Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1857-12-24

heir own way, snbject only to the Constitution
of the United States In support Of that pro-
position, it was argued wherever have spok-
en- in various States Of the Union, at home and
abroad. Everywhere | have endeavored TO
prove that there was no reason why an eXcep-
ton should be made in regard to the slavery
question. have appealed to the people If we
did not all agree, men of ali parties, that all
other local and domestic questions. should be
submitted TO the people said 10 them. " We
agree that thc people shall decide for themselves
what kind of a judiciary system they will have
%eagTee that the people shall decide what kind
Of a school system they will establish W.
agree that the people shall determine for them
selves what kind of banking system they will
have, or whether they will have any banks at
all we agree that the people may decide for
themselves what shall be the elective franchise
in their respective States; they shall decide for
themselves what shall be the rule Of taxation
and the principles upon which their finance shall
he regulated we agree that they may decide to
themselves the relations between husband anIr
wife. parent and child, guardian AandMard. aud
why should We not, then, allow them 10 decide
for themselves the relations between master ana
servant! Why make an exception of the Slave
~ question by taking it out Of that great rule of
self government which applies to all other re-
lations.0f life g
The very first proposition in the Nebraska bi
WAS to show that the Missouri restriction, pro-
hbitins the people from deciding the Slavery
question for themselves, constituted An exception
to general rule, in violation of the principle of
self-government, and hence, that exception should
be repealed, ami tho Slavery questions like all
other questions submitted to the people to he
decided for themselves.
Sir what was the principle on which the Ne
bJaska bill was defended by its friends Instead
of making the slavery question an exception,
it removed an odlous exception which before eX-
70 listed. LIS whole object was to abolish that obi
Gus objection, and make the rule general, uni.
versa, in it application to all matters which we're
local or domestic, and not national or federal
For this reason was the language employed
which the President has quoted, that the 9Th Sec
ton of the Missouri act, commonly called the
Missouri Compromise, was repealed because il
was repdgnant to the principle of non-interven-
ton established by the compromise measures of
1850 " II being the true intent and meaning Of
this act not to egislate slavery into any Terrific
ry or State, nor to exclude it therefrom but 10
leave the people perfectly fee to form and regu-
late their domestic Institutions in their own way,
subject only to the constitution of the United
States" We repealed the Missouri restriction
because that was confined to slavery. That waB
the only exception there was TO the general
principle of sef-government. That exception
was taken away for the avowed and express
purpose Of making the rule of self government
general and universal, SO that the people should
form and regulate all their domestic institutions
In their own way.
Sir, what would this boasted principle of pop
uar sovereignty be worth, if it applied only to
the negro, and did not extend to the white mani
Do you think we could arouse the sympathies and
the patriotism of this broad Republic, and have
carried the Presidential election last year in tho
face of tremendous opposition. on the princi-
pal of extending the right of selfgovernment to
the negro question, but denying it to all the re.
lations affecting white meu. No. Sir. We
aroused the patriotism of the country aud carried
the election in defence of that great principle
which allowed all white men to form and regu-
late their domestic institutions to suit themselves
institutions applicable to white men as well as
10 black men-nstitutlons applicable TO freemen
as well as to saves-not the mere paltry excep-
lion of the Slavery question. Sir, have spent
100 much sength and breath, and health, too, to
establish this great principle in the popular
heart, now to see it frilled away by bringing it
down to an exception that applies to the negro
and does not extend to the benefit Of the wlslts
nan. As said before, | can wei mae inc how
the distinguished and eminent patriot and states
man, now at the head of the Government, fell
into in error-fur error it is. radical, fundamen.
tal-and, if persevered in, subversive of that plat
form upon which he was elevated to the Presi-
dency of the United States.
Then, if the President be right in saying that
by the Nebraska bill, the Slavery question must
be submitted to the people, it follows inevitably
hat every other clause of the constitution mus
also be submitted to the people, The Nebraska
bill said the people should be left " perfectly free
to form and regulate their domestic institutions
in theiI own way blot the slavery question.
net the Maine Iiquor-law question, not the bank
ing question, not the school question, not the
railroad question, but "their domestic institu.
tons, meaning each and all the ques tons which
are loca not national, State, not Federal ! ar
rived at the conclusion that the principles enun-
ciated so boldly. and enforced with so mnch abjl
ty by the President Of the United States. require
us, out of respect TO him and the platform ON
which he. vas elected to send this whole oues-
lion back to the people Of Kansas, and enabI,
ihem to say whether or net the constitution
which has been framed, each and every clause Of
it, meets their appreciation.
The President, in his message has made an
unanswerable argument in favor of the princpe
which requires this question to be sent back. It
as stated in the message, with more cearuess and
force than any language which can command;
but can draw your attention to it and refer yeu
to the argument in the message, hoping that you
will take it as part of my speech-as express
ing my idea more forcibly than am able to eg-
press it The President says lhala question Of
great interest, like the slavery question: cannot be
fairly decided by convention of delegates, for
the leason that the delegates are elected in s.
trlcs and in some districts delegate is elected by
small majority in others by an overw helming
majority, so that it often happens that ma ori,v
OF the delegates are one way, while a majority
OF the people are the other way ; and therefore it
would de unfair and Inconsistent with the great
principle OF popular sovereignty. to allow body
OF delegates, aet representing the popular voice,
to establish domestic Institutions for the mass of
the people This is the Presidents argument
to show that you cannot have fair and honest
decision without submitting it the popular woe.
The same argument is conclusive with regard to
every other question as vel as with regard to
slavery.
But, Mr. President, it is est mated in the mess
age that althoug h it was an unfortunate circum-
stance much to be regretted, that the Lecomp-
ton convention did not submit the constitution
to the people, yet perhaps it may be treated rs
regular because the convention was called bya
Territorial legislature which has been repeated
ly recognized by the Congress of the United
States lis legal body. / beg Senators not to
fall into an error as to the Presidents meaning
on this point He does not say, be does not
mean, that this convention bad ever been rec
osnized by tho Congress of the United States
as legal or valid. On the contrary, he knows
that during the last Congress reported bill
from the Committee on Territories to author.
ize the people of Kansas to assemble and form
a constitution for themselves Subsequently,