The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1858-01-08

character OF the following extract from bis late
sprech:
s.Sir what would this boasted principle Of popular
sovereignty have been WORTH if applied only 10 the
negro and did not extend 10 the white man Do you
think could have aroused the sympathies and the
patriotism of this broadrepubc, aud have carried the
presidential election last year IN the face of tre-
mendous opposition, theprnciple of extending the
right Of setgoyernment TO the Hrgro question, but
denying all the relations affecting bite meui''
'Slr, have spent too much strength
and breath, and money, too, 10 establish this great
principle IN the popular heart, 10 il ritered
away by bringing II down 10 an exception that ap-
plies TO the negro, and does not extend TO the benrht
OF the white man"
Now, Mr.. President, can it be possible that
the senator from Illinois expected to make tn.
Senate aud the country believe that thu people
of Kansas are indebted to the famous Organic act
for their right to the enjoyment oil life, liberty,
and property, and the ordinary institutions OF
civilized community? He scouts the idea that
the great principle OF popular sovereignty
should be "trllered away by bringing it down
10 an exception that applies to the negro, aud
not to the white man. Whatever he may
mean, his language is certainly calculated to
make the impression that the Kansas Nehl aska
bill settled some dispute about the ordinary
Institutions of government in the Territories [
Cannot agree, sir, that that view is either candid
or allowable. Who ever denied the right of the
people to make their ordinary institutions
When was that question which divided par
ties, or shook the Union TO its foundation The
simple truth Is, that the question of slavery and
that only, was involved and considered in
passing the Kansas ebraSka bill. II was TO
settle that dangerous sectional feud that the
doctrine OF nOn-InterVentlon was adopted.
The repeal OF the Missouri line has in no way
affected the right OF the people to have all other
domestic institutions either north or south of
that line and when the senator asks what the
boaSted principles OF popular sovereignty would
have been worth If applied only to the negro,
and ''not 10 the white man." he utters SEN
tIment which is unworthy of the subject.
What part ATE negroes to have in the govern
ment OF Kansas, or who is proposing to restrict
any OF the rights OF the white man, unless it be
himself, when he denies them the right to
make government without the consent of
Congress know how presumptuous it is 10
me 10 differ with that senator but ! cannot
tor6ear to deny that the question Of railroads.
courts, banks, legislative functions, &C., were
in any way Involved in the repeal of the Miss
ourl line, and the Inauguration of the doctrine
of non-interventon /; and yet, sir, the senator
has conl0unded the question of slavery, and
that of the natural, inalienabe, and undisputed
rights OF the people, in such way as to make
the impression, if possible, that all these had
been granted, guaranteed, and protected by |
new bill of rights, adopted in 1854, in the |
shape of the Kansas-Nebraska law.
Then, again, as the vote on the slavery |
clause, he says:
''Let me ask sir is the slavery clause fairly sub
mIted, SO that the people for or against it?
Suppose We're a citizen of Kansas, aud should 90 IN
10 the polls and say IL desire 10 make Kansasa slave
State; here my baot'' They reply to me, ..Nr,
Douglas, just vote for the constitution FIRST if YOU
please" Oh, no! | cannot, conscientiously. .
lhiS, Mr. President, IS hardly nlanSihia- 20
L nave already shown the fallacy OF The Sena-
tors assumption, that the eector is to be re-
qured 10 approve the constitution entire, be-
fore he can vote for or against slavery. ! now |
propose TO show that the senator's plan would |
De liable 10 nearly the same objections.
He insists that the constitution, as whole, (
should be submitted. Now, suppose this had .
been done with the slavery article IN #, and he I
had made bis appearance at the polls as pro-
slavery man. Looking at the constitution, he |
finds that he cannot approve of the other pro-
visions. He SAYS, 81 wish to vote for slavery. /
but It is not possible that ! can swallow the /
bank and railroad scheme, and the plan for
courts and corporations in this constitution. /
cannot couscipntlousIy do this, and rnnst bs |
deprived olthr riyht 10 establish slavery in ,bs
Territory" Then suppose he appeared again
as a free State man. the constitution n ,h.
main Is very acceptable to him, and he is ex-
ceedlnsiy ANXIOUS 10 approve It, hut it contains
the provisions recognizing slavery which hs /
cannot apnroye. an3 ag,I, b.. l. ,-,an ,,,o't nc
the DoIIs If viii ba y.., h.,,,, ...,,
complain: but how will the senator ',narJ
gainst the rrprtiion Of similar bard,b,ox noda-
any law Congress- may pasz1 Crrta;nJr is ,,,;,l
moi propose 70 nrrscrib. All the ac,|, - ,"
,,.orIs !, c,,c-,,;[, Th;,'t.. 49," VI Tue