Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1852-1859, 1857-10-20
LETTER FROM ELIHU BuRRIFF.
National Compensation Emancipation Society.
No. % BIBLE HovsE, AsToE Place,
NEu YoRE- Oct 10. 1857.

~ d
NEw YoRE- Oct 10. 1851 1
e, the Elitoe. tie U'i1s,iag LgteHigeaee-:
Gr,srs: Inasmuch Is you have occasionally
rsf.yTe4I in your columns. to the .-CO;nPenSatsl
CHARACTERIZATION movement, AMI 1S many Of youi
-es,Icr> NAV still fnisappreheGi is object, Glt
I mn. and argument, ] woiid D. much o5iSea %
your courtesy if yOu would allow Iac niue
space IN your Journal for !sH observe io'iS-- :
In brief then, the object Of this neE movement
is 10 enlist tho sympathy aud corporation OF
nj rood and true men, Of al parties anu PToisS-
go J,,;h N1rtli and South, n behalf oi \
measure that shall not only eNiinSuIsa s:aEesS
peacefully, equitably and honoFa0ly, but shali
also extinguish all those unhappy arrangement
i,nj attentions which that system has directly
nv Indirectly enge1.derei. In labUring for =
consamnation so dsYcuily to be wished, not the
li,b,.st wish vilI be manifested or entertained
"a touch. even with the little finger the doctrine
OF State sovereignty, or of individual rights, as
It is regarded iu the South. To thIs extent 1t IS
pronoSed 10 90 and no farther. When the pub
liz mind first. and the Federal Congress next,
as rejecting that mind, shall come To- the con.
cIusioD that the peaceful and gradual removal
of slavery from the land would greatly enhance
the harmony and prosperity Of the whole nation,
an act will be passed Offering to each and every
Southern State fair and honorable cornpenSa-
! ton for the emancipation Of its slaves I'm
merely making this ciIer Congress could not
possibly transcend the pTcrCgatiye of the Fed
eral Constitution, nor infringe, in the slightest
I degree upon the sovereignty Of the State to
I which it was addressed. The most ilustTion5
! of American statesmen, of different parties,
have recognised the constitutional right of Con.
Rress to make such an offer. Hon Rnfns King,
in 1925, closed his Senatorial life and labors by
bringing before the Senate Of the United States
a resolution to appropriate the whole national
domain to the emancipation Of the slaves through
out the Union. To his clear and master mind,
the Constitution appeared no obstacle to such
an appropriation. Twenty years later, Daniel
Webster, the very eXponHder Of the Constitu-
ton declared. in celebrated speech, that whenev-
er Virginia should really and truly set her hand
to the great work Of removing slavery from her
borders, he would vote her the proceeds not
only Of all the lands she coded to the Govern
ment remaining MHSoI, but of all that had been
sold from the time Of their cesSion. lie cstima-
ted that the whole revenue from these lands,
past and prospective, would amount to about
5000, 100000. All this vast sum he was ready
to vote to Virginia, TO enable her to cxtingiiSh
slavery by fair and ample compensation to her
slave holders. No man in the nation could
Justly claim to understand the provisions and
restrictions of the Constitution more fully tnan
he; and not the slightest bar to the offer he pro-
posed did he find in those restrictions.
Now, then, let us glance at the most sensitive
prerogatives Of State sovereignty, as they are
held south of Mason and Dixon's line. \ bill
passes both Houses Of Congress, receiving, con-
scquently, a goOdly number Of southern. votes,
which embodies the very proposition Of Rufus
King and Daniel Webster. Il says to Virginia,
as to every other southern State: whenever,
on due reflection, you shall conclude that it
would wo-s for your own well being to put an
end 10 slavery within your borders, you shall
receive from the National Treasury $3.50 per
head for the slaves cmancipatcd; or 1876 ,000,-
600 in hard cash, should yon accept tue offer
Immediately. Take your own time; you may
have century to decide in. Exercise your full
right of sovereignty without fear or favor. The
Federal Congress would not crowd nor bride
your free will in the matter. 1t leaves the offer
standing, unchanged and interchangeable, with you.
Should a majority Of your citizens make up
their minds that 1925 600, 900 would be better
for them and the State than the present number
of slaves they hold, and should your LegiSla-
ture, in itssovereigl capacity pass act setting
them free, yon have only to draw upon the
National Treasury for the money and it Shall be
forthcOming.n,
How would the most "strict constructioniat,"
the most jealous States Right man, detect, in
such an offer and attitude on the part Of the
Federal Government, any lack of honest, truth
full or delicate respect for the sovereignty of
Virginia! Would such an offer wear the faint
est aspect of compulsion, cOnstTaint or bribery
II seems to Inc every fair and candid man must
say no. The Sl25,O0O.0O0 are not offered to
hire, but to enable Virginia to put an end to
slavery, without involving her citizens in any
loss from the manumission of their slaves. The
same would be equally true in regard to every
other slave State. To my mind, Congress could
not as positively recognise by any other act, the
inviolability of State sovereignty as by such an
offer ms we have contemplated. ] earnestly hope,
therefore that few of your readers will see any
serious objection to emancipation by National
compensation in the limitations of the Federal
Constitution, or in the rights Of State sovereign
Ity. Yours, Respectfully,
EIIHU BUERITT