New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1856-02-08
PLAN OF EMANCIPATION.

A respected correspondent in Philadelphia invites al
tention to the following plan of emancipation by the
venerable editor of The Friends Reviep
FyOs The (Phaadephia) FRIENDS Resee
II s generally conceded that Congress has no
power to emancpate the slaves in any of the States;
and with this opinion We readily agree, from the con-
sderation that no such power conferred by the Con-
stitutoD, and the powers not conferred are re-
tanned by the States by the people. But II must
also be remembered that the Constitution confer no
power upon Congress TO establish or maintain Slavery
in the States anywhere else: and it Is significant
fact, that when the Constitution was formed, Slavery
not tolerated in any Territory OF the Union. we
may however consider the general powers Of Congress
as extending to the objects for the promotion of which
the Constitution framed These were expressly
declared to be TO form more perfect union estab.
lish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide Tor
"the common defense, promote the general welfare,
" and the blessings of liberty 70 ourselves and
sour posterty" Now, it could be easily shown that
every one of these objects would be promoted by q
peaceful extinction Of Slavery. Congress might then
very consistently appropriate portion Of the funds
the Nation for the purpose of concentrating the action
Of the States within their respective domains. Sup
POSING, then, an Act Of Congress obtained appropr-
atng specific sum, TO be applied for compromising
the owners of slaves for the sacrifice they might be re
quIed to make, in virtue of law of their own Legs
ature, which might emancipate al the slaves wthfa
the State and prohibit forever the introduction OF any
more, either by birth or immigration; such an ecs
would be obnoxious to no serious objection. The de,
tails Of such an act would require deiberation and
Judgment, but the general principle would be easily
understood
1t may indeed be objected that the assumed right 70
property in slaves, being founded in violence ana
wrong can have proper basis; hence no compenss'
ton for their liberation is DUE Yet it may be consd
cred that the system Of slavery has been 20 far en-
coIaged and the Of and traffic in the produce o
slave labor have been so extensive that the naen a.
large may be sad TO be involved in the quit Of .ne
system and 70 have pertaken of lie game eompr
mise such as proposed would, Of course, 9e Wy a
ferent from the compromises usually maae Nv .sa
Slavery and Freedoms and the rights gwen up W en'
people of the Free States would be merely men oN,
not the rights of Others. plan OF this KIND PIvo
ably the only one which would receive ihe Approve
ton or some time to come Of the S,ates where slavery
prevails to any considerable extent. II an Ags a
Congress such as here alluded 10, could be
limiting its appropriation to specihc ana Ioas. s.s
sum- il is probable that Of the states wteIe Nv
slaves are held would be the first 10 accept the o.,
and whatever the number of slaves might oe, nom
Justice would be done to the States OF To
for the measure would not be contaminated wtn9ss
the concurrence Of the State Legislature nor pooa'J
without that of tie people in general. ,.,,.
One important advantage which measure " t ~
kind would possess would be the CELEBRITY with Mnsn
il might be accomplished. In the States where savsy
was once tolerated and aferward abolished gylNs'
the abolition was effected gradually. In Pernsyiva1Aa
which took the lead in this species Of Legislation avV
sixty yee were required after the passage 81 t'e ""'