Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1856-09-13

IOt representatives upon n senator sllulnP III
his seat in the Senate Chamber Of the United
States!
After giving brief history of the usurpnton of
the Shareholders in admitting Louisiana into the
Union, the author proceeds:
! While the Louisiana Bill was in its passage,
it was said openly, by the author Of this ad
bonds of this Unicn are Uiytualy diSsoiced; Tic
States which compose it are free from Meir moral
obiigationS; and that as rW be tie right q all, so
~Ht be tie duty Of some to prepare dfaaetg 70,
a &eparation- -peaceabW # they can, rto'enHy i
they must" The results and duties then stated
are as true and incumbent at the present as they
were at that day The only difference is, that
what was then but foresecn is now realized what
was then prophecy is now history.
1t is, then, manifest to the FREQ States, that a
moRstrous usuypatioR has been c6ected, and is in
tended to be enlarged and perp9tuateG.
The warning voice of Washington, in this state
of things is, LET THERE BE NO CHANGE BY UsUR-
PATTON" lie adds, CHANGE BY UsURPATIoN Is
THE CUSTOMARY WEAPON BY WHICH FREE GOVERN
MENTs ARE DESTROYED" Again: Washington ad-
vises, "ltEsIsT WITH CARE THE SPIRIT OF INNOvA-
TIoN UPoN THE PRINCIPLES OF THE CONSTITUTION
The SPIRIT OF ENCROACHMENT TENDS To CONSOLIDATE
THE POWERS OF ALL DEPARTMENTS IN ONE, AND THUS
TO CREATE A REAL DEsPoTIsM.
Let .he inhabitants of the Free States look into
Y,
ment has not already consolidated in the hands Of
shareholders the porerS Of all the depdrtmeRts.-
Is there an officer of State, from the President
downwards, who has not been selected from the
knowledge or belief of his adhesion to the slave
holders supremacy? The tenants of all the Offices,
which give to their pOssessors daily bread, are of
course holden 10 scryitude to the Shareholders by
the necessities of existence. Inquire, and see
whether, since the days of Andrew jackson, the
selections of the judges of your courts Of Judca-
ture, even Of the highest, have not been made in
consequence of hard political services rendered. or
from principles previously avowed to the nature of
IL declaration Of subserviency to the shareholders
power.
The Free States are then, undeniably, at this
day, in that very state Of things in which the
warning voice Of Washington declared PERSISTENCE
TO BE THERDUTY" During more than forty years,
the spirit of the continued series of encrOachmcnS
has cStaJlished over them tie rOrSt Of all possible
! |dcSpoijsmS, THAT OF SHAREHOLDERS. The manner
! in which this duty of resistance, so distinctly
advised, by Washington, is to be performed,
| performed in the spirit which he advised, and
which his life exempliied, is at this time the sub.
ject of earnest and soIictous consideration by the
people of the Free States. 1t will he my endeayor
to throw some light their duties, and Oh the
course to be pursued in performing them.
The duties of the Free States result, first, from,
their political condition. OF this in respect of the
Constitution of 1889, there can be no doubt. In
| 1911, members from tue Free states uetIareu III
! Congress that the passage of the bill admitting
| Louisiana rendered ;he Constitution of the United
States a G0nk letter; or, rather, that thereafter
there was no Constitution. In that day, Thomas
Jefferson the great leader OF the So-cacd Demo.
cratic Republicans" declared the same thing.
The continuance in union at that time sim
plv a question of e5IcdicHcy, and has so continued
until the present. To the Free States, their con-
tinuance in this connection has ever since been,
and is now not the result Of moral Obligation but
solely of erpedjcHcy. This condition Of things is
the first element from which the Free States are
bound to deduce their duties.
The next is the character of The people of the
Slave States, and tEe utter ncompatlhility of that
character with the liberties of the Free States so
long as the controlling po'cerS of gorcrRmem are
permitted TO em0in in the haads IF shareholders.
The character of Shareholders results from their
ownership Of slaves. The very basis of their pO-
litica condition is not liberty but slavery. The
equality which liberty establishes among lremen
and Free States they neither appreciate nor
can understand. With them, equality means, and
can mean, only equality among masters Of slaves.
To live bv the labor of fellOwbeings is their notion
Of happiness. To live idly and luxuriously them
selves, govern Others and appropriate to their
own use the fruits of other persons industry, is
the substance of their felicity. Never to do any
| thing for themselves which they make others
do for them, is the principle Of their actiOns.-
| La6or is with them only another name for ScTri-
! tude. Those who labor are held in the same con-
! tempt and thought entitled to the same treatment
as a lie their own. Many years ago, John Quincy
Adams related n conversation which he once had
with John G. Calhoun on this very subject. Cal
houn said to him, that the broad principles 0f lbor
ty which Mr.. Adams had been advocating were Just
and noble; but that in the Southern country when
ever they were mentioned. they were always un-
derstood as apply only to lchHe men. Domestic
labor was confined to the backS and snch was the
| prejudice, that if he who was the most popular
man in his dicrict, were to keep white servant
in his house. his character and reputation would
| be rretrievably runined, Mr.. Adams said, that
| this cOntouuding serviude and labor was one OF
the bad effects Of slavery. Mr.. Calhoun thought
it was attended with many excellent consequences
1t did not apply to all sorts Of labor-not, for ex
ample to holding the plough; he and his father
I had often done that: nor did it apply to manuiac
| turin q and mechanical labor: these not de-
grading; but to dig, to hoe, to do work either in
the field, the house, or the stable,-these were
menial laburs the proper work of slaves No white
man could descend to that. Calhoun thought that
it was the best guarantee of equality among the
whites. 1t produced among them an unvary-
| ing level 1t did not admit Of inequalities among
whites Mr.. Adams replied, that it all per-
verted sentiment, mistaking labor for slavery and
dominion for freedom. And in stating it in con-
versation, Adams remarked, that this dscussi on
with Calhoun had betrayed to him the secret of
their souls. In the abstract, they admit slavery
to be an evil but, when probed to the quick, they
show ut the bottom of their souls, pride and vain
glory in their very condition Of masterdom. They
! fOncy themselves more generous and noble hearted
than the plain freemen that labor Tor subsistence
| They look down on the simplicity of New England
manners. because they have no habits of over
bearing like theirs, and cannot treat negroes like
dogs. 1t is among the evils of slavery, that it
taints the very sources of moral principle 1t es-
tab!ishes false estimates of virtue and vice; for
what can be more false and heartless than this