The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1856-11-26

paedD His opinion was moreover that the old Congress
10 OF the Northwest Territory though with the
best intentions acted without the shadow Of authority
notion Of Mr. Blair that the constitution
al convention Ia providing against the importation Of
slaves after 1903 declaration Of the binding validity
of the engagements entered into by the Congress OF the
confederation TO exclude II from the territory and securing
the government the power OF making similar pro-
visions is simply ridiculous Whereabouts 10 the consh-
tuition 10 this power secured 10 the government Ac-
cordng Mr. Madisonao Where He thinks If this pro-
hbitory enactment against importation after 1908 had
been anticipated the expedent OF the ordinance OF
81 would not have been adopted The power in question
specific provision 20 stop importation, and Mr. Madi-
son expressly says The power TO emancpate slaves was
dsclaimed in the convention and be adds IL has APP
peared that the present Congress never followed the exam
Pile Of the ordinance of 5T during the twenty years pre-
cedng the prohibtoy epoch OF lsOs and be might have
added that they did afterwards until the Missouri
Of 1890 According to Mr. Bair forced constuc-
ton, the prohibition in the constitution Ito stop impora-
lions in lS0a) was precedent for the new Congress 10
make similar provisions for future Territories lie might
as well have said that the convention by the had
transferred Congress the power OF making amendments
the constitution, If the convention had intended to
convey any such power TO adopt the Introduction OF 81
how easy IL would have been TO cay
have said Mr. Jefersoas resolution of 1884 was not the
first attempt TO restrain the progress of the mischief visited
upon this country by the King OF Great Britain in the I'M
poraon of slaves and take Mr. Jefferson for my author
ity In his Notes Virginia" written in 1871, lag,
he says:
"During the regal government we (vrginia) had at
one time obtained law which imposed such duty
the importation of slaves amounted TO nearly prohibit
when 1nconSderate assembly, placed under
peculiarly of circumstances repealed the law The repeal
joyful sanction from the then sovereign and no de-
vices no expedents which could after be attempted
by subsequent assemblies land they seldom met without
tempting them could succeed getting the royal as
sent" But he adds In the very frat session held under
the republican government the assembly OF Virginia passed
law for perpetual prohibition OF the Importation OF
| slaves"
We have before seen that the assembly of Virginia
early 1882 imposed the importation of slaves TO
prevent their increase that in l740 they doubled that
that they made repeated attempts atterward to renew
the duty without being able to obtain the royal assent
but that at the first session. after the declaration OF
independence they enacted law for the prohibit
ton of slaves what then becomes of Mr. Bairs decara
ton that Mr. Jefersons proposition of 1874 was he first
legislative attempt to restrain the progress OF the mis-
chief2 ~
What said Mr. jefferson in relation to this subject
| of the Missouri territorial restriction
In his letter to John Adams, December TO- lSl9 he
The banks bankrupt laws manufacturers Spanish treaty
nothing These occurrences that like the waves OF
the storm, will pass under the ship But the Missouri
question is breaker which we lose Missouri by revolt
| and what more God only knows. From the battle of
Bunker Hill to the treaty of Paris never had om
question 1t damps the joy with which hear
of your high health and welcomes to the consequences
of my want of it. thank God shall not witness its is
sue" This but few days after Mr. Madison wrote
bis letter Mr. Walsh in which he earnestly and elo
queny deprecated state of parties founded on geograph
| ical boundaries.
To John Holiness of Maine April %, 1922 after the pas
sage OF the restriction, he says:
| had for a long time ceased to read newspapers or
pay any attention to public affairs, confident they in
good hands, and content to be passenger in the bark
the shore from which not distant But this mo-
question: like frepell in the night awakened
and filled me with terror. considered it at the
knel of the Union 1t is hushed indeed for the moment
but this is a reprieve only final sentence. geo.
graphical line coincidng with marked principle, moral
and political, once conceived and held up to the angry
passions of men, will be obiteated and every
irritation will mark it deeper and deeper" He goes
say that be would willingly part with his property in
saves-it IA mere bagaele and would not cost him
a second bought-if in that way general emancipation
could be Effected = "Of one thing he adds
a" ceran-that the passage OF slaves from State
another would not make slave of a single human be-
ing who would not be without it, their diffusion
greater surface would make them individually happier
and proportionahy facilitate the accomplishment of their
emancipation by dividing the burden greater number
Of coadnors An abstinence too from this act Of power
would remove the jealousy excited by the different de-
sCriptons of men composing State. This certainly Is
the exclusive right Of every State, which nothing in the
constitution has taken from them and given the gen.
era government Could Congress for example say that
the nsneemen Of Connecticut shall be reemen or that
they shall not emigrate into any other State y
q" regret that am die in the belief that the
less sacrifice OF themselves by the generation Of 1916
acquire sefgoyernment and happiness TO their country is
to be thrown away by the unwse aud unworthy passions
Of their sons and that my only consolation is to be that
live weep over it. II they would but dispassion
ately weigh the blessings they will throw away against
abstract principle likely 10 be effected by union
than by session they would pause before they would per-
perate this act of suicide themselves and Of treason
against the hopes of the world"
To John Adams, again, January 49, 1891 he says "Our
anxieeB in this quarter all concentrated In the ques
ton What does the holy alliance in and out of Congress
mean do with the Missouri question: And this
by the by is but the John Doe and Richard Roe of
eectment The real question: in the States afflicted
with this unfortunate population, is Are slaves TO be
presented with freedom and dagger For If Congress
has the power to regulate the conditions Of the inhabitants
of the States within the States ii will be but another
ecise OF that power TO declare that all shall be free Are
we then again the Ahenisn and Lacedemonsn
4 e. Dale
ascendency between them2 Ors this the ocsn OF merely
a servils war; That remains to be but not hope
by you or me- Surely they will parey while and give
time get Of the way. What bedhmite is man "
II will be that 10 these letters Mr. Jefferson makes
no distinction between States and Territories in relation to
power claimed by the agators Of the Missouri ques
control their internal for all the excite
and alarm that memorable OCCASION and Mr. JEFF
fersons remarks thereupon based territorial
strction and the be said of Mr. Madsons In
deed impossible regards Inhabitants TO draw
a Just line Of distinction between the two, Territory
with form OF government duly organized II IL be repub
lie In point of fact becomes State. II is the people who
nhabt the Territory that forms the State not the soil
"What constitutes State3
Not high-rassd bettlements, or labOred mound,
Thick wall, or mosted gRtej
Not cities proud, with spires and turrsts orownd
Mol mHn-hg minded men
Men who their duties know
But know their rights aud, knowing dare maintain
These constitute State"
And AK in all candor there not meu-high-mind-
ed sn such in the language Of the poet constitute
Satete De found in those locations that call Terri
tories as we'll az in tie States already initiated and become
part of the United States Of America II go by what
rule of right what authority do claim control over
their internal that dare not attempt TO exer
cise the in federal constellation