps precipi:ate
them into that direst OF all ca lamiiies.
We hope the administration Of Lord Derby u
will take a different course. p
With respect to the slave trade, and the a
share which American citizens have in it, c
we see nothing for it, uuhappily, bat TO !