The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-05-01
- sssk III

to the North and by southern men 10 the South
should be transferred to the federal Union 1t would
surely sound better 10 hear the word Union oftener
and the words North and South not quite so often
We have geographical lines and degrees but there is
something which ssvors of extreme prejudice in the
idea Of forming parties by any such landmark or
figures. There is certainly no political North, and,
Of course political South. Special adherence,
them to either Of these regions becomes species
of disloyalty TO the Union. There can be no such
thing as loyalty to section, because II would par
take of the character Of conspiracy against the gene
raj government There may be loyalty to State and
it 90 happens that the Union is best promoted and
its continuance most certainly assured by keeping
ssa and encouraging strong devotion to State rights
and State sovereignty. Our institutions recognise
but two degrees of allesance--to the State and to
The United States not to the State; to the United
Htates--to the North and to the South
II is impossible to bring before the mind the idea
Of sections without associating it at with fede
raj weakness and disunion; is suggestive of spe
ces of hostility to the federal constitution. It puts
the question Of superior fidelity to the the other
power in direct issue. There is little positive force
in o single State; and each member of the con-
federacy is constantly watchful lest encroachments
shall be made upon its rights and dgnities we see
earthly to apprehend oppressive action by
the federal authorities. In this condition, local
or State caprice would not be found dangerous
power acting against the federal Union whereas the
passions, which all experience has shown to be In
separable from sectional controversies, become dam
gerous just in proportion such controversies are
enlarged, so to embrace the whole people of the
North ON one side and the Whole people of the
South on the other y a, 5t 84s6s
There are many persons in this country who do
not permit the possibility Of the continuance Of the
general government to enter their minds. II il with
them all South and all North They have uttered so
many unkind things Of each other be thoroughly
convinced that there is an essential antagonsm be-
tween the two sections. Mr.. Seward has talked over
his about indescribable conflict between
free and slave labor SO long, that hundreds of
Jealous and excited people have arrived at the concu
sion that terrible and extermnating is actu
most ncorrigible theorist and generalizer Will he
tell u.s. in sober dialectics-n hard direct facts for
instance how free labor is assailed by slave labor
on which it feeds to very considerable extent
When we asked this question we did not intend to
inject into it an argument fact. But it ia true that
northern free labor in all the cotton mills; among
the shoeInakers in the coarse goods and clothing
worn by slaves; in the of the great north
ern Cities at tho basis of which rest the great cot
ton products of the slave States and in various other
ways, is sustained by the slave labor Of tie States
Now on the other hand hold it to be equally ap-
parent that slave labor is largely and to an equal
extent, dependent upon free labor for it's mainte-
nance. Free labor is the great consumer Of the
world and it is most fortunate for slave labor that
it is thrifty, energetic. economical and wealthy in
terest for in these conditions the products of the
latter not only made marketable, but to command
high rates s+s
As the facts of this whole matter, there is
not one point of contact between the two great
ry theorizer and generalizer We acknowledge that
it looks pretty on paper to the suit entitled
Free Labor u.s. Slave Labor The proprietors are
rich, and if Mr.. Seward can find fools enough to
carry on the cnsc, and keep him as counsel at
high rates, we do not see who else than his EN-
ployees to suffer. If he is to gain by building
up North, at least hold it to be clear that his
constituents are in the end to suffer from the opera
ton. Nor would we release MFR. Seward of his
share-and it is large one-of the responsibility
Of arrayng the two great sections of this Union
against each other. He has done it to a great ex-
tent He has turned into rebrands every conceiva-
BILE and every possible question which could be made
to receive northern and southern face and polish
Then, regard special fidelity to the North
and special fidelity to the South as species Of con-
spiracy against the federal Union altogether lille
climate mischievous, and dangerous--we can do
no less than express great adherence Of the
conduct of those who constantly appeal to the peo
pie to build up and sustain the North on the one
hand and the South on the other.
Let those who yield fidelity to the sections regard
for moment this Kansas controversy, which is now,
we may say finally closed. For more than four
years Congress has been employed in fierce war,
with avowed purpose, the side of the republi-
cans, to nterdict prohibit slavery in that Terri
tory as it was prohibited by the Missouri Compro-
mise and by the Wilmot Proviso-that is, by act Of
Congress the democratic party declared that
the federal authorities had right to interfere with
the matter at ALL and that the people of tho place
should decide it for themselves When the present
session of Congress opened the issue just stated
for trial In two a;puIe months