Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-03-21


constitution interposes to prevent the complete cit
lzensbip o: the man of color, while the highest
legal authority in the land is denying his citizen
ship. Thus slowly, like approach Of doom, does
the state and Government come into controversy.
The highest success in Literature, the highest
honors in War, have made the name of Scott
memorable. A poor, and humble, and wretched
man, is to make that name the very hinge of our
History.
FROM THE NEW YORK COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER.
"Now there is no concealing the fact that nn.
der this decision the rights which the Free States
have all along believed themselves TO possess, are
denied and can no longer be recognized. They
have supposed that it was their prerogative to pro.
hibit Human Slavery within their territories that
they could declare, ard carry out their declaration
that q slave brought Voluntarily by his owner,
within their borders, should thereby be freed from
bondage, especially when they met the require.
ments of the Constitution by surrendering tugi-
gitive slaves, and the requirements OF good broth
eihood by publicly announcing that any slavehol-
der bringing his slave or slaves into their terrific.
ry would do it at his own risk. They believed
they had lust as much constitutional right to say,
You shall not bring your slaves into our State as
they had to say, we will return your slaves 1t
they escape into our State According to the de.
cision now made, all this has been wrong. New
York has no such power. The Federal Constitu-
ton requires not only that she shall return the flu
gltlNe Save VINO SeekS refuge III DeT territory, nut
that if a stakeholder brings into any of her cities
or towns q whole retinue of slaves, she shall pro-
tect him in his ownership of them, rs she would
in the ownership of so many horses or oxen.
unless we have mistaken the tenor and extent
OF the decision, ard we do not think we have. any
Of the folio ring consequences may result from it.
A. b. from Louisiana, may bring his family to
New York City, with as many slaves to wait upon
them rs he chooses. He may stay with them a
month, n year, or five years, so long as he is al
ways about to return or he may pass to and fro.
retaining his residence in Louisiana. g. d. may
also como from South Carolina, under similar cir
cumstnnces and vita a similar retinue and the
number of slaves settled in the city, and to be
protected and otherwise treated as property, may
be Indefinitely increased. Then A. d. may sell n
part of his slaves to 9. D.. Or G, D. and himself
disagreeing about the price, he may advertise that
he has such slaves for sale to any gentleman from
either of the slave States, and where they may be
seen ; for the right of property involves these
rights. And if under the decision it may still be
within the Constitutional power of the State to
prohibit her own citizens from buying and selling
slaves (which may be doubted go far as any practi-
cal assertion of such power is concerned), yet un.
der that decision Shareholders in trdnSitu might
thus convert this Empire City into n slave-mart."
FROM THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE.
Ii is impossible to exagerate the Importance of
the recent decision Of the Supreme Court. The
grounds and methods of that decision We have ex.
posed elsewhere and we now turn from them to
contemplate the great fact which it establishes
the fact that Slavery is National and that, unit,
tina, remote period when different Judges, sitting
in this same Court, shall reverse this wicked ant
false judgement, the Constitution of the UniteC
States is nothing better than the bulwark of inhu
mainly and oppression.
1t is most true that this decision is bad law
that 1t is based on false historical premises ant
A.~-, Of A. n.-r4.tt..o tLat 4,
does not az all represent the legal OF judicial opin
on of the Nation that it is merely a Southern
sophism clothed with the dignity of our highes
Court. Nevertheless there it is, the final actor
of the National Judiciary, established by the foun
ders of the Republic to interpret the Constitution
and to embody the ultimate legal conclusions O
the whole people-an action proclaiming that ir
the view of the Constitution slaves are property
The inference is plain. If slaves are recognized
as property by the Constitution, of course no 10
cal or State law can either prevent property beins
carried through an individual State or Territory
| | or FORBID its being held as such wherever it's own
er may choose to hold il. This is all involved II
the present decision but let a single case draw
from, the Court an official Judgment that slave
can be held and protected under National law
, and we shall see men buying slaves for the New
, York market. There will be no legal power &
5 prevents it. At this moment, indeed, any wealth,
New York iobber connected with the Southern
trade can put in his next orders: "Send me n ne
= gro cook. ut the lowest market value! Buy me
waiter! Balance my account with two chamber
maids and a truckman!" Excepting the interier
3 ence of the Underground Railroad and the chanc,
of loss, there will be nothing to stop this. Blu
then rhese underhaded efforts for stealing proper
, ty must, of course, be checked by our Police
Mr.. M.tsell will have no more right to allow gen
tlemen's servants to be spirited away 10y burgla
:, rious Abolitionists than g~entlemen's- spoons. The,
are pro. erty under even stronger pledges Of secu
0 rity than mere lifeless chatteIs. TLe whole powe
Of the State-the military, The Courts and Cover
nor of the State of New York-will necessaril,
be sworn to protect each New York slave owne
from the robbery or burglary of his neSroes.-
If they are not sufficient. why then the Unite
States Army and Navy can be called on to guar
j. that singular species of property which alone q
J. all property the Constitution of the United State
h has especially recognized, Slaves can be kept i
: Boston Mr.. Toombs can call the roll Of his chat
= tells on the slope of Bunker Hill, auctions of blac
y men may be held in front of Faneuil Hall, and III
o slave ship protected by the guns OF the Unite
s. States ~trigates. may land its dusky cargo at Plynl
1 uuth Rock. The free hills Of Vermont, the lake
t of Maine, the banks of Connecticut, the cit
. where the charter Oak of Liberty has wisely fallen
e may be traversed by the gangs Of the negro.driy
er, and enriched by the Legitimate commerce &
! the slave pen. Are we told that public opinio
$ will prevent this What can public opinion d
against the Supreme Court and all the power o
e the United States? Shall not IL citizen of thi
Union have the right to take ana hoiu MS propel
l. ty, his horse, his oxen, and dogs, his slaves, where
e ever it seems to him good ? According to the La
now established, the Free State men OF Kansas ar
a robbers, for they attack the Constitutional an
inelienatle rights of property. The bogus law
# Of which they presume to complain, but which th
mild and and paternal punishment of death
row to protect flom infraction, are just and nece'
sary laws for the safety of those sacred rights
e The number of Free Soil men in that Territor
e can make no difference hereafter, as it has mad
n none hi therto. Slavery is there, as the owner
ship of horses or land is there. by supreme nj
: tional law. OF what use then, to contend for sue
a shadow as the difference between a Free and
: Slave Constitution? Or, what sense in that oil
fiction of State Rights? The States have no right
n rs respects Freedom their rights consist only !
}, establishing and strengthening Slavery-nothin
more.
u Another most pregnant change is wrought
this decision. in respect IF the Northern people,
We have been accustomed to regard Slavery as
" local matter for which we were in no wise respoI