Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-05-30
THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.

like q balloon rem, ssunder by the light
nings of God. How few there are who are viii.
ling to take up with nothing less than the whole
truth But they whose eyes are opened, and who
see aud serve the truth, End it precious to them
We can never (said hey put the truth under OBJ
lSltion to us. We cannot do II thoussndth part
Us much for truth as truth does for us. Even it
we should shed our blood for its sake, it would be
lound that to die for it is gain. lie said that he
uttered these things from only a humble and lin
lied experience Of the truth. lie had only touched
the hem Of its garment, yet he had felt the thrill
OF the touch on his very soul. lie knew that the
men around him on the platform were not engaged
in any political or selfish movement, but only in
the cause of humanity, striving for the freedom OF
a race CENTRALIZED. lie referred briefly to the de-
cline Of the plan Of gradual emancipation, which
had been a stumbling block in the way Of aboli-
ton. As to doing away with slavery by gradual
emancipation, he thought q suggestion to u thief
to stop stealing gradually would be quite analo-
gous. lie also spoke of what he called the pre-.
vailing phariseeism of the present day on the sub
lject of slavery. The reverence existing in our
day for the Constitution and the Union is like that
Of the ancient Jaws for the Temple. The Phar-
isees watched Jesus to see whether he would do a
work of mercy on the Sabbath. day. In forty
thousand churches of this land it is thought a
sacrilege to whisper on the Sabbath day q word
against the system of American bondage. How
does our modern Phariseeism compare with the
ancient? There are four millions Of men held in
oppression, and the abolitionisss are crying out,
Let the oppressed go free! But the Church and
the State are both crying out, lie shall not go
free 1t is in vain to say that the slaves, if they
were set free, would abuse their freedom. How
are we using our liberty, he asked, tn It we should
dare to sit in authority over other men, and say
that they are abusing theirs? How are we abusing
the sacred gif, of freedom, when we say that one
man has no rights which another is bound to
.on-a AI,1.,.a,aka 10 not A Il ON Ets
power. We want, said he, every slave to be free
by the voluntary act of the stakeholder himself,
and to this end all that we ask is a fair field
for the utterance of the truth, and the whole
truth,
Charles Lenox Rcmond was the next speaker.
lie spoke in tones of severe reprobatiOn of the
recent decision of the Supreme Court of the
United States. The Chief Justice, he said. had
announced that the black man had no rights which
the white man is bound to respect. lie (the
speaker) stood there as a colored man to say that
between himself and Judge fancy, with his whole
train of sympathizers and supporters, there is no
love lost (Laughter) 1t is a novel idea that a
man, be he judge or j%uryman,i in the United States, in
tins nineteenth century, within q few miles of
Bunker Hill, and Concord, and Lexington, can
make a declaration that a man, simply on the
ground of complexion, has no rights which other
men IRE bound to respect Such a man is not
to be com pared with the barbarian of the Barbary
States, or with the most ignorant African in the
jungles Of Africa. lie declared further, in the
language Of n white man, that, living or dying,
sinking or swimming, surviving or perishing.' he
trampled the decision and declaration Of Judge
fancy under his feet. (Applause.) lie did not
do this in view of his birth and education in New
England. lie did not do it in the name Of the
orthodoxy of the United States. lie did not do il
in the name of the Constitution, for he spurned
it-nor in the name Of the American Union for he
hated it-nor in the name Of the American Gov
eminent, because it is spurious; but he did It in
the name of a common humanity, and of a COM
mon manhood, which allowed to him every right
which it allows to Judge fancy himself. ZAP
plause.) lie could not discuss the question in the
light of a denial to him of his right by such a
man nor would he appeal merely to the sympa-
thies of the audience for his vindication; he would
demand for himself his every right as q man and
q citizen.
The speaker regretted that his grandfather, a
colored man, had fought at Lexington and Con-
cord, when, eighty years after, the descendants of
white patriots of the Revolution ignored the rights
of a small minority of the people of this country
But the meonness Of the white people is only ex-
ceeded by their cowardice. In Washington, n
colored man is not allowed to :ouch the reins that
guide the horses that carry the mails, but he had
lately learned that New Foundland dogs are being
trained there to assist in conveying the mails So
the American Government gives to q dog the
privilege which it denies to q man! And while
it would educate these dogs, it would break up a
school at Washington, the object OF which was 10
educate colorcd children. (Applause.)
Wendell Phillips was then introduced by the
Chairman, and was received with long continued
applause. He began hy commenting upon the
fact mentioned by Mr.. Remond, and upon another
which he had heard that morning, namely, that a
gentleman in Pennsylvania, who pays the second
highest tax in his town, cannot receive from it the
benefit Of the education of his children.
lie spoke of the superstitious regard which
some men have for the Union. They called it benei,
cial, but he called it ruinous, and such men victims
of words. lie denied that law is q protection,
when it protects only the majority.