Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1856-09-17
Humphrey MarshalI,s I,etter..

IS The following letter from the Hon. Humphrt
Marshall, of Kentucky, in answer to an invit
ton to attend the late Union celebration OF Gin
cinnati'is a most able production and will
read with delight by every true-hearted Amer
lean citizen r
WASHINGTON, Aug 26, 1856.
My Dear Sir Il wish I could comply wit
your urgent request that should BIO present ,
the Union meeting Of the citizens of Ohio an
Kentucky, at Cincinnati and Covington, on tn
9th inst But my duty as Representative {
the people forbids my absence from single vot
! to be taken at the extra session of Congress, an
I shall not be absent from one, if my life is pre-
served, should the session last until next March
fl were with you, should soy to my coun
trymen that the safety of the Republic depend
upon the election of Willard Fillmore to tn
Presidency, and that, in my humble opinion,
they are not wise enough to determine the mat
ter in that way, they will not be wise enough t
save the Union.
do not write thus because of mere persona
admiration for Mr.. Fillmore, nor because sup
pose that he alone has wisdom enough to admins
ter the government through period of difficulty
but because he is the representative of concor
and harmony between the great sections OF OH
country. while his competitors aspire to rule
each backed substantially by a sectional part
only, and each hoping to succeed by solidifyin
sectional interests so as to win by it,
Mr.. Fremont has no party in any slaveholdn
State. lie may have ticket in one or more
but every one knows that the most sanguine G
his supporters claim but few thousand vote
for him in the whole range of those States. Oh
the contrary, he has become the exponent of al
immense body of voters in the free States, ant
his friends in thoseSStates claim his election a.
o matter which time will render certain, anC
which they are determined to accomplish. The
slave States have 100 votes; the free states III
votes-149 are necessary to choice by thu
people. If Mr. Fremont loses New York ht
will be defeated no matter how the vote OF the
slave States may be split between Buchanan
and Fillmore. If he loses Ohio and New Jer.
sey--or if he loses Pennsylvania and California, G
Indiana. Illinois, and Connecticut the same re-
suit will follow. 1t is useless to say to you that
Mr.. Bunhanan cannot. if left to struggle alone,
hope to win the desirable result upon any COM
bination of those States, even ifthe whole slave
holding States. vote for him. His best friends
here will hardly claim this enemies laugh at
the supposition in utter scorn. lie could not,
if report be true, carry his own State, without
the contest were triangular, and unless it be the
case in Illinois, he could not hope to win in any
of the remainder of the combination.
If Mr.. Buchanan continues candidate he
NAV impair. or utterly defeat Mr.. Fillmore, but
if he were Withdrawn or abandoned, Mr.. Fill
more's election would be triumphant and most
easy of accomplishment He will carry New
York, in all probability, under any circumstan-
ces. but were Mr.. B. abandoned by the slave
States. he would carry it beyond any doubt and,
in my opinion, would attract the votes of all
conservative masses throughout the free States.
Mr.. Buchanan cannot accomplish this result
The reasons for this lie in the fact that he has
been evera vacllating politicians now CON-
United to ultra schemes of policy which may
and will ieopardise the peace of the country, and
has taken the shoes of Gen. Pierce upon the I'M
fortunate state of things now existing in Kansas,
and touching the slavery agitation that now dis
tracts the country. There are many other rea-
suffice it, the fact is as state it, and
all candid men must acknowledge it. If the
slave States then prefer to enter upon the sec
tional contest with Mr.. Buchanan as a leader,
they will support him and leave Mr.. Filmore's
friends throughout the free states to withdraw
altogether from the vote or to take care OF them
selves in the sectional contest which is to come
off; for say it boldly, that, if nothing will do
but sectional contest, the men of each section
will adhere to their section, and no human force
can prevent it. If such q contest is to occur, it
will be because the Southern people, following
the advice of Southern Democrats, choose it, and
will not avail themselves of the chance that is
offered to them of eecting man of sound ma
tonal character, whose former administration Of
the government was preventative OF all their
rights, vet who was the favorite of all the con-
servative masses of the free States, and who
could again command their suffrages if they saw
any corresponding effort on the part Of the
slave States Mr.. Buchanan does not command
their confidence and cannot attract their support.
The South then has the choice fully and fairly
presented to it Of sectional contest by making
the race between Buchanan and Fremont or of
q national struggle in which men in every Sec
ton will act by making the contest between Fill
more and Fremont and as the South makes her
bed so she must lie. speak plainly because
feel deeply.
In the event of Mr.. Bucbanan's election fore
see a condition of things which will paralyse
the energies of this protract the
sectional disputes-involve the country in civil,
and probably in foreign war, and end in the o.
verthrow of the Union, or in struggle, renew
ed, between the sections, on lower platform
of Radicasm than either of the parties-Re-
publican or Democratic-now occupy. That is
to contemplate only protracted decline of the
Republic instead of its speedy dissolution, which
| believe would be the consequence OF the Sec
tional contest now. Men may smile at such a
conclusion, and doubtless many good men will,
but never was more in earnest than | am now,
and never was more thoroughly convinced of
the truth of my conclusions than | am now
while writing this.
If the Democratic and Republican parties have
brought affairs to that pass here, that the strug
gle in the legislative department of the govern
ment between them paralyses the government,
and stops the appropriations necessary for the
common defence, what hope shall we entertain
that when that contest is transferred to the peo-
ple. and they combined under leaders who ply
every effort to deepen the struggle into ono
purely sectonalt will be less embttered than it
now has become We are at point where we
may save ourselves-pass it, and we shall drift
into stream whose outlet is sea of anarchy.
Have the people-the American people-the vir
tue to save their country by the Union of these
States2 That is the question that now presses
for their answer, and trust in God to guide
your meeting to such result as to make that
answer proptious of brighter future than
now picture to my minds eye.
am no croaker Look back on my public
life and think no record can be found where L
ever traced doubt of the perpetuity of the Gov
eminent. But tell my countrymen plainly l
do now doubt it, and look to the future with q
socitude and anxiety my bosom has heretofore
been stranger to. The people have all in their
own hands. Ifmadness rules the hour the slave
States will reject Mr.. Fillmore, and will preci-
plate the catastrophe we shall hereafter so much
deplore. If wisdom prevails, the people will
rally to his standard and will by his election,r
establish confidence between the sections, and
place the country again on the high road to a
fufllment of her proper destiny. There is no.
thing have or hope for on this earth 1 would