The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1856-01-17

power OF pIonlDILion, were reduced 10 ln6
necessity Of denying that the greater in.
cludes the less.
Under these circumstances, after the
prohibition had remained unquestioned
for more than the third of century the
deniel of its consLituiionaIity rather pro.
voked Indignation that excited doubt.
II was, also insisted that the doctrine
of the prohibition was mere a.
buse of terms. This true idea of popu.
lar sovereignty demands as primary es-
sentiaI condition the recognition of inal.
ternable personal rights. There can bs
no genuine popular sovereignty where o
portion of the population is enslaved.--
Fhe prohibition of slavery is therefore
necessary prerequisite to real soyer-
eighty of the people. In the sense of the
apologists for ePealpopnlar sovereignty
signifies nothing but the right Of a por-
tion of the community to enslave the rest.
1t begins by the denial Of the actual rights
of man. 1t mast end in the total snbver.
sion or the Fundamental principles of
American Institutions Fer free and in.
dependent people, it would substitute q
community of masters, dependents and
slaves. s ..E I'd IL
Such is the repuIsive theory. In prac.
tical operation it has not proved more at.
tractive. AS embodied in the Nebras-
ka-Kansas bill, it has been fruitful of moth
ing but evil 1t has not conferred SIN
gle substantial benefit upon the settlers
ofeithcr territory. In no respect are they
distinguished from the settlers of Mime.
sofa, where slavery is prohibited, except
by ex posure to its evils. The sole special
effect Of the Nebraska Kansas act upon
the territories organized under it is to
open them to the introduction Uf slaves.
In one Of them il has led TO desperate
attempts to effect that object-to invasion
usurpalion, violence, Observation-Disclosures
10 civil war. rimcs like these are not
the legitimate fruits of that doctrine of
popular self government to the mainlen.
ance of which our fathers pledged their
lives their fortunes and their honor.
In all these things our own State has a
deep and pecu lar interest. Our own
history furnishes the most compete v n
dictaron of the policy Of slavery prohibi.
lion. We occupy, in part. the soil pro-
tected from the blight OF slavery by the
Ordinance of 1887. For more than half
a century the people of Ohio have been
accustomed to regard that Ordinance With
mingled emotions Of gratitude and pride.
CJnSpicious among its sacred guarantees
of religious freedom, of liberaliiy toward
immigrants, of the inviolability Of private
property, and Of universal education,
stands the great intcrd c; against slavery
acknowledging and imparliaIly protecting
the rights ofman as man. The words 10
which we always recur whtn Sc king in
the Ordinance the peculiar pings OF our
wonderful prosperity and progress. are
those which embody this prohibi ion.-
Never did the nob' pioneers who laid
the foundations, On which We now Joy
fully build, complain Of that interdict AS
an abrideement ofany rights, p rsonal or
political; on the contrary they have ever
spoken If it AS the pill'r of fire by night
and of cloud by DAY which guided and
p otccted lhcm in the wilderness Moro
than any other State, Ohio, Us the first.
born Of the Ordinance, and ind, btcd to
the Ordlnace Ior her proud pos ton as
the third State Of the Con'cderacy, and
first am'ng tie new States, is bound 10
cher sh and defend its grca and brnrf-
ci Mt plincipcs In SO doing we shall
be frllow-workers with its illuStr Gus franz
ers in their own d, clred policy and pur-
pose of extending the fundamental prin-
ciples of civil and religious liberty where
on these republic, lh,ir laws and concti.
Lu,ions are erected, and fixing and estab-
fishing those principles as the basis Of all
laws. constitutions nnd governments
which forever hereafter sh u lie formed
in American "crrioy.'
No political duty appears to be more
urgent than this. - sgrTgAtN
The questi # slayery, it is almost
universally conceded, transcenGs in pres
ent importance all other political ques-
lions Of national character. The repeal
of the Missouri Prohibition, abrogating
the Missouri Compromise, opens anew
the whole subject If the relations OF sla-
very to the Union, to the States, and to
the Ter tories. In determing the true
line of duty, under these circums tances,
it seems to be the part Of wisdom to 70.
cur TO the acts of the Founders Of the Re-
public, and to the principles Of the Con.
stituiivn. TO me these guides seem 10
indicate a plain path. 1t leads back to
the original national policy. That policy,
have already remarked, while It sane.
toned no outside interference with sla-
very within slave States, contemplated
no extension of it beyond State limits
1t regarded slavery in all its relations as
subject. exclusively, to State Legislation.
and absolved the General Government
from all responsibility for its extension
or continuance. Our return to that poll.
cy should be signalzed by the resiora.
lion of the guaranty Of freedom to tho
Territories which have been deprived of
it by the retrograde legislation of Con-
gress. Had the policy originally adopt.
Gu been pcrsistently pursued, the ques-
uon of slavery would have ceased long
since to vex our rcpose and disturb our
councils. Should that policy be restored
may we not confidently expect the res.
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