Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1857-10-30
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9rs. Thus Mr.. Gushing winds into his

OtheIs' mus MI. CUsnluS Wlhus INTO ms
subject.
But no one needs imagine that he reaches
Mr.. Banks directly after he concludes to do
so. That is not his wayne prefers first to
pay his respects to Messrs Theodore Parker,
Phillips and Garrison, as though these were
the acknowledged body-guard of Mr.. Banks,
and IN order to carry packet of popular pre-
JUDGES from them to him. The design is to
represent Mr. Banks as having substantially
their political views, but practical cunning
leads him 10 qualify and limit them, out of
Difference to the popular taste. We need not
say how unjust is this method, and how
wrong the conclusion. With equal propriety
may the fillibusters of Nicaragua and the
border rufians of Missouri be identified with
Gen. Gushing on the ground that they mere
ly pushed his views a little further than he
thought it expedient to carry them. But if
he were treated in that way he would con-
slider it as another instance OF the Indifferent
hate OF Massachusetts. We do not take up
this point to defend Mr.. Banks, but only to
show how Gen. Gushing winds into person.
alities.
We prefer to confne our attention to one
or two points of national interest. Of course
prominent among these is the repeal of the
Missouri Compromises mere trife barren of
and his political friends, but trihe to which
they invariably devote their chief attention
and most ingenious logic. Thus he repre-
sents that Compromise as having become 81
dead letter on the statute book" That is
most important fact, if it be one. But except
the mere mysterious reference to certain de-
clslons of the Supreme Court, Mr.. Cushing
gives us no light at all upon this assertion,
which he makes the basis of the repeal. He
ignores the facts that the Compromise was
confirmed by the Compromise of 1850, and
accepted as binding by every statesman, ex-
cepting by Mr.. Calhoun in point of theory,
down to the session of Congress which re-
pealed it. But Mr.. Cushing slides by these
facts, and takes issue upon the positions of
his opponents which he has fashioned TO Guit
his purpose. He pretends that the oppo-
sltion to the repeal of the Missouri Compro-
mise rested mainly upon the fear that free la
Dor could not successfully maintain itself
against slave labor in fair field. To illus
ttate the folly of this, he makes the following
powerful comparison
For instance, suppose two adjoining closes, Black
acre ana White Acre each Of the number of roodB
in extent, and separated by division fence with two
hundred black sheep in Black Acre and three hundred
Whlte sneep IN White Acre. II, now, break down
the division fence, and make common pasturage the
two Closes and leave the sheep to take care Of them
selves, which will occupy most Of it, which will encroach
on the otner the three hundred white Sheep the
hundred black sheep P"
By this pastoral imagery the shepherd of
Newburyport would have us understand that
it is question of mere numbers at all times
concerned in furnishing the institutions of
newly opened territories. But he should
have supposed the case not only of common
sheep, but OF official sheep, with power to
match And if the black sheep start with
the exclusive power of apportioning the rights
OF the white sheep, of keeping watch dogs,
and OF being backed up by neighbors, the
chances are that for time, the two hundred
may be more than match for the three hun
dred. That was the ground taken by g the
statesmen of the North in the Senate" who,
says Mr.. Gushing, % assumed, that in all new
territory, 9ohateUer the soil and climate, and
under whatever circumstances, if the people
were left free to act for themselves, they
would OF course introduce slave labor
They did nothing of the kind, and Mr. Cush-
ing winds himself against granite in making
the assertion. Z" Come on, then, gentlemen
OF the slave States" said Gov. Seward,
" since there Is no escaping your challenge, l
accept it in behalf of the cause of freedom"
That was the hopeful spirit expressed by his
coadjutors but they plainly saw the iraaae-
dtate evils, and deplored the rupture of plight
ed faith But this latter point, also, Mr..
Gushing glides over with vague assertion /;
while as to the evils experienced in Kansas,
he takes the curious positions, first, that they
were unavoidable from the magnitudes of the
crisis second, that there have been none
worth considering and third, that the land
spectators have caused them all as an adver-
tislng experiment. The last is Mr.. Cushings
faYorite theory, and is probably his own. We
are therefore to believe, not only that Gov.
Robinson and other Free State men got them
selves into prison, and Barber and Dow lost
their llvea, for the mere purpose of advancing
town lots but that the generous Missourans
came over the border to aid in the singular
speculation
Such are but few of the extraordinary
sentiments of Mr.. Cushing's Faneuil Hall
speech. We have not referred TO his exami-
nation of Mr.. Banks's speech, an examina-
ton which is full of fallacles, because we are
content to let our readers compare the two,
and judge for themselves. Mr.. Gushing has
chosen to make the State canvass rest wholly
upon national questions, and we have only
desired to call attention to the specious man
ner IN when he thinks fit to present them to
the citizens of Massachusetts.