Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1856-01-01

principles that portion Of the United States shall under
AXE through assumption of Ill powers Of the general
government 10 dictate the social institutions Of any other
portion.
The scope and effect the language of repeal were not
left in doubt Ii declared, terms, To be the true
intent and meaning Of thsac not legslate slavery into
any Territory State to exclude IL therefo, but to
leave the people thereof perfectly free form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their way, subject only
10 the constitution of the United States"
The could not be withstood upon it's merits
alone Ii attacked with violence, the false or de-
usve pretex that it constituted breach OF faith Never
objection utterly destitute Of substantial ustca-
hon When, before il imagined by sensible men, that
reguatve declaratve stau whether enacted ten
forty years ago. rrepeaabe act Of Congress is
above the constitution IT, indeed, there were in the
facts any mpute bad faith, it would attach 10
those only, who have ceased from the time of the
the restrictive provision to the present day
to denounce and condemn it who have constantly
fused complete by needul supplementary legislation
who have spared exerton to deprive it OF moral force
have themselves again and again attempted its repeal
by the enactment Of incompatible provisions; and who by
the inevitable reactonary effect OF their violence
the subject awakened the country to perception of the
constitutional principle, of leaving the matter involved
to the discretion of the people of the respective existing
incipient States.
Ii is not pretended that this principle or any 9th err
cude the possibility of evils in practice disturbed po-
tical action is liable to he by human passions No form
Of government exempt from Inconvenience but in this
they the result OF the abuse and not OF the leg
innate exercises of the powers reserved conferred in the
organization of Territory They not to be charged
to the principle OF popular sovereignty: on the
rary they disappear before the intelligence and patriot
Of the people, excrtng through the ballotbox their
peaceful and silent but Irresistible power
If the friends of the constitution to have another
struggle its enemies could not present acceptable
ISSUE than that OF State whose constitution clearly
braces republican form of government, being exclu
ded from the Union because its domestic institutions may
in all respects compo with the ideas Of what wise
and expedent entertained in other State. Fresh
from groundess imputatons Of breach of faith against
others, will commence the agitation of this new
question with ndubabe violation of express compact
between the independent sovereign powers of the United
States and of the republic of Texas, well of tho
older and equally solemn compacts which assure the
equality Of all the States.
But, deporable would be such violation Of compact
in ITSELF and in all its direct consequences that is the very
least Of the evils involved When sectional agitacrs shall
have succeeded in forcing this ISSUE their preten
sons fail to be met by counter pretensions Will not diff
feent States be compelled respectively to meet extremes
with EXTREMIST And if either extreme carry its point,
what is that far forth but dissolution of the Union
If new State formed the territory of the United
States be absolutely excluded from admission therein,
that fact of itself constitutes the disruption of union be-
tween and the other States But the process Of dssou
ton could stop there Would not sectional decision
producing such result by majority of votes, either north
southern of necessity drive out the oppressed and
aggrieved minority and place in of each other
two irreconceably hostile considerations?
1t is necessary to speak thus plainly of projects the off
spring Of that sectional agitation prevailing in
of the States, which mpracticable they
constitutional, and which, if persevered in must and will
end caamtousy. 1t is either dsunion and civil it
is angry, dle amless disturbance of public peace
III
rage of natcm and partisan spirit did not force the fact
upon attention, would be difficult to believe that any
considerable portion of the people of this enlightened
try could have surrendered themselves fanatca de-
voton the supposed interests of the relatively few
Africans in the United States totally to abandon and
disregard the interests of the twenty five millions of Amer
icansto ampe under foot the njuncons of moral and
constitutional obligations to engage in plans of vindic
tive hostility against those who associated with them
in the enjoyment of the heritage of national
institutions
Nor is it hostility against their feHew-ctzens of one
section Of the Union alone The interests the honor
the Duty the peace, aad the prosperity of tho people
Of ali sections equally involved and mperilled in
this question. And patriotic in any part Of the
Union prepared, such issue, thus madly invite all
the consequences Of the forfeiture of their constitutional
nglgements Ii is impossible The storm of phrensy
and faction must inevitably dash itself in vain against the
mistaken rock of the constitution shall doubt it.
know that the Union is stronger thousand times than
all the wild aud chmeca schemes of social change which
are generated after another in the unstable minds Of
visionary sophists and interested agitaors rely conf
IDENTIFY the patriotism of the peoples the dignity and
serespect of the States the wisdom of Congress- and
above all, the continued gracious favor of Almighty
God to maintain against all enemies whether at home
abroad the sanctty of the constitution and the integrity
of the Union
FRANKLIN PIERCE.
WAsHrScroN, December 81, 1855.