davidaulloa/AmericanStories huggingface dataset:
Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1857-06-19

TELEGRAPHIc DAMAGEs-An interesting case has just
been tried in Cleveland between Randall Cook Co.,
were extensive wool dealers in 1855 and on June l4th
that year, telegraphed to their agent Meadvile Penn
pound The Telegraph Company delivered the dispatch
WIN an alteration of the price to fOtyfve cents which
price, which was five over the market Damages were
a a. sa h Jury were charged that Telegraph Com
pay IS transmitting messages correctly and
correct dispatches Verdict plaintiffs damages Si6l
Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1857-06-19
GLEN ANNA FEMALE SEMINARY. THOMAS


GLEN ANNA FEMALE SEMINARY, THOMAS
WILLIE, N. G.
THE undersigned has made such arrangements with this
Seminary that he greatly aid by oan such parents
desire to educate their daughters for teachers While he
will not conne himself to class he will give the prefer
ence: l. To the daughters of Minister'S local travelling
of all denominations 2 To such will
paying pupils for the Institution. Board exclusive
ing and lights So per month English tuition from Is
dollars session Ornamentas at reasonable prices
Satisfactory references required Situation for
Female Teachers. ia For further particulars address,
W. J. LANGDON, Wilmington N. C.
June 18th, 1857 42-4t*
YOUTHS WHITE DUCK COATS all sizes-new lot
just opened, very handsome and very low prices Also,
Alpaca and Cashmere, beautifully cut and made
June Is. BALDWIN'S.
Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1857-06-19

:, Mr.: .SPurgeon hasjust published sermon pamph.
lei entitled Turn and Burn" Wishing to meet
I pS reverend gentleman more than halt way, Mr..
Punch did both-he turned the second page and
then burned the whole.
Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1857-06-19

ed his discourse as Follows: ' O1' F
am guine to preach you very plain sermon to-day
one that every understand You will find NV tex
IN the verse of two eyed chapter of eyed John
II was some time before the audience perceived that he
meant John, Oh apter H. O ~ LAC
Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1857-06-19

CONSIGNMENT.
y S.BBLS. Rectifed Whskey. For sale by -
20 lime Is WILLARD CURTIS.
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10
THE NORTHERN PRESS.
GOV. WALKERS COURSE IN KANSAS.

The following remarks from the Buffalo Com
naercial Advertiser on this subject so exactly
express our own views, that we accept and re-
produce them:
Ever since Gov. Walker went to Kansas, we
have aimed to treat him and the Administration
which sent him with fairness-s course from
which we shall not permit ourselves to vary.
The intention which, both in his inaugural ad
dress and In numerous speeches, he so en-
phatically announced, of using the whole
weight of his official and personal influence to
secure to all the bona fde residents of the Ter.
ritory the right of voting on the new Constitu-
ton, led US to augur we'll of his Administration,
and to entertain the hope that if a Pro,Slavery
Constitution should be framed, it would be
promptly rejected by the people. BIT we must
now frankly say that we have ceased to expect
anything favorable from Gov. Walkers admin
istration. he has FILTERED away all his strong
declarations and assurances.
His promises made, as they were, in the broad
est terms, and without any qualification, have
all their value and significance explained away
by this new trick of Interpretation. There is
still trouble ahead, if not in Kansas, certainly
in Congress and the country. Glad indeed
would we be to see this mischievous agitation
settled by fair vote of the people of Kansas
themselves, even if the result were such as to
make it q slave State. That would be an evil
whose consequences would be mostly felt in
Kansas itself; but a revival of the agitation
throughout the country would be a general
S--i---:tJ- d. :r 49, -LO f,-:.Iy ~-.;.lod
to vote on the Constitution are cheated out of
their rights-no matter under what plausible
pretext-we shall see stormy times.
When Gov. Walker speaks of previous res
ldence of three or six months, nobody is
shallow enough not to see that six is the
number really meant, and that the "three" is
used merely to soften q disagreeable statement,
and because he shrinks from plumply saying
that the Convention will require six months
residence, and that he approves it. The effect
will be to exclude at least half the bona fde
settlers of the Territory from any voice in de-
Gliding the character of the institutions under
which they are to live. The emigration to
Kansas this Summer has been immense, and
without any doubt exceeds the population pre-
viously there.
There can be as little doubt that the greater
portion of this summers emigration have gone
to Kansas to make a permanent home, and
have the same interest in its institutions as
those who will be permitted to vote under the
six months rule proposed by Gov. Walker,
and which he evidently regards as certain to
be adopted by the Constitutional Convention.
Considering how large a proportion of the bona
hde inhabitants it will exclude, this rule is OBJ
viously and grossly unfair. This period of six
months will have its commencement so near
the registration of last spring, that it will be
very short step from the six months residence
back of that registration, with its sixteen hun.
dred or so enrolled voters.
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10
GOV. WALKER, OF KANSAS.

