Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1858-11-09
PROTECTION AHp nR. GEORGE F1rzHueH

of Mr.. George Fitzhugh, and in our nexl
paper, We will publish another, on protection
Though differing entirely from Mr.. Fitzhugh
in his philosophy and his views Of political
economy, we do not feel ourselves at liberty
to deny to him the use Of our columns to dis
cuss any question he may feel disposed to elu
ci,late for the people of the South Mr.. Fitz
hugh has identified himself so thoroughly with
the vindication and protection of the institu'
ton Of slavery, that We arc the more disposed
to tolerate in him even the ragaries and Meo.
1ies we would condemn in others. But We
cannot allow Mr. Fitzhugh 10 dignity. with the
weight of his maine, the incongruties Of Il pro.
tective policy, without entering, at the same
time our decided protest.
POLITICAL ECONOMY TIE OUTGROwTH OF AB0.
LlTI0N.
The South teaches political economy in her
Colleges and Universities. She should know
what it is she is teaching; for what is taught in
them and higher schools gradually fitratcs
through all classes Of society, and moulds and
directs public opinion.
Macauly observes that the foremost minds of
the world are always abreast, and employed in
solving the same problems in moral and social
science. Hence the honor and credit of all
new discoveries and inventions is claimed by
various nations and individuals. Say, makes a
much profounder remark when he SAYS "Tn
every branch of knowledge example has pre-
ceded preccpt" Practical men act long before
philosophers think, gcneralizc and thcorizc-
Imuitivc instinct and common sense feel their
WY to conclusions and act upon them, without
attempting to give reason or justification for
tlcir conduct. Long afterwards philosophy
dsluccS universal theories, from course of ac-
tim prompted by temporary expcdency and ex-
eptional circumstances, and donly adapted to such
zines and circumstances. Instinct and common
scnsc, are always pathological, and treat exist
Ing symptoms regardless Of scientific nomcn.
dature. Philosophy is nonlogical and Charla-
anic for it lays down one universal rule for all
times and circumstances and one simple pana-
cca for all social, ethical, political and cconon-
ic diseases.
Common sense occasionally crrs for time
but it is notopinionatcd, and readily changes,
It's course, when experience dictates the pro-
pricty of change Philosophy is never ri ght,
or it is bigotted in opinion, obtusc in obScr-
ation and grossly erroneous in its Charlatanic
attempts at simplifcation. But part of the
world loves simpliiication as well in pills as in
philosophy; gains nothing by experience; is
ever ready for new bolus or a new theory in
morals, politics or religion. and is always doing
homage to some quack, who promises them
millennium or Utopia
Three hundred years before Adam Smith
and promulged our present syS-
TEN of political economy that system was an
actual existing social fact. in active operation
in England and other parts of Europe 1t
grew at once, and Of necessity. out of the
liberation Of the scrfs. Before that liberation,
society had been series of Subordinations
Especially was this true in the days of Alfred,
when England was best governed for then,
besides the natural relations Of master and
servant, there were tything men who pricd into
the minutcst family affairs, and preserved
society aS sound, connected compact and
dependent ,ehOle, by supervising and controlling
and giving healthy action, to the minutest
parts, which connected and formed that whole
Modern free society neglects; the family has
neither ccnsors, nor priesthood nor tything
men, nor masters to supervise and govern it,
and yet expects sound whole from rotten
parts. Universal subordination was the order
of Alfrcds day; universal INSTRUMENTATION,
crime. rivalry. antagonsm, COM
petition and greedy selfshncSs, prevailed
so soon as the scrfS were cmancipatcd.-
This is abundantly proved by the prcambleS Of
many English statutes. and is deploringly at
tested by Sir Thomas More. and by all cotem-
porary history Then, and not till then. the
world had political economy in practice. This
was the birth Of universal liberty and its hide
Gus concomitants IF it was, or is now. de-
sirablc state of society. slavery is wrong and
should be abolished; and political economy, the
philosophy. the mere grammar of
that society, should he taught in our schools
This philosophy was born Of abolition and
teaches abolition, and nothing else; the abo-
lition of slavery. of all restrictions on trade,
social. internal and international; the abolition
of chartered banks, and Of all exclusive prv-
lcgcs; the abolition Of marriage, Of religion, of
ali private property of law and of government;
and the consequent inauguration of free trade,
of free love, of all kinds of Righteousness; and,
finally, of anarchy-and these results are lcgi-
innate and necessary sequences, from the lead
ing maxims of political economy, such as "Lais-
ses ytirc," or, let alone; 1.-The world is too
much Governed;" demand will regulate sup
ply; f" Every man for himself" &c, &c. 1t
sets society at war within itself, and hence
Hobbies, from observing its operations, con-
cludcd that 1.-THE state Of nature was state of
war" Had he witnessed the kindly, depend
ant, harmonious operations of slave society,
(which is the common, normal and natural COLI
dition of society," he would never have pro-
rounded so misanthropic doctrine.
Our theory, that political economy Is the
mere outgrowth of abolition, will hardly be
questioned by any one who has read the history
ST modern Europe. Our attention, just now,
is directed to the subject from reading the fol-
lowing passage in the North British Review
for August. 1858, page 32, American Edition;
1.-THE obligations Of Slavery hold 1" 6on"age,
nike. Stakeholder and sLare, and thus the
destruction of the feudal bond which held them
together, was the removal Of 4 yoke to both
landholdcr and peasant. The peasant was
freed from very much Of the old ieudal tyran-
nv. and thus left more like a free agent, and
less like mere fixture to the farm on which
he was born But he was not only freed from
the feudal yoke; he also lost the feudal protcc'
ton. When the bonds were broken which
made him the serf of the landholder, the tie
was riven which bound him to the land If
the landholder lost the benefits of his lordshlp,
he resigned with them its duties and obliga.
tions. The peasant, now no longer serf, had
not the serf's right to be maintained by the
landholder; being freed from his attachment to
the soil, he could no longer, with equal right
claim his slstenance from it. But still both
peasant and landholder were as dependent on
each other as before The land of the land
holder would be unproductive without the labor
of the peasant; and the peasant had no means
of subsistence except in the performance. oil
those very services to the landholder. which,
as a serf. he was compelled to perform. Thus
the bond between them being broken, both
classes were driven back upon the cold justice
Of the hms eiPoliticat Eronomy, h.'s repre-
seatinq the mere balance IF ciashing interests
and founded essentially npon the se.hshne~ 81
human nature. .,
h