Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1857-02-27


repeal led the stigma upon us and our institutions
which had been standing on the statute book for
more than thirty years That commenced IL 10 our
favor. But above all we embraced it because 1t con-
tanned the great doctrine of non.ntervention by Con-
gress; because under the fair and full operation of
that principle, the question of slavery could no more
get into Congress to furnish fuel for the fires of agi-
taton, and TO make the main element in elections
because under il we and our institutions would cease
% be foot ball in the political arena, and because
we might expect peace and security instead of the
characterization and insurreeion which northern ia
naticism is beginning to produce in our midst. We
knew that The great evil under which suffer
ing is the domestic disquiet caused by congressional
agitation. and we embraced that bill cordially not
because established slavery in the Territories, for
We knew it did not, nor yet because We thought 1t
insured the establishment OF slavery Tor leading
southern statesmen declared their great dou bt whether
slavery would ever be desired oy the people Mere,
and none thought the stability of The institution in
the .outhsra States depended in any degree on the
decision of the people Of Kansas. We embraced it
because it removed an odious and unconstitutional
discrimination against and promised to arrest CON-
gressional agitation on the subject
Gentlemen representing the slavehoiding stats,
who have had so recently opportunity to learn
the temper and fixed dele mlnaticn OF Inc people ot
those States, need not be told that the continued
existence of this Union depends on the cessation OF
congressional agitation of slavery; and that on our
return home after the last session of Congress, we
found those who are attached to the Union, and
less in the habit Of anticipating its dssoIuo on, de-
claring sorrowfully, but firmly, that unless We can
have more quiet in the Union. we will be compelled
to separate and place ourselves position TO lend
off intrueions detrimental to peace. The South
demands peace and peace she must and VIII nave
- not the heavy and SIMPLIFYING sleep that follows
submission to wrong and insult but the repose OF
health and vigor--the peaceful enjoyment OF &C
knowledged rights.
After two years contest of unparalleled violence
and at times sir, of such doubtful issue TO
whelr the frlenCs of the Constitution and URion
| with gloom and despondency-the people have rem
dered their final verdict in that high court from
which there is appeal, in favor of the Kansas and
Nebraska bill-in favor of peace and union, and
against congressional agitation The subject of
slavery
Will our opponents submit to the verdict They
cannot successfully assail it. They cannot hope TO
get it aside. But they can do what defeaied-hope.
lessy ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS generally do; what
Moloch, in the great poem, counseed the fallen an
gels to do, viz : sow discussions and foment discord
In the ranks of The victor5-
| Which if not victory, is yet revenge"
! Foremost in this labor surprised 10 find, and
regret to find, a southern Representative-the honor
able gentleman from Kentucky, Mr. H. Marshall,]
who voted for the Admission of California with her
squatter sovere gnty constitution, and who is fresh
! from contest in which he sustained Mr. Fillmore
who nsgated the squatters to the sovereign
ty of California and in effect, wes that valuable ac
QUESTION not only from the South but from the con-
troll of the Federal Government.
! Will the Democratic party, especially will the
southern portion of it, fall into The laid for it
| by the Fillmore of the South, and the Black Re-
pubcans of the North Shall quarrel over the
bone of contention cast iDto our midst by the honor.
able gentleman from Kentucky? Whatever others
may do, [ will not. do not believe the Kansas. Ne
braska bill empowers the Territorial Legislature to
exclude the Shareholder with his property. But | am
willing for that question to take the course of other
constitutional questions and be decided by the courts
as the bill intended it should be decided
If the Legislature of Kansas excludes slavery, and
the decide that it is competent for the Legis-
| lature TO 90 So | will abide by the decision and
when she applies for adm ssion into the Union, will
vote for her admission if have seat this floor
| On the other hand I bold every Democrat bound to
vote for her admission if she applies with consttu-
ton establishing permitting slavery.
We seek not to force the institution any people
against their will 1t able TO vindeate itself and
II It's advantages In particular locality not OBJ
vious enough TO enable it to contend against an acct
dental opposition, il will not be very important TO the
STAKEHOLDER TO be permitted to go ere
Hence | cannot that the question to when
the power may be exercised possesses the importance
attributed 10 1t by of ny friends 1t is certain
y of too little value to distract the country divide
the Democratic party, and harass the South with |
new issue All agree that it may be exercised at the
time OF framing stitution and it is mere ques-
ton OF time Every one knows that if the majority
OF the Legislature opposed to slavery there are
multitude OF ways in which The STAKEHOLDER may be |
harras.ed and kept out by hostile legislation and by
failure to provide remedies for the protection of his
rights Practically, the institution only be in.
troduced and sustained where the ma iori,y willing
to tolerate IT. and one great advantage 10 the South
OF the Kansas Nebraska act is, that hereafter Con-
grsss will Stand pledged not to prevent the people
from having 1t if the ma ority wish it. 1t is in my
opinion, tenehcent institution, and wherever it
ought TO exist il will exist if the people interested
are left free to consult their choice To establish it
where from soil, climate, other circumstances it
ought not 10 exist, tends to weaken the institution
everywhere by furnishing plausible arguments against
it.
Looking to the relative strength of the slavehold-
Ing and nonslaveholdng States, in the Senate which
is the only point of view in which the question of
slavery extension affects the STAKEHOLDER, | have 10
hesitation 10 preferrng squatter sovereignty to con-
gresslonal sovereignty. Ay sir, would rather
the question to the first hundred persons who reach
the Territory than to this Congress and all know
that our chances of impartial Justice from future
Congresses are exceedingly gloomy In both branches
the non .saveholdng States have majorities and in
the future are far likely to have an accession
of slavehoding States under spontaneous, uncontro,
ed action Of the settlers in the Territories than I'M
Ger policy nodded and influenced, if not dictated
and controlled, by Congress.
know not on what ground the South should en-
terrain jealousy and suspicion of the early settlers in
the Territories. No people more fully realize the
necessity OF compulsory labor than those going forth
into Inc Wilderness to conquer, and reduce 1t to the
use OF man. With land> to clear, houses TO build,
farms TO improve they soon learn that hireng labor
cannot be commanded, for the early settlers all
hiI and mono hireliBgs- And they are not
usually of that canting and hypocritica class of
timentaIiss who hesitate to the blessings Prov-
dence has placed within their reach, for fear Proy
dence has erred in blessing them.
Hence most significant fact, to which Woald call