New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1857-07-10

course, that all our Offices city, State and FEDERAL
down even 10 tbose Of scavengers and sxecutioners
are to be the rewards Of political services rendered
or to be rendered, or both. As in the time Of
Virgil the farmers and shepherds of Mantus were
obliged to share their houses, fields aud sheePfolds
with mercenary sodiery quartered upon them BY
vay of reward for their services in raising Octavius
70 the head Of Roman affairs, so the industrious
artisans and taxpayers Of this country are having
daily CHARTERED on them Increasing cohorts Of civil
officers whose qualifications for the duties assigned
10 them and the need Of whose services BY the pab-
lie are far less matters Of consideration than the
political standard under which they are enlisted.
How far this matter has gone is remarkably
illustrated in the character of the opposition urged
to the changes recently made at Albany 10 the mu-
nicipal administration Of this city. The bur
den of the song Of those journals when
oppose these measures is, not any once
ton to their effect So far as the result 10 'ne
tax.payiDg citizen, and to IN the conVehrn'
and Efficient administration Of municipal ahsrs'
il concerned, but that the practical operation OF
those changes will be to take patronage out OF the
hands of one .et of politicians and to transfer IT
IN the hands of smother set. 1t would seem,
then. according to the reasoning OF these Journals
and the recent history of our political AFFAIRS
City. State and National, certainly furnishes color
to the assumption-that in the fnrions scramble
for the "spoils," as public Offices have come to
he called and regarded, all considerations OF the
pubGc good. of duties efficiently discharged aud
economically paid are entirely tvershadowed by
the consideration Of the effect which this or that
change may have in transferring the distribution
of those "spoils from this political clique to that.
This certainly is most )amentabe state OF
tbipes, and nobody can deny that it is exceedingly
desirable, on more accounts than one, to find some
remedy. or at least some alienation for it. The
hope entirely to prevent favoritism, whether per-
sonal or political, in appointments to Office is
doubtless Utopian, but that is no reason for not
looking about for some approximation toward that
result; and in this point of view we have some
suggestions to throw out which appear to us
worthy of consideration and discussion,
BY the theory Of our government, Cfficeholders Of
all descriptions, from the highest to the lowest
the servants Of the people. Now it no doubt does
occasionally happen that artful intriguing and cor
rupt servants, especially by banding together among
themselves, succeed in getting the upper hand Of
wesk-minded and careless employers and 10 render
ing themselves, TO oil substantial purposes, the real
masters of the house. But this is an abnormal
condition of affairs, an example to be Stunned in.
stead of followed 1t does also occasionally happen
that similar weak-minded employers, instead Of
tax ing the Oyerig bt and mastersbip OF their own
affairs, call their servants into council and allow
them to arrange matters to tter own liking, even
so far as to say whom they will will not have for
fellow servants. But household managed on that
principle is seldom desirable one to live in, and
the master of it, if he can be called 80 except in
deed in irony, relapses into the condition of
the Fiftb.ayenue millionaire Of the anecdotc, who
was reported by country acquaintance whom he
had asked to spend the night with him, to be engaged
in keeping "nigger boarding. house" In all we'll
regulated households, the master selects serv
ants according TO his own ideas Of qualification and
fitness, without asking any advice or consent of |
hose already in bis house; and, having selected |
them, what he asks of them is not advice nor part
Dersbip but the exact performance of their pre-
scribed duties.
Now why should not the political household be
managed On the same CONNIE n-sense principles |
II is contradiction in terms that man should |
be at the same time master and servant. He who |
proposes to fill of these positions should be |
content to forego the other. Suppose our State |
Constitutions should be so amended as in terms to |
jisqualify every officeholder from exercising, so
ong as be holds office, the elective franchises and
not only that, but authorizing the Legislature to
nflict pains and Notwithstanding to forfeiture |
Of his entire pay, and in certain cases, to deprva-
ton of ofiice-upOn every officer present at the |
polls on election day in any other than an official
capacity, or proved to have attended any political
caucus, or TO have rendered, directly or indirectly,
any eectioneering services. Certainly, it is but |
reasonable that he who accepts the place of |
servant of the public should be content to give to the
duties of bis Office his entire time and thoughts,
leaving to the body of persons not in office the eI-
ercse of the elective franchise ard the business of
keeping his own and other offices filled. That
such an exclusion extended to officeholders would
completely remedy the evil in question, We do not
alege; but that it would tend in notable degree
to diminish il, seems to ne very certain.
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The Boys Of New. York-and of other great
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