Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-12-03

Fay, that neither the North as section nor
the South as a section has any right or in
terest in that question of slavery iii Kansas.
LApplause.l The Constitution recognizes no
snch distinction as North and South The
Constitution recognizes one Republic thirty
two sovereign States and all other distinc-
tions than those separate States are unauthor-
izsd by the Constitution. For the North to
interfere and try to deprive the people of
Kansas of slavery when they want it. is a
violation of the rights of the people of
Kansas, but not those of the South.
For the South to interfere aud try to
plant slavery in Kansas contrary to the
wills of the people, is a violation of the
people of Kansas. but not thoseof the North.
sItis no violation of Northern or Southern
rights. TO say that the true principles of its
Constitution shall be carried out in all time
to come. Hence. whether Slavery shall or
shall not exist in Kansas, is a question for the
people of Kansas, with which no State of
the Union nor the Federal Government, has
any right to interfere one way or the other.
Now viii tell you right here why it was
that Iopposed the Lecompton Constitution,
though | never intend to revive the strife and
acrimony that grew out of it-yet l will tell
you why opposed that instrument. J stated
!. in my opening speech that / opposed the Lee
compton Constitution. not because of the
slavery clause contained in it; opposed il
because believe it was not the act and deed
of the people of Kansas, (Applause-) Others
think it was the act and deed of that people.
But say you bad no right to force it upon
Kansas Hnless it was their act, embodying
their will. / stated then and repeat now,
that if Kansas wanted slavery she ought to
have it; if she did not want it, it should
never be forced upon herif / could prevent
it. Whether she should have it or not, is her
own business, and nobody else's. But do
not believe that the Lecompton Constitution
was their act and deed or embodied their will.
then asserted, and repeat 10 you to-day,
that under our system of Government, no
power on earth can rightfully force consti-
tuition down the Threats of an unwilling peo-
ple; it is violation of great fundamental
principles of selfgovernment. 1t is no
excuse for slave State to say that slavery is
a good thing; it is no excuse for free State
TO say that freedom is blessing. Bear in
mind you had no right to force good thing
on an unwilling people. But by assuming
that it is a good thing or bad one, you
violate the great principles of State sove-
reignty. 1t is for the people of Kansas to
decide for themselves whether freedom or
slavery is a good or bad thing; and the very
question of its goodness or its badness is TO
be decided by the people who are to live
under that constitution, and not by the
North or the South outside the new State.
| shall not go into an argument to show
whether |. was right or wrong on the point as
to whether LecOmpton embodied the will OF
the people of Kansas. j only state that the
result of the vote on the English Bill. re-
jecting the LecOmpton Constitution by eight
to one, is sufficient testimony to my mind that
the people did not want it. If they wanted
LecOmpton was willing that they should
have it. If they wanted a new one, was
willing that they should have that. intend
ed then, as l intend at all times, to stand
firmly by the principles of the constitution,
and the sovereignty of the States, no matter
whether it benefits this or that section, ZAP
plause.) And permit me to say 10 the Demo-
Gratis here present, that never knew Demo-
cratic party, if they departed from its prin-
ciples on plea of expediency, without in
the end receiving just retribution for the
abandonment of that principle, applause
The policy is ever of Union men. of Constl-
tuition loving men, of friends of States rights,
and State Governments to stand firmly by
our principles and carry them out in good
faith, then should eXpediency take care of IT.
self. 1t is not right for me to go before the
Northern people aud ask them to abandon
their principles in order to give greater power
to the North by securing another free State
And if YOU admit it to be treason to the Con-
stitution to appeal to Northern passion. in
terest and pride. how much less reasonable
is it for Southern man to say, let the South
seek by the same means to strengthen herself,
although it is a violation of principle. do
not pretend to say whether there has been an
abandonment of principle you decide for
yourselves whether LecomptOn embodied the
popular will of Kansas. If it did, it was
right. If not it was wrong; and no Southern
support could make it right-no Northern
opposition could make it wrong. say Lee
compton is dead. Peace to its ashes. L hope
that another such question will never arise.
/ believe that a Territory making a constitu-
tion and coming into the Union, should have
ust such constitution as they want, land will
resist any attcmpt--whether for the benefit of
the North or the South-to force it down their
threats against their will. Cheering and APP
plause)
One word more. Several gentlemen have
called on me, and asked me what meant or
thought by this doctrine of popular sovereign
ty as enunciated in my Freeport speech in Ill
inois. | mean that stand by the constitu-
ton as our fathers made it; by the constituted
authorities as they exist; by the decisions of
the Supreme Court they are pronounced.
lApplause.1 By the decision in the bred
Scott case, it will be found by reading Chief
Justice Taney's decision, that slaves are de-
cided to be property on an equal footing with
other property, and that consequently the
owners of that species of property have the
same right to take it into Territory as the
owner of any other property. (Cries of good
and immense applause.l The Illinois De-
mocracy accept that decision as the authorita-
tive exposition of the Constitution, and on
that point l concur. [Cries of GOOD"
f" Good"l Now, the question arises,
what is the condition of that property after il
gets into the Territory? You, in the slave
49, \ a.
our occupation may be, have an interest in
knowing what our legal rights are when we
get there. l believe said in Freeport that
when you get into the Territory with your
property on an equal footing with all other
property, ii is all subject to the local law for
its protection without reference TO the differ
ent character of ii. If you go there with
your horses aud your mules, whether il shall
be taxed or exempt is a question for the Ter
ritorial legislature. If you go there with
your dry goods, whether you shall sell with
out license or be compelled to get license, is
a question for the local legislature. II you
go there with Your liquor the manner of your
sellingit is a question to be determined by
the local laws. You may say you do not think
it just for them to discourage one species Of
business for the benefit of another, but how
are you going to help it. i do not wish TO
mislead you by these views. If you are wise
you wont he misled but think for yourselves.
If your slave property is not subject to the
local law for its protection, what protection
have you got for it! Suppose the local legis-
laiure do not make any slave law at ali; sup
pose they do not pass any law furnishing q
remedy for the violation of your rights, can
you hold your slaves day. Non-action is
exclusion. The omission to furnish law pro-
tecting property amounts to practical exelu-
sion. Is there any lawyer, any well-informed
man who will controvert that proposition!
Now suppose the local legislature refuses TO
make q law ~ project your property how are
yoa going to compel them to do il. Perhaps
they will make it and perhaps they will not.
will tell you when they will and when they
will not. Whenever Territory has a eli
mate, soil and production making ii the in
terest of the inhabitants TO encourage slave
property. they will pass slave code aud give
il encouragement. "a
Whenever the climate. soil and production
precludes the possibility of slavery being
profitable. they viii not permit it. You come
right back TO the principles Of dollars and
eents. do not care where the emigration IN
the Southern country comes from; If old
Joshua r. Giddings should raise colony in
Ohio, and settle down in Louisiana. he would
p.e the strongest advocate OF slavery in the