The Feliciana Democrat., 1858-02-20
THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY.

be counted upon by either side, We think are equally
apparent. The Democratic members certainly have
II in their power to bear down oil opposition on the
part of the Black Republicans. and to admit Kansas
into the Union without farther parlcy or agitation II
they think proper to do so. But in their disagree
mens and division, rest the strength and the hopes
of the Stewards and lIales and Giddings and Crows.
While the ranks of the enemy are closed, our own
forces are far from presenting compact column in
their battle array. The contest has been brought at
last to the halls of Congress. The battle has begun
again in earnest there. And the spectacle exhibited
is that Of unity concert and confidence on the weaker
side, and dissension aud doubt on the stronger. a
Democratic President calls upon Democratic Con
grcss to sustain him, and that. too, upon the main
point of policy, with reference to which he cc
waited to Office. And with majority in both BRAN
chcs in the House Of Representatives well as in
the Scnateit is exceedingly doubtful, we apprehcnd
that the Administration will be sustained by the ad
mission of Kansas with the Lecomptqn Constitution
To what end, we would ask, was the battle fought If
the defeated foe is allowed To bear OIL the spos from
the field! For what good was the victory won. If
the yanqushcd party is permitted TO appropriate the
prize for which the war was wagcd? The great issue
in the Frccmont and Buchanan campaign. the
principle proclaimed In the NcbIaskakansas act JILL
the right of the people of the territories to frame and
adopt their domestic institutions in their own way.
free from congressional intervention. And every
man in the nation knows that the NcbraskaKasas
net had especial and peculiar reference to the instu
tion Of slavery alone 1t was originated and passed
by Congress for the express purpose Of repeating
unequal unjust and unconstitutional act which thea
tln. a.,
the right TO exclude slavery from the Territories and
illustrating the concession by simultaneous enforce
ment of this absolute authority.
The Missouri Compromise line. frghtfuy attcstcd
the encroachmcnts and usurpations of the Federal
Government. Through it Congress said to the South
people, .'thus far shalt thou go, but farther"
1t disrcgarded the rights Of property. denied the
sovereignty and equality of the States ovealeaped
the Constitution and perverted the spirit Of govern
ment But did the Missouri restriction effect any
other institution than that Of slavery: Was it not
enacted for the single purpose of crcumscribng
slavery! Did 1t pretend to claim for Congress the
right to present barrier against the Introduction OF
any other institution into the territories? Assurcdly
not and when this Missouri restriction repealed
by the Nebraska-kansas act; when this legislative
wall, erected to prevent the extension Of slavery
beyond it, was broken down when the authority as
sumcd by Congress in 1920 was denied and discaim.
ed by Congress in 1885, was it contemplated by those
who effected the repeal or was it understood by the
country that it amounted to anything more than an
acknowledgment OF error, aud q restoration of the
Institution Of sllrery to its constitutional equality with
all other domestic institutions in the Territories 2?
The NcbraskaKansas act rc-anirmed the principle of
mn liar and lnd fho
promise The principle of popular sovereignty was
no. violated or denied by the Missouri compromise,
except regard 10 its application to slavery in the Terrific
res lying north Of certain line Of latitude. l. it then
reasonable to suppose that the repeating law de-
signed do more than nyalidae that with reference
to which il was enacted? II seems to US not. The
question: in its several relations to constitutional law
alone--and we should look no further now-is mar
rowcd to this: Is the LecOmpton Constitution with
its slavery clause, the result in whole in part of
the influence of the Federal Government either d.
rectly indirectly? If So then the Nebraska
sas act has been violated. But, the ohor hand, if
this Constitution has been formed by the rightfu re-
presentativcs of the people Of Kansas, chosen for
that purpose and the provision in favor of slavery
has been accepted by the people at an opcn fair and
free election, Congress has not interfcrcd the Mis-
souri, Compromise has not been applied the Nebras-
ka act has been carried OUT and Kansas should be
Immediately admitted into the Union. That the
Federal Government has intervened we believe, is
not now contendcd by any party any faction
Ttat the Lccompton Constitution was framed by II
Convention legimatcly elected and organized for
that purpose, is admitted 1t remains then, only TO
ascertain If the provision in favor of slavery
ccpcd by II fair and free vote of the people. Let us
see.
The other provisions in the Constitution were not
submitted for when the people we're called upon to
vote "for the Constitution without slavery" "ior
the Constitution with slavery" as far as all other
clauses than that relating to slavery were concerned
it was an opposite illustration of the familiar
dotc of the white man and the Indian, the former
saying to the latter, you may take the rabbit and
will take the turkey, or will take the turkey you
may take the rabbit" The Indian said his white
brother did not say turkey to him once. As so with
the people of Kansas aud the Constitution. II was
not allowed to them TO vote against il, but for it all
the time whether they liked it or not But on the
slavery clause they werecaled upon to vote they
thought proper, either against or in favor of it, Ii
il trc thew were Obliged To vote for the