The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1857-07-04

Federal aud Local Psiitacs-A MsnicspaI
and = National Issue.
Almost invariably after Presidential election |
the great national issues which have formed the
lines Of party demaycation in the general strug-
gle are suspended here and there, and local and
personal issues IN State, city aud town elections
come into play. Thus, in this State. for example,
after the Presidential election of 1852 the SQUAD
bic between hards and softs over the spoils OF the
Custom House divided the democracy; and in
this city, and in various other cities of this and
other States, the LEGAL question of native Ameri.
canism was brought up again into the active po-
lit'cal agitations of the day.
But as these local issues generally spring up
after the settlement of the greater issues Of a
Presidential battle, so they melt away and disap-
pear again with the return of the Presidential
election. The hard shells of this State struggled
most desperately and perseveringly to make their
Custom House quarrel national affair with the
democracy; but they signally failed. The KnoT
Nothings, after numerous astonishing but delu-
sive successes in various cities aud STATES,
tumbled to pieces and were scattered to the
four wirds in the attempt to make their con-
tracted, bigoted aud imprscticable stuff and
mons, ME the material for Presidential cam
paien.
Ii is only local issue in which there ia en-
bodied great practical constitutional principle
or doctrine Of popular sovereignty, (such an is
sue for instance, rs that of slavery in Ramsay
that can be made prominent feature of con-
test for the Presidency. The temperance ques-
tion embraces the most vital interests to indi-
viduals, families, communities and States; but
all attempts to carry it from our local elections
into rational politics have fallen to the ground
We apprehend, however, that from the despotic
expressions upon municipal aud popular rights
and usases by our late Seward Legislature, a
question Of local jurisdiction and popular lber-
ty has been brought to the surface which may
Observation-Disclosures or negative-become one
of the leading issues Of a reorganization of
cur political parties in every State in the
Union.
This question, in view of the late spoils and
plumber measures of our Seward black repub-
lican lawmakers, and in view Of the afirma-
tive decision upon one Of those mea-
sures by the court Of last resort, is this:
Does it not now devolve upon the people
of this State to interpose their sovereign
authority in the establishment of some def.
mite limitations to the State Legislature in its
supervision over the local concerns of our coun-
ties cities and villagess The election of Legis-
lature opposed to such acts as the Metro
politan Police bill may afford a temporary relief;
but nothing short of revision Of our State con-
stitution will give us any permanent security.
The Court Of Appeals consoles us with the doc
thine that if the provisions of this police bill
"had been limited territoriany TO the city Of New
York ii would have been In conflict with the Sec
ton Of the constitution so often referred to- but
inasmuch as the bill embraces several cities and
counties, it ia clearly constitutional The ex-
tremes to which this nice distinction may be car
red are scarcely defrable. If by putting two
or three, or half dozen counties cities or villa
ges together the Legislature may appoint the
police organization Of the same, what Is to pre-
vent the Legislature, through similar dodge,
from choosing the Mayor, Councilmen, Aldermen,
&c, Of every city, town and village In the State!
Does II, for example, make the case Of an ab:o-
lutte despotism over New York city 10 any degree
easier from being associated in the same bondage
with Brooklyn and Williamsburg will the
old adage that "misery loves company" afford
us any relief?
This Metropolitan Police act was one Of series
of measures passed By the Seward majority of our
late Legislature for party purposes The object
Of this act, aud the Others Of the same batch, was
the reduction of this city to submission to the
Seward olgarchy. Should it be successful as a
stroke Of party policy, it will undoubtedly be fol-
lowed up with similsr experiments in other quar-
tiers; and, following our example, the desperate
necessities Of this or that party in other States
may drive them TO the same proceedings Thus
this controversy between local rights and usages
aid legislative usurpsticns may eventually enter
into fhe Reorganization Of parties in every State
10 the ULion- At al eyeIfs hence.orward the
issue between the LEGAL powers Of jurisdiction OF
this city ond the extraordinary powers exercised
by our Seward lawmakers ct Albany viii con-
tinue q question before the people until cur
Metropolitan bondage IL established or Cur al.
cient Liberties are restored.
-
MR. SENATOR DouGIAs OF UTAH, VERSUS KAN
sAs-In order to compass the Mornoa difficulty
Mr.. Douglas proposes 70 abolish the Territorial
governments OF Utah and TO substitute Congress
tionsl sovereignty, fall and absolute for squat,er
rovereign'y. The Richmond Erama1er thinks this
c moot excellent Recommendation and speaks OF
II in the following strain Of comprehensive phllo.
sophy:-
nothing god car come OCT Of ms chaos There Is bu,
remedy FOR the trouble aud that be,ius begin
ping. ys6gs Douglas has proposed to sboih the rerri
ofh government O. Utah, szd put that county agsu
un1eS The guardianship OF ConrTees. The proposition s
vie But C0DGne IL no, 10 tab LIT be general, aud
embrace 81 tae Tcrrtorics n the extent OF ~ hibn
cone a ytre syegy OF roprlar elect on and