The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-10-01

dennis issues must faithfully embody all
Christian Truth in its application to all Human
Relations. 1t cannot ignore the moral char
ac.er of Slavery, without keeping back large
part of Christian Truths, and thus proving
false to its Constitution and its professions Ii
those who hold these views believe Slavery
to be a moral wrong, and the parent OF many
moral wrongs, they cannot consent that the So
ciety shall keep silence: if the other party
does not believe Slavery moral wrong, and
the parent of moral wrongs, it ought to insist
either upon the policy of silence, or on the ex-
pediency of issuing tracts in its support.
There can be no compromise between the two
parties, without sacrifice of conscience on
one side or the other. Let them first have
full interchange of opinions and arguments on
the subject, and, failing to agree, manfully de-
eide by vote what views shall control the Soci-
ETY.. If the friends of Freedom have the ma
jority, let them act out their own conscientious
convictions, and let their opponents act upon
theirs. How absurd this perpetual effort, to
harmonic contradictions "How can two
walk together except they be agreed? " Could
you expect two upright and honorable publish
ers, one of Anti-Slavery, the other OF ProSla-
very views, to form a partnership for the pur-
pose of promoting the establishment OF Ma
tional Literature?
The determination of leading Southern
men is, to have Southern Literature. They
have taken measures to prepare such school
Qualifications q ah0ll
not only not contain word suggestive of hos
tility to Slavery, but shall treat it as the best
form of civilization and they are engaged IN
expurgating standard works going into the
hands of the young, so as to leave them In lgno-
rance of the worlds protest against Slavery.
This is logical They act like men in earnest, as
if they believed all they have written of the fail
ure of Free Society. Should we, who hate op'
preston, repudiate the despotic principle, be
lieve in the natural and inalienable rights o.
man, understand the superiority of free labor
and free institutions, do less than they-trim
and compromise, and stife our noblest thoughts
and words, lest we forfeit the support OF the
friends of Slavery? Are we willing, by oul
silence and connivance, to make ourselves theil
allies, in the new enterprise of establishing
Literature for Slavery?
Let them be true to their convictions-le
Us be true to ours. If we cannot propa
gate ideas of Freedom in the South, we cal
maintain them in the North. We hold tina
Slavery is inconsistent with the spirit of Chris
tianity, with the progress of the age, with thu
fundamental principles of Republication, will
our Free Institutions. 1t is not incumbent Oh
US to present these views formally, in all GU
publications, or become systematic propagsnd
lists, but our Literature of whatever KIM
should be not only in harmony with them, ou
take its complexion from them. The world
Literature so far has been inimical to Slavery
and it is too late in the day for even the Trao
Society to neutralize this hostility, and strike
dumb before oppression. "The siftings c
rich evangelical literature" may again be sit
ed so as to get rid of every grain instinct wit
liberty, but men will turn away in disgust fro
the insipid trash, and find in the divine human
tiles of Dickens and Stowe qualification f
their nobler tastes.
If Christianity is not friend to Liberty an
foe to Slavery; if it have nothing to say
support of the rights of man to himself, to b
labor, to his free thought and action nothir
to say in support of the sacredness of the ma
rage relation, and of the Family Institution
the -pUor, ara against the expressions of tn
powerful, by all means let the American TraC
Society keep silence upon all these topics, dea
ing alone with the dogmas of original sin an
eternal punishment, preaching against gay sp
parel, dancing, and worldly amusements-f
representatives of voiceless, heartless Christ
anity but, if Christ's religion be the oppt
site of all this, what right has that Societ
to 1.-THE mint, and rue, and cummin, and evad
the weightier matters, Truth, Justice, an
Mercy?
The question between Freedom and Slavery
between Free and Slave Institutions, betwee
Free and Slave Labor, is too momentous, to
far reaching in its bearings too intimatel
associated with all social, political, ecclesiast
cal relations in this country, to be ignored c
compromised anywhere. We need not quarrC
or fight about it, but let every man be fully pei
suaded in his own mind, and then honestly &C
out his convictions. Neutrality is unmanly-
nay, worse-it is treason to great interests.
the South is right, we are fearlully wrong
we are right, the South is fearfully wrong. Tru
and intelligent friends of both will take side
with one or the other-for Freedom or Slavery
trimmers, time-servers, towards, short sightet
friends, will try to maintain neutrality, in othe
words, to make fair weather with both, and d
nothing for the promotion of the great inter
ests of either