Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1858-04-23


TvEs, MARCH sOFH, Isss, IN Favor or II
= ADMISSION OF KANSAS WITH THE LsoONFTC
=. CONSTITUTION.
g Mr.. MavNARD. Mr.. Chairman, feel th
o. an apology is due to you and to the cOmmitte
- - 90 my part, for prssuming to trespsss longer
their patience in the discussion Of this subieC
- on which they have heard 50 much. I orig
naily intended to take no part in it. My pa
\. pose was to cast NY vote sans phrase, and
leave it on record to vindicate itself; but rel
b. SOILS Of personal nature, as well as Of u,
ture affecting the few gentlemen on this 10,
~ with whom have the honor 10 concur in sel
tiueat, have Induced me to seek an opportunil
to state the reasons why, and the principles @
which, shall vote for the admission Of Kanss
2 as state under the LscOmpton constitution
= Il might be enough to say that, after discus
sion OF upwards Of three months have nsiths
heard nor assigned any sufficient phrase, th
rule Is on the opposition to show reason why
should not thus vote; for, ia legal cause. if an
they have or can show, why Kansas, with ths
: constitution, should be admitted. | take il
sir, that when the people Of Territory, bsin
: citizens Of the Uuited States, 10 numbers sufIi
! cient in number 10 give them a Rspresentativ
. in Congress, united as a bsdy polite, under
: constitution republican in its form, come her
and apply to US to be admitted as a State, thei
o right 10 admission is complete. We m ght, a
: has been done in some instances in the historr
Of the country, by factions opposition, DEM
. hat right and the people so applying MAJ
= have 40 legal means Of enforcing it. The rem
eay may not be in their power, but, as ! hold
= their right is nevertheless complete
l have been told, By gentleman having th,
} best means Of knowing, and having no Interest
whatever IN misrepresentation, that he inhab-
itants Of the Territory, at the present time
number upwards OF one hundred thousand
That statement ! nave seen no one contrOvert.
As 10 the numerical sutieieaey OF her populs-
ton, have not heard il seriously doubted
think that you, Mr.. Chairman, Mr. Bocock
made the statement, the other day on the aoor,
and that statement remains uncoltrsdietsd in
any OF The speeches that have had the honor
J TO listen TO. These people, Mr.. Chairman,
come here with constitution that, I suppose.
no one will deny is republican in its form, and
ask to be admitted. Now, sir, why should
[ they not be admitted? What is the reason?
Mr.. GIDDINss. The gentleman asks, why
I Kansas should not be admitted? viii assign
I the reason why she should not be. Il is tba
/ they ask US to give them power in this body, Ia
I the election of 4 President Of the United States
I and in the federal government, in proportion TO
I the number Of their slaves, allowing three
I slaves in that Territory to equal one such man
| as he Mr.. Maynard and |. Now, an un-
willing to surrender my own dignity in this
way.
/ Mr. MAYNARD. I am very glad that the gen
tlenau has mentioned that point and probs-
/ bly, shall allude to it before sit down. That
I is an old idea, which has been repeated again
and again, and which has been suffered to pass
uachallenged and uncOntrsdicted, to my utter
surprise and amPzement.
But | was going on to speak Of the reason
why We are told Kansas should not be admit
Ted under this constitution. The reason is be-
cause her constitution dOes-What? Establish
slavery? Not bit Of It. Il does not do that.
But because it recognizes a property in slaves
that are ALREADY there. Because II provides
that these slaves shall not be emancipated, ex
cept on one OF two conditions: either that the
consent Of the owner SHAH first Be obtained, or
that the pecuniary value Of the slave shall BE-
paid in money; and that so long as slavery is
recognized in Kansas, the smigraHt who comes
there shall be permitted to introduce the slaves
which be actually and bona ffs owns.
That, sir. is the Tsns - why the opposition
on this side Of the House insist thar Kansas
shall not be admitted iato the Union under the
Lecompton constitution.
But, sir, what are the preteXts which they
set up One is, that the convention which
framed that convention had no authority to
frame a State consultation. The second is,
that after they had framed the constitution, l
ther did not submit it for ratification or reiec-
tion at the ballOt-b0X. The third is, that the l
constitution in itself does not contain any pro-
vision b. which It may be changed until 1864 /
The fourth is, that because in the election, un-
der the CONVENTION which framed the constitu- [
tion, held on the 2lst Of December. frauds in
terveBed at the ballOt-boE.
