New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1857-01-30
FROM WASHINGTON.
An ATTACK ON THE TRIBUNE, AND AN
EXPLANATION.
oru.,s.s.uos Of Tbs y. T. Tribune

TIE TRIBUNE is Socialist THE TRIBUNE is
Free Love. THE TRIBUNE is in favor of Anti
Rent, free farms, boomers, and believe. in ghosts
and human perleet.blity generally.
In such manner as this d. shallow aud malicious
fools characterize The TRIBUNE. There Is about
AZ much sense in it as there is in The TRIBUNE
ealing me a disupiOnist." " d'sunlon4t, IN
Me popular and generally received secep'alon of
The term, is one who desires the dissolution Of the
Union. I desire no such thing. and have never
expressed any such desire. Neither have lately
become" anything different from what | have long
been. do not change my opinions from month to
month or year 10 year. | am not aware that
have ever Turned the course of my political opin-
Mons in any direction from straight onward latin,
since was capable Of forming opinion. But
mott political Issues are temporary. They rice
with occasion, are considered under the AghtS
which surround them, are settled, aud disappear
to make room for those which the cycr-rcvOFIg
wheel Of time brings up for consideration. Any
one who has participated for years IN Inc dscuSsioh
of political topics may, and probably Will, On
review Of his course, see that be was sometimes
in error. and sometimes acted without d full por-
ception Of his position; and yet be may at the
shme time be able, without VANITY ana WITHOUT
boastipg. TO declare that he has ever acted on
single line of conduct and has ever pursued
RtraIQht and open fOdu, Nltu'u' u''I"i4 VI WI"
ING 10 the right hand or TO the left.
win show very briefly, and very clearly, wherein
The unban0sOlne imputatiOn TIE TRIBUNE has cast
npon me is unfounded UnhaudsOme, call 1t, ~
asmnch as the charge Implied not only sudden
change in my opinions, but willingness on ne part
TO cast little popular Odlum upon tue shoulders oil
anotber by way Of forming bridge for an easy es-
cane from The maguity of a mcndacious rival
Such ia not the chiyary Of either generous any OF
gallant enemy. c.--;..
WAS attempted In 1SJ4 with the design OF sub7ert-
ing the orr ina policy of the founders OF the Gov
eminent in regard to Slavery, ardently opposed
it, | did so Oh the ground that II would spread
Slavery patiOnalizc Slavery, and bring the natural
antagonists Of Free society and Slave society, then
partially kept asunder by the buffers Of compromise,
into direct and violent collision. OF the ultimate
results of such collision | entertained no DOUBT; l
believed then | have believed ever since, and be-
ieve now, that its natural and lneVltd"' issues
were separation, sooner or later. l nave ever he'u
that this Union cannot long stand, except upon The
basis of fixed Limitation Of Slavery and general
admission North and South, that Slavery IS an ex-
ceptiOnal nstitutOn-a temporary evil, to be grad
ualy ameliorated and ultimately removed. 1t was
80 regarded by all the founders OF our Government;
and 30 long as the belief was kept actively alive II
prevented all violent assaults upon the institution,
and all desires for separation. AS it gradually faded
out in the South hostility to Slavery arose. That
hostility has been at times, to certain extent,
ouelled in its more active demonstrations by d.
vision of our new " acquired Territories between
the Free and Slave States. This deviation from
the original understanding at the time OF the cstab-
isbment of the Government has, however, never
been well received in the Free States, but was ac-
uuIesced in generally, when made, as temporary
settlement of a very difficult question. But when
the idea that all compromises looking to the mta-
tOn of Slavery should be swept away found expires.
sion in the Nebraska bill, and was connected
with very general expression OF opinion over
the Saith that Slavery should be nationazed aud
eternizsd, every man competent to draw an incl
hpent inference saw that the wedge that was to
ultimately separate the Free and Slave States had
been entered. such was the writer's judgment on
the day THAI saw the passage OF the repeal Of the
Missouri Compromise. And from that day TO tins,
II / as undergone no shadow Ca turning. The Only
doubt that has ever touched bis belief of the pOllt
csl necessity of separation as consequence of this
act arose from the question whether tue majority
of the peoI lie would defeat the policy then inaugu-
rated. Two years have passed in the pubic CEN
sidera,iOa OF that question. During that period,
have not sha ed the hopes OF political associates,
except for Il very brief period. The significant
events of the early part OF last year so far as they
ever provoked any public expression Of opinion,
were regarded as iOreshaGOwng the cOnsummatlon
in question, and were so characterized by me.
SO much for having lately become - something
new. Now as TO being called " dlsunlOnlst." In
view ofwhat have said it must be seen that in what
Ihaye lately written am to be regarded as fighting
political battle on fOrlOrn hope. While scarcely
see a chance to escape defeat yet carry the flag
of resistance. And this is my position. l say to
the Slavery men, " You are tearing up the very
foundation of the Constitution and are substituting
In its place another and totally different one.
You are abandoning the basis on which the Union
was formed, and are converting the Government
into an engine for the spread of Slavery, the ma
hODahZation OF Slavery and the indefinite perFetu-
alton of Slavery. You are thus departing utterly
from the track of the fathers You are violating
utterly the understanding upon which the Union
rests. IL was made to subSeTye the cause OF Lib
eriy. You and your dOughface allies IN the North
are pervertiDg il TO the pestllent uses OF human
seryitude This peryersiOn OF the purposes of this
Government, if not arrested, must work its
downall and should work its downfall.
You say that you will have such union with
the Free States as you now demand, or you will
have none. l say if this be your determination,
and it is carried out, then the Free and Slave
States must part. Let them part in the manner
that becomes the civilization of the nineteenth CEN
tuiy Under your scheme of Slavery in perpetuity,
an Ethiopia in the South is inevitable Such is
the retributiOn the crime of Slavery in its new
aspect will work. You have four millions of
blacks now; you will have ten millions directly.
This mass of barbarism will enforce its own cx-
pulsion from cur system as a matter of necessity.
And if your scheme is 10 be carried out, let us be-
gin now The sooner the better Take into ac-
count these considerations, aud push on your plans
If you will
To the North 1 say: "Tho revolution com
menced by the Nebraska bill is going on 70 COM
petion. We failed to arrest il by the elections o.
1856. You have hopes for the future. You had
for the past. l did not share the former; do no:
share the present. Prepare, then, in a deliberate