The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-11-18

and patiently, we labored Ito bring that great
| patriotic. and intelligent combination TO es
pouse and become the champion of the caus,
| of Human Rights; how we labored at time
! with apparent success, and more often hopins
against hope, until the Year 1852, 70 bring tht
| Wing party up TO the point of assuming tina
noble championship; and how, at its last Ma
tional Convention at Baltimore, the party a
last placed itself upon the treacherous platform
of Slavery, and instantly went down, leaving
only wrecks and ruins to float for a while upol
| the political ocean. Others of you were Demo
| crats-lmbued with sentiments of Just hostility
to Slavery. You remember how you went "
to Buffalo, and there, in the presence of an ap
proving and grateful nation, laid down the plat
| form of Free Soil, Free Speech, and Free Men
how you repaired TO Albany, the capital of the
| Empire State, and there laid new foundations
| for the temple of Freedom, and said: "Lo! the
| stone which the builders rejected, the same is
| become the head of the corner" You need
| not be told how, in the same disastrous year OF
| 1852, the platform and foundation of this new
and enthusiastic Free Soil party disappeared
| leaving not a wreck nor even "a relic behind
| From that time, onward until 1855 and 1856
| the irrepressible hostility to Slavery inherent
in the American people, found no organization,
no combination, no party, no association, which
dared to give it utterance. Then, however
| were seen at least the Germs of the Republican
party. Wise, cOnsiderate, far-seeng men dis
covered in those germs and their future devel-
opment the organization which was required by
| the eXigencies of the country, and through its
agency a speedy and complete recovery of all
| that had been lost. The Republican party is
now practically organized and ready for action,
freed from all the clements Of hesitation timidi-
| ty, cOwardice, caution, whichever term may
be preferred. 1t embraces the true friends and
faithful believers in the cause of humanity in all
the States, drawn from all former political par
ties. See how strong, united, and firm a front
| it presents in Maine,9 consolidated under the
lead of Hamlin and Fessenden in New Hamp-
shire, under the direction of Hale and Clark ;
in Massachusetts, under the lead Wilson and
Adams; in New York, of Horace Greeley and
Preston King; in Pennsylvania, under the lead
of Cameron and Campbell.
1t will be the show Of the next two years to
witness the organization Of this same Republi-
can party within the slave States. under the
lead of the brave and true men, such as Frank
Z. Blair of Missouri and Cassius NJ CLAW of
Kentucky. What remains of organization as a
a National party to be effected is as sure and
| certain as whathas already occurred, and is now
50 distinctly seen.
lhaye said, that when the organization should
be effective, the battle would be already half
won, and SO in truth it has already happened.
In 1896, we were organized in all the free
States, except Pennsylvania, Indiana New Jer-
sey, and California. During the last year we
have completed ourOrganization in those States,
and the elections which have already occurred
IN them have brought TO the Republican party
acceSsions which, if they had occurred in 1886,
would have secured a Republican Congress and
4 IL, l.
directly Republican Congress is already Sc
cured, if only the State of New York, which has
hitherto led IN this great struggle. shall not now
iorsake and abandon the contest, and betray the
cause of Freedom.
You, the electors of Oneida, constitute one
thirty-third part Of the State of New York You
can answer better than /, whether it is better
to adhers to the cause under circumstances 50
allspicOus. or To betray it, and thus draw down
upon the State the reproach and contempt of
mankind. 4
Ii must nevertheless be remembered that we
not only engage IN this contest under the dis
advantages OF an organization new, untried.
and incomplete but also Of "a constitutional
limitation lol the power Of chat organizations
There are IN the slave States 100000 slaves.
The Shareholders who vote for these slaves bal
ance the votes Of II 100000 freenen This
constitutional concession of advantage to the
slave States is equal to twO-thrds Of the dele
CATION of the free State of New York in Con
gress, or To. the representation of large por-
ton, If not the whole, of New England. Let
1t be remembered, then. in all future contests
that the Constitution neutralizes and withhods
from the field this large division of the forces
of the free States.
Again: 1t is customary to regard the rep
resentation from the slave States as being
unanimous in favor of the interests of Slavery
And practically the assumption is true. Sa
very cOmpels and secures unity of purpose
ami concert OF action among all the represent
atlves of the slave States it tolerates no diver
gency or separation. On the other hand. the
free States thus far have sent to Congress dele
cations by which large portions prove 60 be as
devoted and faithful to the interests of Slavery
as the Representatives of the slave States them
selves. III the free States were united by bond
AS close, and the action of their Representa-
uvcs was directed 10y will as intense, as that
OF the Shareholders their unanimtv would have
terminated this contest in favor of Freedom
long ago.
Second am to say a word or two now con
cernlng the issues particularly involved at this
stage of the struggle. You would naturally
suppose that the duty before us is TO make some
new acquisition of free territory or at least to
gain back some free territory which has been lost
la Slavery, to gain some affirmative constitu-
uohaI position, or to retrieve some such position
which has been lost. You never made a greater
mistake IN your lives. Everything has been
lost which can be lost, except the endowment of
Freedom and the exclusion of Slavery within
the free States. Slavery remains apparently
stronger than ever in all the slave States and
freedom of speech, freedom of the press and
freedom of suffrage upon the subject of Slavery,
are actually unknown in those States Slavery
remains IN the District of Columbia, defiant of
all your power; Slavery remains in all the
arSenalS, docks, and navy yards, of the United
States, and upon all the decks of your national
marine. BY the bred Scott decision, the Su
Pleme Court Of the United States, in which YOUR
Executive aud Legislative authorities acdui-
esced, Slavery exists III Kansas, New Mexico.
! Utah, Oregon, DacOtah, Arizona and upon
every loot OF all the remaining domain of the
Ohi'ed states, paramount to any popular power
or sovereignty existing therein, and paramount
even to all the authority of all the departments
of the Federal Government
| To retrieve these losses will be the work Of \
| future day. The work of to-day is to Obtain
securities for fair play in this great contest.
! falr play was all that was left 60 James Bu-
chanan and his Administration to afford MS.
| lie promised us that miserable right-the rem
nant of all other valuable rights. Even that
| promise was broken, and that right has been
/ treacherousy wrcsted from us the first year OF
the Administration of James Buchanan The
President, without rebuke from Congress, and
with the acqniescence Of the Senate, successive
| ly removed Gov. Walker and Gov. Stanton, fol
Welding to the people of Kansas free, fair
aud impartial elections. When the people O
the State of Kansas by such elections repudiated
the Slavery Lecompton Constitution, and avow
ed their unalterable determination to remain :
community of free men, the Congress of the