Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-02-21

swered back by tho tramp Of indignant multisudes
J rising to pundcr, burn and slny. Such have been
the Consequences Of the policy which gradually
withdraws political power from the people. But
over against this there is another policy of u very
| different kinda policy as useful and Jenifcont
las tits just 1t attaches every man to the state
| by giving him share in its privileges as we'll as
its Burdens. 1t covers him with the full dignity Of
citizenship. 1t makes the man himself a part of
the State. His own interests are identified with
those OF the government. When il prospers, his
face Is frightened by a smile; when it is in danger
he trembes for his own freside. Thoughts of his
country fill him with affection enthusiasm and
marry pride His all is invested in her, and when
she : in peril, it turus his honest blood to fame
lie chershes the State because the State chcrishes
j himi Such are the results of n policy which en-
gratis the royal virtue of patriotism upon the
coarser but tougher stock of selflove. That pat.
Iriotism which is not founded upon value received
may impart melody to the poets verse or sono.
rousness 10 the orators peroratiun But it is too
ethereal and volatile to be useful in common
wealth Inhabited by beings with human nature in
them. Ihs policy places no reliance upon such
a patriotism, but it confidently looks for the sup
portof the citizen, because it makes it his interest
as well as his duty to besow it The world has
nev,r yet seen this policy perfectly illustrated in
praGice, but whenever God shall give to any peo-
pie sntfcicnt wisdom, courage, and humanity to
adoH it, and carry it ont in every respect, then
shall we behold government that will be as per-
manPnt MS the Earth and the Sky: for its insttu-
i tionswill be Gods own work, and why should
theynot be as lasting rs His o.hcr works?
have described two kinds of policy. The ques-
ton before us to-day is, which of these shall 1
adop The institutions of our Country, especial
ly of our state, still new. We may do much
toward giving them permanent form. We are
staining back near the springs Of future glory or
degradation of our commonwealth. To us il be-
longs to keep those springs pure and direct their
waters in the proper channel. There are already
some alarming indications that we to adopt
thatnarrow policy which leads to ruin. We have
begun by DISTINGUISHING the colored race We did
this because they were few and weak, and we dis
liked them. We are making ourselves very
comfortable ovei this achievement, for every cti-
zen loves to feel that he is superior to somebody.
Butthis dangerous policy will not stop here. Ifit
would it might he horne. The well-being of
thirty thousand colored people aud their posterity,
is an interest of immense value, and one that we
cannot afford to overlook. Still it is small inter
est m comparison with the prosperity Of the whole
STAT. 1t might be aunihilated, and il the destruc-
tionwoud stop here. the commonwealth, though
Iinjufod might still flourish. The whole coloreI
raceimght be ground up in the creakirg machin-
cry Of the State and its wheels still move on and
perform, in some Sort the proper functions. But
this oppressive exclusveness will not stop with the
African. The spirit of monopoly in politics, as in
Everything else, is hungry spirit. 1t makes no
IdstHctions account OF color. The precedent
cnceS eSesablished, tic evil will extend itself. The
face thich gives ibathsome aprrosai OF the colofed
imai Dc sradauon. fouay, nn tbe distorted with
A rage aud sarm, at the new turn of events to'mor
\ row. We shall next be asked--nay VIC have been
asked alreadyto extend the term of naturalization
so that all persons of foreign birth will he vrtu-
ally disfranchised. When thi is done, the next
step will be to deprive men of the elective fran
chise because they hold some particular form of re-
ligion--a course which has already been suggest
ed. liz will then only remain to make poverty a
ground Of dslranchisement, by requiring heavy
property qualification, and the odlous monopoly
will be perfected. The political power Of the
State will then be concentrated in the hands of IL
| few imbccile aristocrats--some Of them proud Of
their plexion, some of their native birth, some
OF the purity af their religion Heaven save the
mark y and some of their vast estates; and
all Of them lazy and utterly WORTHLESS
fand inefficient for any purpose bus to hang
like nilstOne round the neck Of the COM
monweatb and sink it to the depths of the sea-
BY this time the great of the people will
have been alienatcd from u.s. There will not be n
single chord in their hearts which the finger OF
government can touch and awake a friendly re-
sporse. The State will then become an easy prey
to rebellion at home invasion from abroad. Sir
are prepared, by rejecting this Bill, to commit
ourselves anew to this miserable policy? The
question before us SHOULD not be decided by con
sulting our personal prejudices or dislkes. This
were unworthy of us. We are here to take broad
and statesmanlike views Of the ubect--to deliber-
ate, not only for ourselves bat for the whole peo
pie and for future ages-to raise up the founda'
tions of many generations" Heaven hel us to
see that there more things to be taken into the
account than the whims Of the school district
where we were born What numerous diversities
of national origin there are among the people OF
this country. To use the metaphor of another,
our population is the alluvium of nations. The
mighty currents of emigration have borne to our
Ishores depOses from every nation and every cline
We have SaxOns and Celts. black and white
men Frenchmen and Spaniards, Poles and Norwe-
gians, Indians and Chinese. They are here by in
vitation. We have thrown the doors wide open
and invited them to come in. We have sent abroad
the proclamation over the earth, llo, every one
that thirsteth, come ye to the waters ~ Here
flow the waters IF liberty. Come and drink freely,
And they have come. Representatives from every
land have joined in the mighty caravan of pill
lgrims flowing on towards this political Jerusa
Hem. What policy shall we adopt towards them
now they here How shall these various
peoples-with their differences of language, pref
udice, religion and national custom and opinion
be united into one great empire with sufficient co
hesive power to hold It together? How shall unity
be produced amid this great diversity? Can it bt
done by o policy which begins by disfranchisinl
one of these races, and by this precedent, give
!he stron gest assurance which it can that it viii
soon proceed to disfranGhise others? Assure dll
not. If these races cannot learn to tolerate eaci
other, if they cannot learn to rise above some o
the narrow prejudices OF their origin, then, fare
well to American freedoml If war of races il
to be inaugurated upon this continent then n
finite mind can conceive of the terrors whcl
await US. The bloodliest part of the worlds his
tory is yet to be written. Centuries Of agony liz
before us, if total annihilation should wait for 81
long, Disfranchse these races one after another
and you will sunder the mighty lgaments tina
bind them to our institutions. There would hap
pen to our unwieldy populations, what would hap
pen to the universe of matter, should gravitatiol
relax it's grasp, and leave each huge world to whee
and stagger from its orbit, and in dire collision
with it's fellows, to rnsh into outer darkness Free
institutions are possible only on condition of gen
erOus oncessions and he who is the farthest from
having learned this, is least fit to be citz len OF
free state
We generally have, each of u.s. some pet prreju
dice The pet prejudice Of the gentleman from
Hamilton, who moved 10 reject my bin the othe'
morning, is doubtless prejudice against the col
orcd man, This is choice prejudice with him
The net preiudce OF the gentleman from Perry /: