The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-03-04

NO@-O
society is composed"
Very shallow and confused, Mr.. Johnson. On
subjects which you comprehend, and where you
have the right side, you can be perfectly ex-
plicit, and speak to the point. The fact that
your argument for Slavery is on its face unin-
telligble, and, when subjected to Interpretation,
utterly without point, shows that 5ou either
have not studied the question, or have no heart
for it.
Suppose one man have twice the physical
strength of his neighbor, is that q reason why
he should seize him, send hin to his field, and
make him cut rails for nothing? If so, you
might have to change places with some of your
slaves.
Suppose Senator Bell have twice the intellect
ual power Of Senator Jones, is that reason
why be should seize him, and drive him to work
on his plantation
Is the amount of mans production to de-
eide whether he shall be slave or slsve-own-
err? How muck production shall crown him
with masterdom, how little, sink him to serf
dom or, shall the quality Of the product be
taken into account? Suppose one man write
books to instruct and smuse the People, but
continue poor, producing nothing that may be
eaten, drunk, or worn-shsll he be a Slace
Suppose another deal in rags, lay by odds and
ends, stint himself, lend money ike usurer,
and by and by come forth millionaire, the
slave-owrer
This Senatorial philosopher must answer
many questions before he can make his theory
fit any case at all.
"When you form community ont of indi-
viduals, says Mr.. Johnson, +" they commence the
work of production, intellectual and physical !;
and as society moves on through time, we find
some occupying the lower places, and some &C.
cupying the higher" Well-what does that
prove2 That the former should be slaves, the
work for nothing, be bought and sold like
beasts, and the latter live upon their earnings,
be the buyers and sellers? Mr.. Johnson's
reading must have furnished him with few
facts in regard to the progress of society. In
the beginning of the communities which have
grown up into nations as they now exist, the
masses of the people were slaves; few great
barons monopolized all power and dignity. AS
society moved on through time," in the Ian
guage of the philosophical Senator, the masses
began to emerge from obscurity, the barons to
lose power-the lower places became higher,
the higher, lower-until Slavery finally ceased,
and, although ranks and classes still existed,
the law recognised all men, whatever their po-
sition, as equal in rights, and equally entitled
to protection. The progress of society," Mr..
Johnson, is from Barbarism and Slavery, to
Civilization and equal Freedom.
Unable up to this point to make a single
statement bear upon the conclusion that Sls-
very exists as a normal institution, unable to
show the slightest logical connection between
his theory about production and the progress
of society, and this most dismal conclusion, he
quits metaphysics somewhat impatiently, and
boldly ventures downright assertion which he
evidently fancies must decide the whole aues-
ton. do not care whether you call it Sla.
very or servitude; the man who has mental
Offices to perform is the slave or the servant, l
care not whether he is white or black"
"Menial Offices" are services rendered by
servants, more particularly domestic servants
and servants are of two kinds, free and slave.
Servitude is word defining service in general
Slavery is only one form of servitude To say that
toe man who performs menial offices is the ser.
want or the slave, is simply to say, that he per-
forms mental offices And such is the sum and
substance of this tremendous assertion By cur
philosophical Senator. We suppose he intend.
ed to assert, that the man who performs mental
offices is slaUe, be he white or black. If he
did not mean this, he meant nothing if he did
mean this, he uttered an absurdity. Your coach.
man, your ostler, your waiter, your valet, per-
form mental offices, and therefore, you say,
are slaves, whether they be white or black. Let
as see. Your coachman, for example, is a free
white man. You make contract with him to
pay him twenty dollars month, for which he
agrees to take care of your coach and horses,
and to drive you. If you fail to pay him, be
can sue you: if he does not like your service,
ne can leave you at the end Of the month. Do
you make contracts with slave? Can he sue
you? Can he leave your service? If you
strike your free coachman, he can strike back,
or bring an action against you for assault and
battery. Can your slave do thatY On election
day, he mingles with other independent voters.
and probably votes one way, while you vote an
other. Is your slave a voter? You reckon
your slave as your property-price, 81, 200
you can bring him to the auction-block, while
you keep his wife and children in your house, to
serve your wants. Can you deal thus with your
free coachman?
The man who cannot understand the differ
ence between free labor and slave labor, Is rot
fit to enlighten the Senate of the United States
on the philosophy of Slavery.
Still, dissatisfied with his own arguments. Mr..
Johnson takes refuge in vague CONGRATULATIONS.
p" Slavery exists -" grows out of the organic
structure of man"-grcws out of mans men.
tai and physical organization y" exists beyond
the reach and control of man, unless he can re-
construct society, and, after he has done that
reorganizs the materials of which society ia com.
posed"
"The organic structure of man "-wba. ia II
Mr.. johnson? A body and soul-nnd to the soul
belong understanding, reason, conscience, will,
sppetites, passions The great duty of manic him.
self is, to seek his own highest development and
happiness, spiritual and physical, and this can
be done only by subjecting his sppetites, pas
sions, and affections, to the rule of conscience.
His duty beyond himself is, to love God with
all his heart, and his neighbor as himself. Such
Is mans organic structure and in what