Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-11-28


does not make il SO, but it does exhibit a singular
stration beyond mere assertion that my submission
to what | cannot avoid, is equivalent to entering
practically into an agreement with others that Ger.
tain things may or shall be done, and othcrs may
or shall not DO performed, as do oil who vote under
the Constitution, before | shall feel it necessary to
defend my position on this point.
But granting, for the sake of argument, that my
friend can prove these insertions, it leaves untouoh.
ed both the premises from which | start, and the
conclusions drawn therefrom. lie will hot l am
sure, attempt TO show shat because | do wrong in
certain given particulars, therefore it is not wrong
to do another thing which is just equivalen. to
thesel Nor will be say that If voting he admitted
to be wrong, l may as we'll vote, because | do the
ment l~egitimately would lead to.
assume that Slavery in the United States could
not continue to exist were it not for the support
given to the system by the government. This
proposition my reviewer does not deny. Proceed
ing from this,I infer that every man who voluntari'
ly supports the government takes upon himself nll
Of the sin of slaveholding. My friend instead of
disproying this, sets himself to the task Of assert
ing that | support the government voluntarily in
other modes than that of voting. He first quotes
my language correctly, then afterwards entirely
missta:es my position, and asks my friend Brooke
in all candor and simplicity, if he believes that
when | vote l take upon myself all the guilt and
crime which cling to the most debased slavehold-
ing demagogue"? To this l answer, mol But
you do take upon yourself all the guilt and crine
- x-.....z - IL III Il IL .l.-A ol,.~u-
ant simply as SUCH. This is what I said, which
| repeat. and which l feel fully prepared to prove.
1t is nothing to the slave, nor to me, that. rs o
Radical Atolitionist, or u Republican. you profess
good motives. The slave.claiman. himself makes
professions equally good. Bring Kim to the test
propose an exchange Of the relations between him
self and the slave, and you prove most easily his
deceit. Test the Republican in the same manner,
Bring the government to bear upon his interests,
and those of his kindred, and ~postcrity as it oper-
ates upon the slave, and you sill prove at once his
Ialsehocd. Try the Radical Abolitionist. lie en-
tiers into a written agreement with his fellow men
that all the people within certain geographical
limits shall be governed by such means as are slip
ulated for in the Constitution.
This Instrument if not designedly has been SO
negligently wordel that those who made and first
administered it. and all who have lived under it
since Its adoption, except recently q few disscn.
nents, and these so Jev as scarcely to amount to
such an exception as, it is usually said, proves the
truth Of a general rule, have understood it to re.
quire that the whole power of the whole people
shall be used to perpetuate slavery. Bring those
who constitcte this exception into the same rela.
tIOpst no ito M "a ,Iooo -. a. 49,
sustain, and i then they agree the government
shall continue unchanged, and desire that | shall
participate in its franchise, thus giving my aid
and cooperation in slaveholding until a majority
OF the people shall be converted to their views of
the meaning of the constitution, | will no longer
include them in the charge Of dishonesty.
And here l may say that with the Radical Abb
olitionists if in n majority, and acting in accord.
ance with their professions, 1 should have no con.
trorersy. Their action would be a revolution as
complete as that which the Disunionists seek.
Tho government which they have imagined, and
have endeavored to twist the constitution into a
shape TO give it sanction. is not the Union we are
laboring to overthrow. But | do censure them for
entering into an agreement with a host Of men
thieves, that a majority shall govern and then Civ.
ing unreservedly 10 u wicked and inevitable pro.
slavery majority, all Of their moral and pbysical
influence, to lie used against the oppressed until
such time as they a5surdly hope to outnumber it.
| do not wish TO he understood as denying anti
slavery feelings to both Radical Abolitionists and
Republicans. Many individuals among them are
greatly controlled by excellent impulse and benev-
client Intention, very many of them do not per.
ceive the responsibility which their position as
voters involves. But unhappily, so corrupted have
the American people become, so selfish, and SO
void of conscience, that when it is shown to them
beyond the possibility Of contradiction that they
are the power by which the slaves are kept in
their chains, when intellectually convinced Of this
and consequently that their guilt is equal to thar
OF the slave claimant simply rs such, they will not
withdraw their portion of that power. but are viii.
ling from some motive to continue to do to the
slave what they would not have the slave to do
to them. 1t Is the acts Of men however more than
their motives, upon which the slaves and the abo.
!itionists sit 10 Judgment,
There are few who appear to have a proper dis
elimination between the benefits supposed to lie
derived from the government which is composed OF
n confederacy of the states and .hose derived from
the individual sovereignty in which they reside.
From my friend Johnson's remarks in relation to
the occupancy of the soil, | imagine he might prof
itably investigate that subjec, farther. Aud with
respect to the Post-Ofhce monopoly too perhaps he
may yet discover that my use Of the mails in a
strenuous effort to overthrow the government can
not be Justly construed into a voluntary support
of it. The ingenuity which can make the U. ).
Constitution an anti.slavery instrument m huw-
ever, be competent to the task of proving what at
present to me appears to be past demonstration.
His and the Bugle readers.
Most Respectfully,
A. BROOKE.
Marlboro Nov. 23d. 1857.