Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1857-10-31


in Cleveland, Ohio, august 25M, 26M and 27H
1857.
Mr.. PRESIDENT: Many are urging mo to repl
20 the speeches made this afternoon by my friend
Watkins and Pryne. Not all who make up th
very large assembly this evening were present Il
hear those able and eloquent speeches, which,
confess, brought me to a solemn revision of my DO
sition. Sure am | that none who did hear them
envy me the task Of replying to them. Why an
selected for this difficult service Perhaps it il
because they and having worked together thus
far, there is curiosity to see how will behave
toward each other now that we have arrived at q
point of divergence from each other. There is
one consolation in my circumsta tances-the strength
OF the opposition has been brought out, and if ]
can cope with what is before me, | shall have nc
reason to quail before the apprehension of what
ia to follow.
We are met, Sir, 10 ntiate-I might perhaps
rather say to inaugurate-a great movement one
that is full of promise to the slave and the slave
holder, and our whole country 1t is not much
to awaken interest in their behalf that we have
come together, az it is to give expression to such
interest-a practical and effective expression.
We are here for the purpose of making public
and formal and, we hope, an impressive confes
sion that theNorth ought to share with theSouth in
the temporary losses that will result from tho aboli
ton of Slavery Indeed, such arc our relations TO
the South in the matter of Slavery, that on the
score of simple honesty, we are bound to share IN
these losses.
Whether, in the eye of the Constitution, Slave
~ is national or whe her there is, hold there
is, authority for either so it is that our Slave
~ is actually national. The whole nation has
contributed TO nationalizc 1.-THE whole nation
bas made itself responsible for it. The sin of ex
tending the area Of Slavery, and OF encouraging
the shareholders to multiply their investments in
human flesh, lies at the door Of the North as well
r. c..
has conniyed at and openly upheld, Slavery. So
have Northern politics. And we have seen
Churches, religious associations, institutions Of
learning at the North we'll at the South,
apologizng for slavery, and bowing quite down to
the ground in presence Of tho demon and in de-
fere nee of his claims Texas could not have beer
annexed, nor the MissourCOmpromise repealed
no. nor established-without the help of the North.
Without the help Of her schools and churches
there never could have been a Pro-Slavery public
sentiment at the North. Nor could such senti
ment, nor could slavery itself, have continued to
exist at the South, without such help. 1t is not
too much to say that, at the North, as truly at
the South, ecclesiastical as well commercial and
political gains have been sought for, by sparing
and fatcring Slavery.
Now, all this being true, it is very plain that
the North as well as the South is bound to con-
tribute to relieve the Shareholders in the straits to
which they would be reduced by the abolition Of
Slavery.
But, Mr.. Prvne says the North should pay moth
ing for the reason that, in proportion TO her con
nectun with and responsibility for Slavery, she
has lost as much by Slavery the South has.
What if she has? Nevertheless, the fact remains
that the North is rich, ard the South comparative.
ly poor. Now, tie reason why we call on the
North to help in this is not alone because of
her completely, but also because she is able to
help.
Mr.. Watkins says that the slave. and not the
STAKEHOLDER, is entitled to compensation, and he
adds, IL put my feet Mr.. Smiths proposition"
nv proposition that the nation shall pay to
tie emancipated slave S25 and to his master $3.50,
and that the emancipating State shall, by assess
meats on the lands within its limits 1.-THE value of
such lands being greatly increased by the abo-
tioa of Slavery,) add S75 to the $50. | need
not say that have no sympathy with the plan of
npprSpr;ating the public lands to this object Il
am Iand-retormer, and hold that to the land
less belongs the vacant land. Slavery Is great
evil but land monopoly, because it has manifold
moro victims is far greater evil Moreover, ere
could have been no Slavery but for land monopo-
"; and 10 abolish the latter is the only sure way
to abolish and prevent the return OF the former.
can, therefore, favor no plan which countenances
land monopoly and recognizes Congress as great
landhoder But to return to Mr.. Watkins. Is it
nothing that, in addition to the S25, propose to
give the slave the slaves own self? Moreover,
does not he that to propose to give most of the
money to the slave, instead of the STAKEHOLDER,
would be to defeat all hope of getting him free T?
Very gladly would / have all the money given to
the po Jr pundered slave. if the STAKEHOLDER would
still be willing to give him his liberty.
But it is said that we ought no, to offer in ad-
vance to the stakeholder any measure of indemni-
ty, because doing so is brbng him to do right.
Now readily admit that would prefer to have
the STAKEHOLDER prompted to do right only by the
purest and highest motives | Would have him
emancipate his slaves Immediately and uncondi.
liz baoo II tha sloyas' riubt m he tbus
emancipated, and because the STAKEHOLDER sins
fearfully in resisting this right. Nevertheless, so
guilty and horrible is the relation OF stakeholder
and the slave, aud full of misery 10 both--aye,
and so full of damage and peril to the whole ma
ti0n-that l would be willing to make the most
direct appeals to the selfshness of the slavehold
er in aid of hurrying him to dissolve this relation
Besides, | am willing to admit that his moral
sense would be weakened and his repentance rem
dered less probable by such appeals.
Ny neghbor is drunkard, and therefore the
torment of himself his family, and his friends. /
invoke his reformation in the name of all the ten
derest and highest and holiest motives. If, then,
add to these motives such as are inferior, do l
necessarily sin Oh, no! do not sin in telling
him that in the event Of his forsaking the intoxi-
eating cup. will bless him and his hungry lami'
" with the gift of a COW. My offer of the cow is
useful in every respect. 1t serves to commend {
10 him the sincerity which prompted me to array
before him the better and nOber motives, and in
ioing this, would, as n simple and short argu-
nent would suffice to show, commend the motives J
themselves. For to believe our teacher sincere is
!, wide step toward believing that he reasons cor
rectly. The connection between sincere purposes
aud sound arguments is altogether natural.
gain, my offer of the COW 10 persuade him
Of my deep sense of his sin, and thus to suggest
that be- too, should cherish deep sense of it. In
a word, the offer is far more like to Go him good
than harm So too, the stakeholder is far more
like to be benefited than injured IT, when have