Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1857-03-19

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never failed to produce injurious and
unhappy consequences. Many such
instances might be adduced, if this
were the proper occasion.
Neither isit necessary for the public
service to strain the language of the
Constitution, because all the great and
useful powers required for the success
ful administration of the government
both in peace or wal, have been granted
either in express terms or by the
plainest implication. Whilst deeply
convinced of these truths. | yet con-
slider it clear, that under the war
making power, Congress may appro-
riate money towards the construction
of military road, when this is abso-
lutely necessary, for the defence of
any State OF Territory of the Union
against foreign invasion.
Under the Constitution, Congress
has power to declare war; raise and
support armies, to provide and main
tain a navy, and to call forth the mil
itia to repel invasion. Thus endowed
in an ample manner with war-ma-
king power, the corresponding duty
is required that the United States
shall protect each of the States
against invasion. How is it possible
to afford this protection to California
and our Pacific possessions except by
means of a military road through the
territories Of the United States, over
which men and munitions of war may
be speedily transported from the
Atlantic States to meet and repel the
invader? In case of awar with a
naval power stronger than our own, We
should have no other available access
to the Pacific coast, because such a
pow,1 would instantly close the route
across the Isthmus of Central Amer
lea. 1t is impossible to conceive it.
The Constitution has EXPIRE ssly
required Congress to defend all the
States. 1t should not deny to them
by any fair construction, the only
possible means by which one of
these States can defended. Besides
the Government, ever since its origin,
has been in the constant practice of
constructing military roads. 1t might
also be wise to consider whether the
love of the Uuion, which now an
imates our fellow-citizsns on the
Pacific coast, may not be impaired by
neglect or refusal to provide for them
in their remote and isolated condition
the only means by which the power
of the States on this side of the
Rocky Mountains can reach them in
sufficient time to protect them against
invasion. / forbear for the present
from expressing an opinion as to the
wisest and most economical mode IN
which Government can lend its aid
in accomplishing this great and nec-
essary work. | believe that many
difficulties in the way, which now
appear formidable, will in a great
degree vanish as soon as the nearest
and best route shall be satisfactorily
ascertained.
Itmay be right that on this occasion
| should make some brief remarks
as to our rights and duties as men,
Der of the great family of nations. In
our intercourse with them, there are
some plain principles approved by
our own experience from which we
should never depart. We ought to
cultivate peace, commerce and friend
ship, with all nations, and this not
merely as the best means of promo.
ting our own material interest, but in
spirit of Christian benevolence to-
wards our fellow men, wherever their
lot may be cast. Our diplomacy
should be direct and frank, neither
seeking to obtain more nor accept
less than is our due. We ought to
cherish a sacred fegard fol the inde-
penGence of all nations. and never
attempt to interfere in the domestic
concerns of any, unless it shall be
imperatively required by the great
law of selfpresefvation.
TO avoid entangling alliances has
been a maxim Of our policy ever since
the days Of Washington. and its
wisdom no one will attempt to dispute
In short we ought to do justice in 9
kindly spirit to all nations, and re-
quire justice from them in return
1t is our glory that while other ma
tons have extended their dominion:
by the sword, we have never acquired
!; any Territory except by fair purchas'
ior as in the case Of Texas, by tn