Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1856-07-18
AIMS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.

these two.
/. To reassert the principles of the Dec
laration and the Constitution, and to bring
back the administration of the government
to conformity with them.
2. By return to the policy marked out
by the founders of the government to pre-
serve the Constitution and the Union.
We propose now to speak of the special
measures by which republicans propose to
carry out these great principles. Aud first,
as an answer to the falsehoods of the Buch-
aniers, we will state some things which re-
pubicans do not propose.
l. We do not propose to interfere with
slavery in the states where it exists. We
do not love slavery anywhere, but as we
have no power over slavery in the states, so
we have no responsibility for its existence
there. Our noble leader, John C. Fremont,
has aptly and forcibly expressed our views
in this matter. He says, awhile 1 feel in
flexible in the belief that it slavery ought
not TO be interfered with where it exists
under the shield of state sovereignty, l am
as infexibly opposed to its extension beyond
its present limits"
2. We do not, therefore, as party, aim
at the abolition of slavery. As individuals,
many of US are abolitionists in the sense that
we wish slavery everywhere abolished, but
as republicans we aim to do only what the
Constitution of the U. S. enjoins or permits.
To abolish slavery is not among the powers
granted by that instrument, and therefore
republicans do not propose to exercise any
such power.
8. We do not propose in any respect to
abridge the right of the states, or the peo-
pie of the south. All that the Constitution
grants to them we freely accord. We hold
that each state, whether north or south, is
an equal partner in this confederacy. There
!, is no right or privilege which we claim for
an inhabitant of free state, that we do
not cheerfully accord to an inhabitant of a
slave state The territories are open to them
as to US, with all their property, the intro
duction of which does not make the terrific
ries uninhabitable by freemen. We do not
ask to take slaves there, and we believe that
neither we nor they have any right to do so.
But the measures which we do propose to
carry out are these.
;, l. We propose to establish the principle
by law, that "neither congress, territorial
Legislature, or any association of individuals
can give legal existence to slavery in any
territory of the United States while the
present Constitution shall be maintained" !"
Slavery has no legal existence in any south
ern state. 1t is indeed legislated upon as
a thing already in existence; but the rela-
ton between master and slave, being re-
Iation by southern definition founded upon
force only, no more admits of being estab-
lished by law, than the relation of the high
wayman to the plundered traveller. No
southern state has pretended to establish
slavery by law. To do so were too great
an absurdity even for Shareholders stom-
ach. But to legislate slavery into existence
under the Constitution of the United States
is more than an absurdity, it is an impossi-
bility. That Constitution provides that no
person shall be deprived Of life, liberty or
property without due process of law. The
Declaration asserts that governments are
established among men to secure their unal-
ienable rights to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness; and derive their
Just powers from the consent of the govern
ed" Is any man so mad or so wicked as
really to believe that under such principles
as these, new states can be formed out of
our territories, in which governments can
be constitmionaUy established which takes
away liberty? which are not founded on
the consent of the governed?
2. We propose to establish the principle
''that congress has sovereign power over the
territories of the United States for their gov
ernment, and that in the exercise of this
power it is both the right and duty of con-
gress to prohibit in the territories these twin
relics of fbarbarism-polygamy and slavery"
The words of the Constitution are. 'eon-
gress shall have power to make all need
ful rules and regulations respecting the ter
ritory belonging to the United States."-
Even without these expressions, it is clearly
evident that until the state government is
established, congress must be the supreme
authority of the territories; and in the ex-
ercise of this authority it is equally clear
that it must be governed by the Constitu-
ton, and the Constitution is the most po-
, tent of anti-slavery documents. 1t is an
tagonistic to slavery everywhere, but its let
ter utterly forbids all who exercise the pow
ers granted by it, to pass, approve or exc,
cute laws which take away the rights Of
men. We mean that this fundamental