Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1858-04-14
EBENsBURG, APRIL IA, 1853.

extremity to the other abovt an alleged des-
ign to force slavery into Kansas and yet
sir within tho last nine months, the party
claiming to have the absolute power, aud the
will to do the decd, have had two opportuni-
ties of abolishiDg and forever interdicting
the Institution but they would not. How
many opportunities must they have How
long is the country to be harrassed by the
complaints of men who will not avail them
selves of their prerogatiyes as freemen They
cannot be made to vote against slavery, and
how can they be counted against it until they
do vote
But, eMhr. President do not understand
how honorable Senator's on the other side can
feel SO free te interposc mere formal objec-
tlons to the admission of Kansas as a State
how they can talk about informaliti es and ir-
regularities, or usurpations and frauds They
have claimed admission for Kansas on the
Topeka Const:tution-a movement commen-
ced without the authority of any law, terrific
rial or congressional, and in derogation of
the authority of the United States. 1t was
conceived in avowed rebellion, and prosecu-
ted in menace of the Federal authority Nor
was it sustained by the popular will. 1t had
its origin IN mass meeting of one political
party, AVID had the sanction, its advocates
say, of seventeen hundred votes at the polls ;
whilst its enemies say it did not receive ex-
ceeding seven hundred votes in all. In no
particular, then, does it stand well as the
Lecompton movement, either as to regularity
or authority. Nor will the historian be able
to understand now majority of five to one
have been SO constantly oppressed in that un-
happy terrltory-how one man has usurpeG
the rights and powers of five or six or ten, as
We are told In one breath it is asserted that
the Free State party are as five to one, or ten
to one and in the next that they b ave been
bunted down, driven from their property, and
deprived of their political rights. Some To-
gicians have convenient mode of making
| out proposition; but this is little too sharp
nave noticed in the discussion, that Cover
nor W alker Is given by Senators on the other
! side, as conclusive authority as to the nine
| teen disfranchised counties; as to the strength
of the Free State party. aud the malpractices
of the other party but when he testified Off
cially as to the rebellious movements, aud the
mischieyous designs of the Topekaites, his
views are promptly discarded and denounced.
/ This is not fair to him, or to the country
/ The Governor has made up an issue against
| this party, and it should be met and answered
! But, Mr.. President, holding as l do, that
! the application of the people of Kansas for
I
| form-that their appearance at the doors c:
! Congress with Constitution and State gov
canment is the legal and conclusive evidence
of their application for admission, conclude
that an allowable opportunity is presented to
admit them as State and it is to the alter
natives thus presented that [ wish to turn my
thoughts for few minutes.
Well, sir, L have held that the application
is legal and proper, and aat | may vote for
the admission of Kansas as a State if deem
( it wise TO do So
On the great question of admission or re-
lection, l have reflected long and seriously
and am firm believer IL the policy of ad-
mission l think it best for Kansas and foI
the whole family of States. And / believe
in addition, sir, that SO soon as the popular
mind is turned from the unpleasant strife il
Kansas-from that war of elimination anu
recrimination-of alleged fraud and usurpa
tions on the one hand and persistent rebel
lion and violence on the other, to contemplate
and count the consequences of admission
against those Of rejection, the measure vii
encounter much less opposition from the pco
pie. What great wrong can flow from admis
sion? What interest or right of the people
is to Ge damaged Our ears are daily as
saulted with graphic descriptions of the grca
wrong OF forcing q government upon the peo
pie OF Kansas. Yet no one proposes to dc
this. We make no government for them -
They make it for themselves. If they do no
like it, after they get into the Union they cal
abolish 1t and adopt other forms. No powe
on the face of the earth, outside of the Terri
tory, will dare to dispute their right to d,
this. That there is nothing in the constitu
tion to interfere with this right for single
day has been made SO clear by the Presiden
: and by Senators, that shall not discuss i
again. 1t is little singular, however, tha
this allegation of the want of power in the pc'
feasible right to alter, amend or suppressed
their form of government at pleasure, shoul.
! come from the advocates par e1ceHence, 0
popular sovereignty. Not only in this par
ticular; but as 10 the right of the people t.
, make State constitution through the agen
cy of delegates, have these expounders Q
popular sovereignty sought to impose seriou
restrictions upon the rights of the people
; They would pursuade the people that the
; are on the side of popular rights, whilst il
i fact their doctrines are the reverse.
t But, sir who can foretell the consequence
$ of the rejection of the State Ec# viii th
, act be inte-pretated by the people of the Sow
thern States ? Will they believe that it wa
Y the consequence Of the informalities or th
E wacc.. Of nopular sanction of the Constitution
oT III ; cy believe that it was the consequence
S of nominal slavery in the State and that the
are bound to treat it as practical and positiy
4 evidence that no more slave States are to
admitted into the Union that the faith of th
: compromises of 1850 is not to be carried ou
\ 1t does not become me to say what they sho'
n believe, or what they should do if they bt
Y lieve the worst. | should, for ore, hope fl
o the best, and struggle to the end to maintai
v those fl aternal relations between tue Stat'
, under which we have SO long grown and pro