The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-12-23
THE MONROE DOCTRINE AND THE OPPOSITION
PRESS

Monroe Doctrine, quotes Mr.. buchanan saying,
than thirty years ago, that the people Of the
United States should be left free to act in any crisis
in such manner as their feelings Of friendship
towards the South American States and their own
honor and policy may at the time dictate" That
is precisely Mr.. Buchanan's position at the present
moment if we understand him There is nothing in
Gen Casss letter TO Mr. Dodge at all to conflict with
it. Avowng principle is one thing; acting is quite
another thing. Principles are supposed to guide us
in conducting Of political affairs; acts give eff
feet to principles. There can be no dispute in re.
gard TO Mr.. Monroe's intentions in proclaimng his
doctrine. II was his purpose to announce prin
cple which should govern the United States in refer
ence to European colonization on this side Of the
water. Nobody is weak enough to maintain that
simple Executive declaration is legally binding upon
Congress and the country. Nobody that We know
of has 30 contended. If Mr.. Monroe was right, and
the American people think SO now, his declara
lion is supportedthat is all. IL is not the law
of the land, but it is endorsed nevertheless by
public opinion and in the language of Mr.. Buchanan,
"in any crisis" the people of the United States will
"act' accordingly There is no ambiguity, no myst-
Nothing is clearer, for instance than that an Amer
can statesman is perfectly safe in declaring that this
continent should not be subjectto European cooniza
ton Should Congress make the same declaration
should the government Of tho Union be fully com
mitted TO it in its broadcast sense-the question of
its maintenance would still be in allegiance. The
latter is what Mr. Buchanan referred to in 1926 the
former is what Mr. Monroe undertook to proclaim
three years before and what General Cass repeated
with certain notifications, in his letter to Mr..
Dodge.
The Evening Post confounds the declaration of
principle with declaration of war. The Post dare
not advocate the right and justice Of European colo
nization on this continent 1t dare not assa the po-
stion Of Mr. Buchanan on this subject. 1t dare not
justify France England in any proposition in
yolving on the part of either Of those powers
protectorate over Mexico or any of the Central
American States. 1t may assail the administration
in Mexico as out Of time and unauthorized, but it
dare not assail the principle proclaimed thereby.
There is not a respectable journal in America
which would uphold France or England in coloniz-
ing or subjugatng the republic of Mexico. There
is no public opinion which would support such
scheme Everybody would be aganstit Everybody
would regard it as the beginning of system of polti
cal propagandism intended to circumvent and sub
due the free people of the United States. We could
as !, nation under present laws Of increase and of
progress, would not make il safe. What our people
would do them in the event referred to, s obvious in
deed-they would resist-they would make war
they would protect themselves. Well what else
than this did Gen. Cass proclaim in his letter to Mr.
Dodge Was il wrong thus to speak? Was it out
of time? 1t was wrong and ont of place, if the de-
termination referred to by the Secretary Of State
was at all equvocal or doubtful But our reading of
public opinion does not permit us to question the
Judgment and patriotism of the American people
in this respect. They are opposed to all intcr-
vention of the European powers to control
the political institutions of this continent When
they are ready to France organize despohc
government in Mexico, they will be ready to
defend their own territory from hostile invasion.
AS powerful az we are as nation, we could not
subsist FIVE years in the heart of Europe Our great
strength is in our geographical position; and, after
ALL 1t is TO preserve lnlS advantage tlil we are op
posed to the creation of antagonistic systems on
our borders representing European dynasties We
will in other words, not consent to build up or per
nit to be built up, institutions which may serve as
a cover for the operations of ambitious men the
other side of the water. Time will relieve u.s. we
are aware, of all embarrassment from this source
but long before shall reach the full stature of
turity, long before institutions shall be for
tilted as to be unassaable and impregnable, we may
have our powers tested, and abilitypu to the
we're ordeal of war. The political systems Of the
East and the West are perfect anlagonisms If there
is any point of conflict between them, it is only
enable to be prepared for it, In judgment, the
safety Of BOTH at least the welfare of both is to be
found only in the strictest non-intervenon with each
others affairs The republican element in Europe
is already powerful and we may rely upon it to hold
in check the governments 1t is safety. In in
stitutions and sentiment the American people are
unit, There, again, is our power. But introduce
or absolutistc rule on this continent
divide us into two parts take away our gcographi-
cal defenees interdct the free intercourse Of our
people; send them to instead of to SCHOOL, teach
them to strike instead of to write, and anybody will
our decline for very tring percentage.
We have a small population who think Of the great
governments of Europe as delightful holiday ar