Gov. Walker, whose course in Kansas was so
Objectionable at first, appears more circum-
spect since the Press of the South commenced
an earnest complaint against his policy. There
Is abundant evidence to show that his public
declaration, as soon as he reached Kansas
that 1t was to be q free State, coupled with
other declarations tending to the belief that
" the wish was father to the thought" has not
met with the sanction of President Buchanan.
And there Is also cause to believe that Gov
Walker has received intimations to that effect.
We have been close observer of intelligence
from Kansas, and, 30 far as we have been able
to perceive, he has ceased to do evil. if he has
not learned to do well. We no longer find him
insisting that the Constitution must be submit
ted to vote of the people under such regua-
tons ss ne prescribes, and threatening that the
Constitution shall be rejected by Congress I'm.
less it goes through such preliminary process
as he dictates. On the contrary, he is retreat.
ing from his broad squatter sovereignty doc.
trine, and making explanations to place himself
back on the platform of the Administration.
1t is plain that he now perceives that he was
not sent to Kansas to frame Constitution for
her people, and to be making public speeches,
declaring that it was to be free-soil State.
he has discovered that he was sent by the
President to see that the laws are faithfully
executed, and not for the purpose of playing
the Dictator, and telling the people what mus,
and must not be done by them to make the
Constitution acceptable to his approval. This
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10

z. Another pregnant indication of a change
of opinion, is the rebellion of the people of the
North against party leaders.
Political leaders, says a Free Soil cotempo.
rary, seem to be greatly disturbed at the ex.
ceeding Generalization, as they style it, of DO.
litical parties. They are alarmed at the reluc.
lance of the masses-at their refusal eyen-to
respond to the requirements of party discipline.
They issue their edicts-they erect their plat.
forms-they summon the loyal hosts who have
hitherto followed their banners to a renewal of
the confict-but their commands fall UNDECIDED
upon dull and inattentive ears. Their author.
ty seems to be questioned. The masses of the
people, like the East India Sepoys, begin to
regard their commanders with distrust, and
threaten to resume their sovereignty over their
own affairs.
All parties are troubled, rcore or less. with
these intestine mutisies None feel absolutely
sure of the unquestionisg obedience of their
rank and file. Such q state of things naturally
fills the minds of party leaders with apprehen.
sion and alarm. They fear the country is on
the verge of ruin, when their DEGREES have
ceased to command respectful and implicit
obedience.
Perhaps the most noteworthy illustration of
this state of things is to be found in the case of
Massachusetts. Speaker Banks has been nom.
mated for Governor by the almost unanimous
action of the Know Nothing and Abolition
Conventions, yet the party presses and speakers
in vain attempt to create any enthusiasm in his
behalf, and many prominent men refuse per.
euptorily to support him.
g. Another, and the most hopeful sign of i'm
provement is in the tone of the Southern peo.
pie and politicians.
We have not seen or heard defence of Sla-
very in years. There is no attempt making
anywhere to reconcile existing institutions with
the sounding generalities of State papers, still
less to shift to other shoulders the responsibility
for Slavery, which should justly lie on our own.
The term necessary evil is no longer extorted
from Southern complaissnce by Northern fanat
icism we hear no more of apologies for what
We cannot help, but everywhere of assertions
of the justice, humanity, and policy of Slavery.
Such are few of the reasons why we antici-
pate the near approach of the final conflict, and
indulge in hopes of a favorable issue. Let us
be true to ourselves and to the responsibilities
of our position as the sole guardian of great
element of Christian civilization, and we can
await the result with confidence.
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10
SLAVERY DEsPOTISM.

