The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-07-11

many very uluny, Va WIG PCOpAC Vi WIG A>oA w.
ern States look upon the holding of the colored |
race in servitude as an offence against humanity |
and violation Of Christian principle. Of these
q large number are sincere in their opinions; but
q very large number are not They are sustain
ed not only by the agitation at home, but by
the tendency Of public sentiment abroad; and as
the discussion has grown more serious, it has be-
come more violent
But are we not<bliged, after all, to take prac-
tical view of the subject? Are we not compelled,
by the fierce of circumstances, by natural causes,
and by the irresistible necessities of public policy,
to look otherwise upon the subject and that too,
on the score of humanity?
We must not forget how this servitude COM
menced in this country, nor how it has made pro-
grese. 1t has, by the permission of Providence
and the inscrutable Jaws which control the inte-
rests Of nations, increased upon us, and become
part and parcel of she country its political, in
dustrial and commercial strength 1t has not
dwindled away, though we have advanced in
power: it is an element Of our towering greatness
in short it has become a practical question-one
in which there is no desire to exclude the efforts
of benevolence, but which outgrows all indivi-
dual interests and all private feeling.
1t is not any longer question to be dealt with
as moral abstraction, in which our Towards
may use their personal influence; it is one fore
seen foreshadowed and provided for in that great
instrument of our confederation which we cali
our Constitution, and under which we have be-
come one of the greatest nations that ever inha-
bited the globe. 1t is political economical
question, and as such only can it now be dealt
with.
When the Constitution was adopted, slavery
was universal in the States. The slave trade it.
self was for time recognized as portion of the
commerce of the country, and its extinguishment
was only prospective. TWAS difficult problem,
its angles were many its elements were conflict
| ing, it gave rise to much and long debate. But
| finally an adjustment and q solution were found
in the present constitutional provisions, and pro-
perty in persons was recognized basis Of rep
resentation and a guaranty for the safety OF
| the Southern States. This arrangement became
indispensable to secure the political independence
| of the nation and the particular sovereignty of
the States, jealous of their rights and many of
them reluctant, up to the last moment to make
any surrender. When these concessions were
made there were but about 900 slaves in the
| the country. Still they were largely taken into
| the account when the ratio Of representation was
fixed upon.
1t was not long, however, before it was found
out that certain products-such as cotton, rice,
indigo and subsequently sugar-were peculiar to
our Southern climate, and their cultivation seemed
a natural as well as an industrial necessity. Slave
labor, because it was cheap labor adapted to the
growth of these staples, became political swell
as an economic resource. They soon interested
the whole world. The whole world wanted them.
Commerce required them-social life demanded
them.
No human self-denial could withstand these
wants Without the fabric of cotton, without
The food of rice, without the alment of sugar,
the condition of our own race would not have
been so rapidly improved.
Slave labor, therefore, became an important
auxiliary in increasing the comforts of America
and Europe; and finally, under this irresistible i'm
pulse the colored population have become ne
cessary as the cultivators Of fields where white
men cannot labor and whose products were actu-
ally indispensable. They now number, therefore,
nearly three millions, and without their aid one
half the confederacy would be without agricultu-
raj value. Nor is this al. The Northern States
would lose most of their commerce. Their ships
would rot-their warehouses would be empty.
Those persons who fippantly ignore all these
questions must have taken leave of their judg-
ments if they adopt any other view of the matter.
Besides no race of men on the face Of the globe
have thus far, been more cared for than this, and
none have been better protected But we are met
with two objections: First that the moral aspect Of
thisstate Of things Is bad that the rights ofhuma-
nifty are dsregarded and trampled on. But Is II
20? Have we not found, by the actual experience
10th of England and France, that liberation has
not advanced the condition Of these people?
What is the issue Of things in the West Indies
but the decay, Generalization and ruin Of the
emAacpatedi Is not every art resorted to by
these very nations to find other races to do their
work, and to submit to more rigorous discipline?
What IL the meaning Of the introduction Of
Coolies, Cinnamon and South American Indians
into the islands Of the Antilles, but confession
that the new system is an entire failuref We
cannot shut our eyes to the fact The principle
Of liberation has no more elevated the colorcd
race than the erection of our hundreds Of churches
has thoroughly reformed the city Of New York.
On the score Of humanity and religion alone,
their emancipation from servitude may be claimed
to be no emancipation from vice. Civilization,
industry and good morals have not advanced one
step for all the efforts Of the lberators, but the
contrary. There are about twenty millions Of
the colored races in the world, and the American
slaves surpass them in every respect. They alone
Of all have made any advances in education, re-
ligion, or social comfort.
Next, the South may have good cause to say,
that as slave property was made an element Of