The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-10-17
THE TARIFF DISCUSSION THE AaRIcuL.

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We think il little remarkable that certain class
Of public journals confne their complaints about
"hard times and the depression which prevails in
the general industry Of the country exclusively to
certain great branches of manufactures. very
large majority Of the American people employed
In agricultural pursuits This class constitute the
chief consumers and of course, pay large proper
ton Of all the revenues collected by the federal
treasury. We have habit in this democratic coun-
try Of awarding special interest and sympathy to
prominent business men, particularly those who in
vest their capital in large corporations, Of whatever
kind. The principle which controls us in this re-
spect is correctly stated by saying that money is
more commanding and powerful than men. 1t
has been prominent feature Of American politics,
originating with Mr.. Alexander Hamilton, that
money should be recognised not only entitled to
special protection but also positive element in
the government. Headvocated the establishment of
the Bank Of the United States, and called it in his
FIRST great report on finance and revenue "polit-
ical machine, intended to win over to the new re-
public the allegiance of the money classes, and,
through them, the great mercantile interests which it
was thought would be dependent upon them Mr..
Hamilton not only avowed these doctrines but rec
commended the enactment of protective laws with the
express intention of aiding, by such legislation, the
manufacturing industry of the country. lie was
candid enough to say that protection to one class
was tax upon another that, while manufacturers
were receiving benefits in that way the great pri-
mary labor Of agriculture would have to foot the bills
Mr. Hamilton told that it was dangerous prin-
cipe to introduce Into the government--that of
charging indirectly set Of men to put money into
the hands Of another. He answered that the agri-
culturists- the farmers-c and would
always constitute, large majority Of the American
people, and that they would have it in their power,
at any time, to repeal such laws, and thereby pro-
duce equality of burdens under tho government. He
acknowledged that direct bonnties to manufacturers
would, on many accounts, be preferable to protec-
tive laws because they would be economical
and less onerous upon the producing and consuming
classes 1 sga#@
We bring these historical incidents before the
country, not for the purpose Of discussing the ques
ton of protection, but to show that the great agri
cultural interests--the great producing and con-
Stunning population Of the United States--are never
mentioned or thought of in periods Of depression
like the present. Cities are far more talked about
and consulted in reference to political affairs than
the people Of the country, who are five to one in
point of numbers. We hear much of Paris, and but
little Of France. London and Vienna constitute, in
the minds Of the world, the great governments Of
England and Austria. Our business reports all
from Manchester, Leeds and Liverpool; from Lyons
MarseilIes and Bordeaux; from Lowell, Lynn, Prov
idence and Pittsburg from New York, Boston, Phil
adephia, Baltimore, Charleston, Mobile, and New
Orleans If these great centres of manufactures and
commerce flourish, all is well. If they meet dis
asters through the vicssitndes Of trade; if their
shipping is unemployed, and their capital brings
them meagre dividends, Congress is besieged for
special legislation in their behalf We do not dis
cuss the main question: whether the present system
of revenue is adequate to the wants OF the treasury
we intend only to point out the remarkable fact that
those who demand special aid wholly ignore the
very existence Of the agricultural classes.
Granting that present laws on the subject Of i'm
posts are defective, and that additional taxes should
be imposed, we submit in all candor to the Ameri-
can people whether it is wise just that subsequent
legislation thereon should be directed SO as to Sc
cure special benefits to the minority at the cost Of
the majoriy2 The subject Of taxation has lost none
Of its importance. 1t should not be considered as
partisan question, much less determined with refer
ence to the welfare of peculiar interests
We do not doubt the existence throughout the
whole country Of considerable embarrassment, ex-
tending alike to all classes and occupations Ito the
farmer as well as the manufacturer, to the merchant
and the Iaborer A little reflection will show that,
IN respect to these various interests they are all
alike charged with the misfortunes Of the times
and that in arranging laws affecting all, they are
equally entitled to be heard and needed 1t is not
those classes that command the money, the tele-
graph and the press that should be specially consid
cred They are better represented in the discus
sons Of the day. they have more facilities for pub
fishing their complaints and petitions they are more
powerfully endorsed by political influence they EN-.
ploy more ingenious advocates and pay them better
but they are not more severely tried by the recent
and existing revulson, and less in numbers and
production than the great agricultural interests,
whose labor they would tax and whose legitimate
profits they would consume
We repeat in uttering these suggestions, it IS not
our purpose to discuss the questions Of political
economy involved in the present revenue laws. We
oo;ra onlv Ia call public attention to the general