New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1857-05-16

| National organization in America which makes the
| extinction OF Human Bondage its exclusive aim,
| and has for twenty years numbered many able and
| eloquent men among its members. Its strength IN
the ability and energy of its master spirits is out Of
| all proportion to its numbers; its Journals and
| speakers are eminent in power and interest;
| while the moral character and devOtedness of its
| leaders are such as to command general admira-
ton. Why is it, then, that this Society gains no
[ bold upon the masses and cannot claim numerical
ascendancy in any township or ward throughout
the Union Bad as the world is, it is not desert
without GASES; and, fthe GarrisOnians were wholly
| right, it is hardly possible that they should be
| everywhere outnumbered.
In our Judgment the radical defect of this Soci-
ETY. nheres in its stubborn refusal to perceive vital
and papable distinctions, to recognize manifest and
essential limitations and to regard inevitable facts
It's general policy resembles that of pedestrian
who. being in New.York, bound for Pittsburgh,
should draw Decline from his starting point to his
destination, and insist on following it throughout,
regardless of whatever rivers, mountains or mo-
rasses might oppose his progress. Take, for Illus
tration the following resolve adopted at their late
Anniversary:
"Resolred, That while the North gives its sanction
and support TO Slavery in fifteen States OF the Unlon
il can make consistent moral resistance to its ex-
tension in the Territories; that we tell the Republican
party that if il would be and crime TO plant
In Kansas it is no less criminal and disastrous 10 per-
petuae it in Carolina; that ii is equally absurd ana
immoral 10 make il question OF soil and climate OF
latitude and longitude or of bargain and compromise;
that If il be compatible with Christianity ana kepno-
can hold four millions of slaves property, 1t
is no less so 10 hold four hundred millions in the
conditions that to license oppression is to lose the
power to limit il and that any other Issue with SlaV-
cry in this country except that OF its immediate and
total abolition, is wild and deusve.'
The mistaken assumptions in this resolve are as
follows: /. That the North, by its Union with the
South to attain certain ends in which they mu-
tuay interested, does necessarily "giye its sane
ton and support to Slavery" We hold, in OppO-
siton to this yew that the North, as represented
| in Congress by Seward and Sumner and Giddings,
and in the State Governments by Chase and Hamlin
| and Holley, does Eot "give its sanction and sup
port to Slavery" but does all it may rightfully do
| to limit and cure that dreadful evil. There are
| Northern statesmen who give their sanction and
support to Slavery but the North as such does not
| and the Union does not require such sanction aud
| support at our hands. We are morally bound by
the spirit and genius of the Union not TO make that
Union lever for the overthrow Ofthe domestic in
situations of sister States; and they are morally
| bound, on the other hand, not TO require us, IN
virtue of the Union, to impllcate ourselves IN the
| guilt and shame of Slavery. The Union no more
involves us necessarily in the crime of slayehod-
| inc than our treaties with Russia and France
| indicate us in the serfdom of the former or the
| imperial despotism of the latter
The Garrison resolve proceeds to say that, under
the Union. the North can make consistent moral
resistance to Slavery in the Territories because
"if il woud be a curse and crime to plant 1t IN
"Kansas, it is no less criminal and disastrous TO
| 'perpetuate it in Carolina" Yes: but the Repub-
lican party, which opposes the planting IN Kansas
does not perpetuste it in Carolina. II has Po1er
over the question Of planting Slavery IN Kansas 1t
| has no power over consequently no responsibility
for its perpetuationn Carolina Why Is not this dis
tinction plain one By what charter, constitution,
| compact, were the people of New-fork or New
J England ever authorized to modify the laws OF
South Carolina We know of none But II any
one asks what rightfu power they have TO legslate
| on Slavery in Kansas. we answer, That is portion
of the great territory belonging not specially to
New.Enpland or Carolina, but to the whole Ameri-
can People; consequently 10 be governed so long
as il shall remain their territory according 10 their
collective judgment and conscience as to what Is
right or wrong expedent or unfit A CarOlinian
in Congress. who conscientiously believes in
Slavery, properly voteshat Slavery shall go thther;
New.Yorker or Pennsylvania believing Slavery
unjust and pernicious, has an equally clear right 10
| vote against il.
TIE resolve proceeds TO ring several changes on
the same idea. closing with the assertion that
any other issue with Slavery in this country,
save that of its immediate and total abolition is
wild and delusive." To this we reply that
Slavery in the old States has in generation been
kept vital and aggressive by means OF successive
additions of territory, whereby slaves were rem
dered valuable and sayebreedng profitable; and
that Slavery would have died out ere this, after
becoming an intoerable burden to the masters, but
for these annexatons, which the Free States had
the right TO prevent while they had no legal power
over, consequently no right to abolish, Slavery in
| Virginia.
| Itwould seem needless 10 sdduce considerations
and insist on distinctions so obvious and palpable;
II al AZ