The Hillsdale standard. [volume] (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1851-1909, 1858-03-23
+ SPEECH OF WIN. Fl. SEWARD. "
p in1s In Senate March 3, 1858. 4
AGAINST THE LEC0MPTON CONSTITUTION.

p in1h, In Senate March 3, 1858. =,
AGAINST THE LEc0MPT0N CONSTITUTION
Mr.. President: Eight years ago We
slow the Wilmot proviso in the Senate
Chamber, and buried it with triumphal
demonstrations, under the floors of the
Capital Four years later we exploded
altogether the time honored system of gov.
erning the Territories by Federal rules and
regulations, and published and proclaimed
in its stead new gospel of popular sover.
eighty, whose ways. ike those of wisdom,
were to be ways Of pleasantncss, and all
of whose paths were supposed 10 be Aowery
paths Of peace. Nevertheless the ques-
tion whether there sball be slavery or no
slavery in the Territories, is again tho stir
ring passage of the day. The restless pro-
viso has burst the cerements of the grave,
and striking hands here in our very pres
emo with the gentle spirit of popular SOW
ereignty run mad, is seen raging freely in
our Halls, scattering dismay among the
administration benches in both Houses of
Congress. Thus an old and unwelcome
lesson is read to us anew. Tho question OF
slavery in the Federal Territories, which
are the nurseries Of future States, independ-
emily of all its moral and humane clements
involves dynastical struggle of two an
tagonistical systems, tho labor of slaves
and the labor of freemen, for mastery in
the Federal Union = One of these sys-
TENS partakes of an afistocratc character; !;
the other is purely democratic. Each one
Of the existing States has staked, or it will
ultimately stake, not only its internal well
fare, but also its influence in the Federal
councils, on the decision of that contest
Such struggle is not to be arrested, quell-
ed, or reconciled, by temporary expedients
or compromises. slaf .. .,G.r.
MIR. President, / always engage reluc-
family in these discussions, which awaken
passion just in the degree that their ir,-
portancc demands the impartial umpiraoe
of reason. This reluctance deepens now,
when look around me, and count the able
contestants who have rcwly entered the
lists on either side; and shadowy forms of
many great and honored statesmen who
once were eloquent in these disputes, but
whose tongues have since become stringlcss
instruments, rise up before me. 1t is, how
ever, a maxim in military science, that, in
preparation for war, every one should think
as if the last event depended on his coun-
sci; and, in every great battle, each one
should fight as if he were the only cham.
pion. The principle, perhaps, is equally
sound in political affairs. If it he posi-
bic, shall perform my present duty in
such way as TO wound no just sensibili-
ties. i must, however, review the action
OF Presidents, Senates and Coneresses.-
l do indeed, with all my heart, reject the
instruction give by the Italian master of
political science, which teaches that all
men are bad ty nature, and that they will
not fail TO show this deprayity whenever
they have fair opportunity. But jeal-
ousy of executive power is a high practical
virtue in Republics; and we shall find it
hard to deny the justice of the character
Of free legislative bodies which Charles
James Fox drew, when he said that the
British House of Commons, of which be
was at the moment equally an ornament
and an idol, like every other popular as
sembly, must be viewed as a mass of men
alable of too much attachment and too
nuch animosity; capable of being biased
10y weak, and even wicked, motives, and
liable to be governed 10y ministerial influ-
ence, by caprice, and by corruption.
Mr.. President, ] propose to inquire, in
the first place, why the question before us
is attended by real or apparent dangers.
l think our apprehensions are in part
due to the intrinsic Importance of the trans
action concerned. Whatever we add n
new column to the Federal colonade. we
need to lay its foundations so firmly, TO |
shape it shaft with such just proportions.
to poise it with such exaetness. and to ad
just its connections with the existing struc-
ture so carefully, that instead of falling
prematurely, and dragging other aud ven.
erabe columns With it to the ground, it
may stand erect forever, increasing the
grandeur and the stability of whole mas
sive and imperial fabric. Still, the adj
mission of new State is not necessarily
or even customarily attended by either en-
or alarms. We have already
admitted eighteen new States without Sc
rious commotions, except in tho cases of
Missouri, Texas and California. We are
even now admitting two others, Minnesota
and Oregon; and these transactions o on
70 smoothly, that only close observers are
aware that we are thus consolidating our
dominion on the shores of Lake Superior,
ind almost at tho gatoo vf the Arctic
,cean. OH. ..I
II is manifest that the apprehended diff
ulties in tho present casa have some rela-
ion to the dispute concerning slavery which
s raging within the Territory Of Kansas.
Yet it must be remembered that nine of
he new States which have been admitted
expressly established slavery, or tolerated
!, and nine Of them forbade it. The ex-
itemeDt, therefore, is due to peculiar cir.
umstances. think there are three of
hem, namely:
First, That whereas, in the beginning,
S ascendency Of the slave States was alb ,
olute, it is now being reversed.
Second, That where, heretofore, tho ma
onal Government favored this change of 4
alance from the slave States to the free ,
tates, it has now reversed this policy, and !
rposes the change. ~. I
Third. That national intervention in the I
crritories in favor Of slave labor and slave !