The Southern Monitor of this city, copying
from the New York Day Book parades in the
columns of its last number this paragraph, con-
corning distinguished American writer's:
Irving first achieved his reputation in Eng
land, and came back to this country with the
endorsement of Sir Walker Scott, whose iuig-
ment no one thought of disputiug. He has
given us very little from his fertile pen, with
the exception of his last work, of which any
American can feel proud. He is intensely
British in his ideas, voted for Fremont at the
risk of severng the Union of this Confederacy
of States, and has very little to recommend him
to the favor of his countrymen.
" Hildreth pretends to be an American histo-
rian, yet he has written work which abounds
in ISLANDERS upon his own country, and which,
if penned by British author, could not have
been more unfair. We might continue these
remarks Seriatim, mentioning all our prominent
writer's in turn. 1t is only necessary, however,
to say that the following, whether they be poets,
essaysts, or noveists, are all intensely British,
and were strong Fremont men at the late cleo
ton: Bryant, Longfellow, Curtis, Emerson,
Whittier, Bayard Taylor, Ticknor, Prescott,
Epes Sargent, Dana, Goodwin, Sprsgue, Conrad,
Briggs, &c. These comprise the prominent
literary men of the North, and most of them
might as well be residents of England as of this
country, for they do not represent in the slight
est degree the IDEAS at TIE fUu.I-tivI. Of .ur
system OF Government-indeed, they do not
possess the first conception of them"
Because Irving and Hildreth, and Bryant and
Longfellow, and the others named, are opposed
to the expansion of slave labor over our vast
and unsettled Territories, spologists for Slavery
say they do not possess the first conception u
of the ideas at the foundation of our system of
Government. These "model American pa.
triots are evidently of opinion that the aristo-
cratic ideas on which alone slavery can be de.
Tended, are the fundamental ideas which under.
lie our Government. But they are clearly
wrong. Our Government was intended for the
development of democratic, rather than aristo-
cratic, ideas, and for the perpetuation of DEM
OcrGtic, rather than an GriStOcratic. policy.
Those who defend and would extend the area
OF free labor, with its humanizing tendencies,
are true to correct principles. Those who de-
fend or would extend the area of slave labor.
with its brutalizing tendencies, are false to cor.
rect principles, and would weaken the nation
that partisan purpose may be effected For
no nation can be truly strong which possesses
such an element of weakness as large slave
population.
The extract quoted also shows the intolerance
of Slavery. 1t permits no independence, and
would sacrifice every man who dares to have a
purpose inconsistent with its interests. Can
such tyranny be effective in the free North !?
1t is in the South, we know. But shall we, too,
become the slaves of Slavery PHIL. Times.
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10
THE ATLANTIC TELEGRAPH CABLE

