Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1858-04-02

The social relations between Britain and France have
been subject to many disturbances and it will doubtless
be long time yet before the political millennium so fond
looked for and often proclaimed shall really arrive
From fondy folding their around each other they
are at daggers points with rapdity which would be
entertaining but for the human ills that flow from such
extremes of irreguated temper
At present there serious of apprehension It
is doubtful whether Napoleon balance himself upon
the gddy point of his power without some foreign point
to lean upon or press against and hence perhaps the ne
cessity of relations good bad with Britain, and the
indifference whether they be of the the other
character.
In England the feeling of affection has never been
sincere. There has been sympathy for the French peo
pie in the act of struggling for liberty but that sympa
thy does not extend to the consumaon in the elevation
of despot There is also feeling Of repugnance to the
somewhat insignificant position occupied by England in
connection with his somewhat arbitrary and dicatoral
neighbor, and altogether with but little provOcatiOn,
there would be no occasion of surprise to see them slap
each others faces.
In this connection therefore, it significant fact
that the late Ministry turned out of Office for the
want of sufficient spirit in their notice of the French
complaint that conspracies had been Matched in Eng
land against the life of the Emperor 1t is true Lord
Derby the leader of the present Ministry proposes to
concede to the requstion Of the French Government
in the matter of further security against the Matching of
plots in England but the concession is far from being
grateful to the popular taste of that Kingdom and
he is not the representative of popular feeling, his nd
vidual inclnations of little Importance. AS in
dicaton of sentiment upon this subject give the fol-
lowing from the Liverpool Mercury:
This degrading principle of making English legislation
contingent the deliberations of foreign Cabinet is
avowed by Lord Derby without the smallest reserve
He does not pretend to believe that new conspiracy
law is necessary of all desirable per Se He tells us in
the painest terms that it is not After fervid denun-
citation of those refugees who abuse English hospitality
for the purpose OF concoctng conspaces against sover
gns with whom England is at peace, he adds" There
is not crime of which these persons can be guilty
there as not an approach to such cr1me-for which the
law does not provide Not only assassination not only
conspiracy to aSSaSSanae but an ancitemet to
saSsate, achether by publication or by qcord of mouth
offence recognised by the law of England when the
guilt of the accused person shall be proved" And he
goes to boast that far from these undoubted max
inns of Engshaw being allowed remana dead letter. the
Executive has at this instant three four prose-
cutlons OF alleged delnquents either in hand or in pros
pect. So that by Lord Derby's own showing, new
law OF conspiracy is perfectly superous, except by way
of compliment to the French Emperor. If he brings in
any bill the subject it will not be to supply defcien-
cy in English legislation, which, by his own admission
does not exist but to gratify and obge Imperial al
ly If Louis Napoleon satisfied with the existing
laws of England, Lord Derby would be satisfied But
Louis Napoleon is dissatisfied, and so Lord Derby is
dissatisfied and if Louis Napoleon will only be good
enough to explain away certain offensive phrases in his
dissatisfaction has been (of course inadvertently ex
pressed, Lord Derby will what he can do to make
things pleasant 1t would be impossible to put more
broadly and nakedy the shameful fact that as we have
said the Prime Minister of England giving the French
Emperor the initiative in English legislation. Lord
Derbys Conspiracy Bill, by his confession, will be
a French bill.