The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-10-16
SEVERAL INQUIRIES.

we think we have fully answered all the in
quiries of our subscriber.
SEVERAL INQUIRIES.
BLOOMINGTON, September l3, 1856.
To the Editor of the National Era:
notice in your issue of September 4th, tw,
different articles, touching the alimportan
question of representation. That subject ha
been much discussed here; but find the sub
ject so little understood, that there is scarcel,
any two men will agree upon it. The Oh
Liners argue, that the Free States are repre-
sented by the negro population; so there is ne
loss, but gain, to Northern States, as it takes
three negroes in the South in making up the
ratio, it only requires one negro in the free
States to be equal to one white man. The
above is their line of argument here; but the
Constitution is so doubtfully expressed upon
the matter, it is hard for all to compre
bend the true state of the case. If you could
fully explain the subject so as all could under
stand it as it really is in the free and slave
States, you would confer great favor upon
both parties, especially the Republicans.
No matter how well men are posted, there
are no two that will agree; even the opinions
of different writer's conflict.
Again we ask for information. The Old
Liners argue thus The Compromises of 1920
and 1887 were only to apply to the Territory
merely shielding the Territory from Slavery,
but left the People to introduce Slavery into
the State, if they wish it. If such is the case
what is the meaning of the words foreuer
prohibited" in the Compromises of both 1920
and 1887? We would like to hear your opin
ion, as it is something like the other question.
H.. s.
The "Old Liners" are greatly mistaken
when they suppose that in the South three ne
groes are considered only one person. The
free colored population of the Union, in 1850,
was, in the free States, in round numbers,
l76,OOO; in the slave States, 25S, OOO-total,
$4,000. This entire population, North and
South, is, under the Constitution, included in
the ratio of representation free colored
person counting as much in the slape as in
the free States.
The three:ftths rule applies only to shares.
In the ratio of representation, five slaves are
counted as three free persons. The free States
have no slaves and in the slave States slaves
are regarded, held, and treated as property.
They therefore have a representation, not only
for persons, but for certain kind of property,
as it is called while the free States are repre-.
scented simply according to population.
AS to representation, the language of the
Federal Constitution is as follows:
Representatives and direct taxes shall be
apportioned among the several States which
may be included within this Union, ACCORDING
fn their be. -
termined by adding to the phole number OF
free persons, including those bound to service
for term of years, and excluding Indians no,
taxed, .three:tifhs Of all other persons"
In the class g. free PERSONS" are embraced
all whites, all free blacks and mulattoes, and
all Indians, except those who are not taxed
BY "aH other persons" is meant slaoes.
Mr.. Webster was accustomed to speak O
this ratio of representation as giving to the
slave States great advantage over the free
and while he was willing to submit to it. a.
one of the compromises of the Constitution
as part of the original bargain, he protested
| against the extension of the rule One of hi
main arguments against the acquisition O
slave territory was, that it involved this in
| crease ol slave representation.
In 1850, the slaves numbered 3.2OO684
For three-ffths of these, 900, 3Ol-the slav,
States have representation. To ascertai,
the number of members of the House from
the South who hold their seats in virtue of thi
representation, divide l,9OO,3l7 by 93,423, tn,
ratio for 1850, and you have 20 and frac
ton. Of the 80 members from the South
then, 20 are there in virtue of slave represent
alton.
1t is easy to say that converting slaves int
treemen, the representative power of the Soutl
would be at once enlarged-that instead O
being entitled to but 80 Representatives, i
would then be entitled to 1O4-and therefor
this rule of representation diminishes the rer
resentative power of the South. That is true
but the Old Liners overlook this vital consider
alton: were all the slaves converted into free
men, they would do their own voting, Their
would no longer be any such thing as tn
Slave Power to endanger the country-strif
among the States would cease. The repre-
sentative power of the South would be il
creased, but the power of the Slave Interes
would be extinguished. What is it we COZ
tend against? Not the South, not a section
not state-but against an enormous and OF
pressiye Glass Interest, which has subjects
the South, and seeks to subject the North
and to which this slave representation is al
important-for the election of these twent
Representatives, sent in virtue of slave repre-
sentation, is controlled by the slaveholdin
class, and they represent its policy end int,
ests.
The Acts Of 1857 and lS2O.-The act {
1887 prohibited Slavery forever in the TER
tory Northwest of the Ohio. That was enough
The authors of that act were practical me,
and knew very we'll tAat to exclude SLAYER
from the Territory while under Terr;tori.
Government, was to insure the organization ,
free States. How could any other result 70
/ low With on1 Il IL