Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-04-05

often been asserted. that this Union cannot
survive the decision by Congress of direct
question involving the adoption of free
State which will establish the ascendency of
free States under th,. Constitution, and draw
after it the restoration of the influence of
FREEDOM in the domestic and foreign conduct
of the Government, then III day.of dissolution
Is at hand.
/ have thus, Mr.. President, arrived at the
third circumstance attending the Kansas ques-
which have thought worthy of consideration,
namely, that the national Intervention in the
I Territories in favor of slave labor and slave
States is opposed TO the material, moral, and
social Developments of the Republic. The
proposition seems to involve paradox, but
it is easy to understand that the checks which
the Constitution applies, through prudent eau
ton, to the relative increase of the represen-
tation of the free States in the House of Re
personalities, and especially in. the Senate,
cooperating with the differences of temper
and political activity between the two classes
of States. may direct the Government of the
Federal Union in one course. while the ten
denotes of the nation itself, popularity regar..
ded. are in a direction exactly opposite.
The ease and success which attended the
earlier policy of Intervention in favor of free
labor and free States, and the resistance which
the converse policy of Intervention in favor of
slave labor and slave States encounters, suf
fl i ntly establishes the existence of tn. antag
oaism between the Government and the ma
ton which have asserted. A vessel moves
quietly and peacefully while it descends with
the current. You mark its way by the foam
on its track only when it is forced against the
tide. will not dwell on other proofs-such
as the more rapid growth of the free States,
the rnpturos of ecclesiastical F, d raj Unions.
! and the Generalization and disorganization of
political parties
Mr.. President, | have shown why it is that
the Kansas question is attended by difficulties
and dangers only by way of preparation for
the submission of my opinions in regard to
| the manner in which that question ought to
/ be determined and settled 1 think with
great Difference to the judgements of others,
| that the expedient, peaceful. and right way 10
determine it, is to reverse the existing policy
| OF intervention in favor of slave labor and
| slave States. 1t would be wise TO restore the
| Missouri prohibition of Slavery in Kansas and
Nebraska. There was peace in the Territories
and in the States until that great statute of
| Freedom was subv, rted. 1t is true that there
! were frequent debates here on the Subject of
! Slavery. and that there were profound sym
| pathies among the people, awakened by or
| responding to those debates. But what was
Congress instituted for but bate? What
makes the American people to differ from all
| others nations, but this-th while among
them power enforces silence, here all public
| question are referred 10 debate. free debate
in Congress. Do you tell me that the Suprt me
| Court of the United States has removed the
| foundations of that great statute? / reply,
hat thy have done no such thing; they could
| lot do Il. They bave remandod the negro
man bred Scott to the custody of his master.
| With that decree we have nothing here. at
| least nothing now, to do. This is the extent
| Of the judgement rendered, the extent of any
| judgement they could render. Alrta dy the
| pretended further decision is subvtrted in
| Kansas. So it will be in every free State and
| in every free Territory of the Unit States.
The Supreme Court. also can reverse its spnri-
Gus Judgment more easily than we could =
cOncile the people to its usurpation. Sir, the
Supreme Court of the United States attempts
to command the people of the United States
to accept the principles that one man can
own other men, and that they must guaranty
the inviolability of that false and pernicious
property. The people of the United States
never can, and they never WILL acc pit princi-
ciples so unconstitutional and so abhorrent.
Never never. Let the Court recede. Wheth r
it de or not, we shall reorganize the Court.
and thus reform its political sentiments and
practices, and bring them into harmony with
the Constitution and with the laws of nature.
In doing so, we shall not only reassume our
own just authority, but we shall restore that
high tribunal itself to the position it ought
to maintain. since so many Invaluable rights
of citizens, and even of States themselves,
depend upon its impartial and it wisdom.
CONCLUDED TOMORROW.