Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1857-06-20

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thelr BEST men. To the country this action an
peaTed narrow, intolerant, and utterly selfish.
oliter ieud IN Massachusetts between the Repub.
leans and Fremont Americans seemed inevitable
ms rising controversy excited great apprehen-
sion among the friends of Fremont in other States
Its effects would be disastrous to the cause and
the members of Congress, the members of the
National Committee, the leading Republicans
and fremont Americans of the country, especial
y OIL Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, In
dlana, and Illinois, appealed to me to use my in
nuence to arrest this contest in Massachusetts
he active men of the country earnestly appealed
70 me-and have no doubt the same appeals
were made to Mr.. Banks, Mr.. Burlingame, and
other Massachusetts men, in and out OF Con-
gress-to secure peace in this State, even if the
Republicans were compelled 20 let the American
| State ticket be chosen. John c. Fremont united
with his friends in this appeal for union and peace
| in Massachusetts.
What was l to do How could I. knowing, as
did, that the result depended upon the cooper
| alton of men in sympathy with the Fremont
Americans of Massachusetts, repel these urgent
| appeals of all our friends of other States ? 1
eeuld not, dared not, do it. l should have been
false to the cause of liberty if had so acted
II has been my policy from the hour when
followed Charles Allen out of the Wing National
| Convention in 1913, to this moment, to break
down all political organizations in alliance with
slavery, and out of the broken fragments to con
struct and consolidate a great and triumphant
i
| bic hostility to human slavery. This has been
the dream, the policy of my life. To achieve this
l have toiled, l know, with sincerity and zeal,
/ and hope with some little effect. To prepare
the way for and to build up, great and victori-
GUS party Of freedom in Massachusetts, l have
| sometimes incurred the dstrust and censures of
/ personal and political friends for cooperating
| with, or making temporary coalitions with, other
| organizations. But at all times the sole object
| OF my action has been to inaugurate in Massa
/ CluSettS. he FRY trim nnha rtv
| pledged to the cause Of equal, UNIVERSAL and i'm
| partial liberty in America. In the pursuit of this
| cherished idea, have welcomed the co operation
| OF men OF all parties. can truly say that have
| never uttered thought, penned word, or per-
| formed an act, intended to keep any man out of
| such party--to repel the CO operation of any
man with such party, or to prevent any man
from securing the confidence or honors of such
| party. The obligations imposed by the conf.
dences of private friendship can never disclose
one such word of Imine spoken, written, or
| printed.
Acting upon Ithisjpolicy, I travelled from the
4th Of March, 1850, to the meeting of the Re-
| publican Convention in September, 1856 more
| than twenty five thousand miles. in fourteen
States consulted with opponents of slavery in all
| parties, and labored to build up and consolidate
| party pledged to freedom, and to secure the co.
operation of the friends of free Kanzas, for the
! election of President in 1856. In the long con
| test TO place Mr. Banks in the Speakers chair
in the efforts to unite his supporters in Congress
| IN the Presidential election and in the move,
ment to bring into the Philadelphia Convention
men OF all parties, had labored with zeal and in
| dustry. Having thus labOred, was l to come
| home to Massachusetts and advise the adoption
| of policy which would have made fierce and
bitter contest between the supporters of Fremont?
| Was l to abandon the settled policy of the
| paign which had helped TO inaugurate? Was |
| to resist the urgent appeals of members of the
| National Committee, of the members of Con-
| gress, and active men IN all the States Was l
to put IN peril the of the cause, to
for one brief year six official positions Had l
advised or consented to such policy, l should
ever feel that | had committed a crime against
liberty-that the defeat of Fremont was the re.
suit of my sefshness and folly.
NO man living more earnestly desired to see
united, consolidated, and triumphant lRepubli-
can party in Massachusetts. My principles
hopes, and personal interests, alike prompted me
to desire it. My dearest personal friends desired
II. They saw, or thought they saw that at last
the time had come to consolidate victorious
Republican party. They would be disappointed
/ and all my sympathes were with them l had
| been hunted and denounced through Massachu-
| sets for the offence Of eudeavoring to unite the
| people for freedom in 1866 l felt that the time
had come for me TO avenge any wrongs had en-
| dured, upon the authors of those wrongs, for
| believed the Republicans would nominate ticket
that would brush the American State ticket like
| chatt, out of the field. | said so to my Republi-
can friends, but l felt that the cause of freedom
! in the country, in Connecticut, New jersey
! Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois demanded
/ union among the supporters of Fremont, and |
would not consent to peril that cause to secure
| what | so much desired, to a victorious
| Republican party in Massachusetts, or to win
a personal triumph over men, who had marked
| me for political destruction. | had no earthly
| personal or political motive in advising my
| Republican friends to forego the nomination
| OF State ticket Ga the contrary, my feel!
ings, my pride, and my personal interests
| prompted me to act otherwise. But to me the
| path of duty was plain. l knew that union and
peace would help our friends in other States who
were batteing against fearful odds. / knew if
| success crowned our efforts that the Americans
| would be merged with us in the support Of the
| administration, and that under the Republican
| lead If we failed, knew we could win to our
! ranks thousands of the best men, who had fought
shoulder to shoulder for Fremont and Dayton -
| My conscience and my Judgment then approved
my course, and now, under the chidings of valued
| friends l do not regret the advice | gave, all
| though the object aimed at was not fully attain
| ed. may have committed an error in giving such
| counsels to my Republican friends. 1 do not, l
cannot see it, but if did err was led into it by
/ the earnest appeals of all our associates in other
States, and by an earnest desire TO secure the i'm
mediate success of cause my heart and my
| judgment approves. l believe others who con-
Cured with me were actuated by the same public
/ considerations.
would now remind my Republican friends
IhaJ the great object to be attained is the over
| throw of the slave power, and its influence over
the nation, and the prohibition of slavery every.
| where under the exclusive authority of Congress
! 10 secure that desired object the Republican par
| ty must be increased, consolidated, organized
| 10 accomplish that great work, its friends must
not only be firm principle and fixed in purpose,
they must be tolerant, self-sacrfcing, and mag.
unanimous in action. They must cordially vel.
come the 4" utilization of men of all parties" and
If in all the States they cannot at once secure that
afiliation," they must welcome the Z" &C. opera
ton of men of all parties" Time will bring to-
gether in one organization men who work togeth-
er in the noble and enrolling cause of liberty.
would labor not only to unite in one harmonious
party the one hundred and eight thousand men
| who voted for Fremont, but would extend gen.
| erous welcome to the twenty thousand who voted
for Fillmore, and the forty thousand who voted for
| Buchanan. would say to all of these -'' Come
act with US Republicans in the glorious strife for
| hberty-share our fortunes If victory comes,
we will rejoice together. If honors come, we
| will share them together" l would strive to
| win to our ranks every man, and make Massa-
chusetts as unanimous for freedom as South
Carolina is for slavery.
HENRY WILSON
PATENTs.-The following patents were issued