Daily Nashville patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1857-1858, 1857-03-10

liberty. Such emigrants have done much to pro-
mote the growth and prosperity of the country.
They have proved faithful both in peace and 10 war;
After becoming citizens they entitled under the
Constitution and laws to be placed on perfect
equality with nativeoorn citizens, and in this char
acter they should ever be kindly recognized.
Erhe Federal Constitution is grant from the
States to Congress of eetrain specific powers, and
the question, whether this grant shall be literally
or strictly construed, has more or less divided
political parties from the beginning. Without en-
tering into the argument desire 20 state, ut the
commencement Of my administration, that long e1-
perience and observation have convinced me that
strict construction of the powers of the govern
ment il the only true well as the only Il, tat
DRY Of the Consultation. Whenever, IN our past
history, doubtful powers have been exercised by
Congress, they have never filled to produce inJu-
rious and unhappy consequences. Many such H.
stances might be adduced, if this were the proper
occasion.
Neither is it necessary for the public service to
strain the language of the Constitution, because all
the great and useful powers required for the sue
cessfdl administration of the government, both IN
peace or 10 war, have been granted, either.ln ex-
press terms or by the plIinest implication. whit
deeply convinced of these truths, yet consider 1t
clear, that under the wsr-makng power, Congress
may appropriate money towards the construction
Of military road, when this ia absolutely neeessa-
ry for the defense of any State or territory oil the
Union against foreign invasion.
Under the Constitution, Congress has power to
declare war; raise and support armies, to proVIda
and maintain navy, and to call forth the militia TO
repel invasion. Thus endowed in an ample u ner
with a war-making power, the corresponding duty
is required that the United States shall protect
each Of the States against invasion. How Is 1t pos
sibe to afford this protection to California and
Pacic possession sexcept Oy means OF military
road through the territories of the United States
over which men and munitions OF war may be
speedily transported from the Atlantic States to
| meet and repe the invader? 10 case OF a war with
naval power stronger than our own, we should
have no other available access to the Pacific coast,
because such power would instantly close the
route across the Isthmus of Central America. IL
| is impossible to conceived it.
| The Constitution has expressly required Congress
| to deferd all the States. 1t should not deny TO
them, by any fair construction, the only possible
means by which one Of these States can be deteB-
ded. Besides, the Government ever since Its or
GIN has been in the constant practice OF construct
Ing military roads. 1t might also be wise TO cons
der whether the love of tue Union, which now ami
mates our fellow-citizens the Pacific coast, may
not be impaired by neglect refusal to provide Tor
them, 10 their remote and isolated condition, the
| only means by which the power OF the States on
this side of the Rocky Mountains can reach them
in sufficient time to protect them against Invasion
1 forbear for the present from expressing an oPln-
| ion as to the wisest and most economical mode In
which Government can lend its aid in accompl 81
| ing this great and necessary work. believe that
many difficulties in the way, which now appear
Formidable will in great degree, vanish as soon as
| the nearest and best route shall be satisfactorily
| ascertaIned
1t may be right that, on this occasion, l should
make some brief remarks as to our rights and
duties as member OF the great family OF nations
In our intercourse with them, there are some
plain principles approved by our own experience,
from which we should never depart. We ought
to cultivate peace, commerce, and friendship with
all nations and this not merely as the best means
of promoting our own material interest, but IN q
| spirit OF Christian benevolenee towards our fell
! lOw-men wherever their lot may be cast. Our
| diplomacy should be direct and frank, neither
! seeking to obtain more, nor accept less than Is
our due. We ought to cherish sacred regard
for the independence of all nations, and never
attempt to Interfere in the domestic concerns OF
any, unless this shall be imperatively required
by the great law of selfpreseryation.
To avoid entangling alliances has been a max
i'm of our policy ever siuce the days OF Washing
| ton, and its wisdom no one VIII attempt 10 dis
pute. In short, we ought to do justice in kindly
spirit to all nations, and require justice from
them in return. 1t is our glory that while other
nations have extended their dominions by the
sword, we have never acquired any territory
except by fair purchase, or, as in the case OF
Texas by the voluntary determination OF brave,
kindred, and independent people to blend their
destnies with our own. Even our acquisitions
from Mexico form no exception. Unwilling to
fake advantage Of the fortune of war against a
sister Republic, we purchased these possessions
under the treaty OF peace for a sum which was
| considered at the time a fair equivalent.
Our past history forbids that we shall in future
acquire territory unless this be sanctioned by
the laws of justice and honor. Acting on this
principle, no nation will have right to interfere
or to complain of the progress OF events. We
shall still further extend our possessions.
Hitherto in all our acquisitions the people,
under the protection of the American flag, have
enjoyed civil and religious liberty as well as
equal and just laws, and have been contented,
/ prosperous and happy. Their trade with the rest
OF the world has rapidly increased, and thus
every commercial nation has shared largely in
their successful progress. l shall now proceed
to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution.
whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine
Providence on this great people.
JAMES BUCHANAN.
WASHINGTON, March 4, 1857.