The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-11-06
THE NATIONAL ERA: WASHINGTON D. C., NOVEMBER g. 1856.

just named. But it assumed no definite and
prominent form, until, in the later sessions OF
the Congress of the Confederation, when Jefer-
son-who, although stakeholder, belonged to
| the second class-introduced his plan OF govern
ment for the Territory of the Confederacy, pro-
hibiting Slavery therein. From that time down
to the present, the controversy, under all Its
forms, has been primarily and ntrinsically one of
Principle, not of Sections-carried on with vary
ing results by the two classes we have specified,
and who may be designated Slavery Restric-
tionists and Slavery Extensionists. In its ear
lier stages, down to the Missouri Struggle, the
| first class embraced many shareholders, many
Southern men not shareholders as the other
class embraced too many men living in free
| States. Since then, the first class has gradu-
ally lost ground in the slaveholding States until
it has almost ceased to exist, politically, while
| the second class is now the dominant power
there; beside having arrayed in support of its
rule nearly half sometimes more than half,
of the people of the free States. Not that all
in the South or the North who are with it, would
deliberately work for the extension of Slavery,
or even desire it, but they belong to party
which, strong in the esprit de corps of the slave
holding caste, embraces in its general scheme
of policy the expansion of Ssveholding Insti-
| tutions.
Having presented the subject fairly, it must
| be at once obvious that the question as to the
| relative action of the North and South, dis
cussed with SO much warmth by the Enquirer,
is no question at all. The Ordinance of 1887
was originally introduced by an illustrious South
ern man, in Congress of Delegates, repre-
! senting only slaveholding States, and passed by
votes of Northern and Southern States. In
the Convention that formed the Federal Con-
stitution, all the delegates, with the exception
of those from Massachusetts, represented slave
holding States. On the several provisions re-
lating to Slavery, there were Northern men will
ing to compromise in its favor, as there were
Southern, fercely opposed to all compromise.
In regard to the slave trade, Northern men,
combined with delegates from South Carolina
and Georgia, succeeded in carrying bargain,
against the votes and eloquent remonstrances
of other Northern men, and of the delegates of
Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware. In the Com
ton, Northern and Southern men were arrayed,
promiscuously, on both sides of the question.
Northern and Southern men equally united to
recognise and give full force to the Ordinance
of 1887, and to pass Fugitive Slave act. In
every measure relating to Slavery, subsequently
intr nd I'd
themselves acting and voting together pro or
con. If any aggression was committed, it was
committed, not by the North on the South, or
the South on the North, but by the Party of
Slavery on the Party of Freedom.
few facts will show the truth of this state
ment. The original policy of the United States,
agreed upon by Northern and Southern men,
was, Non-Intervention with Slavery in the States,
by the General Government, Intervention
against it, outside of the States. The Ordi-
nance of 1887, passed by the Congress of the
Confederation, was the judgment of the States
against the existence of Slavery in any Terrific
ry of the Union. This the Enquirer admits
The great majority of delegates in the Federal
Convention acted on this policy, in avoiding
all recognition of Slavery, by name, in insisting
upon the grant of power to prohibit the import
alton of slaves, (then thought to be the source
and support of Slavery,) and in carefully ex-
clndng from the Constitution, in accordance
with the views of Madison, and other eminent
men, the idea Of property IN man." The
same policy of Intervention was acted on by the
First Congress in recognising and making pro-
vision to continue in full force the great act of
Anti-Slavery Intervention, the Ordinance of
1887. These are all incontestable facts, and
show, up to that time, the great ascendency of
the Party of Freedom. But, the invention of
the cotton-gin, the purchase of louisiana the
enhancement of the value of slave labor, in the
growth of cotton and sugar, strengthened and
stimulated the Party of Slavery. The policy
of Anti Slavery Intervention began to be vigor-
ously opposed. Strenuous efforts were made
to induce Congress to suspend the Ordinance
of 1887, so as to allow Shareholders to carry
their slaves into the Northwest Territory, but
they failed; not by the vote of the North
against the South, but because the Party of
Freedom, composed both of Northern and South
ern men, had still strength sufficient to prevent
so gross departure from the original policy.
But, while it had power enough to hold on to
what had been gained, it could do little more.
1t succeeded in passing an act to prohibit the
carrying of slaves into the Territory of Missis-
sippi, unless by persons designing to become
actual settlers, 1T not in establishing therein
the policy of the Ordinance of 1887. 1t failed,
too, in every effort to discourage the foreign
| slave trade, till the year 1907, when it passed
an act for its total prohibition in 1903. This
act, mark, was passed, not by the votes of the
North against those of the South, but by North
ern and Southern votes, showing that the poll
cy of Intervention against Slavery outside of
| the States was still adhered to by Party.
North and South, which commanded majority
| of the voters of the Union.
Recollect-from the first, the elemental idea
of the Party of Slavery, was, non-Luterven-
tion-that is, abstinence from any action on
| the part of the Confederation, or the Conyen.
ton, or Congress, implying the right to inter
fere with Slavery anywhere, or the assumption
that it is not a perfectly normal institution.
Had this idea been in the ascendant, there
would have been no three ffths representation
no careful avoidance of the term, slave. in the
Constitution, no shrinking from the assumption
that there can be property in man, no Ordi-
nance of 1887, no Federal interference with the
foreign slave trade, no act for its abolition. II
was not the ruling Idea, or Policy, and to as.
| sumo that it was, is to falsfy history and oon-