Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1858-03-11
Anti-Lecompton.

now what he calls sufficient reasons for de-
nouncing the attempts of the Administration
to force fraudulent Constitution upon Kansas
lie wrote letter to the Anti-Lccompton meet
ing at Philadelphia, which is published in the
Press. 1t is very lengthy, and thus prevents
full publication in the Freeman. But we give
below abstracts of its important points, as ar
ranged by the New York Courier:
For the last seventeen years have been ad-
yocating the nomination OF James Buchanan
for the Presidency; for more than twenty years
have been his warm, personal friend and |
am as responsible, perhaps, as any other man
in the United States for his election, and as
deeply anxious as any other person that his Ad-
ministration shall be successful, and above all,
be worthy of confidence and respect Our per-
sonal relations are as nothing compared to the
Importance of supporting his Administration
on questions of mere expedicncy, and where it
is based in its action on moral and legal right,
But personal and administrative relations COM
bined are as nothing, on the other hand, COM
pared with great fundamental, moral, and po-
litieal principles involved in the issues now
presented to the country in the question Of nd
hitting Kansas under the Constitution now
presented as the act and the deed of her people,
and as as an instrument Republican in form.
The Governor states the issues now before
Congress to be as follows
LIST. Is the Lecomptom Constitution the act
and deed of the people of Kansas?
I'd. Is it Republican in form?
He says
These are the only two essential issues to BE-
tried. And with a view to full, fair, and
friendly verdict as to the fact, and Judgment as
to the law of the case. | have carefully, pa
ticntly, and repeatedly read the President 8
Message Of the ID inst, in which he recon
mends the speedy approval by Congress of the
Lecompton Constitution, and the reception of
Kansas under it, as State into the Union. I
lions Of my mind constrain me to differ from
the President Of my choice, and to declare |
cannot endorse the Lacompton Constitution as
the act aud deed of the sovereign people whose
act and decd it processes to be, and that pro-
test against the mode in which it was pretended
to be submitted to the people, as anti-Repub-
lican and oppressive, and offensive to the s4lg-
respect and moral sense Of free people.
These convictions Of mine have been delib3r-
ately formed, and | mean calmly to maintain
them, reasoning with friends, and not backing
from foes, though stand alone against host
propose IA rapid review of tie Message of the
President but before doing SO, it is proper to
recur to antecedent facts which settled certain
points of principle which are now the tests Of
truth and argument in the case.
The writer then goes Oh to argue that tho
kansas-Nebraska act established the principle
of non-interrentioa by Congress with Slavery
in the States and Territories, and guaranteed
to the people of Territories popular sovereignty
and self-governmont. He grants that the SOW
ereignty must be exercised by representative
bodies but maintains that it is essentially in
sporadic from the will of the people, and that
the Lecompton Convention was bound to sub
NIT its work to the confirmation of the people,
unless the people themselves had first expressly
relieved them of the obligation. He considers
that the Convention itself recognized this ne
cessity by submitting us they did, part of the
Constitution to the popular vote but be con-
tends that this submission, in being partial,
WAS wholly inadequate and nugatory. He
says
The whole was not fairly submitted One
thousand voters went to the polls: nine hun
dred and nine-nine might desire to vote against
the Constitution, and one for it; the one
would b, counted, and the nine hundred and
niEety-nine would not be counted.
The part as to slavery, which was submitted
for alternate voting, for and against, was not
fairly submitted. One thousand pro-slavcry
men might go to the polls, desiring to vote for
slavery, but against the Constitution ; their
votes could not be counted, and one freesoier,
who voted for the Constitution and against
slavery, would be counted, and overcome the
nine hundred and ninety-nine. 1t is idle to say
that this was was as fair for the one side as the
other; for, though this be equally true as to the
nine hundred and nnety-nine freesoil voters
against the one pro-savery voter, yet this
would emily prove the case to be one of a double
instead u single injustice. 1t proves only it was
wreng, injuriously affecting both sides and
the whole people and not a part only.
The truth is, there was obviously Il sinister
and aNti-republcan purpose in thus giving an
unfair election as to q part, coupled with no
election as to the whole. 1t was to force the
people to adopt the Constitution framed by
the Convention No man was allowed to vote
for slavery who did not also vote for the Con-
stituton He might reject slavery or adopt il
provided he would vote for the Constitution
n L. al
vote for er against slavery was not allowed to be
counted.
lie takes strong ground against the schedule
on another points requirement of test
oath as condition of the right to vote. He
deneunces this in the most emphatic terms at
anti-repuMiean. We quote;
Sc Now behold an honest, peaceful law.
abiding citizen approaching the polls in Kansa,
under the schedule | imagine myself an ultra.
Southern STAKEHOLDER put to the ordeal of a chal
lenge under this clause of the schedule : l am
anxious, very anxious, to record my vote for my
right to hold the chief part of the little prop
erty own; am told that have the right, by
| the grant Of the high Lecompton Convention, t
vote for or against property in slaves; lap
proach the polls to exercise the right; / an
challenged; the Bible is held out to me to swear
first to !" support the Constitution of the United
States;" ask why impose on me that oath
urge that the obligation is binding on mt
without the oath--that | love and obey the
Constitution of the United States, and tina
it is made the supreme law of the land, bind
ing of itself-but being willing to support tina
! instrumept and anxious to vote for nv proner
ty, assent to swear to support it. But | an
told must, in the second place. swear also tt
support the Lecompton I" Constitution, il
adopted, under the penalties of perjury unde
the territorial laws" Iredden into wrath un
der the insult of such an oath rendered to
freeman at the ppllsv-to sunporta Constitution