The weekly Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1854-1861, 1857-12-24


the mere territorial questions and discus
siOns then going on in the Senate and House
of Representatives, and before the people
at home. Under these circumstances ht
may well have fallen into an error, radca
and fundamental as II is, in regard to the
object of the Nebraska bill and the princi
pie asserted in it. 5Hf 8l
Now, sir, what was the principle enun
ciated by the authors and supporters Of thai
bill when it was brought forward! Did We
not come before the country and say that we
repealed the = Missouri restriction for the
purpose of substituting and carrying out us
general rule the great principle of self
government, which. left the people of each
State and each Territory free to form and
regulate their domestic Institutions in their
own way, subject only to the Constitution
Of the United States! In support of that
proposition it was argued here, and have
argued it wherever have spokep in various
States of the Union, at home and abroad,
everywhere have endeavored 10 prove that
there was no reason why anexc option should
be made in regard to the slavery question.
have appealed to the people if wedid not
all agree, men of all parties, that all other
local and domestic questions should be sub
mitted 10 the people. | said to them, "We
agree that the people shall decide for them
selves what kind of judiciary system, they
will have; we agree that the people shall
decide what kind OF school system they
will establish; we agree that the people
shall determine for themselves what kind of
a banking system they will have, or wheth-
er they will have any, banks at all; we agree
that the people may decide for, themselves
what shall be the elective franchise in their
respective States; they shall decide for
themselves what shall be the rule of taxa.
tion and the principles upon which their
finance shall be regulated; we agree that
they may decide for themselves the relations
between husband and wife, parent and child,
guardian and ward; and why should we not,
then, allow them to decide for themselves
the relations between master and servant!
Why make ON exception of the slavery
question by taking it out of that great rule
of self government which applies to all the
other relations of life." The very first
proposition in the Nebraska bill was to show
that the Missouri restriction, prohibiting the
people from deciding the slavery question
for themselves. constituted an exception to
a general rule, in violation of the principle
of self-government, and hence, that excep-
ton should be repealed, and the slavery
question like oil other questions. submitted
TO the people to be decided for themselves
Sir, that was the principle on which the
Nebraska bill was defended by its ft;ends.--
Instead Of making the slavery question an
exception, it removed an, cdious exception
which before existed. I:s whole object
was to abolish slavery, that odious excep.
ton, and to make the rule general, univer-
sal in its application to all matters which
were local and domestic, and not national
or federal. For this reason was the Ian
guage employed which the President has
quoted, that the eighth section of the Mis-
souri, act, commonly called the Missouri
Compromise, was repealed because it was
repugnant to the principle of non-interven.-
ton established by the compromise meas
ures of 1850, sit being the true intent and
meaning Of this act, not to legislate slavery
into any Territory or State, nor to exclude
i. therefrom, but to leave the people thereof
perfectly free to form and regulate their
domestic institutions in their own way, SUBJ
ject only to the Constitution of the United
Stutes." We repealed tho Missouri re-
strictiyn because it was confined to slavery.
This was the only exception there was to
the general principle of self-government.
That exception was taken away for the
avowed and express purpose of making
the rule of self-government general and
universal, so that the people should form
and regulate all their domestic institutions
in their own way. E wv fIn2
Sir, what would this boasted principle
of popular sovereignty have been worth
if it applied only 10 the negro, and did moi
extend to the white man? Do you think
that we could have aroused the sympathies
and the patriotism Of this broad Republic
and have carried the Presidential election
last year in the face Of a tremendous op-
position, on the principle Of extending th'
right of,,self-government to the negro ques-
ton, but denying 1t as to, all the relation
affecting white men? No sir. We arous-
ed patriotism of the country and .carrie'
the election in defence Of that great prin-
ciple, which allowed all white men t,
form and regulate their domestic institu-
tions to suit. Observation-Disclosures ap-
,plicable to. white men as well as to blael
men--institutions applicable to freemeni al
well as to slaves-institutions concerning
all the relations of life, and not the mere
paltry exception Of the slavery question.
Sir, / have spent too much strength, ant
health, too, to establish this great princi-
pie in the popular heart, now 70 pee it frit-