The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-08-12
From the Richmond (Va) South July IA
THE PROGRESS OF THE PRO-sLAvERY
OPINION ABROAD.

Any man at all attentive to the indications
of public opinion abroad, will observe a reac.
ton in favor of Slavery among European ma
| tons This change Of sentiment is especially
noteworthy in the countries with which we hold
most frequent and familiar intercourse. AS to
France, the Emperor has actually re.establish-
ed the slave trade, with the evident sanction
of his subjects. Perhaps it is not generally
known that the Great Napoleon was the enemy
of Abolitionism. When First Consul, he ex-
pressed himself in these emphatic words in
condemnation of the folly of emancipation in
the West Indies Well, then, had been at
Martinique, i should also have been on the
side of the English. | anu for the whites. be-
| cause | am white. How was it possible tc
| grant liberty TO the Africans, to men without
any kind of civilization? 1t is quite evident
| that those who proposed the emancipation of
| the blacks must wish for the slavery Of the
whites but, after all, DO you suppose that if
! the majority of the Convention had seen what
| they were doing, and been acquainted with the
Colonies, they would have persisted in grant
ing freedom to the negroes?' Ia accordance
with these views Of policy, Napoleon the First
made an unsuccessful attempt to reduce the
insurgent blacks of Hayti to snbiection.
Whether the present Napoleon merely ac-
cepts the idea Of negro slavery as a tradition
OF the Empire, or has been brought to en-
brace it by his own clear conceptions of policy,
we find him at least an avowed and active
| champion of the institutions not, indeed, as If
exists amongst us, bat with a modification of
form which no way affects the principle. At
first, we had some mistrust OF his policy, but
it is now manifest that he is earnestly intent
upon the cultivation of his Vest India depep
denotes by the involuntary labor Of negroes. 1t
signifies nothing, though the name be different.
40 IOrarr he &c -
sentially system of slavery. The principle
of compulsion, absolute and irresistible com
pulsion, is as pronounced in the control Of
African apprentices as in tue Government of
our own negro slaves. Recent DEVELOPMENTS
prove that force is employed'to procure a SUP.
ply of emigrants," and we know that force
is necessary to make them labor. So far az
this French system is distinguished from South.
ern Slavery, it imposes harsher burden on
lts victims. In fact, it is Slavery, ard as such
is promoted by the Emperor and approved by
the public opinion Of France.
Ii we turn to Great Britain, we are equally
struck with the revulsion of Sc gsiment in regard
to Slavery. The apostles OF exeter Hall are
still fee5ly clamorous and hele and there sur
viving contemporary of Clarksoa aud Wilberforce
continues to talk fanatical 1insense, but the
younger and practical intelleJ of England is
obviously averse to the old Ae j.Slavery policy.
What British journal would ha ventured. ten
years ago, to dissent from the olicy of the Alb
olitionists What British wriSer would have
then dared to offer word in pology for Sla-
VeryT To-day, the sblest pens eld most infuen.
tial papers in England are emt loyed in ridicu.
ling The folly Of Exeter Hall, and exhibiting
the absurdity of Abolition agtftion. In every
issue Of the London Times, the Forld is instruct
ed by articles in which the philosophy of negro
slavery is discussed with conspi ouous truth and
ability. This circumstance of itself is most
significant indication of returning reason, for
the Times never opposes the cnfsent of popular
sentiment,
When, to these positive evidences of the de-
cline OF Abolitionism in England, we add such
important circumstances as the suspension OF
the A&ttSlavery crusade, the !ecreptitude of
the Anti Slavery organizations, and the decay of
the old Anti Slavery fanaticisn, we are warrant
ed III anticipating remuneration of the Anti
Slavery principle by Great Britain, and the
adoption OF a more asst and expedient policy.
Public opinion cann~t stand out against the
necessities of humanity. The compulsory labor
OF the negro is ascertsined by ample expert
meht to be essential to the production of the
most universal and Indispensable articles of hu.
man consumption. Without Slavery, the world
cannot be supplied with the material of civiliza
ton. What then-shall mankind forego their
conveniences and their Injuries, and the pro.
gress Of enlightenment be arrested, in order
that the negro may be permitted to doze away
his existence in barbar Sun and Incidence |
Work is the law of humanity. Subordination
Is the rule of all social arrangement The negro
Is organically inferior to the white races, and,
by the pecu.iarities of his copstitution, is des
tined for life of labor and sgbiection. In |
condition Of slavery, he sttains his highest de
velopment Then let him be compelled to work,
and so be made an efficient instrument of civil. |
lzation, instead of languishing in inactivity to
his own detriment and mankin1's loss Let his
energies, be directed by q superior intelligence,
to those results in the production of which they
are most useful and Indispensable. These ideas
begin to prevail in communities among whom |
Abolihonsm once held undis2uted ascenden.
cy. If their progress be not interrupted by |
some folly or extravaganza of our own, the pub |
lie sentiment of the world will eventually attest
its sanction Of negro slavery.