The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-03-03


lance ~ Fewer ana Nsn-Inesrvsnsasn.
Perhaps NO political dogma hes ever per-
formed 80 little beneficial service or given
birth to more errors than what We denoainate
the Monroe doctrine. 1t originated with the
fifth President of the United States, who avcw-
ed it to be the permanent policy Of the federal
Union to prevent, if need be, by force, Euro
pean colonization on this continent. II is true,
we have quibbled little amongst ourselves
about the object and extent or scope Of that
declarations work Of folly for the avowal
itself was but an irresponsible speech from an
individual who had many equals in his day and
who has been succeeded by superiors. The
declaration itself, however, was well enough
it was no more, perhaps, than fair expression
of the popular mind of this country. 1t
meant non-intervention, and was of course 90
significant in what it did not as what it did ex-
press. We exacted by it that European gov
ernments should not intermeddle In American
affairs, and we conceded by this exaction that
we would not intermeddle in European afaira
Thus we undertook in respect to this con-
cession on impossible and very absurd work
We might have the physical power to carry
out the declaration so far as this continent is
concerned but it was neither wise or possible
to avoid intervening in affairs on the other
side of the water. From the moment our gov
eminent became organized, we gave unmistake-
able signs OF commercial enterprise-o of general
maritime energy. We became at once con-
nected with all the States of Cbristendom In
the operations of trade; and it is but fair to
claim that we have been largely instrumental
in removing the shackles of international inter-
course, and of binding nations together by the
ties of interest and of friendly brotherhood.
We have done as much, and perhaps more, to
discredit the savage remedies of war, by exalt-
ing the avocations and securing the profits of
industry, as any other people. The fruits OF
this policy are seen in the rapid extension Of
our commerce, in the removal of restrictions
upon navigation by all the maritime govern
ments of the world; in the prosperity Of indus
try, in prolonged peace between States in
the unpopularity of war, which signifies the
increasing power of the people in the control
of public affairs.
The doctrine of political end territorial ex-
emption on this side of the water was all we'll
enough then, unless it was made to interdict
the expression OF American ideas in the con-
Germs of Europe. We have, by our enterprise
and by the interests OF commerce, which may
be denominated an international institution,
drawing to itself the right to be heard in the
councils of nations, fairly won the privilege of
being recognized and regarded in those coun-
ellis.
Mr.. Narcys reasoning on the Sound dues,
in his despatch on the balance of power in
Europe, is contradiction in itself. The
United States must now, or very soon, take q
deep interest in the balance of power, as it is
called, because it is a part of the great mari
time movement OF the world; and, adjusted in
one way or another, it is to be seriously pre-
judicial or favorable to the commerce Of our
people. Mr.. Marcy, in this respect, has fallen
far short of that enlightened craftsmanship
which ought to distinguish the presiding officer
of our foreign affairs. He seems wholly to
have forgotten or overlooked the great fact
which is exhibited all over the world at the
present moment, that maritime affairs and in
tCI C5to uAC Willing SOuAOA, w q COAoAOSA0uAC
extent, over the deliberations of governments.
Commerce is an institution which has only been
distinctly recognized as power in the State
within the last fifty years; and it not only has
shown that it ought to be heard in the manage
ment of public concerns, but has made itself
felt whenever its interests have been sacrificed
or its rights violated.
The government Of the United States, des-
pite the Monroe doctrine, has on several occa-
sions directly interfered in the affairs Of Eu-
rope, in behalf OF American commerce. The
very birth of the American government gave
rise to q war between England and France, in
volvipg the European doctrines concerning the
rights of neutrals The United States at once
asserted the principle that " free ships make
free goods" and in 1885 we negotiated treaty
with Prussia recognizing it; and previously,
in 1850, the Empress Catharine II. of Russia,
had communicated to the different belligerent
and neutral Powers the famous declaration OF
neutrality, which was at the time assented to
by France, Spain and this government, as bel
ligerents; and Denmark, Sweden, Prussia, Hol-
land, the Emperor Of Germany, Portugal and
Naples, as neutral Powers. England refused
still to admit this innovation, and appealed to
the" principles generally acknowledged as the
law of nations, being the only law between
Powers when no treaties subsist." Our nego-
tiations and wars with the Algerines-our de-
cided attitude upon the Sound dues, are inter
ventions in the face of Mr.. Marcy's elaborass
argument to prove the non-intervention of our
government in European matters. The en-
barge and non-intercourse which preceded the
war of 1872 were remedies applied to the Sc
ries of harsh and illegal measures adopted by
England and by Napoleon ausinst the con-
merce of the United States. Even at SO early
a period as the commencement of the present
century the whole powers of our then feeble ad-