Many OF our cotemporaries have commented
freely upon the failure of the expedition, sent
out to lay the telegraph cable upon the bed of
the Atlantic; and, though all express the hope
as who would not ?-that the enterprise will be
ultimately carried out, there is a general doubt
whether the attempt will be renewed this year.
and some apprehension whether the hopes ex.
pressed will be realized. No one entertains
the idea that the project will be abandoned
without further trial. Too much has been sue
cessfully accomplied already to admit of aban.
donment, until obstacles that are mGnifestly
insurmountable present themselves. If the ex-
pertinent had to be repeated at the expense of
the stockholders, the case might be different.
since to renew it upon similar scale of mag.
nitude would be too costly for the company to
bear But that branch of the enterprise hav-
ing been undertaken by the two Governments,
considerations of a merely pecuniary character
will have but little weight. There is a consid-
GRAFTON, however, connected with this view of
the case, which should not be lost sight of.
1t will be conceded, we presume, that the
most favorable time for the operation of laying
the cable is past for the present year. This
will be strong argument for the postponement
until next summer. But such postpouement
involves a good deal. 1t is not likely that
either the English Government or our own will
pcEmlb tnCH ISSpSCtlN0 VESSELS TO lie lui0 1OF
twelve months. We imagine the Niagara and
the Agamemnon will have to be released, the
cable will have to be unshipped, and the expe-
dition disbaRded, and impediments may arise
in the mean time to its re-sssembling on the
same Grand Such considerations may inhu-
ence the directors of the company to resolve
upon an Immediate renewal of the attempt,
notwithstanding the season has so far advanced.
The next mail from England will probably
bring US their decision, and it will be looked
for with no ordinary interest.
The first intimation of the disaster was given
in a Geographic dispatch from Valentia, dated
August IL. The operators there, having found
all communication with the vessels had been
suddenly cut off, instituted series of expert
ments, which at once told them, with singular
accuracy, not only the nature of the accident,
but the distance from the coast at which it &C.
CURED and the details, the substance of which
has been published in the Commercial, were
subsequently published in Liverpool paper of
the 18th instant. A portion of the account we
here reproduce:
"Her Majesty's ship Leopard, Captain Vain
wright, arrived at Portsmouth on Friday even
ing, l4th August, and reports that the Atlantic
telegraph cable was broken at 81 o'clock on
Tuesday morning, the lth instant, after having
paid out successfully three hundred and thirty.
five nautical miles of cable-the last one hun
dred miles of it in water over two miles in
depth, and the greater part of this at the rate
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10
From the Commercial Advertiser, August 81.
GOV. WALKER AND KANSAS.

"My doctrine is this that in the future, when
the Constitution shall be submitted to the vote
OF the citizens of Kansas, it shall be submitted
to the vote OF the whole people. / do not mean
those who are now registered under the Terri
torlsl law. L dc not mean those who were re.
siding here on the 18th of March last, but l
mean the whole people of Kansas not only
those who are here now, but those who will be
here next fall, as actual residents-that they
the people over whom these institutions are to
operate-that they, by a majority of their votes,
shall decide for themselves what shall be their
Constitution, and what shall be their social in
stitutions."
Thus spoke Governor Walker, of Kansas, in
his famous Topeka address on the 9th of June
an address evidently prepared with care, and
designed to allay the apprehensions of the Free
State residents of the Territory and the friends
of Freedom outside the Territory. 1t had that
effect and though it savored of the Soustter.
Sovereignty creed, the Conservative press of the
North generally accepted the assurance, as be.
ing quite as much as could be expected from a
Democratic Governor and Democratic Fed.
eral Administration. The general response of
the press, this journal included, was. "Very
we'll let that be done, and whatever the decis
ion may be, reasonable and patriotic men ey.
erywhere will scquiesce." Indeed, that as
surance, from one understood to be fully advised
of the purposes of the Administration, and fully
empowered to declare them and carry them
out, awakened very general hope and belief
that the protracted and ruinous controversy
in that Territory was about to be brought to a
decisive end.
The declaration soon attracted attention at
the South, and provoked in some quarters un-
measured abuse of Governor Walker. and un.
mistakable signs of hostility to the Administra
ton, in whose confidence, and the exponent of
whose intentions, Governor Walker had declared
himself to be. When these demonstrations of
dissatisfaction at the South became more gen.
ersl and violent, the Washington Union, the
organ of the Administration, began to show
symptoms of alarm, and tried for a while to
create the belief that Governor Walker had
been misrepresented. This resource failing. it
next deliberately argued that by " the people -
must be understood the voters, and that the
Constitutional Convention would have author
lty to declare who were voters. The sopbi,trv
OF this was at once apparent, and the impres.
sion became general that the Administration.
either OF original purpose, or because of the
feeling manifested at the South, did not intend
| to act up to the promise so clearly aud forcibly
given By Its Executive Representatives and
spokesman in the Territory.
Recently despatch from WASHINGTON. nnr.
porting to give extracts from communication
made to Washington by Governor Walker
pretty conclusively showed that he had been
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10

