The Council Bluffs nonpareil. [volume] (Council Bluffs [Iowa]) 1857-1867, 1858-10-16
A 0erman's Appealln Behalf Of Republicanism
speech Of Hon. Carl Sehurz ut Chicago.

SntcURO, StplemUeE Scius ~ gives tnc cup
de grace to Mr.. Douglass popular sover-
elgnty humbug. We are sorry that we can
not give the speech in full. Our readers
must be content with few extracts, from
which the scope Of ability of the address
may been seen, and Mr.. Schurz' correct ap..
prehenson of our institutions and system Of
government, and Of this slave power, is
shown. We think he expresses, in this ad-
dress, the sentiments Of four-tifths OF the
German citizens of the United States:
In the slayeholding States all political
life is shaped by the ruling interest. While
the people of the South profess the princi-
pie of equality, one class Of citizens are ac'
customed to govern and the other to obey,
(and mark we'll, am speaking of the whites
not Of the slaves) and the whole machinery
of government, even down to the smallest
fraction, is in the hands of the slavcholding
aristocracy. While they profess the princi-
speak nor write word against the "pecu-
liar institution" While they claim to be
frcemcn, they have fettered the hands Of the
people with the most odious regulations,
| dictated by the instructive fears, common to
all tyrants. While they claim to be an en-
lightcned people, they do not suffer the great
|
and colleges, for fear they might engender
thought against slavery. While they claim
to be moral and religious people, they ad-
of slavery. While they pretend to be Il
liberties Of speech and the press, sacrificed
welfare Of the non slaveholding whites, and
| IL Of fhoir
State, sacrificed the peace of this Republic;
you want to hear it, that they are ready to
sacrifice to the perpetuaton Of slavery even
the union of these States and the last rem
nant Of their liberties and republican inst-
tutlons. (Checrs.) Nobody can deny it
in the south slavery oyerrulcs everything
else, slavery rules it all.
And what about the North? Look at the
party in power. 1t considered the Nilsson
ri Compromise a sacred compact, rs long as
that measure served to augment the number
of slave States. 1t advocated the extension
of the Missouri line to the Pacific Ocean,
when BY that extension large territory
might be acquired for slavery. 1t became
aity of the Missouri Compromise and re-
|
the number of free States. 1t trnnsmogri-
ten times, according to the pleasure OF the
of Kansas numerically sufficient for form
ing slave State, but sadly insufficient to
| form a free State. 1t lavishcd with unhenrd
of prohigacy the money of the people, Tor
the benefit of the slaveholding interest. and
treated the great commercial interests Of the
/ free North with contempt. 1t aPPiandcd
the most fragrant violations of the ballot
box, and the most daring nsurpations OF
power, when they served the interests of
slavery. (CheeEA.O And how are all these
amazing things N6ected? Look at the 'nte-
rior organization u that party. No KING
dom, no hierarchy is ruled by more ahso-
lutte despotism than that party is ruled by
its leaders. As have shown, their princI-
pies are shaped and remodeled according to
the arbitrary pleasure of the South, and
the masses have but to obey, and they do
obey. They are watched and logged like a
flock of sheep, turned out to pasture to-day
in order to be ticeced tomorrow. Look Mt
the executor Of John Calhoun's last will in
the White House, who, like an Oriental des-
pot, hurls his anathemas and political death
warrant where he cannot debnuch the con-
science of Il man with bride. Allhi pow
er and patronage he has transformed into
vast machinery of corruption in the ser
vice of slavery. Cast your eyes wherever
you will, nothing but party despotism, moth
ing but the tiercest oppression of moral IN
depence, nothing but corruption organized
into system, and all this in the service of
Slavery. Will you deny it? Even in the
North Slavery struggles to rule It ALL
(Great applause.)
have often been told that the slavehold-
crs are right in restricting the liberties OF
speech and of the press, etc., on the sub
ject of slavery, for those liberties unre-
strained would be a real danger to them
No doubt there would be II danger, butthere
is TO more crushing argument against slave-
~ than this, no more conclusive proof Of
its entire iucompa,bility with true dcmoc-
raev. When an Institution in society can
not stand before the tribunal III free speech
and free press, the question arises, shall! we
sacrifice our liberties to that Institution or
thnt institution to our liberties? Cheers.
Ihold that no interest uhirh is incompnti-
Ole mitl tree expression Of public opinion
can hare a right 10 eriSt in a democratic
organisation Of society. Great applause.
And if it does exist, it will be like chronic
disease, or like an ulcer lying underneath
the skin. which will leave no rest nor COM
fort to the body polite, until it is fnal!y
extirpated and extinct. [Cheers.] 1t is IN
vain to palliatc the disease by artificial
means. 1t will break forth again and again
with increased fury and will rage on and on
to a final crisis.
Ave, sir. Your standard bearer is right in
spite Of Douglass sophistries. A house
that is divided against itself cannot stand.
1t cannot stand 1t must fall, unless it
cease to be divided. Continued applause.
BY the memorable, uncompromisIng logic of
things, We must go either one way or the
other; not us Mr.. Douglas tries to make
YOU believe, make all States slave or free bv
force of arms. but we must either abandon
the principle of equal rights even among
white men. adapt the whole development of
orr political organization to the paramount
interests of privileged class of slavehold-
ers, put the liberties of speech and press at
the mercy Of the ruling power, and sacrifice
our Democratic system of government to
the nristocratic and despotic tendencies Of
the slaveholdng system thu oughont, Or We
must break the political power Of slavery in
our national concerns, and return to the
original principles on which this R public
was founded. In one word, We must for
mally recognize slavery as the ruling inter-
est in our national policy, or we must 1t the
recognition of any national right, and con
fine it to a merely local existence under
positive State legislation. [Cheers.l This
is the alternative.
Now there comes man like Mr.. Douglas,
who ought to understand the signs of the
times, and gives it as his opinion that Slave
ry and Democracy having lived SIDE by side
these eighty years, may live on thus, and
that he does not see the incompatlbilty.-
Indeed! he does not see it! The sane man,
who once in the name Of the shareholders
cried out to the champion of freedom in the
Senate: "We will subdue you" Ho does
not see that somebody and something must
DO subdued! [Applause.] A blind man
does not see the sun, and yet it shines. A
deaf man does not hear the thunder, and vet
he will feel the bolt Of Lighting when it strikes
him down. Repeated applausc.] Ave, sir,
slavery and democracy did live side by'side
these eighty years, but how did they live
Liz q twD cnm hat nj bp hnid o., o. L.