Meigs County telegraph. [volume] (Pomeroy [Ohio]) 1848-1859, 1857-12-29

'cltlZenSnlp IN Cne OHiteu O"IeS' ~ mCi
think that no person should vote or hold
Office until he has been here twenty years,
they have right to think 30; and If a ma
iority OF the people of Kansas think that
no man of foreign birth should vote or
hold Office unless he has lived there twenty
Years. It is their right to say 30, and have
no right TO interfere with them; it is their
business, not mine; but If lived there l
should not be willing to have that provis-
ion In the Constitution without being heard
upon the subject, and allowed to record my
protest against it. have nothing to say
labout their system of taxation, in which
fthey have gone back and resorted to the
old and exploded system that we tried in
Illinois, but abandoned because we did not
like ii. If they wish to try it, and get
tired of it, and abandon it, be it so; but if
/ were citizen Of Kansas | would profit
by the experience Of Illinois on that sub
4 iect, and defeat it if could. Yet have
no objection to their having It If they want
it; it is their business, not mine.
So it is in regard to the free negroes.
They provide that no free negro shall be
permitted to live in Kansas. l suppose
they have right to say so If they choose;
but if 1 lived there shoDld want TO vote
on that question. We, in Illinois, provide
that no more shall come there. We say to
the other States, "take care OF your owL
free negroes and we will take care of ours. +"
But we do not say that the negroes, now
there, shall not be permitted to live in Hi
nois, and think the people of Kansas
ought to have the right to say whether
they will allow them to live there, and if
they are not going to do SO, how they are
to dispose of them. So you may go on
with all the different clauses Of the Con-
stitution They may be all right; they
Lmay be all wrong. That is a question on
which nv opinion is worth nothing. The
opinion of the wise and patriotic Chief
Magistrate of the United States is not
worth anything as against that of the peo-
pie Of Kansas, for they have right to
Judge for themselves, and neither Presi-
dents, nor Senators, nor House of Repre-
sentatives, nor any other power outside OF
Kansas, has the right to judge for them.
Hence, it Is no justification, in my mind,
} for the violation of a great principle OF
self government to say that the Copstitu-
, ton you are forcing on them is not partic-
ularly obnoxious, or is excellent in it's pro-
visions. 1884 t- i4 ."
}, Perhaps, Sir, the same thing might be
said of the celebrated Topeka Constitution
do not recollect its peculiar provisions
1 know one thing: We Democrats, we
Nebraska men, would not even look into II
, to see what its provisions were. Why
Because we said it was made by a political
, party, and not by the people; that it was
made in defiance of the authority of Con-
gress; that if it was as pure as the Bible
as holy as the ten commandments, yet we
= would not touch it until it was submitted
and ratified by the people of Kansas, il
pursuance of the forms Of law. Perhaps
that Topeka Constitution, but for the mode
of making it, would have been unexcep
, tionable. 1 do not know; do not CARE
I You have no right to force an unexcep
. tionable Constitution on a people. 1t doe:
q not mitigate the evil, it does not diminish
D the insult, it does not ameliorate the wrong
: that you are forcing a good thing on them
= / am not willing to be forced to do tina
which l would do if were left free tc
: Judge and act for myself Hence l asser
that there is no justification to be made TO
4 this fragrant violation of popular rights ii
a Kansas, on the plea that the Constitution
? which they have made is not PARTICULAR.
n obn )xious.
). But, Sir, the President of the Unitec
: States is really and sincerely of the opin
9 ion that the Slavery clause has been tairl.
n and impartially submitted to the free accep
i tance or rejection of the people of Kansas
| q A. - thot MN tho nYf,i
J. ting and paramount question, ifthey get tn
If right to vote as they please on that suoJec
d they ought to be satisfied; and possibly
i might be better If we would accept it. an,
e put an end to the question. Let me ask
i Sir, is the Slavery clause fairly submitted
|, SO that the people can vote for or against it
v Suppose were citizen of Kansas, an
J. should 90 up to the polls and say. ~ desir
N to vote to make Kansas Slave State: her
is nv ballot" They reply to me, ''Ml
j. Douglas, Just vote fer that Constitutio
II first, il YOU please" "Oh, no!'' an
ia swer, s'i cannot vote for that Constitutio
,t conscientionsly. l am opposed to tn
1t clause by which you locate certain railroad
n in such way as to sacrifice my Count
J. and my part of the State. 1 am oppose
g. to that banking system. am opposed
| this Know Nothing or American clause
" the Constitution about the qualification fl
r. Office. cannot vote for it." Then the
At answer? ?"You shall not vote on making
il Slave State" 1 then say, 81 want
i. make it Free State They reply, "Vo
A. for that Constitution first, and then 20
mr. can vote to make it Free State; otherwii
~ uOu eannOto -.F-f .rgvrt i# .r.H}
m Thus they disqualify every Free-Sta
or man who will not first vote for the Const
D. D. sution; they disquAlify every slavs-sta
3. man who will not first vote for the Const
= tuition. No matter whether or not I'll
ey voters state that they cannot conscientiou
i: " vote for those provisions, they repl
Il, fYou cannot vote for or against Slave
,s here. Take the Constitution as we ha
Of made it, take the elective, franchise as
ne have established it. take the railroad lin
IN as we have located them, take the judicia
ba system as we have formed it, take it all