The Washington union., 1857-06-03
For ,As Union


sm In public letter on the Dallas Clarendon treaty
which had the honor of addressing time ago 70
the editors of southern journal essayed exposition
Of the Monroe doctrine that believed 70 be ney That
exposition clearly justified by recent events ad
so opportune now, that encouraged TO offer il again
the country and 10 beg for it particular attention al
this The position had assumed was that our
government should maintain the status qo, applying tho
doctrine laid down by Mr. Monroe in 1929 and giving over
all hope of terminating The Central American imbroglo
by tymaking diplomatizing There appears less
prospect than of terminating the Central Ame
complication by any treaty The controversy lust
where il its first agitation in ls49. According to
the views taken in the letter referred to- the Monroe doc
trine offers the only possible solution OF this conf,
sion worse oonfounded - while as declaration of
policy must be regarded fully binding any con-
vention or diplomatic machinery could be. This view
may be better understood from the following brief extract
from what had formerly written the subject which
beg you to append
" In the first place, the Monroe doctrine is not mere
individual assertion 1t appears IFS face, although
the British government has ayailed itself of such ntee
taon and Lord Clarendon in of his diplomatic notes
the subject has explained that IL only be viewed
the dc of the distinguished parsonage who delivered
it, We repel any such and reply that the doc
trinc laid down by Mr. President Monroe has been affirm
cd by successive administrations, sanctioned by the pop
ular voice, and notified 10 the world until it has truly
American policy As such ii Is now TO be regarded
" In the next place, the Monroe doctrine, asserted as
principle in which the rights and interests of the United
States involved is not TO he regarded opposed
the Of right any idea of practical justice In the
exercise of those natural rights which every
has of sclEproection and perpctuation, the United
States have felt called upon to guard and defend against
foreign interference and intrigue the betes of other
American States whose political destincs surround and
implicate them Thus viewed the Monroe doctrine s
simply defensive, and implies the right Of govern
ment to protect and pepetuate itself II looks indeed
to political destiny, but only as the legitimate product
| of time.
with all the loosencss of political nomenclature 1t
cannot be accused of fbusterism.' Whatever popular
outbreaks in violation Of Our neutrality may have pro-
ceedcd from the excessive ondness of the people for
less and hardy enterprise they have nothing to do with
the territorial policy Of the government of the United
States, which may be said emphaticay, in the face of
other Misrepresentation to be conservative patient and
looking to the grand results Of time while the llbu
teris of the day is but regarded incidents in the full
lment Of manifest destiny. The territorial policy Of
government has, by the studied misrepresentation Of
the European powers been conounded with individual
enterprises and popular camor, and held up to the
world grasping and impatient. 1t may be added
that by have these libels been encouraged
and circulated than by Great Britain, who, at the
very time she was shaming our government to all
Europe for alleged completely with Walker assumed
without reason, to he aTTant fihuster at the
start-she rendering homage at home to that
celebrated Anglo Indian illibuster, Lord Dahousc for
having added -four Kingdoms besides lesser territories
to her Indian empire But in such rccriminaton how
just there is but little force, it is too notorious
that for century and half Great Britain has been
gagged extending her territory by corrupt arts and open
violence. As for the policy of government towards
all Spanish Americait being Of strict neutrality Of
patient anticipation and jealous vigilance to the ins
ious interference Of any of the European powersme
will at once justify and reward it.
'Ihe effect, well intention, of the enforcement
of the Monroe doctrine in Central America would he but
the legitimate Of a reverson Of that country to its
| pafur raj n ar ly n sol
of policy, and by the eternal oath Of American liberty
protect the fulment of that destiny against foreign dis
turbance and if the fact he that such destiny left free
points to advantage it only fores right and
ommends duty by policy"
do not speak OF the political fate of Central America
in the absurd and with the supne satisfaction of
the fatalist but history Of the future capable of
degree of certainty, and resolving itself into destiny
which is manifest with alternative that is merely
possible and yet either jusying and rewardng
country
In Short ii the destiny merely possible to be fulfilled
and the time shall when Central America shall give
up her old habits of STRIFE her cherished dcvotons po
hical folly and her natural fondncss revolution and
when in the study Of political lessons and in the cu
tion Of the arts Of peace she shall grow up into strong
and enlightened American power, must be the
mind and cold the heart that cannot reward for
in such redemption from political error in the expan-
sion of peculiarly American liberty in the extension Of
commerce with nation grown up to wealth and
enterprise and in the pleasures of intercourse with peo
pie deserving respect and confidence But if for Cen
al America there is another destiny made manifest
history of disorder and crime and assured by the
of facdal BLOOD if she is to forakc her national
ity in the wreck Of revolution and civil war; and it. in
her ruin, her surviving love for American liberty, and
the infusion of American sentiment and inauenceso
plainly hastened by the engagement of countyen
the service of her governments and the mutual enterprises
of commerce and industry shall win her to free and e
gitimate union with the great Republic of the North
may indeed glory in the reward which extends our
empire and proclams virtue by victory of peace.
Respectfully, your obliged servant,
| EDWARD A. POLLARD
| WASHINGTON, May rs, 1851