Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1856-04-26
Tbe Anti- 5lauerp Buolc.
From the Liberator
THE DISSOLUTION OF The UNION.

THE DlSSOLUTlON Ot The UNION.
In the course of his very able lecture against
slavery delivered at the Tabernacle, in New York.
last month, by our esteemed friend, Theodore Par
iker, he said:
The North has duty to perform-to put slavery
down, 'peaceably if it can, forcibly if we must
there are two ways to go to work to do this: one
is to dissolve the Union, and leave the South to
settle the matter for herself
There are many things that look that way; and
there are some who think this the true system
Among them is my friend johnson, who so hand
somey introduced me as an infdel. But he meant
such an infdel as loves the good God and his fell
low man. Mr.. Garrison is in favor of the dissolu
ton of the Union. lie is great and good man.
and love him. (Appause with some hisses)
do not wonder that some Kisses are mingled with
your applause for the people do not yet appre-
ciate Mr. Garrison....I do not agree with him that
the Union should be dissolved. 1t could not now
be done without bloodshed. think that those who
live thousand years from now may see Cana
dian Republic, Pacific Republic, and an Atlantic
republie-perhaps also a Central American repuO-
lic 1t is contrary to the genius of the Anglo
Saxons to keep together in great bodies, and in
time we chall peceaSly separate.
am not a non.resistant, and would shed blood
sometimes. But think that, in nine cases out Of
ten the Quaker is right. In the tenth case think
he is wrong, and would shed blood. think the
Union could not now be dissolved peaceably, and
it is not yet necessary to abolish it torcibly. |
think too, that if we were to dissolve the Union,
it would be difficult to tell where to draw the line.
We should have to draw it North of New York,
north of Concord and east of Boston. (Laugh-
ter) l fear we should have to draw it through
your delegation in Washington. And besides, 1t
would not be right for us to dissolve the Union.
and leave four millions of our brethren in bon
dage.
We would not do it if they were white, and we
ought not to do it because they are black. For
I rot dissol olyet and
yet the dissolution Of the Union is small matter,
compared with the wrongs which have been enact
ed within the last ten years.
We republish these extracts, because they relate
to what we regard as the only vital issue with the
slave Power now before the country--un issue
which Mr. Parker is not yet prepared to accept Tor
himself nor to urge upon the North for their adop-
tion-beleving it to be unnecessary, and suggest
ing what to him appears more feasible courses;
and because they are deserving of consideration,
as the sentiments of one of the sincerest and
bravest advocates of the enslaved in our land. In
making them q text for few brief criticisms,
our object is to meet the case Of many other
friends of the anti-savery movement, who like
him, still cling to the Union as worthy OF pIeser-
pation.
l. We do not clearly understand what Mr. Par
ker means when he says that the No'th must aool
ish slavery, 'peaceably if it can, roRcIDLY if ii
must The North, as such, cannot by any leSlsla-
tive action emancipate single slave IN all the
South; and as to resort to force on Its part does
Mr.. Parker contemplate armed invasion Of the
South under any circumstances, to secure the
abolition of the slave system? In either case there
fore, we cannot see how the North has a duty
duty to perform to put slavery down It's appro
pirate work is, to giving that religious sane
ton, political fellowship and governmental! CO.
operation, whereby the South is enabled to main
tain and extend her slaveholding dominion. When
ever that shall be DONE we have no doubt whatever
that slavery will speedily cease to exist But in
termS,-nOt in fact, as we shall endeavor to SHOW,
TO this Withdrawal, Mr.. Parker Objects for he
saws, 4 do not agree that the Union should he dis
solved'-though he thinks there will ultimately be
a Canadian republic, Pacific republic, and an
Atlantic republic not with reference to slavery,
but because 1T is contrary to the genus OF the
Anglo Saxons to keep together in great bodies,-
making it question of time and of disposition,
not one of principle. Is there net some confusion
here?
Q In grave discussion like this, there should
be definite meaning attached to language, or no
progress can be made in an ethical inquiry. 1t by
the term Union Mr. Parker means one thing,and
we another, Numerically its opposite, then each
is looking at different ,blect, from different
standpoint. In that case, he may not be for dis
solving his Union; but, if so, he certainly cannot
be for perpetuating ours and must join with us IN
desiring its abolition! If, by the term Union,
he means one thing, and the Americad people an
other then his Union yet remains TO be organized,
and he is for preserving what is only to be found
in his own liberty:loying Imagination. But if, by
that term he means precisely what Washington,
and Hancock and Adams, and Jefferson, and
Marshall meant by it-what the nation, ander all
its different political phrases, all its constitution
al departments, executive, legislative and judicial
from without variableness or shadow of turning
has found its formation meant by it-then 1t is foI
him to show, as a moralist religious teacher
as an uncompromsing friend of the slave, how he
can help to perpetuate it,without becoming respon
sble for the continuance of slavery. For it is nc
answer to say, that the Union could not now be
dissolved peaceably.' Why, acting upon his prin
cple, and adopting his own language, may we not
reply, peaceably if we car, forcibly if we must?
Is it for him who believes in bloodshed to object
that divorcement from the South, on the part ol
the North, may lead to the shedding of blood
seeing that iu will relieve the latter of its present
heavy burden Of guiR Fiat justHtd, Tudt cGlum
If the Constitution provides slave representa-
ton in Congress for the exclusive benefit Of then
tyranncal masters, as such; if it pledges the mil
itary strength of the North to keep the slaves Sc
curey in their fetters; if it provides for the hunt
ing and recapture Of the fugitive slave in every
free State in the Union; then how any a6oli
zionist take an oath, oil empower any other per
son to take an oath, to support tho Constitution
80 help him Cod without violating his owr
principles, and Justly subjecting himself to the
interrogation, Thou that preachest, man should
not steal, dost thou steal? Thou therefore, which
teachest another the STAKEHOLDER, teaches
thou not thyself? We wish this point to
be met, and we do not see how it can be fairly
evaded Does it not involve the whole question
of moral obligation, alike to God and man? Or is
our conscience unnecessarily tender--our concu
sion, that wa cannot innocently do evil that good
may come, the result of diseased brain? That
the Constitution contains all the provisions which
we have enumerated, that it was understood and
intended to contain them, from the beginning till
now in order to render union between the differ
ent colonies possible, is just as certain as the ex
stence of the reppcliG itself nothing in all history
A1a fpty nj
uniform action under this constitution, by every
National and State Executive, every Congress, Su
preme Court, State Legislature, and the entire IA
tion cannot determine its meaning and purpose
then nothing whatever is reliable in regard to the
instrument; and a people SO misled, SO bcsotted