Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-04-10

repeal the Missouri compromise-to adopt the
principle of non-intervention, and to concede
to the people of the Territories the right to
settle the question of slavery in their own
way-it was said by the advocates of the mea-
sure that as soon as the principle of it came
to be understood all agitation and discussion
upon the subject of slavery in the Territories
would be localiZed-excludedf from Congress
and the country would be left in undstur-
bed repose So boldly and confidently were
these views maintained that the whole south
ern delegation in Congress-Whigs and DEM
ocrats, with seven or eight exceptions, to-
gether with MANY Democrats from the free
States-came into,the support of the measure
How were these bold predictions verified? In
less than one month of the time during which
the Kansas-Nebraska bill was pending in Con-
gress, nearly the whole North was in a fame
of resentment and opposition. Old men of
high character and great influence, who had
for twenty years opposed the policy and de-
signs of the abolition faction in the North,
suddenly became its allies and coadjutors.
Thousands of the best citizens at the North,
who had eXerted all their energies to repress
all opposition to the execution of the fugitive
slave law of 1850, became suddenly converts
to free-soilism. The religious feelings of
whole communities became frenZied The
pulpit was converted into an engine of anti
slavery prOpagandism, and hundred of thou
pie at the North, who had never countenan-
ced sectional strife on the subject of slavery,s
evinced that they had thrown off their conser-
vatism, and were ready to array themselves
unde rthe banner of any party leader or fac
ton to check the progress of the South in
what they considered its aggressive policy.
After that demonstration of opposition at
the North, but little more was said in debate
of the tranquilzing character of the measure.
I(rgf If- 81
South, becoming infiamed and irritated by
the fierce invectives with which the measure
was assailed, both within and out of Congress,
became IN their turn, reckless apparently at
least) of all consequences and seemed only
bent on victory-on obtaining triumph by
passing the bill! 1t was in vain that they
were adding largely to the abolition faction at
the North; that they were increasing the free
soil element of political power in that section.
They admitted no distinction between Adolf
tionists and Free-SOilers and denounced all
at the North. who opposed the bill, as Adolf
tionists and foes to the South. Some gentle
men declared that the screams of the Adolf
zionist were music to their ears. 1t was idle
TO warn men, in such a tempest of passion,
that, instead Of sowing the seeds of peace as
they had promised, they were sowing dragons
teeth. that would spring up armed men. So
intense did the fe0lng become on the subject,
that some southern IN mbers of Congress- who
had gone into the support Of the bill on the
idea that the Missouri restriction act was
violation of the treaty with France, and who
would not have listeued for moment to the
admission of aliens to the right of suffrage in
the Territories, lost sight of these views under
the influence OF the Juror that was gotten up
among the friends as well as the opponents
of the measure; and they became even more
determined champions of the bill when these
! grounds OF their original adhesion were en-
! tirely swept away-One by the rejection of
| the Clayton amendment, and the other by the
| Badger proVlso-than they were at the outset.
| There were, however, a few of the supporters
| of the bill who to the last cOntended that the
| Incorporate demonstrations of opposition at
! the North We're but the ebulltiOns of tempo
| airy excitement, which would subside as soon
as the equitable and just principles of the bill
| should be exhibited in their practical opera
ton in Kansas. On what fiimsy grounds that
| delusOn was INDUCED. and how soon and I'M
| der what circumstances it vanished | need
not account. The recollection of every pat
riot must still be painfully impressed with
them. 1t is enough to say, soon after these
| principles were put in operation in Kansas,
disorder, anarchy, and civil war, ensued in
rapid succession. 1t required the strong arm
of the Government of the United States. and
the interpositiOn Of the military force to sus-
tain the territorial government: and even now.
the presence of a military force is necessary
to maintain peace. So much for the effect of
that measure on Kansas and the country
How has it been in Congress? Need | ask
that question? Has not the subject of slavery
in the Territory been the absorbing subject of
our thoughts and discussions at every session
of Congress since the passage of the Kansas
Nebraska acr And as for the character and
temper of the debates upon this subject have
in .,y,lE -.
cecded those of any antecedent period of our
history.
Seeing that the principles of non-interven-
ton and popular sovereignty established by
the kansas-Nebraska act had not been success
full in REFRESHING slavery agitation and sec
| tional controversy, the friends of that measure
| appear, in the last resort, to have invoked the
| Supreme Court TO interpOse its Crmine to stay
the tratrlcidal strife; and that august tribunal,
the last stay and hope of the Constitution to
| preserve the balance of justice even amid the
| storms Of dangerous and powerful factions,
| has plunged into the vortex of political and
! sectional controversy. But that high tribunal
! with all the advantages of the respect. vcnera-
| ton. and confidence which it has Justly enjoy
ed for sixty years, has not been able to stem
the tide of sectional controversy, which still
! rolls onward and threatens to sweep us on to
| fatal catastrophe.
| The President tells us in bis special message
| that every patriot had hoped the Kansas
! Nebraska act would have put final end tC
| the slavery agitation which for twenty years
| ''convulsed the country and endangered the
| Union" That statement is not quite fair. II
! he had gone back thirty-seven years he would
have included the Missouri compromise
Every patriot hoped that measure was q
| final settlement of all difficulties in regard to
| the Territories then belonging TO the United
| States. If the President had adverted to that
other period, lS49 and 1880, when there was
| another slavery agitation that convulsed the
| country and endangered the Union, he might
! have said with perfect truth that every
! patriot had hoped that the compromise meas
ures, then adopted, would put a quietus upon
| slavery agitation. The great men of both
| parties the distinguished statesmen of the
| country at the period of 1920 and 1850, reali-
zed by their wisdom and patriotism the ex-
| pectations OF the great founders of our system,
| who anticipated difficulties on this subject
| So important was the promised exemption
| from future slavery agitation held out by the
| compromise measures of 1851 felt to be by the
| people. so highly appreciated and hailed Wssl
such JOY, that in 1852, when the two great
parties of the country met in convention to
make their platforms and nominate their
candidates for the presidency both felt com
PEELED, by public sentiment, to solemenly
pledge themselves to abide by, or acquiesce
in, the compromises of 1885, and never again
to countenance agitation on the subject of
slavery in any form whatever. Each of the
nominees of the two parties. General Scott, in
his letter accepting his nomination, pledged
himself that if he should be called to the Presi-
dency, he would faithfully conform TO the
policy to which his party had pledged itself
upon this subject. So deeply was the interest
dliluscd throughout theN country ia favor of