The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1857-06-27

| The Logical Consequences nj tss Albany Us~x-
| Pstio"s-Ths Principle o. Municipal Instat~-
/ lions Attaches.
+, 1t is worthy Of remark that during the whole
Of the proceedings arising out of the conflict be-
tween the city and State authorities In regard TO
the Metropolitan Police bill, no attempt hss until
recently been made to ooatrovert the arguments
advanced by us to show the revolutionary and
| dangerous character Of that mt Assure. From the
series of political usurpations fatal to the gene
| raj liberties, than as passing aggression upon
our municipal rights and privileges. The lessons
Of history, az connected with movements Of this
Kind tnansting from the central authority,
| offered too striking IN analogy not 10 excite I'M
easress and apprehension in every rejecting
mind. We felt that 1t was With us rs il was for
merry with the free cities Of Italy, when certain
influential faniies. Vke the Visconii and Medici,
began to encroach on their rights Of self govern
ment and to aes,ume to themselves the attributes
| Of toe sovereign power. Those cities were awak-
| end too late to the necessity Of resistance,
sud the result Was that they were compelled to
euoeurb to the. yoke Of domestic and then to
tina. Of foreign tyrants.
! 1t is precisely the came game, bus under diff
erent form, which the new Albany Regency are
| playing. In Italy the supreme power was ali.
sofbtd by few powerful families. Here it is
sought to centre 1t in the hands of email and
corrupt clique Of political desperadoes, who hope
to raise themselves to power on the rains Of our
municipal liberties utterly reckless Ct the oonse
ouepoes with which the effort is fraught. If
there be any distinction between the two cases, it
is to be found less in the bold and wicked aspra-
tons Of the men who aim at such objects than in
the difference of the elements upon which they
| have to work. notwithstanding the greater in-
telligence and enlightenment of our own times,
| however it is not safe to count upon the impro-
liability of our being taken by surprise by daring
and cleverly concocted schemes like this. We
hare seen the French, with all their experience
Of political conspiracies and conspiraors, alter
nately the prey of republican, monarchical and
imperial adventures, who have exhausted
the public energies in visionary and Improbable
enterprises, ard left the nation an iner. and al
most lifcless mass, so far as political action is
concerned. Are we so confident in our own
strength and intellectual superiority as to con-
slider ourselves removed beyond al dangers of
| this sorts We trust not, for such over Teening
| vanity and blindness would, under present cir
cumstances, be the most effective auxiliaries
which the enemies Of the public liberties could
desire
The importance which these views, so repeat
edly urged by us, has impaired to the present
| conflict, has naturally excited the alarm and
wrath Of the Albany conspirators, and OF their or
gans in this city. From cautious avoidance OF
the historical prccedents which bear so strongly
upon our case, and consistent effort TO narrow
the Issues involved in it to considerations pure
ly local expediency, they are nov driven to the
broader and more philosophical grouod TO which
we endenyored TO hold them in the first instance.
Detected in all their deep laid designs bafied in
al their skilfully combined mauguyres, and ex-
posed to public contempt and derision, they feel
that they can 10 longer maintain tbs controversy
on the petty pretexts under which they have
hitherto cloakod their ambitious plans. Hence,
within the last few days, and with view TO in
flueuce the decision OF the Court Of Appeals, we
hsoeoiAN'A views WhiOh
have exercised so important an influence on the
character, and in all probability on the ultimate
decision, Of this contest We are graycly told
that there is no analogy between the uses Of
municipal institutions In these and medieval
times-that although municipalities in the middle
ages were the nurseries and defenders Of popular
rights, they have been superseded by the more
oc =
telliecnce, and that here at least we enjoy
plethora of freedom which requires no aid of this
kind.
The unqualified terms in which those notions
are expressed afford pretty clear evidence that
not only are the political benefits Of municipal
institutions denied, but that their existence for
any purpose is deprecated. We can easily un-
derstand hew convenient the removal OF all
such barriers would prove 10 the ambitious
schemes of daring political adventures, who
have recently thrown our city iPto con-
fusion, and hazarded the wholesale shedding
Of blood. But AS il il not likely that we shall be
driven to contest that question with them just
yet, we shall leave them TO. calculate it, chances
in, We hope. remote future But in regard to
what is really tangible in their arguments il
does not require many words TO dispose Of it.
We repeat that the analogy between the uses Of
municipal institutions In former times and in our
own is not the lees perfect because OF the greater
age of the world or of our advanced political
experience. The tendency 10 Capitalization, which
il was the especial object Of these Institutions to
combat is just as strong now, even under consti-
Of physical force In England we &C n perpet-
usl struggle waged between this tendency and
the popular will, az represented by the municipal
ities Of the large towns With the aid Of the
country constituencies, the aristoctacy would