Litchfield enquirer., 1858-11-11
thus regarded with favor, but which they may

It is not to be denied, however, that thu far the course of that contest has not been ac
 cording to their humane anticipations ant
 wishes In the field of Federal politics, Sla
 very, deriving un!ooked-tor advantages iron
 commercial changes and energies, and unfore
 seeu from the facilities of combination bctweel
 members of the slaveholding class aId bttWeel
 that class aud other property classes, early ral
 lied and has at length made stand, not mere
 ly to retain its original detenslve position but to extend it's sway throughout the whole Uu ion. 1t is certain that the slaveholdiug class Of American citizens indulge this high amb tlon, auo that they derive encouragement for it from the rapid and effective political sue. cess which they have already obtained. The plan of operation is this /: By continued appl. ances of patronage, and threats of disunon, they will keep majority favorable to these designs in the Senate, where each State has an equal representation. Through that majority they will defeat, as they best can, the admis- sion of Free States, and secure the admission of Slave States. Under the protection of the Judiciary, they will, on the principle of the Dred Scott Case, carry Slavery into all the Territories of the United States HOW existing and hereafter to be organized By the action of the President and the Senate using the treaty-making power, they will annex foreign Saveholdlng States In q favorable conjunc- ture they will induce Congress to repeal the Act of 1908, which prohibits the foreign slave-trade, and so they will import from Ali rlca, at the cost of only twenty dollars head, slaves enough to fill up the interior of the con tlnent. Thus relatively increasing the number of Slave States, they will allow no amend- ment to the Constitution prejudicial to their interest, and so, having permanently establish ed their power, they expect the Federal Judi clary to nuly all State laws which shall in- tertere with internal or foreign commerce in Slaves. When the Free States shall be suGi- ciently demorallztd to tolerate these designs, they reasonably conclude that Slavery will be accepted by those States themselves. 1 shall not stop to show how speedy and how com plcte would be the ruin which the accomplish meht of these slave-holdiny schemes would bring upon the country For one, l should not renlaln in the country to test the sad ex pertinent Having spent my manhood, though not my whole life, in Free State, no arisloc- racy oi any kind, much less an aristo:racy of shareholders, shall ever make the laws of the A44a i--- .Al;-L l !4! A.. %4i-v.- 4I.,-- ing seen the society around me universally eu- gagged Ill agriculture, nlanufactures aud trade, winch We're innocent aud b,ncticent, 1 shall never be d denizen of State where men aud women are reared as cattle, and bought and sold as merchandise. When that evil day shall come, and all further efiort at resistance shall be inn ossbe, then, if there shall be no better hope for redemption than l can now turesee, shall say with FRANKLIN, while look ing abroad over tie whole earth for new and more cougenial home "Whvrc Liberty dwells there is my country"
 You will tell me tha: these fears are extrav- agant and chimerical. answer, they are so, but they are so only because the designs of the shareholders must and can be defeated But it is only the possibility of defeat that rel,- derS them so. They cannot be defeated by ill., activity. There is no escape from them com patible with non-reslstance. How, then, and ii, what way, shall the necessary resistance be made7 Tine Democratic party must be per mauently dislodged tiom tie Government. The reason ls that tic Democratic purty $ 1ne1tri- caLly committed to the desl lgns of Me Siare- Holders, aehicA haue descrabed. Let me be we'll understood do not charge that the Democratic candidates for public office now before the people, are pledged, much less that the Democratic masses who support them, re- ally adopt those atrocous and dangerous de- signs. Candidates may, and generally do, mean to act jnstly, wisely and patrotically, when they shall be elected but they become the ministers and servants, not the dietutors vf the power which elects them. The policy which party shall pursue at future period, is ouly gradually developed, depending on the occurrence of events never fully foreknoTn of men whether acting as electors, or in any other capacity are generally pure. Never thel,ss, 1t is not more true that Hell is paved with good intentions" than it is true that earth is covered with wrecks resulting from in- nocent aud amiable motives
 The very constitution of the D mocratic party commits it to execute all the desgns of the sIaveholdtrs, whatever they may be. It is not a party of the whole Unon of al the Free States aud all of the Slave States nor yet is it party of the Free States in the North aud iii the Northwest but it is sectional ard local party, having, practically, its seat with ill the Slave States, and counting its constitu- eucy chiefly and almost exclusively there. Of all it's representatives in Congress and ill the electoral colleges, two thirds uniformly come from these States. Its great element of strength lies in the vote of the shareholders, augmented by the representation of three-ffths of the slaves. Deprive the Democratic party of this strength, and it would be a helpless and hope less minority, incapable of continued organiza- tien. The Democratic Party being thus To cal and sectional, acquires new strength from the admission of every new Slave State, and loses relatively by the admission of every new Free State into the Union. A party is in one sense joint stock association, in which those who contribute most direct the action and man. agemeut of the concern. The shareholders con tributihg iu an overwhelming proportion to the capital strength of the Democrat.c party, they necessarily dictate and prescribe it's policy. ] The inevitable caucus system enables them to