The weekly Minnesotian. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1852-1858, 1857-09-26

ten " assumed in the act of 1871 does not
exist, and defy any one to show that II does.
To show the ob tiuacy ot the Democratic
party discipline, and til" little freedom "i
opinion that is allowed to indvilual men,
bers of the party, one other fact may be ad-
yerted to. twill be remembered that when
the Nebraska bill was introduced, the New
Hampsh,re elections were approaching, and
view of that event the Washington Union
one Friday morning contained an article re-
pudiating Nebraska as a test question, and
declaring that Democrat might exercise
his free opinion, and be either for or against
it and still remain in favor with the party
But that did not suit Mr.. Douglas and his
friends, for they had staked everything upon
it as party measure-even Mr.. Douglas
himself was staked. That night, Messrs.
! Douglas and Richardson of Illinois, Mr. But
Ter of South Carolina, Mr.. Breckenridge of
Kentucky, the two Virginia Senator's, and
perhaps one other gentleman from South
Carolina, waited upon the President, and de.
sired to know whether he was WI tn them or
against them and Mr.. Pierce, President
though he was, had to succumb 1t was too
late when the conference broke up for the
article to appear on Saturday morning, but
Oh the Monday following, the Union contain
ed full recantation of its article of Friday,
and adopted the Nebraska bill as test of
Democracy. And yet we are told that De-
mocracy encourages perfect freedom of opin-
ion and independence Of action. Mr.. Pierce
was forced to support the Nebraska bill
against his better judgment The truth is
Mr.. Pierce would have made good Pres-
dent if he had been let alone. and acted in all
cases according to his own judgment. lie
is, probably, the most amiable, modest and
gentlemanly leading man in the party. But
his good nature and kindness towards his
friends led him into the many grave errors
Of his adminstration-from the capture of
GIeytOwn to the Nebraska iniquty.
The Democrats make one distinct issue
with the Republicans. 1t is asserted in
their platform just published. They hold
that Congress has no power over the subject
of slavery in the Territories, and that the
people of the Territories through their Legis-
latu es, have such power. True they are
sustained by the Dred Scott decision, but a
hundred such decisions would not make the
judgment right. Now, it may be well to al
f:,de to the fact that Mr.. Buchanan himself
believes in the power Of Congress in the
premises, and denies the power of the Legis-
lature of Territory. This he says in let
ter to Mr.. Sanford. After stating that he
had supported the Missouri Compromise, and
always believed it constitutional, he adds:
( | could not, while claiming the power to be
in Congress at the same time admit its ex-
stence in different aud distinct authority
the Territorial; Le.,slature" Yet, in his in
augural he takes care to say nothing incon-
>is,ent with theopinipn Of the Court-anpther
instance OF individual freedom Of thought in
the Democratic party, The opinion had not
been pronounced when the inaugural was de-
livcred, but so fearful was he that he might
say something that would conflict with the
forthcoming par,izan decision, that he sent
to the Judges and obtained an abstract of the
decision, in advance of its delivery, and then
harmonized his inaugural with it.
That the inflexible discipline cf party for
bids all individual freedom of opinion is bad
enough in public forums and Legislative
halls, but when it extends to the Pre- ,ident
of the United States, ard even to the Su-
preme Court of the United States, (the Dred
Scott decision is strictly a party decision) it
is well calculated to alarm every lover of
| constitutional freedom in the land
But to the power of Congress over the
subject Of slavery in the Territories. 1t is
said that the clause in the Constitution en-
powering Congress to snake all necdiul
rules and regulations respecting the Terrific
ry or other property of the United States,',
refers the public domain merely as property,
authorizes the disposition of it, &c. For the
sake Of the argument let t!.is e granted
1t admits that Congress has power to dispose
, Of the terrtories-that is, of the public
lands. Well, having that power, have they
not the power Incidental to it, to put the
lands in that situation that will secure the
readiest sale of them? And if they will
sell better, and bring thriving States into the
Union earlier, by having slavery excluded
from them than by having it admitted on
them have they not the power to prescribe
such exclusion? Read the Constitution.
Congress has all power necessary to carry
into effect the powers expressly granted. Is
it denied that free territory is more rapid
ly sold ?-or that it hastens prosperous
States into the Union to strengthen the arm
and enrich the treasure of the nation sooner
than slave territory? Arkansas came into
the Union when Michigan did-if there is
any difference in the capability of the soil of
these States to produce abundantly it is in
faver of that of the former-they came into
the Union equal-but compare them nom,
and account for the difference between them.
Had Arkansas come into the Union as a
free State her population and prosperity
would by this time have equaled those of H.
linois. She has vacant lands enough in her
limits to employ five hundred thousand
slaves; yet the slave party want Kansas
Greedy Set of fellows these democratic pro-
slavery people.
One word as to the power of the Terrific
rial legislatures over the institution of slave.
ry. If it is shown that Congress has tho
power, it follows as a corollary that the
Territories have not, but a word or two will
show the absurdity of their having it. Ter.
ritories are settled by men from all parts of
the world, strangers to each other, bound to-
cether by nothing in common save selfnter-
est. Immigrants are coming in continual
ly. Public opinion it is not probable, will
be very permanent in such community
One session of the legislature is in favor of
slavery, and admit it; the next session is
against and prohibit it. Interminable confu-
sion would arise. There is no sovereignty