Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1856-03-01
WHOLE NO. 543.

] o
lay stipulated not to WELD the powers Of the Con-
siitution for the overthrow of slavery. That there
was an understanding among some of the polifi-
"oHs to leave slavery to die its natural and speedy
ieath is highly probable. But that the people did
uot come into such an understanding is well Illus
yrated ly the fact, that they began with the very
irst session Of Congress under the Constitution to
petition for tho abolition Of slavery. it is note
worthy that the first name their petition was
/ that Of the immortal DR.. Franklin who was him
sclf one of the trainers Of the Constitution.
/ II is surely no wonder that, in such n libertv-
/ loving and lbeytyhonoriag mood Of the public
mind, and when the price Of slaves was but one to
/ two hundred dollars instead Of as now one to
two thousand dollars, the Shareholders were not
careful to get pro.slaverv powers into the Consti-
tuition, nor 20 keep anti-slaverv powers out of it,
Had they been intent on perpetuatinE slavery,
they certainly would not have been willing to lee
the Constitution forbid hereditary slavery, as it
virtually and emphaticaly does, by forbiddinc at.
tainder; nor would they have been willing to let
it empower Congress to give freedom to the slaves,
/ by giving them citizenship or by enrolling them
IN the army But need not proceed in enumer-
atlng the various passages Of the Constitution,
wich are Incompatible with slavery and which de-
mand its immediate abolition. Indeed, it seems 10
be scarcely necessary to argue the illegalty of
slavery with any one-for there is no one who, if
he will examine himself but will find that he 10
already convinced Of it. It is nothing but the
prcudices against the black man. that keeps up
the idea Of the legality of his slavery. Not for
moment could that idea co-eXistwith full sense
Of his manhood. We're you to declare, that tho
Anglo Saxon, or any ether race in our country
than the African could be legally enslavcd, Your
| popularity would be gone, and your present Office
would be your last Office. Again, were you SO un--
fortunate, as 20 become 4 slave in one of the Bar
barry States you would prove by your readiness to
escape at Whatever expense TO the honor of the
statutebook or to the lives of your keepers, that
you had not the least faith in the legality of savers
said that the question of slavery is but question
OF prejudice. add, that it is but question of
honesty. We cannot do unto others, as we would
have others do unto us, and yet admit, that there
is, oT can be, real valid, obligatory law for
slavery.
Let me here refer to the fact that goa anti-savs-
ry men often charge us abol;tionists with the folly
Of holding that Congress should abolish slavery
So far as know, all look 20 the Courts for the
declaration that slavery is repugnant to the Con-
suution. and that there is not and cannot be law,
either in or out of the Constitution for the un-
equaled crime and abomination Of slavery. Put
, the Federal Government into the hands of the
abolitionists, and they will promptly impeach every
Federal Judge who is guilty of knowing slavery to
be law ana tney wiz, need oe piace S.. c1c.S.
Judge in every County Of the South who will use
his Office to deliver such restrained of their
liberty for no better reasons than that they were
kidnapE cd at their birth, and have ever after
wards been reckoned chattels, instead of men.
/ Do not suppose from what have Just said, that
/ J have given up my old doctrine Of compensation
VI the truth of that doctrine | have no doubt.
Whilst still believe that the emancipation of the
I slave, instead of being conditioned on compensa-
lion, is his absolute and immediate das; so Also
do still believe, that the North, in virtue of what
/ 1t has idone to sanction, maintain, extend, and
profit by the system of slavery, is bound to share
with the STAKEHOLDER in the loss, which he shall
suffer from emancipation.
need say no more to show, that I hold, and
justly hold, to the duty and practcability of abol-
ishing, by virtue Of the Federal Constitution every
part and parcel Of American slavery. But 90
much farther. l hold, that, whatever might be
that instrument, and thoagh it were rs destitute
as 1t rs full, of anti-slavery and abolition powers
ay, and though our States as Independent of
each other as are nations, there would still rest
I upon the whole Of the American people the high
est obligations to abolish the whole of American
slavery. | am very fur from believing with Kos
suth and other statesmen, that one nation has no.
thing to do with the internal Affairs of smother
Nor would they believe it, had they larger and
justcr Hpprehensions Of the human brotherhood,
and of the mutual Obligations of all its members.
That brotherhood is bound to concern itself for al.
portions OF itself; and it is at liberty to aban-
don any Of these portions to whatever bloody and
merciless despotisms they may have fallen under.
The whole may and should, leave its parts 10 their
respective Governmcnts;--but if those Govern
meuts become ntolelable and their subjects ara
too weak to throw them off, then is the whole re-
qurcd TO fall back upon its original right and
obligation to take care of the parts. If the Gov.
ernment of Austria goes to work to murder its
SUBJECTS, then are England and france and the
whole earth bound to deliver those sunects, On
the same principle, and all the more promptly be-
cause slavery Is worse than murder, arc the pee.
pie of Ohio, when all other mems to that eua have
been exhausted, Lound to deliver the slaves OF
i Kentucky.
The base acquiescence Of the North, inciudine
even ;he proiessed and enrolled anti slavery men,
in the idea, that American slavery must be allow
/ ed to continued no less amazing than humliating
This acquiescence is never more strkingy illustra
/ ted that when the proposition is made TO enlarge
our national borders All admit, that uba should
belong to us, and all should be able to see, that
Mexico mast he miserable. until she become part
! OF US. But no sooner is the union proposed
even though it be an untorced, unbought, and al.
together voluntary unOn-than the whole North
is alarmed She sees in the proposition but anoth-
scheme to extend slavery and, instead Of aroas,
ing herself to deliver the whole country from it.
/ she goes again to making terms with the handful
of shareholders; falls upon her knees: and assures
them, that slavery-bloody, devilish slavery-shall
never be molesed in its present sway, only let il
be contedt with that sway. And then there is this
whining of the North over the rascaty attempt of
the Missourians to make Kansas n slave State
! " hat can lie more disgusting than that chieken-
hearted cowardly Yhnngl Oh, my good friend.
! il your Republican party were only one half what
I it should be. it would rise up from its "oh don't
and detestable attitude, and quickly solve the Kan
problem by determining to make Missouri her
self free, What glorious contrast would lie that
to its nonsense Of indorsing slavery in Missouri.
whilst denying its rightfulness in Kansasl 1t is
all delusion, that your party is against slavery in
Kansas. The party, that acknowledges slavery in
Missouri may say what it will and do what it will
to the contrary-it nevertheless is, in effect par.
ty for slavery in Kansas.
said, that your Inaugural is fresh occasion
for my sadness. 1t is such, because it serves to-
confirm my fears, tnat the imp pulses given to tha
cause Of liberty by the Nebraska and Kansas Bill.
and by those infamous scenes in Kansas, which
the natural fruits of that Bill will be entirely
misdirected and wasted That mighty impulses
will certainly be misdirected and wasted, if spent
in building up party of the extremely superficial
anti-sGvery character, and of the very inadequate
objects of the Republican party. Nevertheless.