Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1857-1858, 1857-11-09

MONDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 1857.
The last Northumberland Cush-
ing ard Her DayIs

carefully prepared speeches, the one in
Fanewil Hall and the other on the sea coast
Of Mississippi. We have been interested
in the pernsal of these expositions of the
same acts, jointly performed, and mutually
assumed They afford a very fair ilIristra-
ton of the harmony of democratic opinions,
and the consistency of democratic action.
As such we subioin few extracts, without
further present comment. Without going
into detail, Mr.. CUSHING declares his ortho
doxy and that of the Administration, as
follows:
- I solrmnly aver, and pledge myself to prove,
proper occasion, that in every act OF the admin
istratiOn there due regard to the interests and
the honor of this Commonwealth. I repeat in
eUcTV act, treaties TARIFF ave, the debated
question of the organization Of the territories.
MENTION as conspicuous Illustrations of this
ment the successful conclusion of the fishery quos
ton, OF the colony trade question, and of the Sound
dues questiOn,-all, objects OF the utmost impor-
lance TO Massachusetts,-to her interests and her
honor alke,-and which objects, for thirty years
before to nv personal knowledge, the people
of Massachusetts, had been laboring n vain to
complish under each and eytry administration of
the Federal Government and which had hafled
Webster. say, these and many other things of
the same character the administration Of Franklin
Pierce did, and did Ly no means because it con-
tanned in its body three men of New England, but
with the cordial cooperation, not only OF the hon
orable, wise and upright Campbell and McCleland,
men of the NORTH, but with equally cordial CO.
operation, nay, in signal instances, tn initiation OF
the good and generous Dobbin,-alas, now no more,
of the strong-headed and lIrge-heartcd Guthrie,
and of that other intellectual, high-minded, and at
I 3 faHT
of the South, Jeff rson Davis. I say, and say it
proudly to my country, to the wOTlj, and to pos
terity, that these things we did, and did with the
cordial unanmity OF band of brothers; that there
was never act of even questionable recitude,
to cast so much as the shadow of a stain upon the
white ermine of that administration; and that, in
the disposition OF the great conc rms of the coun-
try, Of immense public interests, domestic and for
eign, the administration of President Pierce de-
serves well of the whole people of the United
Stat s, especially we'll of the people Of the North,
and most especially well of you the people of Mas
slchusetts.
He charged that the leaders of the Re
publican party, were aiming at power
through agitation, mot on the slavery ques
ton itself, but on some occasional and tran
STORY incident of the slavery question, and
says:
81 need only point, in proof of this, to the an
neXatiOn of Texas, the Ne xican war, the comprO-
mise acts of 1850, and the provisions OF the
ganziDg the Territories of Nebraska and Kausis,-
neither Of them deciding any substantive thing on
the subject Of siaOeTy but each made to appear to do
so, account of the improVident issues raised up
CD them by portion Of the state men OF the North
On the subject of the repeal of the Mis-
souri, Compromise, he boldly and unequiv-
ocaIy interprets it as a measure for free
dom, and incidentally admits, what we have
again and again charged, that foreign emf
grafton, is so much added to free-soiI
strength
''Noreover the line of the Missouri compromise,
as a line of division between free labor and slave
labor States ceasing to exist, it perfectly clear
that It's obliteration would have the effect to open
the whole region to the free competition of the two
principles, and the result would be TO extend slave
labor, extend free labor according to the re-
spective capabilities of colonization of the two ad,
verse principles, and of the States which they rep
resent.
Now, in such an open competition and free race
of colonization which was likely to succeed the
slave labor the free labor States l say, the
latter incidentally; as having the greater population
in numb r, population more easily moved, and pop
ulatiOn backed By emigration from Europe.
For instance, suppose TWO adjoining closes, Black
Acre and White Acre, each of-the same number of
roods in extent, and separated by division fence,
with two hundred black sheep 10 Black Acre and
three hundred white sheep in w bite Acre. If now,
break down the division fence, and make com
mon pasturage of the two closes, and leave the
sheep to take care of themselves, which will get
the most feed ont of the whole, which will occupy
| most of it. which will encroach the other,
! three hundred white sheep, the two hundred
black sheep? Is not the answer palpable, self-ev
! Ia Ff, l. fl.p
but one? And that is the question and answer OF
free labor extension slave labor extension by the
! repeal of the Missouri Compromise.
Ia disregard Of these manit, st ieratOns il
was prcmaturely aud hastly assumed, by certain Of
the statesmen OF the North in the Senate ami they
nconsidcrately propagated the idea, that to leave
| the new Territory OF Kansas open TO the free COM
petition Of the two principles, was TO extend slavery
in other words they assumed, that in all terri
| tory, whatever the soil and climate, aud under
whatever circumstances, If the people were left free
TO act for themselves they would Of course intro
ducC slave labor; and that therefore the Only sal
walton of the couutry consisted in tying the pco-
| pe's hands, in this respect, by act OF Congress
Hence, the irritating, but sterile agitation on the
sui ject OF Kansas
Col. DAVIS, also sustains the administra-
ton; but we will mark the difference of the
expositions of the two cabinet brothers.
He does not hesitate to express his disap-
probation of the compromise measures of
1850, but having agreed to conform his
action to the wishes of the people of his
State and to acquiesce, he had acquiesced,
bat still his opinion had not changed, and
could not be. He believed it to be the
duty of Congress to protect all property
alike in the territories. He thus prefaced
his disquisition on the territorial affairs,
and proceeds
The policy which had been announced "a that Of
pop-iuterventon by the federal government 10 re-
laion to slave property he held 70 be an evasion OF
the obligation 10 give equal protection to all kinds
of property; aud he had never been able TO treat
with respect the argument that II the power to pro-
CT was admitted, il necessarily followed that the
power to destroy must also be conceded. Govern
ment was instituted for protection, and its claim to
be supported by the people rested on the SUPPOSE
ton that government would perform the functions
for which it was Instituted. We paid tlxes dele
gated powers, and rendered individual services TO
secure rights-persOnal and pOlitical aud It couli
only be by such strange perveron as fear or fraud
alone could suggest that any one cool have reach
ed the CONCLUSION that 10 claim prot elton was 10
recognise a power in the government TO
rob Us of property, or deprive as oil
our politcal rights The South, however, waiv-
ed Der right 70 such prot ction In the TeErito-
lies and such r, cognition of her equality would
b.v,, resulted from a fall performance OF It's duty
by the federal government, and accepted the as
a.. a.. a..fla and ri ma - ~ ItE