Now, sir, / stall not attempt to discuss these /
various preteXts, or either Of them. They |
have been discussed, ably and ingeniously dis |
cussed, for the last three months; and if the |
discussion has advanced one step since the /
first arguments which were made in the other /
end Of the Capitol at the very outset of the [
session, confess have not been able to see |
it. The arguments have been varied; the
phrsseOlogy has been changed form and I
variety have been given 20 illustration, but the
discussion stands to the logic Of the mind eX- /
actly where It did after the first week or ten /
days Of the session And, sir, we might stand /
here and refine and discuss the question Of the |
sovereignty of the people whether that soveU- 4
eighty is subject to Be delegated; whether il /
is divisible or indivisible; whether IT is COM |
plete or only partial we might dwell here /
upon the various questions Of political meta /
physics TO our dying daT, and we would never /
arrive one step nearer result that would be |
either conclusive or satisfactory. And what /
is the use Of it? What does it al amount 20 ? |
Other gentlemen may differ with me in epin-
ion | speak only for myself. / would bind /
no man to M opinion. | profess 10 bind no
man to my opinions, but, sir, in ny opinion,
let these questions be discussed as ably as
they may be, AID decided either the one way
or the other, and It will amount TO nothing In
settling he great point which We have before
Ne for our ultimate decision. know that man
who wants to pursue particular course for
reasons best known to himself, who does net
like 10 give the true reason, will sometimes be /
very Ingenious 10 sssigningfalse reasons, IN
true reasons, reasons, mean, which are not 1
bis real reasons. ! do not intend by this, or 4
BY any other remark, | shall make, 10 Be Of /
fersive ] mean not to be offensive 10 any one, 1
and Hope that every gentleman will under 1
stand ne, that If in The heat OF debate, | shall /
use any language that shall jar upon the feel /
ings of any member Of this House, I shall be /
ready to make all due reparation.
We may Just as well come right up to the /
question. There is no Use in beating about the /
bush. We have been told repeatedly BY gem
tlemen on this side OF the House, when pressed /
for reply, that If every man, woman and /
child, In Kansas were 10 favor cf admitting ber /
into the Union a slave State, they would |
resist IT, This is the very last expression of /
sentiment we have heard on his floor, from the 4
honorable gentleman from Illinois, Mr.. Fans !
worth, who has lust taken bis seat, and who I
closed with an enuncistion. I understand bin 1
to make an appeal to God-to say With solemn /
emphasis, =" 50 help me God I will never vote /
for the admission Of another slave state into I
the Union." There, SIR, is the ground we have I
to stand upon, the ground We have 20 contest, 4
and We might as well cone up to the point like 4
true soldiers, and like men meet it. &" When /
Greek merits Greek then comes the tug Of war . 1
But, sir, they must meet upon the plains Of |
Hsllss upon the shores Of the Hellespont, or /
the tug Of wsrdoes not come.
Mr. Cbairn D, might, If chose, commend !
10 my Democratic friends for their considsrs- /
tion-iust here, / might show them and point /
to them as a Warning-hOw their principles /
and their policy, which they have been for /
years nsugurating upon the country, and which /
have greatly tended to change the Govern 1
ment from pure republic to simple demOc- /
rscy, have now returned upon them to plague I
the inventors This idea Of submitting a con. I
stitution to The people for the popular vote, is
only one Of them-peThaPs the least objection /
able. I have no time to discuss the subject as
/ conceive Il should Be discussed but when
gentlemen rise here, ami insist ID At It is neces-
sary to give validity to a constitution framed
By convention Of the people that It shall first
be submitted to the people At the hailot-l OK,
for their ratification or rejection, and approved
by them, they announce doctrine that would
have startled George Washington, James Mad
ison, Alexander Hamilton, Roger sherman,
Benjamin Franklin, Rufus King, The Morrises
and Pcknsys, and the other ssges VINO framed
the American Constitution. Those great men
unanimously recommended that the Constitu-
ton Of the United States should be submitted
g to a convention Of delegates, chosen In each
State by the people thereof, under the re-
commendstion Of its legislature, for their
assent and ratiication.1 The issa OF submit
ting their hshdiwork to the test Of the ballot
box to give Il vitality and validity did not oe-
cur to them. They did not deem il eXPedisnt
even.
Before I proceed to discuss the great quss-
ticp before rs. beg to be INDUCES IN a single
suggestion with regard 20 the Lecompton con-
stitutiou. There is one feature Of that instru-
ment which, permit me TO say, meets my most
cordial appreciation call it " AnericanisIa,"
g Know -Nothingism,' or what You please. 1t
provides that the Governor and Lieutenant
Governor Of that State shall be at least thirty
years Of age, and shall have been citizens of
the United States for at least twenty years, to
-ls-stf. .. ,e-ra And IL furthermore uro-