Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1858-1860, 1858-03-22
n some measure as The principlesof the early

tnat am PfOuu 10 nave an opportunity 70
stand here in the face Of the world, upon the
floor OF the American Senate. and to say that
am not ashamed to proclaim that an Amer
lean nationality must be preserved; that Ann
erican interests must be promoted; that the
decision of the Supreme Court must be MAIN
tained;I that allan suffrage and squatter sove-
reignty must be rapudiat, d; that the rights
of conscience must be respected. l am not
here to vindicate myself from the mere paltry
charges that may be made in misreprcsenta-
ton of what have been vulgarly denomnated
KnowNothings in this country. thank God
that an opportunity has been presented TO me
10 Vindlcate principles of that sort here, and l
am not ashamed to own them. The first and
highest and the hottest principle to me is the
maintenance of the Constitution of this coun-
try, the enforcement of its guarantees, the
preservation of the rights of the Sartes under
the Constitution, without which you can have
no Government you can have have no law.
These, Mr.. President, are some of the lead
ing measures of that down-trodden, condemned
and despised party, that have the honor to
represent. Is there principle here, let me
ask. that is not in conformity with our great
charter of law and of liberty? Is there one
thing l have uttered that is not taught by that
paper? The distinguished Senator from New
York the other day paid his respects to my
party by abiding to it as an ephemeral Or
ideas. 1t is not so ephemeral as he imagines.
l should be happy if could say that the prin-
ciples of the gentleman's party were only
frivolous. They might be possibly character
lied by harsher term. The principles which
| have the honor to advocate here to-day are
to be found in the Constitution Of the United
States, not outside of it, not above it. | say
it, with however much emphasis, with all re-
spect to the distinguished gentleman. l say
1 as a nv | nf in. yCt.a
here, in the decision of this question, the
slightest utilization or political affinity with the
tenets, the doctrines, and the principles of that
distinguished gentleman.
While / have all the feeling that am ut
tering now for southern interests. and for the
South, born, reared and educated, as | have
been in the South, yet let me say that no Sem
ator on this floor has heart more expanded
and more thoroughly in consonance with ali
the principles Of the Union than have. No
man will stand here longer than l will vindi-
eating the Union. The principles of the par
ty to which belong, allow me to inform the
Senate. are based on one great idea-the pres
ervation of this Union, by preserving the
rights of the States of the Union. All other
questions that came into it's party platform
were collateral questions, connected intimate
ly and directly with, and pointing to, this one
particular and only purpose and object. 1
might go further, and say more perhaps than
would be justiGable upon the floor of the Sen
ate of the United States, in yindication of
party, the members of which, whom find in
this body, | am happy to say, however few
they may be, are gentlemen who command
the respect of those who are associated with
them here, and of the country.
But, Mr.. President, to come back to the
bill before us. this question is presented to me
in an isolated form. | have to vote with the
one part or the other on this floor. | am
brought to the naked proposition whether |
will vote to admit the State of Kansas with a
constitution made under the authority of law,
and professedly republican in form. These
are the only points that L regard of vital i'm
portance in the consideration of the question.
| have heard from no quarter any suggestion
Of doubt that the Lecompton constitution is
here in accordance with law. All the steps
leading to its formation were regular and
lawful. | regard that point as settled.
The next consideration is is this constitu-
ton republican in its form? | have read it
carefully, and | can see nothing to force upon
me the conclusion that it is not republican in
its form and character. Then, sir, being
under no obligation whatever to put con-
struction upon the Cincinnati platform or the
Kansas-Nebraska bill as between the Admin
istratiOn and the distinguished Senator from
Illinois, shall vote to admit Kansas into the
Union under the LecOmpton constitution.
In doing so, | believe before God and heaven,
that an impartial and Independent Senator,
| am acting in accordance with the require
ments of duty which | feel impel me to my
course, and which l consider every honor
able gentleman placed in similar circumstan-
ces would be compelled to adopt. There may
be party obligations upon some gentlemen in
fluencing them to take a different view of this
question from myself; but | have no embar-
rassment of that sort. If the Administr alton
comes upon the same great highway of right
that | am following to maintain and to pre-
serve the guarantees OF the Constitution, it
is no reason for me to turn from it, and to be
factious in my opposition to the Administra-
ton. | must vote on the one side or the other.
c1nlOt upon HdtiOndI questions cote lcith the party
uDo,s the other side Of the Chamber. Icannot vote
with them because they are sectional. and not
national; because | am the representative of IA
Union State, one not allying itself to section
al questions or sectional issues in any manner;
aud JerauSe epeyry principle ddUocated Jy that Iart
D,y hun,bie judgment. * against tie preseTrdtiOa
Of the iqioH and direct conflict ruth the gl1Ir
drafess and the requirements Of The Constitution Of
Tie Tnte{ States. | am aware. sir, that | may
bring down upon me the accumulated wrath
and deuuucation of that whole phalanX; but
| have a duty to discharge, and | will dis
charge, and il in the utterance of this senti
ment fearIessly and regardless of all conse-
quences.
Sir it has been announced by the authority
and with the prestige of the character and learn
ing of the distinguished Senator from New
York, that the slavery question is settled.
believe il Is settled, because the agitation of
that question was only origi nally raised for
the purpose of creating sectional strife. and
uniting and banding together twenty millions
of white people in the North against the ten
or twelve millions to be found in the Southern
F,,rn loss han In niA-
tain the balance of power in this country.
The question is settled upon the principle the
gentleman himself has stat d; and, on this toOr
there will, in the course of very short time,
bc majority of eight Senators from the non
saveholding State. 1t was, in its incipency,
a question merely of sectional agitation aud
not one of national politics; and | do not
believe that the question OF politics has any
thing to do with it, further than TO wrest
from the hands that have held it therefore,
what they consider the control of power, in
order that they may exercise il in their own
wav and for their own purposes.
Mr. President, this agitation of slavery,
upon which so much has been said; this harp
of a thousand strings, which has been vibrated
from one extreme of the country to the ether,
has no practical political bearing on the
institution of slavery in the south to-day. Ii
is t. matter of political economy simply; and
if gentlemen will turn to the tables with which
your Departments are filed, they will find
that with your three million two hundred
thousand slaves, taking the very strongest
view you can possibly admit, you cannot get
more than half that cumbersome mil
lion six hundred thousand slaves-as laborers
and producers in this country. Gentlemen
talk To me about creating II vast excitement
over this land as To whether or not slavery is
To go into Kansas and Nebraska; but permit
me 10 say that by the immutable laws of
political economy alone, IL this body declared
to-day that no more immigrants should go
into one of these Territories north of IS de-
grees, do not honestly believe you could
retain slavery there five years.