Weekly American. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1858-1858, 1858-05-29
WASHINGTON,

the idea that the law which made that line of d.
| vision was a constitutional one. 4 believed SO
then. The people since have generally believed
| it, | must be permitted to retain that opinion
still; to go on, at any rate, to my end with the
| h"pe that have not been praising and have not
been claiming credit for others for violating the
Constitution of their country
| Sir, the men who passed that measure were
| great men, they We're far-seeng men. Without
argument now, am content TO rest my faith upon
the authority of those great men--Clay, Pinckney,
Lowndes, President Monroe, he last of the patri.
archs of the Revolution, with his learned and
able Cabnet-and then, what is more than all,
thrty-fve years of acquescence in it, and peace
under II, In these States. Whatever quarrels you
may have had about it in Congress, there was al
| ways enough to uphold and sustain that law; and
never, until 1854, was it repealed or its constitu-
| tonality questioned, that know Of I regretted
its repeal, bt cause feared that it would lead to
new agatons and new dangers Has it not?
| What has been our experience9
| The authors of the measure which repealed that
compromises and patriotic know them
to be, many OF them my personal friends--prom.
ised themselves from il greater peace and greater
repose by locazing the slavery question: as it was
said This act was to locaze the question of
| slavery, and all agitation was to be at an end.
1t was to give peace to the country. The Prcsi.
dent in his message at the commencement of
tHIS sessiOIl, UT III ulS speCdi mesSaRe-l not
know which--imagines the country to have been
in great agitation on the subject of slavery, when
the Kansas-Nebraska act came and put stop to
! 1t until, some time afterwards, it was revived.
| Why, sir, exactly the contrary seems 70 me TO
be the true history of the transaction. We were
becoming tranquilzed under the compromises of
! 1850 in addition to the Missouri compromise; I;
all was snbsidiug into sub mission and acqui-
escence, when, TO obtain greater degree of
/ anI %, tha Ill
agitation, this bill of 1854 repeating the Missouri
compromise was passed. What has it produced?
Has it localized the question of slavery? Has it
| given us peace I? All can answer that question.
1t has given us rnything but cessation of agta
ton It has given us trouble, nothing but trouble
That has been the consequence of it SO far.
| am anxious now us any man here to close
up this scene. | would vote for the admission of
Kansas upon almost any terms that would give
peace and quiet. If l thought this bill would do
So should vote for it. ! would suppress all scru-
Piles for the sake Of that peace Ii was sure
such would be its result would vote for it, think
ing myself justified by The price that was to be
paid-the peace of my country and the restora.
ton of good will among my fellow citizens. /
do not hope for it. fear further trouble We
are again told that this win have the effect of
localizng the question of slavery, and that we
shall be no more troubled with IL; that the mis-
cIel anu CianOr, dStduOHl VIII all De cOnnncu
to the limits of Kansas. This is the same hope
that was disappointed when the Kansas n Nebraska
bin was passed. The same hope was INDUCED in
then, and since then there has been nothing here
but agitation on the subject increasing with every
day. tt .- r,,- ~,
Again, we have the idea of localizing il pre-
sented. Now, sir, ifit is to be debated anywhere,
it will be debated here; and perhaps, If it is to
be debated anywhere, It is best that itshould be
debated here because might hope, Mr.. Presi-
dent, that in this body it would be debated with
spirit of moderation and Cancellation that would
deprive it of many mischevous consequences il it
were agitated and debated among men without our
years, without our responsibilities, and without
the restraints which our condition and our know
ledge impose upon US. Even here we do not de-
bate il in the right way. We allow ourselves to
become too much excited about it,. To this great
country, what is Kansas and this Kansas question,
and the two or three hundred slaves who are there,
that you and ! and all the American Senate should
be here day and night, and using such language Of
vituperation and invectve on this subject as we
often doy Look at our great country, and the
great subjects which claim our attention as her
legislators; look at them all in their majesty and
their magnitude and then say how little pitilul in
comparison, is the question about which We are
making so much strife and contention.
On this subject, and on many Others, it seems to
me that il becomes US, Of all the citizens Of this
great Republic, to set to fellow-citizcns ex.
ampes of moderation and Cancellation What
/ good does the mutual charge Of aggression, often
| liercely re eatedP What good do these invec-
| tives? Especially let me say to my friends Of
the North, why indulge in invectives o. the most
reproachful character, upon those who, in four
teen or fifteen States of this great country are
slaveholdersS Does that give you any cause to
traduce themG Can you not live content with
the Institutions which please you better and leave
these fellow citizens who have Just the same right
10 adopt slavery that you have your institutions,
TO enjoy their liberty in peace also2 Is there any
| thing in the difference Of cur institutions which
| ou hit TO make us ininiical TO one another? How
was il with our fathers Did rot they live TO.
gethcr in peace and harmony? Did not they fght
| togetherr Did not they legislatc together? Did
they ever abuse and repronch each other about the
question of slavery? Never, that have read Of
Why il il tiat we cannot do as they didY Have
We dcgcncrated from those fathers, or have we
crown 20 much better aud purer than they werep
| doubt whether we arc any better; and do not
believe, notwithstanding all that Is said about
progress, that we are at all more sensible than
thuse fathers who made the Constitution of the
United States, aud laid the foundation of this
great Government. They gave us an example Of
brotherhood and when we look Mt sll that con-
meets us, all that untcs and makes us one people,
to be to connect together, than the question of
slavery aud anti.savery TO divide usS We are
united by circumstances OF which we cannot oivest
ourselves. We are united in language, in hood,
in country, in all the memories OF the past, in all
the hopes Of the future. This is our connection,
leading and pointing to the brightest destiny that
ever awaited any people. All the unnumbered
blessings OF the future in full prospect; but
there is this little, this comparatively email matter
Of contention, that we seem disposed to nurse up
into continual occasion for philppcs and for re-
proaches This is not the right temper with which
TO regard the subject, elimination aud recrimi-
nation is not the way to strengthen our Union
that Union Of brotherhood, Of good will, Of CO.
operation for all great national purpose, which
our fathers formed. fa .# t.r
l was gratifed TO hear comparisons made OF the
mighty resources Of the different sections Of this
country. 1t was prou exhibition. The homer
able Senator from South Cai olina Mr. HANNosDl
gave us IN a very inter csting and eloquent Manner
the mighty resources Of the South. They are be-
yond estimate--beyond calculation. This is re.
Piled to by gentleman from the North, who gives
us the mighty resources and the mighty power Of
New England and the non-slaveholdng States.
Well, sir, If the conclusion which might be drawn
from it was true that each Of those sections would
by itself make mighty country and country