The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-06-05

That the above report be accepted, and
that copy thereof, and the afhdavits accom-
panying the same be transmitted to the House
of Representatives"
The resolution was agreed TO, Mr.. Toombs
alone, it is stated in the reports of the Assoca-
ted Press, voting nay.
These reports, as printed in the New York
papers, say that the Committee recommends
the Senate to make complaint to the House.
This is a mistake the Committee simply ex-
presses the opinion that the Senate cannot do
more than "make complaint but, it does
not recommend it to do so, nor does the Senate
make any complaint.
The two points of practical value in the re-
port are
That the assault was breach of the privi-
leges of the Senate
That the House has jurisdiction Of the Of
fence, inasmuch as the assailant is a member
of that body.
This is the unanimous opinion of the Com
mittee, and the Senate, in voting to accept the
report containing this opinion, and submit it to
the House, with but one dissenting voice, virtu-
ally rebukes the sixty-three Administration and
Southern members who voted in the House
against all inquiry into the offence. Delicate
ly worded as the report is, careful as the Com
mttee has been to state the facts Of the assault
in the mildest form, and imply rather than
avow disapprObation, still the Senate, voting to
accept its opinion that it was breach of its
privileges, and to submit the facts aud the opin
ion to the House, virtually calls upon that body
to punish the offender against its privileges.
This is something-indeed, quite as much as
could be expected from the Senate. constituted
as it now is. Its privileges are precious-but
they are less sacred than the pretensons of the
Slave Power whom it represents and serves.
Let us suppose that, incensed by the invec-
tive of Senator Mason, Mr.. Buffinton of the
House yasAaSS hA alter 3h the 6oGf 81
adjournment, while yet profoundly absorbed in
his Senatorial duties, and by his position rem
dered defenceless-that he should strike him a
blow over the head with heavy cane, before
he could rise, stunning him so as to make him
reel, blinded by the concussion-that he should
follow this up with numerous blows in rapid
succession, the assailed being disabled by the
first blow for intelligent or effective resistance,
until he should sink on the floor, senseless, and
covered with blood-we ask, what then would
be the action of the Senate? Would the forty
seven Senators with whom Mr. Mason sympa.
thizes, mince their words in describing such an
assault? Would they find no adjectives to show
their sense of the grossness of the breach of
privilege? Would they imagine they had ex-
hausted all their power in cold-blooded ex.
preston of opinion that the assault was breach
of privilege, without even entering a complaint
against the offender?
Nonsense! The Senate Chamber would have
reverberated with indignant invective. The
hagrant facts would have been exhibited in all
their enormity. A demand would have been
made on the House for instant and decided &C
ton, and the privilege of the Senate Chamber
would have been denied to the man guilty of
the alarming breach of their privileges.
1t is useless to disguise the facts. There is
no magnanimity, there is no justice, in Slave
holding majority. The Slave Oligarchy and its
Free State auxilaries constitute q Privileged
Glass; submit to it, and you are safe; sustain
1t, and you may find preferment; defy it. and
you expose yourself to insult and violence.
Let one of its members commit an offence.
however heinous, and the whole power of the
Order is at once pledged to shield him let one
Of its members be made to suffer for his AFRO
gance, and the whole power of the Order will
sustain him in resorting to the most vndiotive
measures.
The remedy for this state of things is plain
this Privileged Class must be broken down
stripped of its power and patronage-and this |
IS to be done, by putting It in 6, uainority in |
both Houses of Congress, and taking away from |
it the Federal Executive. The People can |
do this, if they will. There are sixteen free.
fifteen, slaveholding States. The thirty Sena. |
tors from the slave States act together on Ill
questions touching the privileges OF their Order.
The free States now have but fourteen men in
the Senate who act together on questions con.
corning the rights of the People, as opposed to
that Order; they must go on in the work OF.
that body, up..i, instead of fourteen.
they shall have thirty-two Senators. Now,
eighteen whom they send, are the auxiIiar;es
Of the Privileged Glass. In the House. the
slave States have ninety Representatives, every
man of them TIVE 10 slavery-while the free
states have one hundred and thirty four mem.
'ers, outnumbering the slave State representa-
ion by forty majority. But, this majority, ia,
Ter present circumstances, an,y serves to reduce
rec state power. A House divided against
tself cannot stand. The free States are div;.
led against themselves, Suppose every
nan Of sae one hundred and thirty four whom
hey send, we're as true to Freedom as the
ninety slave State Representatives are to Sla.
7ery, there would be an end to violence and in.
,ult
But, the free States have not in the House
wen bare majority of true Representatives.
Many whom they send, are auxilisries of the
Privileged Glass. Never let it be forgotten
hat some of them voted with that Glass
against all inquiry into the horrible assault
made an Mr.. Sumner, and more absented
themselves. Had the victim been Mason.
,ould you have caught Southron in a similar
vet?