The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1858-03-18

catastrophe averted! By my addresses and
dispatches, quoted by the President, advo
eating the submission Of the Constitution
for ratification or rejection by the vote o
the people. Indeed, my only alternative
was to suppress this revolution by the bayo
net, or by advocating the submission Of The
Constitution as above stated, and pledging
my best exertions to obtain fair election
for the people of the Territorial Legislature
in the then ensuing October. These pledges
and these alone, Il is conceded, prevented
revolution and civil war.
And why should they not now be redeem
ed? For myself, these pledges have been
most faithfully maintained, and they will be
redeemed by me, If necessary, with the last
drop of my life's blood, and TO the latest
hour Of my existence. These were pledges
well known to the President and all his
Cabinet. They were pledges given by mt
in good faith, and any abandonment on my
part, after the people had accepted and act
ed upon them, would be TO cover myself
with inhmy and dishonor. Whatever, then,
may be the action of the wavering, timid or
corrupt, menace and prescription have no
terrors to me. ! will continue 10 tread the
path where conscience and duty call me, re-
gardless Of all consequences or sacrifices,
personal or political.
But where the case now exempt from
these pledges and its consequences, is il true
that the people, in framing State Consti-
tuition, are only to decide the slavery qucs
ton? Has il come to this, that the people
in their sovereignty are to decide only the
destiny of such Africans as may be in their
limits, and not upon all those far greater
rights which concern the life, liberty, pro-
prty, and happiness Of a free people? Has
the African become so elevated above the
frecmen of this Union, that they in their soy.
ereign capacity, may not decide upon all that
concerns their own government, but only on
! the fate Of that sable race that may be within
lheir boundaries? And IL it true that the
people in inchoate Free States, can neither
| ratify or reject any part Of their State Con.
stitution, but that this can be done in in
choate Slave States only, and then only ns
regards this one particular institution
The Kansas and Nebraska bill declares
it TO be "true intent and meaning of this
act to leave the people thereof perfectly free
| to form and regulate their domestic institu.
tions in their own way, subject only to the
Constitution of the United States" Now
the President in his December message ad.
mts that the term people" as here used,
means what it says, the people themselves in
their sovereign capacity las contradstin.
/ guished from coRveptions) in voting for or
against the ratification Of a State Constitu-
ton. But he says the term domestic in
stitutions," in the plural, means only one
institution, namely, that Of Slavery, Bat
the terms THEIR domestic institutions" most
clearly include them all, because extending
iD words and letter 10 all the Territories OF
the Union, whether bond or free
The President regards this Kansas and
Nebraska bill as an enabling art, but ena.
bling whom or what or how Why. ena-
bling the people to form and regulate their
domestic Institutions though State Consti.
tuition. The word " form is berc signi-
fcant. Who ever spoke Of forming the in
stitntion Of slavery? This word most clear.
ly implies the forming Of State Constita
ton; and if j, does not mean this, il is not
an enabling act, for that is the great object
and purpose Of such an act. These word-,
then, do not enable the people to frame a
State Constitution, and by which alone they
shall form and regulate their institution
and the President concedes that the word
people az here used, means. a. i, saws
the people themselves, a. contradistnguished
from Conventions, by direct vote for rati
tication or rejection. This, then. being an
enabling act, an act, rs construed by the
President. enabling the people to frame their
own Constitution. this term, the people, can
not have two interpretations, one meaning
the people themselves, and another also, a
the President insists, Conventions only
No; thes. words, the people, in that art
have but one signifcation, a. applicable "a
all their domestic institutions, a. it can ney
er be interpreted to mean, ~ the PrczideD'
would construe it, in what be- calls an ena
bling act, the people, 80 far as regards the
question Of slavery. and Conventions only
a. regards all other subjects. No; thi'
great act. deciaratory upon its very lace
was intended to recognize the right of selt
government in its broadest and most com
prehensive s:nse. a. vested in the pcppI'
themselves, extending TO all their domestic
institutions. whoae provisions could only b
known and acted on by them. when submit
ted for their decision by the Convention,-
And thus il was that the Kansas and Ne
bra.ka bill vas recognition Of that grea
fundamental principle Of public liberty, en-.
boiled 10 the FEDERAL Constitution rrssry
ing oil sovereignty TO the people Of the sev
eral States, admitted or inchoate, and no, a
vested in Conventions who posscs no sove
reignty (which canno, 'e deIegated or divi
de3) but are servants Of the people only
and not their mas,ers
. Such is the true meaniny of the tern
paopts in the kan-as and Nebraska bill q
nOw and Always sdyocatd by its dntin
r guisbei snibr. Such was the Inisrreta
1 -. o,iren .n III. aca L. Ll.i kn.,sea "a (kn