The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-11-19

clearly promulgated is, that the people of
Territory, sckile u IS Territory, have full
power to abolish and forever prohibit the exist
ence of Slavery in their midst. This doctrine,
first promulgated by General Cass, ten years
ago, he has firmly aud persistently maintained,
80 far as we know, down to the present day.
We have said that this doctrine of "squatter
sovereignty" was universally used as a palla-
tive to the passage of the Nebraska bill 1t is
true that ultra Southerners of the Calhoun
stamp, into whose ranks Mr.. Buchanan has
lately gone, always secuted the doctrine of
popular sovereignty. Their doctrine is, that
the Constitution carries Slavery with it wherever
it goes But Northern Democrats, of the Cass,
Douglas Dickinson, and Buchanan stripe, uni
versally maintained that the people of the Ter
ritories have full power over the question of
Slavery in their midst. Indeed, it is hardly
year ago that we heard Daniel S. Dickinson, of
New York, advocating this very doctrine, and
tsuntingy asking if man "lost his brains
so soon as he entered Territory, and thereby
became untitled to decide this question for
himself.
Popular Sovereignty was the cry that ran
through the North during the Presidential
election, and that cry carried Pennsylvania for
Buchanan. In fact, when Mr.. Buchanan was
running for President, and it was necessary for
him to court Northern votes, he placed himself
most distinctly upon the ground that the people
of the Territories have the right to say whether
Slavery shall or shall not exist in their midst
Here is his language, and it could not well be
stronger: " This legislation, the Kansas and
Nebraska bill, is founded on principles as an
cient as free government itself, and, in accord
ance with them, has simply declared that the
people Of Territory, like those of State,
shall decide for themselves aohether Slavery
shall or shall not eriSt Icithia us limits" Here
is no such dogma as the Demoeracy" of this
Territory have lately been holding up for the
appreciation of the people.
Mr. Buchanan of 1856 said the people of
Territory, like those of a State But if this
question is to be decided only when we come
to form a State Constitution, which Constitu-
ton has no force until we are admitted into the
Union, it is quite evident that the "people of a
Territory" unlike those of State, have no
control over the mater Whatever. Every hour
of their Territorial condition is at the mercy of
the slsve-driver and the slave-breeder. We
have advanced these arguments from high
Democratic authority, not that that we en-
doise them. No; in so far as they advance
the notion that the people of Territory have 3
right to tolerate Slavery, we scout and scorn
them would arguments to show that the
people of Territory had right to tolerate
theft or robbery, or murder. Bur that we not
only have the right but also that it is our
bounden duty, to prohibit Slavery in our midst,
We do most firmly aud heartily believe; and we
are glad to be able to make the President of
the United States aud the Secretary of State
endorse the right, if not the duty, also. We
are confident that a vast majority of the people
of Kansas believe that they have the right to
prohibit the existence of human bondage in
their midst and we believe they have elected
a Legislature for that very purpose. Accord
ingy. we hope and expect to see, among the
very nfst acts passed 6y the LEGISLATURE Just
this: From and after the passage ofthis act,
StaUery or inUoLHntary SerUitude shall not &c.
tst an the Territory Of Kansas, except for crime,
'Oherecf the party shalt haze been duly CONFLICT
ed"