The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-12-16

s6ed with the Republican Party, as it is. 1t
was not an accidental growth not the offspring
of visionary schemer; not cut out according
to the theorem of a self-complaeent philosopher
Causes inherent in the fundamental relations
and interests of the country called it into being
large majority of the Free States immediately
planted themselves under its banners and from
that time its power has been growing, while the
causes which evoked it are as operative as ever
What is the matter with the TribuneP Does
it entertain constitutional adherence of d.
rect path Does it suppose that men of solid
principle and fixed purpose are to be carried
away by every fancy that may play across the
speculations of restless editor? Are great
movements to be borne onward, great successes
to be won, by mere management? Has it lost
faith in principle, respect for the People Does
it dream that the religions men, the consistent
men, the men who have never learned to en-
dorse with one hand what they repudiated with
the cther-to approve what they condemn, to
build up what they believe wrong-can be made
parties to the disorganization of the Republican
Party, and to a scheme which, if it could sue
coed, would extinguish the last vestige of eff
fcient hostility to Slavery, and install the old
Wing spirit of Compromise in the Federal Coun-
ellis
" Let us state, on our part" that we think the
Republicans generally will not only not concede
the propositions of the Tribune, but that they
will not even consider them; and let us
state, further, that should the Tribune, by
someS extraordinary legerdemain, succeed in
inducing majority of them to try either of the
courses indicated they would be kicked out of
every Free State, and laughed to scorn in every
Slave State.
Try the first proposition. Who are to name
didate =? The National Republican Committee
That is appointed to represent and promote the
well-being of the Republican party, not to make
Presidents, or to disband the Party. A National
Convention? The Tribune is against National
Conventions for the nomination of Presidential
candidates. Beside, who has authority to call
a National Republican Convention to disorgan-
ize the Republican Party, and trade off its mem
bers d?
But, suppose all these slight preliminaries
settled, and Republican Presidential candi-
date designated, let him be as indefinite and as
little obnoxious as may be, still he will be
I" Black Republican"
Now will begin the labor of the National
Wings, the Americans, the Winthrops, the
Hunts, the Fillmores, the Crittendens, the Mar
shalls. Banks or Fremont is a bitter pill, but
suppose we sugar-coat the ticket with the name
of Bell. Bell believes in Slavery, and Banks
don't; Bell is an orthodox Southern Slavehold-
er, Banks an orthodox Black Republican,
let that account be squared. Them the Party,
or the Opposition in each State, is to pass its
own resolves. In one place, agitation is depre
Gated, Black Republcanism denounced the
bred Scott extra judicial opinions reaffirmed,
the right to hold slaves in the Territories under
the Federal Constitution maintained in an
other, Slavery is pronounced an evil agitation
a good, Slavery Propagandism curse, the
bred Scott dicta false and disgraceful, the Con-
stitution the bulwark of Freedom in the Terri
tories
A wonderful Party Could there be a single
doubt of its success Would it not sweep away
the Administration as with the bosom of de-
struction q?
If anything could exceed it, it would be
Party constructed on the second proposition Of
our inventive contemporary "a Party OF ex-
tremely difficult parturition, we should say. Let
Fillmore, Winthrop, Crttenden, Prentice, and
Notbo,, he Drag;1o,,4 nd fbo
Republicans the Vice President, and then let
the high contracting parties agree on all hands
and proclaim to the Public, that the Admins
tration thus formed shall do all in its power to
confine Slavery within the limits of the existing
States Who can doubt that National Wings
and Southern Americans would cordially agree
to such condition, and, having pledged them
selves to it, wheel the Slave States into line on
the principle of opposition to the extension of
Slavery
1t is needless to shed more ink upon such
propositions. Had it not been for the serious
tone of the Tri6,uae's editorial and its reference
to the plan pursued in Pennsylvania, as worthy
of being adopted in National canvass, and its
efforts for fusion in New York we might have
supposed it in jest in laying down plans of com
promise so palpably impossible and absurd, as
to demonstrate that compromise is out of the
question.
AT all events, it is better that the Repub-
lican Party set its face as flint against all at
tempts to tamper with its principles, or seduce
1t into corrupt coalition. The Slave Democ-
racy will hold National Convention in 1860.
at Charleston, and the mass of that party will
the united in support of one electoral ticket
The Convention will reaffirm, as usual, the Bal,
hmore resolutions, then the Cincinnati plat
form, adding the construction growing out of
the bred Scott opinion. 1t will abate moth
ing, recant nothing, take no step backwards.
Without this pertinacious adherence to its doc
trlnes, this stability, al,odys source of strength,
and commanding respect, even in bad cause,
1t would ere this have suffered more vital
losses. Let the Republican Party, with better
Principles, emulate its constancy and holiness
Cromwell, who was as wise in counsel as he
was daring IN action, speaking in Parliament
IN 1856 of the then existing war with Spain,
remarked " If we engage in business, a re-
coili"g man may haply recover of his enemy,
bit the 'cisdom of a man surely tciH be in the
keeping Of his ground" Let Republicans lay
that to heart They are the only Party in the
held IN opposition to the Slave Democracy.
The issues between the two organizations
are as enduring as the conflict between Des-
potism and Democracy. They are plain, known
and read of all men. When they engaged in
this business, they took their ground on certain