The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-07-24
Adams for this discharge of his constitutional

now speak from the information derived from
those who attended, and frem contemporaneous
history, for l was not with them, either In body
or in spirit. At that consultation, the burden
of supporting the Constitution was transferred
from Mr.. Gilmer, who was Democrat to Mr..
Marshall, of Kentucky, who was Wing; both
of whom were Southern men; yet l never
learned, nor did hear it intimated, that any
member in that caucus of Southern men doubt
ed the full power of this body to punish Mr..
Adams for performing his duty. The friends
of Mr.. Adams often inquired wherein that gen.
tleman had offended. Why, sir, he had offended
the Slave Power; and the representatives of the
of the Slave Interest felt that they had an ex-
cuse, fact on which they could found an effort
to strike down his influence, to destroy his fair
fame, to deprive Freedom of its sternest advO-
cate. They sought for no rules or law defining
the offence, or declaring the penalty attached
to it but they assailed him in every way which
hatred could invent or malice express. De was
charged with treason to our Government, with
moral perjury, and with almost every crime
found in the catalogue of offences. There he
sat, in the seat now occupied by his successor
man venerable for his age, for his great learn
ing, for his exalted patriotism; venerable for
his services to his copntry; around his brow
clustered all the honors which faithful, upright,
and wise administration of the highest Office
known to mortals could confer. Yet, sir, for
thirteen days he was subjected to these assaults.
During that time, the waves of slaveholding in
vsctive, detraction, and calumny, rolled and
dashed around him, in wild confusion, until the
| raging elements had spent their force; while,
from the first introduction of the resolution to
its final disposition, not one word was uttered
BY Southern Democrat, indicating the want
Of full nd al To ct tko
subject, actthOit any rule or ldu prescribing the
penalty. Then, sir, Massachusetts, was on trial,
and shareholders were the prosecutors. Now,
sir, q son of South Carolina is on trial for a
wrong-a crime perpetrated against the sove-
reign right of Massachusetts. This change of
position, by shareholders, is very remarkable.
There are yet lingering in this Hall two or three
Southern members who then voted in favor of
censuring Mr.. Adams. l am curious to see
how they will vote on the present occasion. l
wish they were present at this time. l desire
to address some thoughts to their considera-
ton, particularly.
/ ask this House and the historian to notice
the different spirit in which this trial is prose-
cuted, from that manifested on the trial of Mr..
Adams. Since the attention of the House was
first called to the resolution before us, to this
hour, we have not heard an unkind word uttered
against the accused. Every speaker has man
Tested a sympathy in his behalf. We regard
him as unfortunate in his education, his preju-
dices, and views of society and of human gov
eminent; and do not hesitate to say, that not
a member from the free States feels the least
impulse of ill-will toward him, or of personal
revenge. We are borne along to our conclu-
sions by the irresistible force of public duty.
This is but the reflection of that popular senti-
ment which prevails in the free States. 1t is
founded upon the great doctrine so ably advo-
Gated by the Senator whose injury we deplore-
that doctrine which teaches us the fatherhood
of God and the brotherhood of man-that doc
trine which purifies the human heart from its
vier passions of revenge, hatred, and malice,
and leads us to do unto others as we would
have them do unto US. SO different are these
manifestations from those which characterized
the trial of Mr.. Adams, that l commend the
marked distinction to the House and the coun-
try.
Another case, which illustrates this change
in the position of Southern gentlemen, ought
not to pass unnoticed, although feel embar-
rassed in calling it to the attention of the House,
inasmuch as l was myself the victim. 1t is
not, however, entirely unknown to gentlemen,
that while my venerable and ever lamented
friend, Mr.. Adams, was laboring to regain the
right of petition, was myself toiing, in a more
humble sphere, to regain the freedom Of speech,
which had been stricken down in this Hall.
For years had sat in this body, hearing N.Y.
self and my people, and all lovers of Liberty,
condemned, viifed, and sandered, for enter
tanning the views which Jefferson and Wash
ington and Franklin and Hancock, and the
whole Continental Congress, had proclaimed as
the foundation of our Republic; yet our lips
were Theoretically sealed by "gag rules" as
| they were then called. The Slave Power ruled
supreme in Congress, and no word was allowed
to be spoken derogatory to that institution.
At that time, a slave-ship, from Richmond,
was taken possession of by her cargo of human
| beings, guided to Nassau, where they landed
on British soil, resuming their God -given rights.
The President directed our Minister at London
to demand compensation for the bones and
muscles, the blood and sinews, Of their people.
The Senate freely discussed the subject, and
| threatened bloody and DISCRIMINATING
war-unless England should hand over a full
| compensation 10 those trafickers in human flesh
But here, sir, in this body, we could say moth
ing. Wewere constrained to look on in silence
The constitutional guaranty that " the freedom
of speech should never be abridged" was then
repudisted and scorned. | had sworn to sup
port the Constitution, but my voice was hushed
by those rules, which are now remembered az
a disgrace to this body. l was shocked at the
indications of war, with q powerful nation to
| to sustain a coastwise commerce in human
beings.
In order to enter my protest against such q
disgrace TO our nation, and the ago in which
we live, drew up series of resolutions, to the
effect that Congress possessed no rightful au
thority under the Constitution to involve the
people of the free States in war, and compe
our Northern freemen to die on the battle field
for the support of thGt IN famous traffic. These
resolutions were regularly presented for the
consideration of this body. But scarcely had
they been read at the Clerks table, when 8
Shareholder rose and introduced a resolution O.
censure against me, for thus discharging a duty
which owed to my people and to the Consti
tuition. lie, too, was from Virginia-from tina
State which, in such strong and eloquent Ian
guage, has this day declared that we have nc
authority to punish or censure member for an,
act which is not declared penal by some pre
scribed rule or lar. True, sir, as Ohio was thsr
being called, the member from Virginia could
not bring his resolution regularly before tn,
douse; and when the Speaker had thus declared
the author passed it over to a doughface col
league of mine, who presented it, and demand
ed the previous question.
Gentlemen from the slave States did not wal
to inquire for the prescribed rule or statute de
claring the penalty attached to the crime O
presenting resolutions. So far FROM that, the,
voted at once to seal my own lips and those O
my friends, and, without permitting me or an
friend of free speech to say a word in my de
fence, the resolution was adopted by a vote o
one hundred and taeentythrec to sirty-nine.
was condemned, unheard, and driven from N
seat Sir, spurned the tyranny, and appesls
to the people. They hurled contempt at tn
efforts of the Slave Power to strike down tn
freedom Of speech, to extinguish the lamp @
Liberty which was then aickeripg in its socke
casting but dim light upon the legislation c