The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-01-21

IN AL LIZA w ASHIlN
alluded to in his seat, he would simply propose
to postpone the subject till Monday week, and
on that motion demanded the previous aues-
| ton.
Mr.. Bennett, of New York, understood that
Mr.. Matteson was at home, sick.
Mr.. Harris said, il, when the time arrived,
there were coed reasons shown for the absence
of the member, the matter could be further
postponed.
Tie Speaker said the effect of the previous
question would be to cut c IF the postponement,
and bring the House at once to vote on the
resolution; whereupoD,
Mr. Harris withdrew the demand for the pre-
| vious question.
Mr.. Blair, of Missouri, offered resolution
as an amendment, condemning the committee
of investigation of the last Congress, for SUD.
pressing material portions of the testimony /;
which was ruled out of order.
The motion to postpone to Monday week was
carried.
Mr.. Ready, of Tennessee, moved that when
| the House adjourn, it be to meet on Monday
next.
The motion prevailed-yess l00 nays 80.
Terito7ry Of Arizona.--Mr. Harris, of Hi.
nois, called attention to the fact that, according
to the official paper, the certificate of election
of Delegate from the Territory of Arizona
had been presented under the rule" and re-
ferred to the Committee on Territories. Such q
certificate could not be presented under the
rule, and must be referred to the Committee on
Elections.
The matter gave rise to considerable CONVEX.
sational debate.
Mr.. Smith, of Virginia, was informed that
the reputed Delegate was an officer of the army,
and thought it showed an extraordinary state
of things altogether.
The Speaker finally stated that, under the
| rule of the House, if there was no objection, he
would cause the paper to be withdrawn, and
properly disposed of.
Senate BiUs.-The bill for the relief of Geo.
P. Marsh was read twice, and referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, with instruc.
tons to obtain from the State Department GER
tain information.
The bill to detach Selma, in the State OF
Alabama, from the collection district of New
Orleans, and make it a port of delivery within
the collection district of Mobile, was read
twice, and referred to the Committee on Com
merce.
and others came up; when
of the bill at length, stating that be desired to
discuss it.
| The bill was read at length. 1t provides fol-
the payment to a number of persons of the as
sessed value of slaves carried away from our
shores by British feet during the war Of
| l8l2-'14
Mr.. Giddings yielded the fl DOR for motion to
| adjourn which was carried-84 to So.
| And accordingly, at twenty minutes past
four clock, the House adjourned until Monday
Monday, January l8, 1858.
| SENATE.
Affairs IN Kansas. - At one o'clock the
special order was called up, being the subject
| of affairs in Kansas, on which Mr.. Hale had the
| floor. Mr.. II. remarked that he did not think
this debate either premature or ill.timed bu
he adrefrained from participating in it hitherto
because he presumed the public were more
anxious to hear from some other Senators thar
to know what 80 humble an individual as him
self might have to Say on this allabsorbine
topic. And among these, the one whom there
was the most curiosity to hear from was the dis
tinguished Senator from Illinois, Mr.. Douglas.
That gentleman had spoken, and his speecf
had fully met the public expectations. Mr.. H
said he agreed with Mr.. d. in opposing the lie
| war
in con.ravention with the principle and policy
of the Nebraska bill He opposed it for JUS
the opposite reasor-because he considered i
in exact conformity with the Nebraska bill
He looked upon it as part of the original pro
gramme, and as carrying it out in its letter
and in its spirit. He was inclined to think
| that in the controversy between that Senator
and the President of the United States, the palm
of victory ought to be awarded to the President
| When he undertakes to bring in the Fedora
the thfoass OF tie people 81 ahsas. It IS becaus,
he understands the Nebraska bill Just as vel
as if he was in this country at the time tina
measure became law. But Mr.. II. declared
himself opposed to the whole thing, from be
ginning to end. He was opposed to planting
the seed be was opposed to the tree and the
foliage; and now he was opposed to pluckine
the ripe fruit. He proceeded to allude to thu
object of passing that bill and he could only
judge of that object by the natural and newt
able consequences which must result from such
a measure. That object could be nothing else
than to break down the barrier which separated
free territory from slave territory, and to bring
Kansas in as slave State-legally and peace
fully if they could, but to bring it in as slave
State any how. Some of the advocates of thai
| bill, the senior Senator from South Carolina
Mr.. Evans among the number, had avowed
that it was their purpose to extend Slavery into
Kansas at the time.
Mr.. q. proceeded to allude to the proceed
ipgs in Kansas under the Nebraska BILL The
elections there were carried, not by a mob from
Missouri, but by an invading army, WHO wen,
over the line with drum and fife, and banners
| flying, and carried everything their own way,
and returned across the river, openly avowine
that they had conquered the Territory So
matters went On, in this sort of "perfect free
dom - and popular sovereignty" and at
| length the Convention assembled to form q
Constitution for the future State of Kansas
And what did they do? They adopted the
very best plan that could possibly be devised
to make Kansas a slave State. The people
| we're very graciously permitted to vote for the
| Constitution with Slavery, or for the Constitu-
ton without Slavery; but it was somewhat
| singular fact, and might, perhaps, go far to ex
| plain the vote on the Constitution, that the
Constitution without Slavery was a more strin
| gent Pro-Slavery instrument than the Constitu
ton with Slavery. If the Constitution was
| adopted with Slavery, there were means provi
| ded by which, at some future period, the elayes
might be emancipated; but the adoption of the
| Constitution without Slavery made Slavery per
petual 1t had been said that this matter was
| in the hand of the people, who could at any
time change their Constitution and abolish
Slavery, if they saw fit; but be ccntended that
they had no such power.
Mr.. 81. went on to remark that he had heard
a great deal said about popular sovereignty, bu,
he thought there were two kinds-the one genu
inc and the other spurious. This kind of pop
ular sovereignty, which it was now proposed To
establish and maintain in Kansas, was not the
genuine article; but he would mention two or
three cases of what he regarded as real nonular