The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-08-07
aunihilated, by the completely of him and others

leagued with the enemy to undo measure which
had been carried by Southern votes, and was re-
garded, at the time, sectional triumph over
the Northern enemy l have no doubt that, at
the time when it was enacted, it was UNJUST be-
cause Freedom and Liberty much better than
chains and Slavery, and ought not to receive the
same need OF encouragement at the hands OF the
National Legislature. Much is lost In this dis
cussion by permitting gentlemen to put Slavery
and Liberty on the same footing. Slavery is apt
to take of itself, and needs no help from leg
slation. 1t is the business of the just statesman
to labor always for Liberty In modern times, in
this degenerate age of the Republic, it is argued,
and even half conceded, on this floor that Liberty
and Slavery ought to receive the same need of
encouragement at the hands of Congress. 1t is
a monstrous proposition, fit only for a despotism.
1t might probably be sustained in Russia and
other despotisms. Sir, when the American peo-
pie so far forget what is due to Republicanism,
equality, justice and right, as to say that Slavery
is equally entitled with Freedom to encourage
ment, then Liberty is no more The principles
of the fathers are overthrown, and there is moth
ing left worth preserving. But, sir, if Liberty
was even permitted an equal chance with Slavery,
should not be compelled to speak to-day for
Freedom. There is vigor, a force, power in
free institutions, which enable them to take care
of themselves if you give them an equal chance.
But every department of the Government is now
welded for the destruction of Liberty, and the
advancement of Slavery and chains. This will
not do the principles of the Administration must
and shall be reversed. Liberty shall yet be the
favored child of this glorious Republic.
You repealed the Missouri Compromise. Why
did you do it2 Various reasons were assigned
for the act on this floor at the time. All seemed,
however, to concur in the opinion that it was
bare abstraction; that no practical result would
grow out of it for the South that Slavery could
not go into Kansas, because the God of nature
had not adapted the soil and climate to Slavery.
That the declaration made here at the time.
do not suppose that it deceived anybody-cer-
tainly it did not deceive me-but some men just
fled their votes on this ground. They told the
people that it was an act of justice to the South,
to be attended with no practical consequences.
We were told then, that in 1920 the South COM
mitted an act of political suicide. For thirty -four
years they never discovered it. During all that
time, the South supposed they had achieved a
triumph. In the thirty fourth year, however, a
prophet sprang up who made them acquainted
with the fact that they themselves had done an
act deeply injurious to the honor and interests Of
the South. When the act was accomplished,
said ON this floor that the Wing party was over
thrown. l was told, however, that a great prin-
ciple was asserted. The principle was, that the
people of Territory ought to have perfect right
to manage their domestic institutions in their
own way. To men who thought but little, such
Il
content with the ordinary mode of legislation, but
against all precedent you incorporated into the
very body of your bill these jinglng words, that
it was not the intention of Congress to egislate
Slavery into the Territory, nor to prohibit 1T
from going there, but to leave the people per-
fectly free to form and regulate their domestic
institutions in their own way, subject, however,
to the Constitution of the United States"
A more damning act of duplcity than this
Al.
on Gods earth. | say boldly, it was a premedi-
tated deception. 1t partially produced its result
but, thank God, the people now understand it.
The doctrine that the inhabitants of Territory
should manage their own internal concerns in
their own way, seemed very plausible know
the labor which it cost to get this formula into
the bill. | remember the various committals, and
recommittals, and councils, and deliberations,
which took place before the creed could be worded
right. As one gentleman said, siump-speech
injected into the body of the bill, in order to
sweeten it with the people. From Adams time
to the present who ever heard of setting forth in
the body of an act the reasons for Its passagef
A law is defined TO be rule of action, and who
ever heard of making it express the motives OF
those who passed it? 1t was an extraordinary
occurrence that called for such extraordinary
legislation. 1t stamped this measure, in the first
place. as something extremely important and I'M
usual. think cannot mistake the purpose for
which it was DONE 1t was hollow, false, hypo-
critical; designed to deceive the people, who II
was hoped would not understand it. Time, which
tests all things, has brought to light what did
not know then to confirm the opinion which
then entertained have no doubt from the evil
dence which has since transpred, that at the very
time when you were enacting law declaring that
the people of the Territory should do as they
pleased on the subject of Slavery, secret society
was organized to carry Slavery into Kansas, with
out regard to what might be the wishes OF the
people. i say, the proof stands out in bold re-
lief, and, though it does not trace knowledge
of the society to the members who voted for the
bill, it shows that just about that time secret
lodges, with secret oaths, and all the parapher-
MALTA of secret society, for the deliberate pur-
pose of carrying Slavery into that Territory, was
formed in the State of Missouri and also in other
States; and before God / believe that it extended
even to this city. If So it still further marks the
bIackness and darkness that cover the transas-
tons of those who, meditating the establishment
Of Slavery by force or fraud in that Territory,
put in the bill the principle that the people shall
be left perfectly free" to do as they pleased on
! the subject.
| What adds to the enormity Of the transaction
is, that now, with this light before u.s. with per-
| feet knowledge that such a society existed, at
| all events in Missouri, and extended to other
| States, and actively propagating its princi-
this act turn round and charge all the difficulties
| in Kansas on the Emigrant Aid Society of Mas
sachusetts. This is the burden of the first and
| second reports of the Committee on Territories.
| 1t is the great staple of the speeches that have
been made to justify the atrocities in Kansas
| / do not deny that it was the intention of the
| free States to send free men to the Territory Of
| Kansas. remember well, that when some gentle
| man was arguing against the Aid Society, the
| Senator from Georgia Mr.. TooMBs] said that he
saw nothing illegal in it. That declaration was,
| think, incorporated into his speech. He agrees
| now as all honorable men must agree, that it
did nothing Notwithstanding wrong; and yet
| the honorable Senator from Georgia has as Iauch
interest in promoting Slavery as any man under
heaven. Then, what will you say of the men
from the North who dissent from him, and seek to
put the odium of the occurrences in Kansas on the
Aid Society, by the use Of arguments which a
Southern man, governed by the principles Of
honor, repudiates? You tell us that the Aid
Society has been the cause of the trouble. Hon.
orable gentlemen from the South see nothing
wrong in it nor do you. 1t is pretencc, put
forth to break the odium Of Northern delin-
quency.
Did you not say the Territory was open 10 a
just competition? Did you not invite all men to
go into the Territory, and there compete for the
need of Liberty? | regretted this, for it was not
an equal bargain by any means, because we had
already paid the full price of having Liberty there
without being subject to any contingency, Throw
ing that out of the way trampling it under foot
by q breach of faith, which would have justified
war to the knife between separate and independ-
ent nations, and planting yourselves upon the
principle that the different sections OF the Union
should go there and compete for the establish
ment of their institutions was there anything
wrong in the North, that believed in Liberty send
ing, or aiding to send, men there who wished to