New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1857-12-31

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togive, and yet in sovereign State il exists Wha
particular process creates il have never been able Il
settle.
have connected the doctrine of the Supreme Coir
with the doctrine maintained here, that the people
the Territories have no power TO exclude Slavery
And in this connection II will not be out OF plac- %
mention the Jackson Resolutions of 1919. Trey are
fully indorsed by our present hxecwiy: ~ MS I"'e
Inaugural and announce this strange 'o.iIn,
The right to prohibit Slavery a mi b. e,erc,ed bv them
ssiy.y TO the people thereof pd aie Govemmt or n ,br
."rsreisn espay a. an State Law'Of ls9
Ib;s rsso,r,;on !enes the right OF the people Of
T.rr;tory ~ ~.clude Slavery by a Territorial iav
IL nreseIs me confused idea that they have il, and
do ma, IT. that il exists, bat cannot be exercised;
sle,ss, but is walked by name. Call the represen-
satives of the people Legislature, and the power
does not exist call the assemblage CoHreatioR
and IL does. But the resolution admits the power ex
lists and may be exercised in forming Constitution
for State Government. How does il happen that 40
vital power exists Just at this tme and not before
What clause Of the Constitution does il come from
Or from what source outside of the Constitution If
members of the Legislature cannot exclude Slavery,
how can the same men, representing the same people,
ms members of a Convention do il IL il plain that
the torpid power thus insisted upon lie purely arbitrary
and made to let Slavery into all the TERRITORIES if
single Individual choose 10 carry there in spite OF
Congress, or the will of the local inhabitants.
have q single remark TO make in reference 10 the
Fugitive Slave law. An error was committed in its
passage, which, in my opinion, has largely contribn-
ted to the evils of Slavery agitation. speak of the
clause commanding oil good citizens 10 aid and assist
in catching fugitive slaves whenever their services
may be required 1t is an anomaly. There is such
obligation between the citizens Of the Slave States.
We cannot here be made 10 help catch runaway slaves
ard any attempt to pass law making il our duty to
do it, would meet the most decided opposition. A
law making il our duty to quit our own affairs and
her neghb6rs catch ;e i stray horses world no.
b. lerated. That il is the constitutional right of
sle ye-owners TO follow their runaway slaves into free
'ory and recapture them, is beyond question; but
as very exists by orce and not by law they ought
TO b. left TO their own exert0ns, aided alone by those
who IRE willing to do so Catching slaves is one
thing keeping the peace is another. One is the bust
ness uf sl0veowners and those willing 10 assist them
the other, Of all good citizen,
Another error shall notice ia the position assumed
the 9tb or night that il is unconstitutional for emf
grants 70 come here with view to change our nsttu-
lions. am at Leo % know what clause of the Con.
sttuton is vioatca ~ such emigration; what tri-
bunal cnn take cornizance OF IT. how the grievance
is TO be ascertaned how redressed. The right of
emigration TO this State is common to the citizens Of
sister States, and all the privileges and immune
ties of citizens are guaranteed to them by the Consti
tuition of the United States when they get here. We
ha, inQuisition to meet them nj the border and
OUT -tion them ms to their motives. Their emigration
here is one thing, the motives that bring them, all
other. With the first 10 authority can interfere, and
for the last they are answerabe alone to their God.
they choose to here and become citizens with
the forms of the Constitution; they have the right to
do SO, and the motives that brought them here,
prompt them afterward beyond the cognizance of
human tribunals.
The same position was assumed by our State Execu-
tive, in his late inaugural, when he annexed to emf
grafton the qualification of "m0ral worM and political
integrfy." The " moral worth necessary to adnis
sion, might possibly be determined if we had tribu-
nal TO take cogniEance of the matter but the " Iola
cal integrity would confound all attempts Know
Nothing, Anti, or Benton integrity would be required,
as Me one or other of these parties might have posses
sion of the tribunal taking cognzance of the case.
Rnt having no common tribunal if each party organ
ICES one Of its own i NV anybody is
get into the State at all.
This matter is well illustrated by the very occasion
which forced me to speak. Objections are made to
from the Free States and to their building
University here because, it is said, they are Adolf
tionsts. The directors make themselves the judges
hear 10 evidence admit no defense, and exclude.
Such tribunal may well be compared to the Spanish
lnquisition, and will certainly meet with the same de-
termined resistance.
Mr. Douglas takes the same position in his report
on Kansas affairs. tribunal was organized to meet
it. 1t acted independent of constituted authorities
and was unknown to the Constitution and law. The
history Of Kansas tells melancholy story of carnage
and of blood sadly illustrating the faacy of the posi-
ton. No good citZen--nOne who love the quiet
their hearthsones, and the majesty Of the law that
guards il, can wish TO see such doctrine put IN
practical operation here.
| have now finished my view of the errors from
i
has resulted. That much has resulted from improper
Northern agitation, is doubtless true; but We ought
not to allow such a consideration to lead us into SINH
lar If ever there were people who ought to
be studiOusy careful to be right il is the people ei the
South. If the terrible conflict, so often predicted
SHOULD cOme-I trust in God it may not-the civilized
world will be against US and if Mr.. Jefferson is to be
believed, God has no attribute that could side with
US in the conflict. The great masses Of the Free
States have no interest but in being right and they
will he So and sustain in all rights here, if we
will keep right ourselves; but it, ~ the face of hui
mainly, the united opinions of the founders of the
Government, and of all experience, we assume that
Slavery Is blessing that all restrictions upon 1t
ought to be removed and political opinions sanctioned
which would send it not only into all the Territories,
but into all the Free States, and result in reopenng
the slaye-;rGde, everlasting and il. urous agitation
will be the inevitable result.
come now to speak Of Slevery in Missouri, and
what ought TO be policy in reference to il. That
IL rapidly diminishing Is fact well authenticated,
a conviction deeply fixed in the public mind every
where. Missouri is now the great central State of the
Unen and il rapidly becoming the center of its wealth
and population. Midway between the two oceans,
directly on the great railway route that must ulii-
mattel connect them with mild climate and unsur-
passed agricultural and mineral resources it is at
tracing an immense emigration. II il coming, and
will continue 10 come chiefly from the Free States.
Shareholders not only will not come here but those
that are here are, every and them going of 10
Texas. Our policy is manifest. II is TO impose 10
qualification restriction by conduct, upon emf
grafton but the contrary, 10 encourage it, by the
exhibition of generous, fraternal feelings.
The tendencies Of the times will free as OF Slavery,
without injury 70 the stakeholder; without tax upon
anybody; without leaving free negroes among Us, and
wthOu, agitation, unless il is wantony thrust upon Us
by those who, losing sight of the great landed and
property interests OF the State make the political as
tendency Of the ultra Pro-Slavery party the chief ID
Dor of their lives, by exciting the fears of the slave
holders, incorporating "he opinions and aims o
other diaucts,' swelling the dangerous element o
se1finnnl IL nitn tinn aud nneriln, lie Eninn