The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-07-31

But the perpetual blindness of legislation,
and the long course of erroneous judicial de-
cisions and precedents, have so obscured the
subject, that the plain principle of the denial of
the right of property in man, under the juris-
diction of the General Government, is not dis
cerned by our statesmen or our courts; and
the prospect is hopeless, that any Territorial
Judge will decide on this principle, however
clearly its truth may be demonstrated; and
therefore an act of Congress should be passed,
declaring this principle, and positively enioin-
ing the courts everywhere to disallow the claim
of human property, and to iberate persons held
under that claim. If the Slave Power in Con-
gress would consent to pass such an act, our
contests and dangers would cease, and the
peace and harmony of the Union might be
again restored but if no majority coald be
found to pass such an act, then the plain daty
OF the free States, in conscience and integrity,
would be to separate themselves from the
South they could not without guilt remain in
a connection in which their fellow-men were
held as chattels, under Territorial Govern
ment, for the exercise of which they are re-
sponsible. Our Revolutionary fathers, in a com.
paratively feeble state, seeded from a power
full Government, on the mere theoretical prn-
ciple of representation with taxation, from the
violation of which they suffered but little prac-
teal injury, and sustained their secession with
calamitous and bloody war. a .fortiori, if the
people of the free States have not come to alb
solute degeneracy, should they hesitate to dis
solve the Confederacy in which they are placed,
themselves, and when no war is to be appre.
hended, rather than participate in the guilt and
the disgrace before the world of the mainte-
nance of Slavery? J.P.B.
While we cordially approve and commend to
the public the body of this article, we must dis
sent from the authors suggestion of secession
from the Union, on the part of the North, in
the event of being unable to exclude Slavery
from the Territories. The North has the ma
jority, and, if united, it can exclude Slavery.
If not united on this point, it cannot prohibit
Slavery and cannot, for the same reason, secede
in a body. Certain States might break off, but
they would leave the South with a sufficient
number of free States attached to give the pre-.
ponderance to the Southern Confederacy, which
would then appropriate the Territories in dis
pute to Slavery. The true position for North
ern men, and for the friends of Freedom every
where, is, never to finch from discharging a
public duty, in consequence Of threats of dis
union by Southern men or others. But let the
responsibility of dissolution of the Union rest
on the friends of Slavery, and we hazard moth
ing in asserting that the South can never unite
in favor of that measure, so long as the consti
tutional rights of the States are respected
Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, (mau
gre the border rufians,) Tennessee, and Nortl
Carolina, will not assent to dissolution of the
Union, or follow the fre-eaters, in consequence
of the prohibition of Slavery in the Territories
We venture to assert, further, that the remain
ing Southern States will not venture to secede
without these. So the Union will be preserved