Weekly American. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1858-1858, 1858-04-17

GOYornment, ana 10 us poncy uirectly In
opposition to the conceded principles Of the
Constitution when it was framed. When the
Constitution was framed the Southern States
of this Confederacy were upon footing of per-
feet equality with all the States of the Union
and my desire has been to do nothing to de-
stroy that equality.
Mr.. President, when Congress has exercised
its authority by passing uniform law Of natu-
ralization, 1t excludes the right of exercising
similar authority on the part of the State and
to suppose that the State could do this would
make this provision of the Constitution of the
United States nugatory. The power has been
given to the Congress of the United States to
establish uniform rule of naturalization for
the express, simple purpose Of protecting the
minority in this country from aggregation of
power that might be the result Of allowing
States to hold out inducements to emigrants.
II was to protect US against that Interpolation
or subversion of the principles of this Govern
ment, which will necessarily creep into it by
the introduction Of new members OF the Gov
eminent, imported from foreign countries, and
brought here directly to carry out sectional pur-
poses and for sectional objects only. To sup
pose that State could make an alien citizen,
or confer on him the right Of voting, would give
him direct and broad control in this Govern
ment A man votes for Representatives in the
dcCOrQunC6
the laws of the State in which he resides and,
if you allow aliens to vote for members of Con-
gress, they may control your legislation here,
and introduce system Of policy entirely at
variance with that upon viii h the Government
was originally formed.
Now, sir, in presenting the views that
have submitted to the Senate, l am not stand
ing alone. In viudication Of this principle
which assert bring to my support the doc
trine proclaimed here by one of the most dis.
tinguished Senators whose voice has ever been
heard in this Hall. ! will, by permission of
the Senate, read upon this point the views of
no less man than John c. Calhoun, who,
standing here in vindication Of the rights Of the
South, and for the principles Of this Govern
ment, foreseeing the dangerous consequences
which might result in 1886 gave the warning
not only to the Senate, but to the country, Of
the dangers that would result from this cheap
suffrage which was being bestowed, or at
tempted to be bestowed, upon the States then
coming into the Union. Mr. Calhoun said:
When Congress has exercised its authority
by passing uniform law of naturalization,
'(as it has, it excludes the right Of exercising
n similar authority on the part of the State.
To suppose that the States could pass natural
'ization acts of their own after Congress had
passed uniform law of naturalization, would
be to make the provision of the Constitution
'nugatory." 9tis,t
He said further--I quote from his speech on
the Michigan bill in 1885,
"To suppose that State can make an alien
a citizen of the State, or, to present the ques-
ton more specifically, can confer on him the
fright of voting, would involve the absurdity
of giving him direct and immediate control
ever the action of the General Government,
soh he has - a. II 4. 4.
lection, and to which he has no right to pre-
sent a petition. That the full force of the
'absurdity may be felt it must be borne in
mind that every department of the General
Government is either directly or indirectly
under the control Of the voters in the several
States. The Constitution wisely provides that
THE voters for the most numerous branch of
.the Legislatures in the several States shall vote
for the members of the House of Representa-
tives& and, as the members Of this body are
chosen by the Legislatures Of the States, and
'the presidential electors either by the Iegis.
'latures or voters in the several States, it fol-
flows, as have stated, that the action of the
General Government is neither directly or in
directly under the control of the voters in the
Several States. Now, admit that State may
'confer the right of voting on all aliens, and It
will follow, as necessary consequence, that
we might have among our constituents per-
'sons who have not the right to claim the pro-
lection of the Government, or TO present
petition to it." EF.v ~
This, to my mind, is conclusive; it is an ar.
gument binding with such force on my iudg-
ment, that never can yield the principle. But
Mr. Calhoun went further In discussing this
question, and I beg that may be allowed TO
quote further from him, because surely Think
that his arguments will have more force and
more effect, when fairly put before the coun-
try, and fairly understood by TIE Senate, than
anything I can say, or anything that can
offer I gladly sccept his principles and his
doctrines as 4 text, and am willing to abide
by them They arc so entirely Ia accordance
with the views, principles, and doctrines oftho
party am representing here, that i am rc.
joiced 10 find that I have so able an advocate
for the humble views that am submitting TO
the Senate In speaking Of the object which
the trainers or the Constitution had In confer.
ring this power, Mr.. Calhoun said
"In comforting this power the trainers of the
Consultation must have had two objects in
view; one TO prevent competition between the
States 10 holding out inducements for the en-
'igration Of foreigners and the other, TO pre-
vent their improper influence over the Gene
'ral Government through such States as might
'naturalize foreigners, and could confer on them
the r1ght OF exercising the elective franchise,
before they could be sufficiently informed Of
THE nature Of our institutions, or were inter-
'ested in their preservation"
That, sir, is the great principle on which
stand II Is in defense OF that right that my
own party has IN its platform Ind down the
doctrine that aliens not naturalized shall not
exercise the rights Of American freemen. There
isawide difference between privileges granted
and rights claimed. I am only contending
against the right Of State to confer power
which has a direct control not only over the
legislation In these Halls, but that has power
70 control the Presidential election itself fhope
may be permitted, in illustration Of this view.
TO quote still further from Mr.. Calhoun
Both Of these objects would be defeated. II
. the States may confer on aliens the right of
voting and the other privileges belonging to
citizens On that supposition it would be
almost impossible to conceive what good could
be obtained, or evil prevented, by comforting
sthepower on Congress The power would be
perfectly nugatory, A,State might hold out
every improper ipduccmcnt to emigration, as
freely as If the power did not exist; and might
confer on the alien all the poltical privileoes