The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1856-08-01
THE DAILY DISPATCH.
nIeS.ee On Liberty and Slavery.


uI.l.ae en- Liberty ana Slavery.
III. Great work Of Professor Bledsoe. Of the
Tn,versItv. on Liberty And Slavery, 10 exciting
IN. .dnrstion Of thinking and conservative
nina. IN various parts Of the Union We under
800 that in some portions Of the Free States IL
.. ,..o,,ed to by the friends Of the South ~ an
..x,o,x from which to draw weapons Of defence
.,.;,., the enemies Of our institutions. The more
:, !. tnovn and studied. the greater VIII be Its
,.rs our contemporary Of the Enquirer, In An
.-,,.l. imam this remarkable production, says:-
..rh. h,e.d,h and scope of Mr.. Bledsoe's work
-. M, been appreciated and eomprehended by
..,.,.,. and h.s,y readers. He Is modest - he Is
,.n.a and ingenious and does not push his theo
10. q, their ultimate but legitimate consequences
prohablv his course Is the most prudent and wise
an. tor the time. Possibly he saw that he would
MAR nj. book A. work of art were he to attempt
"a cover too much ground He .fies no Of
s.n,lve warfare He does not employ history and
.,,s,ics to detect and expose the general failure
Of emancipation, and the universal deterioration of
the human condition. where laborers without pro-
perty have been released from slavery to humane
masters ana RENTED to the more selfish. unfeeng
and exacting despotism of capital He lays down
principles that Justify slavery In the general, and
leaves their application to the exisences OF times
circumstances and race. He only specially de-
tends negro slavery, and shows only the failure OF
negro emancipation He has probably lett tnat
offensive warfare which the starving, riotous, In
del and revolutionary state of free society invites
to other hands, or reserved 1t for the subject OF
another book. His work is "totus teres ct rofnn
dus" 1t attempts enough, and does thoroughly
what It attempts"
About forty pages Of the book are devoted to .
powerful refutatiou of the doctrine Of human equal
ity, and An argument TO show the necessity OF
adapting the degree of governmentbe it slavery or
what else, to the moral and intellectual wants and
capacities Of the Individuals to be governed He
maintains that slavery is neither right nor wrong
per sc, and may be imposed or withheld, just as
the necessities of society of the individuals to
be governed or restrained, requires Slavery Is
but " that social station in which the will OF the
superior stands for law to the inferior" lie says
ON page l25 An eq1ality of conditions, of po
litical powers and privileges, which has no solid
basis in equality of capacity fitness, is one Of
the widest and most Improbable of all Ctopian
dreams. II ID the divine govanment such equal
ity were to prevail. it is evident that all order
would be overthrown, ali justice extiuguished
and utter confusion would reign" &c. Again,
page lle: 1t was much nearer the truth to say
that all men have an equal right not to act as
one Wills, but to have their willis restrained by
law. No greater want is known to man, indeed,
than the restraints of law and governments
II ipce, all men have an equal right to them, but
not to the same restraints, to the same laws and
governments. All have an equal right to that gov
eminent which is the best for them. But the same
government is not best for all. A despotism il
best for soma; limited monarchy is best for
others; while, for third people, a representative
republic IL the best form of government"
Page 80: The truth is, that all men are not
born equally free and independent, but equally
without freedom and without independence"
Mr.. Bled,oe, by his works on this and other sub
jects, has won from intelligent sources the high
compliment of being he first thinker of this coun-
try, and probably Of the age. He fills with great
ability the chair of mathematics at the University
Of Virginia and is an accession to that institution of
which its friends and the State at large have great
reason to be proud