Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1857-07-17

and is therefore Important rs showing MS
probable conrso IN reference to Gov. Walker:
Gov. walker aud shc sou,h.
We have witnessed with unfeigned regret
che spirit in which nearly the whole South
ere press has received and treated the IN
augural address Of Gov. Walker Of Kansas.
From the now-Nothing opposition press
we had little else 10 expect; but il is rather
moro serious to SEQ that the Democratic
presses are by no means unanimous in the
the view they take Of his conduct. II is
q still liore important fact that two Demo |
cratic State Conventious---on in Georgia
and one in Mississippi--have taken strong
exception TO certain expressions in Governor
Walkers inaugural address. The Georgia
Convention goes further and concludes its
censure by expressing the belief that he will
be removed. Its natural enough this state
Of things should afford good deal of ma
licious pleasure to Northern Abolitionists rs
we'll as to Southern Know Nothings. They
hunt in couples, and have common politi-
cal interest in pulling down the only party
which defends the Constitution at all points.
The course which We are quite sure Mr.
Buchanan viii take in dealing with this
whole Kansas affair is very plain one. His
path is so clearly marked out by principle
that statesman with the thousandth part
Of his sagacity could not fail to sec it,
That he would willfully turn aside from
what he knows to be his duty is slander
on his character which VIC think his worst
enemy is base not enough to utter. He will
not forfeit the high place to which his past
life entities him in the history of his coun-
try by an act of troachery to the principles
which carried him into office. The Amer
lean people were never safer than they are
at this moment in relying on the wisdom
and integrity of their Chief Magistrate.
The Georgia resolutions assail Gov. Walk
er on two points: l. He advocated the sub
mission of the Constitution to a direct vote
of the people; and O. He furnished argu-
ments in favor of making Kansas a Free
State. On both these points we have some
opinions which We propose to record now
and here.
We do not understand our Georgia friends
TO find fault with the general doctrine that
the people of Kansas have the power to
decide the question of Slavery for them
selves by inserting in their Constitution
whatever provision on that subject they
think proper. This is proposition which
no man can deny and cali himself Dem
ocrat or friend of the Constitution and
the laws. 1t was the Shibboleth of the
party in the canvass of 1856, as it had beer
in many contest before that. 1t was en-
bodied in the compromise measures of 1850
1t was made part of the Kansas -Nebrasks
bill itself; it was Incorporated in the Gin
cinnati platform; the candidates of the par
ty were pledged to it; the speakers nnd
writers of the party pleaded for it, and il
was unanimously adopted by the masses al
the polls. Besides all this, the Supreme
Court have established it as the law of the
land by demonstrating that the power ol
deciding upon the subject of Slavery does
not exist anywhere else.
Even il we had not these overwhelming
authorities to back us--if it wore proper Ia
reargue upon original principles question
that has been settled by Congress, assenteC
to by the people, and sanctioned by The
solemn Judgment of the highest judicial tri
bunal in the world-still we think it woulC
require but little dialect skill to show thu
justice and necessity Of it SO plainly that ne
one could deny it who has sense enough tc
know his right hand from bis left.
The contrary doctrine is the exclusive
property of our Northern Anti-Slavery op.
ponents If Kansas shall come to Congress
and ask for admission with Constitution
made in pursuance of legal authority not in.
consistent with the fundamental laws of the
Union, and approved by the people, al
sound men will say admit her. The Abo-
litionists alone would throw her Constitu.
tion back into her face if its provisions or
tho subject of slavery did not please them
They alone would say to her people: "Yor
have made a Constitution which suits you
own wants and and wishes, but wo hav,
other views, and we are your masters. Yov
must disregard your own opinions and con
form wholly to ours" Those who who sin
cerely believe that Congress ought to speal
thus have no reason for it but the insan,
hatred and prejudice against Southern mel
with which they are saturated, from thu
crown TO the foot
Will Mr.. Buchanan. in any event, taxi
tho Abolition side of this question? VIII
he be found arraying his power ard inhu
ence against his own senses Of right an
duty, and against justice, reason, the la,
and the Constitution Would he lend hi
brow to the shame with which such an aC
must blacken it foreveri Would he "se
the might space of his large honors" fc
anything that his weak and impotent enc
mics have to offerY No; the Democracy
the whole country, North and South, hay
been true 10 him, and he will be true t
them.
We repeat that the Constitution Of KaI
sas must come from the people of Kansa
Other power TO make such an instrumer
there is not under Heaven.
But the Georgia convention without dc
nying this great principle, seems to thin
that tho Constitution Of Kansas ought NJ
10 be submitted to direct vote Of the pc
pie in their primary capacity. We adm
that this is not in all cases a sine qua moi
II is a fair presumption (if there be no CT
cumstance torcpsl it) that convention ofde
cgates chosen by the people will in acco
dancs with the win ofthcir constituents
When there ia. no serious dispute ups
the constitution, either in the convention
among the people, the power Of the del
gates alone may put il in operation. b
such is not the case in Kansas. The mo