Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1858-01-15

body had no doubts on the subject. 1t ia apparent
then, that the Legislature alluded to by Wythe, as
about to assemble in October, was in fact the Con
venton of l776 and certainly differed in some i'm.
portant respects from any Legislature which had BE-.
fore or since assembled in Virginia. We may add,
that, as Wythe wrote almost Immediately after the
adjournment aud before tho elections for Senators
were held, he had unconsciously regarded the Con.
vention OF l776 in the same light in which he viewed
its predecessors which had the power beyond doubt
of revising their own acts.
1t Is in the course of the chapter which we are now
reviewing that Mr.. Randall Introduces the subject of
the alleged dictatorship proposed in T76. He
quotes the remarks of Jefferson in the Notes on Vlr
gina, lpage 1885, Randolphs editicn,) and the state
men, OF Girardin. As, however, Girardin obtained
all his information from Mr.. Jefferson, he cannot be
regarded as second witness. The statement then
about the dictatorship rests wholly on the authority
of Jefferson. No other contemporsneous writer has
alluded to any such scheme. 1t is entirely unsus-
tained by the journal of either house of Assembly
When the attempt in l776 was said TO have been
made, Jefferson, who was member of the House Of
Delegates at the lime, was absent from his seat
Even his intelligence was at second band. There
at the time deep gloom over federal relations
1t was period, as stated by Mr.. Randall of uneI.
ampled disaster. "The rout OF Long Island had
recently taken place. The British held the city of
New York. Fort Washington had fallen. The
American commander.in-chief, pressed by over
whelmiug numbers, was flying through the Jerseys"
But there was no immediate danger at home
Lewis had driven Dunmore from Gwnn's lsland,
and there were no serious apprehensions OF
an INVASION Our difficulties ON this subject
are enhanced by the fact that Jefferson does give
US the words of the resolution, which would enable
us to decide whether there specific proposition
for the creation of DICTATOR or for the investment of
Henry, who was the Governor, with powers which
Jefferson might deem dictatorial. Nobody believes
that member would rice in his place and simply
move that dictator be appointed. Even n Rome,
whence the Office was borrowed, something more
required, and both the duty Of the dictator and the
term Of his office prescribed. We cannot sup.
pose that the members Of an assembly whose powers
were prescribed by written Constitution would not
90 far on the score Of limitations al the Romsns
themselves. This inquiry then occurs, what were
those limitations And it is plain that until this in
quiry is definitely answered, il i. impossible to form
an opinion the subject. 1t clearly competent
to the Assembly TO invest enormous powers in pub.
Constitution itself and these provisions might very
naturally be deemed dicstoral in substance and the
man on whom they were vested might be called die
tator. But still he would be dictator, ust az any
officer may be 80 called who is invested by law with
extraordinary powers. modern dictator might thus
differ as essentially from ancient dictator mo
dern consul differs from an ancient CONSUL aud be
as strictly an officer Of the Law as deputy sheriff
a tax collector II may, possibly. admit of doubt,
from Jeffersons statement in the "Nutes," whether
he dictator to be the dictator of Virginia or oi
the Union at large. To create dictator over Vir.
ginans while the other States who were pressed by
| the enemy, abstained from a similar act, might
seem uncalled for. What tends to confirm the
view that it might be general and not 10.
cal dictator that was in contemplation, is the
fact that the Assembly did, at that very
session, instruct its delegates in Congress to invest
General Washington with dctatorial powers, to q
certain extent; while there is not shadow Of writ
ten proof that any similar measure wss contem'
plated at home, and for the obvious reason that
there was pressing emergency at the time. So
mucb .i~ -o--:-- IS I776. Bat at the sos.ion of
1881, when the second attempt is said to have been
made, there was trouble enough at home The mem.
bers who are charged with entertaining such pro.
position were compelled to fly from Tsrltons troop.
ers, and thought Themselves unsafe even in Stauu.
ton. There was necessity for summary action; ard
some member, who lacked confidence in Jefferson's
military capacity, might have looked to new cleo
ton Of Governor, and the expediency OF investing
that officer with large powers but, we have not
the details of any proposition ont the subject we can
not decide how far it ranscended the Constitution If
at all. The propoStbn of fixing certain number,
less than majority h the whole number, as quo.
rum, is indeed objscionablei but the question was,
not what was Objectionable, but whether, at time
when hostile dragons were ranging even beyond
the mountains and vhen the lives of the people were
in imminent jeopardy from daring and almost om-
nipresent enemy, some authority should not be
kept up in order tOprovide for the public exgences.
AS matter OF fact 1t is we'll known that in the Bri
tsh House of Commons, great proportion of the
acts Of Parliament Te passed in the absence Of q
lawful quorum A: the worst, the question resolves
itself into this: wheher Virginia might not have fol-
lowed the example of South Carolina, and invested
her Executive with 7ast powers at an extraordinary
emergency We may add, that n 1881, as in l776,
Jefferson was not personally present, and, no
cord exists on the 'ubect, could only speak from
hesr.say. On the other hand, Mr.. Randall Justly
observes, that Jeeson published his opinions with.
in ten years of the ints of the first attempt and al
most Immediately dter the second, while the men,
bers were all alive ,nd contradiction has ever ap-
peared from any on, of them. But it should also be
remembered that tie statement was made in book
which was long in reaching the members scattered
through the State. that had no periodicals. and
that few would Gaze to encounter go formidable an
opponent as Jefferon with the pen. All who seek TO
know what may b. known on the subject will find it
in the pages Of this work. Possibly some letter,
posing In some ole cabinet in Virginia, may be here.
after brought to light, and settle the matter.
The seventh, eighth and ninth chapters contain
most elaborate ani satisfactory account of Jefferson
as Governor aud Of the war in Virginia, aud in the
South SO far as Virginia is concerned They consti.
tue the best history of that epoch that ever
written. The narrative reflects the highest honor on
jefferson, on Virginia. and, We must add, on the able
and patriotic bocrapher. Some one has said that
Mr. Re- work is Southern book which is undoubtedly
true; but it is true only in the sense that the Bible
Southern book and that every book is such which
regards our country as a whole, and which, in est
mating character and weighing authorities does not
look to degrees of latitude but to truth and justice
alone. The history of Jefersons gubernatorial term
is. for the frat time, fully and fairly given the ninth
chapter concluding with his unanimous vindication
from the charges brought against him in debate in
the Assembly, and the magnanimous recantation of
George Nicholas. While the author traces the po-
litioal history Of his subject, he does not overlook
the occurrences of Jeersons everyday life his do
mestc employments, the education of his daughters,
and his opinions about men and things.
The tenth chapter narra.es the course of Jefsrson
in his second Congressional career, and affords
graphic picture Of his Parliamentary services. The
eleventh opens with his appointment to the Court of
France, and details his residence in Paris, his nego
tiatons, hs social position, his intimacy with the