The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-08-07
ADMISSION OF KANSAS.
SPEECH Of HON. B. F. WADE,
NJ 0hin
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES,
July 2, 1856.

| iN me SENATE VI THE UNITED STATES
July 2, 1856.
The Senate as III Committee Of the Whole resumed the
consideration of the bill Is No 1861 to authorize the peo
pie of the Territory Of Kansas form Constitution and
State Government preparatory their admission into the
Union on equal footing with the original States the
pending question being the of Mr. ADAM,
to strike out OF the clause prescribing the quac
voters for election of delegates to constitutional Con
veniion in the eleventh section the words citizen
OF the United Ststesn the words "ncuding all persons
who shall have filed their declaration Of intention to be
come sueh in compliance with the naturalization
| the United Sates.n
| Mr.. WADE. Mr.. President, | do not propose
at this time, to go into any very elaborate dis.
cussion of the questions presented to us by thi.
Dill That has already been most ably performed
by Senators much more capable to do Justice to
1t than can pretend to be. They have said all
that seems necessary to be said in regard to it,
| come before the Senate to-day as a Republi-
can, or, as some prefer to call me- Black Repub-
lican for | do not object to the term; | care
notnlng about the name. | come here especially
ms the advocate of Liberty instead of Slavery.
remember that, when the debate on this snbiect
was opened at the present session, the Senator
from Connecticut Mr.. ToUCEY1 uttered a senti-
ment which most heartily approve; he said thai
ne knew nothing more contemplate and despi.
cable than the spectacle of man claiming rights
| for himself which he refused TO award to Others
Sir, will never claim for myself right which
am not perfectly willing to award to my fellow
man. But, although approve this sentiment of
the Senator from Connecticut, do not approve
his application of the principle for he seemed
inclined to circumscribe the noble sentiment TO
very narrow limits.
do not understand that, in LAYING down this
proposition, | claim anything more than was
claimed by the founders of this Republic am
not the advocate of any new doctrine. stand
upon the principles of the fathers of our Consti-
tuition. | intend to claim no more than under
stand they claimed, not for any particular class
OF men, but for all mankind, according to the
principles laid down in the Declaration of indie
pendence. In saying this, however, / do not in
tend to ignore the obligations embraced within
the fair scope of the Constitution, as understood
and administered by those who framed it, While
claim TO be Republican, / am not a negro
worshipper, as we are sneerngly called, and still
less am ! a worshipper of those who claim do
mlnion over negroes.
am no sycophant or worshipper of power any,
where. l know how easy it is for some minds TO
glide along with the current of popular opinion
tiyes which tend 10 seGuce tine nulIrsfii iioaIU r
brought to bear. | am not unconscious of the
persuasive power exerted by these considerations
to drag men along in that current; but am not
at liberty to travel that easy road. / am not I'M
aware how unpopular on this floor are the senti-
ments which | am about to advocate. | well
understand the epithets to which they subject
their supporters. Every man who has been in
this Hall for one hour knows the difference be-
tween him who comes here the defender and
supporter of the right of human nature and him
who comes as the vile sycophant and flatterer Of
those in power. know thatlthe one road is easy
to travel-the other is hard, perhaps at this time
perilous. Sir, am not TO be swayed by any of
these considerations. Taking the Constitution
for my guide-taking the principles of the fathers
of the Constitution the polar star to direct me
in what consider to be the path of duty | shall
not swerve from it. We have reached a crisis in
our public affairs, which demands the frmness
the patriotism, and the manhood, of every lover
Of his country.
Mr.. President, in my judgment, since the form
alton of the Constitution, there never was "A time
more trying to the institutions of our fathers than
the present If they can stand the pressure Of
the present moment there will be little fear of
what may happen hereafter. may perhaps.
magnify the Importance of the present moment !;
may not appreciate it rightly but to me, this
appears to be the most solemn and most import
ant of all the crises through which the Govern
ment has ever gone. 1t is my desire to treat the
subject in accordance with these views of its i'm
portance; hence shall endeavor to restrain my
feelings TO what is appropriate to the place and
the occasion. | shall endeavor TO measure my
selfto that unimpassioned manner which, in my
Judgment this presence and this occasion require.
What are some of the circumstances under
which this question presents itself before US
When took my seat in this body, some five years
since, il was shortly after the enactment of the
famous Compromise Measures of 1850. On the
first day of the session, Senator from Mississippi,
not now a member of the Senate, (Mr. Foote,) in
reduced a string of resolutions which were after
wards known as the fnality resolutions, assert
ing that the Compromise Measures of the previ-
ous Congress were to be deemed and taken by the
American people to be final settlement and adj
justment Of the difficult and dangerous questions
in dispute between the different sections and diff
ferent institutions of our common country. 1t
seemed to me, at the time, TO be exceedingly alb
surd to suppose that resolution was paramount
to law of Congress, that any additional safety
could be obtained from the passage Of a mere
sentiment confrmatory of a stubborn act of leg
is1ation. Nevertheless, it was urged upon this
body with great eloquence and zeal from day to
day, from week TO week, and l may say, from
month TO month. Arguments were employed in
favor of those resolutions, well calculated stir
the blood--arouse the indignation-of a man
coming from my section of the Union. Still, /
was not provoked to utter a single syllable on
the subject, because hoped that this dangerous
and difficult question settled forever although
I was opposed to the principles on which it was
settled / thought it would be better TO let
it alone, if we had indeed reached the, end
Of Il. All those who acted with me then on this
side Of the House, though constantly provoked,
never uttered syllable in opposition to their OPP
ponents, but permitted the debate to go on with
out opposition. The advocates of the Compro-
mise Measures had the discussion all their own
way; and yet-absurd as it may appear, shame
ful and false as it was-we who sat by, forbear-
ing to say q word, were accused, from time to
time, as being aggressors and agitators of this
subject. l say it was a false accusation, and
made to arouse sectional strife and hatred; and
II has had its effect-it has too well answered its
object.
Shortly afterwards, in 1852, the great Conven-
tons met in due season, select their candidates
for the Presidency, and to announce the princi-
pies on which they would administer the Gov
ernment- The Democratic party placed their
candidate, Mr.. Pierce, upon platform denying
the right TO agitate the question of Slavery
anywhere in the United States. believe the
language was something like this that the great
Democratic party would resist the agitation of
this question, in Congress or out of Congress, or
anywhere else. Mark the expression they would
resist it. They did not tell us how-whether by
btudgeons in the Senate, by pistols, by swords,