Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-07-04

them for aid but to the entire Northern population.
By their alliance with tho Democratic party, they
are enabled to carry on their measures of general
legislation and by their alliance with the entire
Northern people, they are enabled fully to accom-
plish their designs. Slavery is recognized by the
Supreme Court and by the Congress Of the United
States. Slaves by them are recognized as proper
/ ty, aud Government has no right to discriminate
between this and another species of property
The inference is that shareholders have right to
carry their property anywhere. The inference is
irresistible that il a stakeholder wishes to go to
Kansas and take with him his slaves, he has no
occasion to wait for congressional territorial
action. His right to do this is established If so
1t follows that the stakeholder has right to bring
his slaves into Massachusetts, and retain them
here. We have had no decision to this effect the
stakeholder has not required it but the premises
Of the Court lead to this conclusion. The Court
is stopping midway. The avalanche has started
in its descent, and is now only resting. You can
not stop it there. Slaves are property-nOt by
virtue of the local legislation Of Carolina and the
South, but property under the recognition of the
United States Government, and therefore property
wherever the Constitution of the United States
has jurisdiction property, toonot in qualified
sense, but IN the same sense, and to the same
tent, with the domestic animals, with furniture, or
any other species OF property. If can go to
Virginia and retain these the Virginian has a
right to come here with his slaves and continue to
hold them here as long as he may deem it proper
We cannot shirl this conclusion. 1t may be true
that this legislation aud judicial action to which
refer has its origin in the Democratic party alone
yet 1t Is the purpose Of the Slave Power have it
recognized by the North as legitmatelv and
authortively binding on us. What is the basis Of
their hopes and expectations? Suppose Massa-
chusetts would say, We ready to do what
honest men can do, for the sake of continuing in
Union with South Carolina but there are certain
things which honest men and lovers of liberty
cannot consistently do; and to that limit having
gone, will not so beyond-not even to save the
Union, or'keep the solid globe from crumbling be-
meath our feet Would there then be any hone
of binding Massachusetts to assist the Slave Power
in carrying slavery wherever it may see fit Take
away the aid of the North and let it be understood
that she stands independent and separate from
slavery, and you would not find sufficient courage
in the South to attempt an extension of the sys.
! TEN.
is amusing that such papers as the New
York Tribune need be told, that to help to comm
n crime is to be guilty of that crime. If | help
hold slaves in Carolina, why | not guilty of
slaveholding2 II hold slaves ON my own re-
sponsibility, and with my own POWER here can fix
the limits Of the force put in operation | can de-
eide the nature of the task, determine the quality OF
thor food and clothing, and in all respects control
their conditions but fI hold'them in Carolina while
l AN responsible for their enslavement have no
! power to control their condition. | am like the
stream, that pours its tide upon the wheel but
which has no ability to guide the machinery.
There is the slave under the control of the slave
driver of Mississip2i--himse under no control
of mine. He exercise his power over the
slave as he may think proper, and cannot inter
pose any barrier.
| This is the only apprecnble difference between
slavehclding here and savehod:ng in Carolina
through the mid 4 give to the State in holding men
as slaves. Do you ask the evidence that the
people of Massachusetts are actually engaged in
islavehodng there? If were talking to the New
Iord Tribune, or the Boston Traveller it might
perhaps be necessary to go into an argument to
prove this tact; but to you who have been accus.
toned to meet together, to read to think, to dis
cuss IT can hardly be necessary to spend words
for this purpose yet it may be possible there are
those here who have read the Tribune more than
the Llberator, and may be excused if | remind
them that as long as the Constitution of the
United States pledges the North to return the slave
to his MASTER and to put down slave instructions
so long is the North involved in the guilt of slave
holding. No matter how sincerely ant-slavery a |
man may profess to be, by virtue Of his connection
with the American Union, by virtue of his citizen.
ship under the American Government,and his con-
'edCracy with shareholders, lie is, willingly or IN
willingly slaveholder,-lf there is any truth in
the saying, that to help commit wrong makes one
responsible for the wrong, then it is plain that to
help hold slaves in South Carolina makes one re-
sqonsible for slavery there.
Some, it is true, deny the construction we put
upon the Constitution, rs being pro-slavery. |
know there are men who deny that there is one
IN the In support OF
slavery. | am willing to cOncede, what believe
to be at variance with TRUTH that this opinion is
correct. For the sake of the argument, am vii
ling to waive my own opinion, and accept true
that of Spooner, Smith and Godell. | respond to
those who say that we Of the North have no con-
nection with slavery that the great body of the
people do not, and never have SO understood it;
that the legislative and judiciary departments of
government concur in interpreting the Constitution
IN such way as to make it our duty to return the
slave to his master Be the letter Of the Consti-
tuition what it may the pee pie in their administra-
ton have made 1t a pro-savery instrument, and
they have eyinced determination to administer
it according with that Interpretation. 1t would
have been marvel indeed, had the people
made an Anti Slavery Constitution. on.-.The 7
blacksmith does not make an axe, that he
may have scythe; and when the Constitu-
ton has been used as a scythe to NOW down hu-
manity from the beginning, the inference is clear,
that this Is what the people meant to make it.
There is no evidence that the people of the North
do not mean to administer. the Constitution as q
proslayery instrument.
Massachusetts has the Personal Liberty Bill 1t c
is much longer than would be Personal Liberty
Bill which was really framed for the purpose of d
protecting the slave Ii the Legislature will con-
sent to pass bill by vote large enough to dis. S
pense with Coy. Gardners signatureI will engage c
to make one which will make two lines only-Be Il $
enacted, that no human being shall be claimed as
u slave on the soil of Massachusetts, This t
everybody can understand. d.-Everybody does not {
clearly understand the present bill 1t is not what a
an Anti-Slavery Constitution of the United States
would require it to be. Have they, who profess t
TO DO desrous of protecting the inhabitants Of S
Massachusetts, against the Slave Power even at. t
tempted to pass act pabe of being interpreted
to mean that no man shall be claimed or given up 0
M as slave? In that BILL you have provisions for 5
the employment of a counsel, and for the attend
anee OF witnesses in behalf of him who is claimed
" hat are these provisions for? You must have a t
,nry trlal--you must have counsel-to do what 2 ?
w itnesses-to testify to what? Simply TO decide i
"nether the being before you in the form of man q
whether he is n man or beast.---Do you want t
~eNe men 70 decide that question? And if the t
iecisfon chance to be in favor of the master do
you mean to give him up as beast2 The statute o
m2lles all this; You plead yourselves that if the
'ydence Is sufficient to prove that the person r