Minnesota weekly times. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1854-1859, 1856-07-26
COL. FREMoNT'S REPLY.

COL. FREMoNT'S REPLY.
New York, July Sth, 1856.
GENTLEMAS: You call Inc to high RESPONSE
bil.y by placing me in the of great move
lnent of the People of tn. United States, who,
without regard to past differences, are uniting in
common effort to bring back the action of the
Federal Government to the principles of Wash
ington and Jefferson. COmprehending the mag
nitude of the trust which they have declared
themselves willing to place in my hands, and
deeply sensible of the honor which Their unre-
served confidence in this threat ten.ng position OF
the. "ublic adai, 5, implies, feel that cannot
better respond than by sincere declaration that,
in the event of my election to the Presidency, |
should enter upon the execution cf it's duties with
Il sing ie- hearted determination to promote the
good OF the whole country, and 10 direct solely
10 this end all the power of the Government,
irres Jective of party issues aud regardless of
SECTIONAL strifes. The declaration of principles
embodied in the resolves of your Convention
expresses the sentimentS III which | have been
educated, and which have been ripened into con-
victions hv per soma, observations and experience.
With this declaration and avOwal. [ think IL
necessary TO revert 10 only two Of the subjects
embraced IN thos" resolutions, and To these only
because events have surrounded them with grave
and critical circumstances, and gwen to them
especial Importance.
eating the foreign policy TO uhic' it adverts.
The assumption that We have the right to take
from anOthc nation It's domains because we want
them, IS i abandonment Of the honest character
which our country has acquired. 10 provoke
hostillteS by unjust assumptions. N0ald be to
sacrli Sc the peace aud character OF tue country.
when all It's Intcl It's mig int be more certainly Sc
cured ani its objects attained by just and heal
lug counsels, involving no loss of reputation.
I,,tar
suits of secret diplomacy, which aims to keep
from the knowledge of the people the operations
of the Government. This ystem is inconsis
VIII the chtr rdcter of our institutions, and is it.
| ST gradually Welding to more enlightened
public opinion, aui to the power of a free press,
which by its broad dissemination Of polite, ii in
telligence, in advance to the side OF JUS
tice the Judgment of the civilized world. An
| honest, firm and open policy in our foreign rela-
tions. would comm,nd the united support of the
nation, whose deliberate opinions it would ne
cessariy reflect. rs
| Nothing is clearer in the history of our nst-
tutions thin the design of the nation, in assert
| ing its own indepcndeace aud freedom, to avoid
! giving countenanca TO the extension Of Slavery.
| The influence of the small but compact and pow :
crful class Cf men interested In Slavery, who
| command one section of the country and WELD u
vast political control consequence in the 9TH
er, is now directed to turn back this impulse of
| the Revolution and reverse its principles. The
extension of Slavery across the continent is the
object of the power which now rules the Govern
ment and from this spirit has sprung those kin
dred wrongs in Kansas so truly portrayed in one
of your resolutions, which proves that the ele-
ments of the most arbitrary governments have
not been vanquishei by the just theory of our
| own.
| 1t would be out of place here to pledge myself
to any particular policy that has been suggested
| to terminate the controversy eugendered by po-
liticai anluosities, operating powerful class
banded together by common interest. prac-
| teal remedy is the admission OF Kansas into the
Union us Free State. The South should, 10 my
lud gment, earnestly desire suc.i consuDmation. n.
1t would vindcate its god faith. 1t would cor
rect the mistake of the repeal; and the North,
having practically the benefit Of the agreement
| between the two sections, would be satisfied and
good feeling be restored. The measure is per-
fecty consistent with the honor OF the South and
vital to its interests
That fatal act which gave birth to this purely
sectional strife. originating in the scheme to take
from Free Labor the country secured to it by a
solemn covenant. cannot too soon be disarmed oi
its pernicious force. The only genial region OF
the mid0ie latitudes left to the emigrants of the
Northern States for homes cannot be conquered
from the Free Laborers who have long consider.
ed it as set apart for them in our Inheritance
without provoking desperate struggle. What
ever may be the persistence of the particular
class which see~s to hazard everything for the
success of the Must scheme it has partially
effected, firmly believe that the great heart Of
the nation, which throbs with the patriotism Of
the Freemen of both sections will have power r.
overcome it. They will look to the rights Sc
Cured to them by the Constitution of the U3ior
as the best safeguard from the oppression Of the
class which, by monopoly of the Soil and Of
Slave lahor to till it, might in time reduce then
to the extremity of laboring upon the same terms
with the slaves. The great body of mons Slave
holding Freeme., including those of the South
upon whose welfare Slavery is IN oppression
will discover that the power of the General Gov
ernment over the public Lands may be bene6-
cially exerted to advance their interests an,
, secure their Independence; knowing this, thei
sufrages will not be wanting to maintain tina
authority in the Union which is absolutely essen
tial to the maintenance of their own liberties
and which has more than once indicated the pur
pose of disposing of Public Lands in such a wa
as would make every settler upon them free
holder.
Ii the people intrust to me the administrator
Of the Government, the laws of Congress in re
latiou to the territories shall be faithfully exc
cuted. All its authority shall be exerted in All
of the National will to re-establisE the peace o
the country on the just principles which has
heretofore received the sanction OF the Fedora