The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-10-23
ID. c..
STATE EQUALITY-THE TRUE ISSUE.
I'm address TO the Free White Citizens
Of tie get Free States.
BY JOHNSON II. JORDAN.

WASHINGTON, ID. c., Oct. IA, 1856.
Ny FELLOW COUNTRYMES! The Presidential
election is upon us Never before has our
country witnessed go exciting canvass; never
have the American people been called upon to
vote on so important question: question
fraught with such fearful consequences, involv-
ing the future welfare and dearest interests OF
this Repubhcl Are you prepared for the con-
test? Do you fully appreciate its importance ?
Do yOa understand the true issueP / fear
there are thousands-nsy, from my travels and
intercourse with the people in the Western
States during the last few weeks, / am con.
WINGED there are thousands and tens of thou.
sands of good and honest men in the free States
who do not know what the real issue is, How
many, for instance, understand what is mean,
by STATE EQUALITY-this "new doctrine. "
which Turks In the Cincinnati Platform in a
disguised manner, and is boldly maintained
throughout the South by the press and the
speakers favorable to the election of Mr.. Blu
chanan? Yet this very doctrine. acknowledged
by ITS advocates to be a "new doctrine" plau
slble and harmless enough on its face, but fnI
IN the present canvass. | venture TO say that
not more than one in ten of the voters in the
free States-party leaders excepted-knows
what is meant by " State Equality " and vet
feel quite that IL this doctrine fully
understood by the free men Of the vet free
North, there are thousands of honest men vet
lingering in the so-called Democratic and
American parties who would instantly and in
dgnanty leave them and join the army OF
Freedom and the Constitution. Believing thus,
my countrymen, / beg your attention to this
subject before it is too late. / shall be brief,
usng more words Of my own than are ne
cessary, and in my extracts shall use only such
as are direct to the point, and of acknowledged
authority. | propose To show what is meant
by this doctrine of State Equality; that il
enters into the Cincinnati Platform and that
IL in reality constitutes the true issue in this
canvass.
la conducting the present campaign, have
noticed that differ very much from our
democratic opponents. They charge US almost
exclusively with things which we deny and re-
pudia.e; while we, n a general thing, L be-
heve, charge them with no measures, doctrines,
sentiments, but such as they acknowledge
and advocate. We might retaliate by charging
them falsely, as they do us but We have no &C.
casion. They admit enough, it seems to me,
10 ruin any party. L certainly have no dispo-
sition to charge them with what they do not
admit, and will not do it. The proper way to
learn the measures and principles Of a party
is to go to the party ITSELF and not 10 its oppo-
nents. We should not consult Democratic au-
thority to know what are the principles of the
Republican party, bot should go to the Platform,
and TO the writers and speakers of the party
itself; and in order to know what constitute
the principles of Modern Democracy, we should
rally aat
speakers say, but should go to the Cincinnati
Platform for information, and to the writings
and speeches of acknowledged Democratic lead
FRS of the present day. This is what | propose
to do.
III there ever a time when the American
people we're called upon 10 vote understanding
w. Ia know fGlly what the question at issue ia
when The good man and The patriot should
throw their influence on the side of RIGHT
that time is now! What will he the effect of
my vote? What are the principles and meas
ures which | am supporting, and what will be
their probable effect upon the country, if ADOPT
ed y should be the inquiry of every honest man
who loves his country more than party. | beg
you, therefore, reader. whatever may be your
politcs-lf you at heart love your country and
her free institutions, and are opposed to the ex-
tension of Slavery whether you NAV favor the
election of Buchanan, Fillmore, or Fremont
To go with me patiently through this investiga-
ton; that you will read what l have to say,
and carefully examine the testimony L offer:
and then, all | ask OF you is. to vote ut the
coming election your conscience and your
judgment may dictate, regardless of CONSEQUENT
ces. DO what you believe to be RIGHT, though
parties and cliques should be riven to atomsi
shall not discuss the question of Slavery.
To such as are favorable to that institution
and Its Expansion" | have not a word to say.
except that they need not read any further |
take 1t for granted that Slavery is an evil-sn
evil TO the State, an evil TO the slave, and a
greater evil to the Inaser-and, therefore, that
1t should not be extended. And it is to such
Of my countrymen only as agree with me in
tins view, vet who, | fear, are unintentionally
gong to vote directly for its extension that
now appeal. You know, my countrymen-for
you have learned much on this subject during
the last few monihs-that the history of our
Government, from its earliest commencement,
and even before it had existence-from the
Declaration of Independence itself, down to
ls1O-has been against Slavery, and its extern
sion into free territory. The Ordinance of 1877
which prohibited it in all the Northwest Terri
tory the abolition of the slave trade, which
took effect in $685. and was incorporated in
our present Constitution and the Missouri
Compromise, passed ia lS20, and reaffirmed in
the treaty annexing Texas, in lS45-all show
that it has been established principle of this
Government, for Congress to Intervene" and
prohibit Slavery in the Territories in other
words, TO OPPOSE ITS EXTENSION. Sach has
been the RULE. The exception was In the case
Oh Olan and New Mexico, organized in 1850,
where IT WAS contended by Clay and Webster,
that as these Territories came 10 ms free-cov
cred by the laws of Mexico, which prohibited
Slavery-It was unnecessary TO pass any pro-
hibitory law for them. Besides, the country
was such, said Webster and others, that Slave
ny could never be made profitable in those
Territories and hence would not seek TO 90
there This, you see, was a mere exception TO
The rule-a mere matter of policy in that par
ticular case-wheress the pr,nciple of the Gov
eminent is and has been INrERy ENrIoN and
PROHIBITIONS. And yet this mere exception in
regard to Utah and New Mexico, included in
the COMPROMISE Measures of 1850" is the
foundation for the great Democratic principle
81 RO'.- tRtercehatiOH," discovered by Mr.. Doug
las IN January, 1854! Only think CT ia mere
exception TO be called great principle Bot
let that pass. | have alluded thus briefly u
the history of our Government as TO the excu
sion Of Slavery from the Territories that YOU
may the better perceive the contrast between
what has been Its established policy on thi.
subject, and that which a certain class of ex
perimentlng politicians now trying to fois
upon the country as the true doctrine and pol
icy OF the Constitution and the Government
The real issue, and only issue, in the present
contest, Is the extension or non-extension OF
Slavery into the Territories now free. But a.
1t is thought that the people in some parts O.
the country are not yet prepared for so bold q
measure, the issue Is sought to be disguised
10y the plausible catch-word of Estate EQUAL
ity"-thus palming off most Infamous impo