Weekly American. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1858-1858, 1858-05-08

| sible mode by which this can be effected 20
speedily as by prompt admission. The will OF
| the majority is supreme and irresistible when en-
| pressed In an orderly and lawful manner. They
can make and unmake constitutions at pleasure.
| 1t would be absurd to say that they can impose
| letters upon their own power which they cannot
/ afterwards remove. IL they could do this, they
| might tie their own hands for hundred well
as for ten years. These are fundamental princil
| pies Of American freedom, and are recognized,
| believe, in some form or other, by every State
constitution and if Congress, in the act of ad.
mission, should think proper to recognize them,
| i can perceive no objection to such course.
This has been done emphatically in the constitu.
ton Of Kansas. IL declares in the bill Of rights
that all political power is inherent in the people,
and all free governments are founded on their au-
thory, and instituted for their benefit, and there
fore they have at all times inalienable and in
dcaeasible right to alter, reform, abolish their
| form OF government in such manner as they may
think proper The great State Of New York is
at this moment governed under constitution
framed and established In direct opposition to the
mode prescribed by the previous constitution.
If therefore, the provision changing the Kansas
constitution after the year 1864, could by pos-
sibity be construed into prohibition to make a
| change previous to that period, this prohibition
| would be wholly unavailng. The Legislature
| already elected may, at it's very first session,
| submit the question to vote Of the people
whether they will or viii not have convention to
amend their constitution, and adopt all necessary
means for giving effect to the popular will.
It has been solemnly adjudged, by the highest
judicial tribunal known to our laws, that slavery
exists in Kansas by virtne of the Constitution of
the United States. Kansas is therefore, at this
moment, as much slave State as Georgia or
South Carolina. Without this, the equality Of
| 'tbe sovereign States composing the Union would
L Z - AL al. IN
| 'ritory acquired by the common treasure of all
| the States, would be closed against the people
and the property of nearly half the members of
| the confcderacy." ~
| And then he concludes with this very cheering
I doctrine for Southern and Southern interests
| Slavery can therefore, never be prohibited in
| Kansas, except by means of constitutional
1 provision, and in no other manner can this be
obtained 30 promptly, If a majority Of the people
desire it, as by admitting it into the Union I'M
| der its present constitution"
| The President points out the way in advance.
He stimulates the Free-Soilcrs in Kansas to dislike
| the constitution. He requests this prompt means
Of getting slavery out Of Kansas to be recognized
4 in the bill of admission.
/ Here Is the message. / submit it to the Chair.
man, TO the Committee, and 10 Southern men-sup.
pose, that instead Of having the name Of James
Buchanan attached TO it, it bad had the name of
the distinguished gentleman from Ohio, JOSHUA
r. GiDDNGs at the end of 1t, / ask, if that name
bad been attached whether it would not have
been an entirely different case We would pro-
nounce IL rank abolition document. And yet,
! sir, our Southern friends come up here and talk
about associating with Abolitionists, and of hug
II cling Abolition doctrines as a sweet morsel! Why,
Mr.. Chairman, the whole thing in that message is,
IN nth Kdnsas-om NTH SLAVERY in Kansas'-
and identically the thing is in the Senate bill,
that the South ia called upon to rally one man to
the support OF. have asked many of our Lecomp.
ton friends If this GREEN amendment which they
have got in the bill, speaks the language of this
message? Some say no, others sly il does aud
there is another class who give the answer the
girl gave to her mother, when asked, IL certain
gentleman was counting her; she replied, 1t is
sorter SO, and sorter not 80, and rather more
sorter so than sorter not So" laughter Now,
that amendment is very little thing-only few
lines. There is not much of it. but tell you
never read il over but it reminds me very much
of the boy who was scolded for not making the
| potatoe hills on a wet morning large enough
!" Well dad" said he, "it is fact that they are
small, but tell you they have got darned sight
of dirt in them" Laughter. Sir, If this is a
1 pill gilded over TO make it acceptable to some
/ Green men, Southern men ought to be ashamed
of It. know that this peculiar policy is prac-
tsed in our little electoneering scuffies in our
country, and ! suppose everywhere else, but
never supposed il ought TO obi ain in the
Congress of our nation. Once when charged
| friend OF mine with having said some foolish
| things in speech which he had made and told
him that thought he had hurt our cause he said:
"Ab, Gilmer, you do not know the folks as well as
do. great many people are Ike a nest of
young birds, If you tap the side Of the tree they'll
open their mouths, aid swallow the worm down."
Laughter Southern men supposed that we had
| 0ot aoDnatbinr hv he nrad Sc,tf 4 e.
one, as Southern man thought we bad obtained
something thought that we had got upon safe
ground; that we had perfect equality in the Ter
ritories that could 60 there with our institu.
tons and our property, and be just safe there
as the men who go there from any other section
with any other species Of property. But IL this
Is the meaning, IL this is the result of the bred
Scott decision, then those Of US who 20 into the
Territories with our slave property, have to run
two chanccs-frst that the people may exclude US
| when they come TO form their constitution and il
they do not run us out at first then whenever the
majority Of the people desire IL, they may run US
and our negroes out. And this Il the doctrine
upon which the South is TO stand-this Is the
doctrine, mark you which Alabama and other States
are 10 go out OF the Union on IL they cannot get.
IL is not from any objection 70 the constitution Of
Kansas that l. as a Southern man, oppose her adj
mission. would be pleased that we could fairly
| and properly get slavery permanently in Kansas.
But object TO this doctrine, that we can be pro-
tected in our property while in partnership, du-
ring the Territorial state, but the moment we bu-
come an incorporation State-every man the.
| owns joint stock is instantly liable by consttat
| tional provision 10 have his property con6scated.
| And this is the doctrine which we have been told
here, month after month, and day, after day, that
every Southern man must stand upon, otherwise
he Is an Aboltionist and opposed to the interests
Of the South
| Mr.. Chairman, what lie the question which has
agitated the country for the last four yearsf IL Is
one that has taken up the entire attention OF Con-
gress. We have been figuring about Il until, i
believe, not only the country but the Government
itself Is uron the verge Of bankruptcy. This qucs-
ton commenced with two iaces--one for the Free
Soil Democrats Of the North, and one. for the
South; and the same identical double face Ia in
this bill and win detain the Committee only for
a moment, while refer tham TO some history Of
it. We had our troubles some years ago, grow
ing out Of the discussion Of the compromise mea-
sures. In January, 1851, the venerable fathers Of
the land, Wings and Democrats, gathered together,
with Henry Clay at their head, and drew up
pledge 70 the country that from and after that day
their influence would be exerted against every
man for Office, State or Federal, who would re-
fuse to stand upon the platform Of the adjustment
measures Of 1850. The people rallied TO that
standard. The Democratic convention met in