Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1857-06-24


stituted, being in degree favorably affected BY
it, and the election of Mr.. Buchanan not being
averted. The whole experiment shows the dan.
ger of stalking the whole anti. slavery enterprise
upon one issue. The Importance of the election
of Col. Fremont you have not overrated The
contest was one indeed of q" transcendent magni-
tude, involving mighty issues But it did not
justify departure from the old settled policy of
the Republican party.
You have attempted to show that the advice
you gave was in harmony with that policy. You
say:
"The policy advocated at and adopted BY the
RepubheanConvention last year was in entire har-
mony with the general policy of the campaign
That policy was in the language of the Philadel-
phia Platform, policy of +" utilization and co.
operation of men Of all parties hoioeUer differing
an other respects, in support of " the p0loer and
Imperative duty of Congress" to prohibit Slay-
cry IN the territories and to admit Kanzas into
the Union as free state. The Convention which
made the Philadelphia Platform and nominated
Fremont and Dayton not Republican Con-
vention, 1t did not call itself Republican Con-
vention. 1t called By a Republican Commit.
tee Convention of ''the PEOPLE of the Unit
ed States without regard to past political differ
ences or divisions, who were opposed to the re-
of the adminstration--tO the extension of Slav-
cry, and in favor Of the admission of Kanzss as
free State This call Of a Peoples Conven-
ton instead of a Republican Convention, was not
accidental. 1t a deliberate act, policy
adopted after full and mature deiberaton. 1t
was not matter of choice. 1t was an act of du-
ty, growing out of stern political necessity.
The sentiment of opposition to the extern
sion of slavery and the policy of the admins
traton IN regard to Kansas, was strong in the
free States, but it was an unorganized sentiment
When the call for National Convention of the
people was issued, less than sixth OF the legal
voters of the free States were embodied in the
Republican organization. The Republican party
had no organized existence in New Hampshire
New Jersey, Indiana and California In Rhode
Island, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania, the Re-
publican organization was Insignificant in num-
beIs; Pennsylvania had hardly distinctive
Hepub can organization, and the Republican
party In Rhode Island numbered less than three
thousand and in Connecticut less than ten thou
sand. The shadow of recent defeat rested upon
the Republicans of Maine Massachusetts,, and
New York. In Ohio and Illinois the Republic
cans were only powerful by the support of Anti
Slavery Americans. By the wise, moderate and
healing counsels OF Governor Chase, the Republi-
cans of Ohio were rapidly absorbing the Anti
Slavery Americans. Vermont, Michigan, Wis
consip, and Iowa were the only purely Republic
can States. The Republican Committee, in view
OF the divided and unorganzed condition of the
opponents of slavery extension, and after full
and free consultation with the Republican, Ameri-
can, and Wing members of Congress- who by
uniting in the election of Mr.. Banks set an
example to the country, of " affiliation and CO.
operatlon, summoned the people, Republicans,
Americans, Wings, and Democrats, native born
and adopted citizens to meet in council at Phil
adelphia. The Convention assembled in the
spirit of this broad and generous invitation
1t acted in that spirit 1t did not claim to be
Republican; it did not assume the Republican |
name 1t accepted the grand, central idea of |
the Republican party, and appealed to men of all
parties to affiliate or cooperate . in the sup
port of the idea. Having accepted the RepubG.
can doctrines 1t received from the spontaneous
voice of the nation the Republican name, and
when the contest closed in November most of
the thirteen hundred thousand supporters of John
c. Fremont were proud to bear the Republican
name, and to be identified with the Republican
organization"
The quotations you make, and the facts you
state, do not bear out the assertion with which
you set out. 1t will be news to the members of
the Philadelphia Convention, that their policy
was one Of liberation Of one or dozen parties in
opposition to the slave power. 1t was no such
thing. The call for that Convention was address.
ed not to parties, but, you quote, to "the peo-
pie of the United States, withoutIegard to PAST
pOiltlOdA VI ulNlolOuSf cGC. NOL pres
mt political differences or divisions. There was
no recognition of the propriety of maintaining
Did organizations, but distinct intimation that
they ought to be given up for the. future. You
say that the language was not accidental. 1 sup
yese it was not. 1t was well chosen, at all events
and distinctly enough expressed the idea that out
Of the past political organizations, Wing, Re.
publican, Democratic, and American, NEW
PARTY must be formed. And new party was
What matters that tho Rpnuhlinau
name was not mentioned in the plaiformi A
Republican party was formed the people under.
stood that perfectly well, and as you say, the
received, from the spontaneous
voice of the nation, the Republican name"
The policy OF this new party, in relation to
other organizations, was expressed in the final
section of the platform, viz to Invite the aft.
fliation and cooperation of the men of all par
ties, however differing from in other respects,
IN support Of the principles herein declared"
Was this understood to mean that other parties
were to be recognized and tolerated, or that 'nen
of all parties" should be invited to become on
equal and fair TERMS members of the new party
Vas it understood to mean that the Republicans
of any State in the Union should allow them
selves to be degraded into the support OF a can
dldate for Governor, who had Just before at a
public meeting, expressed his hearty congratnla-
ton over the platform of the Fillmore K1aot1
Mornings? 1t could not have been SO under
Stood Mr.. Banks did not so understand it. or.
at any rate, he did not interpret it to the peo-
pie of Newburgh, N. Y, on the 30th of Septem-
Der, for he then said:
Col. Fremont is the candidate of the people
the candidate of Democrats, Free Soilers, Repub-
lieans, and Americans, REPRESENTING THIS
SINGLE PRINCIPLE of the North, that that
wrong done in 1854 shall be made good to this
country, by the assertion in some form or other,
either ny executive intervention, and that would
be sufficient or by federal legislation if necessa
ry, that the territories consecrated to the institu
ton OF freedom by our fathers, shall go down TO
our children as they were left to u.s."
In the same speech he said -
THERE Is BUT ONE QUESTION NOW
AGITATING THE NATION, in the North and
IN the South, 10 the East and in the West and
that question, go universally agitated, is THE
QUESTION OF SLAVERY
In this, in his Wall street speech, Mr.,
Banks undertook 10 interpret the Philadelphia
platform for himself on the slavery point and, as
you will well recollect, made a most material de-
parture from the declaration of the Convention
and from Col. kremont's letter of acceptance, but
he distinctly recognized the fact that Col FIRE.
mont was the representative of a single princi-
Pile" and that had reference to the question of
slavery.
The people were summoned to meet at Phila-
delphia. In your own words, Republicans,
Americans, Wings, and Democrats, native. born
and adopted citizens, were invited TO meet
there. How many adopted citizen" would
have gone there, If they had understood that thew
were required to aid in building up a party which
should affiliate and cooperate with the Know
Nothing party; which should elect Gov, Gardner
one year, and the next nominate a man who had
declared war against them, as Mr.. Banks did last
week, by saying that he was opposed to the poll
cy adopted by "the mass Of foreign voters"
CHASING together indiscrminately the Irishmen
who had carried New York city for Buchanan,
and the Germans who have just saved Minnesota
TO Rspublicanism denouncing alike BishOp