The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-18
THE GAME OF BLUsTER.

Inere seems 10 De a concerted efort on the
part of the Buchananites to frighten the North
into the traces by threats of dissolution of the
Union. This old game of buster has heretofore
done much for the cause of Slavery; but in the
present temper of the Northern mind, it only ex-
cites contempt and ridcule. The people of the
North have thrown off the leading strings of the
doughfaces and the negro aristocracy, and have
entered upon career of independent thought
and action in political affairs. The peo-
pie of the North love the Union for its glorious
memories, for its practical advantages, and for
the high destinies they mean to shape for it in
the future. But they don't mean to be bullied
and humbugged out of their higher love for
Liberty by the scarecrow of disunion, which is
continually thrust before them. They have more
than once heretofore been cheated out of their
rights and deferred from independent action
in this way but the robust spirit of Liberty
now prevalent will not permit them to listen to
the craven suggestion, that unless they again
bow the knee. to Slavery, the Union will be
dissolved. They do not intend to dissolve the
Union; nor will they be driven from the free and
untrammelled exercise of their rights by threats
of dissolution from the other side.
The Oligarchy and its Northern minions,
like the pampered despots of all ages, are inca
pable of learning or forgetting. Being accus-
| toned in past years to succeed by buster and
| brow beating, they are incapable of understand
! ing that the same course of conduct will not
produce the same results under the present cir
cumstances. All their old tactics are at fault,
| in the encounter with the invincible power
which their own crimes have awakened. They
| are dumbfounded by the issue of every succeed
ing conflict; and yet they want the sagacity, the
energy, and the courage, to change their stupid
tactics, which have no more influence upon the
| advancing tide of Freedom, than had the COM
mand of the proud Canute or the broom of Mrs.
Darlington upon the waves of the ocean. The
people demand Freedom and Justice for Kan.
| sas, and the disciples of Pierce and Buchanan,
like the Chinese in their military demonstration
against the British invaders, attempt to fright
en- them from their purpose by getting up ter
rible chatter of tin pans
Governor Wise, of Virginia, has become sud-
denly smitten with the fear of danger to the
Union, and joins the chorus of Buchanan, Fill
more, Choate, Benjamin, Toombs, Sidel and
others, in warning and threatening the North
what will be the consequence of the triumph of
the Black Republicans" He says, in refer
ence to the election of Fremont:
ellis election would bring about the dssolu.
ton of the American Confederacy of States in
| evitably. Why? For the reason that if New
York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, were slavehold-
| ing States, and Canada were to assai them with
| half the violence and all uncharitableness
| which Black Republicanism is assailing us with,
| there would be public war in thirty DAYS, by
every patriots time piece"
We don't see what the election of Fremont
has TO do with the case supposed. The "Black
Republicans +" will "assai the South with a
great deal more bitterness, if they are beaten,
| than if they are successful. The inference of
| the Governor is therefore a non seguitur. But
1T would be folly to expect reason from those
BY the way, we will remark, in reference to
MIR. Fillmore, that never did any man receive
so many and such severe rebukes from his
friends and supporters, as he has for his stupid
threat that the Union would be and ought to
be dissolved, in the event Of the triumph of
what he chose to designate as the sectional
party. His Southern friends, such as Winter
Davis, all the American papers in Baltimore,
the Louisville Journal, Mr.. Bates of Missouri
and nearly every respectable member of the
party in the South, scout with scorn and ridi
cule the idea that the election of Fremont is to
produce dissolution of the Union They have
applied all sorts of rude epithets to those who
maintain such a moon-struck idea, such as fool.
ass, traitor, &c. They have not, it is true given
these compliments personal direction towards
Mr.. Fillmore, but no one can fail to see the ap-
plication. They are good imners, and there
is no necessity for labelling their drawings.
DELAFIELD, WAUKEsHA Co., WISCONSIN.
To the Editor Of the National Era:
In your paper of August 81 you have an
article headed Impracticables," in which, after
quoting the article of the United States Consti.
tuition reserving powers to the States, respect.
lively, or to the people, not delegated to the Uni
ted States, you say, " if this clause is good for
anything, it secures to the several States the
absolute control of their domestic affairs STA.
rery as nell as the rest" Granted the correct.
ness OF your statement, provided the matter
termed domestic do not per Sc conflict with the
provisions of the instrument itself. But in the
instance specified, (viz: Slarery,( is your state.
ment right? ] understand the Supreme Cours
of the United States to have decided. that the
Constitution of the United States uniformly acts
upon that class of individuals held in bondage.
as persons, and not as property. If this be true,
does not the Constitution operate uniformly
upon all persons, and does it not shield alike
the citizen of New York and the negro of South
Carolina? And is not the provision, that no per-
shall be deprived of life liberty, or property,
without due process of law, as much violated by
the enslavement of the negro in Georgia, as it
would be in the case of the white citizen of New
England ?-unless, indeed, negro Slavery is e.
pressly legitimatized and established by the
Constitution itself-a position / have not vet
seen assumed, but expect to one of these days
/ agree with you, that the legislative power
of the Union cannot reach, as / see. the inst.
tuition in the States but may not the arm of our
Judiciary strike it down with one blow, as in the
case of England, and, believe, in Massachu.
sets? In other words, the Constitution being
against Slavery, and not founding or sanction
ing it, ought not erery person claimed as prop
erty, be adJudged as free, and set at liberty upon
the writ OF habeas corpus, wherever that Con.
stitution obtains as the first law of the land, it
being lower lar of rather higher powers than
mere State regulations.
write you this, not with any captious feel
ing, bat out of profound respect for the master
ly ability with which you handle imp ortant ques-
tons, and the quiet truthfulness with which you
discuss exciting topics. Doubling the correct
ness of the proposition, that Slavery can any
where legally exist under the Constitution of
the United States, would for reasons above be
glad to see more in the Era on the subject