The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-01-03

hT' ruIier, oI pennsylvania 81
Scattering 10
2Il
There having been no election
On motion of Mr. Winslow, of North Caro-
dina, the House adjourned-yeas / 10, nays %.
Friday, December %, 1853.
SENATE
The Senate did not sit to-day.
HOUSE
The Clerk called the House to order at IL
| o'clock, and the Journal Of yesterday was read.
| Mr.. Seward, of Georgia, submitted the fol-
lowing preamble and resolution:
| Whereas it is apparent, under the existing
| differences of opinion in this House, no organi-
| cation thereof can be effected without some
effort to unite all who agree upon the doctrine of
non-intervention, asserted in the Kansas
and Nebraska act, viz that the people of the
Territories shall be left perfectly free to regu-
late their own domestic policy; and whereas it
| is indispensable, to effect an organization, that
| all differences of opinion upon other questions
should be postponed, without compromise or
concession upon the part of any member vo-
ting for this resolution: be it
| ResOlred That William A. Richardson be
chosen Speaker of the House of Representa-
tives for the thrty-fourth Congress.
| Mr.. Seward stated that he had introduced his
resolution for the purpose of embodying, if pos
| sible, the sentiments of members i'll regard to
the doctrine Of nonintervention, and with the
view of relieving gentlemen of the American
party from what they considered an insult with
respect to their peculiar position upon collate
raj issues outside of the doctrines Of the Kansas
and Nebraska bill.
| Mr.. II. Marshall, Of Kentucky, desired to
know, if, when the gentleman stated that he
was for the principle that the people in the
Territories should settle their own institutions
in their own way, he was to understand him as
assuming the position that the people of a Ter
rtory, during the existence of a Territorial
Government, might, through Territorial Legis
lature, prohibit Slavery?
Mr.. Seward replied that legal questions were
not proper to be considered here. Laughter.
Mr.. Cingman, of North Carolina, hoped the
gentleman from Georgia would so modify his
resolution as to insert, after the words " do
| nestle policy" subject to the Constitution OF
| the United States
[ Mr.. Seward accepted the modification.
Mr.. Clngman understood that the gentleman
from Kentucky Mr.. II. Marshall would have
voted for the Nebraska bill, had he been a
member of the House at the time of its con
sideration. lie would ask the gentleman how
he construed it? Did he believe that the PEG.
pie of Territory had this right, or not2
Mr.. u. Marshall replied, that he had no in,
disposition to state his position upon that ques
ton, so that it might he read of all men, and
when stated, it would read the same way North
and the same way South. He did not believe
that the Congress of the United States possess
| ed the constitutional power to legslate so as Ia
prohibit Slavery in a Territory and he did not
believe that the people Of Territory possessed
the power to legisate, pending Territorial
Government, to prohibit Slavery therein
Now, he should like to know the gentleman
position.
Mr.. Clingman would state it with pleasure
lfahe had understood the gentleman correctly
he held that the people of Territory could
not legislate either affirmatively or negatively
under the Kansas bill.
l Mr.. II. Marshall. Why, gentlemen have not
settled the construction Of that bill among
| themselves.
Mr.. Seward here interposed, and claimed the
floor, and proposed to modify his resolution, by
striking out the words "that the people Of the
| Territories shall be left perfectly free to regu-
late their own domestic policy" He had thus
modified his resolution, for the purpose of OBJ
Waiting the difficulties which gentlemen seemed
to desire to throw in its way, in regard to the
construction of the Kansas and Nebraska act.
Now, if the American party were national
|
ton, and were in favor of removing it from
the halls of legislation. His resolution pre-
scented common platform, upon which all
could stand and he had offered it on his own
responsibility, and without consultation with
the Democratic party.
Mr.. Boyce, of South Carolina, approved Of
the resolution, though he thought that it might
have been more judiciously worded.
lie belonged to the Calhoun wing of the Dem
ocratic party, and did not consider himself as
bound by the action of its caucus, or in any way
subj ect TO its rules He would further add, that
in recommending the course he should, he was
not actuated by any Indifference to Mr.. Richard
son. If he had had his choice of the members
of the House, that gentleman would have been
his first choice for the honorable position of
Speaker.
There we're three parties here, neither one of
which had a majority of the whole number of
votes. Mr.. Banks, according to his understand
ing, represented the extreme Anti-Slavery feel
ing of the North, and he inferred that the party
which sustained him did so because he occupied
that position. Mr.. Richardson stood upon the
Kansas and Nebraska bill, and Mr.. Fuller had
declared that he would stand by existing legis-
lation, and that he was against the further agi-
tation of the Slavery question. Practically, so
far as the organization of the House was con-
|
the same position, and between their position
and that occupied by Mr. Banks there was an
| impossible gulf. II those who voted for Mr.
| Fuller were unwilling to sustain Mr.. Banks,
| which he believed to be the case, and if it was
assumed that those gentlemen who threw scat
tering votes differed from the gentleman from
Massachusetts, as it was fair to presume, it fol-
| lowed that Mr.. Banks could not be elected a
majority of the House differing from him upon
the vital question Of Slavery. The next CON
| cusion was, that the conservative men Of the
| House-by which he meant those who support
ed Mr.. Fuller and Mr.. Richardson, as well as
| those who threw scattering votes-could organ
| ize, if they would cast their votes for the same
candidate; and if they had this power, was it
not their duty to exercise it? 1t seemed to
him that the two parties which supported Mr.
Richardson and Mr.. Fuller should, without any
formal understanding, withdraw their candi-
dates, and cast their votes for whom they
pleased. He, for one, would vote for any man,
Northern or Southern, and without reference TO
the questions of Americanism and Catholicism,
who would be willing to organize the House
upon conservative basis.
Mr.. H. Marshall, of Kentucky, remarked that
the resolution now before the House presumed
an indemnity of feeling upon a given principle.
on the part of those who should vote for it: and
it was in the idea Of its mover to make an as.
sertion in favor of the principle of non.inter.
vention, as declared in the Kansas and Nebras-
ka act. Before he should vote for the resolu.
ton, he desired Democratic gentlemen TO de-
fine the principle alluded to, and not ATTEMPT
to hide it under the bill, which bill was inter
preted by that party at the North in one way,
and by the same party at the South in another.