The Washington union., 1858-03-27
ENGLAND.--INDIA, CHINA. AND AMERICA

The programme of the new British government as
we presented day two ago exhibits, what may be
termed one remarkable feature at least. The great
economical questions, which have 80 long agtated
the kingdom, seem to have entirely passed away.
Restrictions upon commerce and navigation the en-
largement of the elective franchise and in fact al
most every other strictly domestic affair, are no
longer the subjects of parliamentary discussion But
the policy of England in the East-India and China
is to be strictly maintained. In connexion with this
subject it may be well to refer to the course OF her
Majestys government, for the last thrtyive years,
on this side of the water, and its effects upon the
politics of the United States.
The celebrated emancipation act of England, we
believe became a law of that kingdom in 1884 IL
inaugurated new and startling colonial policy
one which can hardly be said to apply to the East
and the West alike Perhaps the people OF England
regarded this continent set apart to freedom-as
devoted to the great experiment of free government
II is certain at all events, that emancipation in the
West sounds queerly beside the collection of one
hundred and fifty millions of dollars yearly in the
East But we are by means ready to condemn
the India policy of the British government. We have
pale Of civilization, and be made to feel and exercise
its great weapons and if not their snbjugation is
a mere matter of time. But do not discuss
the questions involved in the conquest and gov
ernment of India we alude to these things
historical facts surviving emancipation in the West
Indies, and justly explaining the real policy
of our transatlantic relatives and friends. 1t is
not unreasonable, we conceive, to attribute the
passage of the act of 1894 to few fanatics Of
England who desired to kindle in the American mind
hostility to slavery and thus the seeds of anag
onism between the northern and southern members
of the Union. BE this it may, we find that the
grand scheme of West India emancipation was fol
flowed Immediately in this country, by the organiza-
ton Of antisavery societies, and little later IN the
natural progress of the work. by the sectional party
which now contests the right to control the admnis
tration of tho federal government. 1t has driven
from the field that old, tme-honored and national
organization in which Mr.. Clay, Mr.. Webster, Mr..
Everett and other eminent men, chiefs. 1t has
prosttutcd northern opinion, and arrayed it in pow
ernl strength against the constitution and the laws
1t has raised up standard of morals, the enforce
ment of which is inconsistent with the rights of the
States, and the triumph ofwhch will overturn every
guarantee of the national government.
Meanwhile, public sentiment, on the other side OF
the water, is undergoing rapid change. The act of
1894 is conceded to have been radical and mon
strous failure 1t has worked nothing but injury to
the white and the black races AS a measure of phi
lanthropy, tested by its fruits, it has produced
nothing but oppression, degradation, aud suffering
1t has converted industry and wealth into soth pow
erty and crime These the practical ends Of eau
cpation in the British colonies. England, however,
is the rival Of America. Her colonial sacrifices have
produced in this country political results far more
agreeable to fanaticsn everywhere The act of elnai
cipation received by portion of our people as
token of universal benevolence, to be followed by
universal liberty throughout the world.
This reflection upon the origin of the sectional or
ganization in this country ought to be fruitful in sug
gestions to every wellwsher of the federal govern
ment 1t is feature of national life that the expe-
rience of one people is seldom received and acted
upon by another in season to be available and use
full The tide of public sentiment in England, in re-
ation to the destiny Of the negro race, is fast ebLng
to its wonted equilibrium. The conviction is be-
coming more and more apparent every day, of the
impossbility of maintaining two unequal races
coequal inhabitants of the country. The infe-
rior can exist only under individual protection. The
certain decline Of the Indians, sustained and main
taincd by federal means IS conclusive evidence Of
this great and important law of population and labor
We treat the matter an inevitable law, and not
an experiment We leave the question of slavery
then in the hands of true benevoence to those who
will treat it it must be treated in order to pre-
serve the two races from unnecessary injury.
We allude to these events Of our history, inter
estng historical facts, explaining, to extent the
errors into which men have been lcd--perhaps with
the best of motvesn reference to their application
to our politics. "Thc question Of slavery" is alto
gether local in its nature. 1t belongs exclusively TO
the States In it's application to the Territories,
while it has been agency Of excitement, it seems
clear that the power after al which is to control it,,
is the people, who in the present and future, make
up the inhabitants thereof If this be true in point OF
fact-and it involves the principle of the KansasNe
braska bill--then it follows that the controversy
which has been thrust upon the country for the last
four years, is without and without the least
justification.
The RAeIyG ToRRESr,-Thc chairman of the Com
mittee of the Whole of the House of Representatives