American Lancaster gazette. [volume] (Lancaster, Ohio) 1855-1860, 1856-01-17

exercised the power, ana almost eVeryIre
sident had approved its exercise. The
very persons who denied the power to pro.
hibit Slavery, asserted the power to estab-
lish territorial governments and to define
their departments and powers, and there
fore, III denying the power of prohibition,
were reduced to tho necessity Of denying
that the greater includes the less.
Under those circumstances, after the
prohibition had remained unquestionod for
more than a third Of a century. the denial
of its consIituiionality rather provoked in
dignation than excited doubt.
Is was, also, insisted that tho doctrine
of popular sovereignty required the repeal
of the prohibition. This was a mere abuse
of terms. The true idea of popular sover,
eighty demands as a primary essential con-
diIion the recognition of inalienable per-
sonal rights. There can be no genuine
popular sovereignty where n portion ofthe
population is enslaveJ. The prohibition
of slavery is therefore = necessary pre-re-
quisite to a real sovereignty of the peo-
pie. In the sense Of tho apologists for re-
peal, popular sovereignty signifies nothing
but the right OLA portion of the communi-
ty to e%nslave the rest. 1t begins by the
denial of the natural rights of man. 1t
must end in tho total Subversion of the fun
damental principles Of American institu-
tions. For a free and Independent people,
ii would sub i;itutc a community of mas
tiers. dependents, aud Slaves.
Sleh is tho ropulsive theory. In prac-
teal operation it has not proved more at
t~ractive, Ms embodied in the Nebraska
Kansas bill, it has been fruitful of nothing
but evil. 1t has not conferred a single sub.
%stantial benefit upon the settlers of either
territory. In no respect are they distin-
guished from the settlers Of Minnesota,
where slavery is prohibited, except by ex-
posure to It's evils. The sole special effect
of the Ne5raska-K Kansas act upon the terri
tories organized under it, is to open them
to the Introduction Of slaves. In one of
them it has led to desperate attempts to ef-
fectthat objeGt-to invasion, %usurpation,
violence. Observation-Disclosures to civil war.
Crimes like these are not the legitimate
fruits of that doctrine Of popular self gov
eminent, TO tho maintenance of which
our fathers pledged their lives, their for
tunes an their honor.
In all these things our W State has a
deep and peculiar interest. Our own his
tory furnishes the most complete vindica-
ton of the policy of slavery prohibition. -
We occupy, in part,the soil protected from
the Blight of slavery by tho ordinance of
1887. For more than half a century the
people of Ohio have been accustomed to re-
gard that Ordinance with mingled emo
tons Of gratitude ande pride. ConspTcu-
Gus among lis provisions and a fit compan.
ianship with its sacred guarantees Of reli-
gious freedom, of liberality towards immi-
grants, Of the inyiolability of private con;
tracts, of the security of private property,
and universal education, stands the great
interdict against slavery, acknowledging
and impartiaIly protecting the rights Of
man as man. The words TO which we al
ways rccur when seeking in the ordinance
the peculiar springs Of our wonderful pros
perity and progress, are those Which en-
body this prohibition. Never did the no
BILE pioneers who llii tho foundation in
which We now j~oyfully buiiF, complain o.
that interlict as an abrilgemeht Of any
rights, personal or political. On the con
trary they have ever spoken oft as the pill.
ler of fire by night AMI Of cloud by day
which guided aul protected thoIh in The
Wilderness. More than airy other State,
Chic AS the irs.-born Of the Ordinance, and
indebted to the Ordinance for her proud
posi- ion as the third State Of the Confeder.
asy. AMI FIRST among the new States, i:
bound to cherish AMI defend its great anC
benefcient principles. In 50 doing we shall
be follow-workers With its illusIrious fra
rders in their own declared policy of eek
tending the fundamental principles Of ciyi
and Religions liberty whereon these repub
{ lies. their laws ard constitutions are erect
ed, and fixing an establishing those prin
!, cipies as the basis OF all laws, constitution.
and governments which forever hereaflo
shall be formed" in american territory
No poll ical duty appears to be more ur
gent than this.
The question of slavery, It is almost universally con
coded transcends In present Importance all other pc
| litical qneStionsof a national character. The repeG
of tho Missouri Prohibition, abrogatinG the MissOuI
Compromise. opens anew the whole subjUst OF the re
I latiUnS o. slavery TO the Union, to the states. anu 10 I'll
Territories. In m the true line OF duty ,un
= der these circumstances Il seems to be the part of wi.
dom to rccur to tbs acts of the Founders Of the Re
, public, and to tbs principles OF ths Constitution. I.
mc these guides seem TO indicate a plain path.
loads back To the original policy. That policy, lhay
already remarked, Y!iil1 it sanctioned no outside in
/ reference with slavery within slave States, contem
plated no extension of II beyond State limits, 1t RI
garded slavery in all lts relations as subject, exclu
. slvely, to State legislation, and absolyed the Gcncr;
Government, from allresponsibility for its extensio
or continuance. Our return to that policy should b
u signalized by the restoration ofthe guaranty OF free
y dOm' to the Territories which have been deprived of
/. by the retrograde legislation of Congress. Had tn
4 policy originally adopted been pcrsistently pursued
=. tho question of slavery would have ceased long sine
r. % yeX our rGpoSc and disturb our councils. Shout
a that policy be restored, may we not confidently expct
/ the restoration, also, of those relations of harmon
and good will which characterized the era Of its adol
= ton, and that, through repeal orall national legiSlatio
h in support ofslavcry and the constitutional action {
= State Governments, the ardent desire or our Fhthe
for the deliyeranco OF tho whole country from til
great evil, may at length be fulhilcd! No worthiero oil
jects than these, In my judgment, can engage the
nitad efforts of freemUn. Frank and cordial cooper
d ton for these noble ends cxcluds all i~nvidious and III
lust discrimination on account of birth or creed. OF
!. dangers no right ofany individual or any State, bu
If promises tho happy result OF a,lnoro perfect Union, o
= tablished upon tho solid foundation of Exact JustiC
y and Equal Rights.
Ihavo thus submitted to you, gentlemen, my gene
:. al views upon several topics OF public interest. othi
important matters will doubtless engage your after
n tion. You need no further assurance of my dispos
ton to cooperate faithfully with you In whaiev'
may promote the common welfare. Let us proeee
then 10 he discharge OF our respective duties. Wi
hearts full OF gratitude TO God for the liberty whic
we enjoy, and the prosperity which he has attende
reyerenlly to Him for guidance and direction, to 81
N sure the transmission to those who arc to como att
n us, of tho noble heritage of free institutions when "
N have received from our fathers, not only unimpaire
but augmented and improved.
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