The Evansville daily journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ia. [i.e. Ind.]) 1848-1862, 1857-01-06

OE An esteemed correspondent and an in
huential politician calls upon us to declare
our platform OF principles, ard especially our
views upon the subject Of slavery. We have
no hesitation in doing so, though we do not
suppose them to be of any more Importance
than the private convictions of any other in
dividual, for we do not expect to impose them
upon Others except so far as sound argument
and conclusive reasons may give them cur
rency; privilege that any other person may
have to spread his views through our columns
before the public, if he will confne himself to
the restrictions we impose on ourselves.
We were born and educated in free State;
we have lived for good portion of our man
hood in slave States-have owned slaves, man
aged them for years, and have made heavy
sacrifices to help them to emancipation Our
life has been SO nearly divided in the
different sections Of the country, that we know
no local prejudices, no East-no West-no
North and no South. Our country to US is one
great COMMUNICATIVE in all the primary
national characterstics-the same great lead
ing sentiments and principles peIvading all
sections, forming as perfect national unity
as ever was exhibited; bond stronger and
above the constitutiou,-tha will hold the
States together when the constitution and the
present form of government shall have passed
away. The Union will long outlive the gov
eminent that has cemented it. Slavery with
all its combustible and explosive passions can
not rend it; though these passions by giving
the sway to demagogues may pervert and de-
stroy some of the essential powers of the gov
eminent
Slavery is evil in all its consequences, but
one, and that is profit to the capitalists that
hold it. Slave labor is profitable to the mas
ter; howmuchsoever this proposition may be
controverted, it is true as general fact. But
it is conquest Of capital over labor; it is a
destruction of the natural balance Of powers,
which God, in the nature of things, decreed
between labor and capital Labor depends on
capital, and capital is worthless without labor
to use it. In this mutual dependence was
the security and independence of each. With
out labor to use his capital the rich man, with
all his boarded wealth, will starve; labor with
all its skill and energy, without an object to
work on, would also starye. Their power
over each other, by nature, is balanced by
making one essential to the other. But when
capital can buy labor and own it, make it
possession of it's own, and destroy its liberty
and will, the great law of Providence is VIC
lated, and a long train of moral, political,
economical and social evils follow it. The I'M
checked power of capital over labor, where it
can be bought in the market, debases it to brute
service, and having lost its natural stimulus,
it becomes slothful and reckless, and power
alone can force it into action. Capital possess
ing portion of labor can control and will de-
base all labor around it. The peculiar revo-
luton Of the present era, is the emancipation
of labor from it's old shackes, its exaltation to
its legitimate rights and influence. This
spirit is at deadly enmity with slavery. 1t
turns the whole current of popular feeling
and the course of events, with the tendency of
natures laws against it. 1t cannot resist
these forces, and must in good time, without
partisan and fanatical excitement, yield to
these opposing forces. Every struggle it
makes to gain power or extend ITSELF exhausts
its own strength. 1t is an existing evil, the
legacy Of past ages, whose roots are too deeply
entwined in the social system to be rudely and
suddenly overthrown; its existence marks one
of the mysterious ways of Providence to &C
complish great purpose, by an apparent evil,
which in his own time he will bring about
Violence and partisan passion will not hasten
His work. 1t is an existing evil that human
sagacity and power cannot remove without
creating greater. All acknowledge it, and
partizans denounce it, but no one offers o
remedy.
Slavery as practical question in our poll
tics is now dead. 1t is conceded by all, that
it is domestic institution where it exists
with which we can have nothing to do. No
one now feels any fear that Kansas will not
be free State. There is no territory north
of Kansas into which slavery can go. AL
west of the Rocky Mountains, is secure
against it. Utah and New Mexico, are .inte
rior territories, surrounded by mountains ant
deserts, and too remote for agricultural pro
ducts to be exported from them. Slave labo
must be employed in rude agriculture, and t.
weld a profit to the capital that holds tn
slave, he must produce a surplus that cal
be exported. Railroads, nor other improve
ments can never bring the products of agricul
ture from those interior basins. If, therefore
slavery was authorised by law in both thes
territories, it would not go there, for capital
the master in this matter, and fixes its ow
laws The same state Of facts exist in tn