Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1858-09-25
The Contest in Illinois,


The Contest in Illinois.
The contest in Illinois between Douglas and Lin
con for the SenatorshiP in Congress, continues to
enlist much attention in the other States. They are
both able men, but Judge Douglas is confesscdly the
superior Intellectually of Lincoln or of any other
man in Illinois. Lincoln advocates negro equality,
denounces the Supreme Court and the bred Scott
decision in emphatic terms takes ground against the
Kansas Nebraska act and maintains the right of
Congress to abolish slavery in the Territories and
holds in addition to this that the free and slave
States are antagonistca in interest," and that the alb
clifton crusade must 60 on until slavery is extirpated
not only in the Territories but in the States Judge
Douglas opposes negro equality, sustains the su-
preme Court in decisions upon points properly in
yoIveG, but holds that under the Kansas, Nebraska
act the people of a Territory have the right before
they assemble in Convention, by "unfriendly egis-
lation to exclude slavery, and this in the face Of
the bred Scott decision, which secures to the slave
holder, under this recent and most important inter-
probation Of the Constitution, the right to carry his
slaves to the common Territories and to be protect
ed in his ownership of this species of property. He
thus practically ignores the bred Scott decision and
at the same time gives new Interpretation, and one
certainly not heretofore advanced by him in his
speeches in Congress, to the principle of socalled
popular sovereignty" He also maintains that our
institutions must continue to spread and that new
States formed and apply for admission, the ques
ton of slavery slavery shall not be determined
by Congress, but by the people of the Territories,
voting in every at the ballot-box their Con-
stitutons. If the people are for slavery. he says,
they will protect it by Territorial legislation if
against it, they will exclude it by unfriendy leg
islation." Judge Douglas also characterizes the Le
compton Constitution, which received the sanction
Of the President and the approval of nineteen TWEEN
tieths of the Democratic party in Congress, as
"monstrous fraud )" and he thanks those black Re
publcans and Know Nothings in that body who sus-
tanned him in his attacks on that Constitution and
the manner in which it was formed.
The doctrine thus recently advanced by Judge
Douglass that the people of Territory before they
sovereignty, have the right, by unfriendly
legislation" to exclude prohibit slavery never
receive the sanction of the Southern Democracy,
nor, We believe, Of the national Democracy. Con-
gress itself possesses power by any kind of legis
aton whether direct or indirect, to prohibit slave
y in the Territories; and possessing such power
it can delegate such power to Territorial Legs
ature. No power less than sovereign can establish
or abolish property. A Territorial Legislature is
not sovereign. Failing in its duty to protect slavery,
the aid of the Supreme Court would be invoked and
protection would be extended by the national arm.
The doctrine of the celebrated Nicholson letter is,
not that the people Of Territory may indirectly
abolish slavery-far from it, but that slavery, like
other domestic relations, husband and wife, pa
rent and child, must be "reguLated." That is the
word. To regulate" means to rule-to adopt
measures for controlling and preserving, and not for
destroying Gen. Cass never held, an6 does not
now hold this doctrine Of Judge Douglas placed,
and no doubt still places the institution of slavery
on the same ground with the other domestic rela-
IONS; and he would as soon think of abolishing one
as the Other for the plain that the Constitu-
uon confers no power on Congress or on the Terrific
rial Legislatures to abolish either. We have always
understood the doctrine of popular sovereignty"
as embodied in the Kansas Nebraska act, to mean,
mat shareholders and vehclders are privileged
10 remove to the common Territories with any and
all kinds of property, which is recognized by the
laws Of the respective States, or recognized and
guaranteed by the federal Constitution that they
are entitled, on this common GROUND, belonging not
more to State than to another, to the full and
unrestricted enjoyment of such property, until such
Time as the people assemble in Convention and frame
their Constitution; and that then, the people hav-
ing met in their sovereign capacity. have the right
10 declare, for themselves and in their own way,
"hat Institutions they will have-or, in other words
whether they will have African slavery not. If
~ev being thus sovereign determine to have slave
fy' 1t is we'll; if not, it is we'll and in neither case
Gan Congress inquire, object, or intervene Nor can
congress say to this people that their Constitution
"'s not been adopted in proper way, and that a
ne" Constitution must be formed, the right to adopt
" and the assumption of sovereignty having carried
WIN them the most penary authority as to the man
ner of adoption
NO one regrets more than we do the course OF
0uuse Douglas, or the division in the party in ILL
'os which his course is producing He has long
0een favonte with the Democracy of the State and
possessed until recently strong hold upon their aec
'0ns' Would that he had remained the Democra,
Ut was in 1s4s, when his powerfuIsyoice so reused
a'o cheered our Democracy in their State Conven.
'.'n or the Democrat he was in 1854, when almost
sng'e-handed he dashed the black Republican blood.
hounds of the Senate to their dens. We regret and
uepore his course, but we could not depart one
na'f s-breadth from the old Democratic path if ,
thousand Douglases we're in the field inviting to dis
organization and disloyalty. We have already
'uahked him for the numerous and formidable blow,
'n,ch he has struck for the South, and for the abb
H"u vehement manner in which he exposed Know
-'0'hng'sm; hut when he takes ground, from what
ever motive under the influence of whatever feel