Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1858-07-27
THE UNITED STATES AND CUBA.
IE LONDON TINES ~ FAVOR or OUR HAvIso
CUBA.

The LONDON TINES IN FAVOR OF OUR HAvIse
CUBA.
The London Times Of July 7tb, concludes an ar
;icls about Spain and the slave trade as follows
"Lord Mamesbury has been protecting in terms
forcibe indeed but yet warranted by the disgracetu
facts, against the manner in which Spain has violated
ner most solemn obligations M 10 the importation OF
slaves into Cuba. Upon this Spanish pride has taken
fire. Spain is not proud enough to do no wrong but
quite proud enough to take offence at the mputaton
Of it, Every one who has looked into the question Of
the slav4-trade at all, knows we'll that for the last
twenty years and more, Cuba, under the protec
lion of the Spanish hsg, has been the manstay
and prop of the system. There has been no d.
rect Importation of slaves into the United States
during that time. In the Brszis the traffic
hss virtually ceased. ln Cuba alone 1t ie carried
out III tuii vlgor There waa hut chance OF deal
ing successfully with the traffic, and that that the
local government should Interfere suppress it, All
exertons at Ser could have but little effect beyond
running up the rate Of The Insurance Now, every
effort thar has been made procure orders to this Of
tsct-rea not nominal ordsrs-has proved truitl-ss.
The tima has arrived whsn We called upon 10
view policy in this matter. We will not follow
the example of the idle braggarta st Madrid and pratt
te about visionary invasion Why. even il we had
the will, should We be at the trouble of applying di.
rect pressure TO Spain Thus much Ia olear-ihat if
Lord Mallnesbury were this day 10 give Mr.. Dallas
the iaintest hint that England would stand neutral in
fns matter, Cuba in three months time would be a
SthtS OI tne N'ftD Am6rtCan Unlon
Let US look this question boldly IN the face Whist
interest has EngIand 10 rhs integrity of the colonial
domnions of Spain7 Whst is ii 10 us II Caba be to-
morrow an American in place OF Spanish posses-
sonl Our only interest iu the question tor long
,iine past has been moral, not material one. Nay,
our material interests have been In direct opposition
10 thar line Of policy which have pursued on the
grounds of humanity. Cuba in the hands of Amsri-
can citizens would be a much more productive mar
kst than at present. Our manufacturers and mer-
chants could buy aud sell more with American than
with Spanish Cuba.
II il ID to remain slave importing country had
lief nay rather, that il should psss into American
hands. Patience and foroearance have BEEN tired
out, and the time has fairly arrived when may
consider ii WI should not be playing our own game
more wisely by standing e v hile the Cabinet Of
Washington carried ou, the long cherished designs of
the American people upon the Island of Cuba 1t is
not impossible that the States would ba willing to
to understanding with that if Cuba passed
quietly into their possession our wishes with regard
10 the further importation of slaves into the island
would not be disregsrded
What Is Spain 10 us that should interfere further
10 protect her Colonial possessions? The only srgu
ments which d.posed to consider, after the treat
rnent We have met with from successive Cabinets at
Madrid are those which apply TO our own interest and
well being Looking AT the question from this point
Of view two arguments might be urged-here ia pro.
badly no great weight in either. 1t might be said, in
The first place, that it would be shorsighttd policy
in us to stimulate the progress OF the United States in
wealth and power, for the time may come when they
may prove formidable antagonists 10 ourselves. This
Is but paltry policy after all; for whatever may
do, the vast confederation on the other side of the
Atlantic will go on increasing in strength and in eI'
tent of dominion.
We do not look grudgiugy on this progress; on the
contrary, il s the bsst thing that be wished for
this country, that the States should be prosperous
aud growing power. II the statesmen who guide
the desnies OF the confederation have but the for
besrance to abstain from violating public law, and
the canons of public morality, God speed their work!
But to us. in any case, what can il signify whether
Gulf of Me1coi AS long as We retain our naval
power they will not interfere with us; and that once
gone, the presence absence of Cuba in the acaIe
would signify but little indeed.
Ii might be- said, in ths second place. that il would
he unwse for to stand still, as lockers on, while
spain was weakened by the loss of her colonial pos
sessions from considerations Of European policy The
pyrennrs sre not higher than they were in the days OF
Louis XIV and Of Napoleon Bonapsrte. Here, again,
he argument does not appear to have any
weight. Spain derives substantial strength from
colonies which would help her to resst an INVADER
and if she did, what that to usl We know the sac
r:ices we made for the preservation of the Span.
i-h monarchy in the frat years OF the present
century and what has been our reward? What
advantage to the extent OF shilling of the faint
st element of power, have derived from the Span
in alliance? We can point 10 long llst of unsstis
isd claims funpsid deb; of obligations csregarded,
sud OF violated faith but vi help when we needed help,
or of common gratitude Tor services of the most vital
nportancs thero has not been title. Let us at
l,ngh consider this question on ts own merits. Is il
possible that, with reference 10 English views and
feelings Cuba could be- in worse hands than it is at
present.