The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1858-12-30

Below We give the report of Judge DoUG-
LAS speech ut New Orleans on the night OF
the 9th. The Hon. PIERRE SouLg was
President of the meeting. We take the TT
port from the DeLa Of the Sth
The Hon. PIERRE SouLk introduced
Judge DouGLAs to the audience.
Senator DOUGLAS then spoke as follows
Mr.. President and Cd,=ens Of Nee Or
leans 1t was with much hesitation and no
small degree of reluctance that was in.
duced to give my consent to address you on
this occasion. ! had just passed through
fierce conflict in my own State, which re-
qured me to perform more speaking than
was either agreeable to my own wishes or
consistent with my own strength. When |
determined to visit New Orleans, it was
only Oh private business OF an important
character and it was my desire to arrive
and depart as quietly as possible and with
cut, in any way, connecting myself with
politics. When approached your city, as
supposed, unheralded and unknown, was
amazed at the magnificent reception that was
extended to me on the levee OF your magni-
fcent city by so vast concourse OF people,
by the municipal authorities, by the citizens
in their Individual capacity, by my own
political friends, and by men Of all political
parties. This was compliment which
filed my heart with gratitude, and did not
leave NE at liberty to decline the first request
you might make OF me in return. | have,
therefore, yielded to the solicitations ad.
dressed to me, TO make a few remarks on the
political topics which now agitate the public
mind throughout the length and breadth OF
our glorious Republic.
And moreover, have one qualification
in yielding 10 the request. desire to know
whether the principles which are admitted
TO be sound and orthodox in the free States
can pass current in the slave States. SO
long as we live under common constltu-
ton, binding on the people OF all the States,
any political creed which cannot be pro-
claimed in Louisiana az boldly as in Illinois
must be unsound and unsafe. With the
view Of testing this question, shall not en-
ter upon any new views, or PROFOUND any
original ideas, but simply discuss these ex-
isting questions, in the same way that |
have always done before an Illinois audi
past fifteen years has been to force the Or
ganization Of political parties on a geo
graphical basis, to array the North against
the South, embittering the South against
the North, under the misapprehension that
there Is some irreconci able antagonism be-
tween the interests OF the one and the other,
which prevents harmony between them.
For the last twenty-five years have been
in public lite fifteen years OF which have
been scent in the Congress OF the United
States, and the whole OF my life has been
devoted to the discovery and clucljati0n OF
some common ground on which Northern
and Southern men might stand on terms of
equality and justice. II you will take
pains TO examine the history Of this section
al strife, you will find that the whole con-
test has arisen from an attempt on the part
Of the federal government 10 assume, or
usurp, il you Will, the exercise of powers
not conferred by the federal constitution.
When this government WAS iOrned, the
confcderacy consisted Of thirteen States
twelve Of which were s'ayoholIing States,
while one was what is called a free
State. OF course, had the doctrine then
prevailed which was proclaimed by my OPP
poDcnt, Mr.. Lincoln. in Illinois, and by Mr..
Seward in New York, aud by the leaders
Of the Abolition or Black Republicans party
throughout the North--the doctrine that
uniformity in the doncstc institutions OF
the several States is necessary that house
divided against itself cannot stand that
this government divided between free States
and slave State aaUot cndcrt that 70
must become III ffee on al slave that Il
must bc all The one thing or the other ,
what do you suppose, bad surh a doctrine
prevailed when the constitution Wa made
w0al have heal III, result Suppo- that
Mr.. Seward himself had been member oi
the COW n'iJn which framed The con'ti'g-
ton, sod when the members came to liiy
! their signature Ia the lus'rum A. tL.s doc
triDe OF uniformity bid been Jros.ajmcI--
this doctrine that thc domestic institutions
Of the several STATE, must b. m" samr--
what would hay, betu The tG.et' Would
the ole free STAT. have ,4t-yotsd 'nr iAs'St
slave State 90 thy ciG'rarg. would Llt
i the twelve slave Staros have OH' voted the
| one free State, and thu slavery base been
established 70 I'd. TIE -,its forever ~ az
/ IrTcvocab,C provision Of the constitution!
Why, then. va, ,L..G9 done SWpJ be
cinsc the ,agee Who iorard oar goy,rauI, Ul
I had m1re al heart thc great principles 81 c.gi.
| liberty than tn desire Of -ectiora poEor or
sectional Advantage t.. Cause tl.sy shs! T.
establish tbs principle that each STAT
should potts tne sovereign power Of legs
1 latinn over IT, own domestic irs'to;. pus-
To form them su1 mdfy ih,m 70 s1ii
/ thernsslves retaining slavery ~ long a, iley
might desire to retain u. aud sbo,shlng II
whenever they cho-e Tins government
was formed on the principle n state rights
aud STATE s5yefcigliy. X : a coai-deracy
OF sovereign an in1epcnltnt States having
certain common psrpose, each retaining
/ tie r-at 20 mAusg, ~ YsG a1airs, sbi
maintaining IL oSs iiJU..- inside u -
own Jurisdiction
II isa fatal berry g. proclaim TIE dpr
/ trirse that there ougit 20 b. or ca 30 Uni