The weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1858-1860, 1858-11-23

fruit /" 70 - unless plucked in an exigency {
war. There 10 no reasonable ground TO suppos
that We can acquire il in any other way M
the war that will open 70 10 such m occasio
viii Be great and general, and bring about re-
. suits that the keenest intellect cannot now an
ticipate. But il We had Cuba, we could no
make more than two OF three slave States there
which would not restore the equilibrium Of th,
North and South while with the African slay,
trade closed, and her only resort for slaves Il
this continent, she would, besides crushing ou
whole sugar culture BY her competition, affort
in few years market for all the slaves il
Missouri, Kentucky and Maryland. She ia, not
withstanding the sxorbitant taxes imposed on
her, capable now Of absorbing the annual in
crease Of al the slaves on this continent, and
consumes, il is said, twenty 10 thirty thousand
| . year by her system Of labor. Slaves decrease
there largely. In time, under the system prac-
ticed, eve.v slave in America might BE- sxter-
minated in Cuba a. were the Indians. How
ever tho idle African may prOcreate in the tro-
pics, il yet remains to be proven, and the facts
are against the conclusion, that he can in those
regions work and thrive. Il Is said Cuba 10 to
be "Africanized" rather than that the Unite 4
States should take her. That threat, which at
one time was somewhat alarming, is no longer
any cause Of disqnietude 10 the South, after
our experience Of the Africanizing Of st. Do
mingo and Jamaica. What have we lost BY
that? l think ~e reaped some benefit; and,
If the slaves Of Cuba are turned loose, great
sugar culture would glow up in Louisiana anc
Texas, rivang that Of cotton, and diverting
from it 50 much labor that cotton would rare
y be below its present price.
| THE SOUTH NO STRENGTH TO CREATE NEW sLAvl;
STATEs.
You must not suppose for q moment that
81 H. eS~ oc e
African slavery" On the contrary, / believe
that God created negroes for no other purpose
than 10 be "the hswers Of wood and drawers
| Of water"-that 10, to be slaves Of the white
race and wish to see them in that capacity
on every spot on the surface Of the globe where
their labor is necessary or beneficial. Nor do
| doubt that such will be the final result. Much
less would oppose the acquisition Of territory
that would place the slave states on numeri-
cal equality and more with the free states in
the Union. But this review and scrutiny oi
the resources Of the South shows, think, pretty
conclusiyelv, that we have not now the surplus
population nor suitable territory, within our
present reach to create any number Of slave
states; that to tempt it by costly yet impracti-
cable and abortiye enterprises will be to waste
our strength to no purpose and that the idea
OF recovering the equality in voting Of the slave
and free stAtes, whether on the floors Of Con-
gress or elsewhere, is visionary. We had bet
ter, then, | think, at once make up our minds
according to the facts, and, giving up all boot
less efforts, look every consequence Of our po-
si,ion full in the face.
THE FUTURE-THE CAMPAIGN or 1860.
ask any one to tell me upon what measures
or upon what man the Abolltonsts Of this
country can ever again muster their legions as
they did in 1856? Kansas is squeezed dry. 1t
stinks in the nostrils Of all people. They can
do no more there. Will they try "cry"
against the supreme court for the Dred Scot,
decision? What is there in that to inflams
popular sentiment? 1t is always uphill busi-
ness to agitate against a judiciary, but espe
cially against the supreme court of the United
States, which the northern people have been
taught to revere as the bulwark Of their liber-
ties. Will they demand the abolition Of slavery
in the District of Columbia. They have never
been able to do much with that, though they
have often tried. That issue is little too prac.
teal and too dangerous. Not many are bold
enough to embark in it. They might 40 well
make the question of disunion nakedly. Will
they take up the abstract, and probably never
again to be other than abstract, proposition OF
"no more slave states?' They have done it,
They have already split upon it. The North
west will not take it, and the free states, at
bottom, all want Cuba. They love molasses,
an1 banker after free trade with that rich ls
land. Where, then, they are to 60, cannot
SEQ. They do not appear to see themselves
W'u any one state the practical question, if we
offer them none-and we have none to offer
which they next to rally for the conquest
Of the South? The measure or the man? l.
does seem to me that this great ERE is dying ou.
for want of fuel that this crusade, as many
crusades have done, has exhausted itself, and
that there is no argument or leader that can
keep it alive. Their Peter Hermts, their God
freys, their Baldwins, their lion hearted Rich
ards, where are they! 1t seems that they will
scarcely agree even on their Louis IN who
shall lead their pious campaign aud suffer mar.
tyrdom'
And let me say that If the abolitionists caunot
unite the free states a. purely anti-slavery
party in the presidential election Of 1860, and
fail again in 1854, we shall never hear more Of
them as political party; and it is only as po-
litical party that they are worthy Of our notice.
There always will be abolltonsts; for fools,
enthusiasts, men Of morbid imaginations, bent
on mischief or ambitious OF notoriety, will all
ways exist. But the abolition party in the free
states 10 now almost wholly political. Do you
suppose that the Stewards, Hales, Wades, Viii
sons, Chases, and their associates care an ything
for African slavery, or are really hostile to our
system of labor any more than il the president,
Dickinson, Bright, Pugh or Doaglass do not.
Their object is political power. They have
placed themselves on this spring tide of fanati-
cism to obtain it, Ifit fails them, If at the next
presidential election, assuredly if at the two
next, we beat them, all this party machinery
will tall to the ground, and the Smiths, Tap
pans, Garris0ns and Parkers will be left alone
in their glory. But if l am all wrong, il my
facts and reasoning are false and my hopes de-
lusive, if in 1860 they beat US, what then p
These questions that may well be asked
And the answer is obvious. We must be pre-
pared; and the very efforts must make to
prevent such results will better prepare us than
any course We pursue that can see. We
must be prepared, say, to take care of our
selves, whatever may come. Il is clear that
the slaveholding states Of this eonfederacy,
whatever hazards they may choose to incur by
remaining in alliance with majority of non
Shareholders now so inhamed against them,
must ever and at all times hold their destnies
in their own hands They can never permit any
foreign power % legislate in reference to their
peculiar Industrial system, whether to abolish or
TO modify, or impose undue burdens on it,
Such legislation must be resisted with all our
means, and without regard 20 any consequences.
II 1t should 80 happen that the free states OF
this Union, being now, and always to be, in
majority, do establish a political line between
legslate upon it, and maintain it, then they will
constitute power IS foreign to US as any nation
in the world. and we cannot submit to it.
THE TRUE POLICY OF THE soUrn
But the slave states, constituting, and a.
think forever to constitute, numerical minori-
", can, however, accomplish nothing in this
Union without the aid Of faithful allies in Aie
free states. IL has been Of late too much the
habit in the South to mistrust all such allies
TO disparage, TO denounce, and drive them from
US. Nothing could be more unwise or more
unjust. Il ID dstrustng the truth and justice
Of our own cause, or eliminating human ma
ture, 70 doubt that there are in the free states
thousands Of sound thinking, true. hearted, and
gallant men who concur essentially in our views,
and are ready to make cause with u. Nay, il
is faisifyng history and fact. During the ia,o
session ! saw men acting cordially and vigor-
onsy with us against the positive instructions
OF their excited constituents, at the hazard Of
political martyrdom; and in two instances that
martyrdom was consummated before the ad-
joarnment. Shall We do no honor TO such mem
Shall we pay no tribute to such heroic devotion
to truth, to justice, aud the constitution Shall
We revile them In common with oil northern