Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1856-01-10
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.


This document vas read in the Sen.
ate on the 30th ult. An inkling as
to its contents may be gained from
the following abstract Of Congress
ional proceedings 1t will have a
place in our next:
WASHINGTON CRY, December 81
HoUsE-Immediately after the read
ing of the journal, Sidney Webster,
Private Secretary Of the President,
announced the Presidents Message.
Great excitement was produced, a.
mid which Mr.. Clingman moved it
be read, in order to hear what it was.
Morgan called for the ayes and noes
on the motion to read the Message,
as be wanted no reading till the
House organized. Giddings and
others anxiously struggled for the
floor.
The message was read 10 the Sem
ate. The President states that he
has delayed until this time, his an
nual communication to the two
Houses in consequence of the non-or-
ganization of the House; but bis con-
victions Of duty will not permit him
to delay any longer in giving Con.
gress information of the state OF the
Union, and recommending such meas
ures as he judges necessary or expe-
dent. He commences by giving a
history of Central American affairs
In particular the President refers to
the recent troubles in Kansas, and
says that her people must be protec
ted in the exercise of their rights,
without interference on the part OIL
the people Of any other State. He
commends the subject to the early
attention of Congress.
He enlogizes popular sovereignty.
and gives a history Of the formation
of the Union and expatiates on
States Rights with particular refer
ence to slavery and the Fugitive
Slave Law. He regards agitation as
dangerous to the durability of the
Union, and regrets to see States dis
regard their constitutional obliga-
tons, and refuse 20 obey the laws of
Congress. He denies that the South
has obtained advantages over the
North in the Federal Government,
and proceeds to refer to the ordinance
of 1877 and the acquisition of Lou
isiana, to illustrate that the balance
of power, between freedom and slave
ry, comes down to the annexation of
Texas, the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise, SC; and argues that
the South has got no more than be-
longs to her. He gives an elaborate
defence of the principle of the Ne
5raska Bill, and Indignantly denies
that it was breach of faith. He
says grave questions are pending
with some foreign powers, the most
important Of which is that with great
Britain, arising out of the Nicaragua
question. 1t was the understanding
of the U. S. in making the treaty,
that all the present States forming
the Central American Republic would
thenceforth enjoy complete indepen.
dence and that both the contract
ing Powers engaged equally, and to
the same extent for the present and
future, that if either of them had any
claim of right in Central America,
such claim was unreservedly relin-
pushed by the stipulations of the
convention and no dominion there
after should be exercised in any
part of Central America by Great
Britain or the United States. This
government consented to restrictions
in regard to a region Of country
wherein we had a specific and pecu.
liar interest only, upon the condi-
tons that like restrictions we're ID
the same sense obligatory on Great
Britain, aud but for this understand
ing it would never have been conclu.
ded by the United States. Great
Britain so construes the convention
as to maintain unchanged all plevi-
Gus pretensions over the Mosquito
coast, &c. These pretensions are
founded on an assumption of politi-
Cal relations between Great Britain
and the remnant of Indians on that
coast, entered into at time when
the whole country was colonial pos
session of Spain. 1t cannot be sue
cessfully controverted that by the
public law of Europe and America,
no possible act. of such Indians or
their predecessors could confer on
Great Britain any public rights. 1t,