The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1857-08-14


ful measures.
7th-The exercise of iurisdistion by the gen.
erat Government over slavery in Territories. 10
the exclusion of local decision thereon. Leris-
latlon by Congress upon slavery beyond the ex-
press requirement as to return of fugities. is to
be doubted, and il regard is bad TO high iud-
cla decision, expressly denied, as a valid eA-
ercise Of power And lis nexpediency is vet
more plainly manifest in view ofthe dan
gerous disputes which such action inevitably
produces. Most clearly, therefore, is il to be
deprecated and opposed, upon the general doc
tnne OF non-action by government in doubtful
cases.
8th-Tbe establishment Of corporations, ei-
tber excessive as TO NUMBER or vested with or
dlnate powers or privileges and especially for
pursuits OF business within the reach ofindivid-
uai means and skill Under which head IS TO
b. particularly noted, the chartering of banks
beyond the business wants Of the community,
locating them at points without adequate coni-
mrrce or exchanges to afford legitimate occupa-
ton, and falling 10 impose upon them such
guards against abuse and fraud as are demanded
by experience. The recent resolution on this
subject by our State Convention, but indicates
the weII-consldrred position of our party and its
policy for the future.
9th-Thr authorizing Of municipal subscrip-
tIonS TO railroads and other corporate bodies 10
the encouragement Of speculation, corruption
and The accumulation of public dr5ts. The
proposition now before the people for the amend
ment Of the Constitution 10 prevent this in lu-
ture, is but in afirmancp Of the principles we
have been considering for tie decision Of a di-
tas4 g, -y.T -.
thorize such subscriptions has not removed all
doubts, and has leilthe powerful objections to
the system, upon grounds Of eXpediency un-
touched aud irresistible.
I0th-The sale or surrender by Government,
in whole or in parts, of any Of its constitutional
powers conddrd to it by the people The at
tempt to do this 10 the late act for the sale OF
the Main Line ofPGblic Works; an attempt
which was denounced by the State Convention.
and has since been pronounced unconstitutional
by the Supreme Court, may be cited under this
haad. and dos-rved that HaPrs.hatto, which .t
has generally received.
Ilth-Sumptuary laws, BY which dress, food,
drink, equiPage, or other like concern of use,
habit or fashion, is coerced. The Interference
Of law in such cases would seem to be unuseful
and is Of doubtful authority.
l2th-FInaly, measures directed against
class or Sect and intended 10 degrade them or
limit their civil privileges. II is affirmed that
neither religious belief nor birth place will far
nish grounds for ostracism Or a denial Of COM
mon right.
Such are some of the leading measures upon
which political divisions have taken place, and
on their careful examination it will be seen that
they can all be- resolved into the general ques-
ton whether thr powers and action Of govrrn-
mpnt shall be extensive or limited. And if we
should pursue the subject further, this view Of
the fundamental ground Of diIprence between
public men and parties would be but confirmed
and strengthened
We are left then to choose sides in the strng-
gle between power and Ii5erty-between gov
ernmrnt that NEEDLES and one that a5stains-be-
tween political New EnglandiSm and the EIr-
ginia doctrines Of 1898. Neutrality is not pos
sblr, for almost every public question that ari-
ses conprs Us to a choice bpt~een contendlHg
parties, and the schools Of opinion which they
respectively represent.
/ Il has been fashionable f7r ap0Sta'es from our
party 10 claim tha! they retained their principles
unchanged, and even opposing parties OCCASION
aIiy advance wetfRSlOnS 10 the faith and doc
+ trinss of Jefferson. How unf5undrd such pre-
+ tensions are, whether advanced by an aposlate
or party will appear from considering the meas
( ures of public policy they propose and support.
II We fad them tavoring new projects otdoubt-
ful right or exptdency. coutendng for pXten-
I sive Jurisdiction for government, and Scolhng at
4 constitutional sCruplpS as 'EabStraCiionS, we
NAV be sure they no disciples OF the phlIauth-
ropisf. philosopher and statesman who founded
/ our narty. who wrote to Edward Livingston as
late as 1924, to endorse the sentiment, that lt we
have a doubt relative 10 any power, we ought
not to exercise it." Much more may We deny
their discip!pship. if we find their measures con
nected with intolerance in religion, prescription
of adopted citizens, or aggresstonS upon terltotl-
al or State rights, which is manllestiY true de-
scriplon, at this moment, OF the parties opposed
TO us.
4 The lso-caIIcd) Republican party makes high
pretrnsons and challenges their examination
/ bot there can be no little difficulty IN drtrFmih-
ING their character and value, and assigning
the party which holds them ITS true position Or
fore the public Especially Will 1t be work
Of ease, 10 explode its Pretensona to souna o.
p;n;ons as held by former Republican PrrSI-
dents. and to bring ii within the condemna-
ton which they directed against the heFru-
cal movements of the times 10 which they iN-
ed
The resistance made about 1920, TO the adj
mission of Missouri into the Union, was similar
TO the recent conduct of those who mlsdescFioe
themselves IS Republicans. In both cases the .'
proposition was, that Congress should Pron'ol'
slavery in territories Tor cause it to be promo
itedl prior 10 their admission as states. ne
aroumrns against this was stated by MI. Ma6i-
son. inAhe Walsh letters, under all the hiso
sanctions which his abilities and ms position as
the isading author of the Constitution could
W :. Al q = oS we'll established