Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1856-06-25
EBENsBURG, JUNE 25, 1866.

questions of expediency; but upon that great
vital question, upon those fundamental prin-
ciples which involve the integrity of the Con-
stitution, the stability of the Union, all pa
triots of all parties and all shades of opinion
would agree that the great principle of State
equality and self-government, under the Con-
.stitution were paramount to all party conflicts
Band party differences. Hence. in 1852, when
the Wing party assembled in their national
convention, to present candidates to the coun-
sry for their suffrages, they resolved that the
principles of the compromise of 1850 should
be firmly, steadily and honestly carried out ;
when the Democracy assembled at Baltimore
and presented our ticket for the same offices,
we passed resolutions to the same effect
Wings and Democrats agreed on the great
platform involving the Slavery issue, the
question of State rights-the question of the
right of self government in the territories
After the great triumph Of 1852, it became
my duty as the organ of the Senate upon that
question to report the Kansas-Nebraska Bill
TGreat cheering. The Cincinnati Conven-
ton has said, by unanimous vote. that the
great principles of State rights and popular
sovereignty, embraced in the compromise of
1850, endorsed by the Wings in National
Convention of 1852, affirmed by the Democ-
racy in the election of Gen Pierce of 1852,
were rightly applied in the organization of
Kansas and Nebraska in 1854
[ ask, then, what Democrat can depart from
the faith of the party, as proclaimed at Gin
cinnati, without repudiating the long cherish
ed principles which he as member of the
party. has advocated from the time that he
came on the stage? And [ ask further with
emphasis, what Whig, what disciples of the
immortal Clay or the god-like Webster can de-
part from the principles embraced in the COM
promise measure of 1850, and re-asserted in
the Nebraska bill, without repudiating the
principles to which every Whig stood pledged
in the election of 1852?
If a man was an honest Wing then, in or
der to be consistent, he must vote for James
Buchanan now; if Whig believed that the
great Compromise measures of 1850 were
right then, he must carry out the platform of
the Cincinnati Convention now, in order to be
true to the memory of the great Clay, and
the great Webster, whose last great act was
to adopt those measures. Great cheering.
Yet you viii find men who have proven
false to tho Wing party, With which they
once acted, and have gore into the secret
Lodges of Know Nothingism, taunting Wings
for not following them into these dark places.
L ask you, can Whig join the knOwNoth
ing Order or connect himself with the Black
Republican party, without repudiating all the
principles which the Whig party has advoca-
ted for years? Hence the Cincinnati Con-
ventlon acted wisely and properly when they
asked all men to cooperate with them in their
principles, and TO unite in the election of their
nominees now, without reference to past po
liticai differences.
We are told by the allied enemies, COM
posed of Black Republicans Know Nothings
and The other affiliated evils. that the Demo-
cratic party are to be condemned because of
our policy in regard to Kansas Territory. L
ask you to observe for one moment what has
happened in Kansas and Nebraska? Those
TWO territories were organized by the same
law. In Nebraska, where there has been no
foreign interference, where Abolitionism has
not conducted its operations, to which the
Emigrant Aid Society did not extend its efforts
there is nothing but peace and quite. On the
other hand, in Kansas, where Abotlonlsm
has appeared, where the Emigrant Aid Socle-
ty attempted to control the people, you find
violence, and discord and rebellion against
the laws of the land Do not these two facts
show that tie principles of the Nebraska bill
was right? The only difficulties that have
occurred, have arisen from the fact that the
opponents of the measure were determined to
not give the bill a Talr chance.
f you will examine into these facts, you
win 6ud that the allegations havenot one par
tide of ground on which to stand. Our prin-
ciples the principles of the Constitution;
they are the principles of law and order, OF
place and quiet. Our remedy for existing
evils in Kansas, is that the Constitution and
laws shall prevail We are the advocates OF
the supremacy of the laws; our opponents are
the advocates of lawless violence and rebellion
against the constituted authorities of the coun-
try. One of the great questions now to be
decided is whether the law shall prevail or
whether violence shall triumph; and the deci-
sion of that question is involved in the election
which is now to take place.
Ia regard to this present election, our enc
mics are in the habit of asking the question
How can James Buchanan stand upon the
platform which has been made for Us at Cin-
cinnati | ask, and do it with emphasis,
how can James Buchanan, with his antece-
dents, stand on any other platform than the
one made at Cincinnati? Our opponents
have been in the habit of saying that they have
made Douglas platform, and then put bu-
chanan on It, | ask you to examine this mat
ter for moment, and you will find that James
Buchanan and myself occupy identlcally the
same position and have done so for years, on
this slavery question, in all its phases.
In 1916, when Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsyl-
vania, proposed the Wilmot Proviso, l, then
in the House of Representatives, proposed as
a substitute, to extend the Missouri Line to
the Pacific Ocean. You all remember, that
In October, 1S47, James Buchanan wrote his
celebrated &C Harvest Home Letter." at Berks
county, and in that, proposed to extend that
line to the Pacific ocean, as the dividing line
between slavery and freedom. He did not