The star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, 1857-09-23

nut uocu uitecuy tcstcu ptsoi " une INV -
cision. Fa f
The history of The renowned Proviso is
rewritten in this speech, and Mr.. w. has
manifested special delight In exhibiting what
he considers the Inconsistencies OF The Dem.
ocrailc party on this subject, and mole espe-
cialIy those of Gen. Cass, Hon. Richard Bfod-
head and myself. He alleges in substance,
that If the General had voted before be re-.
flecied, he would have gone for the Proviso,
and that Mr.. Brodhead had said he would
vote for it if offered TO the proper bill, and
that had been very careful to record my
name IN the affirmative, when similar sem
tinlent passed the State Legislature. The
course of General Cass and Mr.. Brodhead
needs no explanation or defence al my hands.
Il Their sentiments are 600 welk known 10 the
country TO be successfully misrepresented.-
And, indeed, admitting all that MIR. w. alleges,
do moi see thai he makes out any mans de-
struciion. The wisest men in the nation have
often been wrong in their first impressions as
TO the expedienoy Of suddenly proposed
measures, and TO be mistaken on constiu-
tional question Is no uncommon thing among
ablo lawyers. As 10 the Pennsylvania rsso-
luton, il certainly did not receive that con-
sideralion to which it was entitled. do not
believe II was under consideration in the
Senate, exceeding half hour before il pass
ed fiually. For myself knew but little about
il until ii came from the House of Represent.
aiives, the day il passed the Senate, and had
only thought of il as an abstract sentiment
against the acquisition Of territory, with the
view 10 the extension of Savery and as .ef-
fecling the question of peace with Mexico
AS proposition Involving The rights Of the
States, and the powers Of Congress, had at
that time given it no thought. Reflection
upon these things soon after, and long before
knew that Mr. Wilmot Intended 10 press
the principle as admissible when applied TO
Territory which had been long previously &C.
quired by the common blood and treasure Of
all the States, without any such original con-
dition, convinced my mind that its practical
operation would do injustice 10 the slave
holding States, and discarded its doctrines
entirely. -Four years after the advent Of The
proviso, when The Democratic nominee for
Governor, certainly was no. charged with
want of sympathy for the South. The re.
verse was the constant allegations of my po-
liical enemies. The execution Of The fugi-
tive slave law and the doctrine of non.inter-
ven.ioe were topics in that contest, and adj
vocated the affirmative of both on all occa.
sions. Mr.. Wilmot himself publicly dissent
ed from my views on these points at meet.
ing in his own town where we stood face TO
face. But il is of liule moment whether
have been consisten: or not. trust may
always be more ambitious 10 be right, and
never vain enough to pretend to great wis
dom or forelhought. If did not mistake the
, meaning of the proviso, when first proposed,
, certainly misunderstood hs author, for |
, thought him Democrat, and he has turned
out 10 be anything else. But has MIR. w. re-.
lieved his position by what be has said on
+ the point II it even be true that certain
Democrats inclined to favor the proviso be-
, fore they discovered their wrong, he was not
thereby warranted in sustaining il when the
| injustice Of The practical working had become
, apparent by discussion, and especially since
, | 1t has been shown to be unconstitutional.
But the candidate and his party are great
on consistency. They are in The habit Of ar
i raigning Mr.. Buchanan, Judge Douglas, and
, other Democratic Statesmen, on the charge
Of inconsistency, because al one time they
sustained the policy of settling the slavery
, question by geographical division, and have
since embraced The policy OF referring the
, question 10 the people OF the territories, 10 be
settled as they may deem best. There is very
, little sense and less patriotism in such criti-
{ cisms. The whole history of the subiec,
shows that the controversy, at the different
t periods when The excitement attained 10 .
, dangerous height, was treated as subject OF
) compromise. implying a, once the concession
) OF principle and peculiar We've. Statesmen
: and patriots felt required TO yield much in
The way of opinion, 10 secure the peace OF
l the country. Mr.. Buchanan favored the Mis-
souri, line so long as the policy of settling the
/ question by territorial division was maintain
, ed; and Mr.. Douglas, in 1913, proposed 10
eAtcuu tno paraiiet ot tnat HHo " actuc
+ Ocean as final adjustment of The dangerous
feud. But the very men who now, and since
1854, have not ceased TO bewail the aban-
donment of this policy, were united in their
, opposition TO its extension aud perpetuity on
hat occasion. They rspudia,ed II; secuted
and reviled 1t. Another mode of settlement
became absolutely necessary TO save the
country ftom civil war, and That of non-inier.
T veniion, as now found in the Kansas law, was
wisely adopted in 1880; and lie maintained
by the statesmen have named. What in
, consistency is there in such actiona And
wha, is 10 be said for the insincerity of those
1 who continued 10 denounce the Missouri
: line up to the time Of its repeal. The party
} who in Connecticut burnt James Lanman ia
{ effigy for voting for II, and Isaac Toucy peai
! the same spot, for voting 10 repeal il, and who
, labored 10 rejsc, The principle In is4s. They
) are not in condition 10 talk abont. consislsn
, cy. Having 60 conspired against this mode
: of adjustment, and secured its overthrow
q they now have MIR. Wilmot engaged in .