The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1857-01-03

can institutions In the country why, then, the
millions who do not belong TO this privileged classic
this arisocracy-would rise up and the abolition Of
slavery and then, In his language there being "a
WILL, The t0ay a0oald open for a."
Ii is not my business explore the recesses of any man
heart but apprehend the object of the In making
the speech to which have alluded to persuade the
mighty North that ought to WH the abolition of savery
He told them of its dangerous tendencies He pointed to
the feeble prop by which il Is sustained II is upheld said
he by only three hundred and fifty thousand shareholders
and you who not shareholders than twenty
i've millions of people, only have the will to overthrow
this great monstrosy and the way will Immediately open
to you'll Such not the language least the teaching
OF the senator from New York. and yet he to the
Senate to-day tell he contemplated coun-
seled and never believed anybody else contemplated or
connselled an attack on slavery in the States
But Mr. President, there is deeper meaninga larger
significance TO this speech Of the senator There are three
hundred and fifty thousand savehoding arisocras in the
South says the senatornen at with liberty and dan
gerous to the republic They only in hundred
of the entire population if you add he says he chill
dren relatives and dependents they one in fifteen !"
consequently fourteen parts out Of every fifteen Of the
tire population have no interest in slavery They are
he to conclude hewers of wood and drawers of
water to the slayeholding arstocrats
These suggestions come from friendly spirit Mr. Pres
ident. They open wide field for speculation and If
did not feel there was necessity for my being brief
would ask the senator 10 join in ramble through that
field To him 1t is not field of treasures he supposes
If he expects by appeals like these to turn the hearts Of the
OF the South against slavery he will miss
his aim They may have pecuniary interest In slavery
but they have social interest stake that Is worth more
to them than all the wealth Of all the Indies Suppose the
senator shall succeed in his ideas of universal abolition
what is to be the social condition of races in the South
Can they live together in peace2 No preends think
they can Will the white be allowed maintain his
superiority there? Let us examine this proposition There
are in my State about three hundred and Atty thou
sand whites, and about equal number of blacks
Suppose the negroes all set free what would be the
immediate and necessary consequence struggle for
the supremacy would instantly ensue White immigra
ton to the State would cease of course The whites Al
ready there wond have but little motive to struggle in the
linta anf fha
and their millions of sympathzng friends in the free
States The consequence would be that the men of for
would gather their transferable property and seek
home in some other country. The poor men-those of
little meanshe very whom the senator relies To
aid him in carrying out his great scheme of emancipation
would alone be compelled to remain their poverty, and
not their WILL would compel them remain the cor rse
OF few years. with no one going to the State and thou
sands on thousands leaving in constant steam the
present equilibrium between the would he lost In
few years the disparity would probably be some three
four or live to in favor Of the blacks In this state Of
things it is not difficult to what would be the white
mans condition he should be allowed to maintain his
equality ne might think himself fortunate superiority
would be thing not to be dreamed Of The negroes being
vastly in the majority would probably claim
"a the social and in all other circles II the white man.
duced to such condition. allowed to marry his sons
negro wives his daughters negro husbands he might
bless his stars If the from New York expects the
aid OF nonslavehoders in the South in bringing about this
OF social relations let tell him he is greatly miss
taken. If had to take my choice to-day between an
army of large Shareholders and army of noslayehod-
ers to defend the institutions of the Sou. would take
the latter The first weuld fight to defend their property
the last to maintain their eooal superiority the one
would see an outlet after defeat the other would see them
selves degraded below b level of the negroes their sons
married 70 negro wives and their daughters consigned
the embraces Of negro husbands tell the senator that
his philosophy has faled-his nespun theories will all
explode when submitted to the of the plain
of the non-sayehodinp popuaton Of the
States NEF t1fa-'
The senator from Massachusetts mr. Wsosl was equal
particular with the senator from New York ua
mat he contemplated attack slavery in the States
Indeed he became somewhat indignant at the idea that
any one should intimate that he had contemplated
any such thing have authorized edition of the
tors and if read him incorrectly he present.
am glad to see and will doubt correct The SEN
ator knows what the slavery party to dol mean
The Garrison and Wendell Phillips party Did the senator
from Massachusetts, use this language2- ,E
The ti-slauery party alone is too weak. They are
few in numbers, though their policy believe will yet be
impressed upon the country but the not yet." a
The senator, repeat knows who the antslavery party
are and 10 knows their purposes Did he that Ian
eved in the soundness of the an.slavery theories and
was ready to embrace them at the right time If he did
not SO believe and was not so ready why did he declare
Mr.. WILSON Win the senator allow me to make an
explanations IN ~
Mr., BROWN. Certainly iaa aa ,a7
- Mr. WILSON beg leave to assure the senator from
Mississippi that the object of my making that statement
was not to refer to the Garrison aboioniss the anti
slavery men, or the radical Gerrt Smith abotonsts
sentiments imbodied in the Buffalo platform OF l848
and the Ptshurg platform of 1852 The doctrines OF the
reesoll party were the doctrines to which referred
said that those who agreed in those platforms In
small minority. believed the sentiments imboded in
those platforms were correct and would yet be impressed
on the country. Nothing in those platforms contem-
plates any action by the Congress OF the United States
interference whatever with slavery in the slave
holding States in the Union entertained the
thought that we had that power and proposed to
nsurp exercise it,. .a~
MIR. BROWN. Mr. President the senator admits that
be used the language but avoids its force by saying in
effect that it was addressed parties other than those
have named The language was addressed to some
who in advance of the SENATOR and whether was
Garrison or Gerrit Smith, of less ultra views
makes but little difference 1t is the language of enreaty
addressed to some mporng him not to go fast He
says your sentiments all right but the time has not
come for impressing them the country. submit to
the Senate how far any party must have gone when the
senator from Massachusetts, had call them to stop;
and submit to the senator himself whether he did not
an advance movement when he said, aThe
time is not yet" s@I w
The senator will pardon il say these are significant
and when coupled with remarks such
those have quoted from the speeches of his friend from
New York. they become potential to be passed by in
silence.
Mr.. SEWARD Mr.. President / interested very
much in this argument of the honorable senator, and
think it is very fair and senatorial mode of proceeding
have not the least objection whatever to his analysis OF
he arguments and speeches which have made II not
my purpose to but know the honorable
s proceeding in manner which indicates what might
expect from hmfarness, beg leave to say now, rather
han at other time in the debate that appeal to him,
the revision of his remarks not to oversate think
has enormously DONE disclaimers and denia which he
assumes have made here in this debate On referring to
he few remarks which addressed to the Senate the
har the