Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, 1858-11-11

construction of the Constitution, decidedly
prefer to remain in the Union, rather thar
incur the unknown costs and hazards Of set
ting up seperate Government. I think
say what is true when say that after all the
bitterness that has characterized our long
warfare, the great body Of the Southern peo
pie do not seek Disunion, and will not seek
itas a primary object, however promptly
they may accept itas an International abridg.
ments of their rights. I confess TINT for
many years of my life, believed that our
only safety was the dissolution of the Union,
and openly avowed it. I should entertain
and without hesitation express the same SEN
timents now, but that the victories We have
achieved and those that I think We are about
to achieve have inspired me with hope, may
say the belief, that we can fully sustain our
selves in the Union and control IDS action in
all great affairs. 1t may be well asked how
I can entertain such views and expectations,
when within these few years the South has
lost her equality in the Senate and the Free
States have at length decided majority in
both Houses Of Congress, while the unfortu-
nate Kansas contest has swept into their po-
litical graves so many of our ancient friends
in those States, that it may be doubted whetb-
er they have at this moment, after the recent
elections-the finale of the disastrous Kansas
abortion-a majority in any single one Of
them and there seems to be at present no
prospect of our extending the area of Slave.
cry in any quarter.
Thece facts are true and if you will bear
with me, will place them all in the strong.
est light I can before you-for it is of the
utmost importance that we should at least
see clearly how we stand, and what We can
do, and how avoid wasting our strength on
what cannot be accomplished. The equality
of the free and slave States has long been
lost in the House by the admission Of Cali
fornia it vas lost in the Senate. Since then
another free State has been admitted, and an
other yet has passed the Senate, and in few
years more we shall have Kansas, Nebraska,
Washington, New Mexico, and perhaps 9th.
ers on our roll The immigration from Eu-
rope to the North is sufficient to form one or
more new States every year. To the South
there is literally no emigration. We have
since the closing of the slave trade, added to
our population mainly by the natural increase
of our people, and We have DO surplus pop.
ulatiop, white or black, to colonize new States.
We lost Kansas partly Oy our inability to
coonize it, and we are perhaps yet to have a
struggle for portion of Texas. The idea,
then, of recovering the equality of the two
sections, even in the Senate, seems remote
indeed. We have it proposed to reopen the
African slave trade, and bring in hordes of
slaves from that prolific region to restore the
balance. I once entertained that idea my.
self, but on further Investigation l abandon
ed it. will not now 60 into the discussion
of it, further than to say that the South is
itself divided on that policy, and, from ap
pearances opposed to it by vast majority:
while the North is unanimously against 1t.
1t would be impossible to get Congress to re-
open the trade. If it could be done, then it
would be unnecessary, for that result could
only be brought about by such an entire
abandonment by the North and the world OF
all opposition to our slave system, that we
might safely cease to erect any defences tor
it. But if we could introduce slaves, where
could be find suitable territory for new slave
States? The Indiana Reserve, west of Ar
kansas, might make one. But We have SOL
emply guaranteed that to the remnants of the
red race. Everywhere else, believe, the
borders of our States have reached the great
desert which separates the Atlantic from the
Pacific States of this Confederacy. Nowhere
is African Slavery likely to flourish in the
little oasis Of that Sahara of America. 1t
much more likely think to get the Pacific
slope, and 10 the great valley, than anywhere
else outside of its present limits. Shall We,
as some suggest, take Mexico and Central
America to make slave States? African
slavery appears to have failed there, Per-
haps, and most probably, it will never sue
ceed in those regions If it might, what are
we to do with the scven.or eight millions of
hardly semi.civilized Indians, and the two
or three millions of Creole Spaniards and
mongrels who now hold those countries 2
We would not enslave the Indians? Expert
ence has proven that they are incapable of
steady labor, and are therefore unfit for slave.
~. We would not exterminate them, even
if that inhuman achievement would cost ages
of murder and incalculable sums of money.
We could hardly think Of attempting to plant
the black race there, seperior orlabor, though
inferior, perhaps, in intellect, and expect to
maintain permanent and peaceful industry,
such as slave labor must be, to be profitable,
amid those idle, restless, demoralized chill
dreu of Montezuma, scarcely more civilized,
perhaps more sunk in superstition than in
his age, and now trained to civil war by half
century Of incessant revolution. What, |
say, could we do with these people or these
countries to add to Southern strength q! Moth
ing. Could we degrade ourselves SO far as
to annex them on equal terms, they would
be sure to come into this Union free States
all To touch them in any way is to be con-
taminated. England and France, have no
doubt, would gladly see us take this burthen
on our back, if we would secure for them
their debts, and neutral route across the
Isthmus. Such route We must have fol
ourselves, and that is all we have to do with