Montgomery County sentinel. [volume] (Rockville, Md.) 1855-1974, 1856-03-22

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the canvass. ] was elected then, decla-
ring that the principles of the Kansas
Nebraska bill ",ceye dearer than any
party considerations "a principle upon
which all good men of all parties might
meet and stand, as upon ground alike
cherished and alike DEAR" that they
''overrode all party considerations. >
Being thus elected, when l came to cast
my first vote for Speaker, | found that
neither the "South Americans" nor the
Black Republicans had laid down any
platform-they were fighting shy, run
ming ,cih q margin. The Democrats
had platform, and it was this:
Resolced, That the Democratic men,
bers of the House of Representatives,
though in temporary minority in this
body, deem this fit occasion to tender
to their fellow citizens of the whole
Union their heartfelt congratulations on
the triumph in the recent elections in
several of the northern, eastern, and
western, as well as southern States, of
the principles of the Kansas Nebraska
bill, and the doctrines of civil and relig
ious liberty, which have been so violently
assailed by secret political order known
as the Know-nothing party. And though
in minority, we hold it to be our high
est duty to preserve our organization,
and continue our efforts in the mainte-
nance and defence of those principles,
and the constitutional rights of every
section and every class of citizens, against
their opponents of every description,
whether the so-called Republicans, Know
nothings, or fitsionists; and, to this end,
we look with confidence to the support
and appreciation of all good and true
men-friends of the Constitution and
Union throughout the country"
1t will be seen that there are only two
planks in this platform; the one, in favor
Of the principles of Kansas-Nebraska bill
the very principles upon which | was
reelected; and the other, against the
proscriptiveness of Know-nothingism.
Bear in mind the fact that, when / was
elected, there were no Know -nothings
in my district that / was not one. And
now may l not ask if there is a single
honest and intelligent man in my district
who believes that / have abandoned
the principles upon which was elected 2"
or if, in view of these facts, there is any
one but an Intentional cdluDtnidtOr who
will ever again assert it
Again: 1t is said that | should have
voted for Henry NJ. Fuller for Speaker
that he was good enough pro-slavery
man; for Kennett, Lindley, and Porter
voted for him, and, therefore, "some
wise political teachers" argue that he is
sound enough for me ! 1t is sufficient
answer to this argument, Gf argument it
may be called) that Kenneth, Lindley,
and Porter act upon their o,en judgments,
under their o,en responsibilities. / act
upon my judgment, under my response
bility.
In a speech delivered by me, on the
9th day of January last, in the House,
took up the record of this Mr.. Fuller.
/ showed that he had voted for Mr. Pen
nington, who had favored a motion to
suspend the rules of the House to allow
Mr.. Elliott to introduce bill to repeal
the fugitive slave law, and who had voted
for both Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, and Mr.
Banks, of Massachusetts, for Speaker Of
the present Congress. | called attention
to the fact that he had, in reply to a
question put by Mr.. Sage, of New York,
said that " if the Missouri Compromise
can be restored, | WOULD MOST CERTAIN
LY BE IN FAVOR OF ITS RESTORATION; but,
in view of the difficulties which surround
a,a, question and must defeot your e6iorts,
| say that | am opposed to the agitation
of that question"
1t was upon this declaration he stood
when made that speech. / give you
the extract, in his own words, to show
that did him no injustice. On the 18th
day of January he had occasion to define
his position again, and, in the mean
time, his Z" backbone" having been
strengthened by the influence of some Of
his southern supporters, he was worked
up to the point of declaring that "Con-
gress has no constitutional power either
to legislate slavery into, or exclude it
from Territory"
On one day, during the present ses-
sion, he tells us, /" if The Missouri COM
promise line can be restored, he woulel
most certainly be an faror Of its restoro-
ton !" and on another day, during the
same session, he tells us that the whole
thing is unconstitutional that Congress
has "no pOcerto encl,0ie sloreryP Still,
if he could he 'eould restore this uncon-
stitutional restrictionl leave it to his
admirers and supporters to reconcile and
harmonic these declarations. / freely
admit my incapacity,
But he gets further down South than
/ go, (for he is fast traveller when he
does start.) He says: Neither has the
territorial legislature, in my judgment,
any right to legislate upon that subject,
except so far as may be necessary to pro-
tect the citizens of the Territory in the
enjoyment of their property" This is
the extreme ground of the fre-eoters. ]
believe that under the powers conferred
by the organic act Of Kansas and Nc
braska, i" 10 regulate their own domestic
concerns" they may either establish or
prohibit slavery, just as they think
| proper.
Again: he says, in his last speech, in
answer to the neutrality-suspicious. he
believed the Wilmot proviso constitu-
/ tional p
II was not a member Of the Congress
Of 1850, and have never been called on