Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1858-12-14
Aitbmono Enquirer.
TUESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER /;
THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
uN ElrcnIE. puNSAvANr, TYLER 4 WISE.

Ten dl>cuSS.pn ol It's separate features. must
premise by avowing that. in our opinion, its
departures fom the rule of political faith laid
down in the platform of the Democratic Re
publican party. are too marked and too fire.
quen,, TO admit of its endorsement hy the De.
mocracy Of Virginia.
We regret that the President should have
with long and laborcd review of the Lecomp-
ton question. which has already occaSioncd
sufficient disaster to the PARTY. Ii intended as
q mere personal vindication of his own course
it may well bc questioned, whether lic has not
given such vindication more prominence than
it mcritcd or required. Moreover. it presents
nothing which has no, already and repeatedly
been discussed and eycn denied. and seems
to insist too >trnscntly oh onr side oi GieS-
ton. which has al least been acknowledged TO
possess two sides. and on which the Democracy
are divided without present prospect of the
reconciliation o! opposing views. If not in
tended a> 4 mere personal vindlcatlon, then
this part Of the Message must certainly be con-
sidercd Is worse than useless. ASsuredly it
was not required il: any manner to guide the
deliberations of the present Congress. At all
events. it rc-opcnS an old sore which time aud
the careful avoidance OF additional recrilnnaticn
are alone sufficient to heal
The general recommendation, that no new
State shall hcncclorward be admitted To the
Union. until it shall acquire population equal to
the ordinary ratio required 10 elect Congress
>ional representative, is open To no serious obiec-
ton 1t offers general rule. which seems to be
a fair one Nor is ii necessary at present To en-
ter into the discussion OF probable ur posi-
bic exceptions which may be required to this
general rule. Il is not dictated bv conStit,I.
tonal provision. 1t can never hc more than a
recommendation Of policy. dependent entirely
oil its own merits. and on the propricty OF its
application to each case which may arise 1t
would hc useless ~ clnbody it i'll Il congressional
act; tor new States arc admittedly Congress. and
one Congress is incompetent L" pledge the ac
ton of another Congress Congress is incom
petcnt to fix rule on the subject, and there is
occurrence, in which it will he due especially
to the people of the Southern States. that this
rule shall be disregardcd. The Congress Of the
United States has already unanimously decided
that the territory Of Kansas should be admitted
under Il pro-slavery Constitution, il approved
legitimatcly by the people of Kansas. II this
territory, with an increased population. shall
again apply for admission, with either a
pro-slavery or an anti-slavcry Con>titu-
ton, ii will hc due to u proper i,npartiality to-
ward, sectional interests that Congress shall
admit Kansas. with or without the ratio Of
population generally required to elect repre-
sentative. The right Of the people of a
territory TO apply for admission AS State,
is perfect right, and one which it is beyond
the competency OF Congress to restrict
Such application can involve no violation
whatever Of any law which Congress may
rightiuly enact. And Congress is under
no obligation whatever to remain un-
aterablv obcdent to the dictates Of the Eng
lish Compromise 1t is. however. very proba-
bic that this question will not ASSUME practi
cal form. at least during the present Congress
s;oIlal session. Before the expiration Of the
mex, three mcnthS, the people of Kansas will
hardly have the opportunity t" present
new Constitution to Congress.
The intervention of the General Government
in Utah, for the protection Of persons and pro-
perty in that Territory, is properly described
as Il just and necessary measure. Nor could
we find better argument against the doctrine
Of ''>quatter sovereignty" and entire non-in-
tervcntion in the Territories. than the late
events which have tranSpircd in Utah. Tine
constant Intervention of the General Executive
and Judicial authorities. is absolutely ncccS-
Sary to the peace and good order Of every
community in Il state of territorial pupllage,
and whenever this protection is insufficient. it
is the duty Of Congress TO supply the deficiency
As to foreign affairs. Our negotiations with
China and Japan, evidently promise 10 result
in increased benefit to American commerce
The reduction o.. the brazilian tariff on flour.
is the obvious result Of the continuous nceo-
tiationS Of our own diplomat>;S, and, what is
even more important, must result chiefly in an
increased profit TO our OWN citizens. and eSpe-
ciallv to the flour dealers OF Richmond The
final adjustment of the question of visitation
and search. is the just issue Of able and consls-
tent negotiations on this subject, which have
been directed and urged by orr greatcSt states
men, almost, if not quite from the inception
Of the Union.
But there is an unpleasant side Ia orr foreign
relations. When we consider the fact that
there are grave pending difficulties with Great
Britain, Spain. Mexico Costa Rica. Nicaragua.
New Grenada and Paraguay. we ut once per-
ceivc 4 complication Of possible SriltS, III
which we can gain hut little, and must lose
much.
So far Az Great Britain is concerned, the evl-
dent policy is one of unyielding iirnness.--
The abrogatun of the Balwer-Clayton treaty
is a necessity which must be met, with di,crc-
ton indeed. but without equivocation.
Ii Cuba can he obtained by fair purchase. let
lis nave it, Even in the case of Mexico We
will hc willing to SEE our grievances conprnsa
ted and our claims liquidated by a cess ion OF
territory on the part oi that government, IN
case this can he accomplished without in
Justice to our weaker neis shbor. At all
events. We owe it "a ourselves t" secure her
whole Territory from invasion hv any Euro
pcan power. But the numerous complaints,
errors and grievances which threaten TO involve
uS. at once, in serious quarrcls with six cr
seven. or. POSSIBLY, more of our ncighborS,