M'arthur Democrat. (McArthur, Vinton County, Ohio) 1853-1865, 1856-07-03

Tribune has pronounced it false. Despe-
rate indeed must be the condition Of Aboi-
lion editors when they resort to slanders
that Horace Greeley is ashamed Of
"TEH CENTS Day FOR LABoRERs.-
What have the Democratic organs TO say
Of Buehanan's suggestion to pay laboring |
men but ten cents per day IL was
made while member Of the Senate, in the |
SubtIeasury debate"
Mr.. Buchanan refuted this falsehood at
the time 1t was first put in circulation
No honorable man has since given it cur
rency.
Mr.. Clay had charged that the friends Of
the Independent Treasury desired to reduce
the wages Of laboring men. AS this is the
charge which it is now sought to revive, we
invite especial attention to Mr.. Buchannan's
reply. 1t was as follows:
awe are charged by the Senator from
Kentucky with desire to reduce the wages
ofthe poor man'G labor We have been Of
ten termed agrarians on our side of the house.
II is something new under the sun to hear
the Senator and his friends attribute to US a
desire to elevate the wealthy manufacturer
al .he expense Of the laboring man and the
mechanic. From my soul respect tire la
boring man. Labor is the foundation ofthe
wealth of every country and the free labor
ers ofthe north deserve respect both for their
probity and their intelligence. Heaven for
bid that should do them wrong Ofall'
the countries on the earth, we ought to have
the most consideration for the laboring man.
From the very nature of our institutions,
the wheel of fortune is constantly revolving
and producing such mutations in property
that the wealthy man to-day may become
the poor laborer tomorrow. Truly wealth
often takes to itself wings and flies away
A large fortune rarely lasts beyond the third
generation, even if it endures 50 long. We
must all know instances Of individuals
obliged to labor for their daily bread whose
grandlathers were men Of fortune. The reg
ular process Of society would almost seem
to consist of the efforts Of one class to dis
sipate the fortunes which they have inherit
ed, whilst another class, by their industry
and economy, are regularly rising to
wealth. We have oil, therefore, COM
mon interest, as it Is our common duty, to
protect the rights Of the laboring man and
| If / believed for a moment that this bill
would prove injurious to him, it would meet
my unqualified opposition.
"Although this bill will not have as great
an influence as | could desire, yet, as far as
it goes, it will benefit the laboring man as
much, and probably more, than any other
class Of society. What is it he ought most
to desire Constant employment, regular
wages, and uniform, reasonable prices for
the necessaries and comforts of life which
he requires. Now, sir, what has been his
condition under our system of expansions
and contractions He has suffered more
by them than any other class of society,"
The rate of his wages is fixed and known (;
and they are the last to rise with the in
creasing expansion, and the first to fall when
the corresponding revulson occurs. He
still continues to receive his dollar per day,
whilst the price Of every article which he
consumes is rapidly rising. iIeis at length
Made to feel that, although he nominally
earns as much, or even more than he did
formerly, yet, from the increased price ol
oil the necessaries oflife, he cannot support
his family. Hence the strikes for higher
wages, and the uneasy and excited feeling
which at different periods existed among the
laboring classes. But the expansion at
length reaches the exploding point, and
what does the laborlng man now suffer =
He is for a season thrown out Of employ
ment altogether. Our manufactures are sus'
pended our public works are stopped ouI
private enterprises Of different kinds are
abandoned and, whilst others are able Il
e weather the storm, he can scarcely procur
the means Of bare substance"
81 contended that it would not injure, bu
: greatly benefit, the laboring man to prever
i the violent and runous expansions and cor
D. fractions to which our currency was inciden
and by judicious bank reform to place it o
settled basis. If this were done, whit
q would be the consequence That, If tn
laboring man could not receivo'as great
nominal amount for his labor as he did Il
the days Of extravagant expansion whic
must always under our present system be @
T short duration, he would be indemnifed, an
far more than Unidentified, by the constan
employment, the regular wages, and tn
q uniform and moderate prices Of the necessa
= ries and comforts of life, which a more sta
BILE currency would produce. Can this prop
n osition be controverted think not.
= is too plain for argument. Mark me, sir,
b. desire to produce this happy result, not b,
establishing a pure metallic currency, bu
. by reducing the amount Of your bank issue
y within reasonable and safe limits, and estab
Il fishing metallic basis for your paper cir
j., culation.' The idea plainly expressed is
that it is better, much better, for the labor
ing man, as we'll as every other class OF so
r ciety except the speculator, that the busi
= ness of the country should be placed upo
h that fixed and permanent foundation whicl
: would be laid by establishing such ban
It reform as would render It certain that ban
|: notes should be always convertible into gol
F.! and silver.
e "And yet this plain and simple expositio
d Of my views has been seized upon by thos
L who desire to make political capital out {
IL their perversion and it has been represen
1t ed far and wide that 1t was my desire to II
D duce wages down to the prices received b
E. the miserable serfs and laborers of Europea
Is despotisms. l shall most cheerfully leay
le the public to decide between me and m
n traducers. The Senator from Massachl
IS, sets, alter having attributed to me the il
IN tention of reducing the wages of labor
of the hard money standard, through the age
cy Of the independent treasury bill, has a,
,e ded, as an appendix to his speech, stat
, ment, made by the Senator from Marvlan