The Union and eastern journal. [volume] (Biddeford [Me.]) 1854-1858, 1856-07-18
Col. Fremont's Acceptance.

We give below the letter Of Col. Fremont,
addressed to the committee appointed by the
Philadelphia Convention to notify him Of
his selection, and to request his acceptance
Of the nomination. The letter is all that
the most ardent admirer Of Mr.. Fremont
could wish. II Is additional testimony to
the wisdom Of the convention which placed
him in the van rs the standard bearer Of
freedom in the territories. The views which
Mr.. Fremont entertains are clearly expressed
and will commend themselves TO the earnest
republican heart ofthe country. Thorough
ly national in oil its parts, il states with sim
plicity Of language. yet with great accuracy
and precision the points at issue, and tho
necessity for recognition Of the principles of
freedom in the administration Of the federal
government to secure and perpetuate the
Union ofthe States, and to make the govern
ment what Il was originally designed to be
by its fathers, government equal rights
and privileges.
INV York, July 8, 1856.
GENTLEMEN You call me 10 high re-
sponsibility by placing mo in the van Of
great movement Of the people Of the United
States, who, without regard to past diasren-
ces, are uniting in common effort to bring
back the action Of the Federal Government
To the principles Of Washington and Jetier-
son. Comprehending the magnitude Of the
trust which they have declared themselves
willing to place in my hands, and deeply
sensible to the honor which their unreseryed
confidence in this threatening position Of the
public Affairs implies, feel tina. 1 cannot
better respond than by a sincere declaration
that, in the event Of my election to the Presi-
dency, I should enter upon the execution Of
its duties with single-hearted determination
10 promote the good Of the whole country,
and to direct solely to this end all the power
Of the Government, irrespective Of party is
sues and regardless Of sectional strifes. The
declaration Of principles embodied in the re-
solves Of your Convention expresses the sen
timents in which have been educated, and
which have been ripened into convictions by
personal observation and experience. With
this declaration and ayowal, think il nee
essary to revert to only two Of the subjects
embraced in the resolutions, and TO those
only, because events have surrounded them
with grave and critical circumstances, and
gwen To them especial importance.
concur in the views Of the Convention
deprecating the foreign policy to which IL
adyerts. The assumption that we have the
right 10 take from another nation its domains
because we want them, is an abandonment
OF the honest character which our country
has acquired. To provoke hostil ties by I'M
Just assumpti ms would DO to sacrifice the
peace and character OF the country, when
all its interests might be more certainly Sc
cured, and its objects attained by just and
healing counscls, involving no loss Of repu-
tation.
International embarasmcnts are mainly
the results of secret diplomacy, which aims
to keep from the knowledge Of the people
the operations Of the Government. This
system is inconsistent with the character Of
our institutions, and is itself yielding grad
ually to more enlightened public opinion,
and to the power of free press, which, by
its broad dissemination Of political intelli-
gence, secures IN advance TO the side Of JUS
tice the Judgment Of the civilized world
An honest, frm and open policy in our for
eign relations would command the united
support Of the nation, whose deliberate opin-
ions IL would necessarily reflect.
Nothing is clearer in the history Of our in
situations than the design Of the nation in
asserting its own independence and freedom,
to avoid giving countenance to the extension
Of slavery. The influence Of the slpall but
compact and powerful class Of men interest
cd in slavery, who command one section Of
the country, and WELD vast political con-
troll rs consequence in the other, Is now
directed to turn back this impulse Of the
Revolution, and reverse its PRINCIPLES. The
extension Of slavery across the continent is
the object Of the power which now rules the
Government; and from this spirit have
sprung those kindred wrongs in Kansas 30
truly portrayed in one Of your resolutions,
which prove that the elements Of the most
arbitrary governments have not been van
pushed by the just theory Of our own.
IL would DO out OF place here to pledes
myselfto any particular policy that has been
suggested to terminate the sectional contro-
yersy engendercd BY political animosities,
operating on a powerful class banded togeth-
or by common interest. Apraetic i rene
DIV Is the adiprsion Of Kansas into the Union
as free State. Tho South should, in my
Judgment, earnestly desire such consumma'
ton. IL would vindicats the good Eth-it
would correct the mistake Of the repeal and
the North, having practically the benefit Of
the agreement between tho two sections,
would be satisfied, and good feeling DO re-
stored. The measure Is perfectly consistent
with the honor Of the South. and vital 70
its interests. That fatal act which gave birth
10 this purely sectional strife. originating in
the scheme to take from free labor the coun-
try secured to II by solemn covenant, can
not DO too soon diarmed Of its pernieious
force. r
The only genial reginn Of the middle lati'
tudes lett to the enigants Of tho Northern
States for homes cannot be conquered from
the free labores, who have long considered
10 a. Get apart Tor them in our Inheritance,
without provoking Desperate struggle
Whatever may be the persistence Of the par
ticular class which seems ready 10 hazard
everything for the succrss Of the unjus.
scheme 10 has partially effected, firmly DO
lisvs that tho great heart Of the nation,
which throbs with the patriotism Of the ffec,
men Of both sections, will have power 70
ovsrcome ID. They viii look 10 the rightu
soeursd 70 them By the Consultation Of The