The true Democrat., 1856-09-02

scrutiny into the record of Mr. Buchanan' public career, the clearer and more incontestabl, Is his claim to the confidence and support O the south.
 We have seen, from a restrospect of hi course on slavery, that he has always been tn, vlgiant, consistent and unfinching champion oi the constitution and the rights of the States Never has he inhamed the fanaticism of tho north by denunciation of slavery; never ha, he neglected an opportunity of contributing tc the security and stability of the rights and in- stltutOnS of the south His enemies reproach him with an unreliable timidity of nature; but the injustice of the accusation is exposed by the frmness and fidelity with which he has de- he'd and resisted the anti-slavery movement in the moment of its greatest power. The rising generation of public men will find in the char acter of no other statesman, so conspicuous an illustration of consistent devotion to principle, as Is shown in MT. Buchanans undertaking support of the rights of the south
 This might appear to be extravagant praise If in MT. Buchanan's services to the south there had been the least manifestation of re- luctant and constrained spirit. So far the con- trary, however, that in all his votes and speeches in support of the rights of slavery, there is a spontanety and sincerity which attest the influence as well of the feeling of the heart as of the convictions of the understanding In defence of the south he did not await the i'm mediate presence of danger, he did not need the spur of obvious and imperative duty; but with the prophetic instict of true states manship and the generous enterprise of an ar dent patriot, he deserted the gathering cloud in the distance and provided secure shelter against the storm In like manner, when elevated to
 
 vocate until the country is upon the brink of ruin. He will not lean upon his Attorney Gen. eral for support and stimulus in resistance to the encroachments of abolitonsm but will exhibit the same prompt and hearty spirit in defence of the south which has characterized his past course.
 That we pronounce no indiscriminate and undeServed panegyric upon Mir. Buchanan, all will admit who read the following passage from speech which he delivered the 9th of Febru- ary, 1912, in reply to MT. Clay's attack upo1 the veto power:
 It would be easy to imagine interests of the deepest importance to particular sections which might be seriously endangered by its de- strdctior." ''ln the southern States, which com pose the weaker portion of the Unisu d species of property exists which is now attracting the attention of the whole civilized world These States never would have become parties to the Union, had not their rights in this property been secured by the federal constitution. For eign and dom eStic fanaticS-some from the be- lief that they are doing Gods service, and oth- CTS from desire to divide and destroy this glo- rious Republic-have conspired to emancpate the southern slaves. On A.is question Me people of the 8Oth,'beyom{ the limits 0f Hteir oUn Sfutes STAND ALONE AND UNSUPPORTED BY ANY POWER ON EARTH, EXCEPT THAT of the northern demo- cracy. These tanatical phIanthropiSts are now conducting a crusade over the whole world and are endeavorlng to concentrate the public opin- ion of all mankind against this right of pro- perty, Suppose taey shou}d erer lpfuence nlq- jority ia both Houses of Congress to pass q Mt0- not to abolish this property, for hat l0ouM Je too PalPaJle colation c tte coastitutime-Jtat to rea- der ft of no raiue, un(er e letter, but ayajna te spirit Cf one of tue po,cers granted; agW al,y looer of his country say hat Hte Prea.leH ouqLt not to possess tue po0er ef arrestng suci at at 6y hls ceto until the solemn decision of tue peQple Sh0Utd 5e hiIown on thts q~estjon, inGolon'He Hte O. death ot tte Union2 We, of the non slave holding States, entered the Union upon the ex- press condition that this property should be pro- tected Whatever may be our own private opinions iu regard to slavery In the abstract, ought we to hazard all the blessings of onr free iIstitutioua-our Union and our strength-ln such a crusade against our brethren of the south! Ought we to leOparIlze every political right we hold dear, for the sake of enabling these fanatics to invade southern rights and render that fair portion of our common inhcri- tance a scene of servile war, rapine and murder? Shall we apply the torch to the magnificent temple of human liberty which our forefathers raaroI tb,, ,,rira hIo,,l I permit all we hold dear to perish in the coutla- grafton? 1 trust not
 |" It IS possible that at some future day the majority in Congress may attempt, by indirect means, to emancipate the slaves of the south There is no knowing through what channel the ever active spirit of fanatciSm may seek to ac- compsh its purpose. Do ,ce teel So secure, ia his hour ot peril from abroad aud peril at home, as to Je ,CHling to prostrate any of Me 6Qrriers a0tich tue constitution hoS reaet ogainst hastY an{ dangerou, Legislatim. No, sir ,lecer aoas the Ua- lue oJf the veto pocer neore manifest Man at Me present moment. For Ate' toeaker portion of tue CnaOn lChOse constitutional rights are noU ossaaled aoiM Such violence, to think cf aJandoning Mis safegua5d soould be almost smcjdoL'
 Observe here an instructive contrast The party which supports Willard Fillmore have ever opposed the exercise of the executive veto, except in cases of palpably unconstitu- tional legislation. And his friends are now, at this very moment excusing his signature of the fugitive slave bill on the plea that the plat form of his party restrained him from resortng to the executive veto. By the same constraint he would be compelled to approve the aggres- sive acts of an abolition Congress.
 Such is not the position of James Buchanan He cherishes the executive veto, not only for its general conservative effect in our system of government, but for its special use in defeating the schemes of the aboltionists. Much as he prizes the power as principle of the consti- tuition, he esteems 1t the more as a weapon of defence in the hands of the south. And he binds himself by pledge, which is not ex- torted by the necessities of canvass, but which he assumes voluntarily and from conviction, that while he is President of the United States no black republican Congress shall carry out its schemes of aggression. In his hands the exc cutive veto will be an impregnablc bulwark of southern rights.
 The foregoing extract illustrates Mir. Bucha- mans sagacty as statesman. His prophecy wants but little of a literal fulilment. If the fanatical philanthropists" have not yet ma iority in " both Houses of Congress" they are at least supreme in the House of Representa- tives, and if their march be not soon arrested they will get control of the Senate. The de- feat of Buchanan will ensure an abolition ascen- dancy in the federal legislature; the election of Fillmore will place man in the Presidency whose preudices, principles and pledges will combine to make him at least passive instru- ment of anti-slavery aggression. With his idea of the function of the executive veto, the fe. deral government will oppose no resistance to the enemies of the south and will afford no aid to its friends. Paralysis of the brain will prostrate the entire system in helpless impo- tency.
 The election of Buchanan, on a southern platform, and by party which has ever been true to the interests of slavery, will of itself in fict an rreparable blowup the black repub- lican organization. But, should the abolition ists be enabled, by some unforeseen combination of circumstances, to maintain and consolidate their power; should they contrive. to gam : a