Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1857-04-01
The Decision Of the Supreme Court in the
bred Scott Case, and its Tremendous conse-

The Decision Of the Supreme Court IN the
bred Scott Case, and its Tremendous Conse-
quenees.
The late decision, or, rather, the series Of de-
cisions of the Supreme Court Of the United
States in the bred Scott case, is Of more vital
Importance in reference to the settlement Of
the slavery question than any or all the other
acts and proceedings upon this subject-legisla-
tive and judicial, State or F~edersl-since the
organization OF the General Government.
This supreme and final tribunal in the inter-
probation Of the constitution and the laws, has
decreed that negroes or men Of the Afdcan
race, whether bond or free, are not citizens Of
the United States BY the Federal Constitution:
that the. ordinance Of 1877 was sHsperceded by
the Constitution that the Missouri Compro-
mise Of 1920 was an unconstitutional act; that
Shareholders have the right to carry their
slaves into the Territories that the legal con-
dition of a slave in a slave State is not affected
by his temporary s%oJourn in a free State; and
that Congress has no power over the question
of slavery in a Territory, and cannot delegate
any power over the subject to the Territorial
Legislatures.
The importance and comprehensive bearings
of these decisions cannot be oveT-estimated-
they cover all the disturbing party and sec
tional issues upon the slavery controversy,
and strike at the root of the mischief in every
case.
First, the supreme Judicial tribunal OF the
Union decides that, according to the Constitu-
ton, negroes are not citizens, whether free men
or slaves. In other words, ours is the white
mans Constitution, and the negro. as a citizen,
is absolutely ignored. The consequences is, that
all the Constitutions and laws of the free States
elevating negroes to the rights and privileges Of
citizenship, are null and void; for, in this author
itatively declared meaning of the Constitution,
to be a citizen OF a State is to be a citizen of the
United States, inasmuch as the Constitution
expressly ordains Cart. 4, Sec. p that " the
citizens of the each State shall be entitled to all
the privileges and immunities of citizens in the
several States" This decision, therefore, set
ties the old difficulty between Massachusetts,
and South Carolina concerning the free cOloTed
citizen cooks and seamen Of the former treated
only as dangerous free negroes upon entering
ports of the latter State. The DECISIONS against
Massachusetts, and her free colored citizens,
and in favor of South Carolina.
The decisions concerning the Federal ordi-
nance of 1887 and the Missouri Compromise of
1920, establish the full validity of the Kansas
Nebraska bill, as the true constitutional policy
10 regard to slavery in the Territories. The
decision concerning slaves in tTaBSitu through
a free State, OF the temporary %soiOurn of a
Southern slave in a free State, settles the Lem-
mon case, and all cases like that OF Mr.. Wheel
eE, Of North Carolina, whose slaves, at Phila-
ueipQld, were so unCtIcnOulOUelI spirited
away and in all such cases the supreme decree
is decisive of the Shareholders constitutional
rights to his slave property.
But the most important of the supreme deci-
sions, in a political party view, is the judgment
that Congress has no power, and can delegate
no power over the question Of slavery in the
Territories.s This decision, at a single blow,
shivers the anti-slavery platform Of the late
great Northern Republican party into atoms.
The policy of legislating slavery out of Kan
sas and the other Territories of the Union by
Congress will no longer avail them. Congress
has no power in the premises. That is settled.
What was in doubt is in doubt no longer. The
supreme law is expounded by the supreme au-
thority, and disobedience is rebellion, treason
and revolution. The Republican party hence
forth must choose between submission and rev.
olution-loyality or treason tothe government.
gall and bitterness of the New York Trib-
are betrayed in its mad assertion that these
vital and final decisions of our Supreme Judges
are =" entitled to Just so much moral weight as
would be the judgment Of a majority Of those
congregated in any Washington bar-room.O
this madness of our Seward organs will
avail nothing. The only alternative to the
anti-slavery factions Of the North, from the
Garrison to the Seward and original Van Buren,
factions, is loyalty or treason, submission or
rebellion.
Unquestionably this bombshell from the Su-
preme Court, together with the Inaugural and
the Cabinet Of the new Administration will at
Dnce reopen the slavery agitation in all its
length and breadth; but henceforth slavery in
he Territories is an issue which must be de-