The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1857-06-05


The Municipal Consest-Its Pretexts, Re~lt-
ties and Dangers.
The politicians ard Journals in the interest of
the Albany conspira.ors who seek to rob cue city
Of its rights, pretend that there Is no important
principle involved in the contest in which we
are row engaged 1t is, Of course, necessary for
them to assume this in order to cloak the true
character Of their designs; but the psoplo Of
New York are not thus easily to he made their
dupes ard Instruments Lest there should be
any weak enosgh to be misled By the shallow
sopAisiries which the psrtizans of the Legislature
put forth, let us again calmly examine the Issues
which are really involved in this question.
As We have before stated, the present struggle
is one of tho most vital and important in its con-
sequences that tho history Of this or any other
country records. /! is 30, because the interests
with which it is fraught concern not merely our
selves but the whole human family. The ques-
ton is not whether New York is to have a ma-
nicipal or State police or State organization
generally, bat whether the principle Of self
government Is to be wholly annihiatcd In q
country which has only attained its present great
ness through its aid, and which Is justly con-
sidered as its natural guardian and representa-
| tive II is In the United States alone that the
principle has received its full development, md
to us other nations look for fair example Of lis
working In England and other quasi-constit,,-
tiona countries 1t has been carried out to limit
ed extent, but with US II has been applied to all
the ramifcations Of our government organize
ha fo<n <~f tha fpsn opIxr ,;uta
their independence Of the general government by
the force of this principle; and if any portion of
the foundation on which our political super-
structure is raised be removed, there is danger
that the whole will come topping to the ground.
OF the correctness of this conclusion We can best
judge by analogy.
In England municipal independence has been
both the parent and nurse Of the popular lber-
ties. II gave birth under Alfred to the
first ideas Of self government, fostered the
bold spirit which extorted Magma Charta
from King John, helped to defeat the
Efforts of the first Charles TO centralize all the
powers Of the State in his own person, foiled the
fanaticism and red hot bigotry of the second
James, compelled the passage of the reform bill
and the Catholic Emancipation act-tbc two great
modern charters Of British IL s-and is sim, in
| opposition 10 the country constituencies, strug-
Cling TO enlarge the franchises aud relieve the
burthens Of the people. In Germany the same
principle helped to preserve intact the liberties of
the Hansc Towns, whilst in Italy II gave birth to
powerful republics, which would still have been in
existence but for the treason OF their own cil-
Gems. In the middle ages the secondary cities
aud towns Of France enjoyed share OF indepcn-
dencc through the charters OF their monarchs, but
under the Bourbons their privileges were gradu-
ally abridged. until in the reign Of Louis XVI.
they were almost entirely extinguished. The
municipality Of Paris, it is true, played an im
porIant part in the political events of that
period, but it was rather through The efforts
Of fallen royalty to regain the favor of thc
people by It's aid, than from its own In.
herent Independence. The revolution gave
TO the Mayor Of Paris larger share Of political
influence than he had ever previously possessed;
but that influence was purely sectional, and oh.
tanned not by the support Of the citizens General
j.. but by that of band Of regularly Organized
despcIadoes and cut-tlroats, from whose ranks he
was selected. The revolutionary leaders, relying
on tie aIl-suaicicncy Of thcir own strcags,, aud
believing in tbeprinciple OF Capitalization. which.
in view Of the external dangers Shey had TO com.
! bat, was perhaps a temporary necessity. omitted
/ 20 rts,ore 10 the cities of France the rights Of
which they had been robbed, and thus deprive
ihemsclycs Of the most effective allies they could
have. and who would have proved at once a de-
fence against thc common enemy and against
their own dcspotic tendencies and divisions TO
this fatal mistake was owing the ultimate defeat
Of the revolution. When having wesried the
people by III tyranny and it, excuses, The
Directory was forced TO yield the rc;nI
OF government 10 Napoleon, there was not
sufficient spirit and independence left in the
towns TO resist the gradual usurpations of the
First Consul until he had succeeded in ccutraliz-
ing in himself The whole power Of the State.
| Had those towns been left in the full enjoyment
OF their municipal Independence no military ad-
venturcr could have obtained Possession of France
By simply seizing PATS. 1t WAS this system Of
Capitalization which first proved tho rain Of the
popular liberties, and which, dcsigscdly main
taincd by succeeding rulers, has ever dnce kept
the French people cnslsvcd Had the cities and
towns of France been nurtured in the same spirit
of sturdy independence Al those OF England, we
should probably never have heard of Bona
parts dynasty, and certainly not Of the oo,p dtsf
of December, 1851.
These are the dangers 20 be feared In our own
eac, People may affect TO despisc them, but
they are not The less Visible in the fotaec. As
sure az effect follows cause, sure will they fol-
low in The wake OF the success of the principle
which the Legislature now seeks to introduce for
the first time amongst VA Let the chartered
rights Of our cities Be once destroyed, and no
thing can be more certain than that the whole Of
our existing political organization will share
thcir fate. The principle Of Capitalization once