The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-11-19
AFFAIRS IN KANsAs-CoNsTITUTI
CONVENTION.

AFFAIRS IN UNCONSTITUTIONAL
CONVENTION.
The Lecompton correspondent of the st. Louis
Republican, writing November 5th, says that
the Convention had nearly completed its work,
and that majority proposed to submit to the
People the question upon the Constitution in
this form: Constitution with Slavery" "Con.
stitution without Slavery THE question to be
submitted to the decision of all the actual resi-
dents on the goth of December.
The Leavenworth correspondent of the Mis-
souri, Democrat, writing November 7th, says,
the Constitution adopted is pre-eminently
Pro Slavery, endorsing the bred Scott decision,
the Fugitive Slave Act" &c.-that the Pro-
Slavery clause is all that will be submitted to
the People, and no chance be allowed them to
vote upon the Constitution.
Both these reports are very indefinite and
unsatisfactory. We infer from both, however,
that no Anti Slauery clause is to be voted upon,
either separately or otherwise. A Pro Slapery
provision is to be submitted; but if this be
voted down, the only result is, that the Consti-
tuition will be silent on the subject; there will
be no organic prohibition of Slavery, no re-
straint on the Legislature to authorize it, none
on the Courts to recognise it. If this be the
fact, and if no opportunity be given to the Peo-
pie to vote pro or con on the Constitution, we
presume the Territorial Legislature will send
to Congress strong protest against its endorse
ment by that body.
But, if the Constitution is to be submitted
to vote of the whole People, in the form stated
by the correspondent of the ST. Louis Republi.
can the Republicans will then be called upon
promptly to decide upon their course. 1t is
impossible for their friends in the States to give
them any definite counsel, because they do not
yet know what the Constitution is what are
its general provisions, what its special clauses
in reatian to Slavery, or how the votes are to
be rendered on the strange form of the ques-
tion-Constitution soith Sla0ery, Constitution
soithout Slavery.
But we take it for granted that the Free State
men will present united front; they will not,
at the critical moment, weaken or neutralize
their vote by divided counsels. They will not
suffer their opponents to gain victory by de-
fault. If the Convention decide to send the
Constitution directly to Congress, and submit
to them only the Pro Slavery clause, let them
vote that down at any rate, and trust to their
Legislature for appropriate action in regard to
the Constitution sought to be enforced upon
them. Nor will they, should the question be
presented in any other form, to all the actual
residents, suffer themselves to be controlled by
passion, prejudice, or mere party considera-
tions. If the Constitution on the whole is a
good one, and by their vote they can make it a
free one, and 80 organize Kansas as free
State, that vote ought not to be withheld
merely because the Convention was illegiti-
mate, or the offspring of minority vote; or
because the Free State party had already
agreed upon Constitution; or because it was
resolved to stamp with perpetual Reproduction
the party which had achieved ascendency by
fraud, and continued it by oppression. A vote
making the Constitution free, and organizing
Kansas as free State under it, would prove
the subversion of that party-something better
and more important than simple reprobation.
No such motives as these, we say, should con-
troll the Free State men, Independently Of other
considerations. Bnt the Constitution may not
be good one or it may be submitted in such
form that no vote of the Free State party,
securing its adoption, can certainly make n c,
Free Constitution, or render Kansas free un-
der it; or, it may not be desirable, in the judg-
ment of the Free State men, to have Kansas
organized as State at present. These are all
legitimate considerations, and should be well
weighed by our Kansas friends.
Some may think it unnecessary, now that
Free State Legislature is elected, to organize a
State Immediately. They say that there is no
longer danger of the introduction of Slavery !;
that Kansas has suffered so much in the strug.
gle that it would be an advantage to exempt it
for time from the expenses of State Govern
ment that two years hence it will be prepared
to send better men to represent it in the Senate
and House of Representatives.
Others favor an immediate organization, if
Kansas can be made a free State, for various
reasons. They urge, that parties are so consti
tuted now in Congress, that although opposition
may be raised against its admission, it must
prove unavailing that if postponed to another
Congress, combinations may be formed to defeat
it; that it is the true policy of the friends of
Freedom to delay no legitimate means calcu
lated to augment their political power in Con.
gress; that if Kansas remain in a Territorial
condition, the Courts, now thoroughly commit.
ted to Slavery, will recognise that system, and
hold invalid, under the decision of the Supreme
Court, any Territorial enactment against it !;
that meantime all the Federal officials of the
Territory would be Pro-Slavery, and all the Fed
eral patronage be given to the Pro-SIavery
Party, so that the so-called National Democracy
might, in the course of two years, contrive to
acquire the ascendency, especially as the Free
State men would be lulled into security by the
impression that the battle against Slavery had
been decided.
To us, the weight of the argument seems to
be on their side.
We are panied to record the death of an eff
cient laborer in the AntiSlavery field at Moline,
Illinois. Joseph Jackman, of that place, died
on the 23d of August last, of consumption. His
disease was much strengthened by his political
lsbors in the last Presidential campaign. He
was an untiring advocate of Freedom, and gave
literally of his income to carry forward the
cause in which his heart was eroaoed He