Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1858-12-28
The STANDARD.
CENTRAL AMERICA.
,PEECH OF HON. T. L. CLINGMAN.

The nAlc interest anv correspondence which may have
passed since his Inauguration between this government
and that Nicaragua with respect the termination
preservation Of the Clayton Bulwer treaty.
The foregoing resolution being under considera-
tiOn-
Mr. CLINGMAN said If senators will indulge
me for few minutes, l should like to offer a reason
or two why think some action ought to take place
Immediately with reference to these questions The
American public is very sensitive in relation to the
proceedings in Central America and we have had
within the last few days some remarkable intorma-
ton from that quarter.
We were told, Mr. President, in the annual mes
sage of the Executive, that England had abandoned
the right of search, and thought we had obtained
a great triumph of some sort the question of the
right to search and visit our ships 1t turns out,
however, if the newspaper statements are to be re-
lied upon-and there seems to be no doubt about
the fact-that Great Britain has not only boarded
our ships but that she has examined the list OF men
on board, to ascertain who they were, whether
American born or not and whether they had arms.
Now it will be recoected that when those proceed
ings were taking place in the Gulf last spring, which
attracted so much attention. the allegation Of Great
Britain was not that she had right to search our
ships but that she had right to visit vessel to
ascertain its nationality, to ascertain whether it was
really an American ship, and if it was then she
would let us alone; but she thought our flag was
liable to be abused and to prevent that was her sole
purpose. That the point in controversy; and
/ supposed from the Presidents message that she
had abandoned that. 1t turns out now, however,
that her officers go on board ship well knowing 1t
to be American ship, not raising any pretence OF
that sort and then examine the list of passengers,
and make inquiries about them At the time OF the
war of 1912 they went on board our ships to take
off their own men they have now gone step tnr-
Their they went to ascertain whether Americans on
board have arms not. Is not this very eNtraOr-
binary proceeding?
fbox of VII 1,f,r
wrongs is the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. BY the terms
of that treaty the United States is bound never to
occupy, colonize, fortify any part OF Central
America We have abided by that treaty and Great
Britain has not. That treaty is very cxtraordina-
~ one. 1t is the application to us of the Monroe
doctrine by Great Britain The Monroe doctrine
was a declaration upon part that European So
vernments should not COLOMBO America; but Great
Britain says to us You shall not coonize Central
America" They have turned the tables completely
upon u.s. By this treaty they have actually got the
United States to agree never to colonies or fortity,
or occupy any part of Central America. While we
are talking about the Monroe doc.r.ne and f.citat
ting ourselves the progress it has made Great
Britain has actually applied it to ourselves.
have quoted in this resolution tic language OF
the President at the last session upon this subject
As then understood it, and as the whole country
understood it, it was supposed that he arden:lv de
sired the abrogation of that treaty; but if it could
not be abrogated as choice of evils, he would
quiesce in some settlement which not inconsis
tent with the American view. But, from the tone
of the present message, it would seem, think that
the idea of abrogatng the treaty has been abandoned
by our Executive. l desire to give the Executive
if that be the fact opportunity Of stating the rea
sons for this change to the country. l think the
country ought to know them
But there is an especial reason Mr. President
why desire this subject to have an early consdera-
ton 1t is not easy to determine precisely what the
President means in his second message, but | take
it that it is something like this that this treaty is
to stand upon the American construction, which
cudes us of course forever from that country; but
that Great Britain is to 60 in and make separate
treaties with these States. Now, what sort OF trea
ties they to be? | ask gentlemen what of
treaties is Great Britain likely to make: Sir VIII
liam Gorey Ousely has gone down there. VIII he
take of our interests: 1t is said that "straws
show which way the wind blows ;; and | was
amused three or four days ago to elaborate
article in the Washington UniOn-by whom writ
ten do not know, but that paper is sometimes, at
least supposed to reflect the views of the admins
tration-the purport of which, as understood it,
was that Great Britain is the only free country
cept our own, and that she is standing up for free
dom, and will protect rg hts against threatened
danger from the French Executive. 1t is said that
Napoleon is despotc and menaces with injuries
but that Great Britain will kindly take under her
protection; and suppose Sir William Gore Ousely
advantage! What sort of treaties will he make =
The newspapers say that they to be bottomed
upon the model of the Cass- Iaisarri treaty. | do
not know that the programme for treaty has ever
been promulgated by Executive. | read it in
manuscript at the last session then read it conf
dentially and 1 have no right to speak of it but
there was published in the American papers during
the spring and summer what purported to be a copy
of it, and have right to allude to that because
see that some of the British papers have represented
Sir William Gore Ousely as making similar arrange
ments.
There were two features in that treaty to which
had decided objections. The first was that under
and upon the construction placed upon it by Irslrr
who made two publications. gave two notices in the
papers, which L commented on as member of the
other house. the right to go to Nicaragua, to pass
through it, might be limited to those who went up
on particular line from New York, and who had
permits from the consul | was opposed to that. |
thought that Boston, Philadelphia Charleston, and
New Orleans had right to establish lines and that
American citizens had right to go on them to
Nicaragua, and to pass through it. l made some
objections in the other house to this feature.
But there another feature which was still more
Objectionable in my Judgment 1t was this accord
ing to that programme of treaty the United States
had the right to protect the transit route by the
landing of troops &c. There was another clause,
perhaps the fifteenth sixteenth article by which
the United States bound itself to use it's influence to
induce other foreign governments to make similar
guarantee of protection and neutrality to the routes
What is the meaning of that? We bind ourselves
to induce Great Britain, for example, and France
to guarantee the neutrality and the safety of those
routes If they do it, of course it is not to be ma
ked guarantee without right to carry it out If
they bind themselves to keep those routes in GER
tain condition, they have right of course, to use
the means necessary for that purpose; and what
means will they use? Most unquestionably thew
will have the right to use exactly the same means
that the treaty allows us to use that is, they may
occupy with troops and therefore regard this as
treaty for the joint occupation of those countries by
the United States, France, and England, and all
other nations who propose to come in
What desire is to get all the facts: at present
we are in the dark 1t looks from these late pro-
ceedings very much if that to be the policy