The Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, Ohio) 1853-1861, 1858-11-11

Having spent my manhood, though not my
whole life, in Free State, no Oristocracy of any
) kind much less an ariStocracy OF Shareholders,
; shall ever make the laws Of the laud in which |
shall be content to live. Having seen the socje-
ty around me universally engaged in agriculture,
: manufactures and trade. which were innocent
!, and beneicent, | shall never be a denizen of n
State where men and women ure reared rs cattle,
and bought and sold as merchandise When
that evil day STALL come, aud all further resist
ance Shall be Impossible, then, il there shall be
no better hope for redemption than can now
Foresee, shall say with Franklin, while looking
abroad over the whole earth for new and con-
genial home "Where Liberty dwrlls there is
my county
! You will :ell me that these fears are cxtrava-
CANT and chmeriCal. | answer, they are So but
they are so only because the designs of the slave.
holders must and can be defeated. But it is
only the possibility of defeat that renders them
so. They cannot be defeated BY inactivity.-
There is no escape from them compatible with
non-resstance. How, then, and in what way
shall the necessary resistance be made There
Is only one way. The Democratic party must
be permanently dislodged from the Government.
The reason is, the Democratic party is inextri-
cably committed TO the designs of the slave
holders, which have described. Let me bo
well understood. | do not charge that the Dem
ocratic candidates for public Office now before
the people, are pledged, much less that the Dem.
ocratlc masses who support them really adopt
those atroclous and dangerous designs. Cand-
dates, may and generally do, mean 10 act Justly,
wisely and patriotically, when they shall be
elected; but they become the ministers and
servants, not the dictatots, of the power which
elects them The policy which party shall
| pursue at a future period, is only gradually de
Veloped, depending on the occurrence of events
never fully foreknown. The motives Of men,
whether acting as electors, or in any other ca
paCity, are generally pure. Nevertheless, ii is
not more true that I" He'll is paved with good
Intentions" than it is that earth is covered with
wrecks resulting from innocent and amiable
| motives.
The very constitution of the Democratic par
ty commits il to execute all the designs of the
Shareholders whatever they may be. 1t is not
party of the whole Union, oil all the Free States
and of all the Slave States nor yet is it party
of the Free States in the North and Northwest;
but it is n sectional and local party, having,
practically, its seat within the Slave States and
counting It's constituency chiefly and almost ax-
clusivoiy there. OF all its representatives. in
Congress and in the Electoral Colleges, two
thirds uniformly come from these States. Its
great element of strength lies in the vote of the
shareholders, augmented by the representatio
of three-6fths of the slaves. Deprive the Dem
ocratic party of this strength and it would be
| pless and hopeless minority, incapable of
continued organization. The Democratic party
being thus local and sectional, Acquires new
strength from the admission ofevery new Slave
State, and loses relatively by the admission Of
every Free State into the Union. party is in
one sense Joint stock association, in which
| those who contribute most direct the action aud
management Of the concern, The shareholders,
contributing in an overwhelming proportion to
the capital strength Of the Democratic party,
| they necessarily dictate and prescribe its policy.
! The inevitable caucus system enables them to do
so with a show of fairness and justice. II it
were possible to conceive for moment that the
Democratic party should disobey the behests Of
tho s,aveho deIs, We should then sae withdraw
! al Of the Shareholders, which would leave the
party to perish. The portion Of the party which
is found in the Free Stutes is "a mere oppendage,
convenient to modify its sectional character
4 without impairng its sectional constitution,
and is less effective in regulating its movement
than the nebuous tail of the comet is in deter
mining The appointed though apparently eccen-
trio course OF the fiery sphere from which it
emanatcs. To expect the ID mocratlc party TO
resist Slavery and favor Freedom is as unrcdson-
able as to look for Protestant Missionaries to
the Catholic Propaganda o. Rome. The history
OF the Democratic party commits II to the policy
Of Slavery 1t has been the Democratic party,
and no other agency, which has carried that
policy up to its present alarming cumlna
ton. Without stopping to ascertain, critically,
the origin of the present Democratic party, we
may concede its claim to dale from the era of
good feeling which occurred under the Admin
istraton of President Monroe. At that time
in this State, and about that time in many other
of the Free Sta ties, the Democratic party delib-
erately DISTINGUISHED the free Coored or African
citizen, and it has pCrniciOusy continued this
Acknowledgement ever since. This was an c(-
iective aid TO slavery, for while the STAKEHOLDER
\ votes for his slaves against Freedom the freed
slave, in the Free States, is prohibited from
voting against Slavery. In 1921, the Democracy
resisted the election OF John Quincy Adams
4 himself before that time an acceptable Damo.
cra;-and in 1928 it expelled him from the Pres.
i idency, and pnt STAKEHOLDER in his place, al -
though the Office had oeen filled by shareholders
thrty-twO out offory years In 1886, Martin Van
Buren--:he first non .saveholding ctizan OF q
Free State 10 whose election the D'mOcratic
party ever consented -signiliz'd his inaugura-
ton into the Presidency by gratmtous an.
nounccment that under no circumstances would
he ever approve bill for abolishing Slavery in
the District of Columbia. From 1888 to 1911,
the subject OF abolishing Slavery in the District
Of Columbia an in the National dockyards and
arsenais was brought before Congress by repea ted
popular appeals. The Democratic party there.
upon promptly denied the right of petition, and
efitctuay suppressd the freedom of speech in
Congress. Us far the institution OF Slavery
was Concerned
From 1910 to 1913 good and wso men coun-
, celed that Texas should remain outside OF the
U6on uuil she should consent to reliuquish heI
selfinstituted Slavery; but the Democratic party
= percipilatcd her administration into the Uhion
\ not only without that condition, but even with ,
G covenant that the State might beedivded and re
ri organized as TO constitute four Slave States IN
= ! stead OF one.
Al Iu 1896 when the United States became in
e volved in a war with Mexico, aud it was apparen
that the struggle would end in the dsmembcr
4 ment Of that Republic, which was a nou-slave
i holding power, the Democratic party rejected
l. declaration that Slavery should not be esRblishe
e within the Territory to he acquired. When i
III 1850 governments were to bc established in III
- Territories Of California aud New Mexico, M