Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1857-03-11
THE RAFTsMAN's J0uRnlAl,


| fully execute the Office of President of the u
nited States, and will, to the best of my abili-
| ty, preserve, protect and defend the Constitu-
| tion of the United States" In entering upon
| this great office, most humbly invoke the aid
| of the God of our Fathers for wisdom and firm
ness to execute its high and responsible duties
| in such manner as to restore harmony and
ancient friendship among the people of the
! several States, and to preserve our free insti-
| tutions throughout many generations. Con-
vinced that l owe my election to the inherent
| love for the Constitution and the Union which
still animates the hearts of the American peo-
| pie, let me earnestly ask for their powerful
| support in sustaining all just measures calcula-
| ted to perpetuate these, the richest political
| blessings which Heaven has ever bestowed
| upon any nation.
| Having determined not to become a candi-
date for reelection, shall have no motive to
influence my conduct in administering the
| Government, except the desire, ably and faith
| fully to serve my country, and to live IN the
| grateful memory of my cOuntrymen. We have
| recently passed through presidential contest
| in which the passions of fellow citizens
were excited to the highest degree by ques-
| tions of deep and vital Importance. But when
| the people proclaimed their will, the tempest
| at once subsidized, and all was calm. The voice
| of the majority, speaking in the manner pre-
| scribed by the Constitution, was heard, and in
| slant submission followed. Our own country
could alone have exhibited so grand and strik-
| ing a spectacle of the capacity Of man for
| self government. Wha. happy conception,
| then, it for Congress to apply this simple
| rule, ssthat the will of the majority shall gov
| ern" to the settlement of the question of do
mcstic Slavery in the Territories. Congress
is neither ssto legislate slavery into any Terri
| tory, nor exclude it therefrom,' - but leave the
| people thereof perfectly free to form and reg
| ulate their domestic institutions in their own
way, subject only to the Constitution of the U
nited States. Asa natural consequence, Con-
| grcss has also prescribed that when the Terri
| tory of Kansas shall be admitted a State, it
| shall be received into the Union with or with
| out Slavery, as their own Constitution may
prescribe at the time of their admission. A
different opinion has arisen in regard to the
| point of time when the people OF Territory
| shall decide the question for themselves. This
| is happily matter of but little practical i'm
| portance, besides, 1T is a Judicial question
! which legitimatey belongs to the Supreme
| Court Of the United States, before whom it
| is now pending, and will, it is understood
lie speedily and finally settled. To their
| decision, in common with all good citi-
| zens, / shall cheerfully submit, whatever this
may be though ii has ever been my indiyidu-
| al opinion that, under the Nebraska Kansas
act, the appropriate period will be when the
| number OF actual residents in the Territory
| shall justify the formation of Constitution
| with view to its admission as State into the
| Union. But be this as it may, it is the imper-
| ative and indispensable duty Of the govern
| ment of the United States, to secure to every
resident inhabitant the free and independent
| expression of his opinions by his vote. This
sacred right of each individual must be pre-
I served. This being accomplished, nothing
! can be fairer than to leave the people Of a
| Territory free from all foreign interference to
| decide their own destiny for themselves, sub
| jact only to the Constitution OF the United
States. The whole Territorial question being
thus settled upon the principle of popular SOW
| ereignfy-a principle as ancient as free gov
| ernment itself-everything of a practical ma
| ture has been decided. No other question re-
mains for adjustment; because all agree that
| under the Constitution, Slavery in the States
is beyond the reach of any human power, ex-
| cept that of the respective States themselves
wherein it exists. May we not, then, hope
| that the long agitation on this subject is APP
preaching its end, and that the geographical
| parties to which it has given bIrth-so much
dreaded by the Father of his country-wil
| speedily become extinct? Most happy will it
be for the country when the public mind shall
| be diverted from this question to others of
| more pressing and practical Importance
| Throughout the whole progress of this agita-
| tion, which has scarcely known any intermis-
1 sion for more than twenty years, whilst il has
| been productive of no positive good TO any
| human being, ii has been a prolific source of
| great evils to the master, to the slave and the
whole country. 1t has alienated and estrang-
| ed the people CT sister States from each other,
and has even seriously endangered the very
| existence of the Union. Nor has that danger
| entirely ceased. Under system there is a
| remedy for all mere political evils in the sound
sense and sober judgment of the people,
| Time is great corrective. Political subjects
| which, but few years ago. excited and exas-
perated the public mind, have passed away aud
! are now nearly forgotten. The question OF do
meStic slavery is of far greater importance
! than of any mere political question, because,
! should the agitation continue, it may eyentu-
| ally endanger the personal safety of large
portion of our countrymen where the insttu-
| tion exists. In that event no form Of govern
ment, however admirable in ITSELF howev or
| productive of material benefits can compeu-
safe for the loss of peace and domestic securi-
| ty around the family alter. Let every Union
| loving man, therefore, exert his best influence
| to suppress this agitation, which, since the re-
cent legislation of Congress, is without anv
| legitimate object. 1t is an evil omen of the
| times that men have undertaken to calculate
| the mere material value of the Union, reason
| ed estimates have been presented of the pecu-
| mary profits and local advantages which would
| result to the different States and sections from
its dissolution, and of the comparative injuries
which such an event would inflict on other
| States and sections. Even descending to this
| low and narrow view of the mighty question,
all such calculations arc at fault-the bare ref
erence to single consideration will be con-
| elusive on this point. We at present enjoy
| free trade throughout our extensive and ex-
| panding country such as the world never wit
| messed. This trade is conducted on railroads
| and canals, on noble rivers and arms of the
| sea, which bind together the North and the
South, the East and the West of our Confede-
racy. Annihlate this trade, arrest its free
| progress by the geographical lines of jealous