The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-06-03

and if the facts stated in the report of the Com
nit.ee on Foreign Relations be correct, and
| their reasonsing sound, as he believed they
we're, this Government ought to take decided
5osition, and characterize these acts as they
deserve The only position which this country
could take, consistently with dignity and honor,
was to treat this as an act of war, and meet 1t
| az such, with force against force.
While be should look upon war with Great
Britain as one of the greatest calamities that
could bef.ll the civilized world, he should re.
gard the lowering of the national dignity, and
submission to such an assumption as this upon
the part of Great Britain, as q greater calami.
ty than war itself. The way to maintain peace
and to maintain our rights inviolate is, to let
Great Britain know that upon this subject we
have no argument to make, and no remon-
STRANGE to utter. Her officials have committed
acts of war upon our commerce Let us meet
| them as such and if the British Government
| disavows them, very well and if it avows
| them, it is a case demanding the action of this
Government, and not argument or remon-
STRANGE. He therefore simply asked the Sen
| ate TO declare what every man knows to be
| true, that these acts are belligerent in their
| character and that being admitted, it follows
as matter of course that belligerent acts
ought to be resisted by the power, and not re-
futed by the logic, of the country.
Mr.. Mallory withdrew his amendment. He
| had offered it under the impression that these
were joint resolutions, taking action but mas
much as they were not, but merely an express
sion of opinion, his amendment would be out
of place here.
Mr.. Tcombs said that this Government
wanted something more than pledges or securi
ties that belligerent acts should not be com
| nitted in future; we want satisfaction for what
has been done already. If these proceedings
| have taken place under the sanction of British
authority, We should resist them by force, and
DO it without delay. If they are without the
sanction Of that Government, we should punish
the offenders. Therefore he would vote for a
resolution, not only to send our force there to
prevent these things in future, but to seize
these vessels, with or without the authority of
the British Government. He believed the mill.
tsry force of the country should be placed at
the disposal of the Executive, and that we
should either sink these sggressors upon our
rights, or seize them and bring them to condign
punishment he would be satisfied with moth
| ing short of that.
Mr.. Seward expressed his entire concurrence
with the general sentiment which is pervading
the Senate, Congress, and the country, with re-
| gard to these outrages which have been COM
mitted upon our commerce in the Gulf of
Mexico. The Committee on Foreign Relations,
as had already been stated, were unanimous In
the adoption of these resolutions. For himself,
he needed no law books or judicial decisions to
instruct his mind in regard to the rights of
nations upon the great public highways. A
nation was to be governed by similar rules that
would be applied to an individual. IT. because
there are thieves and robbers in society, a pri
vate citizen can be stopped and searched in
the street by every person who may choose to
exercise the right of police, then it is true that
one nation has right to constitute itself po
lice upon the high seas for the purpose of as
cerlainng the honesty, integrity, and good
conduct of other nations, but there is no such
right anywhere. tits claim founded in force,
and not in right The United States have
never recognised this right, and never will !;
and it has been practically abandoned by Great
Britain ever since the close of the last war.
The true principle is this as there may be
pirates at sea, as well as culprits on land, any
person who may choose to challenge another
as being an unjust and dangerous person may
either arrest or detain him but be does it at
his peril If the person proves to be culprit,
he is abandoned to the hands of justice but if
he turns out to be innocent, then the person
arresting him is an aggressor, and is bound to
give satisfaction. This principle is applicable
to nations as well as individuals and on this
principle we ought to demand satisfaction from
the Government of Great Britain.
| Mr.. Douglas stated that he concurred in the
general tone of the report, but he would make
| ore reservation. Instead of contenting our
selves with an expression of an opinion that
,h9 thing must stop, he believed we should
bring forward some practical legislation, and
authorize and empower the President to stop it.
Ii is said that the Executive has now exert
ed the whole power of the Government by or
dtring all cur disposable naval force to the
Gulf OF Mexico, with instructions to protect
| American Citizens and commerce there. Was
that power sufficient to put an effectual stop to
| these outrages? 1t is understood that this au-
;hority extends simply to prevent the search of
cur vessels while the act is being done. In
order to prevent the act in this manner, we
| should be under the necessity of sending ship
of war by the side of every merchantmen, 80 as
to be constantly present for they would only
make the search when our war-ship was not
present. But the moment our armed vessel
was out of sight, the merchantmen would be
stopped and made to submit to such inspection
and search as the British Government might
| require. The better mode would be for one of
our ships of war to get upon the track of the
l"Styx," or any other British vessel that has
been committing theee outrages, follow her,
capture her, make prisoners of all on board,
and bring the vessel into All American port to
answer for the offence. If the British Govern.
mant avows that act, it becomes an information
al question between this country and Great
| Britain; and if she dissvows it, it is for us to
say what punishment shall be inflicted upon
those lawless persons who are then abandoned
by their own Government as pirates. 1t would
be impossible for the wabash T" to catch the
Styx" in the act, because she would never
DO it while the wabash" was in sight and
if he President has not power to do more than
he has done, the power ought to be conferred
at once. II might be said, that this would be
| giving the President power to make war,
whereas the war power is vested in Congress
alone. But to that he would reply, that the
President could at any time involve the coun
ty in war in ninety days. When the country
elects President, they are compelled to confide
IN him, for the reason that the Office vests in
bis hands such power as is safe only when ex.
ercised with wisdom, discretion, and Justice.
Mr.. D. said he would act in this matter with.
ont reference to political parties he would
confer that power which the Chief Magistrate
ought to have, in order to enable him to bro.
tect American citizens wherever they may 90.
He had no apprehension that such a power
would be abused by the present Executive, or
by ony one who may succeed him. With these
views he had introduced bill to clothe the
Executive with power to protect our citizens
and our commerce outside the limits of the
United States by summary process, whenever
there might be case that does not admit Of
delay, but requires instant action. The time
for discussion of this question has gone by; let
US now have action.
Mr.. Hayne thought the resolutions were wise
dignifed, manly, and proper. He approved the
promptness that characterized the conduct o.
Oliver Cromwell and Andrew jackson, and ex