The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-07-17

COL. FREM0NTs LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE
Colonel Fremont's Letter of Acceptance
(printed on our fourth page,) is discreet, lib
eral, and national, disappointing the politi
clans, who had expected from him an expires
sion of sentiment crude, narrow, and sectional
He accepts the declaration of principles O
the Philadelphia Convention, as expressing
sentiments in which he has been educated, anc
which "have been ripened into convictions by
personal observation and experience" I'm
like Mr.. Buchanan, he does not dispense with
his identity, and say that he is but the repre-
sentative of the platform, but, reserving his
own individuality, he claims that the platform
embodies his own settled convictions.
After this general statement, he singles on,
two questions of more immediate interest, on
which he desires to announce his emphatic
concurrence with the Convention-that which
regards foreign affairs, and that which relates
to the conflict between Freedom and Slavery
in Kansas. "The assumption that we have
the right to take from another nation its do
mains, because we want them, is an abandon.
ment of the honest character which our coun
try has acquired. To provoke hostilities by
unjust assumptions, would be to sacrifice the
peace and character of the country, when all
its interests might be more certainly secured,
and its objects attained, by just and healing
counsels, involving no loss of reputation"
This is common sense view, and must
command the appreciation of Americans who
desire to see the honor of the country unfair.
nished, and peaceful relations with foreign ma
tons maintained; but it is not in harmony
with the principles set forth in the Ostend
Manifesto, to which Mr.. Buchanan subscribed
his name, October l8, 1854. Mr. Buchanan,
under Mr.. Folks Administration, had offered
two hundred millions for Cuba. In the Ostend
Manifesto, addressed to the President by Min
listers Buchanan, Mason, and Soule, it was
recommended that another offer of similar
kind be made to Spain but, off Spain, dead
to the voice of her own interest, and actuated
by stubborn pride and false sense of honor"
(such was their language,) "should refuse to
sell Cuba to the United States, what ought to
be the course of the American Government
under such circumstances2" Mr.. Buchanan
and his associates answer as follows;
Selfpreservaton is the first law of nature
with States as we'll as with individuals. All
nations have at different periods acted upon
this maxim. Although it has been made the
pretext for committing fragrant injustice, as in
the partition of Poland, and other similar cases
which history records, yet the principle itself,
though often abused, has always been recoq
Missed. The United States has never acquired
a foot of territory except by fair purchase, or.
as in the case of Texas, upon the free and vol
untary application of the people of that indie.
pendent State, who desire to blend their desti,
MES with our own. Even our acquisitions from
Mexico are no exception to the rule, because
although we might have claimed them by the
right of conquest, in just war, yet we pur-
chased them tor what was then considered by
both parties full and ample equivalent. Our
past history forbids that we should ACQUIRE the
Island of Cuba without the consent of Spain,
unless justified by the great law of selfpres-
ervation. We must in any event, preserve our
own conscious rectitude and our own selfre-
spect. While pursuing this course, we can
afford to disregard the censures of the world.
to which we have been 30 often and 30 uniustly
exposed. After we shall have offered Spain a
price for Cuba far beyond its present value,
and this shall have been refused, it will then be
time to consider the question, does Cuba in
the possession of Spain seriously endanger our
internal peace and the existence of our cher.
ished Union2 Should this question be answer.
ed in the affirmative, then by every law. human
and divine. we shall be justified in Wrestling it
from Spain, if we possess the power. And this
upon the very same principle that would iusti-
II an individual in tearing down the burning
house Of his neighbor, if there were no other
means of preventing the flames from destr oy.
ing his own home. Under such circumstances.
we ought neither to count the cost nor regard
the odds which Spain might enlist against us.
We forbear to enter into the question whether
the present condition of the island would inst;fv
spch measure. We should, however, BE-
recreant to our duty, be unworthy of our ral-
gallant forefathers, and commit base treason
against our posterity, should we permit Cuba
to be Africanized, and become a second St.
Domingo, with all its attendant horrors to the
white race, and suffer the flames to extend to
our neighboring shores, seriously to endaneer
or actually to consume the fair fabric of our
Union. We fear that the course and current
of events are rapidly tending toward such a
catastrophe
Now, nobody can believe that public man,
who, under such circumstances, could utter
Such sentiments, and counsel this extreme
measure, can be safely trusted With the abso-
lutte control of our foreign relations. Wbv ia