Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1858-03-31

y want to increase the sectionaty which exists n
" the country by placing myself or my vote 1apon
le it so far as regards this question. / want to
g, wipe ont that sectionalism. wish that no one
le here would vote upon it as sectional question.
do not. | vote upon it as Senator OF the U.
States Of America. That Is my country and my
great country. The Constitution of the United
States intended to wipe out all these lines of az.
vision and sectionalism. It is we, we, that dis
# tnrb, our own Union. It is we that make SEQ
a lions it is we that make sectional lines to di.
!. vide and distract the country, whose Constitu.
ton, whose present interest, whose future hopes,
e all tend to unite rs.
0 There are some doctrines which have been
advanced here with which disagree, and upon
] which will briefly express my views. Some
gentlemen have argued, and they have the high
authority of the President to sustain them, that
, the Kansas Nebraska act gave all the authority
that is usually conferred by what is called an
enabling act on the people of Territory. l
never considered it SO. do not believe it is to
: be considered so. Some gentlemen, on the 9th
er hand, maintain that under the Kansas Ne
braska act, the Convention were bound to sub.
init the Constitution to the people for the popn-
lar suffrage; indeed, that it is the right Of the
people to have every Convention submit every
Constitution to them. / do not agree to that
doctrine. The people are too sovereign to be
required to do that. They can confer upon
Convention the power to make Constitution
that shall be good without reference to any 9TH
er power. The sovereignty over the Territory
is in this Government. 1t belongs to the people
of the United States, one and ALL The people
of the States own it; ard they are the real SOW
ereigns of the Territory, and we as their repres-
entatives. They have no government but what
we give. 1t is not in the nature of things that
they should have All squatter sovereignties,
and sovereignites of all sorts, vanish before the
sovereignty of the people of the United States.
| But the President says, in reference to this
Kansas Constitution, that, although it contains
provision that after 1854 q Convention may be
called to change it, the people can, nevertheless,
change it before that time. That is to say, the
people. by their irresistible power can at any
time, notwithstanding the provisions of their
Constitution to the contrary, change it as they
please. Sir, this is very high authority, the
President of the United States but it is in my
humble judgment, q very dangerous doctrine and
q very untrue one. The people cannot bind
themselves by Constitution | thought that
was one of the great virtues and purposes of
Constitution. We admit them to be sovereign.
Why cannot they make what sort of Constitu-
ton they please2 The Constitution which SOW
ereignty makes, in all its parts and in all its pur-
poses, must be the rule of conduct for all. 1t
cannot be abolished except in the manner pre-
soribed and pointed out in the Constitution it
self, if any manner is prescribed.
If the Presidents doctrine on this subject be
true, what becomes of the Constitution OF the
United States Instead Of following the mode
Of amendment prescribed in the Constitution,
the people, by their irresistible power, may in
any other manner at any time change the whole
frame of our Government. There Is not State
Constitution in the Union that does not impose
some restraint as to the manner of change
What would constitution be if it were just as
liable to change as any ordinary act of Legisla-
ture2 1t would lose its character. Those who
talk to the people about the unlimited and IL
limitable power they possess are teaching
dangerous doctrine. That is a sort of sovereign
ty which the people cannot exercise. 1t may
be made very flattering to their ears; but it Is
impracticable in the nature of things. 1t cannot
be exercised at all. The people must exercise
their sovereignty through agencies. They must
exercise it through representatives and govern
ments; they must exercise it safely through re.
presentatives and constitutions If they could
not make constitutions bind themselves, their
sovereignty never would be safe. Ifit were not
invested in the constitution, it would be con.
stantly escaping into the hands of some OF those
gentlemen who could talk most eloquently to the
people about their irresistible sovereignty. That
would be the end of that sort of sovereignty in
the people.
The people must understand that their sover-
eighty, their practical sovereignty, is to be ex-
ercised through representatives and delegates,
over whom they are to hold the proper control;
and to hold that control, and to fix and make
permanent and operative their sovereignty, they
must put it in the form of q Constitution. That
is the only security for popular sovereignty.-
Therein it exists and therein alone can it exist.
It is not true that the people cannot bind them
selves, and are not bound, by the restrictions of
their Constitution. They may rebel against
their own Constitution; they may violate their
own law and Constitution, just as they could
violate the law or the Constitution of any other
people; but it does not follow that, because they
could do that, they have not created political
obligation on themselves by Constitution, only
to amend that instrument in the guarded, tenn
perate, gradual method which the Constitution
may have provided for and prescribed.
| Sir, am sorry to have occupied the time OF
the Senate so long. can say, with the Presi-
dent of the United States, that on this impor-
tant occasion have endeavored to do my duty,
with full sense Of my responsibility to my God
and nv country. Under the conviction that the
best results to be obtained under the present cir
cumstances, unless some material amendment
| can he made to the bill, will be attained by re-
iectng this Constitution, shall give my vote a.
eanst it but so anxious am to conclude this
subject, that intend, before it is finally acted
upon BY the Senate, to propose an amendment.
This would not be The proper time to offer il Il
am not prepared now to offer it; but the effect
of it will be to admit Kansas into the Union up
ON condition that this Constitution of hers be
submitted to a fair vote OF the qualified electors
of Kansas, to be ratified by them; and if so rati-
| fed. the President, on information OF the fact,
shall proclaim it State of the Union without
further proceedings and if it be not ratified, to
have new Constitutional Convention conven-
ed. Nv amendment will be an enabling act in
effect, but admitting Kansas tor the present
| VALUE OF TIME.-When the Roman Emperor
said, II have lost day." he uttered sadder
| trutb than if he had exclaimed, 81 have lost a
kingdom" Napoleon said that the reason why
he beat the Austrians was, that they did not
know the value OF five minutes. At the cele-
brated battle of Rivoli, the conflict seemed on
the point of being decided against him. He
saw the critical state of affairs, and instantly
took his resolution. He dispatched flag to the
Austrian headquarters, with proposals tor an arm
istice. The unweary Austrians fell into snare.
For few minutes the thunders of battle were
hushed. Napoleon seized the previous moments,
and, while amusing the enemy with mock nego.
tjatioas rearrange6 his line of battle, changed
his front, and in few moments was ready to
renounce the force of dissuasion for the stern ar.
bitrament of arms, The splendid victory of Ri
yoli was the consequence. The great moral VIC