The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-07-13

choice Genesee white at 81 90. A cargo Of hand
some new white Maryland was on the market and
held at 81 30. A small lot Of good new North
Carolina red was also offered for sale. Corn was in
light supply and prices were firm, with moderate
sales at &c. SIC. for dstiing lots Coo. for prime
sound mixed, and 80c. 62c. for Southern yellow,
and small lots Southern white were reported at 66c.
q &c. Rye was firm at s5c. for Northern. Pork
was heavy. Mess sold at $40 "a, with retail lots at
$2l. Lard was firm. Freights were irregular for
Liverpool and London, with light engagements. To
Havre they remained without change and with light
engagements. esd y
Shall Fremont be Electeds-Mes~rs. FlII.norc
and Buchanan's Threats OF Secession.
The repeated declarations of Mr.. Fillmore,
that in the event of the election of Col Fremont
to the Presidency the Southern States in body,
ought to and will withdraw from the Union, find
a willing echo in Mr.. Buchanan. He, too, thinks
that the South cannot, must not and will not
live in the Union day after the election of such
a sectional candidate as Fremont, though not
quite as bold as Mr. Fillmore in expressing his
wishes. The sectional nominee of the Cincinnati
Convention is black horse of another color.
What lamentable fact is here presented the
fact that we have two Presidential candidates
in the field at the same time, both Northern men,
proclaiming the alternative of Southern nullifi-
cation and secession in the event Of the success
of their formidable rival Southern man, born
in Georgia, educated in South Carolina and
trained as a politician in the school of the old
Jacksonan democracy!
To Mr.. Fillmore belongs this saving discovery
of secession in the event of the election OF FIRE.
mont. Mr. Buchanan, as usual, only follows in
the wake Of the man who has been bold enough
to lead the way. This alternative of nullifca-
ton and secession, therefore is Mr.. Fillmore's
platform, by right Of discovery and first occupa-
ton, ard we shall deal with him accordingly, as
our first customer in the premises But where did
the amiable and Union loving Mr.. Fillmore pick
up this revolutionary and seditious recommends
tiong Not among the dark lantern orgies of the
Know Nothings, because they were abolished be-
fore his return from his European pilgrimage;
not from the souvenirs Of the old whg party, for
they adhered TO the Union against all Presidan-
tial contingencies. This peculiar notification
ard secession idea, in fact, is not an American
idea; il is evidently an importation from some Of
the lodges OF the red republicans and socialists Of
the European continent. The reds of France are
VIGOROUSLY attached 10 this identical notion OF
Mr.. Fillmore. They 30 for the voice of the peo-
pie as far as il may subserve their purposes; but
they also 90 for nullifying all popular elections
against them at the point Of the bayonet
An interesting incident TO this effect recurs to
our memory. II was perhaps, month or two
before the famous oosp dtt0t Of Louis Napoleon
of 1851. At that time Prince Napoleon, the Ea-
ropean son Of Jerome, had two strings to his bow:
he was the heir apparent of the Napoleon dynas-
ty, and the champion OF the republican faction OF
the Mountain in the National Assembly. Bat
there was much Of doubt hanging over the future
in regard to bis prospects in either direction. Il
was at this crisis and under these circumstances
that at Paris one day, in a personal meeting with
the Prince NAPOLEON, we fell into G conversation
with him upon republcanisn, upon popular cleo
ions dc, and especially upon the prospects Of the
then approaching presidential election for France.
appointed for 1852 and the Presidential election Of
the same year to come of in the United States.
II is we'll known that Kossuth and the red repub-
licans expected to turn the French election into
a bloody continental revolution: and from what
follows 1t will lie seen that the Prince Napoleon
was not ignorant Of their intentions.
In 1852 Louis Napoleon would have been in
eligible for reelection, according TO the consti
tuition under which be was fir. elected. {" Who
then, we asked Of Prince Napoleon, will Be
your candidate We don't know" replied
the Prince: there viii he several; and our party
may be defeated at the ballot boxes; but then,
Fir" - Well what ihcn.' We inquired.
Then. sir" answered the Prince. I'VE shall
perhaps. appeal from the ballot boxes to the bar
ricades." Expressing some surprise. on our part
at this original idea Of popular sovereignty. the
Prince inquired the reason. and asked, also If Il
were not quite possible that the issue Of The
Presidential election in the United States In
1852, might not be set aside at the poin; Of The
bayoneg "Oh, no. We replied; the American
people submit 10 the will Of the majority. This
submission i the very corner stone Of their popu-
lar system Of government. Accordingly. what
ever may be the party divisions Or excitcments q
a Presidential election. the moment the result j.
asccrtained, that moment the struggle ceases AMI
al parties chceTfully submit TO the expressed viii
Of the majority. We may have or dolb;s a. to
which party will succeed but We all feel per-
feet sense Of security, thai whichever party may
win. We shall have President and government
that viii do for -four years to come. n the new
government and it. policy should fall short Of -
promises and the popular expectations the people
win displace it at the next election ~ see,
see, said the Prince, " the majori;y-the popa-
lar majority-tbe popular win, is supreme. But
what dEence between our French theory and
your knerican practice
tits remarkable that Mr.. Fillmore should return