New-York daily tribune., 1857-08-24

pubic party, but mentioned onty tho Democratic
and ArrrcsD paytiee-NhOee nominations he had
reeeYved in 1854. The posI.ion Of Mr. Banks in
1857 and not his position In 1854 Is the question at
issue, but it may be well to state, in explanation Oh
the omission, which appears 50 suspicious TO Mr..
Goodrich, that the fact is that the Republicans OF
1854 bad very generally merged Themselves with the
Americans in Massachusetts and in Mr.. Banks's
District held no convention. The distinct Repuo-
lican vote in the whole State was but little over
G coo in that year. This explains Mr. Bankss an-
swer OF which the Republican members OF Congress
" no heard il made 10 complaint Why SHOULD MT.
Goodrich
The spirit of Mr. Goodrich's letter appears to me
generally fair and candid. He errs from narrow
logic from a bar.splittiDg, Over-rehnlog tendency
OF his mind, which leads him continually 10 40 "ha'
the man in Bleak House so much deprecates, 10
PUT too fine point upon (which Is generally
oreat error in pOtcs however excellent II may Dc
in theory. He deals with Mr.. Banks exacuy as
Grand InquistOr would with an arch hereto Wnoh
he had determined beforehand to condema 10 tne
stake. -. ~, r.,
The only palpably uncandid point in Mr.. Good
rieb,s letter il where be cites from Alr. Banks
Latest declaration of sentiment the following passage:
at believe that the Constitution cOnfers upon Con-
eress sovereign power the terrific les OF the United
States for their government and that n the exercise
Of its authority 1t is lts duty 10 prouDN slavery VI
| Polygamy therein" :. r.
This declaration Mr.. Goodrich considers In itself
entirely satisfactory. lie admits it 10 be good be
publican doctrine and in strict conformity to the
Philadelphia platform, of which, indeed IL is tue
essence. But Mr. Goodrich will not accept this,
| the latest definition of Mr. Bankss position. Aud
\ why mott Why, f0rsOOtb, because Mr.. Banks, at
some previous stage OF his career, bad expressed
something or other which might be tortured, Ia
| Grand IaQusitor, into sembance OF inconsistency
with it, For example, Mr.. Banks said, in reply TO
a question put to him during the contest Tor
| Speaker:
territories Of Kansas and Nebraska. leave the ter
rtores which are to ceme hereafter TO TIC heTeatter
| Upon this argues Mr.. Goodrich: If he does not
| mean TO raise the question whether, IN the future
extension of our territory, Slavery shall be prohibit
ed or not but proposes to leave it TO the hereafter
he cannot mean to say that it will be the duty OF
| Congress to prohibit it in such territory" This,
Won see is mere word.ca .ching. Mr.. Banks says
now clearly and decidedly, 81 believe that Congress
has the right and it is its duty, to prohibit Slavery
| in the territories
| Very good, says Mr.. Goodrich, you are a
true Republican if you believe that; but Of course
you don't believe it, because year and q
| half ago, when Mr.. Boyce Of South Caro-
lima was trying to trap you into saying some
| thing of which he could make handle, during
the contest for the Speakership, you prudently
and shrewdly bafled him BY replying that the ter
"rtOial question of this day refers to the Terrific
"rles of Kansas and Nebraska. / leave tue Terri
| tories which are tO come hereafter to the here
"after." don't like that phrase about leaving the
hereafter to the hereafter. know, to be sure, the
| circumstances under which il was uttered. l know
| that you were under examination by the Keen
| est and subtlest of the Shareholders Of Congress,
with hundred enemies sitting round you, ready TO
| catch at any phrase or word that could be taken
hold of in any way to damage the Republican party.
| know how difficult and delicate your position was,
and how ably and wisely you sustained the trial and
came out vctoriOns-but still, don't like the
| phrase, and, though you now take the right ground
and avow satisfactory views, | can't get over that
leaving the hereafter to the hereafter. You can't
have my vote, Mr.. Banks.
| This, to be sure, is not exactly Mr.. Goodrich
language, but it is the substance Of what he says
s the long and short Of bis letter of eight nine
columns. Plain people, taking practical view OF the
matter will be strongly tempted to tell MIR. Goodrich
TO 20 to grass with his hereafter to the hereafter
and his other logical botheratiOns. The ques-
ton now before the people of Massachusetts, is as
plain as pkestaff to common eyes. 1t is perfectly
well understood on all sides, except by dozen or
two of inyeterately otherwise minded gentlemen,
who canLOt believe that the world goes right unless
they are allowed to turn the crank. The question
is, Shall the Government OF the Commonwealth
hereafter be in the hands of the PrOSavery or Of
the Ant. Slavery partyl Mr.. Banks represents the
Anti Slavery party; Gov. Gardner, some gentle
man to he selected next month, will represent
the Pro-SIavery party. If Mr.. Banks shall
be elected the Anti-Slavery party will
have triulpphed. If Mr.. Banks shall be defeated,
the Anti-Slavery party will be defeated. Against
Mr. Banks are combined all shades and stripes of
| Hmkersm-Whig, Democratic and Know-NothiDg.
| He is opposed by Mr.. Appleton, Mr. Stevenson,
| Mr.. G. Il. Curtis, Mr.. George Lunt, N. Peter
| Harvey, Mr.. Fletcher Webster, Mr. Hallett, Mr..
Austin, Mr. Greene, and by all the nameess leaders
| of the Know Nothing wing of the Fillmore party,
and by The Boston Post and The Boston Courier.
| He is supported by Sumner, by Adams, BY Wilson,
by BurhDgane, and by every Anti Slavery paper in
the State except Mr.. Garrison's Liberator In view
of these facts with what face can any man pretend
that Mr.. Banks is not Republican, and is not
| worthy of Republican votes Are logical bubbles,
word catching and hair-splitting to be allowed to
outweigh the great, broad facts of history, and the
plain, unmistskable perceptions of the public mind
1t lis not thus that political contests are successfully
| carried on The struggle for the mastery OF a con-
tinent is not to be decided by the weapons OF the
schOOlmen. The character, the position of a lead
! inc statesman is not to be determined in the way
| that an ecclesiastical council determines the OrthO
doxy or the heterodoxy of a theologan. If the
Anti-Slayery men Of this country expect ever to
wreSt the reins Of power from the hands Of the
Shareholders they must cease to qubble aud TO snar
discontinue the incessaDt fire in the at theit
| own leaders, and. keeping order end harmony III
! their own ranks, reserve their missiles and other
weapons for the onset upon the enemy.