Holmes County Republican. [volume] (Millersburg, Holmes County, Ohio) 1856-1865, 1858-02-25

Few outside of public life watch narrowly
the conduct of their public servants, md
fewer still are sufficiently conversant with
the machinery of Government clearly to
comprehend the bearing of particular acts
If it were otherwise, high officers of Gov
ernment would be less powerful for evil,
and public rights more practically defensi-
Bile. If, therefore, at any time, resistance
to gross and objectionable outrage upon
an admitted principle, shall prove unavail-
ing let not the ofense, on that account, be
baptized and sanctifed; let it rather be an
evidence of the truth of my declaration,
and warning to those who are unwilling
to part with the sovereignty of the citizen.
Ny opposition TO the Presidents treat
ment of Kansas affairs does not arise from
hostility to slavery; it stands upon foun-
dation, the strength of which will be more
generally admitted. I rest my resistance
upon the violations of declared principles,
of solemn pledges, and the guarantees to
the nation. To ask me to anction them
with my views, is to insult me by suspi-
cions of my integrity. Others may act
differently, it is not my providence to Judge
them.
| az may stand alone,
Butwoud not change my free thoughts for throne >
I am not blind to the fact that very
different motive will be assigned for my ac-
ton. l have too often seen it attributed
to others, not to anticipate it in my own
case. But it has become stale cry, and, l
think, must soon prove barren one. If
differing from my southern friends on any
point which immediately or remotely af-
fects the interests of slavery must subject
me to anathema, SO be il l must bear up
under it; l cannot deny my convictions
that may receive charitable judement.
do not oppose slavery where it legally
exists. 1t is there matter between the
master and the slave; it concerns them
alone; and l will not interfere with it or
them. l yield a ready allegiance to our
common Constitution, and will support all
the laws made under it as long as they re-
main in force, to whatever burdens they
may impose upon me. But when any
man, or body of men, seek TO plant that in
stitution or any other on my soil, or where
1 have the legal right to speak, l will then
exercise the prerogative Of a freeman. And
when this is attempted by force or by
fraud, when it is manifested in al utter dis
regard and profound contempt for the pop
ular will, that, of itself, will induce me to
resist it to the last.
This is law to me-and there is no
other sound law of lberty-to exercise all
my rights in their fullness, and to grant
the same measure of power to my neigh
Dor. The application Of this rule of action
is not only good for individuals, but equal
ly SO for communities and States. 1t is a
golden rule; it is a pune constitutional rule.
The North must regard all the rights OF
the South, and the South must regard all
the rights of the North-in the States and
in. the Territories-throughout the broad
land-for neither wears panoply against
the assaults of the other. There are two
classes ofpersons. however, who, in q mark
ed manner, interfere with this course of
conduct. They are those who deny and
those who grant all deinads made, wheth-
er just or unjust. Extremists 10 the South,
Judging all northern men to be of the for
mer class, designate them as enemies and
Abolitionists; and certain northern politi-
clans looking upon few northern Demo
Gratis as type of the whole, have declared
Democracy to be the ally Of slavery. Both
cannot be right, and believe that they are
equally wrong. Denying, as / do, the
charge that Democracy has entered into a
league with slavery, l am yet willing to
admit, as l have said, the existence Of q
few northern confederates with it. I do
not believe them able to exercise much
power, whatever their disposition. If il
shall prove otherwise in their action upor
the present question, must leave to them
the responsibilities of course destructive
of the effective force of our party organiza.
ton.
| / think may, with great truth, say that
the enactment of the law organizing the
Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, inclu.
ding the repeal of the Missouri compromise
was, not originally, popular movement
at the North. 1t was regarded with sus
picion, and believed to be impolitic if moi
unjust. Mr.. Buchanan himself, by express
ing the wish, in his Reading letter, tina
that line should be extended to the Pacific
ocean, gave to the compromise sanctit!
or popularity additional to that derived
: from thirty-four years acquiescence; ant
, when its contemplated destruction was an
nounced, it was received with great aston
ishment and deep regret. ltwa honestly
believed, by very many, to be movemen
to advance the peculiar interests of th'
South at the expense of those for who's
5 benefit the territory north of that line hae
been dedicated to freedom. The doctrine
of popular sovereignty by which it was ac
J companied, made it at first but tolerable
/: Could the future history of Kansas hav'
: then been read, as it has since transpiret
to this moment; the repeated frauds an(
usurpations practiced and imposed upon he
people; her agonizing and fruitless cries TO
! justice; the cruel and crushing sympath.
/ for high Federal officers with her oppress
ors; her appeal for free institutions deride'
, by ruffians, and slavery fastened upon he
in bold defiance of her rights; could al
r this have been foreseen, the northern advo
t cate of that legislation could not hav'
g breasted for single moment the witherin!
S tornado such wrongs would have raise'
: against him. These unjust consequences
not naturally flowing from the Legislation
}. spoken of, have now resulted; and If the.
:; would not have been tolerated then, VIII
8 should they be now Have we an oyerplu
9 Of political power which should induce u
L To carry so exhausfinn a burdan with n6