New-York daily tribune., 1856-03-01
the AGCHEssIoNs AND USuapATIOks
SLAVE POWER.
DECLARATION OF PzIscrpLEs AND PURPOSES
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
ADDRESS OF THE REPUBLICAN, CONVENTION.
PITTSBURGH, Feb p. 1855.
TO THE PEOPLE oFTHE UNITED STATES.
OF THE


in the State OF Pennsylvania this s2d day February.
1856 as the representatives of the people in vsrous
sections Of the Union to consult upon the political evils
by which the country is menaced and the political
ton by which those evils may be avered, address
to YOU this Declaration of our Principles and Of the
Purposes which we seek to promote.
We declare, in the first place, fixed and un-
aterable devotion to the Constitution of the United
states-to the ends for which il was established aud
10 the means which it provided for their attainment.
We aceep, the solemn protesiation of the People Of
the United States that they ordained II in order 10
form more perfect Unon establish justice, ensure do
"mestc tranquility, provide for the common defense.
promote the general welfare and secure the bless-
ines of liberty TO themselves and their posterity.'
We believe that the powers which il confers upon the
Government of the United States are ample for the
accomplishment of these objects; and that il these
powers are exercised in the spirit of the Constitutions
tself they cannot lead 20 any other result. We re-
spect those great rights which the Constitution de-
cares to be nyioable-Freedom of Speech and of the
Press the free exercise of Religious Belief, and the
right of the People pesceably to assemble and 70
petition the Government for Redress of Grievances.
We would preserve those great safeguards of civil
freedom the habeo' corpus the right Of trial by jury,
and the right of personal liberty unless deprived
our purpose to obey in all things the requirements Of
the Constitution and of all laws enacted in pursuance
thereof. We cherish profound reverence for the
wise and patriotic men by whom II was framed, and
lively Of the blessings il has conferred upon our
country and upon mankind throughout the world. In
every crisis OF difficulty and of danger shall invoke
its spirit and proclaim the supremacy of its authority
In the next place, we declare our ardent and un-
shaken attachment 10 this Union of American States,
which the Constitution created and has thus far pro-
served. We il the purchase Of the blood oil
our orefathers as the condition OF national re
nown. and "a the guardian and guaranty oil thss
liberty which the Constitution designed To secure
We viii defend and protect il against all its enemiee
We will recognize geographical divisions, no local
interests sectional prejudices in our en-
deavo to preserve the union of these States against
| foreign aggression and domestic STRIFE What We
claim for ourselves claim for all. The rightss
privileges and Liberties which We demand as our in
hertance, concede as their inheritance to s the
citizens of this Republic.
| Holding these opinions and animated by these
timents we declare conviction that the Govern
ment of the United States is not administered in ac-
cordance with the Constitution or for the preserya0s
and prosperity OF the American Union but that 10
powers are systematically welded FOR THE PROMO
| TIos AND EXTENSION OF THE INTEREST OF SLAvgRf,
an direct hostility 10 the letter and spirit of the Constita
tOn in agran disregard Of other eat interests ofths
country and in open contempt Of The cubf sent'me,k
| of the American people and of the Christian wc..
We proclaim our belief that the policy which has for
years past been adopted in the Administration OF tho
General Government, tends the suOverslOn
each of the great ends for which the Constitution was
established and that, unless il shall be arrested by
the prompt nepostion of the People, the hold Of the
Union upon their loyalty and affection will be relaxed,
the domestic tranquility will be disturbed, and all
Constitutional securities for the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterty will be destroyed The
| Slaveholding interest cannot be made permanently
| paramount in the General Government without
| involving consequences fatal to Free institu-
tons. We acknowledge that it is large and
powerful that in the States where 1t exists II Is
| entitled under the Constitution, like all othW
local interests TO immunity from the interferences Of
the General Government and that II must necessarily
exercise through its representatives considerable
share of political power. But there is nothing in its
position there is certainly nothing In its character
TO sustain the supremacy which il seeks to establish
There is not State in the Union in whck the slave
holders number tenth part of the free white popu-
ation-nor IN the aggregate do they number one
fftieh part Of the white population of the United
States. The annual productions of the ther classes
in the Union far exceed the total value OF all tho
aves. TO say nothing, therefore, of the questions Of
natural jastice and ofpotical economy which Slavery
involves neither It's magnitude nor the numbers u
those by who's i is represented entte it 10 snk
part of the political powers conferred upon the Federal
Government by the Udsstitnlon Yet we see ii seek
ing and at this moment welding, all the functions OF
the Government-executve, legislative, and Judicial
and using them for the augmentation Of 10 powers
and the establishment Of its ascendancy.
From this ascendancy the principles Of the Consttu-
tion the rights Of the several States the safety Of the
Union and the welfare Of the people of the United
States, demand that it should be dsodged.
HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF THE PROGRESS or
SLAVERY TOWARD AsCRSDANCY IN THE PED-
ERAL GOVERNMENT.
IL is not necessary for TO rehease in detail the
successive steps by which the sayehodng interest has
secured the influence il exerts in the General Gov
eminent. Close students OF political events will readily
trace the path OF its ambition through the past twenty
five years of our national history.
Ii uDder the Administration Of President Tyler,
and during the negotiation which preceded the annex
alton of Texas that the Federal Administration for
the irst time declared, in its diplomatic correspond
with foreign nations that Slavery In the United
States was " POLITICAL INsTITUTiOs, ESSENTIAL TO
" STATES OF TIE UEIos IN WHICH 1T EXISTS" and
that the paramount motive of the American Govern
ment, in aDnexiDg Texas was tw0fod-Ffras 10 pre-
vent the abolition OF Slavery within it, lts and Sec-
ond: Torender Slavery more secure and more powerful
within the savehodiDg States Of the Union. Slavery
thus taken under the special care and protection
of the Federal Government. II no longer 10 be
left State institution to be controlled exclusively
by the States themselves; it was 10 be defended by
the General Government, not only against invasion or
insUrectiOn Of armed enemies but against the moral
sentiment OF humanity and the natural development Of
population and material power.
Thus the whole current Of our national history
suddenly ano uncoDstitutioLaly reversed. The Gen.
eral Government, abandoning the position II had al
ways held declared IL purpose TO protect and per-
petuae what the great founders Of the Republic had
regarded evias at variance with the principles
on which institutions based, and q source
Of weakness, social and political, TO the communities
in which it existed. AT the time of the Revolution
Slavery existed In all the Colonies; but neither them
nor for half century afterward, had il been an ele
ment Of political strife for there difference Of
opinion or OF policy in regard 10 il. The tendency
OF affair bad been toward emancipation. Half the
original thirteen States had taken measures at an early
day TO free themselyes from the bighting influence
and the reproach of Slavery. Virginia aud North
Carolina had anticipated the Continental Congress Of