The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-03-13
VOL. X.

framing us laws, the dead sage of MarshfeId
spoke the truth when he said there was no North
Well, sir we should be content for little while
to take it for granted as fact of political geogra
ply, that there was no North, if YOU wo1ld no,
taunt us with it, and tell us that we are agpres-
sive. Aggressive in what2 We have opinions
that we cannot help. We have convictions; we
cannot renounce them at your bidding We be-
lleVe that, for US, Slavery is wrong, Improbable
GU have different opinion for yourselves En-
JOY III we have no quarrel on that account Yop
Deleve that it is profitable reap all its benefits
iou believe that it is just enjoy it. You believe
tnat you are comforting a great benefit on the
slaves; go on IN your work Of humanity-we
will never interfere. All we have TO cav all We
ask, all we claim, is, that YOU will leave ns tbe
poor privilege Of believing, in our cold NortberO
homes, that it is not right for u.s. We ask Won
that, while we are members of this Confederacv
with you, bound together by the ties of a com.
mon Constitution for certain great purposes wa
shall not be made amenable to the responsibil;,s
OF sustaining, extending, and perpetuatinp A.
institution which in our heart of hearts we no
hsve to be wrong. Now, sir is there anv occo
sion for quarrel Our fathers did not 6uarrsI
Ihey entertained these opinions but they did not
quarrel. AS Dir. Webster we'll said. GSids h.
side and shoulder to shoulder they went tbroroi
the Revolution" and side by side and sboulJsr
to shoulder are their descendants ready IN s,snd
again But, sir, ask you, as matter of iustica
put 1t to every Southern man who hears me ~
try it in the tribunal of his own heart If !, :;
right, if it is fair if it is just to have the ebsraa
OF Northern aggression continually rung in opr
ears - Jul
have now word or two TO say 10 the bopo-
able Senator from Tennessee, mir. JOINS I and
l shall speak to him more kindly than he did 70
me, but perhaps not so eloquently. The Senate,
ron
liantly-l say it in no Pickwickian sense. H.
came here with very high reputation. am
much humber man, of more moderate mower,
and vastly less pretensions, representing the sma
state OF New Hampshire. Now, | will put il Ia
the honorable Senator from Tennessee as between
our two States, what harm on earth have we ever
done him. Have we ever injured the hair Of 4
mans head in TENNESSEE Have we, of The
State of New Hampshire, ever wthholden cpr
appreciation of public man because he lived in
the State of Tennessee No, sir; twice in solid
column have the unalterable Democracy, of whom
spoke to you, gone up in unbroken phs.1,
to the polls, and recorded their votes for two cit,
liens of Tennessee for the highest office in ths
gift of the Republic. / confess that with my
reading of history, am at loss to discover in
the history of either or both those States single
iota of evidence that could convict New Ham,
shire, or one man in it, of injuring, by wor OF
deed, or even thought, the State of Tennessee
or single citizen of that State.
The best way to examine all questions ia 70
take them in detail-one from the mass, and G..
anime It, So far as my humble State is concern
ed, might not go through with every State q
the Union, and put the same question, and won!
not every man be at loss to gainsay it? Ce.
tainly he would. Then, would say, in the Ian.
guage of Brutus-though ! am not going into
Roman oratory-"If we have offended anv man
let him speak" If there is any man who hs
suffered wrong or injustice at our hands, wher,
is he? do not know it. Why not look at this
matter in the light of the truth of history Why
not lay aside these angry appeals2 Why not lsy
aside everything except the solid, substantial
truth of history, and look it right in the face?
When we do that | am not at all afraid when
we are tried before any tribunal in earth or
heaven, but that the skirts of our garments will |
be found clean Of any offence against any of our
sister States
Mr.. President, read soma remarks which were
made by the honorable Senator from South Car
DINA, Mr.. BUTLER, when the Kansas bill was
under consideration in the Senate two years ago
/ am not able to give his exact words because !
cannot speak so eloquently as that Senator but
| remember that he said, speaking in regard TO
the South, that the South wanted her heart re-
lieved more than any practical burdens taken
but that, think, is the idea | remember it, for
read it last night in the Globe. Sir, | confess
that when / read that remark, it thrilled my very
heart. An appeal Of that sort made to the North
will never be made in vain but such has not
been the spirit in which gentle entertanngth the
opinions that do have been accustomed TO be
addressed by gentlemen from the South. Let m'
tell yOu strand think | can speak in behs.
of my own State-that when an appeal is mao
to them from the South or the West, or anywhes
else, in that spirit, they would coin their vey
hearts to buy peace-they would pour out thel
very hearts blood like water, to wash out the le,
and the last offence.
But, sir, / appeal to the truth of history p-
peal to the convictions of every man who hears
me, if we have ever been addressed in any spirit
like that? No, sir; far, very far indeed, from it,
l shall not endesvor, however, TO awake those
angry passions which am deprecating by rep
etiton of the course which has been heretofore
pursued towards us. | am wlling-and desire
that so far as past occasions of offence are con
cerned, they should be past. | am willing that
the dead past should bury its dead | desire ia
live in the present, in the language of the poet
"Heart within, and God o'erhead;s 81
mindful of all the obligations which the Consti
tuition, or which our duty, or the demands d
justice, make upon us. Thus much we are willin
TO give We will go far, very far, for peace; b.
let me say, am not used to the language
menace ; am not used to the utterance ofthreat
but tell you that on the subject of human SIS
very we have convictions which we cannot sa
rihce-we have opinions which it were treason
our moral nature to refrain from expressing on
suitable occasions. Up to that mark mu'
stand. We must say, those of old have sa-
when we reach point where duty, cOnscient
must be surrendered, we cannot 9 Ii
We cannot consent to surrender our opini0S
or sentiments. What then? Ma
this Union be dissolved? Sir, do not bellies
1t. do not believe-gentlemen will pardon
if say it, for it is an opinion--I do not bellies
that the popular opinion of the great masses
the people of this country is represented, vhHU
gentlemen talk quite SO fippantly as have hear
some talk about dissolution OF this Union.
believe to-day that ours is the strongest Cover
ment on the face of the earth. believe hs
its foundations are the firmcst the most enir
ring. What are they? The popular judgment
the popular heart There it is sir; there il ne
solemn, the broad, and the everlasting ba.s
upon which the institutions of this country rest
My own opinion is, that such will be found 70 s
the case whenever and wherever infatnaiion
shall be led to try the experiment believe ihA
i, listening to evil counsels, pushed on by TIE
purposes of ambition or any other, a party, arg1
Or small, shall be so far forsaken of God and
good counsels to venture on that rash erper'
ment the conservatism, the patriotism, the int
hgence, and the humanity of this great Peep
will teach such men a lesson which they, n
heir children, their childrens children,
he latest posterity, will forget
DEppv DAVIS'S PAIN KILLER.
TRoY, ONO August 30, 1850