Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1858-02-09

ia certainly subject Of deep regret W nie 'aa' ~"
views were not taken by the COMMITTEES nuu ;
before the Legislature for his sentiments ano n's
kuoredgs on the oyster subject agreed WIN n''ne III
many OF the most important particulars
In conclusion. l win rsmark, that my snor. ae.
quantHncs With the editor Of the argus 'Iaue
very favorable impression on my mihoi out ius'
be will abstain in future from using my name 10 saGn
manner would lead to the impressions tna' i'ecu'e
was intended and that he will refrain from all iut.r.
mention of me, unless it be done in 15ye 5sspeGu
and courteous. KALI NJ" IL
RICHMOND, Feb. 4, 1858.
ADMISSION t5S OF H' new SESs9' sTaaAfESTCoNsTITu-
TIONAL GUARANTEES.
SUBJECT CONCLUDED
In my former letter two measures were snggesteo
as not unlikely to quiet the sectional ieuds which
have long distracted and endangered the country;
FIRST The exclusion CT new non slsvehodlng
States, UNTIL by the admission Of another savehold'
ing State the slavehoIdng and non slavehoiong Sec
tons shall have an equal voice in the.SeRate.
Second AN amendment to the Constitution.
The first, il may be objected, would be injurious or
announcement both to the excluded Sates aod 10 tue
Union. Very possibly:-possibly not IL might be
injury to the former to become independent States
or Confederacies. They would in that case, be re-.
eved at least from sharing in domestic Jars and
We perhaps, might get along with them rs nelghoors
quite agreeably as If made members OF our family
circle already too numerous to be properly regulated
But granting the objection OF what importance Is II
compared with the consequences to result from any
increase of numerical superiority of the North in
both houses Of Congress! What good could The
Northern States themselves hope to derive from new
alliance which should reconcile them to put IN flr
Their jeopardy that contracted by our fathers, which
has now endured, under different forms, for more
than eighty years, and whose perpetuity we of the
South s earnestly desire on the fair bass OF equal
right?
1t may be further objected that the measure in ques.
ton owing to the shifting views not OF politicians
onybu of States, would be too precarious to be relied
on for permanent safety, even though the proposed
equilibrium should be restored that even the slave
holding States in moment of iatuity or misjudglng
confidence, might repeat the fatal California blunder
which deprived them Of their equality in the Senate
in effect unconstitutional oheck-snd reduced them
10 ian inferior rank in the confederation. Ii CO.,
they would have none 10 blame but themselves
agree, however that there is great force in this
objection In my opinion, as already said, there IA
but one mems Of permanent safety; and that Is by
modification OF our organic law.
The modification | have humbly recommended, ls
simply provision declaring that no bill shall become
law without the concurrence of specified proper
ton Of each class Of Senators, representing respec-
lively the saveholding and slavehoding sections
of The Uuon-a provision which in effect would give
qualified but permanent veto to each section sub
stituting in this particular federative for CONSOLE
dating principle
Shall we be told it is idle to expect that the North
people will ever surrender the power they pos.
sess, of ruling The Union and the Soulful answer,
if the amendment in question, or any other which
may be devised be Economically just and reasonable
conciliatory constitutional indispensable to ensure
the rights of the South and the continuance OF the
Union itself, why should we anticipate from our "a.
sociaes denial unjust TO us, and Improbable 1t not
runous TO theml
We should not, however, shut eyes to the diff
outes which lie in the way Of any amendment to the
Federal Constitution; yat there we're infinitely more
aud greater in the way Of it's original formaoni but
our fathers met and overcame them. Are not those
before US much exaggerated
First it may be thought the Southern States will
themselves agree in no reasonable proposition !hat,
indeed, would he conclusive. But there surely is no
to suppose that they would not zesousy con-
in any just and efficient constitutional guarantee
against the aggressons and The insults to which they
are now exposed.
