The Washington union., 1857-05-20
For the Union.
THE CHINESE WAR.

roasolS WAiCn we presume were thought quite SUM
cient mas deemed 1T proper TO respond TO what s un
queshonably the general sentiment of the American
people, III declining TO take any steps that may event
naly lead to rupture with China, yet we believe it
has no disposition TO question the right OF Great
Britain TO make war on the Celestial empire, or Per-
sa, any other distant nation she chooses. All the
United States claim is the right of doing as they
please and Judging for themselves whether to keep
the peace, or become either principals auxiaries
IN remote war; the Justice of which-on their part,
at least-is more than questionable
Neither do they, presume, aspire TO become
the censors OF nations, TO sit in judgment their
acts, and decide their justice or expediency. For
ourself, therefore, mere individual, shall at
present be silent on these points except so far as
may be necessary to our own justification. But we
trust it will not be considered an impertinent inter
ference, violation of national courtesy, if we
take this occasion to speculate little the possi-
ble not to say probable consequences of this second
opium war, it may be called for think all must
see that it originates in the same causes that pro
duced the first
The general impression in Great Britain is, with
out doubt that the present like the former war, will
be successfully and trumphantly terminated in
single campaign. The Chinese, they say, have been
at peace almost from time mmemorial they are to-
tally ignorant of the art of war; and have lost every
vestge of martial spirit, if they had any. All
this may be true yet still there may be other causes
that will render such people somewhat formidable
when once reused to resistance. We apprehend it
is no easy matter to subjugate coerce an empire
900 miles in length and 1000 in BREADTH inhabit-
ed by 100000 600 of people, united under one SOW
ereign exercising all the prerogatiyes OF the old pa
triarchica system. 1t took England more than
century of wars and ntrigues to suhjugate Hindos-
tan, comprising only half the number Of inhabitants,
equally unwarlike and governed by rabble of
princes who were used as clubs by the British Tor
knocking out each Others brains
ltmay be said that England does not aim at the
immediate subjngation of China; that she will most
likely adopt the policy heretofore pursued towards
Hindostan, and proceed step by step, by little and
little till the object is attained But we are given
mand, among other concessions, that an add
tonal number of Chinese ports shall be opened
to foreign commerce. and that for the protection Of
that commerce Great Britain shall be permitted to
erect Notifications not only there, but wherever she
has a consular establishment. Ii is unnecessary
to indicate the almost inevitable result of these
cessons. These ports viii be virtually in possession
OF Great Britain, and prove the germ OF future Ell
croachments With that power the privileges OF
trade but too often the precursors of sovereign
ty. 1t was thus with the Belize The privilege of
cutting log-wood, conceded by treaty with Spain,
which expressly excluded the right of sovereignty,
any other right has been gradually ripened into
right to hold possession Of the whole country and to
exercise it all the powers of government So too
with the territory the northwest coast of Amer
lea, formerly known Nootka Sound-a possession
of the Crown of Spain. That power had conceded
to Great Britain the naked right of trading with the
Indians the coast and in the interior expressly
reserving to itself all the rights of sovereignty, and
on this concession, and this alone, Great Britain
claimed right to the possession of the whole Ter
ritory of Oregon. We refer to these facts not with
a view to revive old grievances, aggravate ex-
istng ones, but merely to suggest the probability
that the concession the part of China of the right
of Great Britain to erect forts and Notifications at her
principal ports has, MS Patrick Henry said, ''an aw
full squirting towards the future subugation of the
Celestial empire and that this is of the dreams
of Englislmen we have no doubt.
But we are rather inclined to think this policy may
not prove successful in that quarter as has been
in the West. 1t will be borne in mind that China is
not commercial State, but on the contrary de-
cidedly anti-commercial; and that Canton and the
other ports that have been totally opened are scarcely
considered integral parts of the Empire. The gov
ernment itself and the great body OF people in the
interior who constitute the nation and the depository
of the great national characteristics look upon those
who are in the habit of assocating with the g out
side barbarians" in some eypatriated,
and it is probable that neither the sovereign nor the
people will make any great sacrifices to preserve
them. The writer OF very sensible letter in the
Journal of Commerce, long resident in China says
they are viewed as mere outsiders" what they call
in our great cities long-shore men, sort of ex-
crescence which, though growing out of does not be
long to- the body-potic The possession of the great
foreign marts would, therefore, we apprehend go but
little way in subjecting the Empire
But it would be very different were foreign
power to attempt penetrating into the interior. The
JnneSe dOn want patrioUSHl; ana tnat very nation
of all other nations being barbarans by initiating their
PRIDE necessarily attaches them to their country ana
its institutions. National pride is twiIl-brother to
national patriotism, and strongly inclined to
the belief that whenever the period arrives in which
the Chinese people shall become conscious that their
government and institutions in danger Of being
oyerthrown they will rally in their support with al
most unparalleled unanmity. True, they may be un-
warlike and effeminate, but they are not towards,
since people in the world are so prodiga of their
lixyau in tha
of these wretched dupes, OF kidnapped victims
whom British philanthropy is aboring TO substitute
for African slaves.
strong indications that the British ministry and the
British nation look forward with entire confidence to
the complete success Of the present war; at least SO
which it is said to be prosecuted We apprehend
there is great danger they will be disappointed If
we are correct as we believe we are in our view of
the relations of the commercial cities with the Chi
empire, it will be impossible to coerce or intim-
idate the government by taking possession of them
The assailants must then penetrate into the interior
and either obtain possession of Pekin or al
least intimidate the Emperor into submission Let
us briefly consider the probability Of their being
able to do either one the other.
In the first place. China contains three hundred
perhaps three hundred and fifty millions of people;
and we may despsc them individually as much al
we please, but such numbers must always be formi-
dabe. 1t is great hive full of bees, and if they
can do nothing else they sting. They will make
up for the absence OF other means of defence by poi
soning the bread and waters and by resort to all
those expedients Of underland treachcry which tba