The weekly Minnesotian. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1852-1858, 1857-12-26
Senator pouai.., speech,l,


IN Senator Douglass speech on the Presidents
Message. We regret our inability to pub
fish his remarks entire, as they would well
repay an attentive perusal.
The President tells us in his message that
the whole party pledged our faith and honor
that the Slavery question should be submit
ted to the people, without any RESTRICTION or
qualification whatever. Does this schedule
submit it without qualification 1t qualities
it by saying, You may vote on Slavery If
you will vote for the Constitution but you
shall not do SO without doing that" That
is a very important qualification a-qualifica-
ton that controls mans vote and his action
and his conscience, if he is an honest mali-
qualification contessedly in violation of our
platform. We are told by the President that
our honor are pledged that the Slavery clause
should be submitted without qualification of
any kind hateyer and now am to be cal
led upon to forfeit my faith and my honor in
order TO enable a. smaller minority of the peo
pie of Kansas to 'defraud the majority of that
people ont of their elective franchise ? Sir
my honor is pledged and before it shall be
tarnished, will take whatever consequence
personal TO myself may come but never
ask me to do an act which the President, in
his Message, has said is forfeiture of faith,
violation of honor, and that merely for ex-
pediency of saving the party l will go as
far as any of you to save the party. l have
as much heart in the great cause that binds
US together asa party as any man living. |
VIII sacrifice anything short of principle and
honor for the peace of the party but if the
party will not stand by its principles,its faith,
Its pledges, l will stand there, and abide
whatever consequences may result from the
position. Let me ask you, why force this
Constitution down the threats of the people
of Kansas in opposition to their wishes. and
violation of our pledges what great object
is to be attained ? Cui bono What are
you TO gain by it? Will you sustain the
party by violating its principles. Do you
propose to keep the party united by forcing a,
decision2 Stand by the doctrine that leaves
the people perfectly free to form and regulate
their Institutions for themselves in their own
way and your party will be united and irres-
istible in power. Abandon that great princi-
pie, and the party is not worth saving, nor
cannot be saved, after it shall be violated
trust we are not to be rushed upon this
question. Why shall it be done? Who
is to be-bene6ted Is the South to be the
gamer /? Neither the North nor the South
has the right to gain the sectional advantage
by trickery or fraud, but am beSeeched to
wait until hear from the election on the
2lst of December. am told that perhaps
that will put all right, and will save the whole
diifsculty. How can it {? Perhaps there
may be. 3fArse vote There may be large
vote retusncd, lLauglt>-l, but 1 deny
that it isspossible to have Air, vote on the
Slavery clause; andI also tB It it is not posi-
BILE to have any'sotec on the constituton-
Why wait for.mockery of an election, when
it is provided unalterably that i e people can
not vote-when the majorityare disfranchis-
ed ? But am told on all sides aOh Just
wait; the Pro-Siavery clause will be voted
down. That does not obviate any of my
objections; it does not diminish any of them.
You may have no more right to force Free
State Constitution on Kansas than a Slave
State Constitution. If Kansas wants Slave
State Constitution, she has the right to it
if she wants Free-State Constitution, she
has right to it. 1t is none of my business
which way the Slavery clause is decided
l care not whether it is voted down or voted
up. Do you suppose, after the pledges of
my honor that | would go for that principle
and leave the people to vote as they choose,
that would now degrade myself by voting
one way if the Slavery clause be voted
down, and another way if it be voted up.
care not how that vote may stand. I take it
for granted that it will be voted up. think
i have seen enough in the last three days to
make it certain that it will be returned outno
matter how the vote may stand. Laughter
Sir, am opposed to that concern, because
it looks to me like system of trickery and
jugglery to defeat the fair expression of the
will of the people. There is no necessity for
crowding this measure, so unfair, so unjust
as it is in all its aspects, upon US. Why can
not we now do what We proposed to do in
the last Congress? We then voted through
the Senate an enabling act, called 'the
Toombs' bill, believed to be just and fair in
all its provisions, pronounced to be almost
perfect by the Senator from New Hampshire
(dr. Hale), only he did not like the man then
President of the United States, who would
have to make the appointments: Why can
we not take that bill, and out of compliment
to the President add to it clause taken
from the Minnesota act, which he thinks
should be a general rule, requiring the Con-
stitutior to De submitted to the people, and
pass that? That unites the party. You all
voted, with me, for that bill, at the last Con-
gress. Why not stand by the same bill now?
Ignore Lecompton, ignore Topeka treat
both these party movements as irregular and
void ;pass a fair bill--the one that we franz
ed ourselves when we were acting as a unit
have a fair election, and you will have
peace in the Democratic party, and peace
Throughout the country, in ninety days. The
people want fair vote. They will never be
satisfied without it. They never should be
satisfied without fair vote on their Consti-
tuition,
If the Toombs' bill does not suit my
friends, take the Minnesota bill of the last
session, the one SO much commended by the
President in his Message as model. Let us
pass that as an enabling act, and allow the
people of all parties to come together and
have afail vote, and will go for it.. Frame
any other bill that secures fair, honest vote
to men Of, all parties, and carries out the
pledge that the people shall be left free to
decide on. their domestic institutions for
themselves, and will go with you with
pleasure, and with all the energy 1 may
possess. But if this Constitution is to be
forced down our, threats, in violation of the
fundamental principles of free government,
under mode of submission that is a mock
cry and an insult, painful as it will be to me,
l must break all associations or connections
rather th9p forfeit my principles. l have no
fear of any party associations being severed.
l shonld regret to See social and political ties
severed; but if it must be- if cannot act
with you and preserve my faith and my honor
I will stand on the great principle of popular
sovereignty, which declares the right Of all
people to be left: perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way. will follow that principle wher-
ever its legal and logical consequences may
take me, and 1 will endeavor to defend it
against assault from any and all quarters.