The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1858-02-18

wrong of the Lecompton Convention, nor cure
the defects Of the Lecompton schedule, which,
though providing for its ratification or rejection,
was submitted for approval alone, without allow
ing vote upon its rejection.
After scathing review of the Lecompton
Conventions election jugglery, Gov. Wise pro-
eeeds to give Southerner's view of the ques-
ton.
The Democratic party had Just come out of
severe and doubtful conflict with the Know
Notning secret society, the most odious feature
Oh winch was test OATH" Now, behold an
honest, peaceful, law-abiding citizen approach
the polls in Kansas under this schedule: i'm.
sglne myself an ultra-Southern stakeholder. put
70 the ordeal OF the challenge under this clause
OF the schedule | am anxious, very anxious, to
record my vote for my right to hold the chief
part OF the little property own; am told that
have the right, by the grant of the high LIE.
compton Convention, to vote for or against
property In slaves approach the polls to ex.
efcise the rlghtj am challenged the Bible 10
neid ont TO me, to swear first to Support the
Constitution of the United States ;" ask why
impose on me that oath; 1 urge that the obi.
ngauon Is binding on me without the oath
that l love and obey the Constitution of the
United States, and that is made the supreme
law of the land, binding of itself-but, being
wiling to support that instrument, and anxious
to vote for my property, assent to swear to
support it. But / am told must in the second
place, swear also to support the Lecompton
Consultation, if adopted, under the penalties
OF perjury under the Territorial lswsn
redden into wrath under the insult of such
an oath, rendered to q freeman at the polls-to
support q Constitution, if adopted, before its
adoption ! denounce the obstacle to my free
dom OF election. II is in vain must take it,
OF leave my property unprotected. suppose
the superstition is almost intolerable-I take
the oath am then, and only then, granted
the privilege of voting. vote for Slavery, but
against the Constitution. am then told that
my vote cannot be counted; yet am sworn to
support, 1t adopted, what have voted against
Stung by insult, and then disfranchised, / 90
away, maddened to violence BY Injustice. inc.
quality, and insult added to injury, Is that
my act and deed 2 Is that republican IfCa.
iigula was a tyrant for posting laws too high to
De read by the Roman people, what does this
deserve to be called, which puts the whole and
part together, 80 that minority for the whole
may prevail over a majority for or against the
part Is it not the very hocus pocus and
legerdemain of keeping the promise to the ear
OF the people, and breaking it to their hopes
l tell you that no proud, free people, will stand
insult and outrage like this and such despot.
ism Is enough to drive peaceful and good citi.
zens to, violence, for redress of grievances.
But the question is, not whether the Lecomp
ton constitution has been opposed unlawfully,
but Is 1t the act and deed of the sovereign peo.
pie, whose 1t purports to be-and is it republi.
can IN Its submission BY the schedule of the
Lecompton Constitution And mark. too. that
this test oath is applied when the Constitution
is to be sent to Congress from Territory for
approval. After taking this oath, the casuist
may determine whether he could, if the Consti-
tuition be adopted, oppose it before Congress-
tnough ne voted against it at the polls.
de contends that there was obviously sin.
lister ana ant'republican purpose in thus Civ
ing an unfair election as to part of the Consti.
tuition, with no election as to the whole.
DE denies the assertion of the President,
that no people could have proceeded with more
regularity In the formation of Constitution
than the people of Kansas have done. The
people were not allowed fair election at all.
fair election could not be held under the
schedule, as appears from its face.
He contradicts the Presidents idea that the |
admission of Kansas would speedily end the
agitation in Congress, and localize it in Kan. |
sas. He declares that it never can be local
again. 1t is allessential that the settlement
shall be Just, right, and equal, aud, if not 90, it
Is sure to be mischievous to that party sustain.
ing power without right, and doing wrong that |
good may come.
The letter concludes with the following warn. |
ing appeal to the friends of the President:
We have proudly, heretofore, commended only |
for equality and justice; but if this be wantonly
done, without winning stake-the power of a |
slave State thereby-it will be worse than vain.
1t will be snatching power per fas aut nefas.
to be lost speedily" with the loss of some.
thing of far more worth than political votes
our moral prestige. If we are not willing to
do justice, we can't ask for justice; if we can't
agree 70 equality, we must expect to be denied
1t. 1t is our bull goring the auti-slavery OK.
suppose we had had majority of slavehold
ers in that Territory; suppose a minority of
abolitionists had gotten the census and registry
into their hands, and had kept fifteen out of
thirty -four counties out of the Convention SUP.
pose they had formed Constitution, with
clause prohibiting slavery, and had sent it to
Congress, without submitting it to a majority
OF the legal voters; or suppose they had sub.
mitted all parts of the Constitution to the non.
uiar vote, except the one clause prohibiting
Slavery, knowing it would be voted down if sub
mitted to majority of the people suppose
such shoot on the other leg" had been sub
mitted to Congress, and we had then heard the
absoluteness of q Convention contended for bv
Black Republicans, demanding of Congress to
sustain the doctrine of Legitimacy" tell Won
that every Southern man would have been in
arms, and would be reused to the shedding of
blood, rather than to submit to Congress fast.
ening upon a majority of ProSlsvery people,
An arbitrary rescript of mere Convention, I'M.
authorized to proclaim its Constitution, without
an express grant. This is the same principle,
accompanied by trickery and fraud. awe are
willing to do unto others as we would have
them do unto u.s." The Southern people ask
for no INJUSTICE, no inequality.
We are told that "prompt admission of
!. ansas as State will end the agitation in
Congress, and localize it in Kansas. What is
he Kansas question Is it local to Kansas
No. 1t never can be local again. 1t has per.
vaded all places and all classes in our country.
Let Congress endorse this schedule of leperde.
main, let the South insist on it, let the North.
srn Democracy be required to consent to the
Injustice, and the p' ecedent becomes of uni.
1ersal application and citation against us for
ime Not only will the example plead, but it
Will be plea In continuous cases of similar
import and danger, rising successfully as long
% our vast territories to the Pacific shah be
liiing up. 1t comes up again and again, every
year, from territories extending from Mesilla
ALLEY to Dacotah. Flatter not ourselves. Their.
hat any mode of adjustment will do, because
is the "speediest" for Kansas. 1t is all.
essential that the settlement shall be Just and
light and equal If not, it is sure to be mis-
'hievous to that party which has snatched
power without right, and done wrong that good
nay come of it. To do justice is always the
pest policy. If all would "demand only what
night, and submit to nothing that is wrong,D
INJUSTICE and oppression could never be perpe.
r. I'D l