Mineral Point tribune. [volume] (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1854-1858, 1856-09-16

a
In 1903 France ceded 10 the United States,
Louisiana, a Territory extending west to the
Rio Grande, from the mouth of that river to its
source, including all the State of New Mexico
easssof that river, and reaching from the Gulf of
Mexico to the Pacific Ocean," Over all this
Territory slavery existed, and its Inhabitants
were at liberty TO import slaves from ally part
of the world This Territory was paid for by
the common blood and treasure of the Union"
1t was stipulated " that the inhabitants Of the
coded territory should be incorporated into the
Union according to the principles of the FEEDER
al Constitution, and admitted TO the enjoyment
of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of
citizens of the United States
The Federal Government, with Mr.. Jefferson
as chief magistrate, and congress not likely to
legislate upon subject with which they had
no right to NEEDLE, on the 26th of March,
1904, passed an act erecting Louisiana into
two Territories. and providing for the Temporal
nv government thereof" The 10th section of
this act prohibits the importation of slaves into
Louisiana from without the United States be-
fore 1908, "a right enjoyed by the old States,)
the introduction of slaves from within the
after tie lst day of May, 1898, (the date of the
Territorial organization of Mississippi.) The
same section also provides that slaves should
not be introduced by any but actual settlers,
and not for merchandise All this was done
under that clause of the Constitution which
gives Congress power to make all needful rules
or regulations for the government of Territories
Was it constitutional, or was it unconstitution-
al? All the acts to which we have alluded
We're passed without any express power in the
constitution, delegating to Congress the right to
extend or restrict slavery III the Territories
The constitution recognized in the principle of
slavery, a union of person and property. As
persons. they We're 10 form part of the basis
of representation, and rs property their servi-
ces were 10 be secured TO their masters. The
Territories being the joint property of the free
and slave States, nothing could be inserted in
the constitution, rendering it more obligatory
upon congress TO establish or extend it, than to
abolish or restrict it in them: hence we imagine
the question was left one of the needfuI reg
ulations TO be disposed of by congress as was
thought necessary In the case of Louisiana
the citizens of Georgia, North Carolina, and s.
Carolina would have been fined for taking to
that Territory slaves that they were pernitte,
to hold in their respective States, aud vet none
of these States complained at any time of this
act OF congress. nor did representative from
either vote against it.
Numerous instances of congressional legisla-
ton upon the subject both before and since
1919, might be cited did time and room admit.
but more Is unnecessary, and we will only add
al extract from Benton's Thirty Years In the
United States Senate, showing who were some
of the men who voted for the Missouri Compro-
mise, and an extract two from Henry Clay,
and we have done for the present
On page of Benton's work, we find the fol-
lowing:
:" As the constitutionality Of this ompromise
and its binding force, have IN these latter times,
began tie be disputed, ii IS well to give the list
OF the senators uames voting for II, that il NAV
be seen thnt they We're men of Judgment and
weight, able to know what the constitution was
and not apt to violate it. They were Governor
Barbour and Governor Peasants. of Virginia;
Dir. James Brown and Governor Henry johnson
of Louisiana; Governor Edwards and Judge
Jesse b. Thomas, of Illinois; Mr. Elliott and
Mr. Walker, of Georgia; Mr.. Gailard, President
pro tempore, of the Senate, and Judge William
Smith, from South Carolina: Messrs Horsev and
Van Dyke, of Delaware; Colonel Richard NJ
johnson and Judge Logan, from Kentucky; Mr.
lillian K. King, since Vice President of the
United States, and Judge John W Walker, of
Alabama: Messrs. Leake and Thomas H. VIII
liams, of Mississippi; Governor Edward Lloyd,
and the great jurist and orator, William Pink
ncy, from Maryland; Mr. Macon and Governor
Stokes. from North Carolina: Messrs Walter
Lowrie and Jonathan Roberts from PennsvIva-
MA; Mr.. Noble and Judge Taylor, from Indiana;
Mr. Palmer. from Vermont; Mr. Parrot. from
New Hampshire. This was the vote of the
Senate Tor the compromise. In the House. there
was some division among Southern members;
but the whole vote in favor of 1t was l34, to ~
IN the negative-tbe latter comprising some
Northern members, the former did majority
of the Southern-among them one whose opip
ion had a weight never exceeded BY that of anv
other American statesman. William Lowndes.
of South Carolina"
From Henry Clay's speech of the 29th Janu
ery, 1880. in the L. 5. Senate, we quote the fol-
lowing:
4" When point is settled. said he, by all the
elementary writers of our country, by all the
departments of our Government, Legislative, ex-
ecItise, and judicial. when it has been so set
lied for period Of fifty years, and never was
seriously disturbed till recently, then If we are
to regard anything as fixed and settled, should
this question be, which has been always deci-
ded IN particular way. The power of Con-
gress over this subject he derived beth from the
right to regulate the territories and other prop
erty ofthe United States, and the right to make
treaties When our Constitution was written.
the whole country northwest of the Ohio river
was unPeopled. Is 1t possible that Congress
had no right whatever, after it had become ma
tlonal property, 10 declare what description of
settlers should occupy the public lands? If
they had supposed thai the introduction of sla-
very would enhance their value, would thew not
have had the right to say. in regulating the ter