The independent press. (Abbeville C.H., S.C.) 1853-1860, 1857-01-16

Mr. Speaker, enough has transpircd to
show that my apprclcnsions were not alto
gcthcr without foundation. The assertion
has here frequently been made and uncon-
tradicted, that ut many of the Democratic
meetings in the North, the people were ral-
lied under banners upon which was inscri-
bed buchanan, Brcckinrilgc, and free Kan
sas." Have not large placards been here
exhibited with these words in the largest let
ters upon them, and the word free is italics
We arc told by our Democratic friends on
tic floor, that nothing more was meant than
that the people of Kansas should be free
to decide upon the subject Of slavery for
themselves. What was meant is not the
question. How were the words understood
by the masses? What was their effect upon
the voters? That is the question; and if
the presidential election was carried upon
false pretcnscs, what cause of triumph
have we2 My friend from Indiana MIR.
English has frankly avowcd bis preference
that Kansas should free State, though he
is willing to admit her with constitution
recognizing slavery. TO his position do
not object. We of the South would prefer
that she should be a slave State, yet we hold
ourselves prepared to vote for her admission
even with constitution rejecting slavery, if
that is the early-asccrtaincd will Of major
ity of her citizens.
But in sections where the squattcr sou
ereiynty feature 0: the bill is maintained. is
it not presumahle that the uniform and con-
tnued expression Of his preference at meet
lngs where, banners were flying with "Buch-
anan, Breckinridgc, and free Kansas"
might deludc the voters into the belief that
! after all the Kansas Nebraska act was the
"bcst frec-sol measure ever passed." This
may be said to be but an Inference :; but
when coupled with the fact, that many
northern Democrats have admitted that. in
the event Of Kansas becoming a slavo State.
they will go by the board, it strikes me
more as a logical deduction.
That the gravcst differences of opinion
! in regard to the true construction of the
Kansas Nebraska act are entertained by
northern and southern Democrats, and by
each among themselves, is beyond doubt,
and this difference is the shoal which is
threatening us with wreck. The Senator
from Pennsylvania, Mr.. Biglcr,l when i'll
| terrogated as to the power Of Territorial
Legislature to exclude slavery, replied:
81 am fopinion that the people through
their local Legislatures have that power.
arrive at this conclusion, bccauseI can see
but two sources of law-making power for a
lcrrlt"ry-the one, Congress; and the 9TH
er, the people. behold that, when Con-
gress has conferred upon the people of "a Ter
ritory all the law-making powor which it
possesses under the Constitution, the power
is complete in the people, equal to the ones
t'on OF domestic slavery, or any other SUBJ
ject but this is a legal question, and I for
one should be gra'ified to see it decided"
This seems to be the same ground rs that
occupied by my friend from Indiana, TMr.
English. as know it to be that on which
many other gentlemen from the State stand.
In this position they are sustained by dis
tinguishcd southern gentlemen. In the
speech Of my friend from Tennessee [Mr.
Jones] find this paragraph, which he will
pardon me for saying is crammed full with
her political heresics
"But understand that even those who
cry 'squatter sovereignty throughout the
South, and who most signally failed in the
in the last canvass under that cry, admit
that the people Of a Territory have right
when they come to form State constitution,
to deterlnine0hether they will have slavery
or not. Am l correct in that position
and understanding of what they hold to be
the correct doctrine upon the suhject2 If
so, there may be not more than twelve hours
difference oftime between them and my
self. say they can do it to-day and they
| say that the same men can do it tomorrow
by framing State constitution. Then there
is between us but one nights difference in
time, and perhaps hut one hour 1t is the
! manner Of doing it, and not the thing done,
| which seems to be in controversy, even in
! the Democratic party. Now, It seems to me
that this should be no cause of dissatisfact-
| tion with the Democratic party. Our DO.
sitions are clear, and think we'll understood
AS much so, at least. as those of the par
ty to which you, Mr. Speaker, belong.
"But one nights difference 2" "Perhaps
but one hour 2" Why, sir. the difference is
just as great between Territory and State
as great between child and man. Each
have their respective rights. TO be sure, but
they are Of totally different character.
The gentleman would seem, too, to intimate
that statute offs Legisture WAS of equal
q
See where his doctrines would lead us. A
Territory is added to our domain some ton
thousand people coming from different
States, where different institutions prevail,
settle upon it. They require law for the
regulation of their society, and territorial
government is given tbcm. For wl,at2 To
protect them from anarchy during their ter
ritorial condition.
The people Of all the States have an equal
right with themselves to enter upon the Ter
ritory, and are protected in their persons
and property by the Constitution of the
United States which recognizes property in
slaves and yet my friend from Tennssee,
would permit majority Of this ten thousand
Gt may be one thousand) to exclude, by a
territorial law, every slave owner from the
South, or impose q condition Of admitance
contrary 70 his tastes, habits, interests, and
the spirit Of the Constitution. l do no. in.
quire into the authority Of acquiring Terri.
| tory. That ID, a foretoNe eoncttsion. We