Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1858-04-30

But let us look to the very source Of the Constitution
els CoNrirruoNAL CoNvFSroS,
August n, 1851.
Dr. johnson moved to insert words to give the
supreme Court jurisdiction orcr eases arising under
Mr. Madison doubted whether it was not going too
Ear 20 extend the jurisdiction Of the generally
" arising under the Constitution and whether 70
ought not TO be limited TO Oh judiciary nature
" The righ Of crp0Wng the Constitution, iH not
Of his nature, might not 70 BE- gireR 10 that dfart-
" pcnf."
The motion Of Dr. johnson was agreed to nom. ron
being generally supposed that the i'isdicf'o' gro"
" iras CoNsrRvctvTLY LIMITED 90 CAsUs on trnfcf-
" AIRY NATURE "-MadisoH Popcs, D EHiofs Dc5ate',
Said Judge Story, in his commentaries the Consti-
tuition
In measures exclusively Of poifioai, legislatures
" or crccNfrc rharrtfcr, IL is plain, TINT Gs he supreme
authority, to these questions, belongs 10 the cgisia
" ire and eyocwire d9drne"ts, Wy cannot be recE1D-
Let rs go TO one Of the apostles. Said Mr.. jefferson
g You seem 10 consider the judges as the ultimate
bors OF all constitutional questions very dangerous
doctrine indeed, and one which would place under
" the dcspousm OF an olgarchy" "Ihc
Constitution has created such single tribunal. know
ing that TO whatever hands condded 'eth the corrio-
tons q time and party It's NEMnEHs WORLD nEcoNE
nEsrofs -Jgierson 70 W.. J1rris, SEPT. 2S, 1920.
Were those words prophcci Is the Court a dcspo-
usm i-temptcd, tainted with the corruption Of these
times, and party Of ou- day Representative If
the people judge 1e 10 whatever motive, whatever
purpose you charge the Judgment Of the courthc
i high or low patriotic or partisan, right wrongs
fruits must be the test The President has three times
rendered you these fruits three times hc tells you"it
is the courtW What are these fuifs3 Revolution
Vcrsa OF ancient and honpfcd law denial " the high
privilege and power N Congress. and annulmcn Of
acts Judge yc-tuly, ftirly. faithfully judge. Above
us all-aboye Congress- the President and hc court
stand the sovereign people Of ils land and % that
mghticr court this mighty viii be appealed
Mr. Chairman, warn the Representatives " he
South GU count the court vonr side in This mad
party strife You dream Of triumph WroUgh the court
you dream Of safety H the court you quote its words
Are you safci What mean these words. "Thc riohf of
P,oPcy ~ Stare - df'nriH gnd cilgc'siy qfirmcd m
he Constitution IL makes Ho distinction between shat
description OF properly ana other property !: What it
the Interpretation NJ your prcsidcnt "Slavcry oss uY
VIRTUE on rHh VoNsrirvroN! What is the actual
ehcet That has been given, and that YOU hcrcc st
to give, 10 this doctrine Slaves, as pr9pcrfy not as
persons pass from States 20 Territories. Do Won not
zee that pfopcrfy thus passed. by sale otherwise is
commercial matter between the Satcs3 DO you not
see that the court has reversed the opinion " Judge
BARBOUR 70 wit that slaves, "pso not subjects
u commerce. DO You see that 10 has reversed a
ate decision of this very court % wit that slavery dill
of come within the mower OF Congress 90 regulate com.
nerce both external and informal br.ansa IN ,va. So,
TATE 1HsTITUrfnN e. Do Won not see, fhru that Ms
PROPERTY ndisfimnislc9 IRON, oihey pyo,yfy Cnarc..
has the clear right, 10y specific grant of the Constitutions
20 regulate the slave trade "auiunt the several States
And Territories. and with the Indian tribes e. Ay. do
othcr proDcgty slavery fills within shat other c,nstu-
ioua attribute Of Federal CONFERENCE.-The mower to
axe private property Tor public use making just com
Representatives Of the SOUTH is it not even So lfi
be 80, 'hcn has your strong wall Of State so'crcguty
rmebled IN tine dusti then Federal power viii r9ftnHy
touch your slaves within your very itadd.; then win II
touch your siaro with death, TO give your 90 liberty
Hnd ne II 10 bc 500. single generation shall mot pass
the half ol generation shall not pass-crc your
'ac system falls ere not ono slave remains, save here
md there battered vrccka few lone servants. super
minated and sad standing hy your Nutls lko the tot
ering pillars of some Ola Egyptian tempo-tho mclao-
holy monuments Of a past shvoh1lding age. Arc YOU
aic is this the lesson " the Court is This the les
you arc teaching as to-day n the dieta of the
court do stop short of this ihcn ic me where is the line
II is not marked in the chart the court hos given you
But there IS line what then What is the lesson
that you teach, as to rnE POWER or ruE corRr} Run
Hh4fN1 #f d. d.
come another court ono day will another opinion
N majority Of the judges win not say another
luton, but movement forward very slight advance.
