The daily exchange. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1858-1861, 1858-05-29
BALTIMORE.
SATURDAY, MAY 20, 1858.

sThe tendency of Power is the topic on which
n morning contemporary held discourse few days
since and its reflections that subject afforded
apt illustration of HoBBEs' remark, that Gin the
right definition of names lies the first use fspcech,
= and in wrong or no definitions lies the
first abuse from which proceed all false and sense
less tenets." After alleging that the vote for the
Convention on the following Wednesday, would,
as far as that went present scene
'of people voluntarily surendering their power their
right of suffrage, their true consequence and importance
State the hands of little oligarchy which
to sway authority over them -
the article closes with this italicised announce
ment-
We go the peorerst last and al,uavs THE PEOPLE
against all cho conspire to defraud them"
Now before commencing or condemnng this
patriotic fervor we simply desire to be informed as
to the meaning of these phrases-in other words,
what is comprised in the term ''people' as used in
.contradistincton to the rest of society? Where
men are divided into ranks or castes-not by the
natural operation of such causes as talent industry
and energy-but by arbitrary laws establishing
Fictitious systems; and where some are born
to the "imperial purple" and rule in virtue of
that right or being enrolled as members of a privi-
legged arstocracy can claim exemption from the
heavier burthens that other citizens must bear. we
fully understand the difference between sthe peo-
ple'' and their Kings, their Mobiles and their Sen
ates. But under our institutions, we ask again.
who are the 'people''? The coal-heaver and the
wealthy merchant, the horse-trader and the stock
holder, the miller who grinds the corn and the
owner of the thousand acres on which it grew. are
all amenable to the same laws, all entitled to an
equal vote, and all eligible to every preferment-
1T some more fortunate than their fellows are rich in
worldly gear, }" it is result they owe to their
own or their fathers toll, and the State takes no
note of their abundance except to tax it, It rccog-
misses but one order within its borders and that Or
der is the people" which comprehends us all
Yet men will talk as though this word denoted a
distinct class. They make as clamorous and
vehement protestation about its rights as though
frowning tyrants and hireliIg soldiery were on
the march to crush them The Shbboleh of our
contemporary is but the echo of Cry that had its
meaning here in other days. and is still Ineligible
elsewhere, but amongst us, now, it is mere
phrase
full of sound and fury,
Signifying nothing"
OF what nature also are the cliques that scon-
spire to defraud the people," and the dreaded
'oligarchy'? The members of our Legislature
and the clerks of Courts are no less portions of
that ''people' because deputed for short terms to
perform certain specified duties than are the lamp
lighters who illumine its ways, the editors who
obtuscate its intellects. The Governor himself is
but one of that ''people,' unto whom is delegated
brief sway, and q limited discretion. He is "a
man set under authority" and his appointed work
being finished we ''say unto him 90, and he goeth'
to the place from whence he came. Yet if we de-
sire to forego tumultuous elections unimportant
matters, or assign to agents the task of making
constables then power is said to be f'steang from
the people" If we prefer to throw on the Execr-
tive the responsibility of appointing magistrates
a solemn warning is sent forth that ''power is
gliding from the many to the few" Thus a ques-
ton relating to patronage and to the mere regula-
ton of our political affairs, is treated as though it
vitality affected our sovereign rights. But it has
no such bearing, for whether these public officers
have more or less to do, and whether the places at
their disposal be few or many, the supreme 'power
remains not the less with the citizens who made
them what they are That ''power'' is still lodged
IN the whole people of this State although we NAV
choose to abstain from exercising it daily or through
Its every graduation And this we must be salts |
he'd to do. We cannot sell merchandise in the |
and in the evening attend in the forum |
to ostracise citizen. We cannot devote the dav |
to the workbench and the night to the regulation
OF the militia, the courts and the faxes So hay
ing created the government and appointed the chief
officials who for the time being, are to administer
il, we may be well content TO leave somewhat TO |
their discretion the arrangement of its minor de-
tails. For even over these is the force of public
opinion almost supreme and it needs not the bal
lot-box for the diurnal measurement of its ebb and
How. We, 'the people," are all powerful, be our
what it may, and our opportunities of
proving it are by no means limited. Why, then.
DO politicians desire such frequency of elections
especially if 'our prejudces and passions can be
used by demagogues for any purpose whatever"
and we are hoodwinked and beguiled and led by
our inhamed prejudices'? Let those answer who |
can talk most fuently about ''the dupes of dema-
gogues." But let them not use unmeaning Ian
guage remembering, as HOBBIES says, that s'words |
are wise mems counters, they do but reckon by |
them-but they are the money of FOOLS"