The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-07-14

with having formed ian unholy and un.
natural alliance with portion of unscru
pulous federal Office holders" and says that
be shall 6eal with these allies as the Russians
dealt with the allies before Sebastopol-blaze
away among them, regardless whether he
knocks over English, French or Turks. We
may thus conclude that upon the Lecompton
issue, the detection of Mr.. Douglas, as q party
man. las made breach In the party camp in
his own State, which remains open, and which
so far as we may Judge from the indications
and iol eshsdowings Of his Chicago speech-is
likely to remain open TIL November. The
State elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio and In
diana, however, will come off in the interval,
and these may serve materially to enlighten Mr..
Douglas and the democracy of Illinois.
As this Lecompton matter now stands, we
any material degree improved the position Of
Mr.. Douglas upon Kansas, either as a party
man or as a statesman-ss, from q strict party
disciplnarian, the Inconsistency between his acts
and his professions has received no salts
factory explanation; and from states
man, Mr.. Douglas, upon Lecompton dwlndles
down into the pettifogging and quibbling
politician. He refers to party r. solutions and
platforms, and all that sort of stuff, when he
knows, or ought to know, at the Kansas i'm
broglio was a question concerning which the
President had but one alternative-not the
making of the law for Kansas, but the execu-
ton of the law and that upon this point 1t
was the duty of his party to support the Presi-
dent. But as with the settlement adopted the
President seconded the action of Congress, and
as with the law then passed, the substantial
triumph of popular sovereignty" was secured
how is it that Mr. Douglas has never word to
say for the administration He ignores it, as
if no such thing existed. But let us wait little
longer. Much may be done in the long interval
from July to November, in bringing Mr.. Doug
las to full understanding of the necessities of
his position.
Relieved from the quicksands of Kansas and
Lecompton, and turning out upon the broad
blue waters of the federal constitution, Mr..
Douglas rides the waves as CALAMITY as new
war steamer on cruise for pirates. In other
words taking up the glove thrown by Mr..
Lincoln, bis republican competitor for the
Senate, Mr.. Douglas assumes an attitude upon
State institutions, State rights, and constitu-
tional obligations, which is impregnable, be-
cause it is perfectly consistent throughout, and
absolutely indispensable to the harmony of this
great confederacy, and to the best in
terests of the several distinct human races
here thrown together. Mr.. Douglas is right
in assuming that the American constitution
was framed upon the free white basis
that it contemplated government of white
men, the predominance of the white race, and
the submission of the black and aboriginal
races. He is right in defending the bred Scott
decision upon this broad and general interpre-
tation of the constitution; and his arguments
against the equalizing Of the blacks with the
whites, as drawn from the deplorable results Of
the experiment made in Mexico, Central and
South America, are conclusive in every view
against this most false and atrocious philan-
thropy of negro equality.
In relation to State rights, Mr.. Douglas
has equally the whip hand over his mig
ger worshipping competitor, Mr.. Lincoln.
The latter assumes that there can be
no peace in this Union until either the
free or the slave States 90 to the wall, and all
the States shall be slave States or free States;
while the former maintains that these dlversities
of State institutions are the very life of the
Union, and that, under the constitutional law of
State sovereignty, they may be extended indef-
nitely in every drection-each State adapting
itself and its institutions to its peculiar climate
and productions, and all, without interfering
with each other, moving on In their glorious
career around the constitution, "a the planets
circle around the sun. Between these two men,
upon this great issue touching the general
scheme Of our federal system, there can be but
one opinion. Douglas is right, and Lincoln is
On the high road, with Lloyd Garrison and all
bis ungodly abolition crew, to bloody revolu-
tion disunion, anarchy, and all the horrors of
an endless war Of sections, factions, races and
religions.
With nothing else, therefore, in his way than
Abraham Lincoln and his most repulsive dis
union niger equality principles and doctrines
there can be no doubt that Douglas would give
bis black republican competitor for the Senate
q crushing defeat in November, In the verdict of
the conservative people of Illinois. Even the
New York Tribune, infatuated, degraded and be-
logged a. 1t Is, with niggerism and all the other
abominable isms of Northern fanatics, lunatics
and confidence men, admits that In this Illinois
shaping Of the niger issue, Douglas holds the
vantage ground. Nor is II improbable that this
Illinois platform ofMr. Lincoln may soon become
the general ralying cry Of all bis party through
out the North, and the platform Of aremorseless
sectional Presidential party crusade against
the South. The old Buffalo platform, modified
70 as to read-"no more slave States-po more