The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-04
POSITION OF HON. GERRIT SMITH,

Fremont, his moral CONVICTIONS on the subject
of Slavery will prevent him from casting his
vote for our candidate. The position he has
taken, as to the Presidential election, is there
fore wise and liberal, and reflects equal credit
upon his head and heart:
PETERBoRo, august Is, 1856.
MY DEAR SIR: Your letter is before me.
You would have me publicly contradict the
reports, that intend to vote for Col. Fremont.
But what is my vote, more than any other mans
vote? And how can L speak publicly of it
without being, or at least appearing to be, con-
ceited? For nothing do regret these reports
more than for the necessity, which they seem
to lay me under, to reply to them.
1t is true, that 1 desire Colonel Fremont's
success against Mr.. Fillmore and Mr.. Buchan.
an. And why should l notp His private
character is as fair as theirs. am glad that
in this respect they are all unexceptionable.
His talents are of high order. If not as high as
theirs, they are nevertheless such as eminently
fit him for both civil and military rule. Is he in
| ferior to them in learning? He probably is-for,
compared with them, he is young man. But
young as he is, he has e ven ample proofs of
sound scholarship and broad knowledge. Is
it thought necessary that the President should
be Protestant? see not why it should be.
Roman Catholic or a Protestant, a foreigner
or native. But Colonel Fremont is Prot
estant; and the lie to the contrary is as base
and naked lie as was ever manufactured by
lying politicians. Has Colonel Fremont done
less than Mr.. Buchanan or Mr.. Fillmore for his
country? He has done much more; and
love to see 1t awaken the enthusiastic gratitude
OF his countrymen. Not to be grateful for
what his unsurpassed enterprise, energy, and
hardihood, have accomplished, would betray
| strange insensibility to uncommon merit
For many years, the public mind has been
| aroused to the evils of intemperance, land mo-
nopoly, and Slavery. There are passages in
Col. Fremont's military history, which prove his
appreciation of the principles of temperance !;
and his expeditions were conducted on tenn.
Perance principles" For aught l know, Mr..
Buchanan and Mr.. Fillmore are also the friends
of temperance. Colonel Fremont openly ad-
vocates one of the great measures of the land
reformers-the free distribution of the public
lands among the landless. But / am not aware
that either MIR. Fillmore or Mr.. Buchanan does
so. In regard to Slavery, Colonel Fremont
speaks altogether differently from his rivals
they In way to please the South, and he in a
way to displease 1t; they in a way to offend
| the North, and he in a way to CRAFTY it. Col.
Fremont says that he is "inhexibly opposed
to its extension on this Continent beyond its
present limits" Were Mr.. Buchanan and Mr..
Fillmore to say as much, or anything like as
much-indeed, were it not known that they
would permit its extension, they would neither
of them get one electoral vote in all the slave
States. AS it is, Colonel Fremont will not get
one in those States. Happily, on the other
hand, he will probably get all the electoral
votes of all the Northern States, and perhaps
of California ALSO
AND now TO return to my voting. The can
didate is rare for whom feel at liberty to vote.
In 1914, l desired Mr.. Clay's success against
Mr.. Polk, but / could not vote for him. In
l848, wished Mr.. Van Buren, to get greater
vote than either General Cass or General Tay-
lor, but L could not vote for him. In 1852,
should have rejoiced to see my esteemed friend,
John +. Hale, come out ahead of both Gen.
Scott and Gen. Pierce nevertheless, as he held
that Slavery Is law, | could not vote even for
him. And now, in 1856, shall probably vote
for no Presidential candidate. Related as they
are to the question of Slavery, certainly can
not vote for either Mr.. Buchanan or Mr.. Fill
more. Nor can l well vote for the Abolition
candidate, since he is myself. By the way, the
Abohtionists richly deserve to lose my vote for
their candidate, were it only to punish them
tor nominating him against his strong remon-
strances, and for setting him up so often to be
maligned and laughed at. Other Abolitionists
should be willing to take their turn to be
laughed at for getting few dozen votes out of
few millions, and to be scornfully and angri-
" dealt with for presuming to be in nomina-
ton. Then, as to Colonel Fremont, although |
shall take sincere pleasure in seeing him beat
MIR. Buchanan and Mr.. Fillmore, it neverthe-
less is not probable that shall vote for him.
allow myself to vote for no man who &C.
knowledges Slavery to be law Whether the
candidate does or does not agree with me, that
there Is no Slavery in the Federal Constitution
l regard as comparatively immaterial. But if
he admits that the highest crime against God
and man is capable of being clothed with the
obligations and sacredness Of law, l cannot
vote for him. If he SO far confounds wrong
with right, as to admit the legality of Slavery
II he has such false views of law as to admit
that 1t can extend its protection over the most
sweeping piracy-and if his ear is 80 heavy
that he cannot hear, in the voices of reason and
religion, their sentence of outlawry against Sla-
very-then cannot vote for him. Now, fear,
ing that Colonel Fremont does, in common
with the great mass of Anti Slavery men, re-
gard enactments and DEGREES for Slavery as
law-real, valid, obligatory law-and fearing,
too, that, Notwithstanding he has all the teach
ableness of an honest man, he can hardly be
educated out of this depth of error in the short
time that remains before the election-I con-
sequently fear that shall net be able to vote
for him.
L trust that my words do not imply that the
Federal Constitution is ProSlavery. 1t can
bear such construction only at the expense
OF all sound and settled principles of interpre-
tatlon. The Constitution speaks not one word
tor Slavery. 1t could not speak one word for
any crime, and especially for the greatest crime,
without speaking expressly, clearly, certainly
for it.
quoted from Colonel Fremont, to show his
strong opposition to the extension of Slavery.
l have done him injustice, if, stopping with that
quotation, l have left the impression that he is
not opposed to its existence also. He is the
enemy of all Slavery.
am called on every day to resign my nomi-
nation in favor of Colonel Fremont. l did re.
sign it to the Convention that gave it to me
and the Convention unanimously refused to
accept the resignation. But how could INV be.
ing out of the way help Colonel Fremopt,s
election Another person would Immediately
be put in my place. The Abolitionists would
not consent to be without candidate for
although they do not nominate to elect. thew
nevertheless believe, that to nominate is one
efficient means of spreading the knowledge
and fastening the adoption of their great. and
heavenly, and one day triumphant principles.
Again what is to be feared for Colonel Ere.
mont, from this handful of uncompromisinp
Abolitlonlstsf 1t is not probable that thew
will have electoral tickets, except in New Yort
and Ohioi and it is not probable that in either
of these states they will cast more than connie
OF hundred votes. But shall be disappo;nted
If Colonel Fremont does not get in each of
tnese states tens of thousands of votes more