Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1858-11-10

| oouth Carolina, at Barn well, in that State, Is
a remarkable document. In thorough devo-
ton to the interests Of slavery, Mr. Hammond
is the legitimate disciple of Mr.. Calhoun,
whose independence and frankness he also
rivals. He is a thinking man, a statesman
reposing on his own ideas, whose opinions
are always worth attending to- however they
may differ from those most in vogue. AT the
| present time he is also a representative man,
| speaking in behalf of interests which have
hitherto ruled the country, and whose future
policy, recast to new exigeD uies is now being
made up. In reading Senator Hammond's
speech, in this light, we have been struck
with two or three primary points;
In the first place, Senator Hammond takes
his position in the van of those who declare
that slavery is good thing pir SO, and the
indispensably good thing to this country. He
| allows room for mistake on this point-his
language being explicit, sweeping, and hear
| ty. II believe" he says, "that God created
negroes for no other purpose than to be the
hewers of wood and drawers of water-that
is, to be slaves of the white race and wish
to see them in that capacity on overy spot on
the surface of the globe W here their labor is
necessary or beneficial. Nor do l don bit that
such will be the final result" Therefore, he
consistently bames the eminent Southern
men who have the weak ness to acknowledge
that slavery was wrong singing out Wash.
ington, who " emancipated his slaves" and
Jefferson, "who bitterly denounced the sys-
TEN and did all he did TO destroy il, =" and the
"Clays, Marshals, and Crawfords," who ia.
eored the colonization scheme. These men,
says Senator Hammond, came near running
the South by their erroneous views, catas-
trophe which was prevented by "a few bold
spirits, who took the question up and COM
PEELED its consideration anew. The result is,
that it would now be difficult to find a
Southern man who feels the system to be the
slightest burthen on his conscienee;' while
" the very negro who, as prime laborer,
would have brought four hundred dollars in
1928, would now, with thirty more years up
on him, sell for eight hundred dollars" in
the plenitude of his faith in slavery he STYLES
the belief in emancipation "new found SUI
persuton. This point, whether regarded as
personal or representative expression, is
very important to the subject in hand.
In the second place, Senator Hammond
dissenis from the majority of ultra Southern
men IN regard to many practical measures
lie never had any hopes that Kanzas could be
made made slave State and he confesses
that his opinion was, that ''the South herself
should kick the Leeompton constitution out
OF Congress-" He thought, at the very first,
That the Nebraska bill was fraught with mis-
chlet to the South, and the Kanzas trouble
has only confirmed him in that view. In re-
spect to the future, he has DO hopes of the re-
opening OF the African slave trade and he
thinks that, without that step, the annexa.
ton of Cuba would prove injurious rather
than otherwise. He is opposed to farther an
nexation on our southwestern border. consid
ering that profitable slave labor has reached
Its limits in that direction. He fully admits,
therefore that the slave States can never
compete with the free in population and po-
htlcal power. But he shows that the South
even when divided, has made and unmade
tariff, bank, and internal improvement svs-
TENS, according as the majority wished
what, then, can she not now do when she is
unt' Anti slavery agitation, he contends,
is everywhere dying out, and cannot be re-
vived in this country, if the South offers no
practical question to feed its flames, and it
has really none to offer, in his Judgment. All
that is requisite, in Senator Hammond's
view, to the continued ascendancy of the
South, for ne says, 1--WE now have a Presi-
dent and his Cabinet, majority in both
houses OF Congress, Supreme Court of the
United States, and still hosts of allies in the
tree State" lis to cultivate the aid OF those
faithful allies in the free States This done.
all opposition will die out. by the giving lp
az suOs' rune s9Plss as the opening Q! the
territory. This programme, while it implied
ly admits that the South has heretofore offered
all the oceasi ions for excitement on the sub
Ject of slavery, deserves great attention as in
dicating change of tactics exceedingly i'm
portant-it only in its announcement from so
high quaTter-at the present juncture.
But, unfortunately, the mildly expressed
propositions of Senator Hammond are all vi
tiated and poisoned by the spirit in which
they are stepped The whole sum and SUBJ
stance of his speech is this: We of the
South now control the country; let us WELD
the power judiciously; but soieId it zoe must,
or break up the Union His whole argument
is an outgrowth from that sentiment, and
shows its origin in every part. He confesses
| that for many years he openly advocated the
dissolution of the Union Why does he not
do so still? Because. he says, he believes
that "we 0he South can fully sustain our
selves in the Union and control us action in
| all great affairs" If this latter contingency
fails, his remedy is apparent, for he says
"lhe diss olution of the Union is an alterna-
| tive that we always have at command, and
for which we should be euer ready" He may
| well inculeate such practical precepts, WIN Ii
| he avows that "the union Of these States is
but policy and not principle" but ''the
union OF the shareholders of the South is a
J principle involving all our rights and
| all our interests. Hence, Senator Ham
mond regards our Federal Union as on
| ly. "policy," subservient to the con-
tinucd supremacy of the South. lie saws
that they now have complete control of all
departments of the government, and of course
il would be folly to engender any agitations
likely to weaken their power. That was their
mistake-a mere mstake-ln regard to Kan
zas. He trusts they will be wiser henceforth.
| They must make more of their "fathful al
lies in the free States" But even on this
point he makes the astounding declaration ;
"But if she (the South) determines, and
whenever she determines, to thrOao off her
Northern friends and diSSolUe this Enion, l
need scarcely say that | shall, without hesita-
ton, go with her fully and faithfully" The
Northern friends of the Southern Democracy
will here take note of the character and tenure
of the service to which they are invited.
We have thus given full summary Of Sem
ator Hammond's speech. (Which was reported
by himsei,) because we deem it an extraor-
binary manifesto at the present time. We
also think that many Northern Journals have
misunderstood its real character. So far
from indicating returning sobriety to the
leaders of the Southern sentiment we look
upon it as only revealing more wariness and
skill OF tactics. In its pervading assumption
that none others than Shareholders are to be
allowed to have the control of the govern
ment, in the deliberate calculation that suf.
H. -.