Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-03-22
ADMISSION OF KANSAS.

u,
elaborate discussion of the questions connect
ed with the principles of the Kansas-Nebras-
ka BILL or to examine whether the doctrine of
popular sovereignty has been fully maintain
cd or not. l stand here representing party,
perhaps you may say, almost without voice
in this Congress. am here to give utter
ance to sentiments and principles upon which
believe the permanency and durability of
this Government depend. am not party
in any manner to the contest which is waged
here as to the meaning of the Kansas Nebras-
ka bill. believe. If believe ANYTHING in
the world. that it is simply construction of
party principle with which have not had
anything to do.
Mf. President, have repudiated, and at the
very outset let that be understood, the whole
principle of the Kansas-N Nebraska bill. |
have opposed it. because if repealed the Mis-
souri, compromise line. | have opposed it.
because in the repeal of that line it worked
injustice to the Southern States of this Union.
| have opposed it as a Union man-not as
Union-saver,' as an honorable Senator said
this mOrning-but because | believe this
Union can only be maintained and preserved
| by just regard to the rights of all the States
and by observing the ights of that minority
| now to be found in the Southern States.
| Therefore, | do not mean to be held response
| BILE in any manner for any results that may
| have ensued from the disturbance of that
! compromise. If my own views had been car
| red out, | should have preferred to see the
| country rest on the Missouri compromise
line. 1t had servedits purpose for more than
| thirty years. 1t had been measure of peace
throughout this country. And when, either
for sectional or selfish purposes on one side or
| the Other-I speak with all Difference to the
motives and the action of gentlemen here
that line was disturbed, and the bone of con-
| tentiOn was dug up and thrown reckessy be-
! fore the American people, without regard to
the sectional strife it would engendcr, l. for
one, deprecated that movement, because it
brought into unequal contest, upon the prin-
cipe OF popular sovereignty, or upon the
faith of the people, contest between six or
| seven millions of whites on one side, and
| twenty millions on the other.
That the reason why ] opposed the re-
peal of the Missouri compromise line; that
was the ground on which | opposed the prin-
ciple of the Kansas-Nebraska bill; and | am
sorry to be compelled to say here, perhaps in
violence to the sentiment or to the feelings of
! other gentlemen on this floor that the princi-
| pie in that bill contained is nothing more nor
less. as it has been carried out, that popular
| sovereignty and alien suffrage. If both meas
ures become ascendent in this country, they
must subvert every principle on which this
Government was formed and based
In the position that / assume on this bill
do not conceive that am called upon to in
| vestigate allegations of fraud or to 90 furth-
| or into the merits of this question that simply
! to ask myself whether this constitution is
| here by the authority of law, and whether it
| is republican in its form After the very elal-
! crate and the very able argument of the dis
! tinguishcd Senator from Virginia. can add
! little to the views he has presented on those
! points. | am happy to have an opportunity
| to say now that though have differed with
| tba tic of
and though am i'll no manner under any OBJ
| legations TO that party for any iavOrs whatev-
er, yet the present Administration has pre-
scented measure to me that so accOrds entire
" with my own view in the settlement of this
question, that as an American Senator, having
a Just regard to my duty and to the obliga-
tons of the oath L have taken, | cannot for;an
instant hesitate as to the course shall adopt.
If | bad been bound by any of the princi-
pies contained in the Kansas-Nebraska bill,
or by any of the obligations of faith prOmul-
gated by the Cincinnati platform, perhaps my
action on this question might be different;
but rrpudiating that whole bill, because il
disturbed the great principle Of equality be-
tween the nothern and southern States; be-
cause it disturbed the equilibrium that had
been preserved for thirty years; aud because
it gave to a reckless majority, perhaps acting
upon the bare idea of the power of II MAORI
ty of that sort to crush out the equal rights
of the South, find myself here to-day plead
ing for that principle, and maintaining it in
accordance with the oath have taken to sup
port the Constitution of the United States. |
maintain ii because the southern States have
been brought into an unequal position with
the northern upon this question, thereby en-
dangering the peace and permanency of this
Union.
II is said that every resident inhabitant of
Kansas has not exercised the right 10 vote i'll
! accordance with the principles proclaimed by
the distinguished Senator from Illinois.
Whether they have or not Is not IL question of
the slightest importance to me. | do not re-
coynizc the right: do not admit that princi-
pie as being prerequisite to the admission of
any State whose application Is presented tous
for our consideration. | do not believe that
the principle of popular sovereignty can be
properly applied to II Territory. | believe
that true popular sovereignty begins with the
organized government of n State. ] do not
think popular sovereignty can he carried out
and maintained in a Territory when the rep
rcscntatives on this floor of thirty-two States
have the right To prescribe the terms upon
which that popular sovereignty shall be en-
forced or exercised. | believe that so long as
II territorial government exists and so lOngas
the people of Maine or Georgia through their
representatives. have right to Interfere with
it. the people of the Territory cannot excr-
of the term. | do not regard popular sovc-
rcignty existing outside of regularly con-
stitut,d government of the peOple--thosc who
have had the power in the forms of law thrown
upon them to administer their domestic insti-
tutions in their own way. To me it is par
adoX TO suppose that the people of Terrific
~, coming from every section of the globe
influenced and controlled by the action of this
body and the other House, relying upon Con-
sr,As for enabling acts fnr of
power on their part, can exercise popular
sovereignty according TO what ! have been
taught 10 believe true popular sovereignty TO
be.
Mr.. President, this so-called popular sove-
reignty in the Territories is nothing in the
world but squatter sovereignty. Ii is the eN-
else of the power of a mob who may choose to
get together upon factious or other grounds,
and who may, by possibility, fall into a form
Of government which might be in conformity
with the recognized laws OF the land or might
be otherwise. That is not in my cOmprehen-
sion. true popular Sovereignty. Being called
upon To vote on the question now at issue. |
am free to declare that am not the advocate
of the right of every resident iuhabitant of
"A Territory 10 vote on the constitution TO be
presented TO Congress for its adoption. | do
not feel myself bound to consider that point
belong to a party which, small rs it may be
regarded by gentlemen on this floor. aud in
the language of the distinguished senator
from New York, tMr. SEWARD however
ephemsral IL may be-. was supported in the
last contest by nearly n million of voters in
this country. They entertain sentiments that
will b. ar a just comparison with the princi-
pies which he and his party advocate. / will
allude TO the remarks of the distinguished
gentleman by aud by.
But there is one other consideration that is
weighing heavily upon me. IL il the consci-
entious desire to discharge my duty here as
an American Senator, uniniiucnc, a by the ftl-
tlre. perhaps for myself having mo political