The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-02-25

or regulars, which, however, be insists t asst be
discharged at the end of two years, or 1T the
termination of the difficulty. Here W, differ
from him, and so Go many of the Rep blican
Senators who are opposed to any inc, ase of
the army whatsoever. We agree wit them
heartily. But, we ask the reader, pat is
there in this difference of opinion, to N Ike W.
b. f,eward traitor to the cause of F. edom,
whie our fidelity passes unquestioned = 1t ia
thia minor matter which he's been exalt into
30 much consequence by the Press, tbs. under
its towering magnitude all the services snder-
ed by Mr.. Seward to the cause of Freed IN are
to be dwarfed into insigni6capce.
As to his Remuneration Of allegiance to the
Republican Party, it amounts to just Il >: AS
statesman, as Senator from New J ,rk, in
determining how he shall discharge hi, iuties,
he recognises his allegiance to God I'D his
country, not to any party. And we say hat is
right. If he did not so act, he would s.ot de-
serve to be called Republican.
What he said about the battle being ended,
referred to the great struggle for equi brium
/ in the Senate. That he regarded as lready
fought The free States already have q major
ity of two in that body. Bring in Kan - and
Minnesota, even forcing the Internal Iscomp-
ton fraud through Congress, and still Il equi-
librium is not restored-tbe free Sta., have
yet the majority. But, whatever DISPOSE on the
Administration may be able to make .of the
Lecompton Constitution, Kansas is int itably
free. Such we understand to be his p sition.
All this, however, he regards not as til battle
of Freedom, but as preliminary and subcN Innate.
We need hardly say, that we write fl m our
own prompting alone. 1t is not we'll to IMPAIR
the influence of men true to the great IL. erests
of Freedom, and with large powers to pmote
them. AS to Mr.. Stewards theory of ,itics,
or system of policy, as it effects the e Ancial
affairs of the nation, we do not believ, >in it.
Our theory, we presume, ia precisely tn .oppo-
site, 80 that we shall not be accused of a>y bias
in our attempt to correct the misappreh, ,sions
of some in regard to his position.
In relation specially to the new reg nents
demanded for the Utah rebellion, we wo I'd not
vote man to aid the Administration, If it
will do its duty, it can relieve Colonel Jol ,sons
command without any action by CongrS ). If
it fail to do it, and American soldiers Il vic
Tins to Mormon fanaticism, their blood upon
the head Of James Buchanan Look at [ q tab
ular official statement of the army in X. pas
$500 men! What business have they here
What right has James Buchanan to kee, them
there? If Colonel Johnson is in danger. whose
fault is it? The fault of James Buc anan,
who sent him out too late in the sease ], and
would not spare him troops enough, aving
need of Federal bayonets to force upon t Q free
men of Kansas a hateful Constitution. Two
thousand soldiers despatched from Ka, ,as at
the earliest opening of the season wouls fully
relieve Colonel johnson, and give him ample
force for all purposes. But no the Pr. ,ident
must needs dragon American citizens i Kan.
sas into obedience to his will, and 80 ask Con-
gress to furnish him additional troops send
to Utah. Not q head should he have our
vote; but should evil come to the a, ~ in
Utah, from its weakness, he would observe
impeachmeut