The Union and eastern journal. [volume] (Biddeford [Me.]) 1854-1858, 1856-01-25
Positions Of tho Candidates.

In the United States House of Reprcsen-
tatives, on the 10Th inst, Mcssrs. Banks,
Richardson and Fuller, candidates for
Speaker, defined their positions in relation
to the great issue of the day. Mr.. Banks
maintains proud position, and one which
should secure him the vote Of every men,
Der of the House who profess to represent
Northern sentiment. Mr.. Richardson de-
clared himself in favor of the principles of
the Nebraska Bill, and took occasion to re-
nounee some Wilmot proviso sentiments
which he uttered in 1850; but he fully
failed to satisfy all the Southern men, mas
much as he admitted the power of Congress
to apply the principle of the Wilmot pro-
yiso, while he declared it unjust and wrong.
Mr. Fuller went I" further South than Mr..
Richardson; declared that slavery existed
independently of the constitution, and that
Congress had no right to lcgislate upon sla-
very in or out of the territories it only had
right to legislate so far us to protect citi-
zcns in the enjoyment of their property
We have not room for detailed report Of
oil the interrogatorics and answers, but copy
from the Congressional Globe sufficient to
show Mr.. Banks position. Mr.. ID. said
that he recognized the justice of the posi-
ton, that any candidate for Office ought to
answer any questions propounded to him
in relation to his political opinions, and he
was ever ready to dose. He had not offered
himself us candidate for the Office, nor
asked any, mans vote. lie could say of
those who had given him their support, as
Othello said of his wife, they chad eyes
and chose me-" In reply to questions pro-
pounded, the nature of which will be gath
cred from his language,he said
answer, distinctly, that do not regard
the Kansas Nebraska bill as promotive OF the
formation of free States, inasmuch as il re-
peals the prohibition of the institution of
slavery over the section of country to which
that statute applies.
| believe in the constitutionality of that
act whichis known and generally understood
as the Wilmot proyiso. / believe 1t is with
in the power Of Congress to prohibit the in
stitution of slavery in territory belonging
to the United States. Whether ! would ad-
yocatc the passage of such an act in regard
to territory where II was clearly unncccs-
ary, where by local, prc-existing laws, it
had been prohibited, or, in other words,
whether / would advocate double inhibi-
ton, have only to say, that, If doubt ex.
isted us to its exclusion by valid municipal
law, / should sustain an act which embodied
the prohibition known Us the Wllmot or
jefferson proviso.. In regard to the meas |
ures of 1850, can only say that, being |
called upon here or elsewhere, l should have
voted for the prohibition in the territories
covered by those measures, IL had enter
tanned doubt as to the exclusion of slavery
by existing municipal law.
/ do not believe that the constitution of
the United States carries the institution of
slavery to the territories Of the United
States. My understanding is based on the
declaration of Mr.. Webster. that even the |
constitution Of the United States itself does
not 60 to the territories until it is carried |
there by au act Of Congress. l recognize
the right, sir, to protection Of property on
the part Of the South, as well as on the part |
of the North in the territories Of the United |
States; and when i speak of property
mean that which is considered property by |
universal law do not mean that which is |
property only because II is held Us such un-
der the laws Of q particular State, and
which loses its character Of property no soon |
as IL extends beyond the limits Of that State,
except under certain reservation covered by |
the constitution of the United States. When
| speak of property do not refer to that
species. describe that which is recognized
as property by universal laws of men, and
not that which is property only when II is
made such by local laws of limited sections
of the country. i have no disposition to
disturb It's existcncc-no purpose to dimin-
ish or increase It there. / will acknowledge
all its rights there, accepting for that pur-
nose the charts established by southern
statesmen; but deny that II is such prop
erty as, independent Of local or congrcssion-
al enactment, is protected by the constitu-
ton in the territories Of The United States.
In no speech or declaration that has fall
en- from my lips 70 far as can remember,
have ever expressed different sentiment
but, sir, I cannot shut out from my memory
the great fact that the constitution Of the
United States is an instrument Of freedom,
as such by its trainers, and in
tcrpreted as such by all men Of the North
and South until within the past few years.
II is chart Of freedom, established to Sc
cure the blessings Of liberty to ourselves and i