The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1857-08-15

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1t has rarely happened In our history that The
citizens of New York have been enabled to take
go decided step towards the regulation Of their
political system as that Of which the meeting
on THURSDAY night was the incipient symptom.
The question which brought the crowd together
that evening WIS not 30 much q party political,
ss ar abstract institutional question. 1t was in
few words this: Where shall the limits of State
sovereignty over the chartered bodies within the
State determine, how far shall municipal liberty
extend and wherein shall it consist
The late Legislature Of this State, resolving
tbese questions to suit its own party aims, de-
cieed that the Sovereignty of the State govern
ment was paramount and unlimited that munich
palitiee enjoyed no rights which the State could
lot take away without their consent, and that
municipal liberty was q fiction akin to that po-
liticsl liberty which the French enjoy under the
present imperial regime. Acting npon these prin-
ciples. that Legislature passed a series Of acts
curtaling the privileges of the city and people of
New York; disposing of the patronage naturally
belonging to them; appropriatiDg their money
without their consent; experimenting and
directing works Of public utility to be built
within their limits and with their funds;
oeprivipg them of their normal control over their
business as seaport; and generally contribut-
ing Us far ss it could, to dsfranchise and stulti
fy them in the eyes Of the country at large, 1t
was well known, at the time these acts were
passe6-and even their best friends did not at
tempt to deny it-that the prime motive of the
acts was partly revenge for the past and partly
concupiscence for the future. The intensely re-
publican Legislature was delighted to have it in
its power to achieve, by one blow, the humilia-
ton of a city strongly democratic in feeling, and,
at the same time, to obtain control of money and
patronage that could be turned to excellent &C
count at the elections. 1t was esteemed first
rate joke among the republicans at Albany that
henceforth the money raised from the democrats
of New York city to build City Hail. lay out
Central Park, ard pay an army of policemen,
would be used to further the republican cause at
elections, to secure doubtful rural constituencies
and even to throw doubt on the issues in New
York.
The acts were passed. Gov. King, belieing
the hopes that were entertained of his indepen-
dence, did Tot withhold its approval; they be-
came laws The municipal authorities of this CT
IT, conscious Of the responsibility which devolved
upon them, refused to recognise their validity un-
til they had been tested in q constitutional
manner. An appeal was made to the courts.
Greatly to the surprise Of every right thinking
man, the Supreme Court, and the Court of Ap-
peals took the side of the new laws, and the
Common Council of the city were compelled to
succumb; and for the first time In the history of
our State the spectacle of partially didranchised
city was witnessed in this metropolis
II is not our purpose here to draw attention to
the miserable misuse which the republicans have
made Of their i'll gotten power; to show, how,
while the Quarantine act is null and void, the
Port Wardens' act unconstitutional, the City Hall
and Central Park acts for the present imperative,
and the Excise act notoriously defective the most
important law of all, the Metropolitan Police act,
has handed this city over bodily into the hands
of rowdies, thieves, burglars, and assassins.
How the simplest processes in the administration
of Justice seem, under this new tangled system,
to be clogged with insurmountable difficulty; and
how, In the place Of helping us, the new Police
Commissioners have exhibited, since their inau-
guration, spectacle of pueriie folly of which
decent collegians would be Overwhelmingly
ashamed
With these practical points of the new system
We do not design at present to interfere. Our
concern is with the general principle involved In
all the laws we have mentioned, namely, the
principle that the Legislature can, when 1t
pleases THAT is TO say when it is stirred by po-
itical prejudce) deprive a city or county of
its recognized political and municipal rights,
and confer these rights upon creatures of its
own.
The black republicans Of this State hold-and
they have given practical evidence of the since
rity of their faith-that the Legislature may and
can disfranchise this or any other city, county,
village or municipality Of any kind, whenso-
ever such city, county, &c, shall presume to hold
contrary political views to the majority of the
people Of the State.
On the other hand, the democracy hold that
the State government-like the federal govern
ment-is a machine appointed to fulfil certain
specific purposes, and that 1t has no more right
to confscate the privileges of cities than the pro.
perty of individuals And the democracy be-
lieve that should the contrary doctrine to this
prevail, there would be no safety for any Of the
free institutions Of the country.
This is the issue on which the people Of this
State have to vote this fall An entire new Lee
gislature will be chosen in November, and accord
ing to the complexion of that Legislature will the
doctrine for or against State usurpation prevail.
Two Of the conventions are called already, and