Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-11-20
Mr.. Seward,s Rocbester Speech
what he saba Republican View


of IL. tFa
The Cincinnati Commercial. by far the ablest
journal in the West, 10 be found in the sup
port of the Republican Party. devotes a
couple of articles to the elucidation of the
meaning of Mi. SEwARD's Rochester Speech,
and the exposition Of its fallacies We copy
from the ConnlaciR the following extracts to
which we invite the readers attention:
An analysis Of the argumentative part Of
the speech under consideration, according TO
our understanding of the case, results in the
following propositions That the existence of
the American Union-that is TO say its con-
tinuance for any long time in the future-will
depend upon the domestic homOgenty of the
members of which it is composed. one with
another that without such hOmogcnity-aIl
being either slave States or free States there
is no reason to hope that it will endure and
that. therefore. If the preservation of the con-
federacy is desirable, either the abolition of
slavery throu ghoat its entire territory, or it's
extension over all. is matter of imperative
necessity. He, Of cOnrse. prefers the extinc-
tion to the spread Of the servile relation; as
according to his view Of the case that WIS
one of the ends contemplated by the founders
of the republic. For this purpose. he would
not employ forcible measures, but would
operate by means Of some species Of lcgiti-
mate political action. executive, congressiOn-
al, judicial or organic, or all together; the
character Of which he does not very clearly
indicate. II is true that he does not inform
us that if this homogenity which is so vital to
the continuance Of the Union does not arrive,
dsunon must be the consequence this he
leaves US to infer apparently preicring to
present that uniformity in the domestic rela-
tions of the countryside advent of which no
man in his sober senses will attempt to pre-
dict either IN Respect to time or circumstances
as a thing 50 Indispensable that without it,,
the preservation of the Union is impOss-
BILE. In short, the sentiment of the speech is
slavery must be abolished or the Union must
be dissolved. In its logical context it I'M
doubtedly presents this alternative The
country must become all free and thereby
preserve its republican institutions all slave
under polity better adapted to such con-
dition; or there must be division upon the
basis of the difference between one state of
society and the other: and moreover, that
the strife now commenced can never come to
an end until one of these results shall be
realized 'Our country" says Mr.. Seward,
:. is theater which exhibits in full operation
two radically different political systems-the
one resting on the basis of servile or slave
labor; the other on the basis of voluntary
labor of freenen.p 1.-THE two svs-
TENS are at once perceived to be i,lcOnqral0lss
But they are more than homogeneous they
are incompatible. Tiny Rercr hare permanently
eIistei together IN one country, and they nerer cdn"
These antagonist systems
are continually coming into closer contact
and collision results" Shall | tell
you what this collision means?
alt is an irrepressible conflict between op-
posing and enduring forces, and il means that
the United States must and will. sooner or
later. ecome entir, ly acknowledging nation.
or entirely free-labor natiOn.'
1t is the failure to apprehend this great
truth. that induces so many unsuccessful at
tempts at final compromise between the slave
and the free States and it is the existence of
this great fact that renders all such pretended
compromise, when made, vain and ephemeralf
Il know, and You know. that a
revolution has begun. / know, and all the
world knows that revolution, never 20 back
ward
1t is probable that all this may be borne out
by the spirit of the propositions laid down in
the republican platform. and yet il is diff
cult to discover how it differs from Abolition
ism. The Indebtedness of the time when il is
to be consnmmated, and the regular character
of the means suggested by which it may be
brought about, d. not vary its aspect in this
regard. There are very few AbolIionists who
in their lev of the cosc-uuCUnsIitutional;
or who have been in favor of breaking all at
once the chains of Southern servitude Time
and the proper legal machinery have been adj
mitted by nearly all 10 be necessary-thc
question being whether the creation of such
legal machinery is consistent with Justice, the
Constitution aud the civil character of the
American people-a point upon which there
is room for Il wide difference OF opinion.
A. -
one or two fundamental fallacies, which may
be detected without difficulty, and which, for
the purpose of detection we will bring into
the following proposition, made up of bis
own words: Our country is tie theatre Of taoo
radically different and homogeneous political systems
that cannot erist permanently toJether.
The first fallacy of Mr.. Seward consists in
confounding family with a political condi-
ton. There are mol tco radically different POLITE
CAL systems IN HE Unifed Suites. The difference
between the States Of the North and those of
the South. is not political. or civil, or govern
mental; it is simply domestic The idea that
in a governmental point of view, the people
of New Hampshire have any concern in re-
spect to who Il is that performs the common
labor, or Of what mat rails q family is con
stituted, in Louisiana, or rice serSa. is absurd.
Neither the negroes of the North nor the
negroes of the South are, in any sense-ex-
cept a. they are permitted not by any means
for their own cakes to form parts of the
representatives population of the two sec
tions resp ctiyely-a political element in our
national affairs. They are not 80 even in the
several States. They are simply human
beings of whom, for certain purposes, the
government takes coghizancc, but who. ia a
political point of view, are utterly destitute
of significance They are not parts of the
civil State. and strictly speaking, are sub
iects, not citizens. OF whatever uicongrtaty,
therefore, they may BE- the occasion, that
incongruity il palpably not poiRicaL and can
have no Legitimate connection with the po-
litical destiny of the Union.
The SECOND fallacy of Mr.. Seward consists
in confounding together two forms of civil
policy-the local and the national. The hoo
-frecdOHls and slaUeFy do HOt eIid TO
GETIIER IN he Liliie4 States. Each is confined
20 its several locality. 1t il probably true
that if slavery existed in one part OF State.
justice and the public harmony would render
il proper that it should In permitted in the
other parts; but il does not by any means
follow that because one member cf con
federacy of indrpend mt States permits or
repudiates slavery. that therefore the rest
should all be required to follow It's example.
For the purpose of his argument Mr.. Seward
transforms the Union into IA consolidation;
and it is upon an utter oblivion of the wide
difference between municipality and con
federacy that be bases all his arguments and
adduces all his Illustrations Whatever
effect, therefore, slavery may produce upon
the internal concerns of the States where it
exists, nothing is more palpable than that
its existence or non-eXistence in one State
can in no way impose obligations in respect
to its reception or refusal upon another.
Again: continuing its comments upon the
speech, the CJrrmsreial says
The author tries hard TO obscure its sec
tional aspect by means Of his idea of AN i'm
minent dome tic-or. rs he CALI il. polaioal-
homogenity. Bat il viii not do 10 forget that
this homogeniiy can only arrive through see
tional changes Of the most radical aud sec
tional agitaiions or the most violent charac-
ter. There is no process bearing even the re-
motest resemblance TO the popular idea OF
aholifian undar form Of law hV which thu.