Holmes County Republican. [volume] (Millersburg, Holmes County, Ohio) 1856-1865, 1857-12-24
THE KANSAS QUESTION.
Extracts from Mr.. Douglas speech.

Sir, what would this boasted principle
of popular sovereignty be worth, if it ap-
piled only to the negro. and did not extend
to the white man? Do you think we
could have aroused the sympathies and
the patriotism of this broad Republic, and
have carried the Presidential election las,
year in the face Of ia tremendous opposition,
on the principle of extending the right Of
self-government to the negro question, but
DENYING it TO all the relations affecting
white men. No, sir. We aroused the pa
triotism of the country and carried the
election in defense of that great principle,
which allowed all white men to form and
regulate their domestic institutions to suit
themselves-ins.i .itutions applicable TO white
men as well as black men-institutions ap-
plicable to freemen as well as to slaves
institutions concerning all the relations Of
life, and not the mere paltry exception OF
the Slavery question. Sir, l have spent
too much strength and breath, and money,
too, to establish this great principle in the
popular heart now to see it frittered away
by bringing it down to an exception that
applies to the negro and does not extend
to the benefit of the white man. As
said before, l can well imagine how the
distinguished and eminent patriot and
statesman, now at the head of the Gov
ernment, fell into an error-for error it is,
radical, fundamental-and if persevered in,
subversive of that platform upon which he
was elevated to the Presidency of the Uni
ted States.
Then, if the President be right in say
ing that, by the Nebraska bill, the Slavery
question must be submitted to the people,
it follows inevitably that every other clause
of the Constitution must also be submitted
to the people. The Nebraska bill said that
the people should be left perfectly free to
form and regulate their domestic institu-
tions in their own way"-not the Slavery
question, not the Maine liquor law ques-
ton, not the railroad question, but "their
domestic institutions" meaning each and
all the questions which are local, not, Ma
tional, State not Federal l arrive at the
conclusion that the principles enunciated
so boldly, and enforced with so much abili-
ty by the President of the United States,
require us, out of respect to him and the
platform on which he was elected, to send
this whole question back to the people Of
Kansas, and enable them to say whether
or not the Constitution which has been
framed, each and every clause of it, meets
their appreciation. The President, in his
message, has made an unanswerable argu-
ment in favor of the principles which re-
quires this question to be sent back. 1t is
stated in the message, with more clearness
and force than any language which 1 can
command; but can draw your attention
to it, and refer you to the argument in the
message, hoping that you will take it as a
part of my speech-as expressing my idea
more forcible than am able to express it.
The President says that question Of great
interest, like the Slavery question, cannot
be fairly decided by convention of dele
gates, for the reason that the delegates are
elected in districts, and in some districts o
delegate is elected by a small majority
SO that it often happens that majority OF
the delegates are one way, while majori
ty of the people are the other way; and
therefore it would be unfair, and inconsist
ent with the great principle of popular SOY
ereignty, to allow body of delegates, no,
representing the popular voice, to estab
lish domestic institutions for the mass O
the people. This is the Presidents argu
ment to show that YOU cannot have a fail
and honest decision without submitting i,
to the popular vote. The same argument
is conclusive with regard to every othel
question as well as with regard to Slavery
But, Mr.. President, it is intinated in the
message that, although it was an unfor-
tunate circumstance, much to be regretted,
that the Leeompton Convention did not
submit the Constitution to the people, yet,
perhaps, it may be treated as regular, be-
cause the Convention was called by Ter
ritorial Legislature, which has been re-
peatedly recognized by the Congress of the
United States as legal body. | beg Sen
ators not TO fall into an error as to the
Presidents meaning on this point. He
does not say, he does not mean, that this
Convention had ever been recognized by
the Congress of the United States as legal
or valid. On the contrary, he knows, as
we here know, that during the last Con-
gress l reported bill from the Committee
on Territories to authorize the people of
Kansas to assemble and frame a Constitu-
tion for themselves. Subsequently the
Senator from Georgia, Mr.. Toombs brought
forward substitute for my bill, which, af-
ter having been modified 10y him and my
self, in consultation, was passed by the
Senate. 1t is known in the country as
"the Toombs bill" 1t authorized the peo-
pie of Kansas Territory to assemble in Con-
vention and form Constitution prepara-
tory to their admission into the Union rs
State. That bill, it is well known; was
defeated in the House of Representatives,.
1t matters not, for the purpose of this ar-
gument, what was the reason of its defeat.
Whether the reason was political ono,
whether it had reference TO the then ex-
isting contest for the Presidency; whether
it was to keep open the Slavery question; !;
whether it was conviction that the bill
would not be fairly carried out; whether
because there were not beople enough in
Kansas to justify the formation of State;
no matter what the reason was, the House
of Representatives refused to pass that bill,
and thus denied to the people of Kansas
the right to form a Constitution and State
Government at this time. So far from the
Congress of the United States having sane
toned or legalized the Convention which
assembled at Lecompton, it expressly with