Then again, insupersbe obstacles are apprehended
from the opposite quarter. 1t would be vain to deny
that strenuous opposition from that quarter must
be expected. Fanatcism; hatred Of the South; dis
affection towards the Constitution and the Union -
These mental and moral dstempers, like evil spirits,
have long possessed the more unsteady and nervous
portion OF the Northern people, and insgated them
10 acts of outrage upon the rights and property Of
the South. But extreme madness and folly are often,
like anger, of brief duration and it may we'll he
doubted whether they will much longer control the
action of those States which heretofore have IN.
temporarily declared, they would never be bound ny
the admission of The foreign STATE Of Isras into the
Union consent to that of any new State legalisng
slavery. Should they, however, threaten notification
secession, rather than yield any guarantee against
wrongs their own declaration warrant us to expect
let them depart in peace. The South will use neither
force nor persuasion to retain their alliance.
In advering to the Incorporate course of portion
of the Northern people, candor compels US to admit
that it has not been met at the South in aspirlt OF
meek forbearauce 1t is a heavenly prscept to love
those who dsspiteiully u.s. but it needs nature
little less than heavenly to obey it. lncessant nbo-
guy; the frequent Intervention Of laweas uobs to
prevent the recovery Of fugitive saves; the insult
ing denial of equal right to the common territory
of the Union, it cannot be disguised, have excited
among strong resentment and indignation, and
weakened the attachment of the South both to the
Constitution and the Union. But let US insist on a
just discrimination. The course OF the Northern PEG.
pie is aggressive; that Of the Southern defensive at
most realiatory. Tho former denounce the Consti-
tuition because it promises protection to Southern pro
perty and institutions the latter are dissatisfied be.
cause, while "keeps the word OF promise to the ear
it breaks it to the hope" The one is ready to abide
by the Constitution itself; the other appeals to
"higher lap" known only to themselves, and sooner
than see the Constitution enforced, would "Ief the
Union side"
1t must be conceded that there are difficulties in ouI
way; but these very difficulties constitute powerful
incentives TO every true friend Of our common coun
try to find some corrective for evils not much longer
to be endured and such corrective, must think, Is
in their power by ajudicious amendment OF our fun
damental law.
Assuming the unanmity of the fifteen slaveholdin0
States and throwing the FIVE New England States into
the opposite SCALE still may hope, out oil the re-
naming eleven, that nine may be found true 10 Inc
country and to themselves. But say authcien'
number shall not concur in adopting any amendment
that all our overtures are rejected what then! why
the Southern States must of necessity Withdraw OF
for all future tune consent to occupy an inferior
rank" and surrender our federal concerns to the con
troll Of distinct and unfriendly States unchecked bu'
by constitution whose painest provisions they re-
pudate. Unresisting submission to such destiny
by such people, it is not within the range of posi-
biIity. IT would ba degradation abJect slavery
Secession would ba inevitable.
And tohot then Who shall snswer that question
The rash and reckless, men who will not pause !" re-
fect-wiIl cay, the Union must be Preserrcd Mu@ IL
for the king, word not 10 be spoken among equals
The idea OF coercion is simply prepOsternus' On'o"
Of independent States BIZ force is solecism Con
quest, determination, there may be- possibly; On,
compulsory union is a conception even more ABSURD
than voluntary vassalage.
By what mowers would il be attempted Not by
the United States: the Union in the case supposed
would BIZ reduced to ts original elements. The Saes
lhenceforth could act only in their separate capacities
or under new unions or confederaces Would ma
jority OF the Northern States or people embark 10
war for such an ohect7 No: they could never prove
40 depraved senseess 40 regardless of their own
interest. We should have to encounter no war ou'
the eternal war of words; no champions more 70
doubtable than strong minded women, anu "eHh
minded men no weapons sharper than their tongues
Bu were the entire North to unite sgainst U.s. they
could never bring back the South under their DONNA
ton. 10 seven years Old England could not reduce
her rebellous colonies; how long before New England
with all the forces she and her associates could mus
ter-"black spirits and white" male and female
could vanouish fifteen States, with dimensions and
population far very far, exceeding those Of The Old
Thirtsen1" How many years, how many Millions,
would require to make and maintain the conquest
Whence would these countless treasures be derived
when Northern products and manufactures no longer
should find Southern market and their supplies Of
Southern cotton and tobacco, -four. rice and sugar
should be stopped by the prohibitory laws oil the
South or the slaughter of its inhabitants and The De
vastatinn of it's heds1
No. there would be no war and il war should come,
there must sooner or later be pesoe it might be ael
seas of blood poured out and millions OF treasure er
pended and debt incurred;-but come Il must; ahc
come when it may, who doubts it must be accom-
atnot fhn rnn