Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1857-08-22

safest iiWlt Dl lp1lSlNn, HNllU lUil S'olP w inv
whole intelligence Of the llou.c before the
wca>ure had tken form which II might be
difficult to alter, as is always the case when
committee brings in detailed bill, witl out pre-
vious instruction from the House. This wise
and safe practi' OF settling the provisions Of
bill beforehand. has been nearly abandoned by
our Congress, TO the gteai prejudice OF beneficial
legislation
1t appcals from the records lhli the practice
of pronuuuclng eul0giums on deceased members
adjourninn both Houses of Congress, &c, is of
comparatively recent origin ln the first DAYS
Of our government, attending the funeral before
or after the session Of the day. and wearing Grape
on the lett arm, were deemed adequate honor.
" mourning for thirty days (Which was the
length Of time which the children Of Israel wepi
for the death of Moses in the Valley OF Moab)
was the simple and expressive sign OF respect
In looking over these debates, one notices the
strlrtncss with which speakers were required to
keep to the subject under discussion. \ call TO
order made 10y sum of the members on Mr.
Geary, for some trivia, discussion, gives the cdi-
tor occasion for the following remark
This c III to order, the enforcement Of it, for
so light deviation from the point in debate, is
a striking illustration Of the business habits of
our early Congresses, and accounts'lor the rea-
son (jnter diid) why the debates of that early
time were 50 pithy, pointed sencntous, lnslruc-
tive and beautiful
In a remark ut Mr.. Madison, that there are
eases where it is desirable TO pvade a debate,
Mr.. Il nt0n discovers ' the true reason 60 in>tl
iuting the previous question, which was 10 pre-
vent debate in eases in which i was necessary
to guard the House of Representatives, for the
Ser ate has thus lar been shielded from the in
uoJlcllon OF that question and It's consequent
abuse"
The proceedings Of President Washington in
regard to the ncroaton Of treaties, point to
great change in the Interpretation of the clause
in the constitution wich requr the advice
and consent oi the Senate on such occasions.
According to Mr. Benton. the original inter
prctation was that the advice and consent should
be obtained beforehand The change has been
greatly to the prejudice of the free and nde-
pendent action OF the Senate n such cases In.
stead Of consultation and concurrence before
hand, as the words of the constitution Imply. and
as the practice Of WASH gton required, the most
Important, and even unusual and extraordinary
treaties, and with foreign powers have come to
he negotiated ottcntmes lthout even the knowl-
edge of the Senate concealed from it until con-
cluded, and then laid before the body for rath
cation. as an administration measurc-the rai-
fration to hc pressed under all the influences of
an executive measure, aud upon all the incon-
venicnce and danger to attend the rejection OF
a measure cxe'uiivelv concluded with "A foreign
power. Under such circumstances, treaties are
often ratified. and appointments often confirmed,
under moral duress Of the Senate the weight
of the executive, and the Inconvenience of re-
irciion leaving no chance for the free action Of
the body"
Again in note on debate in 796, where
the question was on the execution Of treaty
with Great Britain, Mr., Benton takes occasion
to call attention TO the jp tlous with which the
rights of Congress were formerly defended, aud
10 put in contrast with it the indifference with
which modern executive usuipations are regard
ed.
" The amount to be appropriated, was only
$50 600 vet the iusiguih ance Of the sum, with
all the Inducements 10 let the treaty stand, and
under such President as Washington, barely
saved TIE measure from Il feat determined
was the House TO remain master Of the public
purse But what has since been seen ? An
cxcculvc Offering ftiv millions for sip of ter
rilory and one hundred millions, and afterwards
two hundred. for an island Actually negotia-
ting treaty Of twenty millions, which the Sen
te, reduced to ten and all, not only without
the sanction, but without the Knowledge oi the
lcgl ,lalive power. To admit that Congress
would he bound 10 appropriate such sums. If the
offers had rpeued into treaty sipulations, would
he to admit that the President, Senate, and a
foreign potenla'e, were masters Of the appropn-
aiing power, and of all the means 10y which mun-
cy was to he raised Even a discretionary pow
er over the appropriate after the treaty has
been made, is but slight defence for the treas
urv, there being always in Congress, as in all
public bodies, men to yield TO circumstances,
good, easy men to lie persuaded, timid men to
be sacred, venal men 10 be purchased. And out
Of these classes enough are usually found 10 turn
the scale, when upright men divide upon large
measure
During the long debate on the question can
ceiling the liabilities incurred in the Revolution,
Mr. Madison proposed to discriminate between
the original creditors and the actual holders Of
the public debt. " The motion of Mr.. Madison
was lost, and with it the largest door was opened
to the pillagc OF original creditors, the plumber
Of the public treasury and the corruption of Con-
gress, whi the history of any government has
ever seen The immediate mischief was some
thirty millions it was only the beginning. AS
signees of claims have since been the great suit
0IS 10 Congress purchasing for tritie and up
on peculalion-pursuing the recovery by indi-
rect means-taking no denial-and gaining in
the end what was secuted al the start 1t has
risen to a new professional new industrial pur-
suil-slll more lnduStflnuS ny nlgnt man Dy
day hunting up claims, pressing them upon
Congress and by organization, skill persever
ance, appliances and seductions, carrying through
the most untounded demands" "
That personalities in debate are not peculiar
to our own times, any one familiar with the his
tory OF Congress is well aware. In the course
of a debate on the Georgia claims, in S05 the
charge of bribery by contract with the Post
master-G General was insinuaicd against a mem
Der, who, in repeling the accusation and vindi
eating that officer, said " His character can
(noD be Injured by the brayings of jacka OIL
the fumnations OF madman." 1t does not ap
pear that he was even called to order for taking
such license. Mr.. Benton pithily remarks in a
iool-note; " An act OF Congress has since passed
TO prevent members from taking government
contracts, but the ACT did not extend TO theil
sons, brothers and nephews, and the spirit of i
has often been cluled,"
No debates OF this early period are more in
terestlng and instructive, than those on the tariff
1t is curious TO see how, after full century o
discussion, our commercial policy has re 'crtec
Ia the principles laid down by the elder states
men. Speaking of the tariff measure OF 1889
Mr. Benton says:
| " The preamble to this act, and the speeches
in favor Of it, have been greatly relied upon il
! .l