Weekly Trinity journal., 1857-08-01
TRINITY JOURNAL.
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EAvERvLLE, SATURDAY, AUGUST /. 1851.
Public Opinion

ne COHSlueTeo tne HoSt uueIfLDg luuSe OF lis
merits. Ii is seldom, however, that the mass of
the people reflect upon questions Of public poll
cy, or clearly consider those great and important
measures which should be the legitimate offspring
Of calm delibclation.
The present age is q fevcrish one, particularly
so as regards the systems and notions of gov ern-
mental philosophy. 1t is but natural to find in a
republic like cur own, widely diversified opin-
ion amongst the masses of the people, upon al
most every topic, measure and policy which is
called into use, in the administration of Repub-
Iican form Of government Under other forms
Of government the tide Of public opinion consists
as geacral thing,in two strong currants, running
in exact opposite courses, possessing force and
adhesion which gives it strength and stability.
II Is not so in our own country, and perhaps il is
better for the civil and religious liberty Of man
kind that it is not so. Cameleon parties. and
paper platforms are too prolific and rapid in their
vacilating changes to permit the current of pub
lie opinion to assume smoothnoss and consist
eney in anything. The masses are either led or
controlled by the few, the very few, under every
civilized government on earth. And although
the people of the United States, have reason TO
love their country, and pride themselves on the
genuine but extravagant liberty they enjoy and
exercise, they must also confess that in no coun-
try in the world does public opinion exhibit itself
in so many and such diversified forms. This
characteristic element so natural and SO general,
is however one Of the most essential safeguards
TO the preservation of that political franchise
which belongs to the people Though few
scheming men concoct political hobbiet and de-
signs for self aggrandisemcnt. and though those
same few aFprants may succeed in raising an
issue upon some principle or proposition of poll
cy, possessing in itself some plausible preexts,
and raise a faction at their heels to advocate
the application of those same schemes to the ad.
minstration of government, we cannot bring
ourselves to believe that such spasms Of public
opinion, or Of public men can ever be productive
Of serious consequences to the union. There is
now days sort Of madness in all species Of
political agitation. Yet we do not apprehend
danger from the bowling Of those elements. The
few will always have TO originate, the mass
should always exercise the right to decide. The
few Will, and perhaps may continue to create
but the mass Of the people should never sacrifice
their right and liberty to execute. The sure and
powerful corrector for all public evils is that
broad and solid sentiment that comes from the
sober second thought of the masses Illiberal
and combined factions may often succeed through
the channel OF prejudice but such success is al
ways Of short duration The glory and power
gained to-day, is tomorrow swept into the grave
Of oblivion. No political creed which contem-
plates less than the whole can ever become na-
tiona ia its effects, ride safe through the storm
of public opinion. There must be a fixed princi-
pie, anl a fxod purpose TO carry ont and sus-
tain that principle upon national grounds with
the political party that would survive and pre-
dominate by the sanction Of pubic opinion 1t
would seem like Inconsistency 10 say that the
United States affords the best example in the I
solidity and Gcklncss Of the Government and
people
The true value Of the Constitution and the .
rights and privileges OF the people under its pro-
visions, is sufficiently impressed upon the mind Of
those who enjoy its blessings, to arouse the con
trolling element of public opinion in vindication /
Of the supremacy and perpetuity Of the Constitu
tion when danger threatens mutilation, or faction
denies the duty Of obedience.
There are many dangers into which the mass
are liable TO be led by tile ingenuity Of the as
YiIing few Issues are often crtaSed for special
hobbics-by the weak-and frequently succeed,
for the time, by appealing TO tne prejudices Of
the mass but power secured through the action
of prejudice, soon loses its dignity, force and re-
spect and generally dies out through the fog of
its own excuses. Under the administration of
Washington. public opinion ragged furiously, but
not ia the form Of petty factions. The two great
LEADERS in Washington'5 cabinet, Hamilton and I
Jefferson, divided the palm Of public opinion
though each of those great party leaders
cluug tenacioasly to the tonets Of their political I
faith. Unyielding in one single iota when they .
believed principle TO be at stake but both firm
and pre-emne!t in their vHdcation Of those
fundamental principles of the Government and .
the maintenance of the Constitution In those /
days public opinion was divided, and the division /
existed in the form Of two powerful parties with /
great statesmen and great principles. AS to the
wisdom and merit Of those great men and mea-
sures, public opinion was both divided and sub
divided but Notwithstanding the fierce and op-
posing positions assp5aed by those parties toward
each other, long and constant line of measures
and policy distinguished theis action.
At what period VIC would ask. in the history of
our Republic has the statesmen OF America been
free from the censure OF public opiuion? Wash
'ngsoN's administration was bitterly attacked
The Adams syere accused OF weakness and stu
pidity jackson was charged with spirit of
usurpation, and Van Buren was stigmatized as
the cunning, paDdering and non-eommittal fox
Impartial history substantiates the assertion. THAI
more greatness made the attempt to reach the
Presidential chair and failed, than ever filled IT
and yet it will be contended that public opinion
ctcd wisely and ordained it So