The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-03-29
The Condition Of France Philosophy OF Its
Government.

The Condition of Franco Philosophy OF Its
Government.
The recent outbreaks at ChalOns and other
parts Of France; the constant succession Of ar
rests; and the perseverance of the Emperor in
the policy of stern repression which was inau-
g,lrated after the attempt Of the Rue Lepeile-
tier, are important events, assuredly, but they
are neither surprising nor unusual. They are
as commonplace and ordinary steps in the course
of French politics, as the meeting Of political
conventions, or the bolt Of dissatisfied poiiti-
clans are in the political movement Of the
United States. They simply indicate that the
time has come when the novelty of the Imperial
gt9isas has worn of, and that the French peo-
pie are beginning to cast about in their usual
way with view to political change.
To realise the true significance Of these arm
ed outbreaks, attacks on fortified places, sp-
peals to the soldiery, arrests Of leading men,
| which are taking place in France-and which
, to US here seem the achme Of disorder and
| anarchy--a careful comparison must be made
between the political systems Of France and
! other countries in the same stage Of political
| de, elopement. Take for instance England, the
United States and France, AT first view, no
thing can be more dissimiiar than the political
| systems Of these three countries. England is
hereditary, constitutional monarchy, with pri-
| yileged class endowed with peculiar political
rights. The United States are q democratic
| republic with an executive periodically
changed, and perpetual Intervention of
the people in the transaction of po-
litical business. France is an absolute
despotism, hereditary in name, and though orgi-
naily resting on the popular will, independent
Of popular control in the administration of pub
lie affairs. Here are three distinct and striking
ly opposite systems. But, if we look little
closer, We shall find underlying the institution
al superstructure, q cardinal feature Of the po-
! litical system common to all three. That fea-
ture is the popular control over the govern
| ment
In this country that control is exercised in a
straightforward legitimate direct mannec.
Every four years, the people elect an entire set
ofrulers and magistrates. AT shorter periods
the people direct public affairs by the election
of members of the legislative body. The adj
rninistraton of public affairs is constantly un-
| der the public eye, and opportunities for popu-
lar interference recur so frequently that there
is no temptation here, to violate the established
law of periodical revolution. We find similar
control exercised, not quite so directly but still
plainly enough in Great Britain. The people
Of England are partially sovereign by their rep
resentation in the Commons Parliament, in
deed, can get rid Of an obnoxious government
sooner than We can; it need not wait the lapse
of any particular period Of time, but may COM
pei minister to resign on any day il plcases.
Adverse to this popular control are the institu-
tons called the royal prerogative and the
House Of Peers; but, Of late years these branch
es OF The government discrectiy shun a collision
with the Commons, and leave il supreme con-
troll over the affairs of the nation.
The same popular control exists also in
France. but developes itself in a very different
way. There is no vent there for the popular
desire to rule, in the shape of periodical cleo
tons or test votes in the Legislative body. In
France the public can only make itself felt at
barricades and with bayonets- And though the
plan seems to US enormously inconvenient and
expensive as compared with the system adopted
in the Anglo-Saxon countries, ii is nevertheless
fact tina, is recognized and established plan,
and that the people of France look to il with
perfect confidence ~ the method by which their
original control over the government of their
country must be asserted from time to time.
10 them, revolution, with conspiracies, blood
shed. and barricades aTe what Presidential cleo
tons are 10 Us, aud general elections are TO the
English. They are the fywheel Of the politi-
cal machine
They would no, work at al-tbey would be
utterly ruinous but for the fact that they do
not interfere in any degree with the mechanical
administration Of the public affairs. Our revo-
luton, and that Of lG4o in England, were radi-
cal upheavsls which Frustrated the political
cdfce from chimney to basement; 70 was the
revolution Of 1859 in France. But the
subsequent revolutions The establishment
Of the first empire, the restoration of
the BourboDs the affair of 1880, chat
of ISIS, and the last corp d'tDr-all these
have bccu mere changes Of the political chief
Without the least change in the public depart.
mcn,s. The word Kingdom" has been scratch.
cd out, ard republic" substituted Imperial
has been printed where royal" or "rcpubl-
can bad flourished few heads Of burcaux
have been renewed to make room for new men:
but with these exceptions the late French revo.
luions have caused no more change in the me
chanical departments Of The French government
than change Of ministry does in England
probably less than the election of a new Pre-.
-ideni does here.
The news from France, as We said. indicates
that restlcrsncs~ in the public mind which is the
usual tororuuner Of one OF the periodical asser-
lions of power on the part Of the French people.
There is little doubt bat the republicans availed
themselves Of the period of dulncss which fol-
lowed The peace with Russia 10 revive extend and