The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-06-08

therefore. safely assume that the only
h,pe for the democracy in 1860 Is the con-
tina ance Of these divisions in the opposition
camp<,; but en- the other hand, the first, the in
dispensA Die, and yet the most difficult essential
to the soe,ess Of the opposition is the concen-
tration of iheir forces, North and South upon
q single candidate.
With the election Of Mr.. Buchanan 1t was
generally suppo~ed that his long experience in
our political affahs, and his approved abilities
as statesman, wouiN enable him 30 10 shape
and direct the general policy Of his administra-
ton as in q short time tn melt away this exist
ing opposition popular ma Sority, and reconsoli-
date the democracy upon sure. substantial and
solid footing throughout the Union. Nor can
it be denied that the whole policy of Mr.. Bu-
chanan, from the appointment of bis able, con-
sistent and conservative Cabinet down to this
day, has been carefully directed to THIS great
end; nor can it be safely disputed that, had he
been properly sustained by the leaders and
would-be-leaders of the party. North and Sou IN,
the democracy to day, instead of being de-
moralzed. divided and Responding party, would
be party united harmonious and full of conf
dence for the future.
But, unfortunately, all the well meant and
well directed endeavors of the President aad
his Cabinet to reunite and harmonize the de-
mocrscy have thus far been feuted and frus-
trated by the selfish aspirants, demagogues and
disorganizers of the party, in both houses Of
Congress. Thus, while on every important
measure or movement Of the administration,
with scarcely an exception, the democratic ma
jority in the Senate and in the House has been
reduced to a disorganized and impotent gang
Of filibustering factionists the apparently IRE.
copcilable elements of the opposition have
been united and harmonized to an extent which
has astonished even themselves.
Thus, too, while the wise ard well considered
counsels of Mr. buchanan and his Cabinet have
been disregarded by the factious mutineers of
Congress upon this question, that question, aud
the other it is not surprising that the opposition
Leaders have seized the advantages thus offered,
and areseeking to turn them to the best account.
And SO it is while the democracy in Congress,
upon sectional and factious Issues and upon their
petty squabbles over the spoils, have become
demOralized and disorganized to an extent
never known before, the prospect of the union
and The triumph of the opposition in 1860 is
correspondingly increased. In this connection
the late financial revulsion, among its natural
consequences, is just bringing to the surface
political issue upon the money question, which,
if skilfully used by the opposition may give
them in 1860 victory as decisive as that of
1910.
The slavery agitation may be considered as
suspended for some time to come. Without the
interpostion of some new aggression" of the
a" slave oligarcby," no disturbing breeze of sec
tional excitement can be raised upon slavery
and the "slave power" in the approaching gene
raj campaign. But the financial revulsion has
operated seriously to diminish the
receipts Of the treasury, while the legacies from
his predecessors have quite as seriously increas
cd the expenditures Of Mr.. Buchanan's admins
tration. We have thus the extraordinary spec
tacle Of heavy Issues Of treasury notes and loans
TO meet the current necessities Of the govern
ment in a time OF peace. For all this Mr.. Bu-
cbanan and bis Cabinet are in no way RESPONSE
BILE bat still the fact of these endorsements
and increased expenditures may be made the
pivot of the Presidential election. 1t will be
almost impossible, among four or FIVE millions
of voters, TO separate the responsibility in the
premises from the party and the administration
in power.
In this view, ard in view of the popular
strength of the opposition forces, when united,
it would appear that nothing can prevent their
success in 1860, provided they coalesce upon a
common ticket and common practical policy Of
" retrenchment and REFORM" North and South.
To this end, however, none Of their outstanding
candidates will answer; for Seward, Banks,
Chase, Hale, Crittenden, Bell, and even Ere
mont, would be encountered with sectional or
factious difficulties which could not be recon-
ciled. But some new candidate, occupying q
central and conservative position, geographic
cally and politically, Of democratic aniecedents
and possessed Of admitted abilities-some such
man, for example, as Cameron, of Pennsylva-
nia-might be made the basis of fusion which
would not only settle the question in 1860, but
the question Of party ascendency for many
years TO come.
For this gloomy state of things in reference
to the democracy, we repeat that the President
and his Cabinet are in no way responsible. IL
is condition Of things which is due, first, to
the factious, ambitious and Inscriptions leaders
and would-be leaders Of the democratic party in
both houses Of Congress; and secondly, to the
tremendous pressure Of the late revusion upon
the country and the government. The demo-
cratic majority Of the two houses of Congress
has been reduced by dozen disorganizers,
more or less, to an almost hopeless demoraliza-
ton; and the only remaining nucleus TO the
party of harmony, consistency, discipline, prin-
ciple, confidence and security is the admins
trstion of the President and his Cabinet. In
an ..oxr. of ,te Jo.$r,a.,n-