The south-western. [volume] (Shreveport, La.) 1852-1870, 1856-10-08

below this democratic estimate of Mr.. Buchan-
an. 1t is the conclusion of a series Of argu-
ments urged by Mr.. irving against the nomi-
nation of Old Buck.
From these votes and this language of Mr..
Buchanan it is clear:
1st. That he was not opposed to the religious
agitation OF the slavery question: species OF
agitation which Mr.. Calhoun justly regarded
as more fatal than any other.
Cd. That he recognised the constitutional
power Of congress to abolish slavery in the dis
trict of Columbia, opposing its exercise only on
the ground Of its expediency-a proposition
which the position of Mr.. Van Buren shows af
fords no reliable protection to southern insti
tutions. #-5s
Sd. That he refused to commit himself fully
on the great question as to the power OF con-
gress over the territories of the United States,
and, as far as he did 60, evidently left it to be
understood that the abolition of slavery by con-
gress, in those territories, would be mo attack
on the States in which it exists
II his opinions, in these respects, have un-
dergone any material change, the country has
not yet been authoritative]y apprised of the fact
The reflection cast by him on the institution of
slavery, in one of his speeches in England, and
the studied design he has manifested to keep
aloof from the excitement growing out of the
repeal Of the Missouri compromise, are not well
calculated to inspire confidence that, if his views
have undergone any change, it has been
change for the better. ."r .5.
So much for the slavery issue. How does
Mr.. Buchanan stand upon the tariff? Will the
Sentinel say that he is sound, or justify his low
wages speech? How does he stand on the
French spoliation bill, which president Polk and
president Pierce vetoed? Everybody knows
that he was in favor Of it. How does he stand
upon the Pacific railroad? He declared him
selfin favor of an appropriation Of public money
single federal measure except that of the U.
States bank, upon which he is not recorded
against democratic principles? How can we
hope to carry the united south with such re-
cord? 4
P. S.-Since writing the above, I have seen
in a Lancaster pa. paper the following state
ment: -'-a...
'On the subject of slavery the memoir isnot
very definite, and we will give his views as ex-
pressed in series ofresoutions reported by him
to public meeting held in the courthouse in
the city of Lancaster, on the 23d Nov, 1919.
James Buchanan, James Hopkins and Will
liam jenkins were appointed a committee on re-
solutions, aud reported the following among
others:
"'Resolved, That the representatives in con-
gress from this district be, and are hereby most
earnestly requested to use their utmost endea-
vors, as members Of the national legislature, to
prevent the existence of slavery in any of the
new territories and new States which may be
created by congress.
"'Resolved, That, in the opinion of this meet
ing, the members of congress, who, at that ses-
and patriotism, in opposing the introduction of
slavery into the State then endeavored, to be
formed out of the Missouri territory, are enti
tied to the warmest thanks of every friend Of
humanity"
These resolutions prove that Mr.. Buchanan,
at that time, was a Missouri restrictionist, and
that he occupied, upon the admission of Mis-
souri,, the same ground occupied now in regard
to Kansas, by Seward & Co. How any man
can believe that Mr.. Buchanan, with such re-
cord, can carry the debatable southern States
of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky Tennessee,
Louisiana and Georgia, against Mr. Fillmore,
passes my comprehension.
>-~--~~~-~-~~~->~~-r~~-~-
The great departed leaders of Mr. Buchan-
ans party-those fixed stars in the armament
of democracy which shone, and still shine by
their own light, and not by the reflected efful
gence of others-Jeferson, Madison, Jackson
and Wright-were themselves the originators
and embodments of great principles. They
had, each of them, an individuality, which they
could no more drop or merge into secondary
character than human soul could dwell in the
bosom of the stupidest brute. Andrew Jackson
was, is, and ever will be-not the nominee Of
the democratic party, that would but poorly
measure his greatness-but simply Andrew
Jackson. How pitiable by his side appears the
present democratic candidate, promising, in the
exulation inspired by the ina gined prospect of
the presidential bauble fitting before his eyes,
to throw aside his individuality, to be no lon
ger an independent man, but to regard himself
as the nominee and tool of a party! Mr. Buch-
anan will have an easy job in dropping his own
identity. 1t is thing that has never troubled
him much. He has never done great deed,
suppose be greater as ''the nominee of the dem
ocratic party' than as ''simp1y James Buch-
anan."
MllarQ Fillmore is no Sucn mass OF malleaDle
material as The democratic candidate agrees to
be. He is man of his own mind-a man of
nerve, courage and independence. He does not
promise 10 be simply the nominee of any party,
nor, if elected will he be the president Of par
ty, but of the whole Union. He has been tried
once, and proved himself to be q man of un-
surpassed executive ability, just and impartial
in hiS administration of the laws, sagacous,
prudent and honorable in his gn policy,
and answering in the discharge of his official
duty. He aimed to do what was right, and he
did it with all his might, with that disregard
for consequences which shows the truly indie;
pendent man.
The country felt safe and secure under his
ADMINISTRATIONS luxury which it has not en-
joyed under the rule of his democratic success
sor, as is evident from the oft expressed wish
that a man of courage and nerve were at the
head of affairs to still the surges Of civil strife,
and avert the cloud of a foreig ign war. The land
would hardly feel easy under Mr.: Buchanan.
St. Louis Intellgencer.
CHANGE.-We are grati6ed to learn that Le-
w Thurman, democratic elector for Washing