The Council Bluffs nonpareil. [volume] (Council Bluffs [Iowa]) 1857-1867, 1858-08-21

attention to some of them. What | shall
point out, thosgh not showing tho whole
plan, are, nevertheless, the main points, as |
suppose. -
| They are not very numerous. The first is
Popular Sovereignty. The second and third
are attacks upon my speech made on the
10th of June. Out Of these three points
drawing within the range of Popular Sove-
reignty the question Of the 'Lccompton
Constitution-he makes his principal as
sault. Upon these his successive speeches
are substantially one and the same On
this matter of Popular Sovereignty wish
to be a little careful. Auxiliary to these
main points, to be sure, are their thunder
ings of cannon, their marching and music,
| their fizzlegigs and fireworks but will not
waste time with them. They are but the
trappings of the campaign.
Coming to the substance-the first point
l-"Popular Sovereignty" 1t is to be Ia
belled upon the cars in which he travels !;
put upon the hacks he rides in; to be fiaunt-
ed upon the arches he rides under, and the
banners which wave over him. 1t is TO be
dishcd up in as many varieties as a French
| cook can produce soups from potatoes
Now, as this is so great staple of the plan of
the campaign, it is worth while to examine
it carefully and if we examine only very
little, and do not allow ourselves to be mis-
led,we shall be able to see that the whole
thing is the most arrant Quixotism that was
ever enacted before community. What
is the matter of Popular Sovereignty? The
first thing, in order to understand it, is to
get good definition of what it island af-
ter that to SEQ how it is applied.
| suppose almost every one knows that in
ntrny hot hn, boo
has had reference to the question of negro
slavery. We have not been in controversy
about the right of the people to govern
themselves in the ordinary matters Of do
mestic concern in the States and Territories.
Mr.. Buchanan in one of his late messages,
| Il think when he sent up the Lecompton
Constitution,) urged that the main points to
which the public attention had been directed.
was not in regard to the great variety of
small domestic matters, but was directed to
| the question of negro slavery; and he as
serted, that if the people had fair chance
to vote on that question, there was no rea-
sonable ground Of objection in regard to
minor questions. Now, while think that
the people had not had given, or offered
them, fair chance upon that slavery ques-
! ton; still, if there had been fair submission
to vote upon that main question, the
Presidents proposition would have been
true to the uttermost. Hence, when here
after speak of popular sovereignty, wish
to be understood as applying what | say
to the question of slavery only, and not to
other m inor domestic matters of a territory
or State.
Does Judge Douglas, when he says that
several of the past years of his life have
been devoted to the question Of ''popular
sovereignty" and that all the remainder of
| his life shall be devoted to it, does he mean
| to say that he has been devoting his life to
securing to the people of the territories the
right to exclude slavery from the territories?
If he means so to say, he means to deceive:
because he and every one knows that the
decision of the Supreme Court, which he
approves and makes especial ground Of at
tack upon me for disappearing, forbids the
people Of territory to exclude slavery
This covers the whole ground from the set
tlement of II territory till it treaches a degree
of maturity emitting it to form State
Constitution. SO far as all that ground is
concerned, the Judge is not sustaining popu-
lar sovcrei gnty, but absolutely opposing it.
He sustains the decision which declares
that the popular will of the territories has
no constitutional power to exclude slavery
during their territorial existence. Cheers.
This being so, the period of time from the
first settlement of a territory till it reaches
the point of forming State Constitution.
is not the thing that the Judge has fought
for, or is fighting for, but on the contrary.
he has fought for, and is fighting for, the
thing that annhilates and crushcs out that
same popular sovereignty.
Well, so much being disposed of. what is
left? Why, he is contendlng for the right
of the people, when they come to make a
State Constitution, to make it for them
selves, and precisely as best suits them
selves. | say again, that is Quxotc.
defy contradiction when | declare that the
Judge can find no one to oppose him on
that proposition. repeat, there is nobody
opposing that proposition on p,inciple.-
Let me not be misunderstood. | know that.
with reference to the Lecompton Corstitu-
ton, may be misunderstood: but when
YOU understand me correctly, my proposition
will be true and accurate. Nobody is op-
posing, or has opposed, the right of the
people, when they form a Constitution, to
form it for thcmsc elves. Mr.. Buchanan and
his friends have not done it; they, too, as
we'll as the Republicans and the Anti-Le-
compton Democrats, have not done it: but,
on the contrary, they together have insisted
on the right of the people to form COnsti-
tuition for themselves. The difference be-
tween Buchanan men on one hand, and the
Douglas men and Republicans on the other,
has not been on question Of principle, but
on a question of fact.
The dispute was upon the question of
fact, whether the Lecompton Constitution
had been fairly formed by the people or not.
Mr.. Buchanan and his friends have not
contendcd for the contrary principle any
more than the Doug las men or the Republi
cans. They have insisted that whatever Of
small irregularities existed in getting up the
Lecompton Constitution, were such as hap
pen in theisettlement of all new Territories.
The question was, was it a fair emanation
of the people? 1t was a question of fact,
and not of principle. As to the principle,
all were agreed. Judge Douglas voted
with the Republicans upon that matter of
fact.
He and they, by their voices and votes,
denied that it was fair emanation of the
people. The Administration affirmed that
I it was. With respect to the evidence bear
ing upon that question of fact, | readily
agree that Judge Douglas and the Republi
cans had the right on their side, and that
| the aNllnlStTdtlOu was NTonS, Dut Stdtc
again that rs a matter of principle, there is
no dispute upon the right Of the people in a
Territory, merging into State to form a
Constitution for themselves without outside
interference from any garter. This being
so, what is Judge Douglas going to spend
his life for? Is he going to spend his life
in maintaining a principle that nobody on
earth opposes? tCheeFs.l Does he expect
to stand up in majestic dignity, and go
through his. .apot,eosis and become God, in
the maintaining of principle which neither
man nor a mouse in all Gods creation is
opposng? [Tremendous ehecrins:1 Now,
something in regard to the Lecomption Con
stitution more specially; for | pass from
this other question of popular sovereignty
as the mcst arrant humbug that has ever
been attempted on an intelligent community.
As to the Lecompton Constitution, have.
already said that on the question of fact as
| to whether it was fair emanaton of the
people or not, Judge Douglas with the Re-
! publicans and some Americans had greatly
! al, A., ,,s.t,. - in,,.