Weekly American. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1858-1858, 1858-05-29
MIR. CRITTENDEN'S
REJOINDER TO MIR. TOOMBS.

Mr.. CRITTENDEN. purpose to occupy few
moments to correct a mistake which believe is
rendered necessary by the remarks Of my friend
from Georgia | have listened to him with great
pleasure, and have cause to thank him for much
| that he has said.
knew, sir, that Mr.. Clay was not the author of
| the Missouri compromise | knew that he did not
| draw the bill but knew from his own declara-
tions in conversation, and in his speeches that he
| did approve and concur in its passage. He gave
| it his sanction. He thought there was nothing
unconstitutional in it. / have been brought up
in the opinion that it not only constitutional hut
one of the most beneficial acts that had ever been
passed by Congress. It produced you, sir, reve.
! npe of peace and goodwill among the people of
| the United States, and that is above all price,
Whatever sanction it may have failed to derive
from the names OF the great men who PASSED it, it
| has received abundantly ON the people of the
| United States who, for the thirty odd years that
| it remained on our statute book, gave j. their ap.
proyai and support. During all that period il gave
peace to the country. 1t was for that l valued it.
hailed that compromise when it was first made.
have cherished it ever since. IL had become
fixed in my mind, as part and parcel of our polti-
cal system. | regarded Mr.. Clay, as did the whole
country, as entitled to the credit of that great
| measure And it was for this that his countrymen
| conferred upon him the proudest and the nobest
Of his titles--the pacifcatorsof his country.
Sir, have not been ables to cast away these
| Impressions / admit the SupremeCourt to be
| the great arbiter, as the gentleman asselt', and
while differ from 1t, do not the less admit its
constitution al and supreme power IN all the matters
that come within its jurisdiction, and l am not
wanting In confidence and respect for it. But yet
we cannot always yield up our long-settled convic-
tions, even to the authority of that high tribunal
| find myself now in that condition, and must be
permitted to retain the opinion long established in
my mind, that the Missouri compromise was con-
stitutional act.
NV friend Mr.. TooMDs] has said that some gen.
tlemen seemed disposed to give no confidence
whatever TO the action of any of the Territorial
Legislatures of Kansas until they fell into the
hands of the Black Republicans. Certainly he
cannot intend such an inputation for me? Mr..
TooMBs sign6ed by shake of the head that he did
not regard it merely "a the Legislature Of the
Territory-the actual Legislature How its mem
| bers may be divided in politics. do not know; nor
| do care; nor was it at all material Tor my pur-
pose 1t is enough for me that it is the Legislature
of the Territory, and that il appointed to be
taken upon this constitution on the 4th of January
The vote was taken, and the result was reported
! to us. have heard nothing to impeach that vote
nor any single fact alleged against it. The result
of it was a majority Of ten thousand against the
constitution. Certainly those ten thousand have
| at least as good right to be claimed against it
! the six thousand returned as having voted on the
2lst of December, have to be counted in favor of
| it. That was my object. II was to show that
| there was a majority against this instrument, and
| assuming all this action to be equally legitimate,
| the members of the convention had no more right
| to order vote to be taken by the people on any
part of the constitution than the Territorial Leg
| slature had to order all election TO be taken
| on the whole constitution. Both proceeded
from organized recognised bodies, one the Legis
' lature the other the convention. When, there
| fore the common appeal Is made to US, and the
constitution is brought before us it seems to me
| that We ought equally 10 take into consideration
both these facts. Furthermore, | adverted to the
evidence going to show that from the six thousand
| in favor OF the constitution there many spu
rious and fraudulent votes to be deducted.
| Mr.. President, / acknowledge that forms arc not
only useful, but, in many cases, necessary. agree
that If at an election two thirds Of the people stay
away from mere apathy or negligence, the votes Of
| those who do act, and do vote must be effectua,
and must control ! agree, also, that the return
| is necessary form, and that the revision Of that
return is subject only to the particular authority
appointed for it. and when that IL done, there is
e I'd of the case-because there is no further tri-
bunal TO which an appeal can be taken but sup
posed and argued that when this constitution was
presented before us, the supreme power called
upon now to recognize the validity of these acts
! called upon to recognize what was the will OF the
people, in re pect to them, We have right to look
TO all the evidence, ns well TO that which is fur
nished in form as to that which impeachcs it for
fraud.
| have spoken on these conclusions, and shall
| act on them in voting against the acceptance Of
this Lecompton constitution. Ny fisnd, Mr..
| TooMBsl have no doubt in perfect sincerity,
regrets that my conclusions have forced me TO
this course but have followed my convictions,
and mean to do my duty as understand H. /
confess it is painful to me to differ with such a
friend on any occasion so important as the present
| Mr.. President, avn not wanting, | think, in
those feelings Of our nature which connect with
our neighbors. Although we have common coun-
try to look to, and ought to have common patriot.
ism which would embrace the whole, our natural af
fections and our natural feelnTs bind close
| ly to those with whom we more Immediately as
sociated to whom we are more nearly assmilated in
manners customs, and netitutions-aye, peculiar
institute ms. am not wanting in those sympathes :;
but what is my duty as one belonging TO particu.
lar section, by his nativity, and by his residence
what is my duty when great question Of this sort
comes upS What Is my duty to those ncighbors,
to whom by natural sympathics and affections am
most boundS lsit not my duty in this house Of our
common councils to give the best counsel and ad
vice can or am TO inquire whether this Is 10 be
regarded as n sectional question, and follow what
ever course is indcl ted by majority of its sec
tional members? is il not rather my duty to NV
friends to give them the best counsel canp want
TO see the South always right How am to &C.
complish thatS BY advising always what my best
judgment thinks is right, and endeavoring to pre-
vail upon her TO take that course. Is not that my
duty? Is not that my duty to my common coun-
try, and more especially is il not my duty to tn
with whom circumstances more nearly connect me? I?
have done that | should have been gratfed il
the South had taken the same view Of this subject
hat have. | am she would have lost moth
ing by il. I &c question Of slavery is not in the
case. | think there Il not one gentleman here who
enertans the hope that Kansas can ever be really
slave State If il be made so, IL will continue
only for a moment little feverish moment, filed
up with strif, and angry controversy. No gentle
man here believes it will really and permanently be
a slave State. There is nothing then to be gained
by the South, as rcga' the subject. The element
Of slavery is only thrown in for the purpose Of
arousing feeling tho one side or the other. 1t
is no real element in the question before us, be-
cause no man has any hope that Kansas will be
a slave State. We learn that from every source.
The hope of it was dsclaimed before the Kansas
Nebraska bill was passed that view is now turned
into conviction by all that has occurred since, and
there is nobody who deceives himself so much, or
would deceive the South so much as to tell her