The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-02-04
THE NATIONAL ERA: WASHINGTON D. C., FEBRUARY A. 1858

of our troops and the troubles ia u tab, that al
increase in the army was necessary and tn,
Committee on Military Affairs having indicated
what they believed to be the best mode of ma
king thst increase, he should give that propo
sihon his support and his vote. If he had hi
mode Of dealing with the Mormons, he would
pursue somewhat different course from tina
which the Government has adopted. BE wouls
not have declared war against them, or sen
troops there to suppress rebellion, but be woult
have cut off their Government supplies by sus
pending the appointment of Federal officers
there, and suspending appropriations of money
Mr.. Fessenden denied that there was any re-
bellion in Kansas. To be sure, the despatche,
from some of the Government officers hat
called it rebellion, but that did not make it so
The organisation at Lawrence was simply 9
civil organization, to clean the streets, &C., anc
did not propose to resist anybody or anything
1t mad the entire concurrence of all the citi
zens. To call that rebellion, was like making
out case of constructive treason.
Mr.. Green said that the object of that or
ganization was resistance to the law organizing
the Territory and the laws passed by the Terri
tory; they required every man to swear to sup
port the Topeka Constitution. Was not thai
Mr.. Fessenden replied, that he did not call il
rebellion. Rebellion must be an overt act AND
this was mere civil arrangement for theil
own convenience. If they levied taxes, they
did not coerce anybody to pay them. The
Senator from Mississippi said yesterday thai
the opposition to the bill sprung from desire
to promote civil war. Did he accuse the
Senator from Georgia Mr.. Toombsl of being
actuated by that motive? But there were
cases when it would be reasonable to expect
civil war. If the Government undertakes to
force upon them Constitution which they did
not make, it would not be strange if that course
OF conduct should produce civil war; and Mr.
+. said he would justify their exhibition of the
spirit that was exhibited by their ancestors
He trusted in God that that spirit was not ex
tinct; and he hoped the time had not vet come
when Senators could not express their views
on these great questions without being accused
OF desiring civil war.
After few remarks from Messrs. Pugh and
simmons, without taking any vote upon the
bill, the Senate adjourned until Monday next
HOUSE.
The Printing Deficiency BiU.-The House
then went into Committee of the Whole, (Mr
Davis, of Indiana, in the chair,) and resumed
the consideration of the printing deficiency
bill.
Mr.. Shaw, of Illinois, commenced to address
the Committee on the subject of Kansas, when
Mr.. Burnett, of Kentucky, rose to q question
OF order, that his speech was not germane
to the bill.
The Chairman having overruled the point Of
order
Mr.. Burnett appealed from that decision.
Mr.. Shaw then proceeded with bis speech, in
which he opposed the Lecompton Constitution
he was opposed alike to the Abolitionists and
Black Republicans of the North and the Fire
Eaters OF the South, and believed that the same
class of men who were Abolitionists at the
North, would be Fire Eaters, if transferred tc
the South, and uice versa. He had no sympa
thy with the disunionists of either section. BE
and his party only asked that truth should pre
vail and justice be done. They cared not whether
Kansas was to be free or slave State; but
they insisted that the people should decide that
matter for themselves. There was no man on
this floor, Fire. Eater or Republican, who would
submit to Constitution forced upon him, aud
they could net ask the people of Kansas to
submit. He INDUCED hope that, numericaly
and morally. they were strong enough to defeat
the Lecompton Constitution.
Mr.. Comins, of Massachusetts,, next took the
floor, when
Mr.. Burnett, of Kentucky, renewed his cues
ton of order, and appealed from the decision
of the Chair that Mr.. G. might speak upon othe,
subjects than the bill before the Committee.
After brief discussion and some confusion
tellers were ordered on the appeal, and the de
cision of the Chair was sustained-lO5 to 43.
Mr.. Comins then addressed the committee
on those points of the Presidents annual mes
sage which relate to loan or Treasury note
bill, and to compulsory bankrupt law, applica
BILE to all the banking institutions of the United
States. He contended that the Interior object
of the Administration was to centralize capital
by breaking down the State banks, and that
the attempt to interfere with the banks was a
blow at State rights and wide departure from
the Democratic doctrine of popular sovereignty.
Mr.. Hickman, of Pennsylvania, said he was
an earnest and sincere advocate of the election
of Mr.. Buchanan to the Presidency, eulogized
his character, and deprecated the Fundamental
error into which he had fallen in his Kansas
policy. The tendency of the message was to
establish an antagonism between power and
the people, and under those circumstances he
must take sides with the people. The danger
to our political institutions arose less from the
want of public virtue than from the want OF
public intelligence. He cared not for the anath.
emas that might be heaped upon him for this
course, but whenever he saw any man attempt.
ing to plant Slavery or any other institution
upon his soil, or upon any soil in which he had
rights, he would oppose it by all his power,
within the Constitution and the laws.
he believed the Kansas policy of the AID.
ministration, if it prevailed, would destroy the
effective force of the Democratic organization.
The Kansas Nebraska bill was barely tolerated
NJ h. orkl
ty which made it tolerable; but if the subse-
quent history of Kansas could then have been
written, no Northern man could have advocated
it against the tornado which would have been
raised against him. They could not 80 soon
forget the means by which the vast majority
upon which the Democratic party rode into
power in 1852 had been FILTERED away in 1856.
His opposition to the Kansas policy of the
Administration, and the admission of Kansas
under the Lecompton Constitution, was based
upon two propositions First, that that policy
and those measures tended to destroy the re-
publican principle recognised In the Kansas
Nebraska act and, secondly, that it violated
faith. The President had no
authority to say for the people of Kansas that
they were careless upon all subjects except that
of Slavery; and the admission that that sub.
ject ought to have been submitted carried with
it the admission that the entire Constitution
ought to have been submitted likewise. But
he denied that the Slavery question was sub
mitted at all, and proceeded to argue that the
Lecompton Constitution was illegal, and in no
wise represented the will of the people of Kan.
sas.
he remarked, that NO Democracy had yet
been found sound enough to withstand the at
mosphere of Kansas. Four different Govern
ors had been sent there, and each returned,
telling the same story, that popular sovereign.
ty there is . moceery. The Southern press
had proposed to remedy this matter, by mark.
ing these ex Governors, and reading them out
of the Democratic party. They had best take