New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1857-08-03

lZe the country; some :" went III Tor Tue chances,
especially after the magnificent triumph in Maine,
iancyirg that their prospects for Missions, Colec-
torships, Territoris Govern W.bips, AID other nice
tid.bi's were better in the comparatively unotfi-
cered Republican party than IN either Of its rivals.
Aeny Of these are with us in heart-so far as they
have any hesrt-to.day; but four years is long to
wait, aud they cutting in for what ia going now,
intending TO secure our eternal gratitude and the
latest berths in case the prospect shal justify them
in coming back to us in 1889 or go. Toey calcu-
late that We very well spare them till them and
that they may meantime coptrive to pick up some
thing or other by lying around loose through the
sterile interim. The idea is not 40 bad, regarding
the matter in purely practical light.
But will the temporary secession OF these sufice
to break up or break down the Republican party
Why should til How can it, Does any man OF
sense imagine that the Wing party could be re-
vived so q to become veritabc powerin the land'
Can tie Know. Nothing org anization be renewed
Can the American party, on its National Platform
Of ocauiescence in all the past aggressioDs and out
RACES Of the Slave Power ever again carry even one
Free State 7 We are confident no intelligent man
believes it. There remains, then to be considered
bu: this aternative-Those Republicans who for
sriy belonged to the Democratic party will return
t, il. now that there is no immediate chance Of
Republican ascendepcy in the National Councils.
OF course, some Of those who voted for Fremont
will fall away from the Republican standard, as we
taye alread, intmated. The force of habit and the
appeals Of old compatriots will prevail with quite
number; though experier &c shows that it is harder
To break away from old party associations than to
resist their alurements afterward. Yet, doubtless,
some, who looked for victory last Fall and did not
ftd il, or for office and failed to secure it, will now
slough off from their Republican friends.
But when we look beyond mere indi sidaal incite-
mtnts 20 the mpalses which move the masses, no
man can assign plausible reason fol- deserving
tie Republican flag. Our party is the youngest Of
any that claims National existence, yet il carried
eleven States lat Fall, while the older and more
widely organized "Americans" carried but one.
Since then, we have gained a signal triumph in st.
Louis and are beginning to be felt as power
throughout the border Slave States. Had we
elected our President, we should have had
by this time Republican party throughout
The entire South as it is we have a Candidate for
Congress in Kentucky and are contestins Missouri
not without hopes of practical triumph in the
Election of to-day We do not, indeed, look for
Rol6ns's success, because thousands of German
Republicans will vote against hin as All "Aneri-
cam and Temperance man; but Slavery in Mis-
scuri plainly the handwriting on the wall. The
German Democratic organ at st. Louis peremptorly
denies that Stewart is pledged against Emancipa.
ticn, ard claims support for him on the ground of
his owning no ,layes, while Rollins has twenty or
more Of them; and all men do see that, if Kan
sas be made Free State, Missouri cannot long re-
sist the influences which On three sides her to
the flag Of Free Labor. Should Fremont be again
our candidate in 1860, we believe he will carry Mis-
souri,, and that the close of his term will find her
Free State. And We shall hope for her vote for any
good Republican.
Look for a moment ut Kansas. They scofed
" hen we said that the election of Buchanan would
copsieu her to Slavery. Yet there she is, a Slave
Territory this moment by virtue of that election
The edicts Of the Territorial Legislature frauda-
Power are to-day upheld and enforced in Kansas
by Federal jlJges and Federal 6ayonetS; and those
edics recognize Slavery as legally established there
Ind punish every resistance to it's authority or its
will. Slaves are introduced and held, bought and
sold, in Kansas, in edauce Of Popular Sovereignty,
By virtue only of Federal tribunals and bayOnets.
Gov Walker is encamped against Lawrence at the
head of Federal army; he denounces the attempts
Of its people at self government as rebellion and
treason; and he threatens to collect by
the strong arm the begns taxes and prevent
the Free State election this day to be held. No
such assumption of despotc authority was ever be-
fore msdc in this country. In the Whisky Rebellion,
and in the Dorr Revolution in Rhode leland, troops
were employed to enforce judicial processes, never
20 prevent an election held to be invalid and un-
authorized The Dorr party in Rhode Island held
wOor three elections, chose State officers, organ
ICED Legislature and passed any number Of acts,
without Interference or mOlestation from either
Federal or Safe authorities no Federal Admins
tration could bsve stopped enc of these elections by
It's bayonets without destroying itself. When
coufct of authorities and laws is jadicially an ,de
known, the Executive may interPose on the side OF
the legitimate authority; not before. Had john
Tyler, who was VIGOROUSLY hostile TO the Suffrage
party in Rhode Island, sent on troops to stop the
election of DOrr or the assembling Of bis Legisla-
ture, he would have narrowly, if at all, escaped
impeachment.
Today the Federal authority is the sole effective
support Of Slavery in Kansas. day, If Buchanan
AID Walker are richt Slavery is as legal in Kansas