Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-03-30
upon the shores of the Hellespont, or the tug

which have greatly tended 10 change the Gov
eminent from pure republic to a simple
democracy. have now returned upon them to
plague the inventors. This idea of submitting
constitution to the people for the popular
vote, is only one of them-perhaps the least
Objectionable. / have no time to discuss the
subject as conceive it should be discussed: but
when gentlemen rise here, and insist that it is
necessary, to give validity TO a constitution
framed by convention of the people that it
shall first be submitted 10 the people at the
ballot-bOx. for their ratification or rejection,
and approved by them, they announce doc
trine that would have startled George Wash
ington, James Madison, Alexander Hamilton,
Roger Sherman, Benjamin Franklin, Rufus
King, the Morrises and Pinckney. and the 9TH
er sages who framed our American Constitu-
ton. Those great men unanimously recon-
mended that the Constitution of the United
States should be submitted :. to convention
of delegates, chosen in each State by the peO-
pie thereof, under the recommendation of its
Legislature, for their assent and ratification"
The idea of submitting their handiwork to
the test of the ballot-box to give it vitality
and validity did not occur to them. They
did not deem it eXpedient even.
Before proceed to discuss the great ques-
ton before us, l beg to be INDUCED in a single
suggestion with regard to the LecOmpton
constitution. There is one feature of that in
strument which, permit me to say, meets my
most cordial appreciation; call it 80 American
ism," "KEow Nottingham or what you
please. 1t provides that the Governor and
Lieutenant Governor of that State shall be at
least thirty years of age, and shall have been
citizens of the United States for at least
| twenty years. to be eligible to office. And it
furthermore provides that those who are enti-
tied to vote shall be citizens Of the United States
above the age of twenty-one years, and shall
have resided in the State one year. That, sir,
! is one of the principles which has ever been
regarded as among the fundamental princi-
pies of the American party. Compare that
with another constitution which we are called
on to ratify. / mean the constitution of the
| Territory of Minnesota, the getting up of
| which / have learned. indirectly, was by
frauds, in comparison with which the alleged
Kansas frauds amount TO comparatively little.
| That constitution, sir, provides that foreign
ers, unnaturaliZed. who have been twelve
months in the United States, and four months
| in the State, shall be entitled, at the ballot
box, to the same privileges a citizen born
| here, who has studied our Constitution and
our institutions until he is presumed to know
something about them. Indians, too, are per-
mitted to vote, provided they put off the gar
ments of savage life and put on broadcloth or
| jeans made up in the form of coat, vest and
| pantaloons.
| Mr.. Chairman, have said that this slayery
| question is the great question which weare
considering. 1t is the practical issue. It's
! another form of the same old question which
| for many years has come up in one shape or
/ another for the consideration Of Congress; and
although it has often been attempted to bid it
. down" yet it will not dorm at our bidding /;
| and we are told that if we admit Kansas I'M
| der the LecOmptOn constitution that the agi-
tation still will not stop. We are told with
taunt and sheer and jeer that that
shall not stop this agitation. Perhaps
not; but do you think the agitation
will stop if we refuse to admit her ?
Let the final vote in this House be rejection
| of Kansas as State under the Lecompton
! constitution, and it will go with lightning
| speed, upon thousand wires to every part of
the North and you will hear an answering
| echo rafting along upon the same wires: 1--WE
| have triumphed we have crushed out these
tyrant shareholders we have got the slave
drivers under our feet'-appealing TO Black
| Republicans, in terms the most imprisoned
and denunciatory, to rush on and to subjugate
them. 1t may be that admitting Kansas with
the Lecompton constitution may not still this
unhallowed, fratricidal strife. | fear, indeed
and the times are ominOus and portentOus,
| that it will not have that effect; but if il is
! stopped that is the only mode, in my opinion
| by which it can he stopped for long time to
come. Refuse to admit Kansas, reject her,
keep the question open, keep the subject of
strife still before the people undecided, and |
feel justified in saying that | know this I'M
happy contest will not cease 1t will wax
iicrcer rather.
Now, what is this slavery agitation! 1t is
not a thing of to-day. II is not thing of the
year past or even of the age just gone by.
We have had it for a long time. 1t originated
before the adoption OF our Federal Constitu-
ton, and il has continued ever since and it
has ragged since, perhaps with more violence
than before. Under that instrument, which
we all know is ia cOmpromse-an agreement
which our fathers mutually entered into for
themselves, their heirs, and their representa-
tivcs I; under the Constitution, slavery was
made element Of political weakness III
every State where it existed. And come now
to answer the idea which was thrown out, not
for the first time, by the gentleman from Ohio,
mfr. GIDDNGs] | say that, under the Federal
Constitution. slavery is an element of political
weakness in the State where it exists.
Let me illustrate. We have h;pl comparis-
ons instituted here between the State of New
York and the State of Virginia. between the
State of Kentucky and the State of Ohio.
Whether these comparisons were fair and just.
| do not undertake To say; but, suppose ]
should 90 back into the history of your proud
old State, Mr.. Chairman, and institute AN in
of II civilized government is its men, said Mr..
Burke, when shedding eloquent tears over the
grave of his only and much-lOved son. At
this cNigcnt moment the loss of Il finished man
cannot easily be supplied | might point TO
the scroll of history, written SO plain that we
may all read and say, There is Virginia
look at her names. There, too, is Kentucky
glorious old Kentucky; and there are her
names - and leave YOU to point To the glori-
=
them. for Iwould not make any invidious com
Parsons.
Let me institute n comparison illustrative of
the doctrines which | enuncated just now,
between, may say, the State OF my youth and
the State my manhood; the noble old State
where had the honor-for | do esteem il an
honOr-to draw my first breath, and the glori-
Gus State where, hope. in the providence of
God | shall be permitted To lay down what
shall be left of my mortal remains-Massachu-
sets and Tennessee. 1t appears from the
census of 1850, undei which was made the ap-
portionment by which we are now represent
ing those States in the national Legislature.
that Massachusetts has population of less
than one million, whereas Tennessee is shown
by the same authority to have population of
more than one million. The precise numbers
IL is not necessary to state for the purpose of
the argument. On this floor. Tennessee, with
population of upwards of one million, is rc-
presented 10y ten members only, while Massa-
chusetts, with population of less than IA mil
lion. is represented 10y eleven members This
inequality occurs under the provision of the
Federal Constitution referred Ia 10y the gentle
man from Ohio, Mr.. GIDDNGs,l in the outset
of my remarks IN connection with an idea re-
pcatcd here and elsewhere, will not say how
many times.
Mr.. FOSTER. VIII the gentleman allow me
10 make a remark.
Mr.. MAYNARD. | do not wish to be discour-
teous, and hope | am not discourteous when
decline 10 yield the hoor Owing to al iu-
dolent habit have not reduced my remarks
"a, writing a. /. often done nv ,.th,.r ,y.n tla-