officially apprised of his error, or of the change
OF purpose by the Administration, as the case
may be, the despatch being of the following
tenor:
General Walker, of Kansas, in official des-
patches, recently received, says that on one
point he has been grossly misrepresented, name.
Iy, as desiring that every man should vote who
happened to be in the Territory on the day of
election, for the ratification of the Constitution.
This, he remarks, would be desirable, if there
were conclusive evidence that all such persons
were actual, bona .fde settlers;' but the only
sufficient and usual proof of such fact would
be some previous residence. On this point,
which is one of detail, he had never proposed
to make suggestions to the Convention, al
though, when asked his opinion by members of
that body, he had indicated previous resi-
dence OF three or six months, and that the
same qualifications should be adopted in the
Constitution, in regard not only to that, but to
ali future elections
"In his judgment, one or the other of these
terms will be adopted Sy the Convention, from
whom he anticipated cordial cooperation. 1T
is somewhat extraordinary he adds, that
while this accusation of letting every man vote
who may happen to be in the Territory on the
day of the election, has been preferred in the
South, as indicating desire on my part to let
IN abolition Migrants and interlopers to control
the result, the Republicans of Kansas have
drawn an entirely different conclusion, viz :
That designed in this manner to bring many
thousand Missourians into the Territory to
decide the contest"
1t will be seen that herein the Governor ex
plains away the promise deliberately made at
Topeka, and Swallowed forth, if not substantial
ly given, in his inaugural address. He entire
ly changes his ground, so far as the public are
concerned, although he claims that while declar.
ing at Topeka that the whole people of the
Territory, at the time of submitting the Con.
stitution to the popular vote, and not merely
those who resided there given time, should
be allowed to vote upon it, he was privately
representing to members of that body that
previous residence of three or six months ought
to be required. 1t is for Governor Walker to
show how his promise at Topeka and his private
representations to members of the Convention
comport with honor and truthfulness. We can.
not see that they do, and with such evidence
of double dealing, of contrariety between his
public promises to Free State men and his
private representations to members of the Con
stitutional Convention, our confidence in his
Administration has necessarily been weakened
and we were not unprepared for the dissppont-
ment that seems now to await all who had built
their hope of peace in that Territory upon Gov,
ernor Walkers seemingly frank exposition and
sincere promises made at Topeka.
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10
POLITICAL FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.

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History of the Slavery Question, from 1871
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Laws OF the Kansas Legislature; the Proceedings Of
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This work affords a thorough and impartial view ofAs
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every important document being given complete, in ID
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party.
The Duty of the American Scholar to Polito
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Curtis, on Tuesday, August S. 1856, before the Literary
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The Political Essays of Parke Goodwin, Esq.
Contcnts-Our Parties and Politics; the Vestges 81
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For sale by
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5S National Era Once.
The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1857-09-10

being the case, we are disposed to fog give him
tor the past, if he wiz 1eport himself becom.
ingly for the future.
The Washington correspond emit of the New
York Herald states that, from a rece ut CONVEX.
sation with an intimate friend of Walker, be
has reason to believe that Coz, W. b. serious
ly fixed his intentions upon tie Viii, % House.
and that his Kansas policy he bSen ,haped in
iurtnerance OF that design. 1his m " or may
not De true. Ii true, GoT. VIZ hss b. en- pursu
ing the wrong road to reach the desi red point
hitnerto strong pros avery man, ie cannot
smut his position to cato, birds Of ev ry feather
without losing the respel; of his cid lends, and
falling TO secure the respect aud CO, 6dence Of
new ones. Insre may be dfsigl amongst
certain politicians to i1augI-afe q new ma
tonsi conservative party" bus 8, rel Robert
Walker is not to be its sandidat. 70 the mex
Presidency.-Wincheste Vn9intan