The Hillsdale standard. [volume] (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1851-1909, 1858-08-03
REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES.
no ts0iHig SPEECH OF scl mr I u
HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN,

III We could first know where we are, and
whittier we are tending, we could then bet
ter Judge what to do, and how to do it.
We are now tar ipto the fifth year, since
policy was initiated, with the avowed
object and confident promise of putting an
end to Slavery agitation.
Under the operation Of that policy, that
agitation has only not ceased, but constant.
ly augmented.
In my opinion, it will not cease, until
crisis shall have been reached and passed.
"A house divided against itself cannot
stand" l believe This Government cannot
endure permanently half slave and half
free. don't expect the Union to be dis
solved-I don't expect the house to fall
but do expect it will cease to be divided.
II will become all one thing, or all the
other. Either the opponents Of slavery
will arrest the further spread of it, and
place it where the public mind shall rest
IN the belief that it is in cou.se Of ultimate
ex'inctiou; or its advocates will push it
forward TIL IT shall become alike lawful in
all the States, old ms well rs new--north
as well as south. Have we no tendency
to the latter condition?
let any one who doubts, carefully con-
template that now almost complete legal
combination piece of machinery, SO TO speak
compounded of the Nebraska doctrine
and the Dred Scott decision. Let him
consider not only what work the machinery
Is adapted IL DO, and how well a'iapIed !;
but also let him study the history Of its
apI ~ bp rot hnr
fail, il he can, To trace The evidences Of
design, and concert of action among its
chief bosses, from the beginning. But SO
far, Congress only, had acted and an en-
dorsement 10y the people, real or apparent,
was indispensable to save the point already
gained, and give chance for more.
The new year of 1854 found slavery ex-
cluded from more than h alf the States by
State Constitutions, and from most of the
National Territories by Congressional pro-
hibilion. -Four days later commenced the
struggle, which ended in repeating that
Congressional prohibition.
This opened all the national Territory to
Slavery, and was the first point gained
This necessity had not been overlooked (;
but had been provided for, as well as
might be, in the notable argument of
'equstter sovcreiguty," otherwise called
"sacred rehlS OF scffgovernment," which
latter llIa-c, ibpuch expressive Of 'he on
ly ugt.ii1i uasi, of any government, was
so pcrvertod IN this attonp ptcd use OF il "
To amount To just this: That II ary on,
man chose 10 enslavc another, no thid man
shall he allowed to Object. That Argument
WAS into the Nebraska bill itself in the ham
guage which follows:
ut ben the true intent and meaning
of this acl not to legislatc slavery into any
Territory cr State, nor exclude it there
from; bui 10 leave the people thereof per-
tectly free to form and regulate their do
mestic institutions in their own way, sub.
jet only TO The Constitution Of the United
| States"
Then opened the roar Of loose decama-
tion in favor Of "Squattcr Sovereignty"
and Sacred right OF self government
But said Opposition members "let
US be more specifc-let us amend the bill
so as TO expressly declare that the people
of the Territory may exclude Slavery. -
"Not we" said the friends of the measure
and down they voted the amendment
While the Nebraska bill was passing ,hro'
| Congress, law case, involving the qucs-
tion of a regro's freedom, by reason of his
owner having voluntarily taken him first
into Free State and then Territory COW
cred by the Congressional prohibition, and
held him as a slave, for long time in each,
was passing through the United States Cir.
cult Court for the District of Missouri; and
10th Nebraska bill and lawsuit were bro't
to decision in the same month of May,
1854. The negro's was "Dred Scott,
which name now dcsignates the decision
finally made in the case.
Before the then next Presidential elec-
ton, the law case came to, and was argued
in the Supreme Court of the United States
| but the decision of il was deferred until af-
ter the election. Still, before the election,
Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Sen
ate, requests tho leading advocate Of the
Nebra,ka i'll to state his opinion whether
the people Of Territory can constitution.
ally exclude Slavery from their limits, and
the latter answers: "That is question for
the Supreme Court" The election came
Mr.. Buchanan WAS elected. and the indorse-
ment, such as it was, secured. That was
the second point gained. The indose
mcnt, however, fell short Of a clear popu.
lar majority 10y nearly four hundred thous-
and votes, and so, perhaps, was not over
whelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The
outgoing President in his last annual mes.
sage, rs impresslvely as possible echoed
back upon tho people the weight and au.
thorily of the Endorsement.
The Supreme Court met again; they
did not announce their decision, but order
ed re-argumcnt. The Pres dental in
auguration came, and still no decision of
the Court; but the incoming Presi eht, in
his inaugural dress, ferventIy exhofted the
people to abide by the forthcoming dceis.
ion, whatever it might be. Then in few
days, came the decision The reputed ayi-
thor of the Nebraska bill finds an early
occasion TO make a speech at this Capitol,
indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and vo-
hemendy denouncing all opposition 70 il.
The now President, too, seizes the early
occasion Of the Silliman letter 10 indorse
and strongly construe that decision, and to
express his astonishment that any different
views had ever been entertained.
/ A u n