The star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, 1857-07-29
.nils which The partial repression of this

udu6 HAS euUofcu " eptbo hPs +.
To considering these arguments we find
the compass of the controversy very conve-
nien,ly narrowed. It's not alleged that the
position of the negro, once landed in Guiana
OF Jamaica, would be otherwise than good,
or that his rights as free laborer on British
territory could not be effectually secured
All that is said is that he could not be pro-
cured on the shores Of his birth without Civ.
ing occasion 10 fearful wrong. As to his
freedom, regarded in the abstract, there ia
hardly room for discussion about il. With
few exceptions, The tribes about the coast
live in state Of slavery naturally and con-
star,ly in so far as concerns subordinanon TO
the will OF a master, They may not be ILL
used or oyerworssd, but they ers al the
command and disposal Of lord. At present,
they are engaged IN the manufacture and
expectation of palm oil and other such pro-
ducts, buff demand were made for them,
their kings, or masters, would instantly sell
them, and then resort 10 war to procure 9th.
ers, who would be sold in the same way
The necessary consequence of such sys-
tenn would be the revival of the slave trade
atrocities in the first Stage. The horrors Of
the middle passage would, of course, ha We
no existence, nor would the negro have any
thing to fear when he was landed at his des-
inatlon; but the effect on Africa itself would
be Geplorable. Negroes, in short there, are
natural slaves, born SO, and kept so Hno
slave market is opened, their masters are
content with reasonable service; but if they
can make better thing oft by selling them
outright they will infallbly do so, and steal
others to keep up the supply. Such, as we
understand it., is the case Of those who, like
our correspondent, are averse to the proposed
system of supplying our colonies with free
labor from Africa.
Upon this reasoning we can only observe
that whereas the anticipated advantages are,
as we have shown, enormously great, the ap-
pretended evils are certainly somewhat cir
cumscribed. As regards the Negro himself,
it is hardly possible TO deny that under prop
er supervision he would be far better off in a
British colony than he is at home under the
rule of master, who, as our correspondent
admits, could and would, if thwarled or Of
Tended, whip him or slarve him into sub
mission, or even murder him outright
Such conditions of service would certainly
be we'll exchanged for those under which the
Coolies of the Mauritius realize freedom aud
independence. All that is dreaded is sha,
these petty kings, if once they get an oppor.
tunily of shipping their subjects in any ca
pacily whatsoever, will take to this trade so
kindly as to forsake other occupations for tha.
Of mans'ealing.
We will not here inquire whether such
p,opensites could be encountered by any
checks, but will accept the argument on its
own ground. Granted that demand for ne
groes will generate intestine wars in Africa,
does not such demand exist now? Whence
come the thousands OF slaves yearly landed
in Cuba, and the thousands who die on the
passage! And what is the effect of such an
expohation7 Clearly, this intestine war must
be prevailing as it is, but all the other hor.
rors of the slave trade too. This war, in
short, is but part and parcel of the very
slave trade which free labor would put
down, and the question is not whether we
should or should not run the risk of creating
a demand for negroes on the coast of Africa,
but whether, as we have never yet been
able to extinguish such demand, we
should not attempt 10 take it in hand our
selves, with certainty of suppressing all
its denominations in every stage of the pro-
ceeding but one, and with it at least a
chance of mitigating them in that stage
also.