The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-11-05
WASHINGTON. d. c..
From the Charlottesville Jeae rsonian, Oct 2l.
LETTER FROM HON. r. M. T. HUNTER.
M aCHARLorrEsvILLx, Oct. 20, 1851.

To the Editor Of the Jefersoniaa.
DEAR SIR: / received last night the enclosed
letter from Hon. r. NJ. T. Hunter, which ask
you N publish. kept no copy of my letter to
Mr.. Hunter, to which his is reply. The in.
terrogatories propounded will be readily gath
cred from the answers. .-t., te
have only TO say that never doubted, my.
self, Mr.. Hunters attachment to the principles
of the Democratic party of Virginia, or his
friendship for Mr.. Buchansn's Administration !;
and it was no distrust on my part that led me
TO address him with view to elicit his views
for publication.
never doubted that Mr.. Hunter condemned
the course of Governor Walker In Kansas, and
] have been land am now) equally confident
that nine-tenths of the Virginia Democracy
concurred in that condemnation. At the same
time, have never believed that either he or
they bad the slightest idea of making war upon
Mr.. Buchanan, on that or any other probable
ground.
Very hastily, your friend, s. F. LBAKE.
LLoYD's, EEsEx COUNTY, Va,
October l6, 1857.
DEAR SIR: received on Yesterday YOUR let
ter propounding to me certain interrogatories,
to which, without further delay, proceed to
reply. They are in substance nearly the same
with the questions upon which the ENQUIRER
for some time past has been demanding nv
answers. But TO these last have not replied,
because they were either accompanied with
threats, or what were so considered, which
made an answer on my part inconsistent with
selfrespect, or else they were founded upon nv
presumed responsibility for which the editorials
of certain newspapers within and without the
State of Virginia, which were not only not au-
thoriZed 10 speak for me, but which claimed no
such authority. / was to be held responsible
for the course Of newspapers unless | came be.
fore the public with q criticism of their course
and disclaimer of all sympathy with them
a responsibility which / shall never acknowl-
edge, expressly CT implicitly, by any act of
mine. To admit such a responsibility would
place it in the power of any third person who
chose to impute to me a sympathy with the
course of any Newspaper, within or without the
State, to call me out IN public criticism of its
course upon any question of morals or politics
which might be in discussion, or else fix upon
me the charge of concurring in the views of
that paper. No power could force upon me
the Office of censor of the public press GER
tainly shall not assume it voluntarily. When
any paper claims authority to speak for me-
then it may be the time to question me in re-
gard to it, but not before.
Bat TO proceed with the answers TO your in
terrogstories. have TO say, first. that the i'm
putation of hostility, on my part. towards the
administration of Mr.. Buchanan, is founded
upon nothing that / have either said or done
voted for him as President, and not only en-
terrain no feeling Of hostility towards him, but
wish him success. He has only TO carry out
the principles OF the Democratic party, as we
understand them in Virginia, to command my
cordial support. These, 30 far as applicable.
will afford the test by which 1 shall Judge his
administration, and support or oppose its
acts as they conform to or depart from these
principles. Nor shall be disposed TO apply
that test in any captious or unkind spirit. bu,
as Justly and fairly as l can. More could not
say for any administration or man. / never
would commit myself to support uncondition-
ally the future acts of any man, but will
judge them as they arise, to sustain them when
believe they are right, and to oppose them
when l think they are wrong. Ny opinions
upon all the great political issues NAV be known
through my votes and speeches to those who
feel enough of interest in them to look at nv
past course; and these will afford the best evil
dence of the tests which l shall be likely To
apply in judging of the conduct of public az
fairs. Whilst l remain in the Senate of the
United States, shall stand there as the repre-
sentative of the principles and interests of nv
State, so far as can understand them, and in
pursuit of these objects l should not scruple to
differ, if necessary, with any administration.
In saying this, II may be perhaps fair to add,
that j hope and expect to be able to support
Mr.. Buchansn's administration in the main
Entire concurrence in the views of any man. II
would be too much to hope or expect.
In answer TO the other interrogatory which
you propose, as to the conduct of Gov. Walker in
Kansas, have little hesitation in saying that
disapprove it. The Kansas Nebraska act was
passed under the hope that this, the last of the
Territorial questions involving the subject of
Slavery, might be settled upon some common
ground, where party could be rallied from the
North and South, the East and West, strong
enough TO defend the Constitution against the
assaults OF its enemies, and to administer the
Government Justly, upon other than purely sec
tonal ldeas. To rally q party which might
be able to maintain the Union upon constitu.
tonal principles, was an object of high politi
cal Importance, and justified some sacrifice of
feeling, aud even of interest. Accordingly. the
bill was not such as would have been framed
by delegates of either section, if il had been
submitted to them alone. Many, perhaps most
OF the Southern men, (of whom was one) be.
heved that property In slaves was as much en-
titled to the protection Of law in the Territories
OF The United States as property in anything
else; out whilst the Northern friends of the
Kansas act would not concede this. thew agraa
to unite in repeating the Missouri restriction
so as 20 remove the ban under which the do.
mesuc institutions Of the South have been
placed by Federal legislation. Accordinglv
bill was passed upon the principle of non
intervention in regard to Slavery, SO far as the
General Government was concerned, and which
left that whole subject within the control of The
people of these Territories, when thew sbould
apply for admission as States This, altborvh
not sl we thought the South entitled to, was a
great advance upon the old order of things, 90
far IS she was concerned, because it removed
an unjust and odlous discrimination against her
domestic institutions from the statute book-s
moral triumph, which was of vast importance
TO the South and to the institution of Slavery
itself.
Nor could the North object to a bill which
merely carried out principle by which it had
so recently gained so largely in the series OF
acts denominated as the Compromise measure
To all it ought TO have been a subject of con.
graduation, that a common ground had been
found, where q party might be rallied from all
sections of the country, to administer the Gov.
ernment justly, and without sacrificing the con.
stitutionnl rights of any portion of the Union
The sole hope of accomplishing 20 happy a re.
suls depended upon submitting this question of
Slavery to the people of these Territories, when
they came to form their Constitutions as States
without interference of any sort on the part OF
the General Government. With the decision
of the people themselves, so far as the charac
ter of the new States was concerned, the Demo
cratic party of all sections declared they would
be satisfied. To fulfill, then, the conditions OF
this agreement, it was allimportant that there
should be no interference on the part of the
General Government, either through its Legis