The Ashland union. [volume] (Ashland, Ashland County, Ohio) 1854-1868, 1858-11-10
Hard Times-The Tariff Discus
sion.

The Washington Union has recently
been publishing a series of articles on
the tariff, in one of which it says that
it il q little remarkable that a certain
class of public journals confue their
complaints about "hard times and the
depression which prevails in the general
industry Of the country exclusively to
certain great branches of manufactures.
A very large majority of the American
people are employed in agricultural
pursuits. THIS class constitute the chief
consumers, and, of course, pay a large
proportion of all the revenues collected
by the federal treasury. We have a
habit in this democratic country of
awarding special interest and sympathy
to prominent business men, particularly
those who invest their capital in large
corporations, of whatever kind, The
principle which controls US in this re-
spect is correctly stated by saying that
money is more commanding and power
full than men. 1t has been q prominent
feature of American politics, originating
with Mr.. Alexander Hamilton, that
money should be recognized not only as
entitled to special protection, but also
as a positive element in the government.
He advocated the establishment of the
Bank of the United States, and called
it inhis first great report OH finances and
revenue a political machine" intended
to win over to the new republic the al
legiance of the money classes, and,
through them, the great merchantile in
terests which it was thought was to be
dependent upon them. Mr.. Hamilton
not only avowed these doctrines, but
recommended the enactment of protect
i've laws with the express intention Of
aiding, by such legislation, the manu-
featuring industry of the country. He
was candid enough to say that protection
to one class was a tag upon another !;
that while manufactures were receiving
benefits in that way, the great primary
labor of agriculture would have to foot
the bills. Mr.. Hamiltoa was told that
it was a dangerous principle to introduce
into the government-that of charging
Indirectly one set of men to put money
into the hands of another. He an
swered that the agriculturists-the farm
ers-constituted, and would always con-
%stitute, "a large majority of the American
people, aud that they would have it in
their power, at any time, to repeal such
la VS., and thereby produce equality of
burdens under the government. He ac-
knowledged that direct bounties to
manufacturers, would. on many accounts,
be preferable to protective laws; because
they would be more economical aud less
onerous upon the producing and consul
ming classes.
We bring these historical incidents
before the country not for the purpose
of discussing the question of protection,
but to show that the great agricultural
interests-the great producing and con-
Stunning population of the United States
are never mentioned or thought of in
periods of depression like the present.
Cities are far more talked about and
consulted in reference to political affairs
than the people of the country, who are
five to one in point of numbers. We
hear much of Paris, and but little Of
France. London and Vienna consti-
tute, in the minds of the world, the
great governments of England and Aus
trfa.' Our business reports are all from
Manchester, Leeds, and Liverpool; from
Lyons, Marseilles and Bordeaux; from
Lowell, Lynn, Providence and Pitts.
burgb; from New York, Boston, Phill-
delphia, Baltimore, Charleston, Mobile,
and New Orleans. If these great cen
tres of manufactures and commerce
flourish, all is well. If they meet dis
ssters through the vicissitudes of trade;
if their shipping is unemployed, aud
their capital brings them meagre divi-
dends, Congress is besieged for special
legislation in their behalf. We do not
discuss the main question, whether the
present system of revenue is adequate
to the wants of the treasury; we intend
only TOT point out the remarkable fact
that those who demand special aid
wholly ignore the very existence of the
agricultural classes.
Granting that present laws on the
subject of imports are defective, and
that additional taxes should be imposed,
we submit in all candor to the American
people whether it is expedient or just
that subse quent legislation thereon
should be directed so as to secure spe-
cial benefits to the minority at the cost
of the majority? The subject of taxa
tion has lost lone of its importance. 1t
should notbe considered as a partisan
question, much less d, termined with ref
erence to the welfare of peculiar Interest,".
We do not doubt the existence
throughout the whole country of con-
siderable embarrassment, extendinga alike
to all classes and occupations -to the
farmer as well as the manufacturer,
to the merchant and the laborer. A
little reflection will show that, in re-
spect to these various interests, they are
all charged with the misfortune of the
times; aud that, in arranging laws at
fecting all, they are equally entitled to
be heard and needed. 1t is not those
classes that command the money, the
telegraph, and the press that should be
specially considered. Phey are better
represented in the discussions of the
day, they have more facilities for pub
fishing their comp ANTS aud petitions,
they are more powerfully endorsed by
political Influence. they employ more
ingenious advocates and pay them bet
ter, but they are not more severely tried
by the recent and existing revulsion,
aud are less in numbers and production
than the great agricultural interests,
whose labor they would tax aud whose
legitimate profits they would consume.
We repeat, in uttering these sugges.
tions, it is not our purpose 10 discuss
the questions of political economy in
volved in the present evenu laws
We desire only to call public attention
to the general subjects, and to point out