Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-12-05
For tho nncle.

prove thatI as a political abolitionists, was not
as deeply stained with slave-holding guilt, as the
STAKEHOLDER himself, but it appears from a second
letter, that he reafi m his position. He denies
shat ! take upon myself all the guilt and crime Of
she most debased STAKEHOLDER, but asserts that |
do take upon myself oil the goilt and crime which
pertains to the relation of the slave-claiman,,
simply as such. All the difference he can possibly
make between the two positions is, in the one case
she voter is on q level with q wicked Shareholder,
and in the other on a level only with tho slave
holder. Not so much difference after all. !, and
oil other voters are still classcd with slave holders,
and must confess that my pred udicc against the
very term itslave-holder,' renders me unwilling
to associate with them in friendship. either my
name or my interests. ] do not deny that | vol
unfairly support government, but ! do most en-
phatically deny that in supporting governme; |, l
support the present administration Of the govern.
ment. It is not the usurped power of the slave
holder l vote to sustain. but it is a restoration OF
Q true practical. administration Of the great and
patriotic principles contained in the "Declaration
Of Indepepdeuce," and the Federal constitution.
The ballot box is merely a place Of deposit for the
sentiment ofEthe people, and it is indeed a strange
thing If I am as guilty of sustaining slavery MS
the STAKEHOLDER, when | vote for the entire de-
molishment of slavery, and the stakeholder votes
for its eternal existence and prosperity. The
Federal constitution promises very clearly, the
blessings of Liberty to every inhabitant Of this
government. II clearly declares that no person
shall be deprived of life, liberty or property with
out a due process Of law, and it declares further,
that the freedom of speech and Of the press, shall
not DO abridged yet we see that in spite OF these
plain declarations of promised justice, the plain
e.. and most palpablc violation Of this great fun.
Elemental law of our country, is daily eating
away upon the vital interests of the American"
people. I wish to be clearly understood that |
support the Federal government exclusively in Its
organic state, without any reference whatever, to
she grossly perverted administration OF the gov
eminent. The difference between the Doctor, and
me is, be claims tina. because it is possible for sla-
very 10 exist in the government at all, that the
constitution must be in fault and | claim, that 1t
il not the constitution but the wicked hearts of
those who have the powor to legislate, and con-
srol the policy of this nation. Any people who
are so deeply plunged into national pollution, as
those who now hold the reius of this government,
would declare slavery both just and constitutional,
although that constitution had just de cendcd from
the high Throne OF the Eternal Ruler" Of the
Universe. 1t is not Tor the love of the constitution
shat slavery is protracted so long, but 1t is for the
love of slavery itself. The slave holder processes
q great deal of passionate zeal for tho sound
maintenance of the constitution, but let the in
terpretsti ons Of the United States" court be re-
versed, and he would just that quick denonnee it
- a dirty abolition instrument, intended only to
trap the silly Stakeholder.
NY friend Brooke says he is curious to know
why I undertake to defend tho Radical Abolition
party whilst refusing to do so much for the he
publican party ; probably, | can satisfy his curl
osisy. NV reasons simply and plainly are, enc
aims to abolish slavery, and the other don't. Ger
tainly o vast gulf lies between the two parties
and l mn fully as much surprised MS the Doctor
was to find that he had not yet discovered IT,
The Doctor himself, to use his own words says
that / may here cay that with tie Radical Adolf
tionists. if in a majority, ard acting IN accord
ance with their professions, l should have no con
troversy thus plainly implying, that the probes
sions u { that party are right, and that simply be-
cause of its numeric i weakness, it is not worthy
of support. According to such mode of reasoning
il is right TO act with that party, Jdst as soon as II
can obtain n majority, but a gross violatian OF
principle to help to create that majority. | see nc
logical or philosophical reason why | should not
holp to create this majority, when toe instinct OF
she brute would tell me, that a majority could
never be reached until the people did it by a de-
posting Of their votes at the ballet-box. The sim,
pie lack of a majority, does not in the least i'm
pair the doings Of the party, and if | IAN conscl
entiously act with the party us soon as it obtains
an1la mn chat
should identify myself with that party, and fol
low it from it's infancy, Oh through the uEtrodder
wilderness of governmental experiment, until i
was crowned with success.
A Radical Abolition administration If construct
ed upon Incorporating principles, could neve
fail to work death to Slavery, and for This reason
and this alone, | think il more consistent for me a
m abolitionist, to identify myself with that part.
than any other. If the Radical Abolition party i
Objectionable on account Of its Numerical weakness
what could we gain by leaving it and uniting
with the Disunionists. So far as nn,njers are con
serned, / imagine the difference would be small
but when we take into consideration the means Q
applying practically, the principles of each. 70
the over,hrow of Slavery, We find that one ha
planted itself upon the Eternal truths ~containe
in the Declaration Of independence and the Fedora
Constitution, whilst the other looks to no found0
tier except the prejudices Of the people against tn
American government. Our party. or some othe
party, protesting the determination to bring abou
the same results must advance. but if l I'm nc
very much mistaken the present Disunion party i
not only fully grown, but already far advanced i
good old age. The history Of the party itself,
all the proof necessary to establish the truth c
this assertion, but in order to make it more man
fest, We will refer to the late proceedings of tn
Cleveland Convention. This Convention, it is ad
mitted on all hands, was attended by several of til
most noted, and most intellectual men ard w
men in this nation. but yet in view of the fact thf
all this exhibition of s uperior talent and eloquenc
would take place. tie Conyention SO far as nun