The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-07-08
THE N rrIoNAL ERA WASHINGTON D. G, JULY 8, 1855

went ON shore, seeking their own happiness.
/ well rec6llect the scene which occurred in
the Senate when the news of this transaction
reached this city. The members of that body
were even more excited than they have been
recently. They then threatened to send our ships
of war, and and siak those British islands now
they only talk of sinking the British nary. It
might prove instructive to gentlemen Of the
present age to read the high-soundinp threats
and epithets used at that day.
Mr.. Webster was now Secretary of State under
q slaveholding President, associated with slave
holding Cabinet he was therefore constrained
to speak and act for the slave trade; or, if he
refused such action, he would be constrained to
resign his Office. He preferred the former course
and the intellect of that great man, who had
been the pride of the free States, was now ex-
erted to carry out the doctrines for which q few
mopths previously he had declined voting. 1t
was great victory for the Slave Power. Christi
anity then lost one of its ablest champions For
getful of that eternal justice which sits enthroned
above all earthly power, he sent instructions to
our Minister at London TO demand of the British
Government compensation for the loss which the
slave-dealers had sustained. In these instruc-
tions he assumed the whole theory of Mr.. CAL
houn and even characterized the persons who
had most righteously gained their liberty as
mwtsneers and murderersi Pardon me if l speak
frankly. My lips were then sealed, under the
gag-rules of this body; was not permitted to
utter the emotions of my soul in regard to this
slave trade. l consulted with nv venerable
friend, Mr.. Adams. He felt the outrage as keenly
as mortal could realize it. ! proposed that he
should present to the House resolutions declar-
ing the law of nations and of the Constitution.
shall never forget his manner and appearance,
as he assured me that he was old, that the in
fluence Of Mr.. Webster was great that the con-
Of 1oho hot he
could not expect to live long enough to get the
public attention turned to it. -. >
drew up series of resolutions on the sub
ject, stating what believed to be the estab-
lished law Of nations, aud the constitutional
duty, resting upon Congress, to abstain from all
support of this slave trade. They were prepared
with much caution and study. They were sub
mitted to Mr.. Adams, for his consideration. He
approved them. presented them to this House.
They may be found at length on the Journal of
this body for the 2lst March, 1912. They de-
MED, in the most emphatic language, the right
of the Executive, or of Congress- or of this Gov
ernment to involve the people of the free States
in war TO maintain a commerce in human flesh.
To that doctrine 1 still adhere; reiterate the
sentiment; 1 tell the President and the Senate
that a war in support of the slave trade, either
African or American, will not be sanctioned by
the people, nor by any civilized or Christian ma
ton.
The scenes which followed the presentation of
my resolutions called public attention to the sub
ject. The press spoke out; the people reflected
and discussed the subject; and for a time the
Senate became silent in regard to it. The Brit
ish Minister ceased for time to be cajoled or
misled to the support of this 1" American slave
trades and for a time believed the downward
tendency of our Government toward its present
position was stayed. Great Britain pursued
steady and Christian course, using her best eff
forts to suppress this commerce. She induced
France, and Russia, and Austria, and Prussia, to
unite with her in granting to the armed vessels
OF each nation, while cruising within certain de-
grees of latitude, the African coast to search
the suspected ships of the Others for the purpose
Of detecting those engaged in this piratical slave
trade. Lord Aberdeen appropriately styled it
"a holy alliance" but our Government refused to
become party to this arrangement, and thereby
brought upon itself the well founded suspicion
of encouraging the slave trade. 1t was notorious
among the nations of the earth that we were
an american slave trade. Both were
founded on q denial of the law Of nature the
rights of humanity; both rested upon the same
infdelity to God and to mankind All men saw,
and all men now feel, that it is most inconsistent
for us to maintain and encourage this slave trade
upon our own coast, and condemn as pirates
those engaged in the same trade upon the Afri-
ian coast
Our present Secretary of State was then Min
ster at Paris, and he, as representative of our
wrote and spoke, and used his en-
ire influence, against the quintuple treaty re-
erred to- and as it became more generally
known that we favored the African as well as the
American slave trade pirates frequenting the
African coast adopted our flag, as it would pro-
lect them from search when near the African
coast.
In July, 1912, Lord Ashburton arrived in this
city, as Minister Plenipotentiary of the British
Crown, specially appointed and authorized to
treat with our Government on pending difficult
ties. Mr.. Webster, Secretary of State, in his
hrst ofhcisl communication with his Lordsbip,
dated August l., 1912, before abiding to any
other matters entered into a long and elaborate
argument to induce his Lordship to enter into
some treaty regulations for securing those en-
gagged in our American slave trade from sustain
ing loss when their ships happen to be wrecked
on British islands, or driven by stress of weather
into British ports. He mentioned the two cases
OF the Creole and Enterprise, to which 1 have
referred, and urged the propriety of making pro-
vision for securing slave-dealers when thus unfor-
tunate. The proposition, if adopted, would have
been repeal of the tenth article of the treaty of
Client, by which both Governments had bound
themselves to use their best endeauors TO entirely
abolish the traffic in slaves" 1t would have re-
versed that covenant, and bound them to use
their best endeavOrs to support the traffic in
slaves"
Thus, sir, our own records, the records of
Great Britain, bear proof to the efforts of our
nation, in Favor of this traffic in slaves in favor
Of providing, by treaty stipulation, for its perma-
aent protection and encouragement. :. Would, sir,
that this record were expunged from existence
hat Hlonp anfA
from the moral universe. But, thanks to Lord
Ashburton, thanks to the British nation for their
to Christianity, and their resistance
Of this heathenish, this barbarous commerce in
the bodies of women and children. Lord Ash
burton refused to enter upon such a negotiation,
and thereby saved dur nation from the proposed
disgrace, and, bringing the power of truth and
Of Christianity to bear upon Mr.. Webster, he OBJ
!ained further stipulation from our Govern
nent against this commerce, and covenant to
carry out the objects avowed in the treaty of
Client.
But no sooner had this solemn covenant been
entered into, than all other and collateral iniu-
ences of the Executive were exerted for the pro-
lection and encouragement of this African as
well as American commerce.
All now present recollect the case of the Amis-
lad, Spanish slave ship. Her cargo had been
imported from Africa in June, 1910, for the Gu
ban market. The Amistad took ffty-three of
hese people on board at Havana, with the inten-
ion of carrying them to Principe, on the south
'ide of that island. Those ignorant Africans
'purned the doctrines of our Senate, our Secre-
AIRY of State, our Executive, and of those Span
sh pirates; and, obeying the Divinity which
each heart, they stood forth in the
dignity with which God had clothed them BY
the physical power with which they were en-
lowed, they asserted their God-gven preroga-
lives of Liberty. The captain and cook endeav-
ored to carry out the doctrines of our Senate
but the negroes, by the dim light of their own
moral natures, pronounced the men who attempt
ed to enforce such doctrines, pirates and the