Kenosha tribune & telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1856-1859, 1857-12-31

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down by FIVE to one, if you had submit
ted it? What does that fact prove p
Does it not show undeniably that an
overwhelming majority of the people of
Kansas are unalterably opposed to that
Constitution ? Will You force it on them
against their will simply because they
would have voted it down if you lad |
consulted them? If You will, are YOU
going to force it upon them under the
plea of leaving them perfectly free to
form and regulate their domestic at-i
fairs in their own way? Is that the
mode in which am called upon to carry
out the principle of elf-goyernment and
popular sovereignty in the Territories
TO force a Constitution on the people a
gainst their will, in opposition to their
protest. with a knowledge of the fact, and
then to assign, as reason TOR my tyran-
ny, that they would be SO obstinate and
so perverse as to vote down the Con-
stitution if had given them an oppor-
-tunity to be consulted about it Sir,
deny your right or mine to inquire of
these people what their objections to
that Constitution are. They have a
right to Judge for themselves whether
they ike or dislike it. 1t is no answer
to tell me that the Constitution is a good
one and unobjeetionable. II is not sat-
isfactory to me to have the President
say in his Message that the Constitution
is an admirable one, ike all the Consti-
tutions of the new States that have been
recently formed. Whether good or bad
whether obnoxious or not, it is none of
my business and none of yours. 1t is
their business, not ours.
The opinion OF the wise and patriotic
Chief Magistrate ofthe United States is
not worth anything as against that of
the people 81 Kansas, for they had a
right to Judge for themselves, and Meth
er Presidents, nor Senators, nor House of
Representatives., nor any other power
outside of Kansas, has right to Judge
for them. Hence, it is no justification,
in my mined, for the violation Of a great
principle of selfgoyernment to SAL
the Constitution you are forr'- that
is not particularly Oh zig on them
cellent in 10 =. .loxious, or is eX-
the provisions ferhaPS' 0lr'
ebrated Topeka Constitution. | do not
recollect its peculiar provisions. know
one thing: We Democrats, we Nehras-
ka men, would not even look into it to
see what its provisions were. Why
because we said it was made by a polit-
ical party, and not by the people; that
it was made in defiance of the authority
of Congress: that if it was as pure as the
Bible, as holy as the ten commandments,
vet we would not tonch it until 1t was
submitted to and ratified by the people
of Kansas, in pursuance of the forms OF
law. Perhaps that Topeka Constitution
but for the mode of making it, would
have been unexceptionable. LIDO not
know; do not care on have no right
to force an unexceptionable Constitution
on people. 1t does not mitigate the
evil, it does not diminish the insult, ii
does not ameliorate the wrong that you
are forcing a good thing on them. | am
not willing to be forced to do that which
would do if were left free to judge
and act for myself Hence, assert that
there is ny Justification to be made for
this fragrant violation of popular rights
in Kansas, on the plea that the Constl-
tuition which they have made is not par
ticularly obnoxious.
THE SLAVERY CLAUSE FAIRLY SUBMITTED.
But. Sir. the President Of the United
States is really and sincerely of the OPP
inion that the Slavery clause has been
fairly and impartially submitted to the
free acceptance or reflections OF the peo-
pie of Kansas and that, inasmuch as
that was the exciting aud paramount
question, if they get n right to vote as
they please on that subject they ought
10 be satisfied; and possibly it might be
better if we would accept it, and put an
end to the question. Let me ask Sir,
is the slavery clause fairly submitted, so
the people can vote for or against It p
Suppose were citizen of Kansas, and
sho'd go up to the polls and say, Il de-
sire to vote to make Kansas a Slave
State; here's my ballot They reply to
me, ''Mr. Douglas, just vote for that
Constitution first, if you please. - Z" Oh,
no." answer, " cannot vote for that
Constitution. i am-oppesed TO the clause
by which YOU locate certain railroads I'D
such n way rs to sacrifice my County
and my part of the State | am opposed
to this Know Nothing or American
clause in the Constitution about the
qualification for Office. | cannot vote
for it." Then they answer, You shall
not vote on making it a Slave State I
then say. II want to make it 4 Free
State" They reply, "Eote for that Con
stituton first, and then you can vote to
make il a Free State; otherwise you can
not" Thus they disquality every Free
State man who will not first vote torthe
Constitution; they disquahfy every
Slave State man who will not first vote
for the Constitution. No matter wheth-
er or not the voters state that they can
not conScientiously vote for those pro
visions, thay say, "You cannot vote tor
or against Slavery here Take the Con
stituton as we have made it, take the
elective franchise rs we have established
1t. take the railroad lines ms we have To-
Gated them. take the judiciary system
rs we have formed it, take IT all rs we
have fixed it 20 suit ourselves, and ask
no questions, but vote for II, or you shall
not vote either for Slave or 4 Free
State" In other words, the legal effect
of this schedule is this; All those who
arc in favor of this Constitution may
vote for or against Slavery, rs they
please: but all those who are against this
Con titution are diSfranchised, and shall
not y ote at all. This is the mode il
which the Slavery proposition IS submit
ted. Every man opposed TO the Constl
tuition is defranchised ON the Slavery
clause. How many are there? They
u