The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-03-11

| asserted. A vessel moves quietly and peacefully
| while it descends with the current. You mark its
way by the foam its track only when it is forced
| against the tide. | will not dwell on other
| proofs-such as the more rapid growth of the free
| States, the ruptures of ecclesiastical Federal
| Unions, and the Generalization and disorganiza-
| ton of political parties.
/ Mr.. President, have shown why it is that the
Kansas question is attended by difficulties and
dangers only by way of preparation for the sub
| mission of my opinions in regard to the manner
| in which that question ought to be determined
and settled. l think, with great Difference to the
judgments of Others that the expedient, peaceful,
and right way to determine it, is TO reverse the ex-
listing policy of Intervention in favor of slave labor
and slave States. 1t would be wise to restore the
Missouri prohibition of Slavery in Kansas and Ne
| braska. There was peace in the Territories and
in the States until that great statute of Freedom
| was subverted. 1t is true that there were fire.
| quent debates here on the subject of Slavery,
| and that there were profound sympathies among
| the people, awakened by or responding to those
debates But what Congress instituted
| for but debate What makes the American peo-
pie to differ from all other nations, but this-that
| while among them power enforces silence here
| all public questions referred to debate, free
| debate in Congress. Do you tell me that the Su-
preme Court of the United States has removed
| the foundations of that great statute? | reply,
| that they have done no such thing; they could
| not do it. They have remanded the negro man
| bred Scott to the custody of his master. With
that decree we have nothing here at least nothing
now, to do. This is the extent of the judgment
rendered, the extent of any judgment they could
render. Already the pretended further decision
| is subyerted in Kansas. So it will be in every
| free State and in every free Territory of the
| United States. The Supreme Court, also, can re-
| verse its spurious judgment more easily than
could reconcile the people to its usurpaton.
| Sir the Supreme Court of the United States at
| tempts to command the people of the United
| States to accept the principles that one man can
own other men, and that they must guaranty the
inviolabity of that false and pernicious property
| The people of the United States never can, and
they never will, accept principles so unconstitu-
| tional and so abhorrent. Never, never. Let the
| Court recede. Whether it recede or not we shall
reorganize the Court, and thus reform its po-
| litical sentiments and practices and bring them
| into harmony with the Constitution and with the
laws of nature. In doing so, we shall not only
reassume our own just authority, but we shall re-
store that high tribunal itself to the position it
| ought to maintain, since so many invaluable
| rights of citizens, and of States themselves
| depend upon its impartality and its wisdom.
| Do you tell me that the slave States will not
acquiesce, but will agitate Think first whether
| the free States will acquiesce in decision that
shall not only be unjust, but fraudulent. True,
| they will not menace the Republic. They have
| an easy and simple remedy, namely, to take the
| Government out of uni ust and unfaithful hands,
| and commit it to those which will be Just and
faithful. They are ready to do this now. They
| want only a little more harmony of purpose
| and little more completeness of organization.
These will result from only the least addition to
the pressure of Slavery upon them. You are lend
ing all that is necessary, and even more, in this
very act. But will the slave States agitate2 Why?
| Because they have lost at last battle that
| they could not win, unwisely provoked, fought
with all the advantages of strategy and in
PREVENTION, and on field chosen by themselves.
What would they gain? Can they compel Kan
sas to adopt Slavery against her will Would
| it be reasonable or just to do it, if they could
Was negro servitude forced by the sword
on any people that inherited the blood which cir
culates in our veins, and the sentiments which
| make US a free people, If they will agitate on
such ground as this, then how, or when, by
what concessions we can make, will they ever be
satisfied? To what end would they agitate 1t can
now be only to divide the Union Will they not
need some fairer or more plausible excuse for a
proposition SO desperate2 How would they i'm
prove their condition, by drawing down a certain
| ruin upon themselves? Would they gain any new
security for Slavery? Would they not hazard
securities that are invaluable? Sir, they who
talk so idly, talk what they do not know them
selves No man when cool can promise what he
will do when he shall be inhamed no man in
famed speak for his actions when time and
necessity shall bring reflection. Much less can
any speak for States in such emergencies
But, shall not insist, now, on so radical a
measure as the restoration of the Missouri pro-
hibiton. know how difficult it is for power to re-
linquish even pernicious and suicidal policy all
at once We may attain the same result, in this
particular case of Kansas, without going back so
far Go back only to the ground assumed in 1854,
the ground OF popular sovereignty. Happily for
the authors of that measure the Jealous and ene-
getic resistance Of abuses practiced under it has
so far been effective that popular sovereignty in
Kansas may now be made fact, and Liberty there
may be rescued from danger through its free ex-
ercise. Popular sovereignty is an epic of two
parts. Part the first presents Freedom in Kansas
lost. Part the second, if you will so consent TO
write it. shall be Freedom in Kansas reganed. Ii
is on this ground that hail the eminent Senator
from Illinois [Mr. DoUGLAs] and his associates,
the distinguished Senator from Michigan, Mr.
STUART and the youthful, but most brave
Senator from California, Mr.. BRoDERICK7 The
late Mr.. Clay told US that Providence has many
ways for saving nations God forbid that |
should consent to see Freedom wounded, because
my own lead even my own agency in saving
it should be rejected will cheerfully co-ope-
rate with these defenders of this sacred cause
in Kansas, and will award them all due praise,
when we shall have been successful, for their
Will you tell me that it is difficult to induce the
Senate and the House of Representatives to take
that short backward step? On the contrary the
hardest task that an Executive dictator ever set
or parliamentary manager ever undertook, is to
prevent this very step from being taken. Let
the President take off his hand, and the bow |
bent so long, and held to its tension by so |
hard pressure, will relax, and straighten itself
at once.
Consider now, if you please, the consequences
of your refusal. If you attempt to coerce Kan |
sas into the Union, under the Lecompton Consti- |
tuition the people Of that Territory will resort |
to civil war. You pledged to put down |
that revolution by the sword. viii the people |
listen to your voice amid the thunders of your |
cannon? Let but one drop of the blood of free
citizen be shed there, by the Federal army, and |
the countenance of every representative of free
State in either House of Congress, will blanch |
and his tongue will refuse to utter the vote neces-
sary to sustain the army in the butchery of his |
fellow citizens. |
Practically, you have already one intestine and |
Territorial war. A war against Brigham Young !
in Utah. Can you carry on two, and confne the |
strife within the Territories? Can you win both |
wise nation will never provoke more than |
one enemy at one time. / know that you argue |
that the Free State men of Kansas are impracti- |
cable factious, seditious? Answer me three |
questions Are they not majority, and pro- |
claimed by the people of Kansas ? Is not this |
quarrel for the right of governing themselves, |
conceded by the Federal Constitution Is the |
tyranny of forcing hateful Government upon |
them, less intolerable than three cents impost |
on pound of tea, or FIVE cents stamp duty on a |
promissory note q? You say that they can change |
this Lecompton Constitution when it shall once |