The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1857-04-14
THE DAILY DISPATCH.


ILL D--,.e~--~,,~~--~ .,~~>~~~~>~--
Tsesday lMernins, April IA 1897.
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The subject 81 slavery.
ne. nsa booed that with the termination OF the
are presidential contest, would end, for time ~
..s, the everlasti discussion OF the subject OF
.,.xerv. when the files Of the newspapers OF the
ma ar the last ten years are examined they pre-.
sent q mouotonous and interminsoie DESERT VI AZ.
ricanisn One would think that the popuisuon Oh
this country consisted Of twenty milons OF olscAs
and three millions Of whites, % vast ana over
.hadowiue ID the interest which the former class
.wskens. Congress, the pulpit, at the North) the
rress everywhere, TEEN with assaults and defences
&c the Southern institution. 1t seems to u.s. after
aabblipe as much In this sort Of controversy rs
any of our contemporaries. that 1t Ii about ~ un-
nroAtable, not to say mischievous waste of human
anersies. as can be well imagined. II all that ID
nublished In defence of Southern institutions by
southern journals could be published at the North
and being published, would be read there, II
would be valuable use Of much excellent ammu'
milton that IL now never heard except by those
who FIRE It off. The scriptural argument in behaii
of slavery, (Which never has been and never can
be answered. the political and moral, and o'ner
views perfectly satisfactory to all candid miha'
can never reach the eyes Of the Northern mAsSe'
through the medium of Southern newspapefs.-
They serve, Il is true, TO enlighten ana conii'A
our own people bat II there ever was No
when this WAS necessary, 1t can be so no io"so'
after ten wears devoted by the press, ora'ofs M"
leg,s,ators of the whole land to slavery ana ho.
thing else. whilst the protraeted discussion o'
s,.verv NAV nroduce mischief, IL can DO no sooo'
II M. nnlv fails 10 convert our adversaries' out IL
r,oareos IN. suspicion in their minds tnat Tue
So,th does no, possess a quiet and certain conn
sa,oo ., tho r,erits of its own cause. IL we "ouiu
..u, ,oss md act more we should be more respect
"A .od ts.red than at present We might give tne
,hoc. ito proper proportion Of attention, but, oy
n.orifv;no II beyond all bounds, In newspaper
cd noIi,caI discussions, we induce orr enemies to
.rnnose tina. re are merely 'whisting to keep our
courage up." Such aggressions as the fanaticism
of the North contemplates, ought not to be met
with words 1t would be about as dignified to
argue with burglar or assassin about the wicked
ness of his contemplated crime, as to answer PACK
sucb menaces as those of abolitionism. AS Prof
Bledsoe says, you might as well read the riot act
t o thunder storm as to address reason ana argus
nent to an aboitonist. Let US increase the strin,
gency of our legislative enactments Tor the pros
lection of slave property and the punishment OF
abolition depredators and incendiaries; let US
push on our public works, and develope our agri-
cultural and manufacturing industry, 80 as to give
us the material power to defend our institutions
against assaults from any and every quarter; let
us show our loyalty to the South by encouraging
Son bern literature, Southern schools, Southern
watering places and every production of Southern
industry no matter how inferior to that of North
ern manufacture. The people of Boston could
surrender the luxury of tea for the sake of indie
pendence, and if we are equally in earnest, we
will exercise as much selfdenial, and sustain our
own industry, no matter though its products may
not at present equal those of other sections Let
us, in word, begin to act, and cease to talk.
1t is of course idle to suppose that abstinence
from the wars of words on our side will be follow
ed by similar discretion on the part of the aboli-
tonists. Fanaticism always talks. 1t is nothing
without its tongue. 1t is by the use of this pc
tent weapon that it has convinced itself that the
founders of its own section knew nothing of sla.
very, although they were the first men to intro
duce it in this country; that they were models of
freedom of conscience, though they hung Qua
kers and burned witches; that they themselves
are the wisest and most virtuous people under
the sun; that the Bible forbids slavery and that
the American Constitution is a compact with
death and hell Let them rave on! If we CAM
not convince anybody there of truth, neither can
they convert anybody here to falsehood. Their
guns, loaded to the muzzle with cant and defama-
tion, will not carry south of Mason g. Dixon
They can and will create public sentiment
against slavery, but we cannot prevent it by
talking back. We can let them see our temper
by our legislation, and by additional enterprise
ard self dependence, by touching their money
nerve whenever we can reach it, we can show
them that we are not asleep, nor unmindful of the
future. Again we say, let us give up words and
try Deeds