The true Democrat., 1856-11-04
Russian Foreign Policy,

tl'e ol huSsla at foreign courts. It explains the principles that will guide the foreign policy of the St. Petersburg Cabinet:
 .... Moscow, Sept. 3, 1856.
 The treaty signed at Paris on the 3Osh of March, which put an end to a struggle, the proportions of which threatened continually to increase, and the final issue of which was be- yond human prediction, has been invoked to re-establish the normal state of international re- lations in Europe.
 The powers which had coalesced against us. assumed for their motto the respect of right and the independence of governments. It is not our intention to return to an historical ex- animation of the question as to how far the attitude of Russia endangered either of those pnnclpleS. It IS not our wish to raise fruit less discussion, but to obtain the practical ap- pllcatlon ot the same principles which the great powers ot Europe have proclaimed by placing themselves directly or indirectly as our adver- sarles, and we invoke them the more readily as they never ceased to be our own.
 We do not do any of the great European powers the injustice of supposing that their object was simply to have watchword for the occasion, and that the struggle once over. each deems itself authorized to pursue line of con. duct suited to its private views and interests. We accuse no one of making use of those fine words as Of weapon ready to hand at the mo- ment to extend the area of the struggle. and then consigned to rust in the dust of the armo- ". On the contrary, we would rather remain convinced that all the powers which assertel those principles, did so in perfect honesty and good faith, and with the sincere intention of carrying them out under all circumstances.
 Starting from this point, we must suppose that 1t IS the intention of all the powers which participated in the last war, as it is the thought of the Emperor, our august master, that the general peace should be the fixed point of de- parture for the re-establishment of relations based upon the respect of right and the inde pendence of governments.
 Has this hope been fulfilled? Has the state of international relations been re-estabIishad?
 Without entering into the minute details of some secondary questions, we regret that we are compelled to say that there are two coun- tries winch form part of the European family. Tn one of which the normal condition does not exist, and where IT. the other it is threatened with attack.
 We allude to Greece aud the kingdom of Naples.
 There IS no longer any excuse now for the occupation of the Hellenic territory, against the will of the sovereign, and in opposition to the sentiments of the nation. Political motives might, to certain point, explain the violence done to the person ol the Sovereign Necessi- tie, of war, more CT less proved, might be urged to give coloring to the infraction of right. But now that none of these motVe5 can any lon ger he alleged, 1t appears to us impossible to JustIiy before an equitable tribunal, the contn- ued presence of foreign troops on the soil of Greece.
 Thus the first words pronounced bv our au gust master wien the restoration of peace ena- bed the emperor clearly to express his views on the subject have been, with regard to this matter, clear and precise. We did not conceal our opinion in the councils of the cabinets, and we still maintain 1t.
 We feel 1t lthowever, a duty to add that althouoh the results have not yet fully answered our ex- pectationS we entertain the hope of not re- naming isolated in position where right and justice are evidently in favor of the cause which We support.
 As regards the kingdom of Naples, if it has not yet come to question of cure it appears to Us much to be feared that it Is high time to thmk of prevention. The King of Naples is the object of pressure, not because his males ty has transgressed any engagement imposed upon hlm by treaty towards foreign courts. but because III the exercise of his incontestable rights Of sovereignty, he governs his subjects according to his fancy.
 " could understand that as a conseouence oi friendly torethought a government should give adVlce to another Ill benevolent spirit. that such advlce might even assume the char acIer of exhortatlon; but we believe that to be the iurthest limit allowable. Less than ever can It now be allowed in Europe to forget that soVerel@As are equal among themselves, and that II Is not an extent of territory, but the sa- cred character ot the rights of each, which regulates the relations that exist between them. To endeavor to obtain from the King of Na- pies concessions as regards the internal govern ment ot hlS States by threats or by menacing demonstraton, IS a violent usurpation of his authority, an attempt 10 govern in his stead It Is an open declaration of the right of the strong over the weak
 We need not tell you the view our august master would entertain on such pretensons. His majesty fatters himself with the hope that they will not be carried out He entertains this hope the more confidently. as it is the doc trlne also of the States which place themselves at the head of civilization and where the prin- clplcs of political liberty have received their greatest development, who have never ceased to proclaim 1t as their creed so far even as to endeavor to apply it where circumstances only allowed this by forcing the interpretation.
 You will have care, whenever the two questions we have above touched upon are mooted at the court where YOU reside. to leave no doubt upon the view taken by our august master. Such frankness is the natural conse quence of the system the emperor adopted on the day he ascended the throne of his ances- tors. That system Is not unknown to you.
 It Is the emperors wish to live on friendly terms with all governments. His majesty thinks that the best means of doing so is not to dlssmulate his views upon any of the oues- tons which are connected with European n- ternational law. The compact union (5aisceo,) ot those who for many years maintained with us the principles to which Europe for more than quarter of century was indebted for peace, no longer exists in its former integrity.
 The will ot our august master was a stran- ger to this result. Circumstances have restored us to our full freedom of action The emperor is resolved to devote his care in reference to the welfare of his subjects and to concentrate upon the development of the internal resources of the country an activity which will only take ests of Russia absolutely demand it.
 Russia is reproa;hed with isolating herself and with remaining silent in presence of facts which are not in keeping either with the right or justice. Russia, 1t is said "sulks." Russia does not sulk; Russia is collecting herself.
 As regards the silence of which we are ac- cused, we might call to mind that formerly an artificial agitation was got up against Us. because our voice was always heard whenever we thoughtit necessary to support the right. That action W hich was tho safaUuard If ,,.n,- n ~, vernment, and from which Russia herself de- rived 10 advantage, was made use of to accuse Us of aspiring to l know not what universal do minion.
 We might shelter our silence under the inn pression of that recollection.
 But we do not think that such an attitude is suited to power to which Providence has as. signed in Europe the place which Russia occu-