The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1856-12-12

I
Congress had no moral right to enact such re-
peal, was strange enough, and singularly so in
view OF the fact that the argument came from
/ those who openly refused obedience to existing
laws OF the land, having the same popular de-
sgnaton and quality as compromise actS-nay,
more, who unequivocaly disregard and con-
demn the most positive and obligatory injunc-
tions OF the Constitution itself, and sought, by
every means within their reach, 10 deprive a
portion of their fellow-citzens OF the equal en-
Ijoyment ofthose rights and privileges guaran-
teed alike 10 all by the fundamental compact Of
our Union.
This argument against the repeal of the sta
tute line in question, was accompanied by a.
mother Of congenial character, and equally with
the former destitute Of foundation in reason and
truth. 1t was imputed that the measure origi-
mated in the conception of extending the limits
ofslave labor beyond those previouy assigned
10 il, and that such was its natural as well as
intended effect and these baseless assumptions
were made, in the Northern States, the ground
OF unceasing assault upon constitutional right.
The repeal in terms of statute, which was
already absolete, and also null for unconstitu-
tionality, could have no influence to obstruct or
TO promote the propagation of conflicting views
organizing the Territories of Kansas and Ne
baaska was passed. the inherent effect upon that
portion of the public domain thus opened TO e-
gal settlement, was to admit settlers from all
the States of the Union alike, each with his
convictions of public policy and private inter
est, there TO found in their discretion, subject to
such limitations as the Constitution and acts Of
Congress might prescribe, new States, hereafter
TO BE- admitted into the Union.
il was free field, open alike to all, whether
the statute line of assumed restriction were re-
pealed or not. The repeal did not open to free
compettIon ofihe diverse Opinions and domes-
tic institutions field, which, without such re-
peal, would have been closed against them il
found that field of competition already opened,
in fact and in law. Al the repeal did was 10
relieve the statute book of an Objectionable
enactment, unconstitutional in effect, and
| injurious in terms TO large portion of the
States.
Is it the fact that, in all the unsettled regions
of the United States, if emigration be left free
to act in this respect for itself, without legal
prohibitions on either side, slave labor i'll spon-
tanrously 60 everywhere, in preference to free
laboTl Is it the fact, that the peculiar domes-
tic institutions of the Southern States possess
relatively so much of vieor, that, wheresoever
an avpnup is freely open TO all the world, they
VIII penetrate to tha exclusion of those of the
Northern States? Is ii the fact, that the for
mer enjoy, compared with the latter, such ire
sistibly superior vitality, independent of cIi-
mate, soil and all other accidental circumstan-
ceS, as to be able to produce the supposed re-
suit, in spite ofthe assumed moral and natur-
al obstacles to Its accomplishment, and Of the
more numerous population of the Northern
| States /?
| Of course these mputations on the intentions
of Congress in this respect, conceived as they
were in prejudice and disseminated in passion,
are utterly destitute of any justification 10 the
nature things, and contrary TO all the tunda-
mental doctrines and principles of civil liberty
and Seif-government.
| The argument of those who advocate the en-
actment of new laws of restriction, and con-
demn the repeal ofold ones, in effect AYERS that
| their particular views Of government have no
self-eXtending or self-susiainng power Of their
own. and will 60 nowhere unless forced bv act
of Congress. And if Congress do but pause for
a moment in the policy of stern coercion-If it
venture to try the experiment of leaving men
/ 10 Judge for themselves what institutions will
! best suit them-lf ii De not strained up 10 per-
| p"tual legislative exertion on this point-if
| Congress proceed thus 70 act in the very spirit
of liberty, il is at once charged with aiming TO
extend slave labor into all the new territories of
| the United States.
| While, therefore, in general, the people of
the Northern States have never, al any time,
arrogated for the federal government The power
! to interfere directly with the domestic condition
! of the persons in the Southern States, but, on
/ the contrary, have dSavowed all such inen-
/ tons, and have shrunk from conspicuous afflia-
! ton with those few who pursue their fanatical
objects avowedlv through the contemplated
means sofrevolutionary change of the govern
ment and with acceptance of the necessary
| consequrncas-a civil and sprvlle war-vet
many citizens have suffered themselves to be
drawn into one evanescent political issue OF ag-
itation after another, apppriainng 10 the same
set Of opinions, and which subsidized as rapidly
as they arose when it came to be seen, as it
uniformly did, that they were incompatible
with the compacts of the Constitution and the
existence of the Union Thus, when the acts
of some of the States TO nuIfy the existing ex-
tradition law, imposed upon Congress the duty
of passing new one, the country was invited
by agiaors to enter into party organization for
itS peal OuI tudl d0ildtOh SIeSuily SSdsVc
reason of the impracticablity of its object. So,
when the statute restriction upon the insiitu-
tions of new States, by geographical line, had
been repealed, the country was urged to de-
mand its restoration, and that project also died
almost with its birth. Then follows the cry OF
alarm from the North against imputed Southern
encroachmenis; which cry sprang in reality
from the spirit of revolutionary attack on the
domestic institutions of the South, and, after a
troubled existence of few months, has been re-