New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1858-03-29

have had il laying on our table several Gays, AM
could we possibly find room for il, we should taxi
pleasure ID spreading it before oar readers in ertenso
As it is however we shall be obliged to condense thu
major portion Of 1t in a synopsis, and content our
: selves with the reproduction Of few of the NOR
salient points Bat, it is exceedingly difficult t.
make extracts where all is good and strong and valu
! able.
The argument Of Senator Hammond in regard Il
the validity Of the Lecompton Constitution Of Kansa
is staunch, we may well say incontrovcrtibIe In ,
sentence or two he shows up the absurdity Of th
idea advanced by Senator Douglas that the Conven
ton which framed the Constitution was the creatur
of the Territorial Legislature the latter being
mere provisional government, appointed and paid b.
Congress, without particle Of sovereign powerful,
other, assembly of the people in their highest SOW
/ eregn capacity, about to perform their highest
possible act Of sovereignty 1t is then demonstrated
that Kansas has clear right to admission into the
Union, with the Constitution she has presented and
that Congress has no rghtful business to interfere in
the premises, except to enquire whether the Const
tuition thus presented is republican in Its features
not and that whenever the regular forms of law aud
constitutions are disregarded in order to arrive at
surreptitous expression Of the will Of the people a
second time on the same subject after they have
formally and deliberately expressed it at the ballot
box, as Seward Douglas and other Black Republican
leaders wish to do in the case of Kansas that ii will
prove " wandering in the wilderness wilderness Of
thorns.' Speaking of the popular sovereignty and
"squatter sovereignty F." cries raised by Senators
Douglas and Seward, Senator Hammond says.
There is popular sovereignty which is the basis
OF our government and am unwilling that the Sen
ator should have the advantage of confoundnq it
with sqnatter sovereignty" In all countries and in
all time IL is well understood that the numerical ma.
iorty Of the people could if they chose exercise the
sovereignty Of the country but for want of intelli
gence, and for want OF leaders, they have never vet
been able successfully to combine and form stable,
popular government. They have often attempted it,
but 1t has always turned out, instead of popular
sovereignty, popuidce sovereignty; and demagogues
placing themselves upon the movement have inyari-
ably led them into military despotism.
The Senator then goes on to say that the two great
pillars Of genuine popular sovereignty are represents
ton and the balotbox that the people, through the
baot-box. can always control the management of
their own affairs; and that when that sovereignty is
heard through the medium of legal, constitutional
balotbox the "yoice of the people," for all political
purposes sis the voice OF God !; but when it is out
side of that, it is the voice heard of demon the
tocsn Of he reign of terror
Referring to the boastf1l announcement previously
the South, the battle had been fought and won by
the North that it was the intention of the Freesolers
to take the Government into their own hands that all
the territories of the Union should be hereafter conse
Grated to the use and service Of free labor and that
the Freesoiers also intended to reconstruct the sa
preme Court, Senator Hammond pungenty Observed
Yesterday, the Senator (Seward) said, suppose we
Admit Kansas with the Lecompton Constituti0n-what
guarantees there that Congress will not again inter-
tere with the affairs Of Kansas meaning suppose
that II she abolished slavery what guarantee was there
that Congress would not force it upon her again. SO
lar as we OF the South are concerned, you have at
least the guarantee of good faith that has never been
violated. But what guarantee have we when you
have this Government in your possession, in all its de-
partments, even if we submit quietly to what the
Senator exhOrts us to submit to-the limitation of
slavery to its present territory and even to the recon
strnctiOn of the Supreme COurt-thst you will not
plumber us with tariffs; that you will not bankrupt
us with internal improvements and bounties your
exports; that you Will not cramp us with navigation
laws and other laws impeding the facilities of trans.
portation to Southern produce What guarantee |
have we that You will not create new bank aud
concentrate all the finances Of this country at the
North, where already, for the want of direct trade
and proper system Of banking in the South they
are runonsly concentrated! Nay, what guarantee
have we that you will not emancipate our slaves or
at least, make the attempt2 We cannot rely ON
your faith when you have the power. It has been
The Senator then brings the North and South
face to face" and examines what resources each
would have in the contingency Of separate or
ganization."
The South has $4,000 square miles Of territory
an as large as that of Great Britain, France,
Austria, Prussia and Spain. Her soil is fine, her
climate delightful, her staple productions ere mo
nopoly of mighty wealth belonging to herself almost
aha hos ,,,sIa, -
shore lines, the great Mississippi with its thrtysix
thousand miles of tributary streams, runs through
the heart of our country and desert prairie wastes
protect US in the rear. And, excaims Senator Ham.
mond in reply to Freesoil threat: "Can you hem
IN such Territory as thatl You (the Freesoil sena
Lors,) talk of putting up wall of fire around eight
hundred and fifty thousand square miles so situated
How absurd"
Further along Senator Hammond says:
On this fine territory we have population four
times as large as that with which these colonies sepa-
rated from she mother country, and q hundred
might say thousand fold as strong. Our population
IS now sixty per cent greater than that Of the whole
United States when we entered into the second war
Of independence 1t is as large the whole popula-
ton OF the United States was ten years after the
conclusion of that war, aud our exports are three
lines as great as those of the whole United States
Lhen. Upon our musterrolls we have a million of
men. In defensive war, upon an emergency. eury
lne OF them would be available. At any time, the
south can raise, equip and maintain in the field,
arger army than any power of the earth can send
against her-and an army OF soldiers, men brought
ip on horseback, with guns in their hands.
So far as the territorial dimensions of the North
Ire concerned, Mr.. Hammond states that even after
Kansas and Minnesota shall be admitted, Northern
errtory will be one hundred thousand square miles
ess in extent than Southern territory He doesn't
peak OF California Oregon as there is no antag-
'nsrn between the South aud those countries and
lever eau be. In this statement Senator Hammond
perfectly correct Those territories will withdraw
rom the Union in few years, and set up for them
elves as separate, independent governments.
Senator Hammond next proceeds to demonstrate
what consists the wealth of nation, and by mea-
uring nations wealth, we eau all very nearly APP
,roxmate its strength. The wealth Of nation like
hat Of individual is to be measured by its surplus
PRODUCTION. If, appositely observes the Senator,
nan is worth millions Of dollars and consumes his
income, is he richg Is he competent to embark in
my new enterprise Can he build ships or railroads.
And could people in that condition build ships and
Dads go to war; All the enterprises OF peace and
var depend upon the surplus productions OF people,
they may be happy-they may be comfortable but
hey are not rich, are not strong
The subjoned figures are as interesting as they are
authentic.