Demoine courier., 1856-04-03

vi W Il way CiNeSSo NV ~ ?" -
from their obligations 10 abide by its ac-
quirements. a. II is true thu! the os-
tensible author of the proposition 10 re
peal i, was a senator from a Free Stale
but that fact does not authorize the
inference tina, ,he sentiment Of the Free
States was justlv and ,rnly represented
by his action. There was. indeed, no
room to doubt that il wouli be regarded
by them, and by the country at large, as
a very gross and wan,on violation of OBJ
legations which had been voluntarily as
sumed. No matter from wha, geograph
icai quarter of the Union il came, IL was
brought forward in the interest and on
behalf of the Shareholders. This, in.
deed, is among the worst effects of slave
~ and among the mos, signal proofs Of
its ascendency, !ha, able and ambitious
men should enlist in its service and vol
un.eer to perform Offices in its behalf
which its representatives would scorn to
perform .hemselves-from the conviction
tina. by that path the honors and digni-
ties Of the General Government, are TO
be secured The S~iaveholding interest
owed i, TO honor and good faith TO resist
the temptations which such men nigh,
hold GU. for the reputation Of lis obi
cations.
The plea that Congress has no poW
er to prrhibh Stare ry IN the Ter
ritories.
iii. But j. is urged that the original
enactment Of the Missouri Compromise.
by which Slavery was prohibited from
entering a portion of the Territory of the
United States was a violation Of The col
siilu'ion that Congress has no r'ghtful
power to make a prohibition, bu! thai
into any territory over which the Consli-
tuition is extended, the Shareholder has a
right, by virtue of It's provisions, 10 lake
his slaves.
In reply 10 this, we answer:
First. That, whether the plea be tru e
or false, it comes too late; thar the Slave
holding interes, conceded the consliiu-
uonalisy of The prohibition, by ~essen,ing
to lis enactment and aiding il by votes Of
Its representatives.
Second. Tha,if the plea was true, the
enactment was null and void. by reason
of lis unconstilutionality, and its repeal
therefore, was a needless ~os,enia,ion o.
bad faith; and
Thi d. That the plea is not true, bu,
is directly contrary TO The plain letter,
as well as to the spiri, Of the Couslilu
ton, and 10 the uniform practice of the
Government from It's foundation.
The Constitution declares tina: 'the
Congress shall have power to make all
needful rules and regulations respecting
the Territories or other property belong
ing TO The United States" This Lam
guage is very plain and very broad. II
imposes no llmltation upon the power of
Cungressto make rules and regulations re.
speeding the Territories, excep, that they
shall be such as are "neediul !" and this,
of course, il lies 10 the discretion of con-
gress to determine. II assumes thai,
power TO leeislate for The Territories,
which are common property of the I'M
ion. must exist somewhere ; and also
Mat ii may most justly, and mos, safely,
be placed in the common government, OF
the Union. The authority Of Congress
over the Territories, therefore, without
any other limit than such as its judgmen,
OF what is "needlul''-of what will
best promote their welfare, and that of
the whole country to which ,hev belong.
may impose. If Congress, therefore,
deem il %expeIient to make a rule and
regulation which shall porhibi. Slavery
from any territory, we find nothing in
the Constitution which removes such
a prohibition from the sphere of its au-
lhority. The power of Congress over
the Territories OF The United States is as
complete and full as that possessed By
any State Legislature over territory be-
longing 10 tina. State ; and if tie latter
may prohibi. Slavery within It's Terrific.
ry. so may the former also.
II has oeen urged. we are aware, that
the rules and regulations which Con-
gress is authorized to make respecting
the Territories, are restricted 10 them re-
garded as properly ; and tha, this clause
OF the Constitution confers no govern
mental power over them whatever. But
this cannot be so-because il is under
this clause that Congress does govern
the Territories-,hat it organizes their
Governments and provides for their .lti
mate admission as States. There is no
other clause of the Constitution from
which this power Of Government, can be
inferred ; as it unques,ionably exists,
therefore, il must rest upon this provis
ion. But from whate7e source it may
DO derived. the authority TO govern nee.
e~ssarily implies the RICH. to decide wha.
policy and what laws will best promote
the welfare OF those OH whose behalf Ina,
authority is exercised. Ii Congress,
therefore, believes that the well being OF
Territories and OF the country at large
will be promoted by excluding SLAVERY
from them, it has, beyond all question.
the RICH. thus 10 prohibit and exclude
il.
AThis view OF the authority Of Congress over
the Territories OF the u. s. is sustained by
other clauses of the Constitution. In the ninth
section Of the first article, it is declared that
''the migration or importation of such persons
as any OF the States aoD ~eristiag may think
prnpar tn admit shall not ha prah;ki+.l ~, e.