The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-08-07
The Administration In the Field for Bucha-
nan or Secession

The Administration In the Field for Bucha-
nan or Secession
That our incredulous readers, if we have any
may be convinced that doubt and alarm have
crept into the democratic camp, we transfer to
this paper for their edifcation, leading article
from the Washington Union, endorsing the dc.
| claration of Mr.. Senator Toombs, that the cleo
ton Of Fremont viii and ought to be the end Of
the Union'
| The particular object of this dsunion argument
| Of the Cabinet organ is to show that Fremont as
| the nominee of the Philadelphia Republican Con-
| vention must if elected, be sectional Presi-
dent and drive the South, by his coercive policy
upon slavery, to secession or else he must be
false to the party and the principles with which
he is associated in this canvass. Therefore if
elected, without further ceremony there will be
an end of the Union
This bit of pettifogging may be briefly answer
ed. In the first place, Col. Fremont is not the
candidate exclusively of the free sellers of the
Philadelphia Convention. He was, in fact, rather
forced upon that Convention, than otherwise,
from the outside pressure of public opinion. He
is the candidate of wings, democrats, know
nothings, native and adopted citizens, Protes-
tants and Catholics, who are opposed TO the per-
petuation of this Pierce and Forney democratic
dynasty; and the principles upon which he is adj
vocatcd extend beyond the slavery question, and
comprehend all that vast schedule of reforms
and retrenchments required for the publication
of the government at Washington As against
the democratic nominee, the position Of Fremont
is analogous to that of Gen. Harrison in 1910,
and the popular movement in his behalf presents
a similar spontaneous fusion Of men Of all parties.
As the nominee of the Philadelphia Conven-
ton, however, there is nothing in the platform
he occupies to make him a sectional candidate.
That platform sets out with declarations as good
and strong in behalf of the constitution, the
Union, and the rights Of all sections of the Union
as the Cincinnati platform itself The only issue
upon which Fremont occupies anything that may
be charged as a sectional position is the Kansas
issue. Upon that question he declares himself in
favor Of the admission Of Kansas as free State.
That is all that his Philadelphia supporters pro-
pose in regard to Southern slavery They pro-
pose 10 abide by the Fugitive Slave law-to sus-
tain the rights Of the South in all those places
where slavery is an established institution; and
TO make no attempt to disturb il, even in the
District of Columbia This platform is SO un-
acceptable to Garrison, Phillips, and their aboli-
ton associates that they have declared themselves
against Fremont as a compromiser with slavery.
and in favor Of the superior chances Of a more
embittered disunion agitation Of slavery with the
election Of Buchanan.
In addition. therefore. TO The history, educa-
lion. associations and attecelents of Fremont.
which are all so many guarantees in favor Of
patriotic and constitutional administration, there
Is really nothing, even in t-se Philadelphia plat
form TO justify this contcp ible threat OF seces-
sion if he he elected. But hat a re party plat
formsg They are straw lai the best of them.
A good man j. our only rcliance. The Cincin-
natl platform has already b. n several times
Kicked out Of Congress Nv the dguocracy Of that
body upon these river and harbor bills passed
over Mr.. Pierce's yetocs. We pay no regard to
party platforms-they are mere larty tricks
we look to the man. And what l. there about
Fremont which threatens to set the Union on
fTc: He Il in favor Of making Kansas a
FREQ State Il there anything unconstitutional
in that. Under the democratic administration
Of Mr. Polk there was a law passed organ
izing the Territory Of Oregon. with a proyi-
.ion positively prohibiting slavery or invo-
luntary seryitude in the Territory. except In the
punishment Of crimesn And that act was signed
by President Polk, and il still the existing su.
preme Law Of Oregon. Why. then. should the
-ame principle in reference 10 Kansas. be now
declared by our democratic philosophers justif.
cation Of secession. disunion and civil war?
Now, we think that Kansas In view Of the
checks and balances OF the constitution ought d
he given 10 the South; but the same object Of q.
Southern balance Of power. or equilibrium in the
senate. might, perhaps be more readily attained
by another plan, the terms Of which already
exist In the Texas compact Of annexation.
This plan II to admit Kansas as free
State and at the same time 10 admit one or
even two. additional slave States from the present
empire State Of Texas This may he done with
Fremont a. President; while on the other hand.
il l. still quite likely that the South may secure
the Territory Of Kansas itself before the next in
auguration. II they manage their cards wit a
little more skill than Mr.. Pierce Mr. Douglas.
Mr hichison. Mr.. Stringfcllow and the border
ruaans have done.
Without waiting. however,, for anything fur
iher, Mr.. Fillmore says that the South will and
ought TO secede II Fremont should be elected.
Mr. Buchanan echoes the same sentiment and
Mr. Toombs peremptorily declares, without why
or wherefore. that "the election Of Fremon,
will and ought TO Ne tho end Of The Union"
There + something particularly moan and die.
honest IN this thing. II is heads win tails you
lose" If / am elected very well: but II defeat.
"a, there will be rebellion, secession and dis.
union. for We cant stand IT, Worse than mean
noes or mere disbonesty-tbere II something which
smacks Of incipient treason in this thing 1t
strikes at The very root Of popular government