Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1858-07-23
OBJ 4nIp Spg.
FRIDAY. july 20, 1888.
.Yehsler ea BIC 80 /.

We have now before Us speech delivered by
Daniel Webster. in the House Of Representatives
at the United States, on the l4th Of January,
1914 on the "bill making further provision for
filing the ranks Of the regular army, encourag
inc enlistments," sc. This was when Webster
was yovpg, and spoke from the honest impulses
n the heart and the convictions of free and
pnbissea Judgment; before the dreams Of amb-
ton and the lust Of power had corrupted the one
or perverted the other. II was speech worthy
of, his great powers. and creditable alike to his
principles and his taste. In that speech is a
beautiful defence Of the right of free discussion,
which We extract below. This defence was called
forth BY the same arrogance which has always
characterized the South toward the North, and
which elected the fiery denuncatiOns Of John
Quincy Adams at later day
Those who are familiar with the political his
tory of that day, will remember the doctrine
enunciAted in the Senate by Felix Grundy Of
Tennessee, and generally endorsed BY the sup
porters Of those in power, that, when war exist
ed, opposition to that war, OF TO the measures of
The Administration for carrying it on, whether,
the opposition we're By action OF by speech only
constituted moral treason, and those who were
thus guilty we're to be looked upon and treated as
traitors 10 their country. The enunciatioa of
this dogma might have been reason for Mr.
webster's manly defence Of free speech, but there
is cause 70 believe that another reason, more
personal to himself, had something to do with it.
A gentleman Of some note in this State in
forms US that he has it from unquestona5e au-
thority, that when Mr. Webster first took his
neat in Congress- several Of the Southern Repre-
sen.atives. and among them one or more from
North Carolina, combined among themselves to
do all in their power to break down the influence
Of the andaeious member from the North, who
hod the temerity to speak his mind, regardless
Of the overseer's whip. But" said one Of
them, the more We tried to put him down, the
higher he rose, and we were compelled to give up
the attempt as a useless experiment. .
But, whatever influence might have dictated
Mr.. Websters defence of the right Of free speech,
the sentiments embodied therein are such as will
commend themselves to every true friend of free
institutions, and they aye expressed with vigor
and cIsarness Of which few are capable. We
quote as follows 3 plhasb 10 fsee ~
III the purpose be by casting these imputations
upon those who are opposed to the policy of the
government, to check their freedom of inquiry,
discussion, and debate, such purpose is also in
capable Of being executed. That opposition is
constitutional and legal It is also Sconscien-
tous. Il rests in settled and sobet conviction,
that such policy is destructive to the interests Of
the people, and dangerous to the being of the
government. The experience of every day con.
firms these sentiments. Men who act from such
motives are not to be discouraged BY trihing OBJ
stacles nor awed by any dangers. They know
the limit of constitutional oppositon-up to that
Limit, attheir own discretion, they will walk, and
walk fesrlessly, II they should lind, 10 the his.
tory Of their county, precedent for going over,
trust they will not follow 1t. They are not of a
schc oil in which instruction is taught as a riItue
They will not seek promotion through the paths
OF sedtion, nor qualify themselves to serve their
country in sny of the high departments of It's
governmental BY making rebellion the first ele-
ment in their political science.
Important as deem it to discuss, on all prop.
ef occasions, the policy Of the measures at pres
ent pursued, it is still more important to main
tain the right Of such discussion, in its full and
just extent. Sentiments lately sprung up, and
now growing fashionables makesit necessary to
De explicit on this point. The more perceive
disposition 10 check the freedom of inquiry by
extrayaeant and Unconstitutional pretences,. the
hrmer shall be the tone in which ] shall assert,
aud the freeF the manner in which shall exercise
it. tits the ancient and undoubted prefogative
Of this people to canvass public measures and the
merits Of public men. 1t is 'home.bre right,
fre-side privilege. 1t hath ever been enjoyed
10 every house, cottage, and cabin, in the nasion.
1t is not to be drawn into controversy. 1t is as
nndoubted as the right Of breathing the air, or
walking on the earth. Belonging to private life
as Alright, it belongs to public life as duty and
il ie the last duty which those whose representa-
tive lam shall find me to abandon. Aiming at
all times TO be courteous. and temperate in its
USE except when the right itself shall be ques-
toned, shall then carry it to its extent.
shall then place myself on the extreme boundary
Of my right, and bid defiance to any arm that
would move me from my ground. This high con-
stitutioNaI privilege I shall defend and exercise
within this House, and without this House, and
IL all places 10 time Of war. in time of peace,
and at allkmes. Living shall assert, dying
shall assert it, and should leave no other inhef-
itance to my children, BY the blessing of God
viii still leave them the inheritance OF free prin.
cpes, and TIE example Of manly, independent
and constitutional defence Of them" 4
It is not little singular that this speech,
which, as speeiment Of sound argument and
true eloquence, is one Of Mr., Webstsr's best, is
not to be found IN the collection Of his speeches
= which was edited by Edward Everett, nor is any
allusion made to it. Can it be that the portion
above quoted contrasts 50 strongly with Mr.. Ev-
erett's own inaugural speech, in which he suggest
ed that anti-slavety discussion was an offence
indictable at common law, as to induce him to
suppress il The question is pregnant Ons,
which can hardly fail to suggest itselfto any one
& cognizant Of the facts. fna
e.