The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1858-01-30
the Law, and the requirements of the law re-

the Law, and the requirements of the law, re-
main the same.
And how stands Mr.. Seward upon the record
He, also, was one of the many Congressional
Kansas thinkers of 1856. He submitted an
amendment in this capacity, to the Toombs
bill, by which Kansas was at once to he de-
clared State of the Union, dependent upon
the consent of the Kansas Legislature, indeed,
utcompletely ignoring the doctrine of 'popu-
lar sovereignty" in the work of framing and
ratifying State constitution. Consistency is
one thing and the law may be another thing;
but here both consistency and the law are
against Mr.. Douglas and Mr.. Seward. The Lee
compton constitution is the legitimate fruit of
the Kansas-Nebraska bill. AS such, it is the
platform of the administration; and as such, it
will be, and ought to be, supported by adecided
majority of both houses of Congress.
But this Lecompton constitution is something
more comprehensive than mere naked ques-
ton of legality. 1t comes before Congress in
the shape of a most beautiful compromise upon
the slavery question. We say beautiful; for it
is compromise upon slavery which gives to the
South all that it has asked for, and to the North
all that it has demanded. The South have in
sisted that should slave State constitution for
Kansas come before Congress, even without
having been submitted by the Convention to the
people in the lump the Southern States would
make its acceptance by Congress an ultimatum
for peace or war. The Lecompton constitution
covers this ground. On the other hand, the North
has declared that, at all hazards, Kansas must
be admitted as a free State; and free State it
is, with free State organization out and out,
and free State it will be- though admitted I'M
der the Lecomptou pro slavery constitution, and
with the constitution of South Carolina to
clinch it,
But in still another view this Lecompton con-
stitution commends itself to the black republi-
cans. While it cannot do the slightest damage
to Kansas as free State, its pro-slavery fea-
lures will furnish little desirable
active capital for anti slavery consumption.
And if Jack Calhoun seeks to accomplish the
double purpose of compromising the democratic
party in expediting the admission of Kansas as
free State in the disguise of slave State, why
should MIR. Seward, or any other black republi-
can interfere! But whatever Mr.. Seward and
hispartisans may attempt in their efforts to defeat
this Lecompton constitution, they may rely
upon il that it will be adopted. More than this,
it will give peace to the country, peace to Kan
sas, and stability to the administration. But it
will leave at least three over hasty Presidential
aspirants high and dry, to wit, Mr.. Senator
Douglas, Governor Wise and Ex-Governor
Walker.
The Lecompton constitution with slavery"
is only scarecrow; but as the principle in
volved is everything to the South, let them have
it, and much good may it do them, for it can
do the North no harm. The destiny of Kansas
is fixed. She is free State. All the constitu-
tons of all the slave States, Lecompton and all,
in one bill, would be utterly worthless in behalf
of slavery in Kansas. The moment she is ad-
mitted as State she is free ; and, as everybody
has become Disguised with her never ending
and still beginning Territorial border ruffian
squabbles, the sooner she is admitted as State
the better.