Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-07-04

slave. We do not want testimony to prove that
men cannot be legitimately herded with four-fOot-
ed beasts. We come to right conclusions
without this. DO we wish to employ an advocate
to appeal 10 the minds of the jury in order to
prove that men cannot, in accordance with the
principles Of true Republcanism and Christianity
be degraded to the condition of slaves? We know
this now. We need neither testimony nor argu
ment to convince us of this truth. But all this is
merely an attempt to protect the rights of those
persons who may be wrongly charged-not to pro-
tect those who have been in bondage and
we have pledged ourselves to accept of it as Il mat.
ter OF law We are thus implicated in the guilt
of slaveholding. If we send one perscn back in
to slavery, or pledge ourselves to do it, are not
only subJectlng man to slavery but we consent
to fdsten the fetters upon all others.
1t is said that whatever may be the terms Of the
law, It is the real purpose Of the Legislature to
make the law effective in preventing any recap
lures Of slaves that is we require evidence that
the man claimed is slave, the first effect will
be, few persons will incur the expense
next effect will be. very few cases which are
tried will be sustained. Now, if there be & claim
the stakeholder may legitimately make and having
made, is able to maintain it, it is certainly our
duty to grant the claim. II the object of the bill
is to defeat Il Just claim, this furnishes a new OBJ
lection to the bill. On the other hand, if it be
right for to reject any claim Of this character,
ben 1t Is ar and manly for US to rel ect it, not by
indireGtiou, but by open and avowed effort If the
bondman ought not to be returned, let defend
him IN an open manner from any attempt to do it.
The same editor to whom | have alluded denies
the justice of our charge against the Republican
party, namely, that they are giving strength and
cOuntenauce to slavery. Such men, he SAYS, as
Wilson, Chase, Sumner and Giddings are not
giving countenance to slavery when they stand up
in Congress, and pour out their denunciations
against the system grant they are helping the
agitation of slavery, and striking heavy blows
against the Slave Power but at the same time,
they are counteracting their efforts in behalf of
the slave, 10y continuing to uphold the Union, and
the necessary conditions of that Union. Not q
man of them all has ever declared his dissent from
the common interpretation of the Constitution,
which requires the surrender of fugitive slaves
They differ only in regard to the manner of execu-
ting this provision. If there is no authority which
binds us to enact or enforce such bill, or to aid
the Shareholder in any way in returning his slave
II the only grant the Constitution makes to the
STAKEHOLDER is simply right to come here, ard
take bis slave if he can, without our aid | answer
this is enough to constitute Massachusetts, a slave
holder, No human power has right to take
man from Massachusetts, upon any rsetext what
ever, without her consent. When the stakeholder
comes here, he comes under the authority of Mas
sachusets law. When Massachusetts has ratified
a law which opens the door to the kldnapper then
is she sponsible for that which follows in conse
quence OF this action 1t is clear, then that any
man who helps support this Union, and the neces-
sary conditions Of the Union helps to keep the slave
in his chains in Carolina, notwithstanding his
efforts to the contrary. A man may try to lift q
trap door, but his standing on that door will pre-
vent the accomplishment of the object.
am reminded that the legislature Of Massachu-
setts are now considering bill making it crime
TO sIsld n slave in Massachusetts punish
imprisonment for ten years. The design Of
the law is to prevent the enforcement of the
bred Scott decision, and so far it is right. If Mas
sachusetts will refuse to recognize this decision as
law, | shall rejoice. But suppose we make the
crime of saveholdng in Massachusetts, II pun
ishable ofence-does that prevent the slave of
Carolina from being dragged back into bondage
hope that Gov. Gardner will not fail to thrustJ ge
L9rng from office, and that the Legislature will
pass this bill Then when all is donetwe only stand
where we stood twenty-five years ago ; nay lower.
You have not abolished the Fugitive Slave Bill,
nor secured freedom to Kansas or Texas. THUS
we are by virtue of our Union connected with sla- |
verya rs allies and supporters thereof.
Men say that we can abolish slavery without
the Union. have no right to continue
in partnership with thieves | must first Withdraw
from such partnership, and then can with clean
bands rebuko my associates. This ought to be
sufficient answer to those who mean to be guild
ID 5y moral principle rather than expediency.
10 be true to principle, and consistent with reason
We must refuse 70 sanction this slavery perpet-
iatlng Union. If each man separately is bound
o avow his purpose to prevent the recapture of
ayes, the same men while acting together would
WOW the same purpose. If every citizen North
5 bound to make it known to the South that when
slave reaches a free State, be shall be treated as
freeman, the same declaration should be
made in legislative halls, well as by public
meetings and newspapers. When you make this
declaration through the Governors proclamation
md legislative enactments that instant you cut
nd thnt Il, Al, IL II.
S what the parties to it understand it to mean. t
AN you escape that conclusion Then, either be :
rue to humanity, and faithful to the slave, by dis
diving the Union, or, on the other hand, by con.
inung the Union, be false to the slave, false TO q
cmanity and to God !
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