The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-06-03

establish by Statistics in stating which his errors
ed his sentences in number But let these
Pass for the present that may deal with his argu
ment. Pray, sir. is the acknowledged turpitude OF
departed generation to become an example for Us
Ard yet the euggesi0n of the Senator II entitled to
any consideration IN this di CUSTOM must have this
extent. join my friend from New Hampshire in
thanking the Senator from South Carolina for ad-
ducing this Instance for it gives me opportunity
to say that the Northern merchants. with homes in
Bost0n, Bristol, Newport, New York and Phadel-
phia, who catered for slavery during the years Of
the slave trade, are the nea progenitors Of North
elm men, With homes in these places, who lend them
selves 10 slavery in cur day; and especially that
all, Whether North CT South, who take part. di-
Iecly or Indirectly, in the conspiracy against Kan
sas, do but continue the work of the slave
traders, which you condemn. 1t is true, too
true, olas that our fathers were engaged in this
trahc; but that is no apology for it. And in
Tepelng the authority OF this example, repel also
the title argument founded on the earlier example
Of England. 1t ID true that mother country, at
ento Contract, securing the monopoly OF the slave
trade with the Spanish Colonies, as the whole price
Of ell the blood OF great vctOries that she higged
at AiXlaChapee for another lease Of this exclusive
,rafc; aid again. ut the treaty Of Madrid, chung to
he wretched piracy. 1t is true, that in this spirit
he power Of the mother country prostituted to
he zane base ends in her American Colonies.
against indignant protests from our fathers All
these things now rise up in judgment against her.
Let US net fellow the Senator from South Carolina
to do the very evil to-day which in another gene
alton we condemn.
AS the Senator from South Carolina is the Don
Quixote, the Senator from Illinois (Mr. Douglas is)
the squire OF slavery, its very Sancho Panza, ready
to do all it's humilahDg Offices This Senator, in his
labored address, vindica ing his labored report
plng one mass Of ,; elaborate error upon another
to unfamiliar decencies of speech. OF that address
! have nothing to say at this moment, though
before sit down l shall show something Of
it's fallacies. But / go back now to an earlier
occasion, when, true to his native impulses, he
threw into this discussion, for a charm of power
full trouble personalities most discreditabe to this
which he cast upon myself; but mention them to
remind you OF the sweltered venom slseping got"
which, with other poisoned ingredients he cast into
the cauldron OF this debate OF other things speak.
script requiring submission to the ugurped power Of
Kansas; and this was accompanied by manner
all his own-such as BELTS the tyrannical threat.
Very well. Let the Senator try. tell him now
Senator with the slave power at his back is strong;
but be is not strong enough for this purpose. He
bold. He shIinks from nothing. Like Danton, he
may cry, "IoudGce! Taudace! tonjours raudace!"
The Senator copies tie British officer, who, with
boastfu swagger ad that with the hilt Of his sword
he would cram thu Stamps down the Threats Of
the American people, and he will meet similar
failure. He may convulse this country with civil
feud. Like the ancient mailman, he may set fire to
this vast temple OF constitutional liberty, grander
than the Ephesian dome; but he cannot enforce
obedience to that tyrannical usurpation.
The Senator dreams that he can subdue the
North. He disclaims the open threat, but his con-
duct still implies it. How little that Senator knows
himself or the strength of the cause which he per-
secutes! He is but mortal man; against him is an
with the infinite, and he must fall. Against him
ale stronger battalions than any marshaled by NOR
tai aTm-the Unborn, ineradcable, invincible senti
ments OF the human heart; against him s nature in
oil pcUhf 10 fOrr i,G I'D ~
try to subdne these.
But pass from these things, which, though be-
longing to the very heart Of the discussion, yet
preliminary in character, and press at once to the
main question.
l. It belongs to me now. in the first place, to ex
pose the crime against Kansas in its origin and ex
tent: Logically, this is the beginning Of the argu
say crime and adopt this
the consummate transgression. would 90 further,
If language could further go. II is the crime of
crimes surprising far the old crinaen majes
tstis, pursued with vengeance BY the laws Of
greater contains the less do not 60 too far
when call it the crime against nature, from which
the soul r.ccils, and which language refuses to
describe. To lay bare this enormty, I now proceed.
The whole subject has already become twice told
ale ard its renewed recital will be renewal of its
orrow and shame; but shall not hesitate to enter
upon it. The occasion requires it from the begin
ming.
It has been well remarked by distinguished his
torian of country that at the Ithurel touch of
he Missouri discussion, the slave interest hitherto
hardly recognised as distinct element in our sys-
TEN, stated up p0rentious and dated, with threats
and assumptions, which are the origin Of exist
ing national politics. This was in 1920. The dis
cussion ended with the admission of Missouri as
slayeLolding State, and the prohibition Of slavery
in all the remaining territory west of the Mississippi
and north Of 36 degrees 80 minutes, leaving the
dtOn Of other territories south of this line or SUBJ
sequently acquired, untouched by the arrangement.
Here was solemn act Of legislation, called at the
time q compromise. covenant, compact, first
brought forward in this body by slaveholder-vin-
dicated by Shareholders in debate-fnally sanctioned
by slavehoding v0tes-aso upheld at the time by the
essential appreciation Of slaveholding President
James Monroe, and his Cabinet, of whom majority
were Shareholders including Mr. Calhoun HIMSELF and
this compromise was made the condition Of the admis
sign Of Missouri, without which that State could not
have been received into the Union. The bargain
simple and was applicable. Of course only to the
territory named. Leaving all the other territory to
await the judgment Of another generation, the
South said to the North, conquer your prejudices
30 far as to admit Missouri as slave State, and in
consideration of this much coveted boon, slavery
shall be prohibited for ever in all the remaining
North yielded.
In total disregard of history, the President, in
his annual message, has told us that this compro-
mise was reluctantly acquiesced in by the South
ern States" just the contrary is true. 1t was the
wolk OF Shareholders and was crowded by their
concurriDg votes upon reluctant North At the
time 1t was hailed by Shareholders as a victory.
Charles Plnckney, Of South Carolina, in an oft
quoted letter. written at three o'clock on the night
OF it's passage says, ut is considered here by the
slaveholding States as great triumph" At the
North it was accepted as defeat, and the friends
Of freedom everywhere throughout the country
bowed their heads with modification. But little
did they know the completeness of their disaster.
Little did they dream that the prohibition of slavery
in the Territory, which was stipulated as the price
OF their fatal capitulatiOn would also at the very
moment Of its maturity be wrested from them.
Time passed, and it became necessary to provide
for this Territory an organized government. Sud
denly, without notice in the public press or the
prayer Of single petition, or one word Of public
Recommendation from the Presdent-after an &c.
qniescence Of thrtythree years, and the irreclaim
able possession by the South of its special share
under tbs compromise-in violation Of every oblga-
ton Of honor, compact, and good neighborhood-
and in contemptuous disregard of the outgushing
sentiments Of an aroused North, this me-honored
prohibition, in itself landmark Of freedom, was
overturned, and the vast region now known as Kan
cop 0ud rhu Wna ,enc6 IN ala wa