New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1857-04-07

| e1N wants ocHAHOn 70 enuItIy suoFois VIZ
tuition By judicial construction. The Coars n'!1m
| fiyes 10 the Slave Power the force and momentum
| Of unrestricted and unlimited expansion, BY vr1o
Of sn Offensive tIus-judicia interpretation u me
Constitution at the same time that II deaks 70 me
| Free States the constitutional right To exercise
| specific poser granted in it, and which has oeen
bitl ertO exercised without stint from the fo10oa-
| ton Of the Government. We submit that !. ns' ~
20 bat step further in the same direction TO de-
stroy the Constitution entirely and perfect the con-
| quest Of the Free States. We entertain no doubt
| it will do So unless those States, at once, With
prcmptness and b,ldness, initiate measures 70 as
sert and main tain their resei we'd rights, and follow
up such action by assailing the aggressor. The IN
teerlty of the Constitution the aims and purposes
| OF ts framers have not only been threatened, but
| violated and overturned These destroyed, the in
strument becomes an engine OF oppression, and
| every right guaranteed by il is lmperlled. ms
assumption submitted 10, others will follow IN rapid
succession till the overthrow Of the government
founded by the fathers is complete. Prompt and
| radical measures will alone save the trroS necos-
| sty Of a revolution hereafter.
| The audacity and the dangerous character of the
position of the Slave Power to-day cannot be over
stated 1t has intrencbed itself by the aid OF this
| decision behind the walls OF perverted COustltu-
| ton IL Yields the force Of fortress 1t has cap
| tured While the defenders slept. Against that
power in its intrenchments, formidable though they
| may q EN-, war must be successfully wased, or the
| Free States must prepare for entire suoJuganon,
| and the utter annhiratiOn Of their power in the
| Federal Government except as instruments OF the
Slave States That wise and sagacOus State
| Rights man Luther Martin Of Maryland proposed
| 10 insert ia the Constitution specific proposition
TO cover just such an emergency as has now arisen'
| for the want of which, and for other reasons ne
withheld his signature TO the instrument. Happily,
The pOrsneOus expOsitions OF the Constitution
| by Madison and Jefferson, which We have already
| quoted, superstde, to q great extent the amend
| ment of Mr.. Martin and We must make them an
swer instead of bis direct proposition to put the
States and the present Government on an equality
in case of usurpation of power BY the latter.
| The power, then, is ample for the emergency,
| the necessity urgent, and delsy dangerous. The
Free States have only to act within the sphere OF
| their own reserved powers. They may rghttully
deny the validity of the usurpstiOn and choose IS
| their "mode and measure of redress" to break 1t
| down by destroy ing its corner. stOne-Slavery. No
| bugbears should deter men who are In ea'nest-no
childish threats alright them. The power OF the
| Free States, either acting singly or together,
is ample for every purpose they may resolve
| upon. Any one of them is more than match
for the Federal Government IN a domestic crlsls
| Let it be remembered that no sovereign State
can be- guilty If treason and no citizen of such
State can be guilty of it, while acting under State
| authority Let the Free States, then, prepare to
do their duty and avert the degradation, the caAm-
ity, the ruin that impends under the Pro Slavery
| domination now installed. Let the Press thunder
Let the People in their primary meetings proclaim
an eager and unhnchrg hostility to the purpose Of
| the Slave Power to bring their necks under the
yoke. Let all the powers that war against tyranny
be invoked. Let OrstOry and POesy and Literature
| rouse themselves for fresh and unw0nted effort
Let the Pulpit net finch in the work 1t has begun
Let every sgency of civilization and humanity be
thn,tf itntd
ity, without reserve and fearless of consequences
For it is Slavery, and Slavery alone, that is the
| offender. The Supreme Court is but its tool The
war must be waged directly against the power of
| which the Court is but the instrument. Its de-
ceiOn is but an nstigated decision. Its voice and
its sentiments are those of the sayehodng Oligarchs
| of the South-the privileged class" the slave
| based aristocracy the Slave Power. This is the
offender to be oyercsme and punished the tyrant to
| be bcheaded Slavery itself must be broken down,
| outawed and expelled. No such war has ever yet
| been made upon it by the Free States. All they
have aimed to do has been to limit its spread,
| and 10 let il alone where it exists The slayehod
ers compel total coaDge of this policy. They
deny the constitutional right to limit Slavery and
| the Supreme Court backs them. They assert their
determination to spread it by force of arms, as has
| been demonstrated in Kansas, and then plead con-
stutiOnal privileges to do the thing every
where, and the Supreme Court backs them In that
also. Thus driven to the wall the Free states
have no alternative. Since they cannot limit the
spread of Slavery, they must extrpste II. They
must be ruled by it, or they must crush it. To
this combat the shareholders dare to challenge the
Free States. That challenge must be met. That
battle must be fought. If the people of the Free
States be men, they will easily and gorousy tri-
umph.
1t seems to US that only those who shsmelessly
counsel submission to the usurpatiOn of the oil
garchs can consistently oppose this policy, for it
appears to be the only one left for adoption which
promises successful result. Faithfully and fear
lsssly pursued, it drives Slavery from power. Be
fore the doctrines Of the Declaration of Independ
epce supported by State action that malgn infiu-
ence must succumb aud leave the field. IL must
abdcate and flee. Admit that the remedy lie rsii
cal-so is the necessity dire Slavery is blindly
sudaciOus to claim tO be tolerated i'll this Govern
ment as dominant, aggressive, propaganda pow
er Yet il does this, and does it with srazen face
II claims to WELD and does WELD the whole power
Of this Union in the spirit of selfaggrandlzement
and coercve rule. In doing this it puts itself be-
yond the pale of comfy or forbearsnce, and pre-
sents itself only as an Jshmaelitsh tyrant to be
dethrOned and guilOtinsd-a monster to be Gagged
and slain. The sway OF such power can deal
only damnation to the laid. 1t has leug been
laid to the charge Of Slavery, even in its position
of original humiliation under the Constitution and
lis restricted range by q lOcazstion, that it was
an institution Of widespread deeterious influence;
that even in this subordinated and dscredited posi-
ton il was curse to the country But b w vastly
are its determines and its detestabe influences
strengthened and enlarged under its new aspect of
naturalization and universally, through the new
reading of the Constitution As such, it becomes
a peril Of portentous magnitude in relations upon
Which it has hitherto had no bearing 1t infec's at
once the whole life of the nation. From local