'empMcH WIN inc recent stde-somo new installment
Of judicial law, some new Investment denial of
Federal power, u bring TO its very end the YOU
40" 50 desperately sustain. Are YOU safe Aud when
that day comcsand by your present teaching it may
quickly come--Uiil YOU not call n pEsrorsNi Az you
know ~ ana know u : ana ly that token let me say
that the powers that You have invoked the powers which
YOU have nnsrupuously used for your INSCRIPTIONS
schemes OF dominion or disunion-thc excuses Of pow
Of the court Of the Executive, Of the Army ali
warranted by authority Of iaac--can bear no softer,
smoother, counlier name II IS dcspotc power Ii is
irresponsible power. 1t rs unconstitutional power
Rejecting, rs wish to do the hitherto unknown and
ahomnable doctrine that the right Of property in slaves
exists "hy virtue Of the Constitution" would also re-
ect the logical consequences that flow from it but IT,
The authority of the court aud the Executive,
PEELED to take the doctrine. the South certainly
complain, should We carry il rgidly to all its
guenoos prefer the teachings and the policy Of the
fathers prefer 10 act up TO their sentiments. prefer
prohibition OF slavery in all Federal territory rigid
exclusion Of the slave trade, in all lis old and all It's
ho amelpraton ana ultimate extinction OF slavery with
in their limits, by their voluntary acts All this
would be IN harmony with the spirit the principle, the
expectations, and the acts Of the fathers NJ the Union
All this, undertaken with kindness, and prudence aud
wisdom, believe To be yet possible in the face Of the
madness that rules the present hour yet believe It,
Undertaken IN such spirit, and pursued in such
spiut-though the struggle be long and the foes
many--no good thing has failed. Sir. / hope ne
crisis Of to-day is the crisis Of the disease and that
coming days will be the happy DAYS Of health aud peace
Are there not symptoms warrantnp hone sn the fcsh
hi oVgu p,y ltttu
movements You Of the South to-day are calling Tor Ia
borers to till your golden fields Why then, do you
cease 10 weaken your strength and mpov crish your
States by expanding your already incompetent force
Some Of your States seeking now fresh hordcs
Of barbarian Africans, and dangerous hordes
OF the corrupt but Intelligent Chinescall nominaly as
voluntary servants. Why then, make al your labor
voluntary You tell us that the difference between free
labor and slave is but in name Why quarrel on word
Why loment dssension-why light the torch Of civil war
WY break The bond Of nnion-,gpon p9ltry phrase
announcer phrase VIII sound as well, and voluntary labor
will 10 as well. Why, them not gipo us what Just now
you poah-fREE, VOLUNTARY LARoRs That phrase
adopted IN good hh pronounced IN laws, and scaled in
honest deed-may heal the tsoublo Of our time II any
body to ooicc, to that think it is the people of the
North II anybody Is TO reap peculiar adrautagcs--in
wealth, in numbers, and in power know il is the pco-
pie Of the South The question for the South whether
to elevate her people and her States The question fr
the North is, whether envy YOU, hink-uot oppose
the blessings Of so grand work, or in the hlness Of
brothers heart IN pray for all-"God speed But YOU
give ms here no such alternative that You press
to the wall and yon break over IT, through it, II we
do not unyiedingly resist. II do not resist, you
freedoms consecratcd soil. We do, and will, rosist
You seek 10 extend your peculiar institution over an the
Territories which the common property of the Uuon
and by virtue Of our common rights, do must we
will resist You the assaants il Is for defend
You start the revolution it is for TO roll it back
one word, sr a. 70 the bill which Is the subject Of this
long debate II involves the Iccompton Constitution,
which Is itself the example aud Illustration Of the
luton have cO1dcmned. l am for defeating that bill
an embodiment " hisroroluton will strange il
here II can and II cannot, will commit it the
people OF Kansas 20 receive ignOmnious death upon
the very soil u would poute But whatever be the event.
as now resist the revolution which is involved in this
bill do intend 10 resist it hereafter in all the shapes
which il may be made 10 assume. Your revolution dates
in Si7, from the rejected resolutions Of John c. Cal
houn you revived IL in the kansas-Nebraska act Of
1854 nursed it through the dubious crisis Of 1856 root
ed in the supreme Court in 1851 and You dare TO
show the budding Of is despotc fruits ia the Lecompton
Constitution. Our countcrTeS outon is but Just begun
here and tomorrow, this bill strike the blow
God and the people willing, IL shall not be the last
Congressional.