The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-04-15

selves domain of Freedom, peaceably if they
can-forcibly, if that is the only alternative.
The srbitrsment of war is court of last ap.
peal, and should not be tried until the hope of
peaceful revolution has exhausted itself.
When that crisis is reached, the people must
decide to be slavee of freemen.
Mr.. Chairman, before closing, wish briefly
to assign the reasons why shall cast my vote
against every step which looks to the consum.
nation of this fraud.
In the first place, rejecting the sentiments
OF my constituents, / will not vote 20 admit a
single inch of slave territory lying within the
limits covered by the Missouri r.. itriction of
1871. Its abrogation was in bad faith, and
was designed, to say no more, to rene>er possible
what had soemnly been adjudged and for a
long series of years aequiesced in, as impossible.
L have no faith = had none in The catch.
phrase OF popular sovereignty" nth which
that measure was gilded, in order to-Jcreen the
possibility or the purpose beneath 4. 1t was
asserted by our coolest men, at the Hue of the
passage of the Kansas Nebraska adj, that the
repeal OF the Missouri restriction would result
In the formation of slave State within the
limits from which the restriction was removed
Their prediction finds a ful6lment 1t comes
here with slave Constitution, in spite of the
dogma of popular sovereignty" aud a ma
Jority OF ten thousand votes of its citizens cast
against it. Bot, sir, if every man in the Ter
ritory desired its admission with Slavery, under
the position which have assumed, could not
and would not, vote in its favor.
Another reason for its rejection would be
found in the frauds connected with the forma.
ton of the Constitution presented, even though
the first could be waived. Why, sir, if testimo-
ny is to be credited-and Democratic Govern.
ors and Secretaries join in concurrence with
the other proof spread before the face of the
people-then this instrument is unworthy the
respectful attention of the Congress of q free
country, and should be kicked Justify from these
Halls. If saved at all, it must be By techui-
calities and special pleading. An instrument
of this nature, which is to determine the politi-
cal and social complexion of sovereign State,
should not be saved merely because it was able
to pass through such gauntlet as this. We
are not petty court, sitting for the trial of a
meagre suit at law, to be governed by its petty
technicalities, granting to the special plesder
his verdict, in consequence of his ingenuity in
shaping his case, or artfully and skilfully dodg-
ing the tough points of bis opponent by legal
bubbles. AS the nations tribunes, we are sit
ting in judgment on the legal birth of new
Commonwealth seeking to be added to this
Confederacy. Standing upon the doctrine of
popular sovereignty, and in the face of the ten
thousand majority of its citizens against this
Constitution, no Northern Democrat can, in my
opinion, vote for this rejected instrument, and
be true to his pledges to the people.
If the voice Of the people is TO be authorize.
tive in the founding of new States out of the
common domain, without the interposition of
Congress, then it should bear their popular YER
dict of approval, clear as the sun at MONDAY.
Sir, popular sovereignty does not weigh feather
in the balance, when opposed to the schemes of
the slave propagandists of the day. They mean
Slavery in Kansas, whether majority of its
citizens approve or disapprove. They mean two
slave-State Senator'S in the other wing of the Cap
itol, for four and six years, respectively. All the
irruptions of the Cloths and Vandals of Missouri
in the different elections all the slaughter of
Democratic Governors by the national Execu.
tive the quartering of Federal army, within
her borders; the refusal TO enroll her citizens
upon the poll-lists: the Acknowledgement of nine
teen counties in the pretended election for
Constitutional Convention; the creation of q
peripatetic regent and supreme dictator, who
holds the unanncunced certificates of the late
election for STATE officers in his breeches peck
ct; his absence from the Territory for months,
and his hanging around the Federal city, and
the reading of the author of the popular-sover-
eighty doctrine out of the pale of the party, be-
cause he cannot shut his eyes against this oct.
rageous swindle-all, ALL sir, make the grand
design of the party and this Administration per-
fectly apparent. They mean a "Digger" in Kan
sas, or no Kansas In the Union. Popular SOW
ereignty is we'll enough as text upon which to
predicate speeches to please the Northern Dem.
ocrstc ear; but when it rears barrier against
the extension Of Slavery, it is to the South
bird of different plumage. 1t will be difficult
for the people of the North to harmonizs the
pitiful pettifoggiug of the friends of Lec5mpton
to carry this measure, with the stern popular
verdict of ten thousand majority of the sover-
eigns against it.
Still another reason for my opposition is
found in the fact that it is not for the interest
of my State to depart from the first inaugurated
policy OF our Government under the Constitu-
ton, to which | have so briefly adverted in my
opening remarks. The danger TO this Govern.
ment lies In its strong tendency to centraliza.
ton, federation, or tco much central power.
The Federal Government is Of limited powers
and / will go as far as the furthest to give the
sacred instrument Of its existence strict con.
struction. Far beyond the most extensive
speculations of our fathers has Executive pat.
ronage even now reached, in its rapidly-aug-
menting course. 1t is conceded by the coun.
try, that an Administration in power has the |
ton. There is not even village of our broad |
country in which the President has not an |
active political agent, a local manager of the |
political affairs Of his Administration, either |
for his own re election or the candidate nomi. |
mated by his party to succeed him. And this |
agent must have an unsu lied party record, or |
the axe of the Executive guilotine removes
his official head without even saying "by your /
leave" or consulting in the least degree the |
will of the people. But, sir, when the central |
Government takes the system of chattel slavery |
under its especial protection; when it declares |
that every rood of land in our broad territories |
stretching away to the Pacific ocean, is, by the |
Constitution, the legal abode of the chattel |
system, and that the central Government will |
enforce that system at the point of Federal |
bayonets, it is time that the increasing millions
of Northern freemen should investigate and |
decide for themselves this new Interpretation. |
IL at one blow nationalizes the chattel system,
hovers it under the wing of our emblematic |
bird, shielding and defending it with its angry |
beak. AT the same time, it annihilates all |
that makes the property valuable to Northern |
If corrupt partisan Administration usurps
to itself the power of treading upon new ground, |
no patriot is far,sighted enough to discover the |
final results Of that first misguided step. AL.
ready an alarmed North feels about the pillars |
and strong columns which support its independ. |
ent State sovereignties, to discover the soIidity
of their foundations Steadily increasing in |
strength as a central power, you are also as |
steadily trerching upon State rights, and you |
will yet claim the right to drive your ccfied |
slaves through the very temples of Freedom, by |
the decision and with the aid of the central |
Government. This prophecy may be esteemed |
a madness; but there are children now born in |