The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-10-07
LET THE FACTIONS FIGHT THEIR OWN
BATTLES.


to demoralizs the Republican Party.
Undue consideration is attached to the move
ment Of Mr. Douglas and bis friends. Whether
be succeed in his reelection or not, he will be
what be has always been, member of the so
called Democratic Party. Defeat will not de-
stroy his position as one of its leaders; victory
will strengthen it, and place Mr.. Buchanan at
has mercy; but, the feud between these men
does not involve the unity of the so-called Dem
ocratic organization, will not prevent its har-
monious action in 1860. 1t is folly to suppose
that Douglas, in the event of defeat in Illinois,
viii become q Republican nor will he
stand prepared to cooperate with Republicans
on any ground of action, not involving an aban-
donment Of their principles. His conduct in
Illinois Is conclusive on this point. His first act
was to declare war against Republicsnism and |
lis doctrines. Not one OF It's principles has re-
ceived his assent. It's object he has misrepre- |
sented. At no time has he shown sympathy |
with Its hostility to Slavery its devotion to Free
dom and Free Labor. Of Slavery and Free |
dom, be has spoken if they were both nor.
nal and bene6cent institutions, equally re-
spectacle, equally favored by the Constitution,
TO be decided upon alone in obedience to the |
laws of climate, without the slightest reference |
TO moral considerations. Not in any of his |
speeches last winter in the Senate, or in his re.
ported speeches during the canvass in Illinois,
can you 6nd sentiment, a word, that should
provoke the displeasure or awaken the suspicion
OF the most ultra Pro-Slavery man. He does
not recognise the fact that the Slave Power has
governed this country and has steadily labored
10 prostitute the Federal Government TO its sec.
tional purposes. he defers to the dicta of the
Supreme Court in the bred Scott case, surren-
ders opinions which he professed in 1850, and
now holds that The Federal Constitution recog.
nlses slaves sc property, that Shareholders may
carry them, as any other property, into the Ter
rltories, snd that neither Congress nor the Ter.
rltorial Legislature can interdict Slavery. True.
he says that, if the People of Territory be
prevent its existence By unfriendly legisla.
ton that is, by refusing to provide the reg.
ulations necessary to enforce the Slaveholders'
rights. But, this is 6 groundless assumption.
as ms own Kansas Nebraska bill places those
rights preeminently under judicial protection.
Still, were the assumption true, he states il
without expressing any appreciation of such
untriendly Legislation and, when asked ex
plicitly whether be would be willing to vote in
Congress for the legislation deemed by him
necessary to protect Slavery, be declines to an
swer except indirectly, by general reference
10 the Non-Intervention doctrine of the Cincin. |
natl Platform, which, according to the interpre- |
tation Of the Richmond Wal ENQUIRER. pro. |
ciuoes Intervention against Slavery, not Inter |
Vention for it
Mr.. Douglas then stands upon the Cincinnati |
Platform, on the bred Scott decision, with the |
Slave Power, with It's so-called Democracy "a |
sound 10 the core as Mr.. Buchanan binself |
What IS the difference between them One
thought the People of Kansas ought to have
had the privilege Of voting upon the Copstitu. |
ton after It was framed by the Lecomnton |
convention, bat, inasmuch az the Convention |
did not provide for submitting it, still sound |
policy required lie acceptance By Congress. and |
the recognition of Kansas as State under :,
The other thought that the People of Kansas
ought to have had that privilege, and that the
denial OF 1t was coed reason for rejecting the
Constitution, or sending it back to be voted
upon In principle, they agreed; in policy.
they differed. But that question of policy has
AireGuy passed nothing il left of il but the
recollection. And is it upon a point an trivial
and eVsnescent as this that the Slave Demo.
cratic organization will suffer itself to be spl;t
Inc oiaveholding managers are too sapacious
70 allow such catastrophe. Mr.. Douglas emf.
lered temporary eclipse at the South. but his
true position begins to be understood The
Richmond (Na) Enquirer, a supporter of Mr.
huehAnan' and representing the conservative
portion Of the Party in the Slave States. warm.
ly sustsins him, aud calls upon the WASHINGTON
DHisR TO iorbesr its assaults upon him. Ssna.
tor Brown of Mississippi, belonging to the ultra
section OF the Party, in public speech. treats
OF the question of difference between him ard
Douglas &c one on which true men might diffar
but pronounces him worthy of the confidence
and support of the South. We do not believe
that the Party generally in the Slave States will
suffer the controversy between Mr.. Douglas
and Mr.. buchanan to become Party Question.
nor can we see any purpose in the free States
outside Of Illinois, to elevate it to that position
The only practical result of it, we presume. will
be, that the claims of these two gentlemen in
the Charleston Convention win be treated with
equal civiiity, and 8 new man be selected, not
identified with the controversy, to lead on the
united Slave Democracy, of which Messrs.
Douglas and Buchanan will be still conspicuous
leaders-aud the friends of Mr.. Douglas will 20
with him.
How unwise to calculate then upon the di.
visions Of this Party-to attempt to induce the
Republican Party TO lower its standard, to for
bear an enunciation of its Principles, in the
expectation of co operation with the Douglas
Democracy Look around. What portion of
this Democracy is preparing to become Repub-
ican? In Ohio, the Party generally sympa-
thizes with Douglas, bat endorses Buchanan,
and seeks the overthrow of the Republicans. In
Michigan, Senator Stuart, who stood shoulder
TO shoulder with Douglas, is the leader of the
unif,d Slave nap,oTracv of that State lie