New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1858-01-15

that the people viii not pay so much for reform
merely for carrying out the sublime Theory OF gov
eminent aforesaid. We answer that the Govern
ment of this country has always proved itself equal
to the task of collecting the taxes il has LAID on
and that the day such collection becomes imposs'
| ble there can be 10 Government When, too, the
| General Government finds that four hundred MIL
ions can be raised BY direct taxation VIII Dc true
10 its Democratic mission, and find means to spend
| the whole The Secretaries Of the Army and Navy,
| chosen from the South generally, or generally firm
in the Southern faith, will then recommend stu
| more fleets and battalions, and the way the odd
four hundred millions can be swallowed up to the
satisfaction of the Democracy will be as natural as
some other changes which have been adopted, no
greater diversions from od-ashioned ideas of econ
emy than that would be over our present system.
But We would ask Mr.. Boyce what is direct tax
atom Is ii a tax laid upon houses and lands
| Asssredly that is what it is called But why IS
| that direct any more than a revenue tax! Inc
mass of the voters, whose industry radically Is the
source Of wealth and the basis for taxation are not
| property owrers They are young men IN the EN-
poy of Others and have yet to make their fortunes
If property be taxed lightly their wages-no dis
turbing cause exsting-are appreciated; if not,
not But does the fact that the expenses of gov
eminent are raised out Of this so-caed direct taxa
| ton enforce economy We have already an
swered that question. There is no more security
| for economy in taxes laid on houses, lands and
movable property than that placed on goods at the
Customs. In fact, experience shows that there Is
some sort of limit to the latter, but hardly any to
the former; and in regard to the subtle swindlng
capacity possessed by the tax-gatherer of getting
money indirectly from the pockets of the people,
| we hold that the chances are multiplied by such
so.called direct taxation. For there is limit to
the value of goods coming through the Custom
House. The invoices even if not honest, are def
mite But what limit is there to houses and lands,
especially in the opinion of assessors acting under
the General Government and demanding ways and
means for an aggressive administration We be-
leve under direct taxation, so called, the revenues
of the country would be largely increased and the
expenditures commensuratsy aggravated
Now in regard to the other matter of Free
Trade. We would remind Mr. Boyce that, if there
be a manufacturing conspiracy against South caro-
| Inns and Free Trade she must thank Dir. Calhoun
for If. Time was when Mr.. Calhoun was firm in
the Protectionist faith. The Pennsylvania Society
for the Protection of Native Manufactures acted
in the great crisis of 1890 along with South
Carolina in diffnsing the idea that national bank
ruptcy and exhaustion were inevitable under the
Free-Trade system. Matthew Carey-who, of all
the publcsts and statesmen of this country enjoys
after his death the reputation least commensurate
with his genius-the man who taught Mr. Clay and
Mr.. Webster all, and more than, they ever knew
on the subject-Matthew Carey, the President Of
that Society with the full approval Of Mr. Calhoun,
distributed copiously pamphlets or the subject of
Protection through South Carolina; and as there
were giants in those days, no better writing
on the subject has appeared. But the
Tariff proved too true. 1t gave too much
power to New England and Pennsylvania. 1t
showed in too strong contrast the weakness of
slaveholding industry -despisng system. The word,
therefore, went forth for its destruction. De-
stroyed it was The General Government, being
bankrupt, had to resort to the Tariff again; and as
soon as it was relieved thereby of its difficulties it
again assaled it's benefactor. third time, for the
same cause, it is beggar and bankrupt; and now
comes the question Of a taTifreyision again.
South Carolina, at this uncture, steps in and reads
homy, and projects policy on direct taxation
and Free Trade. If We were only impelled by the
pride Of desiring to see our theory proven, we
should say-Let US have real and not bastard Free
Trade: Abolish the Custom House, and lay the
taxes directly on houses and lands. But it is the
last act of folly and cruelty for the purpose Of prov
ing point, to try such an experiment on the living
body Most cruel would it be, since experience
the only teacher has shown that, so long as the re-
sources and the industry of the country are in an
| undcveloped state, every approach to Free
Trade has been attended with increased con-
yulsons and distresses and the experiments in
direct taxation have shown that to say the least
such mode of providing for Government is more
open to abuse and corruption than the revenue
system.
But We have no expectation that South Carolina
will learn by adversely. Her object is to break
down Northern industry, and reduce the Northern
laborer to the level of her slaves. Her public
men no longer disguise their contempt Of demo-
cratic form of government, believing that the for
eign population of the North is too stutifed and
mentally immobile to shake of their Southern
chains The Palmetto heroes coincide with John
Randolph, who, in 1907, said TO Josiah Quincy,
:. We count on the Northern Democracy as We do
Z" on our niggers." They forget, however, that out
of the Buchanan circle Of Pennsylvania, and the
centralized Observation-Disclosures region of this
city. the rule of the Southern slave-breeding De-
n. 4 j. :.