Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1858-05-06

Of ancient and honored lay denial of the high
privilege and power of Congress, and annull-
mcnts of our acts Judge ye-truly, LARRY,
faithfully Judge, Above US all-above Con-
gress the President, and the court-stand the
sovereign people of this land; and to that
mighticr court this mightier case will be ap-
pealed.
Nj. Chairman, | warn the Representatives
of the South. You count the court upon y0w
side in this mad party strife. You dream OF
triumph through the court ; you dream OF safe,
ty in the court you quote its words you call
them law you try to bind US by their power.
Are you safe What mean these words
. The right Of property in asfare as distinctly
and erppessly affirmed in the Constitution 1t
makes no distinction between that description Of
property and other property ?" What is the
Interpretation of your President? 6 Slavery
erists BY VIRTUE OF THE CONSTITUTION J" What
is the actual effect that has been given, and that
you are fierce still to give, to this doctrine 7
Slaves, as property, not as persons, pass
from States and Territory. Do you not see that
81 property a" thus passed by sale or otherwise,
is commercial matter between the States DO
YOU not see that the court has reversed the
opinion of Judge Barbour, to wit that slaves,
us g persons, are not subjects of commerce =
| Do YOU not see that it has reversed late de-
cision of this very court, to wit: that slavery
did not come within tbs power of Congress to
regulate commerce, both external and internal,
because it was @ A STATE INsTITUTIoN|' Do
you not see, then, that, as property nnd'st'n-
Iguished from other property, Congress has the
clear right by specific grant OF the Constltu-
ton, to regulate the slave trade among the
several States - and Territories and g with the
| T. +n:h Av do sac
mere propertg, undistinguished from other prop
erty slavery falls within that other constitutions
al attribute Of Federal sovereignty-the pow,
cr to take private property for public use, on
making just compensation ?
Representatives of the South, is it not ever
So If it be, so then has your strong wall O
State sovereignty crumbled to the dust ther
Federal power will righ)ully touch your slave
within your very citadels then will it toucf
your sldues with death to give your men to lib
erty and life IF it be so single generation
shall not pass-the half of generation shall no
pass-ere your slave system fails ere not ONT
slave remains, save here and there II battered
wreck-a few lone servants. superannuated and
sad, standing by your lmtes, like the totterln9
pillars of some old Egyptian temple-the mel
ancholly monuments of past slaveholding age
Are you safe a? Is this the lesson of the court
Is this the lesson you are teaching us to-day
Is the dicta of the court do stop short OF this
then tell me where is the line 1t is not marked
y in the chart the court has given you. But /
there is IA line what then What is the lessor
that you teach, as to THE POWER OF THE Court
Run that lesson out to its inevitable result
One day will come another cout one day vii
come another opinion of a majority OF tn
judges | will not say another revolution, but
movement forward-a very slightadvance com
pared with the recent stride-some new in
stallment of judicial law some new investmen
OF new denial of Federal power to bring to it
very end the system you now 50 desperately
: sustain. Are you safe And when the da
. comes-and by your present teaching it ma
quickly comC-will you not call it DEsPoTIsM
> Ay you know it, and know it and by tina
token let me say that the powers that you hay
J. invoked, the powers which you have SO I'll
l scrupulous scheme of dominion or disunion-th
excuses of power or the court, OF the Exect
e tive of the Army, all unwarranted by author
ty of la,C-can bear no softer, smoother, cou
lier name. 1t is despotic power. 1t as lrr
I sponsihle power. 1t is unconstitutional powel
(: Rejecting, as wish to do, the hitherto III
d known and abomnable doctrine, that the RICH
u of property in slaves exists 50 by virtue OF I'll
IT Constitution" would also reject the logic
c consequence that flow from it but If, on IL
II authority of the court and the Executive, v
IS are compelled to take the doctrine, the Sout
certainly must not complain, should we carr
it rigidly out to all its consequences. pref
ri the teachingsand tie policy Of the\sathers
Prefer to act up to Ntheir sentment3 pref
W prohibitions of slavery in ell Fedsfal Terrt
h Ivy a rigid exclusion of the slave trade, in a
its old and all its new DISCUSSES and encourag
l.; ment to all the slave States for the amelioratl'
If an ultimate extinction of slavery, within the
s. own limits, by their own voluntary acts, A
if this would be in harmony with the spirit, Il
principles, the expectation, and the acts of Il
d fathers of the Uuon. All this, undertake
F.; with kindness, and prudence, and wisdom
e believe to be yet possible in the face of Il
,e madness that rules the present hour, yet b
leve it, Undertaken in such spirit, and pu
l. sued in such a spirit-though the struggle
o. long and foes many-no good thing has ev
e failed. Sir, hope the crisis of to-day is Il
IF crisis of the disease and the coming days W
= be the happy days Of health and peace. A
t. there not symptoms warranting hope Pin tt
i fresh example of Russia and even in your ov
.e new voluntary movements. You of the Sou
ii to-day are calling for laborers to till you gold,
" fields. Why, then, do you not cease to weak'
iHe your strength and impoverish your States,
l. expanding your already incompetent force
l. Some of your States, are seeking even no,
v fresh hords Of barbarian Africans and ev,
h more dangerous hords of the corrupt but int
It lgent, Chinese-all nominally, as rOhmta
IS servants. Why, then, not make all you lab
y voluntary? You tell us that the difference b
e tween free labor and slave, is but in nam
n Why quarrel on word Why foment disse
l. sion-why light TIL torch of civil war-wl
d break the bond of union-upona paltry phras,
IS An other phrase will sound as we'll, and volu
tary labor will do as we'll Why then, n
if gre us what just now you Spedk-FREE voLu
l. TARY LABOR? That phrase adopted in go
,e faith, pronounced in laws, and sealed in hone
" deed-may heal the trouble of our time.
a any body is to object to that, think it is t
~ people of the North If anybody is to re;
s. peculiar advantages wealth, in number
es and in power-I know it is the people of t
As South, The question for the South is wheth
I'd to elevate her people and her States 7
is question for the North is, whether to envy VI
N think-not opposc-the blessing of 50 graz
work, or in the fulness of brothers hoa1
to pray for all" God speed but you give
r w hore no such alternative as that You press
We to the wall, and you break over it, or throu
fs' it if we do not unyieldngly resist If we
not resist you break down the wall of 49,
n and plant slavery forever on freedom consccl
ted soil, We do, and we WILL resist Y
seek to extend your peculiar institution over
b, the Territories which are the common proper
,Se of the Union and by virtue of our comm
rights, we do, we must, we will resist Yo
100 are the assailants it is for us to defend Y
it start the revolution it is for us to roll
re. back,
OF One word, sir, as to the bill which is t
H. subject of this long debate. 1t involves t
en Lecompton constitution, which is itself the {