The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-03-25
THE NATIONAL ERA WASHINGTON D. c. MARCH s5 1858.

ICED the Lecompton Constitution as the result
of trickery and fraud. he held the President
responsible for the mischiefs which might &C
crue from this measure and, as to reading him
and his coadiutors out of the Democratic party,
it vet remained to be seen whether the Admin
istration would not sooner find itself in that
predicament IL.
At this stage of the discussion, the Senate
took recess till seven O'Clock. at which hour
it was announced that Mr.. Douglas would have
the floor. On repairing to the Capitol at the
appointed hour, we found 80 dense crowd
thronging all the avenues and galleries leading
TO the Senate Chamber, that it was impossiole
to procure entrance, and for thss reason we are
unable to present our usual synopsis OF the
speeches made or proceedings had during the
evening session. I
Mr.. Stephens, of Georgia, introduced reso-
luton that John w. Wolcott the refractory
witness in the matter of Lawrence, Stone,
Co., be released, and turned over for trial to the
authorities of this District which, after some
discussion, and the rejection of substitutes, was
adopted-yeas l24, nays 81.
Mr.. Seward, of Georgia, from the select COM
mittee appointed on that subject, reported
against further action in the case of o. B. Mat
teson, of New York. Mr.. Curtis of Iowa,
made q minority report, and the subject was
postponed until Saturday.
The House then went into Committee on the
deficiency bill.
Mr.. Garrett, of Virginia, remarked that three
States-Minnesota, Oregon, and Kansas-were
now seeking admission into the Union. Not a
word of objection was heard against any but
Kansas, and it was clear that the only real OBJ
lection to that was that its Constitution recog-
Missed Slavery. No human power could take
from the owners of slaves now in Kansas the
right to their property. Slavery was not local.
The right of the African to his freedom de.
pended entirely upon local law. His natural
condition was, and always had been, that of
servitude. The lightercolored race always
subjected the darker. Northern Democrats
we're afraid of Anti Slavery sentiment at home,
and their opposition arose from that fear, rather
than from any regard for popular sovereignty.
The issue really was, whether another slave
State should ever be admitted; and upon that
issue hung the most nomentous consequences.
They demanded the admission of Kansas a. q
browning act of Justice to the South. They
were attached to the Union, but they would
not submit to dishonor and degradation.
Mr.. Bishop, of Connecticut charged the anti.
Lecompton Democrats with being actuated by
fears Of their constituents, and thanked God
that there were Northern Democrats who could
do their duty without fear of political graves OF
political cruci6xion. [Applsuse. The Democ.
racy of Illinois should not make charges
till Illinois had paid the interest of the debt she
owed to Connecticut. Renewed applause, in
which the spectators in the gallery participa'
ted. r .Ffa r-
kansas would be slave State only for brief
period. The law of nature-of climate, produc
ton, and sol-would forbid it. The South
would get the legal, the North the naked sub
stance. IF the South was satisfied with the shell
the North ought to be satisfied with the oyster
He held that the Legislature of Kansas could
| by law, without any alteration of the Constitu
| ton, utterly abolish Slavery within six week.
after admission, by providing for the purchase
| of the one or two hundred slaves now in the
Territory, and then prohibiting the introduction
| of others. r z'
Mr.. Pottle, of New York, spoke in opposition
to the Lecompton Constitution. He though
the agitation of the Slavery question was no
likely to stop with either the admission or til,
| rejection of Kansas. 1t was the old struggle
between Freedom and Slavery, between liberty
and despotism, which had been going on from
the earliest history. If the Union were dissolved
| to-day, it would 90 on and wax fereer. 1t wa
for the South to say whether the struggle should
| go on peacefully or otherwise. He would 6p
pose Slavery as political and moral evil when
ever he had right, but would not asssil ont
constitutional right or guarantee which State
sovereignty threw around that institution.
Mr. Norris, of Illinois, replied to some of tn,
remarks of Mr.. Bishop, of Connsetiegs dsn9up rs
isftfft1 70 her pecuniary obligations as base
Islander. Illinois had been faithful to every OBJ
legation, pecuniary or political. She had neve,
voted for other than Democratic President
could the gentleman ssy as much of Con
necticut? The support of Democratic men anc
measures was like angels visits He referred
to the Hartford Convention and other matter.
In The history of Connecticut, which found no
parallel in the history of his own State. He
reviewed Mr.. Bishops argument in favor of LIE
| compton, saying that he had effectually demol
ished the bred Scott decision, and that South
ern men had no reason to congratulate them.
selves on account of his speech.
| Mr.. Abbott, of Maine, denounced the Presi
| dents Lecompton message, the multiplicity Of
its falsehoods, and its wanton perversions of
history. He believed that no Government could
ever be put in operation in Kansas under the
Lecompton Constitution; thatthe attempt would
lead to revolution but nevertheless he pre-.
dicted that John Calhoun would declare Pro.
| Slavery Legislature elected, which would as
semble in some private place, and elect him to
| the United States Senate.
| Mr.. Kellogg, of Illinois, spoke in opposition
to the admission of Kansas, and had not finished
| when the Committee rose.
And, at half past ak o'clock, the House ad.
journed.