The Hillsdale standard. [volume] (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1851-1909, 1857-02-24
HILLsDALE MICH, TpEsDAf FEBRUARY "a 1857.

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ton by the people-in other words, SLAYER
or NO SLAVERY. This defamation about th
sovereignty Of the people in legislating fc
themselves is understood by the Knowing one
behind the scenes 10 be only dexterous wa
Of throwing dust in the eyes Of the people
while slavery quietly steals in and deals dead
ly blows upon liberty's head with q quit
percha bludgeon.
[5. But further. The legitimate fruits Q
Squatter Sovereignty, when it is fully carried
ont, are anarchy and civil war. We see it ii
Kansas, in part. During such portion Of th'
time as they have had there tho mere sem
Jiance Of a government sustained by the Uni
ted States officers, we have seen an ilustra
less feuds, and civil wnrs, which legitimately
follow this boasted theory Of selfgovcrnment
When absolute necessity compels, this the
ory is adopted rs the last resort. A ship loaG
Of men cast upon desolate island, and com
PEELED to make it their home, must Of course
adopt such government rs their neccssitie,
demand. And this would be Legitimate
theatre for the practical operation Of the
Squatter Sovereignty doctrine. But who
does not know that in the large majority Of
cases in which just such a necessity has been
imposed, the result has been shat, despite all
the bonds Of common interest that bound
them together, fierce dissensions and deadly
strifes have arisen which have we'll nigh resul
ted in the determination Of the entire com
munitiesa
If our general government is worth any
thing, it should be worth enough to save our
infant territories from the chaotic confusion,
the fearful anarchy and the wide spread desc
lstion, and bloodshed, that must follow in
| tho wake Of such an experiment. The very
men who advocate the theory, have not been
reckless enough 10 carry it out TO it's full re-
suits. But TO leave such question as slave
ry open in the settlement Of the territories, is
10 invite the nation 10 n relentless strife upon
tho field Of battle. The working Of the sys-
TEN has been written out in the history Of
Kansas; aye, sir, written in blood, and so
plainly that "he who runneth NAV read
Heaven forbid that it should be written again.
(2.) The second theory is that of the "Cin-
cnnati Platform that the people of the
territories should have the right to settle the
question of slavery when they come to form
State Constitution, but not before. have
called this a revised edition Of tho Squattcr
Sovereignty doctrine already discussed. But
in truth tho two theories have but single
point Of agreement, and that is q negative
one. They both uritc in denying the right
Of Congress TO prohibit slavery; but further
than this they have nothing in common
The one maintains that the citizens of the
territories, as such, have the right to prohib-
it slavery If they choose. Tho other denies
il; but admits another right as an Offset to
this denial, which, in truth, is no offset at
all, aud that is, that when, in the lapse Of
time, they come 10 pass from the condition Of
a territory to that Of State, then they may
prohibit slavery, but NOT BEFORE!
The objections To this theory are still moro
formidable, IL possible, than those which lie
against the first. The strife engendcred in
the former case may be bloody one; but it
may be decided within twelve months from
its beginning, if the theory is carried out in
good faith; but upon this latter theory it
must continue during all the years Of its ter
ritorial existence, however protractcd the
time may be. The question is not to be deci-
ded until the population shall be large enough
to form State, (f the time should ever
come, and majority shall agree upon a
State Constitution. Thus the dsssensions arc
not only remorsclcss, but ceaseless; the fcuds
are not only terrible, but interminable. We
were told, and il has been often repeated,
that the repeal of the Missouri restriction
was measure Of peace, designed, forsooth,
to queN dgitdfioni That it has done with
witness. 1t has sown the wind, and we
are rcaping the whirlwind! Nor have we
gathered in the last of the harvest yet. The
very system itself. embodied in the repeal
legislation, involves perpetual strife. 1t in
vites new contest on the opening of every
new territory. 1t says to the belligercnts: "it
is for you to fight it out among yourselves: if
the advocates of slavery are the stronger then
you will come into the Union as slave State;
if the enemies Of slavery are the moro nu-
merous, then you shall come in as free
State;" and thus il opens the question anew
at every advance stop in the civilization of
this western domain. II it had been argued
that constant strife and perpetual civil war
was healthful state of tho body polite, and
therefore the repeal Of the slavery restriction
was desirable, the argument would at all
events have had the merit Of consistency
But now it has not even that negative virtue.
But let US follow out for moment tho
practical results. For ten years, or more or
less, the war goes on. 1t is an uncertain con-
test. Attending it is all tho excitement aud
and bitterness and intensity Of feel
ing which any one, oven without very fruit
full imagination, can easily conceive must at
tach itself TO such strife. And how stands |
the agricultural interest during all this time |
of course. Tho farmer from the |
free State knows that if slavery triumphs in
the end, his lands arc comparatively value
less if he puts them into tho market, and
worse, if he be compelled to till them him
self; for that he would never consent to do in
the midst Of slavery. The planter from tho
South knows not that i. will be permanent
homo for him; for il slavery is in the end OK
cludcd, no would seek another home. In |
one respect, however, he has the advantage
of the northern emigrant. IL he removes
and leaves his lands, tee latter will bring an