New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1856-09-13
be- reserved bat ospAign punishment Inc s'a'"
vere martvye m the cause Of Liberty. Inc o"'-

the highest tribunal OF the ota'c ivy Neo
ton in their favor was considered an apology ior
the tvraut minister who had caused the massacre.
Az This crisis, John Adams was solicited to I'M
dertakc their defense. He had largely shared IN
the DISGUST occasioned BY the introduction of troops
into the town. No one doubted the strength Of his
attachment to the popular cause But he could
not hesitate TO engage in what seemed plain case
Of professional duty. In his mind, riot had no
necessary connection with the maintenance of his
political principles. 1t was enough that the appli-
cants had called for assistance, and were not with
out reasonable grounds of Defense for him to decide
to become their advocate. His decision was looked
on with little favor by the majority of his townsmen.
Many of them deemed it almost wilful design TO
screen the guilty from justice. few of the most
ardent patriots like Hancock, Gushing, Warren,
Pemberton and Cooper, approved his course; but
it found no support in the prevailing public senti-
ment. Still, the general confidence in his princi-
pies was not impaired Avacancy occurring in the
House Of Representatives, he was chosen to fill the
place by large majority. He was not, however,
professed politician. He had nothing of the gift
possessed in such remarkable degree by his kins-
ular masses by appealing to their sentiments and
passions. Unlike him, he never attended town.
meetings, and was seldom present at the private
assemblages which give the direction to public
councils. 1t was more as lawyer than pollti'
clan, that be was first drawn into public life. In
this capacity, his influence was of great Importance.
The patriotic party stood in need of legal ADVISER
Hutchinson had just been transferred from the
highest judicial to the highest civil post in the prov
ince, and his sbrewdness and skill were arrayed
against the cause of the people. With the natural
instincts of their profession most of the lawyers,
from the commencement OF the troubles, had either
remained neutral, or had taken decided stand IN
favor of prerogative. John Adams was universally
regarded as the person to supply the want, and
from This time, he became a paramount authority in
the discussion of legal questions between the people
and the Crown.
The trial of Captain Preston, after various de-
laws, commenced on the oath of October. 1t con-
tinued during week, and resulted in his acquitta.
This was not unexpected, for there was no proof
that he had given any orders which caused the men
TO fire. The seven soldiers were tried month
later No full report of either trial was published.
Of Mr. Adams's speeches, nothing remains but a
few imperfect notes of his argument in the latter
trial. The result was, verdict of manslaughter
against two of the prisoners, and the acquittal of
the rest. The idea of malicious intent was en-
tirely precluded. The people acquiesced in the
verdict; and while Mr.. Adams greatly enhanced
his professional reputation, he lost little of the
teen of his political friends. For himself, he never
ceased to look on his share of the transaction with
satisfaction. He had performed his duty in the face
of popular clamOr, and given an example to BOs-
ton of self.cOntrO under prOvOcation well as Of
submission to the behests of the law.
In September, IVA, he took his seat in the Con-
tinental Congress at Philadelphia. He took an
active part in the deliberations of this body, and
returning to Massachusetts, at the close of October,
was called to serve in the Provincial Congress then
sitting at WatertOwn. In the following Spring,
the bloodshed at Lexington and Concord gave a
new impulse to the patriotic cause. The people
throughout the continent were excited to a high
pitch of enthusiasm. The spirit of resistance was
thoroughly aroused. Many everywhere few at
once to arms. The hope Of peace was destroyed.
A deep sense of wrong pervaded every mind. In
the midst of this agitation, Mr.. Adams set out on
bis way to the second Congress in Philadelphia
In common with most of his fellOw-citizens he had
arrived at the conclusion that the die was cast
that for the future no arguments would avail with
Great Britain but those coming from the lannon's
mouth But it would be mistake to suppose that
he had ever acted with the intention of producing
or even acceeratng this crisis. He regarded it as
an unavoidable calamity, which might prove of ruin
GUS consequences to himself and which was brought
ON by the evil counselOrs of the mother country,
rather than by those who had carried self-defense
10 the point of resistance But he conceived it the
wisest policy to meet the trouble boldly His
views were not accepted by the Congress, but led
to important concessions on the part of the ma
jority. The battle of Bunker's Hill confirmed bis
conviction of the impOssibity of reconciliation.
He, accordingly, devoted the whole energy of his
mind to arouse the Congress to the need of decisive
preparations for the inevitable conflict. His course
subjected him to no small odium from many
of his colleagues. Some avoided him in
the streets, as if it were contamination
to speak with such traitor. Even several Of
bis friends became infected with the general sus-
picion, and looked codly upon him. 1t required all
his fortude and selfconrol to sustain this sudden
influx of dsapprobation. But he suffered only the
common fate Of all thinkers in advance of ther
age. His mind had strong tendency 70 anticipate
the future. Passing over the intermediate processes
which absorb the attention of most men, he loved
to contemplate the realization Of hopes which were
IL Z.