Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1857-07-08
DISTRIBUTION AND ABoIIr1oN

ONs
In arguing, some time since, to show the danger
of oonceding to Congress the power to apply the |
monies in the Treasury however raised. to any pur
pose than those already specified in the constitution
we commended that the mode of reasoning that
would authorize Congress to divide out the proceeds
arising from the sale of the land among the States
would be an argument for the Aboitionsts to apply
the same fund to the purpose of buying up and lib
Grating the slaves All money in the treasury,
whether from lands, from customs, from taxation
any other source, forms one common fund, and is
alike the money of the people To whatever pur-
pose Congress can apply dollar of it, Congress
can apply all the balance Whatever it can do with
the money that comes in from the sale of the land,
can be done with the money arising from customs
The commOnest understanding can see this 1t is
equally plain that if Congress can give away any
portion of this fund to the States to be ap-
piled as they think properly some to rail roads,
by some to schools and by others to the payment Of
debtsit can appropriate the fund as the Abolition
lists contend to the buying up and liberation of the
slaves. Let any sensible man answer the question,
why Congress cannot just well-so far as the
POOeT is concerned-gve money to the States, oruse
1t directly to free the slaves, to pay off the debts
Of the rail road companies? There is no reasonable
distinction. Hence we contend that to concede TO
Congress any such power would be making con-
eession, and establishing precedent that might be
most fatal to the South at some future time
We know that the most conservative of the anti
slavery men at the North those who are least dis
posed to do injustice to the South, have advocated,
and are still advocating, the policy of gradually
buying up and lberating the slaves and paying for
them out of the treasury of the United States From
a new work by Bishop Hopkins, one of their most
learned and influential men, we have recently quo
ted at some length. Turning over the COMPRESSION
al files, we have fallen upon speech of Gov An
drew JohnsOn's, then member of Congress, in reply
to Mr.. Winthrop of Massachusetts in which he
sums up the various propositions that have been
made at different times in favor of abolition, from
which make the following extract:
The next and last proposition of this series will
refer to, (said Mr.. >, is the one brought forward
| by Mr.. Lincoln member from the State of illinois,
which is as follows:
| ''SEC. f. That all persons now within said Dis
triet of Columbia, lawfully held slaves, or now
| owned by any person or persons resident with
in said district, shall remain such at the will of their
respective owners their heirs and legal representa-
| tives Provided, That any such owner, his legal
| representatives, may at any time receive from the
treasury of the United States the full value of his
or her slave Of the class in this section mentioned
| and upon which such slave shall be forthwith and
forever free. And provided further, That the Pres-
dent of the United States, the Secretary of State,
and the Secretary of the Treasury, shall be board
for determining the value of such slaves as their
owners may desire to emancipate under this section
and whose duty it shall be to hold session for the
purpose the first Monday of each calendar month;
to receive all applications and satisfactory evil
dence in each case, that the person presented for
valuation is slave and of the class in this section
mentioned, and is owned by the applicant, shall val
ue such slave at his her full cash value, and give
to the applicant order on the treasury for the
amount, and also to such slave certificate of free
DOM"
Here is bill boldly presented to the Congress of
the United States, which proposes to pay for the
groes in the District of Columbia out of the treasury
of the Union in other words to take in part the
price of the negro out of the pocket of the owner
and the other out of the pocket of the non-slaVe
holder, and then turn them loose upon the country.
If this is done in the District of Columbia it will be
followed up in the States which will lead to fixing
a debt upon the Federal Government of twelve hun
bred millions Of dollars which has been alluded to
in the preceding portion of my remarks, as being
the value Of all the slaves in the United States
My object has not beer to argue this question but
TO present it. in connection with few facts, to
ton upon which the Wings and Democrats of the
South can, and one upon which they must unite We
must be convinced that Congress will not be ar
rested in legislation upon this question by timely
and judcious exercise of that conservative prnci-
pie, the veto, by the Executive, [Gen. Taylor. If
of the South have been lead astray by party and
excitement, by the dazzling allurements of mill
tary glory, now, when the excitement of the occa-
sion is over, and reason has again resumed her en-
pire-as honest men, patriots, as lovers of this
glorious Union, should forward and take our
stand against the encroachments of the North,
through Congress, upon Southern institutions, and
thereby the constitution from violation, and
the States from ACKNOWLEDGMENT.
Thus we see that the proposition has already been
advocated in Congress that the Federal Treasury
should be taxed with the liberation of the slaves
Many anti-slavery at the North, who would
spUrn to be regarded aboltionsts, in the usual
of the term, would cordially unite in propO-
stion of this Sort whenever satisfied that it be
constitutionaly done. Let the precedent of taking
money from the treasury and distributing it among
the States for any purpose, be once established,
and who can tell for what other purpose that pre-
cedent will not be followed? Let the reader look
well to this. 1t is worthy of more than passing
thought