The Nevada journal., 1856-09-12

- Read the following letter of ac-
ceptance of NEIL s. BROWN, Ex-Gov-
ernor of Tennessee. If there is not
sterling patriotism in it, that quality is
not to be found 1t is irresistably elo-
quent. In reply to the nomination ten
dered him as an Elector at large on the
Fillmore ticket, he has given enuncea-
ton below to patriotic sentiments in
words that burn.
NASHVILLE. June &c, 1856.
DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 14th
inst, has been received, informing me
in behalf of Central Committee of the
American party, that [ have. been eho-
sen as a candidate for Elector for the
State at large, to supply one of the ex-
listing vacancies.
While | feel complimented by this
mark OF confidence and regard, | sin
cerely regret that the choice had not
fallen on some one else Compelled,
from sense of duty to my private inter-
ests, to prosecute my profession, and
tired of political strife, it was nv settled
purpose never again to participate inthe
tolls or the honols incident to public sta.
ton. Besides this, | feel inadequate to
the labors of canvass over the State.
conducted with the ordinary diligence
and spirit which have characterized our
past contests. These pleas have availed
IN hi n g., Il
ton with the electoral ticket l might
repose upon them now, and would be
perfectly justifiable in declining the po-
sition offered me. Under ordinary cir
cumstanees | certainly would do So
But this is my country, and will be the
country of my children after me. And
If l have not over-estimated the evils
that now afilict it, every man is called
upon to contribute his share to the public
service.
Never, in any period of our history,
has our government been worse conduct
ed than during the present administra-
ton. From state of profound repose,
both in its foreign and domestic relations,
it has become an object of hatred and
by-word among the nations. We could,
at this moment, reckon upon the coun-
tenance and favor of very few among the
nations of the earth, while we are in
constant danger of breach with more
than one. But evils of this description
are nothing compared to those of an
internal character. 1t was reserved to
this generation and to this year to wit
ness the first instance of civil war in our
midst. The spectacle is before our eyes,
The internal din has been heard. Fra
ternal blood has been shed by fraternal
hands, and the strife still goes on. Those
who are in the possession of power were
bound by every consideration to use it,
if they could not prevent such a conflict,
but they seem either to be Indifferent,
or to be under the dominion of some un-
accountable fatality. Better for our in
stitutions and for the destiny of human
liberty, that our whole sea coast were
occupied by foreign enemy, than that
there should be one drop of blood shed in
a civil quarrel. We could repel any
foreign enemy and repair his devasta-
tions, and profit by the moral benefits of
the victory. But what power, what valor
can repair sectional breaches when once
consummated i? Who can wipe out the
stain of fratricide The chapter that
records it will be black and loathsome,
but it must go down and stand forever
disgrace to us and our country, and to
the cause of popular liberty. 1t will
not do to say that these things came of
themselves, that they were unavoidable
They had an origin, and that origin is to
be found in an intermeddling with the
question of slavery, uncalled for by an
exigency of the country.
Under the compromise of 1850, the
different sections of the Union that had
been arrayed in fierce antagonism, were
rapidly returning to state of harmony
Seldom has the heart Of the nation beat
freer or stronger than under the hallowed
influences of those healing measures of
1850. The Union seemed to acquire
new strength and new lease of duration.
But this was not enough for those in
power. They deliberately reopened the
sources of agitation, and from that hour
to this the tendency has been to promote
war of sections. Heart burnings, civil
strife and imminent danger to the Union,
have been the first fruits of their legis-
lation.
Admitting the abstract justice of the
main principles of the Kansas and Ne
braska act, they are not new in the great
South, nor were they new in the Union
at large prior to the Missouri Compro-
mise in 1920. That measure was re-
sorted to as a necessity to save the
Union. 1t performed that office then
and since until 1854. The country, both
North and South, had reposed upon it
for thirty -four years. The interests of
the South had not suffered by it. The
opinions and prejudices of the North
were respected by it. 1t might have
stood for centuries, as monument of
the patriotism which enacted it, boun-
dary between slavery and anti-slavery
until everv hill and valley +o tho choroc