Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1856-06-19
WHOLE NO. 932

uluted as the price OF their fatal capitula-
ton, would also at the veay moment OF its
maturity be wrested from them.
Time passed, and it became necessary
to provide for this Territory an origanizeG
Government Suddenly, without notice in
the public press, or the prayer of single
petition, or one word of open recommended
ton from the PreSdent-after an acquies-
cence of thirty-three years, and the ire
claimable possession by the South of its
special share under this cOmpromise--inv viz
lation of every obligation of honor, compact,
and good neighborhood- in contemptu-
ols disregard of the Cut-gushing sentmets of
and aroused North. .,his time-honored prohibit
ton, in its land marks Of Freedom, was
overturned, and the vast region now known
as Kansas and Nebraska was opened 10
Slavery. 1t was natural that a measure
thus repugnant in character should be pres
sed by arguments mutually repugnant. 1t
was urged on two principal reasons, so op-
posite and inconsistent as to slap each other
in the face-one being that, by the repeal of
the prohibition, the Territory would be left
open tn the entry Of shareholders with their
slaves, without hindrance; and the other be-
ing, that the people would be left absolutely
free to determine the question ior them>el-
yes, and to prohibit the entry Of Shareholders
with their slaves, If they should think best
With some, the apology was the alleged
rights of SHAREHOLDERS; with others, it was
the alleged rights Of the people. With
some, it was openly the extension of Sla-
very; and with others, it was openly the
establishment of Freedom, under the guise
of Popular Sovereignty. Of course, the
measure, thus upheld in defiance of reason,
Was carried through Congress in defiance Of
all the securities of legislation; and | men,
tion these things that you may see in what
foulness the present Crime was engendered.
1t was carried, first, by ,OliPping in to its
support. through Executive influence AMI
patronage. men who acted against their own
declared judgment and the known will Of
their constituents. Sscoadl3, by foi&ting
out of piare, 10th in the Senate and House
of Representatives, important business, long
pending, and u,urping its room. Tiiri.g,
by trapYIing under foot the rules of the
House of Representatives, always before
the safeguards ofthe minority. And joarttly,
by dricing it TO close during the very ses-
sion in which it gnated, So that it might
not be arrested by the indignant voice of
the People. Such are some Of the mea rs by
which this snap Judgment was obtained. Ii
the clear viii! of the People mad not been
i NJ -
the Government he'd not nefariously inter-
posed us influence, it could not have passed.
II it had been LETT to its natural place in the
order of business, it could not haze passed.
II the rules OF the HoISa and the rights of
the minority hal not been VIC .ated, it could
90 over TO fnother Congress, when the Peo-
pie ght be heard, it would have been
ended; and ;hen the Crime we now depl1re,
would have been without its first seminal
life
Mr. Pres id, Mt, mean to keep Absolutely
within the limits of parliamentary propriety.
| make No personal mpu;atinns; Bit only
with frankues<, such as belongs to the oc-
cason and my own character, describe
great historic Il act, which is now enrolled
in the CAPITOL. Sir, the Nebraska Bill as
in every respect indie 1t WAS swim
die by the S ,uth Of the North. 1t was, on
the part of those who had already Compl, tely
enjoyed their share of the Missouri ComPrO-
mise, Swirde of those whose share was yet
absolutely untouched; and the plea uncon-
stitut onality set up-like the plea of usury
after the borrowed money has been enjoyed
lid not make it less a swindie. Urged as
Z. Bill Of Peace, it was a swindle Of the whole
Urged as opening the doors to
slave-maste:s with their slaves, it was a
swindle of the asserted doctrine of Popular
Sovereignty. Urged as sanctioning Popular
it WAS swindle Of the asserted
rights of slave-mas'e 1t was a swindle of
a broad Territory. thus cheated of protection
against Sl,very 1t was a swim lie of
great cause, early e<pousej by Washingt II,
Frank in, and Jefferson, surrounded by the
best fathers of the Republic. Sir, it was
sw indle of God given inalienable Rights
Turn it over; lock at it on all sides, and it is
everywhere a swindle; and, ii the W ri DOW
employ has not the authority of classical
usage, it has, on this occasion, the indubita-
BILE authority of fitness. No other word will
adequately express the mingled meanncsS ]
and wickneSs of The cheat.
Its character was still further apparent in
the general structure of the bill. Amidst
oyerhowing professions OF regard for the
sovereignty of the people in the Territory,
they were despoled Of every esscn,ia! prvi-
lege of sovereignty. They were rot ALLOW
ed to choose their Governor, Secretary,
Chef Justice, Associate Justices, Attorney,
or Marshal-all of whom are sent from
Wash hlngton; nor were thy allowed 70 re-
gulatt the salaries Of any Of Thee f1action-
ares, or the dlily allowance Of the legisia-
tive boy, or even the pay OF the clerks ami
doorkeepers; but they were left free to adopt
Slavery. And this was called Popular
Sovereignty! Time does not allow, nor
does the occasion require, that shotld stop
to dwell on this transparent device 10 cover
Il transcendant wrong. Suffire it t" say,
that Slavery is IN itself an arrogant denial
of Human Rights, and by no human reason
can the power to establish such a wrong be
placed among the attributes o; any just sover-
eighty In refusing it such place, l do
not deny popullr rights, but uphold them;
do not restrain popular rights, bat extend
them. And, sir. to this conclusion YOU
must vet come, unless deaf, not only to III,
admonitions Of political justice, but also /.
the genius of cur own Constitution, under
which, when properly interpreted, no valid
claim for Slavery can be set up anywhere
in the National territory. The Sena'or
from Michigan iIr. CAssl may say, in re-
sponse to the Senator from Mississippi, Mr..
BRowN,l that Slavery cann-t go into the
Territory unler the Constitution, without
Legislative Introduction; and permit me T.
aid, in response to both, that Slavery can
not go there at all. Nothing CIV come oii
Of nothing; and there is absolutely uo;hiug
in the Constitution ont OF which Slavery can
be derived, while there are rovisions, which,