Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1858-05-06

sion and wrangling and, the reconsideration off
the vote postponng the Kansas matters to the I'd
Monday in May, occurred in Congress up to the
30th.
April 80.
SENETE.-The report of the Conference Com
mittee on Kansas was taken up.
Mr.. Broderick of California said, after the
MATES had been ably discussed he would not
make heightened speech. He would vote
against the Conference bill for several reasons,
the most potent of which was that Kansas
could not come into the Union as free State
during the continuance of the present admin
istration. Kansas has but IA population Of 49,
600 now, and if she does not swallow Locomp-
ton, she must wait five or six years for all the
requisite population to entitlc her to represen-
tation. The origina. bill was less Objectionable
to him than this Conference substitute.
Mr.. Doolittle of Wisconsin read from the
Secretary of Gov. Geary's history of Kansas, to
show in reply to Mr.. Pugh yesterday that the
population had diminished from the deeds of
violence committed
Mr.. Pugh of Ohio replied after which
MIR. Seward took the floor, saying the debate
had manifestly lost in interest, although the
question was approaching yet undetermined
conclusion. This decay of interest is partly ac-
counted for by the great length of the past dis
cussion; but something, too, is owing to the
change ofsubject matter left for debate Com
mencod on the principles of State sovereignty,
it has gone into conference, and comes out an
artiLce, a trick, and Legislative legerdemain.
Both ends of the Capitol were engaged to-day
in attempting to take to pieces and put together
this legislative puzzle. He had little talent and
no taste for such legislation. He illustrated his
position by reference to perpetual motion
machine, an automaton chess-player, which
like the Conference project, was COTTON up~for
the purpose of not being explained by one side
to the other.
He objected to the Conference report, because
it presented a false issue to the people. The
true question at issue is the submission of the
Constitution directto the people. hequestion
OF public lands has nothing to do with that, in
asmuch as lands are the dowry of all new States
The land question does not occupy one line of
the 1900 quarto pages of the Kansas debate. 1t
is, therefore, feigned issue, James jackson
and John Stiles issue of the old black-lette
lawyers. He (Seward) although of good-natur-
ed and kindly disposition, felt like the chivalric
Virginian who wanted to challenge james Jack
son, who was always disturbing and exciting his
neighbors. Besides, the question of numbers
is equally new, dating only from the Confer
ence, viz: that Kansas has population enough
for slave State, and just half enough for a free
State.
He cared not for numbers, were they ten hun
dred, or ten hundred thousand or, if they even
reached the population of China, he would not
aid by one vote her admission as II slave State.
AS to his estimate, formerly made of her grow
ing population, he predicated it on the fact of
being free State He never promised rapid
progress for her as a slave State. He never was
so young when he first saw Desdemona, the gem
tie daughter Of the Senator of Venice married
to the Moor in the first act, as not to know
that discord would follow in the second, and
death and desoation in the last Further, he
OBJECTED to the bill because it bears cquiyoca-
ton onits face. Itpurports to be submission
of her dowry, but it submits the Lecompton
Constitution, and it 50 regarded by the Dem.
ocratic press.
He quoted from New Hampshire paper tc
that effect, and said in this he found a parade,
as irreconciable as the free will and fate which
50 puzzled theologicians Here he read from
Mr.. Cox's (of Ohio) speech, that the sense O
the people was to be taken on the Lecomptor
Constitution. Although it was not drectl,
submitted, it is like voting by black and whit,
balls in Masonic lodges without saving ANYTHING
about the candidate who is waiting admission
NoState but Ohio could have got, at the out
set, so lucid an explanation. Thus indirect
ness and equivocation are on the bill, and double
entendres in legislation are an immortality
Moreover, if you make slave barrier acros
this latitude of 49, you interpose a barrier t.
progressmore insurmountable than the Rock,
Mountains or the Sierra Nevada. 1t amuse
him when he heard patriotic men talking of re
moving the Capitol. If you confne SLAYER
within its Legitimate limits, the Capital of tbi
nation may remain, and be the Capital of a,
Empire that may grasp the Pole and the Eoua
; tor. No such destiny awaits if YOU soperate
by slave barrier, the Atlantic free States fror
the Pacific free States. Further. this bill
. nothing but Lecompton, witha variation. Yo
: toss coin, and bid Kansas cry-Eagle or lii
= crty. If she says Eagle, you give her slavery
q if the efigy of Liberty, you give her SLAYER
still.
What thinks the Senator from Pennsvlvan;,
representing the first free State the Sonotr
!, from Rhode Island? the Senator from Iowa
: the Senator from California, whose State w,
saved from slavery by effort other than his ? an
, the Senators from lndiana?-but they have al
I other question to settle with their people ,
d home What answer will they give to this pr
i iposal, which leaves only the semblance and n,
\. the choice of liberty? A friend here asks VIII,
!, will the people Of New Jersey say? He cou
/ himself answer, because the blood of the m,
who hazarded their lives and means for her Ii
70 erty flowed through his veins He knows IL
~ Blue Hills of New Jersey, and will answ
:, that the votes here given for Lecompton will
* her last slave votes given for the next t.
} years.