Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1858-05-11
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MIR. CLlNGMAN'S SPEECH.

course SUI gciriS. As general rule 1t oilers the
palm of excellence TO the orator who best understands
the question at issus, and advances to the issue d.
rectly honestly, earnestly and without useless di-
gression, avoiding amplfcation where it promises 10
be wearisome aud especially avoiding mere general
zation. Precision and conciseness the two ne-
cessities. a telling speech must parculari2e and
specify without too minute detail or lsbrred
densation Hence il is that literary excellence so
frequently inpairs parliamentary effect. The closet
who trims and poliShes his speeches, may pro-
duce something very readable indeed, but scarcely
ever speakable. Your literary a.prsn exercises the
ingenuity rather than the sagacty of his inteect he
will be led irresistbly 10 t0nrS de f0rc he will
speculate where he ought TO assert; lie will refine and
generalize; and far the real utility Of his
effort is concerned, all this ia waste pow
der. This sort of thing is almost entirely
excluded from the British Parliament of the
present day. As the best parliamentary crticu
inform us, no man, except Macaulay. has been per.
miled to pronounce essays in the House of Commons
for the last twenty years. His easays have been o
Grated and admired by his fellow members-not on
account Of their literary merit, but hscause they fur
nshed the most business like sort of political tracts.
Besides, Macaulsy is one man out Of a nation. lie
ia one of those intellectual giants who bear down ali
the rules and limits prescribed to ordinary capacity.
And his being able to speak essays in the House Of
Commons ia better evidence of his intellectual su-
perory Ean can be Afforded by the best of his great
literary productions. Business men in business hours
will not consent to be distracted by literary matter,
when their libraries and leisure afford them better
specimens Of the same article. Our own Congress
has not yet drilled its member into emptying the Hall
when "parsGe acrsa' prances for show. very
simple reform would however, be sufficient to pro.
duce this desired effect. Deprive our Congressman
of the luxury Of writing desks in the Hall-leas .
them no opportunity TO amuss themselves .ith pri
vate correspondence and per AID ink sSetches-eavs
them no receptaceg ol Newspapers, apples and sweet
meats, Cad It would soon be perceived that gentle.
l.en who have not contracted the habit Of "ihinliin.
on their legs will be found speaking to elnpty
benches.
Mr.. Cngman's speech II the 9th instant, is quite
refreshing tc ts0ae OF who have been bored with
luerous mediocre efforts intended for outside effect
It s and business like, and boldly directed -
matters OF immediate interest. Sill, it In. seri
Gus fault. II takes in too comprehensive range OF
subiects several CT which would each require, for f4
Eato!asory exposition speech long a. MIR. Cling
mans entire discourse. The Psulding affair, the transit
question, Walkers defeat Clayton. Bulwer treaty.
Cuba the slave trade, the apprentice trade and the
coole trade, present ver5 formidable array Of sub
ects to be discussed in a single speech. However
they are all grouped well as they could be- many
of their connections we'll Defined snd the chief points
Of policy TO be considered are brought out in good
relief, running commentary on the views present.
ed concerning .aatte.a of foreign policy may not ha
uuacceYtauie u our readers.
Walkers defeated attempt TO establish apermant mt
government in Nicaragua furnishes matter for mere
speculation by the aid OF imperfect lights Whether
hiS success could have been more than partial ard
temporary but for British interference, is problema
cal Mr.. Clngman may be entirely correct in his
suppositon as to the practicsbliiy OF tho scheme
and it's promised benefits TO our own interests. We
have before ua no satisfactory of determining
pro or cos.
Mr.. ClingmRn demonstrates to our perfect sstsiec-
tion, that Paulding's entrance Nicaraguan soil,
for the purpose Of arrestng Walker, involved an in
iringement of the territorial rights Of Nicaragua,
unless authorized by the competent authorities of
that Republic. But the assertion that such pernis
sion could be given only by the treoty.makng power,
must be taken cum oranO saljs Ii rests entirely with
the Nicaraguan Government to decide where the
proper authority Is vested. And the usage of nations
in this respect has frequently favored the extension
Of such power to officers Of lower grade and respon'
,i6iilty than Minister Penipotentary At all events
il an offence WINS committed at ALL it was one against
the de tnct0 Government oi Nicaragua. That Go
has entered no complant-no one else has
line right to compIainand thus the indiscretion OF
naval officer creates mere question of discipline be.
tween him and hs official superiors, and cannot be
elevated 10 the importance Of national controversy
We trust that the new treaty with Nicaragua opens
the way Tor desirable solution OF ali our Central
American difficulties. Any -;!empt by the Govern
ment of Nicaragua, to coerce American cltizens to
tho patronage Of monopoly, will be directly con
!ary to the letter and spirit of his treaty the enforce
ment Of which, we doubt not will be sufficiently pro
vided for by our Federal Executive.
With regard to the Bulwer-Cayton treaty, Mr.
ilingmsn pronounces the same opinion expressed by
all our conservative stateamaD that the treaty, under
sny Interpretation, cannot be other than highly nn'
rious to our national interests and that the absurd
insisted by Great Britain oilers
Just and favorable opportunity for entro aDrogation
Mr. Clingnan properly insists .hat this question is
proper one for discussion in the House of Represen-
tatives ;tasiauGng its want of Immediate perti-
cipation in the treaty making power.
The consideration of the slave trade together with
the African apprentice trade and the Chinese Cooie
system, affords Mr.. Clingman the opportunity for
triumphant expose of the evils attendant on these
different species. of traffic, in the course OF which
appears that the cooe syssm is attended with all ln-
human barbarity, never known in the slave trade
proper. Yet the latter trade is pronounced illegal
while the former s legalized and encouraged by the
very nation which asserts claim to the chief seat in
The synagogue Of philanthropy We are happy to
perceive that Mr. Clingman turns this argument, not
IN favor of the re- establishment of the slave trade,
put to the suppression of the apprentice and coole
rade. Certainly this evasion of treaty obligations
by England and France, we'll iustifes the proposal
for serious remonstrance the part Of our govern
n,ent. 70 be obliged to keep up force on tine
African coast to suppress one species Of the slave
trade, while our allies are both busily engaged in
still more obnoxious species of the same traffic, is
hardly consistent With the faithful observance Of
treaties.
Mr.. Clingman honestly avows his adherence to the
policy of acquiring Cuba by any honorable means
which may offer. He boldly endorses the Ostend man
festo, and in doing so, exhibits pluck and sagaci
Iy which contrasts admirably with the feeble hesa'
lion Of some of cur politicians on the important ques
ton of our Cuban policy. The Ostend manifesto
furnishes the hest indication of our policy in this dl'
-ection. That paper has been misrepresented. Its
authors never meant to assert the rapacous policy
which has been improperly attribaed to sheir recon-
nendatons We have only TO prevent the transfer
of Cuba TO any of the great powers OF Europe. and
The opportunity for rightful acquisition is daily rpen
ng. Sooner or later, Cuba must be ours. There
need be no haste. We must trust TO competent
executive to seize the opportunity, whenever present
ed.
We oyo haro ,,t obor in OIlr scattered comments on