Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1858-11-10
EDGEF1ELD S. GszNovEMBER 10, 1853.
just done-always leaving it to the democracy to
carry that which makes the President

carry that which makes the President.
But am making mere assertions. Allow me,
then, to ref.r to facts to show the past power of
the South in this Union, and the present state Of
The great questions in which she is most deeply
interested. When, thirty years ago, we began
this arduous conflict for the constitutional reform
of this government and the security of the South,
the South herself was thoroughly divided. The
tariff, the bank, the internal improvement sys.
tenn, nay, even abolition itself, oil had the sane
tion Of large number of our most prominent
southern men. If they did not all originate,
they were all resuscitated, in that era of infatua.
tion, when southern President proclaimed that
we were "all federalists, all republicans )" when
southern statesmen sneered at State rights, and
the constitution became for time dead letter.
The tariff of 1928 levied average duties Of
more than forty percent, on all our imports By
the tariff of 1857 the average Of duties was re-
duced below twenty per cent. We have accom-
plshed that much and, besides, the principle
of free trade is pretty generally conceded now
throughout the Union. 1t cannot be denied that
this is great success think the duties should
be reduced still lower; and particularly that the
determinations against the agricultural interests
should be abolished. But It is supposed that
there will be demand for their increase at the
next session. If so, it will of course be resisted,
and trust successfully. Free trade is the test,
the touchstone of free government, as monopoly
is of despotism, have no hesitation in saying
that the plantation States should discard any
government that made protective tariff its poll:
cy. They should not submit to pay tribute for
tho support of any other industrial system than
their own; much less, to make good the bubble
speculations of another section Of the Union.
Unequal taxation is, after all, what we have most
to fear in this Union, and against that we must
be always ready to adopt the most decisive
measures.
The internal improvement system was in full
vigor in 1928. 1naugursted also by southern
men, It absorbed all the surplus Of the traaanpy,
and being in iIs nature unlimited, it wac capable
of absorbing all tho revenue that could be ex.
torted by the highest possible tariff. That too,
ifnot destroyed, has been checked and crippled
by southern action. 1t is true that it still ap-
pears annually in Congress-but the once
naughty brgand is now little more than sturdy
beggar.
We had then, also, in full operation Bank Of
the United States, with branches in all our prln-
cipal cities. It received and speculated on all
the revenues Of the government, and controlled
and concentrated in the North all the exchanges,
thus levying u per centage upon every CONNER
cia transaction Of the South. That has been
annihilated. It sleeps the sleep that knows no
waking. But let me say that the system which
it established still exists Despite of its destruc:
ton by the federal government. and the coec.
ton of the revenue in specie, our exchanges still
centre in. the North, and our otherwise stable in:
dustry is,sel .sempsl!sd .:to Inorsser
less III al the reckless speculations df that Ia
natical scction-more fanatical in its love Of
money than even in its devotion TO negroes. But
this is u self.imposed vassalage. Through the
privileges which our southern legislatures have
granted to our innumerable banks, we are made
tributary to New York, which is itself tributary
to London, the great world centre Of exchanges
in our age. Thus, by our own acts, we pay
double tibute, though nearly all the trade of the
United States with England is based on southern
products.
Thus has the South, by her energy and ability,
disposed of The capital grievances against which
she protested, with almost half her public men
against her, in 1929. During this time our op-
ponents have twice wrested the government from
us, and inflicted other I'M nries, but they were
soon stripped of their power and their acts re-
pealed. Only four times since the organization
of this government has the North had possession
of it, and in each case only for one term. The
North has never united long on any policy The
injuries inflicted OH the South have been mainly
inflicted by her own ambitious, factious, and di.
viled public men, and our history proves that
no man and no measure has yet been strong
enongl, to stand against the South when united:
! believe nune ever will:
But it is thought that tue alulilionists' suppo.
sition, still credited by some of this country, will
inevitably get the power of this government per-
mancntly into their hands, and, backed by the
opinion of the world, use it for our destruction.
Let us consider what are the facts. From the
time that the wise and good Las Casas first in
troduccd into America the institution OF African
slavcrv-I say institution, because it IS the old.
est that exists, and will, believe, survive all
others that now 1ouris sh-t has had is enemies.
For. long while they were chiefly men of pecu-
liar and centric religious notions. Their first
practical and political SUCCESS arose from the
convulsions Of the French revolution, which lost
to that empire its best colony. Next came the
prohibition Of the slave tFi'le-the excitement
bf the Missouri Compromise in this country, and
then the deliberate emancipation Of the slaves in
their colonies by the British government in
1884, About the time of the passage OF that
act, the abolition agitation was revived again IN
this country, and abolition societies we're formed
I remember the time we'll, and some of you do
also And what then vas the state OF opinion
in the South Washington had emancipated
his slaves. Jefferson had bitterly denounced
the systeu, and had done all be could to destroy
il, Our Olays, Marshalls, Crawfords, and many
other prominent southern men, had led of In the
colonization scheme. The inevitable effect in
The South was, that she believed oayery to DO an
eyil-ycakue,s -disgrnceful- sin. She
shrunk from the discussion Of it. She covered
under every threat. She attempted to apologize,
to excuse herself, under the plea-which was
true-that England had force2 it on her, and
in fear and trembling she awaited a doom that
she deemed inevitable. But a few bold spirits
took the question up: they compelled the South
to investigate it anew and thoroughly, and what
is the result? Why, it would be difficult to find
now southern man who feels the systeV to be
the slightest burthen on his conscience; who
does not, in fact regard it as on equal advan-
tage to the master and the slave, elevating both;
as wealth, strength and power; and as one of
the main pillars and controlling influences of
modern civilization and who is not now pre-
pared to maintain it at every hazard. Such have
been for US the happy results of this abolition
discussion. So fur our gain has been immense
from this contest, savage and malignant as it has
been. Nay, we have solved already the question
of emancipation by this re-examination and ex-
plosion Of tho false theories of religion, philan
thropy and political economy which embarrassed
our fathers in their day, With our convictions
and our strength, emancipation here ia simply
an impossbility to man, whether, by persuasion
purchase or coercion. The rock Of Gibralter
does not stand so firm on its basis as our slave