New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1857-07-27

The scporifc dullness which, since the conclu-
sion of the Oriental war, had characterized the
pbysiogncmy of Europe, is rapidly giving way to
| lively and even feverish aspect There is Great
Britain, with her Reform movement looming in the
future and her Indian difficulties. The Londo"
Times, il il true, tells the world that except those
who have friends in India, the British public, as
"a whole, look for the arrival of the next news
90 from India with as much interest as we should
son an overdue Australian steamer or the result OF
ga rising at Madrid" On the same day, however,
| the same Times, in its money article, drops the
marx of proud Indifference and betrays the real
| feelings of John Bull in the following strain:
"a continued depression like that now prevailing in
the stock market 10 the face Of uninterrupted aug
menta.on in the Bank bullion and the prospect OF
great harvest Is almost unprecedented The anxiety
with regard to India overpowers all other consiaera
TONS and il any serious news were to arrive to-mor'
| row it would most probably produce panic"
To speculate upon the course of events In India
would be useless just now, when every mail may
be expected to bring authentic news But it is
evident that, in case of serious revolutionary ex.
plosion on the continent of Europe, England,
| drained Of her men and her ships by the Chinese
war and the Indian revolts, would prove unable TO
reassume the proud position she occupied In lo45
and ls49. On the other hand, she cannot afford to
stand aloof since the Oriental war and the alliance
| with Napoleon have lately chained her to CONT
mental politics. at the same time that the complete
dissolution Of her traditionary political parties and
| the growing antagonism between her wealthPro.
ducing classes, expose her social frame more than
ever to spasmodic disturbance. In 1850, while
her power weighed like an incubus on the European
revolution England was at first little afraid of it,
then diverted its own native ennu by its spectacle,
then betrayed it little, then coquetted little with
it, and at last took earnestly to making money out
of it. Her industrial fortunes somewhat roughly
shaken by the commercial distress of 1867, may
even be said to have, to some extent, been re.
made through the agency Of the revolution of lS4o
However, the continental revolution will be for
England neither spectacle to enjoy, nor distress
to speculate upon, but severe trial to pass
through.
Crossing the English Channel, we find the surface
Of society already heaving and rocking with the
movement of the subterranean fires The Paris
elections are even less the forebodng than the real
commencement of new revolution. 1t is quite in
keeping with the historical past of France that
Cavaignsc should give color and name to the effort
against BOnsparte, in the same way that Odllon
Barrot introduced that against Louis Philippe.
Cavaignac like Odon BarrOt, is only pretext on
the part of the people, though both of them serious
conceptions on the part of the middle classes. The
name under which a revolution is ushered in is
never that borne on the banner on the day OF
triumph. To hold out any chances Of success,
revolutionary movements must, in modern society,
borrow their cOlOrs, at the beginning, from those
elements of the people which, although opposed to
the exciting government, are quite in harmony
with existing society. In one word, revolutions
must receive their tickets of admission to the Off
cisl stage from the ruling classes themselves.
The Paris elections, and the Paris imprisOuments,
and the Paris prosecutions be read in their true
light only by considering the state of the Paris
Bourse, whose disturbances preceded the electoral
agitation as they have outlivedt. Even during the
last three months Of 1856, when all Europe was
aboring in financial crisis, the Paris BOurse did
not witness such supendOus and continued de-
probation of all securities prevailed during all
last June and the beginning Of July. Besides, it
u
fits and starts but all went down in quite method
ical way, following the ordinary laws Of fall only
10 the last preciptate plunges. The shares of the
Credit MObier which, at the beginning of June,
stood at about l,3OOf were sunk to l,l62f on the
26th to 1,O95f, on July 81 to 975f on the ith; to
| e9Of. on the 7th. The shares of the Bank of
France, quoted at the beginning of June at above
| 4,OOOf, had, in spite Of the new mOnopoies and
privileges bestowed upon the Bank, fallen to
3O65f on the 26th of June; to 5000 on the Sd of
July, and on the 9th of July brought no more than
2,9OOf The three per cent rentes, the shares OF
the principal railways, such as the Northern, the
Lyons, the Mediterranean, the Grand Fusion Lines,
and all other joint stock shares, have propOronaby
shared in this long downward movement.
The new Bank act, while exposing the desperate
situation of the Bonaparist exchequer, has at the
same time shaken the public confidence in the Bank
administration itself The last report Of the
Credit Mobher, while revealing the organic hollow
ness of that institution and the vastness OF the
interests involved in it, informed the public that
there was struggle going on between its Directors
and the Emperor, and that some financial coup
dAat was contemplated. In fact, to make good
ts most pressing obligations, the Credit Mobilier,
has been forced to throw on the market about
twenty millions of securities held by it. At the
same time in order to pay their dividends and get
the means of continuing commencing the works
undertaken, railways and other jointstock CON-
psnies have also had to sell securities to call for