Lewisburg chronicle. [volume] (Lewisburg, Pa.) 1850-1859, 1857-08-21


jori,y of the Court, insists at great length
that negroes we're no part Of the people
who made, or for whom was made, the
Declaration of Independence, or the Con-
stitution Of the Uuited States.
On the contrary. Judge Curtis, in his dis
senting opinion, shows that in five Of the
then thirteen States, 20 wit: New Hamp.
shire, Massachusetts,, New York, New Jer-
sey, and North Carolina, free negroes were
voters, and, in proportion to numbers, had
the same part in making the Constitution
that the white people had. He shows this
with so much Particularly as to leave no
doubt of its truth; and in sort of con-
elusion on the point, holds the following
language:
! "The Constitution was ordained and estab-
| lshed by the people Of the United State, ,hro'
the action in each State of those persons who
were qualified by its laws 10 act thereon in
behalf of themselves and all other citizens OF
: the State. In some of the States, as We have
seen, colored persons were among those quail
/ flied by law to act on the subject. These col
ored persons were not only included in the
/ body Of the people of the United STATES, by
whom the Constitution was ordained and es-
tablished, but in at least i've Of the States they
had the power to act, and, doubtless, did act,
by their sufirages, upon the question:.
SECOND ERROR.
Again, Chief Justice Taney says: "It is
difficult at this day to realize the state Of
public opinion in regard to that unfOrtu-
nate race, which prevailed in the civilized
and enlightened portions Of the world at
the time of the Declaration Of Indepen-
debce, and when the Constitution of the
United States was framed and adopted"
Aud again, after quoting from the Decla-
ration, he says: "The general words above
quoted seem to include the whole human
family, and if they were used in similar
Instrument at this day, would be so un-
derstood."
NEGROES THEN AND NOW.
In these the Chief Justice does not d.
rectly assert, but plainly assumed, ,as a fact,
that the public estimate Of the black man
is more favorable now than it was in the
days of the Revolution. The assumption
is mistake. In some trifiug particulars,
the condition of that race has been ameli-
Grated; but as a whole, in this country,
the change between then and now is deci-
dedly the other way; and their ultimate
destiny has never appeared SO hopeless as
in the last three or four years. In two
States that then gave, the right of voting
has since been taken away, and in third
it has been greatly abridged; while it has
not been extended, so far as l know, to q
single additional State. In those days, as
! -"".-.s.~.'. m.ssArs e1n!d. a. their own
pleasure, emancipate their slaves; but,
since then, such legal restraints have been
made upon emancipation, as to amount al
most to prohibition. In those days, Leg
islatures held the unques,ioned power to
abolish Slavery in their respective States /;
but now it is becoming quite fashionable
for State Constitutions TO withhold tha.
power from the Legislatures. In those
days, by common consent, the spread Of
the black mans bondage to new countries
was prohibited; but now, Congress decides
that it will not continue the prohibition,
and the Supreme Court decides that it
could not if it would. In those days, our
Declaration of Independence was held sa-
cred by al, and thought to include all /; but |
now, to aid in making the bondage of the
black man universal and eternal, it is as.
sailed, and sneered at, and construed, and
hawked at, and torn, till, if its trainers /
could rise from the graves, they could not
at all recognize it. All the powers of
earth seem rapidly combining against him.
Mammon is after him; ambition hounds,
philosophy follows, and the thelogy of the
day is fast joining in the cry. They have
him in his prison house they have search
ed his person, and left no prying instru-
ment with him. Que after another they
have closed the heavy iron doors upon
him, and now they have him, as it were,
bolted in with lock of hundred keys,
which can never be unlocked without the
of every key the keys in the
hands of hundred different men, and they
to hundred different and dis
tant places and they stand musing as to
what invention, in all the dominions of
mind and matter, can be produced to make
the impossibility of bis escape more CON-
plete than it is.
DOUGLAS ON TRIAL.
Three years and half ago, Douglas
brought forward his Nebraska bill. The
was at once in blaze, he scorned
Ill opposition, and carried it through Con-
,ress. Since then, he has seen himself
superseded in Presidential nomination,
BY one endorsing the general doctrine Of
lis measure, but at the same time stand. :
ng clear Of the odium of its untimely ag-
alton, and its gross breach Of national
aith and he has seen that successful RI {
'al constitutionally elected, not by the
trength of his friends, but Ly tie decision I
+ adpersaries, being in popular minority
f nearly four hundred thousand votes I
Ie has seen his chief aids in his own {
'tate-Shields and ichardson-political-
y speaking, successfully tried, convicted
nd executed for an offense not their own, c
ut his. And now be sees his own case, /
tanding next on the docket for trial.
THAT HUMBUG-AMALGAMA
There is natural disgust in the minds !
all white people to the idea Of an in-
anal gamation Of the white
nd black races and judge Douplas is ey- 7