New-York daily tribune., 1858-10-19

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er.y in Russia is mortgaged TO the State itself and,
say its owners, how shall we deal with our obi
cations to the Government Many have pri-
vate debts weighing upon their estates. A great
number live on the dues paid 10 them by their serfs
established in the towns as merchants, traders,
handicraitsmen and operatives. Their incomes,
Of course. would vanish with the disappearance Of
ssrfdom.. There are also small Boysrs who pos
ssssa very limited number of serfs but, proper
,onately still smaller area OF land. II the serts
81 must be in case of emancipation, receive each
strip of ground, the proprietors VIII be oeggared'
For the rrest landowners from their stand
poin.. il is considered slmost question oI sbdcs-
zion. Tn. serfs once liberated, what actual bar
against Imperial power will remain 81 their as
posall And then, how with the taxes which
Russia is so much in need Of dependent on
the actual value of land How with the crown
peassntsr All these points are mooted, ana
form so many strong positions behind which the
friends of serfiom pitch their tents. IL is story
as old as the history OF nations In fact, 1t Is I'M
possible to emancipate the oppressed class without
injury to the class living upon its oppression aud
without simultaneously Aisccmposing the whole
superstructure of the State reared on such DIS
NAL social bass. When the time of change arrives,
much enthusiasm is at first maniiested joyful iehci-
tstion upon mutual good will is dealt in, with
great pomp of words as to the general love oil
progress. and so-forth. But SO soon as words are
10 be exchanged for deeds, some retire IN frght at
the ghosts raised while most declare themselves
ready TO stand and fight for their real or imaginary
interests. 1t is but with the support OF revolution
or war that the legitimate Governments OF Europe
have ever been able to suppress seridom' Inc
Prussan Government dared to think oil emanci-
pating the peasantry only when smarting under the
iron woke of Napoleon; and even then The settle
ment was such. that the question had again TO be
handled in ls4s, and, although in changed
form. remains question still to be settled in
n revolution to come In Austria, 1t was
the revolution of ls43, and the Hungarian insurrec-
ton, but neither the legitimate government nor
the good will of the ruling classes that disposed OF
the oues.ion. IN Russia, Alexander l. and Nicholas,
not from any motives of humanity, but IRON mere
state reasons, attempted TO etfecta peaceful change
failed 1t must in fact be added that, after the
revolution of lSiS-49, Nicholas turned his back
on his own former schemes Of emancipation, and
become an anxious adept of conservatism. WIN
Alexander H., it was hardly question of choice
whether or not to awaken the sleeping elements
The war bequeathed to him by his father, had
devOlyed immense sacrifices upon the Russian com
81 .f III
be estimated from the simple fact that, during the
epoch commencing in 1853 and ending in 1856, the
paper money of forced currency was increased
from three hundred and thirty-three millions to
about seven hundred millions of roubles; all this in
crease of paper money representing, in fact, but
taxes anticipated. Alexander III. only followed the
example set BY Alexander 1. during the Napoleonic
war, in cheering the peasantry with promises of
emancipation. The war, moreover, led TO a hu-
initiation and defeat, in the eyes at least of the
serfs, who cannot be supposed to be adopts in the
mysteries of diplomacy. To initiate his new reign
by apparent defeat and humiliation, both of them
to be followed by an open breach OF the promises
held out in wartime to the rustcs, was an opera
ton too dangerous even for Car TO venture
upon.
It appears doubtful whether Nicholas himself,
with or without the Oriental war, would have been
able any longer to shift of the question. Alexander
H., at all events, was not sO but he supposed, nor
was the suppositon quite gratuitous that the
nobes all of whom were accustomed to submit,
would not recoil at his orders, and would even
consider il d mark Of honor 10 be allowed, through
the fundamentally of their several committees, to
act part in this great drama. These calculations,
however. have proved false. On the other hand,
the peasantry, with exaggerated notions even Of
what the Car intended doing for them, have
grown mpatientat the slow ways of their seigneurs.
The ncendsry fires breaking ont in several
provinces are signals Of distress not to be misunder
stood. 1t is further known that in Great Russia, as
asin the provinces formerly belonging to Poland,
riots have taken place, accompanied by terrible
scenes, in consequence OF which the nobility have
emigrated from the country to the towns, where,
under the protection Of walls and garrisons, they
can bid defiance to their ncensed slaves. Under
these circumstances, Alexander III. has seen proper
in this state of things to conyoke something like
an assembly of notables. What if his convocation
should form new startlng-point in Russian his
own political emancipation as condition premin-
airy to any concession to be made 10 the Car with
respect to the emancipation of their serfs'
80 IL, D.. -