Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1858-02-09

s.
The RICHMOND ENQUIRER.
~~~~~ -, :. InnSTrSSSayANT.
TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY O.
THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY. .
That the debate in Congress- on the question Of
the admission of Kansas with the Lecompton Con
stution will be Of moot exciting character there
Is no room TO doubt. That the vote will be close, and
that the result cannot yet be counted upon by either
side, We think are equally apparent. The Democratic
members certainly have 1t in their power to bear
down all opposition on the part Of the Black Repub
licans and 10 admit Kansas into the Union without far
Their parlsy or agitation II they think proper to DO 60
But In their disagreements and division, rest the
strength and the hopes of the Stewards aud Hales
aud G;dd;ugs and Crows While the ranks OF the
enemy are closed our forces are far from present
Ing compact column in their battle array The contest
has been brought at last TO the halls OF Congress.
TIE battle ha. begun again in earnest there. ana
the spectacle exhibited is that of unity concert and
confidence on the weaker side, and disssnsion and
doobt on the stronger. A Democratic President
and that too upon the main point OF poiicy Win 10
ference to which he was elevated to ONCE. And with
a majority in both brauches-iu the House OF Repre-
sentstives as we'll in the Senate-it s exceedingly
doubtful We apprehsnd that the Administration will
b. sustained by the admission OF Kansas win
RI, Lecompton Constitution. To what end VT
would ssk was the battle fought il the defeated Zoe
in allowed 10 bear OF the spois from the feid' For
whs. good IS the victory won, II the vanquisheo
party 10 permitted to appropriate the prize for "hioh
N. war was wased7 The great issue in the Fremont
and Buchanan campaign. was the principle proclaim
cd in the Nebrssks.Ksnsas sc,-he right OF the PEG
LILA of the territories to frame and adopt their domes
tic institutions In their way free from congres
siopsl Intervention. And every man in the nation
knows that the Nebraska Kansss act had especial
and peculiar reference to the institution OF slavery
alone II was originated and passed by Congress tor
the express purpose of repeating an unequal unjust
and unconstitutional act, which then stood upon the
statute books concedug to ConRress the right to 81
olude slavery from the territories, and illustrating
the concession by simultaneous enforcement OF this
absolute authority.
The Missouri compromise line frightfully attestsd
the encroaohments and usurpations OF the Federal
government Through II Congress said to the South
ern people, "thus far shalt thou 60, but no farther
Il di,rees the rights of property denied the SOW
signty and equality Of the States, overleaped the
Constitution, and perverted the spirit Of the govern
ment. But did the Missouri restriction effect any
other institution than that Of slavery' Was it not
enacted for the single purpose OF oircumscrlbing
eiaveryf Did it pretend to claim for Congress the
right to present barrier against the introduction Of
any other institution into the terrtoresi Assuredy
not and when this Missouri restriction was repealed
By the Nebraska-Kansss act; when this legislative
wall, erected to prevent the extension OF slavery
beyond it, was broken down; when the authori
~ assumed by Congress In 1920, was de
uied and disclaimed by Congress In 1880
~as It contemplated by those who enscted
the repeal, or was It understood by the coun-
try that II amounted to anything more than an 40
acknowledgement Of error and restoration of the IN
sti.uoa of slavery to Its constitutional equality with
all other domestic institutions in the Tertorles' Inc
Nebraska Kansas sot re.armed the principle OF po'
oulur sovereignty, and repealed the Missouri compro'
mise. The principle Of popular sovereignty was nol
violated or denied by the Missouri compromise, e1'
ceps in regard 10 its application to souey IN tie Ter
ro-ies iyiag north of certain line Of latitude. IL
it then reasonable to suppose that the repeating law
was designed to do more than nvadate that, with re-
ference to which it Yves enacted7 1t seems to us not.
The question: In It's several relations 10 constitutional
law slone-and We should look no further now-is
narrowed to this: 10 the Lecompton Constitutions
Sirh ito slavery clause the result In whole or In part
Of the influence of the Federal Government, either
directly or Indirectly If so. then the Nebraska
Kansas act has been violated But on the other hand,
il this Constitution has been formed by the rghtful
representatives of the people of Kansas, chosen for
that purpose, and the provision in favor OF slavery
has been accepted by the people at an open fair and
FREQ election Congress has not interferedI the Mis-.
souri, Compromise has not been applied; the Nebras-
ks act has been carried out; and Kansas should be
Immediately admitted into the Union. That the Fed.
sraI Government has interviewed, We believe, not
now eontended by any party or any faction. That
the Lecompton Constitution was framed by Con.
ventIon legitimately elected and organized for that
purposs ia admitted 1t remains then, only to ascer-
tain il the provision n favor Of slavery was accepted
by fais and free vote Of the people. Let ms zee.
The other provisions 10 the Constitution were not
submitted; for when the people we're called upon to
vote "for the Constitution without slavery" or Tor
the Constitution with slavery" as far as all other
clauses than that relating to slavery were concerned,
Il was an opposite illustration Of the familiar anecdote
Of the white man and the Indian the former saying to
the latter ron may take the rabbit and will take the
turkey. or will take the turkey and you may take
che rabbit. The Indian said his white brother did
not say turkey to him once. As 90 with the peo'
ole of Kansas and tho Constitution. 1t was not
allowed to them to vote against it, but for 1t
.M the time-whether they liked it or not. But on
the slavery clause they were called upon to vote as
th.y thought proper, either against or in favor OF
IT, 1t IL true they obliged to vote for the Con.
su,ion before they could vote for the slavery pro
vision either way. But It was practically the same
thing as the other parts of the Constitution had not
been pretsudsdy submitted to them. Whether they
voted for it or not, they would be bound, "a law
abiding citizens, to support it a. the organic law, as
soon az i, became such. 80 the slavery clause was
submitted and 90 it was accepted. And the Lecomp'
toe Constitution, think, may be and ought TO be
received without any oonnlvancs at The csnsurabe
conduct of the Convention In not referring the whole
Of it to the bona fds inhabitants, openly, fully and
freely.
So much for the question as matter of principle
and constitutional law. A.singe word as to exped.
ency. If the Lscompton Constitution is returned by
Congress- it is not reasonable to suppose that Kansas
ss be admitted 10 less than twelve months at least
And In the meantime civil war may rage there again
with redoubled rancor. In fact no man can calculate
toe consequences. II the Lecompton Constitution
10 accepted, the people, II they think proper.
may Immediately call convention and substi.
tute another 10 iss stead. Kansas will then be
sovereign State, and no longer dependent on Con
9Eess to determine upon its organic law. IL it not
preferable them both matter Of principle and ex.
ped,sncy that this Constitution should be rsosivedi
wehope hear the voice Of Congress sooo in favor Of
immediate admission. Let those Democratic members