Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1857-1858, 1857-06-01

MONDAY, JUNE /, 1857.



this doctrine, strive, in several ways, to
Brighten the people from their proprety;.
One of these modes is exhibited in an ex-
ceedlngly puny effort to make it appear
that the withdrawal of any money from
the treasury for this purpose would have
the effect to make an increase of the tarln
necessary; and that, therefore, while the
people might be benefited in one respect
they would be equally injured in another.
Our neighbor of the Union and American,
attempted to state and enforce this point,
few days ago; but he has the idea OF
protection" so intimately blended with
the word tariff" that he was unable to
enunciate the true idea, which he doubt
less intended. In the article to which we
refer, he calls up the spirit of "Protec-
tive Tariff" and holds that as the necessary
consequence of taking the proceeds of the
public lands out Of the treasury. Accord
ing to his inapt logic, there can be no in
crease of the tariff unless it shall be
"protectiVe"-a "high protective tariff"
Now the most shortsighted political tyro,
who has never looked into works on politi-
cal economy, or the speeches Of statesmen,
but who has depended entirely upon such
newspapers as the Union and American,
for his political information, knows that
there may be tariffs without being "high"
or protective" in the odious sense Of those
terms Indeed the democracy, as it used
to exist, held that tariffs, whether high or
low, sufficient to supply an adequate public
revenue, were necessary and proper.
Their doctrine upon this subject was that,
if it required high tariff to support the
government, then it should be high, but if
not then it should be low Very few men
of any respectable ability or character in
this country, have ever contended for a
practical assertion of the free trade theory
in our affairs 1t would drive the govern
ment to direct taxation, and the people
would then be called on every year, to
furnish from their pockets the means where
by the reckless and extravagant expendi-
lures Of the government should be upheld
and sustained. This the people would
never submit to, and hence we hear little
or nothing said at this day about Gree
trade and sailors rights" A revenue tar
if, therefore, has never been opposed, and
we presume, will not be. 1t ought only to
be such as an economical administration of
the public affairs would absolutely require
Suppose then we grant that the duties on
foreign imports would be increased by the
equitable appropriation (Which we do not
by any means do), of the public lands,
this does not touch the subject or theory
of protection Protection is specific and
discriminating in its theory and application,
but the duties imposed for revenue are
general, and aScertained, ad UaL0rem, accord
ing to the value Of the goods. The dis
cussion of the relative merits of these two
theories can have no relation to the subject
of the public lands. We have thus stated
the point intended to be made by our adj
versaries, in order to clear up mist from
the mind Of our contemporary, and dis
embarass the subject from all confusion o.
ideas and terms
The objection to making the States
equal in the land bounty, then, is that i
will increase the tariff, and that therefore
the people will not be benefited. In the
first place, this amounts to an argument
against performing a simple act of justice
Some of the States having partaken large
ly of the public bounty, while Others have
received nothing, the latter demand equal
ity, as a right. This is refused because il
requires money to meet the demand. i
strikes US, that this is an argument in favor
of q gross outrage upon right and for sus
tanning great wrong. And as hones
men, and as an honest nation careful O.
the rights of all its citizens, we should in
quire first if the demand is just and if so
then meet it, no matter what it costs
And this is the light il which we, con
fding in the virtue and intelligence of the
people, believe they will regard it.
But, in the next place, this whole objec
ton proceeds upon himsy sophism, which
it will require but few words to expose
The tariff, no matter what it is or how
high or low, is paid by the consumers o
goods upon which the duty is laid NJ
man is necessarily bound to pay it--and
there are thousands of men in Tennessee
who never pay anything, who do not know
anything about the duties on imports, anC
who care nothing whatever about it. The
plain, industrious and substantial farmer
who produces with his own labor all the
necessaries Of life, has no reason to care
for the tariff. 1t is the consumers of for
eign silks, broadcloths, wines, and othel
concomitants of wealth and leisure, who
pay the duties, and who are able to pay
them. The true effect Of the objection il
to put these Injuries to the opulent as low
as possible, while the poor man, who is mo-
interested in the tariff one way or the
other, is deprived of his share in the pub
lie lands, which, if granted, would relieve
him of his State aud county taxes, and AFFORD
him all the facilities for sending his earning
to market conveniently and expeditiOusly
TO educate his children, and to advance anC
| nromote his general banniness and nrosner