Holmes County Republican. [volume] (Millersburg, Holmes County, Ohio) 1856-1865, 1857-12-17
Thc True state Of the Case.

Il cannot be too strongly impressed up
on the people that the Kansas Censtitu-
ton, even without what is called the sla-
very clause, is still slavery constitution.
In truth it is grave question whether the
constitution without that clause is not more
objectionable than With it. Vote as the peo-
pie of Kansas may upon that internal in
strument, and Kansas is Slave State
Slaves are now being taken into Kansas by
hundreds from Missouri, knowing that in
any event that property will be safe under
the Lecompton Constitution, and it is
more than probable than the shareholders
of Kansas and their Border Rufian allies,
will vote on what is called the Free State
side for the purpose of enhancing the val
ne of their niggers.
Senator Hale, in an imprompta debate
which sprang up in the Senate, immedi-
ately on the reading of Mr.. Buchanan's
message, gives the real complexion of this
matter. He says:
There is a single assertion made by the
President of the United States in his mes
sage upon which l wish to make an issue
mot an issue of veracity, of course, but of
history and of fair construction of language.
As l understand his message, from the
hurried reading l have given it, the Presi-
dent labors very hard to explain away
some little inadvertancies which he may
have committed in Difference to this princi-
pie of popular sovereignty in his instruc-
tioas to Gov. Walker. He says-honest,
simple-hearted man, as he is!-he never
had doubt that this question was to be
fairly submitted to the people of that Ter
ritory. 1t was in the exercise of this COM
Portable assurance, this Christian faith that
it would be so carried out, that he penned
those lines in Gov. Walkers instructions.
After having done this, he goes on to argue
that on the whole it has been carried out,
and at last comes to the conclusion that
ain the schedule providing for the transi-
tion from a Territorial TO State Govern
ment, the question has been fairly and ex-
plicitly referred to the people whether they
will have constitution with or without
slavery"
Now, sir, 1 deny this entirely and when
1 deny it 1 do so in the manner l have sta
ted. make no questions of veracity with
any one, but l base the denial upon the
construction of words, the meaning of Ian
guage. have read paper which pur-
ports TO be the constitution and the sched-
ule, and 1 take it for granted, until the con-
| trary appears, that it is true copy. In
stead of that constitution and schedule
submitting 10 the people of Kansas the
question whether they will have consti-
tuition with or without slavery, it submits
to them the question wether they will have
the constitution-the difference between
the definite and indefinite article-with
slavery in the constitution, and in the
schedule too, or whether they will simply
have slavery in the schedule so tied up
that it can never be abolished. That is
the question submitted; because, if have
read the constitution Alright, if the people
vote to have the constitution without sla-
very, then the article providing for slavery
in the constitution is to be stricken out,
but the schedule remains, which makes
slavery perpetual, and gives a monopoly to
those who own slaves now in the Territory
keeping off outsiders and thus enhacing
hteir price. The people of Kansas go to
the polls, the President says, to vote upon
what has been "fairly and explicitly" sub
mitted to them. Suppose they vote for
the constitution without slavery. What
then? They only get the latter clause of
slavery; the article in the constitution tol-
Grating slavery is stricken out, but the
schedule, which goes into detail, which
makes it binding, which ties up the hands
of the Legislature, and attempts to tie up
the hands of all future conventions, so that
slavery can never be touched there, re-
mains. This is the perfect liberty which
the people of Kansas have.
I