Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-02-21

var of this amendment is, that sound political phi
losophy demands it Of us. To make mans po
Ntcal rights dependent upon his m9ezion is
lunphilosop phical, whimsical and arbitrary. No
reason can be given for it which rational being
can comprehend In ancient times, in the infaocy
OF the worlds civilization, such an anomaly would
have been less surprising. Legislation had not
/ then become a science. 1t did moi rest upon any
great principles having their foundation in the es-
sen.ial nature Of man. The power Of the nation
was generally all centered in one irresponsible
absolute despot, When an enactment went forth
from the throne. no one thought of asking what
solid reasons underlay it. Laws received their
shape from the whims the caprices the prejudices,
the cruelty, the malice, the ambition, the avnrce,
the aziness or Tho stupidity of the supreme ruler.
But in modern times it is supposed to be different,
The theory now is, that legislation is systematic
and philosophical. There arc certain great stand
ard principles by which laws must be tested. The
admirers of Jurisprudence in order to impress
US properly with the dignity of their faeorte sci
ence, often quote the words Of the great Hooker
"Of law there can be no less acknowledged than
this that her seat is the bosom of God her voice
the harmony of tho world. All things in Heaven
and Earth do her homage the very least as feel
ing her care, and the very greatest as not exempt
from her power; both angels and men, and crea-
lures of what condition soeyer though in different
sort and manner, yet all with uniform consent, ad
mring her the mother of their peace and Joy"
AND il has been our boast, especially in this na.
ton and this State, that we philosophical leg
islators. We intend here to rise above all the il
/ liberal biases of our education When q hill is
introduced into this body, especially if it relates
to great constitutional principles, expect Its au-
thor to bring some better reason to its support
than that it was dictated by its personal preju.
dces dslikes. 1t is expected of us that from
this Pisgah top to which Providence has led us,
our vision will not he confined to the few square
feet on which we stand, but that, if our eyes have
not become dim nor our natural force abated,
we shall take into view the whole compass of this
goody land, with all its varied wants, present and
ltuture-that from this elevation our eyesight will
sweep the widest horizon. and that our hearts will
expand with broad and genevous spirit Of legisla-
ton 1t will be creditable to us if of those
differences in our common humanity which seem
go important.when viewed in lower position and
nearer at hand, should disappear to those over
Whose heads the heavens lift themselves up s0
| high and around whom the earth stretches itself
80 far away. Since, then, Legislation is expected
to be philosophical the question arises what is the
! philosophy Of deprving man of the elective
franchise merely on account uf complexion?
have done my lest to inform myself upcn this sub
ject. The question begins with physiology, and
have inquired of the Psychologists. They tell me
that it is kind Of coioring matter, deposited be-
tween the inner and the outer skin, which gives q
man n dark complexion, | have deeply consider
ed what philosophical relations can exist between
hhavc nauired what connection chemical or me han
ica material or sriritcala phvscal or moral there
cnn pe between tneni. / have cons uiteti Lrvn.
10 the point IN the human system Fl ON which the
connecting chain is supposed to start, and have
consulted Jefferson as to the point in the domain
of our civil rights where it is supposed to end.-
But can get no light. | halt suspect no such
connection exists | am afraid that the theory,
though it may be sery Democratic, is very whm
steal. Indeed it seems to me more whimsical than
anything in ancient or modern times of which We
read. In former ages, men were deprived of par
tioipation in the affairs of government on the
ground of their religion, their birth place, or their
having been taken captive in More recently,
men have been deprived of the franchises of a
citizen, Of, it has been proposed that they should
be SO deprived, on the ground that they lack the
qualifications of property, intelligence, moral
character, native birth true religion. In favor
of euch of each of these plausible argument
ingenious, if not sound-may be offered. But
who can tex US why dye under the skin should
rob man of his right to vote? Is is wholly fam
tastic and arbitrary. 1t reminds us of the whim-
steal mandates of Oriental monarchs described in
the Arabian Nights Entertainments, or still more
of the confused and anomalous fancies of our
dreams. 1t is just al bitrary as it would be to
enact, that no man with blue eyes should
be voter, no man born between the first
of July and the first Of January of any
year. IL does not ask, is the man intelli
terf There might be some sense in these inqui
ries. But it only asks, is he white? 1t overlooks
the manhood of the man, and iastens itself upon
one Of its mos. frivolous accidents. This is made
still more whimsical by the meaning which is Civ
en- to the word white" by our Courts. 1t is now
settled by judicial Interpretation, that il a man
has only so l00ths of white blood, he cannot vote
but if he has 50-l00ths and of another hun
dredth, he is entitled to all the privileges of an
elector. This is q nice discrimination. If it is
not phiosoph cal, it is at least acute. One would
not know which most tn admire, the originality OF
genius which discovered in mans complexion
the basis of his franchise as citizen, or the sub
tlety of genius which has the line adroitly
between the vulgar fractions that stand as senti-
nels on the boundaries of II mans political rights.
2. A second argument for this amendment may
be found in the fact that it is demanded OF us by
political consistency. This will he evident from
recalling some of those maxms in which the spir-
il of our institutions is supposed to be embodied.
How often it is written in the leaders CT our news
papers and declaimed from the stump that "a
man should be valued for what he is in himself"
How often do we hear our orators quote those
stirring lines of Burns,
"For A. that, and a. that,
Our tolls obscure and o. that,
The rank is but the guinea's stamp,
The mans the gowd for a. that?
Then let US pray, that come it may
As come it will for a. that
That sense and worth, Ger a. the earth,
May bear the gree, and a. that;
For a that and a that
It's coming yet for a that,
That man to man the world DER,
Shall brothers be for a that"
1t is not difficult to discover in sentiments like
these-sentments which often produce thunders
of applause in our popular assemblies-some con-
nection with the subject before us Again. We
are often told that 'al power lies in the people"
| think it would destroy all the charm Of this fine
maxim to amend it by inserting the word white
before the word people 1t is said again, that 'tax'
alton and representation are inseparaGle" Now
there we're by the census of 1850 little over 25,
900 colored people in the State Of Ohio. Their
number at the present time, cannot be less than
$4,000. According to an estimate made by
friend of mine who is fond of statistics this class
of our population had, in l848, property to the
amount of IS 100000. As their property is gen
orally located where it is rising rapidly in value
they must now be worth S6,000,0OO. On this they
ore IN cd abont S60 900 annually which is no cOl