Republican vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1857, 1856-05-24

that he was public man, acting In pup.
lie capacity ? Could he have forgotten that
the city Of Albany, from which he wrote,
with the superb library there, belonging
TO the State Of New York, was far better
place for Congressional documents and pa
pers aud memoranda, relative to his egis-
iatlve career. than any archives of his own
al Buffalo No! These are but adroit and
lesuitical pre.ensions TO reserve advantage
in his own favor. He seems from the very
first to be impressed with the idea, that
the least he could possibly say, would be
the best; aud after his Congressional life
ceased, he was evidently anxious to avoid.
as far as possible, all details. There was,
in fact, no othet codsss TO pursue.
We fnd, therefore, that the Gayle let
ter, like the Brooks letter, is corfned to
a single point, and there he stops. Both
are, indeed, substantially the same in
principle, and cover mainly the same
ground. TO re-but the presumption that
he il an ultra-abolitionist, he gives. us:his
opinions, or rather the opinions Mr.. Wise
gave in 1895, on tie subject Of slavery in
the Mates And while he relies upon
the circumstances to which I've have re-
ierred, with an adroitness little too trans
parent as explanatory Of any ob!iviousness
OF fact, he te!efs to his speech in Congress
as embodylng his sentiments upon the sub.
jert. Now, the only speech which Mr..
Fillmore ever made IN Congress upon
slavery, is the one which we have incor-
porated in this number, and it is reported
III precisely the same terms in the Globe,
aud Gales 81 Seaton's Register of Debates.
Most unfortunately for him. that speech
does not bear him out in his assertion in
the Gayle letter The only way in which
he did express his views, ID speech, on
the subject Of slavery in the States, as we
have already shown, was Ito disavow any
DESIRE on his part to interfere with the
rights, or with what was TERMED the prop.
erty o: the citizens of other States" He
certainly never did say that "the subject
was one with which the general govern
ment had nothing to do" unless this isola-
ted expression can be regarded as import
ing that construction. But, grant that these
remarks may be hypercritieal, aud giving
Mr.. Fillmore the full beneti. of bis dscla.
ration. it goes not one whit beyond the
doctrine Of the leading abolltionist. who,
in 1913, opposed any interference with
the institution of slavery as It exists in the
slave States. That was expressly declared
by rhe Buffalo Convention that year. The
immense mass OF his sentiments. during
eleven years service-the bulk Of his
most obnoxious votes remain unretraced,
unauointed, nnsnAealed Look over the
record of Mr.. Fillmore, as we have pre-
scented it, from the first to the present
number, and Incredibly itself will be
startled al the heavy balance against him,
Bat, perhaps, the coolest OF which he was
ever guilty. is the assertion he makes, II
have entertained no other sentiments on
the subject since | examined 1t sufficiently
to form an opinion; and IL doubt hot all
my acts, public and private, will be found
IN accordance with this view Oh ha
The woodcock S near the gin"
There stands his vote in favor Of the
exercise by Congress of power to prohloit
the removal Of slaves from State TO State !!
There stands his vote in favor of discrim.
mating between the institutions OF one
portion Of the confedeIacy and another.
with view and as means Of disturbing
and over,hrowing slavery in the several
States! There stands his vote, that Con-
gress could do directly tha: which it could
not do directly, upon the subject Of slavery
in the States! There stands his vote in
favor OF the suppression Of the coast.wise
traffic in slaves, and against, the transfer
from one port ia the Union to another
port in the Union, of slaves, in vessels be-
longing 70 the citizens thereof There
stands his vote justifying mutiny and MUIR
der on the high seas, in vessels Of the Uni
ted States, by slaves, ef their masters. on
their way from one State TO another But
VIII, swell this mos. dismal recital' Take
the history OF his legislative hfe-compare
each and every &C. with the declarations
he makes to James Brooks and Governor
Gayle, and see how his public conduct
will expound the appeals he makes for
himself when the Vice Presidency loom
ed up before him. He would have us be-
licve that there was perIod when he
had. not examined the subject sufficiently
to form an opinion. From 1885 to 1S43,
his course was invariable. We have no
reflections from the path he had prescribed
to himself; not one particle OF evidence
that he had ever faltered during ten years,
or ever doubted upon any material point.
| II is not until 1913, when he finds him
self in reach Of the goal Of the P,esiden-
cy, when the votes of abolitionists IN New
York will not be omnipotent to him, that
we find for the first time he is most de-"
vou,y exercised for the constitutional
rights Of the South, and speaks, with
bated breath and whispering humbleDsss,
of the sacred compacts by which they are
held For the FIRST time in political life
which, In ans great. faagnanimOus. states
man.ike attribute, has all "the anatomy
OF a starved pilchard," he suddenly dis
covers that the national government has
nothing TO do with slavery, in the States,
and roundly asseyerates that all his acts,
public and private, will be found in ac-
COZ dance with this view Have we for
gotten his speech at Minerva Hall, in
Rochester. New York, in the year lS47
Have we forgotten his speech at the mass
meeting in the same State in the year
1874? Have we forgotten that he did
vote in favor OF the agitation and abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia and
the territories, with view, and as "a
means. of overihrowing that institution in
the States themselves
| ,>,,4.,to;n.d No otkar