The Washington union. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1857-1859, 1858-01-01
DEBATE IN THE SENATE.
THE PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
CONTINUED IRON YEsrERDAr.
TUESDAY, DEckxHKR 22, 1857.

]
TUESDAY DEcExBER e. 1857.
| Hon. q n. FITCH having concluded his remarks the
debate the Kansas question continued follows
| Mr.. DOUGLAS Mr. President, l ask pardon of the
senator from Michigan for occupying few moments OF
the time properly belonging him regret that the
senator from Indiana spoke by the courtesy OF the senator
nom Michigan he should have deemed it necessary to
say anything that demanded reply from me at the
pense Of the senator who is entitled to the floor. un-
dersand the senator argument to rest upon the popo
stion which he argues some length that the object
the only object of that portion OF the Kansas Nebraska
bill which repealed the Missouri restriction place
the slavery question the footing with each and
every other local and domestic question had been done
from the beginning of the government do not msun-
! derstand him on that point &
Mr. FITCH No, sir.
| Mr.. DOUGLAS | glad 10 find that the very
basis of his argument he and agree 1t the object
OF repeating the Missouri compromise to put the slavery
question the footing with each and every other
domestic question in the Territories and States that
k leave the opls perfectly free to form and regulate
all their domestic institutions slavery included to suit
themselves On this point however, he differs with the
President of the United States for the President tells
that the object to make slavery exception and
submit that by ITSELF but not submit the other questions
sorry to the senator taking issue with the
President of the United States upon question of that
kind and at the time, arraigning me for having
done the thing The whole head and front OF my
offending consists in the fact that dssented from that
part of the Presidents message which declared that the
slavery question was exception and argued to prove
that the object OF the -NebaSka Dill
cude that exception and put the slavery question on the
footing with every other question which was local
and not national State and not federal The senator
from Indiana agrees with me that the President was
wrong in that part of his message, and that right
There avoiding this conclusion. He repeated the
proposition dozen times in the OF his speech
glad to find that he and agree thus far. hope he
will not consider that he is outside the pale OF healthy
organization that he is abandoning the President, and
engaging in ambitious scheme to break down the ad
mnstraon because he differs with the President the
same point that do.
He says have come out in favor of a general rule,
novel in the history of the government, that hereafter
every constitution formed by State coming into the
Union must be submitted to the people before it is sent
here. The senator argues against the general rulo
being novel and revolutionary principle, which ought
to be fastened the country at this day Has he read
the Presidents message on that point? In the message
the President of the United States tells that the
Pile of the Minnesota BILL in requiring the constitution to
be submitted to the people, is noble example, and
should be followed in all hereafter to arise The
senator arragnng the general rule of the President in
regard to the submission of constitutions to the people for
ratification stand with the President in behalf Of that
general rule.
little ct loss to upon what ground it is that
the senator utters vague nnuendoes about putting
themselves in fctious position towards the party dvi-
ding and distacng its councils to such extent that
they ought to be considered outside of the party He
differs with the President two points on one. The
President says the slavery question is treated by the
Kansas Nebraska bill exception. The senator says
thst by that bill and by the Cincinnati platform the
slavery question put the footing with all other
questions, without any exception On that point as
have said, the senator from Indiana and myself agree,
both differing from the President. He differs from the
President in regard to the general rule that the constu
ton ought to be submitted to the people On that point
agree with the President If to differ from the Presi-
dent is faction then the senator has Just double the
amount of faction in his position that have in mine
Then what the issue between the senator from In
diana and myself? Agreeing that the object of the Kan
Nebasa bill to place the slavery question on an
tons and leave the people free to decide the whole he
takes the ground that he will not submit those questions
the people, and take the ground that they should be
submitted to the people That is the simple point OF diff
e.-" On that point the reasoning of the President is
WIN me ,or h. avs that by the terms OF the Nebraska
bill was incumbent urc the democratic party insist
that the slavery question should be to the pe-
pie for their decision and if the senator from ai..a be
right in saying that by tho Nebraska bill the slavery
question put the footing with all others,
then he agrees with the President he arms that the
whole constitution should be submitted to the people for
their ratification
Thus find the gentleman in conflict with the Presi-
dnt Of tho United States at all points, and in conflict
with the President upon the very recommendations he
makes In regard to the Territories which about to be-
States to wit the general rule of submission The
senator from Indiana will not claim, like the senator from
Pennsylvania, that he has other sources of inorma
ton than the message. He will not claim that there
of information which authorize him 10 deny
the propositions laid down in the message If he will,
should like to know who is the friend and who is the
| my of the President of the United States!
The senator from Indiana cannot maintain his position
without rebeng against large portion Of the message
the Kansas question. But hold that he has right
to differ from the President God forbid that should
ever surrender my right differ President OF the
United States of my choice have not become the
mere serve tool of any President so that bound
take every recommendation he Makes without examn-
ing and asceranng whether it meets the approval Of
Judgment not know that the President would not
respect f should thus receive dicm from any
thority contrary to my Judgment
Again. yesterday, tried to ascertain IL there any
senator this floor who prepared to yield obc
dence to the President recommendations in his message
without exception instanced the Pacific railroad, the
bankrupt law the tariff and many other questions, and
/ could not get response from any man who en-
dorses the whole, is prepared to carry it out. All
other men are permitted dissent but me 1t is ctious
in me to dissent Ii dissent it disturbs the harmony
of the democratic party tell the senator that if he
will stand faithfully by the Cincinnati platform, which
affirmed the right of the people TO decide all their local
and domestic institutions for themselves there will be
harmony between him and me; and If each member of
the party will stand by that platform there will be har
mony in the whole party Why not stand theref oh, 1t
is fnctous 1t is ntmatcd not charged, that there rs
something fearful something terrible, in this thing of
daring To be true and faithful to his principles,
when other men do not desire that he should be.
Allusions made to whose names are known
| to Burr and Van Buren-as If they from
that would read out Of the democratic party should
like those who araignng my course here TO compare
records with In my devotion and service to the party
for the fourteen years that have been in Congress The
assumption is that / will not bow the knee to power,
when that power itself does not recommend it, and the in
sinuatiOn ia that am facous Sir call il faction call