The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-11-18
Is reprsduetion the area Of ! vast co,

anu re-enIOfceu 10y IrOHl
/ Great Britain, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden,
Norway, and Spanish America.
| Division is apparent in their counsels, and if
| there be ultra and vile men among them, their
action is rendered nugatory and harmless by
| the dissent and resistance of conservative and
| moderate men. Thus you see the threats and
| menaces of disunlon In that quarter have died
away; and that henceforth we might expect for
bearance, liberation, and patriotism, on the part
Of the shareholders, if they were left free to act
for themselves. 1t is natural that it should be
SO. Shareholders are a property holding class.
Interest persuades them to moderation. Left
to themselves, they would not even be partl-
san or political class. Seeking quiet and look
ing for safety to public repose and tranquility,
they would be inactive, as all property classes
usually are. But new force has interviewed in
their behalf The interested and superseryice-
able tenders of assistance and aid call them
and stir them up to new efforts to sustain de-
clining cause and make it triumphant.
This new force is that portion of the Demo
cratic party which is found within the free
States. The Shareholders were content with
their great acquisitions secured by the Com
promise of 1850. But for the foreign ,interven-
ton of which / have spoken, they would have
submitted to the organization Of new free
States within that part of the ancient Territory
Of Louisiana covered by the Missouri Compro-
mise prohibition of 1920.
But the Democratic party of the free States
reused them from their sleep, and offered them
and forced upon their acceptance, whether they
would n not the great boon of the abrogation
of that prohibition, and the establishment of a
new slave State in the Territory of Kansas. 1t
was not within the capacity for sefdenal of the
shareholders to- refuse such boon. They ac-
cepted it with hesitation and reluctance at the
hands of their Northern allies Thenceforth
the way of the battle between the slave States
and the free States became entirely changed.
Thenceforth the war was between the repre-
sentatives of Freedom inqthe free States, and
the interested allies and supporters of Slavery
in the free States. SO when the people of
Kansas, after a memorable struggle, marked
with the atrocities and many of the sutferings
of civil war, year ago threw off the Missouri
usurpaton, and Enthusiastically pronounced for
Freedom and a free State, the shareholders
practically Withdrew from the contest. But
James Buchanan, the newly elected Free-State
President Of the United States, interposed, and,
his first administrative act, procured from
the Supreme Court of the United States de-
cree prOnOunclng slaveholding to be a normal
condition of all the Territories of the United
States, whatever might be the temper and dis
position of the people inhabiting those Terri
tories, and encouraged the shareholders through
the action of the Lecompton Constitution, TO
insist upon maintaining Slavery in Kansas, in
defiance of the popular will.
1t then became still more apparent that re-
tainers of Slavery in the free States, and not
the Shareholders themselves. constituted the
party with whom the friends of Freedom hence
forth were TO contend. This new and unex-
pected state of things, though strange, is never
theless not without precedent and analogies
The same thing was seen in the war of the
Revolution The British King and Parliament
asserted their jurisdiction over the Colonies in
matters OF domestic concern in good faith, and
asserted their supremacy by open war. But
when, after the battle of Saratoga it became
apparent that those pl'etensions could not sue
cessluly be maintained, they wisely proposed
retreat concliIatIOn, and compromise. They
were not allowed to do so. They had enlisted bv
that time IN their service a band Of lOvaIists
within the Colonies who, in case of the success
of the patriots, must be abandoned to the mercy
Of the yictors. Their Interested appeals to the
faith OF the British Government hindered and
delayed ior a long period the acknowledgment
OF American Independence.
The case of these retainers of Slavery also
finds a parallel in that of the Swiss mercenary
soldiers of fortune, who constitute always the
bodyguard OF despots in Europe. The retain
ers of Slavery in the free States abuse the Gre
dulity ofthe SHAREHOLDERS, byevermore promising
them easy triumphs over the resistance which
they encounter.
Let 1t be understood, then, hcnceforth. that
our contest is not with the Shareholders, but with
the abepors and retainers of Slavery among
ourselves. Let us constitute ourselves into com
mittees Of vigilance, and detect and expose
these retainers to condign punishment. We
shall have no difficulty in finding them. When
ever we see a citizen of free State obtaining
recommendations 10 the President of the United
States for Cabinet place or a foreign mission,
let us be assured we have found one who is a
chief in this conspiracy. There is one or more
of such in every post office, and from five to a
hundred or a thousand lurking concealed in
every custOnl- house. Seize them, and bring
them to exposure in open day. You see at once
that they are insignificant in numbers. They
constitute an nconsiderable and insignificant
portion of the population of the free States
one perhaps, out of three or five or ten in the
several districts of Oneida county Stunning the
public gaze Of an honest and interrupted peo-
pie, they congregate chiefly in our large towns
and cities, and are there actively engaged.
though unseen, in battling and defeating the eff
forts of treemen to reverse the action of the
Federal Government. You see at once that they
are within our reach and within our power
What shall be done with them? Our fathers
dealt summary with their prototypes. They
confscated their estates, and sent them with
letters commending them to the protection and
favor of the British Government which they had
faithfully served. What do YOU say. fellow
citizens, in the present case? Shall we send
the retainers of Slavery whom we detect among
ourselves to the slave States, commencing them
severally to their patrons for a plantation with
an adequate number of slaves | see at once
that this would not do Such an occupation
would require industry and labor, which are not
within their line. Wealth and fortune are ac-
quired with difficulty in slave States, and with
the employment of slaves. These retainers Of
Slavery pursue their political avOcations be
cause they are either unwilling or unable to sus
tam themselves by industry in free States They
would perish in slave States.
That vocation, however, is likely to come to a
speedy end. 1t is manifest they must seek a
new field i'll which to pursue it. There are three
other great Slavehoding nations, in each of
which the agitation for the removal of Slavery
is just begun. One of these is Brazil The DEM
ocratc retainers of Slavery in our midst would
lind a held for their accustomed employment in
that Empire. Doubtless, they will be able to
discover that the Union existing there is endan-
gered. They might secure places and pensions
for saving it from speedy dissolution.
The agitation of Slavery has begun in Rus
STA, at the instance of the Emperor. If our
Democratic retainers Of Slavery could be land
ed IN the ports of the White Sea- thew might
render useful service in that Empire Iftheir
services should be rejected by the SHAREHOLDERS
OF Russia, there still remains open to them a
held for useful and active duty in Turkey,
where dangerous agitation of Slavery is al
ready begun Liberal rewards will doubtless
he offered to a band of men whobn long ex-
nerience has nnnEE..d e - q II