The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-12-17

Party of the South, understanding the case no
lees clearly, may abstain from an sct OF proscrip
ton, which must leave the South without an Ell
fcient ally, and place it under the control OF the
Disunionists.
How was the Democratic Party in the free
States enabled TO react against the first effects
Of the Kansas Nebraska act? BY taxing
its stand on the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty,
and persusding its sdherents that to leave the
People of Territory free to accept or reject
Slavery, was q sound Democratic doctrine, identi-
cal with the right of selfgovernment, and that
its operation would be sure to work for the ex-
tension of Freedom. On no other ground could
the Party have been revived or held together.
This was the all.powerful argument of Mr.
Douglas, by which be maintained at once his
Party and himself. Its soundness, and the ne
cessity of the policy it implied, were recognised
by the Administration and its supporters, North
aud South, in relation to Kansas affairs. MIR.
Douglas and his Northern associates, confident
that it would be carried out, looked forward to
growing power and popularity. The Legisla-
ture which was to decide whether he should be
reelected to the Senate of the United States
would be chosen on the heels of the anticipated
triumph of Popular Sovereignty in Kansas
and soon after would commence the prepare
tons for the Presidential struggle of 1860.
The prospects were fattering; but in an evil
hour, mischievous counsels prevail-Popular
Sovereignty is trampled under foot in the field
where its triumph had been predicted, and,
what is worse than all, the Administration and
the South, utterly regardless of their own COM
initials, and of the necessities of Mr.. Douglas and
the Democratic Party at the North, have made
themselves accomplices in the outrage. Were
Mr.. Douglas to ratify the Lecompton fraud, he
knows that not only he must go down under the
Indignation of his constituents, but his Party
must go down under fearful reaction in 1860.
By resistance, he may save himself; and if his
resistance De efectual, he may also save his
Party.
Can it be that Southern Senators are stupidly
blind to all these considerations That the
Slave Power is hard master, remembers no
services, except as the foundation of additional
exactions, and is reckless how many may fall
victims in the attempt to execute its demands,
we all know but is it prepared to exact from
Stephen A. Douglas and his Party at the North
a service which, if rendered, must overwhelm
them with disgrace and ruin2
1t is quite possible middle course may be
attempted. The case of Mr.. Douglas may be
regarded as necessarily exceptional. He may
be allowed to work against the Lecompton Con-
stiution, without losing his position in his Party,
while the Administration will be content if it
can secure enough support from the North to
carry through the measure. 1t may be thought
that this will secure Mr.. Douglas at home, and
that he may then be able to serve his Party.
Would he be satisfied with such terms? Could
he hope ever to be renstated in the full conf
dence Of the South? Could ne expect by so
ambiguous policy to appease discontents at
home, to disarm the Republicans, or, occupying
position autagonistic to the Administration
on leading measure, to escape the opposition
of portion Of his Party devoted to the Admin
istration? Is he indeed man of halfway
measures or rather is he not disposed to be deci-
ded and unqualified enc way or the other His
antecedents, his former determined committas,
the pride consistency, his popularity in his own
~ 49, - - - rt-.:I:.--
publicanism, are formidable obstacles to his
union with them-but what is he to do?
There are but two Parties in the country
the enc now welding the powers of the Federal
Government, in favor of Slavery, whether that
Interest is to be promoted by Popular Sever.
eighty, or in defiance of it; the other, the Re.
publican Party, which is committed to the sup
port Of Freedom, whatever form of the issue may
represented, that issue at present being Popular
Sovereignty.
Where then does Mr.. Douglas stand? Where
will he stand in future? Shall the Party of
Slavery decide this question for him, or will he
decide it for himself?