Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1857-03-11
about Il O'Clock, to deliver his inaugural ad-
dress, as follows:


dress, as follows:
INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
FELLOW CITIZENS IL appear before you this
| day to take the solemn oath ssthat will faith
| fully execute the Office Of President of the u
nited States, and will, to the best of my abili-
| ty, preserve, protect and defend the Constitu-
| tion of the United States" In entering upon
| this great office, most bumbly invoke the aid
| of the God of our Fathers for wisdom and firm
ness to execute its high and responsible duties
| in such a manner as to restore harmony and
| ancient friendship among the people of the
| several States, and to preserve our free insti-
! tutions throughout many generations. Con-
vinced that / owe my election to the inherent
| love for the Constitution and the Union which
still animates the hearts of the American peo-
| pie, let me earnestly ask for their powerful
| support in sustaining all just measures calcula-
| ted to perpetuate these, the richest political
blessings which Heaven has ever bestowed
upon any nation.
Having determined not to become candi-
date for reelection, l shall have no motive to
| influence my conduct in administering the
| Government, except the desire, ably and faith
| fully to serve my country, and TO live IN the
| grateful memory of my countrymen. We have
| recently passed through presidential contest
| in which the passions of our fellow citizens
were excited to the highest degree by ques-
tions of deep and vital importance. But when
the people proclaimed their viii, the tempest
/ at once subsidized, and all was calm. The voice
of the majority, speaking in the manner pre-
scribed by the Constitution, was heard, and in
slant submission followed. Our own country
could alone have exhibited so grand and strik
| ing spectacle of the capacity OF man for
self government. Wha: happy conception,
| then, it for Congress to apply this simple
rule, ssthat the will of the majority shall gov
ern'' to the settlement of the question of do
mestc Slavery in the Territories. Congress
is neither sto legislate slavery into any Terri
| tory, nor exclude it therefrom,'' but leave the
people thereof perfectly free to form and reg
ulate their domestic institutions in their own
| way, subject only to the Constitution of the u
nited States. Asa natural consequence, Con-
| gress has also prescribed that when the Terri
tory of Kansas shall be admitted State. il
| shall be received into the Union with or with
| out Slavery, as their own Constitution may
prescribe at the time of their admission.
| different opinion has arisen in regard to the
| point of time when the people of Territory
| shall decide the questj on for themselves. This
is happily matter of but little practical i'm
| portance, besides, it is a judicial question
which legitimately belongs to the Supreme
| Court of the United States, before whom it
is now pending, and will, it is understood
| lie speedily and finally settled. To their
| decision, in common with all good citi-
zens, / shall cheerfully submit, whatever this
may be- though it has ever been my individu-
|
act, the appropriate period will be when the
| number of actual residents in the Territory
| shall justify the formation of a Constitution
| with view to its admission State into the
| Union. But be this as il may, it is the imper
| ative and indispensable duty of the govern
| ment of the United States, to secure to every
| resident inhabitant the free and independent
| expression of his opinions by his vote. This
| sacred right of each individual must be pre-
1 served. This being accomplished, nothing
| can be fairer than to leave the people of a
| Territory free from all foreign interference. to
| decide their own destiny for themselves, sub
| jact only to the Constitution of the United
| States. The whole Territorial question being
thus settled upon the principle of popular SOW
| ereignty-a principle ancient as free gov
| ernment itself-everything of practical ma
ture has been decided. No other question re-
| mains for adjustment; because all agree that
| under the Constitution, Slavery in the States
| is beyond the reach of any human power, ex-
| cept that of the respective States themselves
| wherein it exists. May not, then, hope
that the long agitation on this subject is APP
preaching its end, and that the geographical
parties to which it has given birth-so much
| dreaded by the Father of his country-will
| speedily become extinct? Most happy will it
be for the country when the public mind shall
| be diverted from this question TO others of
more pressing and practical Importance
| Throughout the whole progress of this agita-
\ llOn, WHICH has scarcely hnORH IHleTinlS-
| sion for more than twenty years, whilst it has
been productive of no positive good to any
| human being, it has been prolific source of
| great evils to the master, to the slave and the
| whole country. 1t has alienated and estrans
| ed the people Of sister States from each other
| and has even seriously endangered the very
| existence of the Union. Nor has that danger
entirely ceased. Under our system there is a
remedy for all mere political evils in the sound
sense and sober Judgment Of the people
| Time is a great corrective. Political subjects
| which, but few years ago, excited and exas-
| perated the public mind, have passed away and
| are now nearly forgotten. The question OF do
| nestle slavery is of far greater importance
than of any mere political question, because,
! should the agitation continue, it may eventu-
ally endanger the personal safety of large
| portion of our countrymen where the institu-
| tion exists. In that event no form Of govern
| ment, however admirable in ITSELF howev er
| productive of material benefits can compen-
| safe for the loss of peace and domestic securi-
| ty around the family alter. Let every Union
| loving man, therefore, exert his best influence
to suppress this agitation, which, since the re-
cent legislation of Congress, is without any
| Legitimate object. 1t is an evil omen of the
| times that men have undertaken to calculate
| the mere material value of the Union. reason
| ed estimates have been presented of the pecu-
| mary profits and local advantages which would
| result to the different States and sections from
| its dissolution, and of the comparative injuries
| which such an event would inflict on other
| States and sections. Even descending to this
low and narrow view of the mighty question,
all such calculations are at fault-the bare ref
erence to single consideration will be con-
elusive on this point. We at present enjoy a
| free trade throughout our extensive and eX-
panding country such the world never wit
messed. This trade is conducted on railroads