Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1857-04-29

!
dcating either that the Senate was unanimous in
its favor or that the few individuals who had CD.
posed it before willing to acquiesce in it in its
altered form.
The bill of last session literal transcript of
the act of 1886, as it passed
Two things particularly worthy of note in re.
gard to the act Of 1885, ist 1t was strenuousy de-
MED by the opponents Of the bill that there real
ly any surplus in the Treasury. OF that number
were Slas Wright and Col. Benton Gov. Wise was
then member of the House of Representatives,
and in recent published letter, he characterzes the
act, in his peculiar language, "diciding
a deficiency" End. Under the operation of the
Tariff Act of 1882 the duties were rapidly rum
ming down to the minimum which to be reach
ed in 1912 and it was clearly foreseen that when
they reached that point, if not BEFORE the
of the government would be unequal to its expen-
SEES, and there was no great need to make haste in
| dsposing of surplus, which would so soon be
needed to meet necessary expenses In point of
fact, it was needed before the fully executed;
and the fourth instamen: has never been paid over
to the States. 1t seems almost incredible now that
at so recent period, our government has been with
out money and without credit and that our bonds
were actually hawkcd about in this country and in
Europe without our being able to borrow dollar
Yet such is the fact.
If under circumstances so much less urgent than
exist at present, and before experience had refutcd
the main objections urged against the act of 49,
Gen. Jackson. Mr.. Calhoun, Mr.. Buchanan, Mr.
King, Mr.. Toucey, all but one of the Democrats
from this State to say nothing of those equally en-
inent wen who were in favor of distribution, could
adopt the policy, may feel myself sustained by the
authority of the most emminent Democratic states
men. Nor is the weight of the authority likely to
| be overesmated when we consider that at period
when to unusual party bitterness added intense
personal rancor, this measure commanded an almost
unanimous vote; and, for perhaps the first and last
time in their lives Jackson Clay, Calhoun and Web
ster were united, in its support. In that day intel
! lectual giants shaped the policy and controlled the
destiny of 'he Republic, and such conjunction of
planets of the first magnitude could bode no evil to
! the country.
Mr. Calhoun and Gen jackson thought the de-
post act violation of the Constitution; for they
sanctioned it. All the regret dissatisfaction ex-
pressed by Gen jackson was, that there should ex-
| list necessity for t-that there should have been
more money collected from the people than the gov
eminent needed. He signed the bill the very lay it
was presented to him and without word of doubt or
! qualification. These two statesmen went further:
! They thought it so proper remedy for the malady
of an unavoidable surplus, that they desired to
move by an amendment whatever constitutional
scruples others might have, and adopt it not for the
occasion only, but as an established policy.
The Journal of the Senate for 1855, at page
! &C. contains the following entry:
| Mr. Calhoun asked and obtained leave to bring
in bill to regulate the deposits of the public
| ey, and joint resolution proposing amendment
to the Constitution of the United States, providing
for distribution of the surplus revenues among the
several States and Territories until the year 1913 :;
which were severally read and passed to second
reading"
The Globe" then edited by Francis P. Blair,
was the recognized organ of the administration. In
that paper of 23d July, find long and carefully
written editorial article, in which, after repudiating
the idea and denouncing the attempt to create the
impression that deposit and distribution were the
same, or liable to the objections, the Editor
says:
"The result of this measure 1.-THE deposit act
then, trust, will be immediate reduction of
the revenue to the present actual Of the gov
ernnent and If necessary, the adoption of con-
stituticnal provision directing that, an cnse tile tu
ture legislation Of Congress should accidentally and
unarodabiy produce a surplus, 1t shall be distribu
ted among the States according to proper ratio
having reference to the entire population in each
be applied to lessening the State taxes and in the
first place to the extinction of the poll tax wherever
such odious tax may exist in any State. This will
have the effect of restoring the Indirect tax, levied
by the general government, to the people, BY leav-
ing equal amount of the State tax, which would
otherwise be collected from them, in their pockets"
Let it not be supposed that quote these views as
expressing opinions entertained by me. Instead of
taking steps in advance for the removal of the evil
when upon US I would rather take steps to prevent
its occurrence. The paved road that facilitates
cape, invites approach If you have prepared in add
vance sure means of retreat you will fight feebly to
keep the enemy out. 1t is better to throw up bar
riers and plant distractions all around usto pro-
vide against the occurrence of surplus, as far as
human foresight can provide against it. by timely
reduction of taxes. Guard against redundant
revenue deadliest political foe, and then ii
perchance it should upon us, trust to the good
sense and patriotism Of the American people to
exercise the malignant spirit They will control it
without SPELLS lamentations adjnrations They
will place around its limbs the bonds of the Const
tuition. and apply to it the levers of established pre-
cedent and successful experience.
Amongst the many suggestions made for the dis
position of the present surplus, all OF which receiv
ed my most careful consideration before my
was determined is which proposes to apply the
whole of il to the enlargement of the navy. This
e suggestion held me for time in doubt. But the
objections to it are so weighty and so vital that il
: decsively rejected.
1st Such an increase of our navy is entirely IN.
necessary, and has never been recommended by any
responsible person. No public interest calls for it
and political axiom is more universally received
than that large standing army is hostile to orr in
terest and opposed to the genius of institutions
All the political objections to large standing army
Y are equally applicable to an unnecessarily large ma
w. only increased by the fact that its personelle il
not only separated through the greater part of the
lives from the great body of the people of the coun
r try but from the country itself l respect and val
ue every man who discharges his duty in the sphere
in which he is placed honor the navy for its gal
liant deeds in war-and what American corps fails il
duty to its country? respect its officers for thei
e courage and honor; but do not participate in tn
current cant that makes pets of one class OF officials
showers upon them all favors and attributes to then
all the virtue and patriotism of the country To tn
t extent that the government needs more navy, NOR
. navy should be provided. But not one gun nor on
spar beyond that point would go. If the object i
: to build monument of national grandeur, woult
not make the navy that monument,-l would adj
to the enterprise the skill, the virtue of our people
q They, more than all navies and all armies, have Civ
en- us orr power and our influence with the nations