New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1856-03-03
taken the pains to give it another and care


lrg to mpute or believe anything OF the sort.
We entertain an irresistible repugnance to the idea
fiat gentlemen. even diplomatsts, can form state
ments ont Of whole cloth that have no foundation
In fact. We take it for granted therefore that Mr..
Craupton's story is the true one. The British
Cabinet. through Mr. Champion, have proposed to
refer the Central American question to an arbiter,
and Mr. Champion, though specially directed to
con municate the proposition 70 the President, has
forgotten 10 do IT, This is the long and short Of
the affair. Meantime Lord Clarendon announces
in Parliament that such On offer has been made, TO
which the American Government has yOIehsafed
no reply. Hereupon the spokesmen Of our Cabi
NET in the Senate deny bis Lordship's assertion,
and call him 10 account for it. \ national misun-
derstsudir is thus almost hatched into life through
Mr. Crsmpton's unaccountabie negligence. What
is 10 become of Mr.. Champion at home when The
fact of bis extraordinary obtuseness Is there d.
yuleed, Who will now rise TO defend him on the
ground Of fidelity and skill and cleyerness, and
maintain that so ygilant public servant ought not
70 be recalled We greatly fear that Mr.. Cramp-
ton will now 90 home in dscredit, aud that between
Punch and the Opposition public sympathy will not
rise to fever heat because OF bis dismissal.
But perhaps we ought TO be thankful that Mr..
CramptoD's negligence went no further, and that he
iii not ia addition to not reading the paper, light
bis cirlr with it. Az it is, the proposition is pre-
served, AID is now fairly before the Government
and country. Although Mr.. Buchanan declared
himself opposed to the project of referring the in
terpretation OF the treaty to third party, such
ought not to be. and we believe will not be, the
sentiment of the American people In those days,
when the principles of equity are daily coming
more and more into fashion, when more than ever
before force and violence and war are condemned
BY the public sentiment Of the world, it becomes
difficult for an individual or nation that would
pre,erve the reputation Of fairness 10 refuse TO re-
fer a dispute to arbitration. when 1t is honestly
sought by the opposite party. However strongly
we may insist On our Interpretation OF the Clayton
Bulwer treaty, we are in some sort bound by a
jnst Difference to public opinion to leave the
question of the correctness OF our view to suit
able umpire. No government or people can claim
10 possess any particular regard for peace or peace
principles, that refuse to dispose OF national dis
pute in that manner.
Such a controversy must necessarily end in one
OF three ways: BY the yielding Of one of the par
ties-by an adjustment on equitable principles-or
by war. The way of the world has generally been
to fight. This is the wickedcst, stupidest and
most absurd mode of settling differences either be-
tween individuals or nations that can be conceived
of. That reasonable rational men, who pretend
to desire justice and the triumph of right, should
ever force a conflict resulting in the wholesale
butchery of their species, is an incomprehensible
anomaly. which we trust is to be less and less ex-
hibited in the future history Of mankind.
In the present case, we have no idea that any
course we might choose to take on the question
of arbitration would lead TO war between us and
Great Britain For We do not believe England is
prt pared to Ell ter into contest of arms touching
her miserable Indian protectorate or the worthless,
miasmatic coast Of Mosquito, good for nothing
since the ClaytOn-Bulwer treaty but to create
heariburnings and provoke hostile feeling on this
side of the water. Neither would the British
L
faunt the national flag over the small islands in the
Bay of Honduras, which they declare are not OF
the least value to tbem when by simply ceasing to
do it they would promote the growth OF sentiments
of pet ace and good neigbborhood between this cOun-
try ard theirs. We know that England would not
be forced to abandon either; for this would imply
national dshonor to which no nation can submit.
But there is no reason to doubt that she would vol
unfairly discard these contemplate bones OF con-
tention in the interest of general tranquility.
Certainly England has possessions enough on this
hemisphere. to which her title is unquestioned to
satisfy her utmost needs and her loftiest ambition.
The British flag floats securely over Quebec and
Halifax, and Jamaica, the Wndward Islands, and
the Spanish Main. Largely has she grasped, and
largely does she hold American territory, both
within and without the tropics, where no one dis
putes her sovereignty.
1t is absurd, then, to suppose that under such
circumstances the question able British claims
to few worthless. acres at the Balize, and the
right to regulate the affairs of handful of naked
sayages in Nicaragua, are likely TO be pressed TO
the point Of bringing on destructive and ruinOus
war with the United States. John Bull has obsti-
macy enough for anything, but he has too much
sense for this. Nevertheless, We are on principle
totally disncned to resist the proposition to arbl-
trate. The controversy has been pushed to a
point where a decision is desirable. Ii the
contending parties are unwilling TO drop it,
and await the influences of time to remove the
causes of irritation now existing, let the ques-
ton be referred TO some suitable arbter.
1t is not for us to insist upon the incOn.
sistency of England in proposing to submit to
third party the question OF her duties toward her