Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1858-08-07

] they have run over with them. In a
stages, IN all agoncs, through all repor
: good and evil-some learning from th
, golden times Of ancient and medimyal fro,
DOM Greece and ITALY and Geneva fro,
AmsroTLE, from Cicero, and BoptAN.; an
: MAcHTAvEL and CALVIN or later frn,
J HARRINGTON and Sidney and Rousseau
some learning, all reinforcing it directl
from nature aud natnres God every oil
er man, that every man was equal to liz,
liberty, and the pursuit Of happiness, an
a conscience unfettered, that the peopl
were the source Of power, aud the good 0
the people was the political object of "a
ciety itself. This creed, so grand so broa,
In Its general aud duly qualified, so tru
PLANTED The colonies, led them through
the desert and the sea of anterevoIutionaf
life, rallied them altogether to resist the /
tacks Of king and minister. sharpene,
and pointed the Jayonets of all their bat
Ties, burst forth from milioR lips, beamed
III million eyes, burned in million bosom,
sounded out in their revolutionary eloouenec
OF fire, and in the Declaration awoke the
thunders, and cleaned in the lightning Of
The deathess words Of Ons. HeNRY and
ADAMS, was graved forever on the general
mind 10y the pen Of JEFFERSON and PA1SE
as by steel point on great rock. sun.
lighted, survived the excitements of war
and the necessities Of order, penetrated
and tlnged all our constitutional eoiuposi-
ton and policy and all our party orraniza.
tons and nomenclature, and stands today
radiant, defiant, jocund, tip-toe, on the sum
init oil our greatness, one authoritative aud
louder proclamation to humanity by Free.
dom, the guardian and the avenger.
But in some traits of our politics we are
not one. In some traits we differ from one
another, and we change from ourselves
You may say these are subordinate, execu-
tory, Instrumental traits Let us not cayil
about names, but find the essences of things
Our object is to know the nature of Amer
lcan nationality, cra we ar. attemptinr to
90 so, hrst, by contrasting it with its an
tagonisms.
There are two great existences, then, in
our civil life which have this in common.
though they have nothing else in common.
that they may come in conflict with the ma
tionality which describe; one of them
constant in its operation, constitutional.
bealthful, auI iliary, even; the other rarer,
illegitimate, abnormal, terrible; one of
them force under law the other yio-
lence and phenomenon above law. and
against law. 1t is irst the capital pecu-
liarity OF our system, How eommon-place
ID our politics, that the affections which
we give to country, we give to divided
object, the States in which we live and the
Union by-which we are confolded. We
serve two masters Onr hearts own two
loves. We live in two countries at once
and are commanded to be capacions of
both. How easy it is to reconcile these
duties in theory how reciprocally, more
than compatible, how helpful and indepcnd-
ent they are in theory, how in this respect
our systems difference makes our systems
peace, and from these blended eolors, and
this action and counteraction, how marvel
Gus beauty and how grand harmony
we draw out, you all know. Practically
you know, too, the adjustment has not
been qaite so simple How the Constitu-
tion attempts it is plain enough. There it
is; Litera scripfa manct, and heaven and
earth shall pass before one jot or title of
that Scripture shall fail of fulhlIment. So we
all say, and yet how men have divided on il.
How they divided in the great convention
ITSELF and in the very presence of WASH
INGToN. How the people divided on it.
How it has created parties, lost and given |
power, bestowed great regulations, and |
taken them away, and coIored and shaken |
the universal course of our public life. But
have you ever considered that in the nature /
of things this must be so {? Have you ey-
er considered that it was federal system
we had to adopt, AMI that in such system
q conflict Of head and member is in some
form and to some extent a result of course?
There the States were when we became q
nation. There they had been for one hun.
dred and fifty years; for one hundred and
seventy years. Some power, it was agreed
on all hands, we must delegate to the new
government. OF some thunder, some
beams, some insignia, some means of kin
ding pride, winning gratitude, attracting
honor, love, obedience, friends,-al men
knew they must be bereayed, and they
we're so. But when this was done, there
we're the States still. In the scheme of
every statesman, they remained a eompo-
lent part, unannihilsted, indestruetibIe'-
In the scheme of the Constitution of COM
promise itself, they remained a component
part, indestructable. In the theories of all
puhlicists and all speculatists they were re-
tanned, aud they were valued for it, to him
der and disarm that Capitalization which
had been found to be the danger and the
Of federal liberty. And then
when you bear in mind that they are soye-
reignties, quasi, but soverei gnties still;
that one Of the most dread and transcend.
ent prerogatives of soyereignties, the pre-
rogative to take life and liberty for crime.
8 theirs without dispute: that in the theo-
rles Of some schools they may claim to be
parties TO the great compact and as such
may, and that any one Of them may, secede
from the compact when by their corporate
Judgment they deem it to be broken funda-
mentally by the Others, and that from such
a Judgment there is no appeal to common
peaceful umpire that in the theories of
some schools they may call ont their young
men and their old men under the pains Of
death to defy the sword.point Of the Fede-
raj Army; that they can pour around even
The gallows aud the tomb Of him who died