Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1858-05-26
From the South Garolinian.
REVIVAL OF THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE.

hoping that it would pass away without further
discussion. The inopportune moment for it's
discussion, the element of distraction which it
carried with it, coming Ikea bomb-shell in the
midst of our united Southern camp, were con-
sderations in themselves sufficient, we thought
to have stopped agitation.: In this we were
mistaken Another Convention has been held
in Montgomery, and5againj we see the same SUBJ
iect being agitated' If it, were proposition
that would promote the interests of South Caro-
lima, this dissension and this agitation would in
no manner deter us. Weawould boldly advo-
cate it, and let consequences take care Of them
selves. Or again, if we simply regarded it as q
proposition which would tend to unite the South
and bring about wholesome pro-slavery senti-
Inent, aeuhoul iyuring &at6 Carolina, if We
could not approve it, we would not oppose it.
Such is not the conclusioI.we come to upon
consideration. When the Proposition was first
submitted, several years Since, through the
columns of the Charleston 1&andard, we confess
that, upon first presentation, it momentarily
captivated us. 1t came with the aspect of a
bold, decided measure There was defiance
about it, that prompted an impulse to sustain it.
But when its results upon South Carolina were
considered, deliberately, wiielt convicted to its
the extension Of slavery, iticertainly appeals in
some degree for support. but in our devotion
to the institution generallysn no one is justified
in overlooking its effects upon South Carolina:
Judge Butler, when lie declared that he regarded
the Union only through Soath Carolina, mean
ing that when any federal measure was proposed,
he first regarded its influence upon his own
State uttered sentiment that met with warm
approval from every South garolinian. So, too,
in regard to this question:. No Carolinian is
justified in advocating any Gne Of policy in ref
erence to slavery in generakwhch may weaken
slavery in his own State In this spirit, then,
VIC approach this propositiob for re-opening Of
the African slave trade. considered in refer
ence to South Carolina, let US see what will
probably be tue effects Of its revival.
We take the position saably demonstrated
by Mr. Fitzhugh, that involuntary servitude is
unavoidable in every society. There must ne
cessarly be wealth, thereEmust be poverty.
Between these two eXtremeA there will be gra-
dation of classes. If the rdce be the same, dis
content must exist in the lowest class; but If
the menials are of an inferior race, there will he
cOntentment, provided .thesruling or superior
race possess the power t0,Icoerce service and
prevent itlleness, the principal cause of social
discontent Our menials being of an inferior
race are excluded from tie .ballot-boX.. Our
Government thus represetssthe higher race and
class, and must be of higher order. There IS
every inducement, both socially and politically,
for every South Caroinial guard with zeal''
GUS care our institution Of of9eSery. Its strength
and continuation should SlWSSs be primary con;
siderations,. and AM, 4aISsassthat threatens it
Should be Boldly opposed. IF n Strengthens the
institution elsewhere, but weakcns it In South
Carolina he who would adyocs te it, with that
conviction, would be guilty of high treason to
the best interests of his State. Such is our con-
viction in regard to this question. We would
not question the sincerity OF honesty OF it's ad-
vocates Their convictions and ours are diFpr-
ent-and their reason for Jealous advocacy is
ours for Jealous opposition,
Slaves like every kind Of property arc only
valuable for what they produce. A slave who
cultivates cotton when it sells at l2c. is worth
more than twice as much ai when it commands
but &C. Or one when cotton sells at l2c. is
worth more than two whom it sells ut lie. Be-
cause, in the latter case, you would eXpcnd dou.
ble tile amount to support labor that would not
Weld any more gross than in the first instance
When cotton is at &c. and prime negro fellow
is selling at $s400, if prices should 60 up to IL
cents, lis value would be more than $500. For
iE,,with cotton at cents, his gross earnings were
500, and at II cents were $500, the cost Of
supporting him being the same in both instances
say $50, in the first he would realize only $50
in the latter $3.50. So it will appear that while
the price of cotton has only doubled, the value
of the negro has trebled. Reverse it and let cot
ton fall in price one-half, and the value of the
negro would fall two-thirds. This shows the
delicate sensitiveneSs Of negro property. For
several years the price OF negroes has been high,
because the crops were short and cotton COM
manded good price. Nor will their price ever
fall until the price of cotton is reduced until
the planter realizes less to the hand than he
does now.
| 1t will thus be seen that under the delusion
of making negroes cheaper, we will be doing it
at the expense of their value-and they will
never become cheaper unless their value be de-
preciated Cheapness cannot be obtained but
by depreciation Are our planters prepared to
obtain it at this sacrifice? We have shown that
one negro, Mt tho present prices, is worth actu-
ally more than two at half the price, with the
price of cotton reduced one half There are
really greater inducements at this time, and at
present prices, to invest in negro property than
have ever before existed. This is strongly illus
trated by the eagerness with which they are
bought, and the reluctance with which they are
sold. And this state of things is owing to the
price which our cotton commands The high
price is evidence of high value, and high value
i, the main pillar of strength upon which the
institution rests. The basis of that pillar is the
price of cotton. AS that falls, the pillar is
weakened; as it rises, 80 the pillar is strength
ened. We hold that, SO long as cotton COM
mands goods price, tue institution Of slavery
in South Carolina is on an impregnable basis.
If that be true, then any measure calculated to
reduce the price of cotton is deadly blow
at the institution in the State-it strikes Mt the
very pillar of its support. Of such character
Is this proposition to reopen the African slave
trade, although strangely coming from South
Carolina--the very last State from which it
should have emanated.
We have shown above, the intimate connec-
ton between the price Of negroes and the price
of cotton, and that the former can only be Of.
fccted through the latter. To affect this, the
supply of cotton must be increased This every
one must admit. 1t is q simple proposition of
supply and demand regulating prices. This,
then, is the policy of the advocate for reopen
ing the African slave trade. He wishes to re.
ducc the price of labor. To do this, we have
shown that he must reduce the price of cotton.
We concede the effectiveness of tho measure
proposed to accomplish the end aimed at, But
we contend further, that In effeoting bis purpose
he will destroy the cotton culture in South
Carolina. In demonstrating this, it will be ne-
cessary to review the cotton culture generally.
1t will appear that already the competition, in
its production has been so great that it has
stonned its culture in some countries, and re-