The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-01-31


pected that plan for the total extinction of
Slavery, without compensation, would be regard
ed with much favor by shareholders of the de-
scrption here alluded to; yet there is no reason
able doubt that many of them would gladly ex-
change this slippery species of property for
another, even smaller in nominal amount, of
less questionable and more stable tenure.
1t is generally conceded that Congress has
no power to emancipate the slaves in any of
the States; and with this opinion we readily
agree, from the consideration that no such
power is conferred by the Constitution, and the
powers not conferred are retained by the States
or by the people. But it must also be remem-
bered that the Constitution confers no power
upon Congress to establish or maintain Slavery
in the States or anywhere else; and it is sig
ni6cant fact, that when the Constitution was
formed, Slavery was not tolerated in any Ter
ritory of the Union. We may, however con-
slider the general powers of Congress as ex-
tending to the objects for the promotion of
which the Constitution was framed. These were
expressly declared to be, "to form more per-
feet union, establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common defence,
promote the general welfare, and secure the
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posteri
ty." Now, it could be easily shown that every
one of these objects would be promoted by a
peaceful extinction of Slavery. Congress might
then very consistently appropriate portion of
the funds of the nation for the purpose of con-
summating the action of the States within their
respective domains. Surprising, then, an act
of Congress obtained, appropriating specific
sum, to be applied for compromising the owners
of slaves for the sacrifice they might be required
to make in virtue of a law of their own Legis-
lature, which might emancipate all the slaves
within the State, and prohibit forever the intro
duction of any more, either by birth or immi-
gration-such all act would be obnoxious to no
serious objection. The details of such an act
would require deliberation and judgment, but
the general principle would be easily under
stood.
1t may indeed be objected, that the assumed
right to property in slaves, being founded in
violence and wrong, can have no proper basis !;
hence, no compensation for their liberation is
due. Yet it may be considered that the system
of Slavery has been so far encouraged, and the
use of and traffic in the produce of slave labor
have been 80 extensive, that the nation at large
may be said to be involved in the guilt of the
system, and to have partaken of its gains. A
compromise such as proposed would, of course,
be very different from the compromises usually
made between Slavery and Freedom and the
rights given up by the people of the free States
would be merely their own, not the rights of
others. A plan of this kind is probably the
only one which would receive the appreciation,
for some time to come, Of the States where Sla-
very prevails to any considerable extent If an
act of Congress, such as here alluded to, could
be obtained, limiting its appropriation to spe-
ciic and moderate sum, it is probable that some
Of the States where few slaves are held would
be the first to accept the offer; and whatever the
number of slaves might be, no injustice would
be done to the States or to individuals, for the
measure would not be consummated without
the concurrence of the State Legislature nor
probably without that of the people in general.
One important advantage which measure of
this kind would possess, would be the celebrity
with which it mi ght be accomplished. In the
States where Slavery was once tolerated, and
afterwards abolished by law, the abolition was
effected gradually. In Pennsylvania, which
took the lead in this species of legislation, about
sixty years we're required, after the passage of
the law, to produce its ultimate effect. The act
of 1870 was justly considered, at the time it was
passed, as an important measure; but it is
observable that the noble principles laid down
in the preamble were not carried out in the act
itself. The slaves of the then existing genera
ton were left to out their lives in servitude
They had, however the consolation to know that
would be eventually free. In other States, the
process was not widely different But, upon
the plan here suggested, the people of any
State, sincerely disposed to rid themselves of
the evil of Slavery, might accomplish this OBJ
Ject without waiting for the salves to die off,
and without divesting their masters of what
they claim as their property.
A necessary preliminary measure would be
the preparation and circulation, among our
citizens at large, Of memorial to Congress,
soliciting the enactment of law directed to
the object above proposed. The following form
Is suggested, as comprising the substance of
such memorial:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States IN Congress assembled:
"The undersigned, citizens Of, respect
fully ask that provision may be made by law,
that whenever, within certain period of years,
any State of this Union, now admitting domestic
Slavery, shall decree the emancipation of all
slaves and the final extinction of involuntary
servitude, except for crime, within her borders
an exact enumeration of said slaves shall be
made, and for each and every slave so eman.
cipated there shall be paid from the Treasury
of the United States, to such State for equitable
distribution amongst the shareholders, a sum of
money, to be ascertained as Congress in its
wisdom may direct"
The subject is not new to our halls of Federal
legislation. 1t may possibly not be viewed with
much favor for some time to come; but if it
could be brought prominently into view, and
calmly discussed, both in and out of Con.
gress, it might be reasonably hoped that the
asperity so generally manifested, when ques-
tons respecting Slavery are under discussion
might be allayed, and conviction, which the
truth certainly warrants, be gradually impressed,
that the advocates of emancipation are actually
truer friends to the interests of the South than
the supporters of Slavery. The deleterious
consequences of the system are obvious to
every candid observer, and the interests of an
overwhelming ma jority, even in the slave States,
are on the side of emancipation. If, then, the
interests of the few, which lie, or are supposed
to he, on the side of the permanence of Slavery,
could be conciliated by the offer of compensa-
ton, derived both from the North and the South,
we might reasonably hope, at no distant day,
practice as well as in name, "the home of the
free" Ell.
The Providence Journal aptly illustrate the
anxiety of Southern disunionists for the safety
of the Union, by the following anecdote:
Everybody remembers an anecdote, long cur
rent of a worthy citizen of Providence, who
was distinguished rather for the strength of his
theoretical orthodoxy than for its practical de-
velopment in his walk and conversation, and
who held the Office of committee man in one of
our Baptist churches. He had been much
troubled at the doubtful sentiments preached
by several clergymen from abroad, who had
disturbed the even current of doctrine, not ex.
actly by new tenets, but by some new appIica-
tons Of old and well-settled ones.
One day q member of the church came to
him, and asked his consent to open the meeting.