Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1856-01-23

tue OeinOcTauc principle OF equality
among men. They rest upon the solid
foundation of popular consent. The pri-
mary objects OF their establishment are
the defence and protection of personal
rights. If they fail TO secure their ends,
it is the duty Of the people who estab-
llshed to amend or change them To or
ganize and administer government upon
these principles is the true work of Re-
publican people.
While the democratic idea thus cousti-
tutes the basis of American Institutions,
various exceptions, under the pressure Of
real or supposed exigencies, have been
admitted to its universal application
Among these. Slavery. the creature of
desPousm and the deadly opposite of
democracy, claims baleful pre-eminence.
When our country asserted her indie
pe%ndence slavery existed in all the
States. lis evil influences, social and
political, were. however, well understood,
and It's irreconcilabIe antagonism to the
rights Of human nature and the princi-
plies of just government, was universally
acknowledged.
The founders Of the republic. in franz
ing our Institutions, were careful to give
no national sanction to this portentlous
anomaly 4; bu. they attempted no inter-
ference with its existence in the S .ates.
Outside Of State limits, they allowed il
no shelter. Within State limits, they
left it TO the exclusive disposition of
States Immediately concerned. No fact
is better established by the records Of
The past, than the prevalence, during the
earlier period of our history. of an almost
universal expectation that slavery, exclu-
ded, b. positive prohibition, from all ma
tlonal territory, would gradually but GER
lainly, and at no distant day. under the
operation of the principles Of the Decla-
lion of independence and through the &C.
ton Of the State authorities disappear
wholly from every State of the Union
Ike foremost champions OF freedom were
citizens o! Slave States, and occupied the
highest stations in the State and National
Governments.
In 1884, Immediately after the partial
adjustment Of the conflict between the
claims OF the Union and the pretensions
OF the States in respect u the territory
between the Alleghanies and the Ms
SIssippI. through the c~ession. by Vir-
ginia Of the territory northwest Of the
OHIO. Jefferson proposed to provide for
ever against the tx ension of slavery by
a positive prohibition of its existence al
ter 1910. in any territory ceded or to be
cedrd, or IN any Safe To be c reated out
Of such territnry. This proposed prohib-
iIiOn received the votes Of sixteen out Of
twenty-three delegates. and OF six out of
min States in the Congress OF the Con.
federation. 1t failed to become a law by
reason of tina. provision OF the Articles OF
Confederation which made the concur.
renee of at least seven States necessary to
an rfirmative decision Of any question.
The great majority in its favor indicates,
however the prevalent sentiment of the
times.
Three years later the Ordinance Of
1887 impressed upon the soil of the ter
ritOry northwest of the Ohio an indelible
prohibition of Slavery. Tha! Ordinanc
was adopted by the unanimous votes of
all the States in Congress. 1t covered
every inch of territory subject to the
exclusive regulation of the General Gov
eminent.
In the sam year the National Con-
s,itution was framed. Mr.. Madison de-
slared it "wrong to admit ia the C0nsti-
tuition the idea hat there could be prop
erty in man." No such word as slave or
slavery found place in any Of its proyis- !
ions. All recognition Of the rightlulness
of ~slaveholding, and all national sanction
Of the practice, was carefully excluded
from the instrument. In every clause
which has been or can be constructed as
referring to slavery, it is regarded as the
creature of State legislation. and depen-
dent, wholly, upon State legislation for
its existence and continuance. There is
no trace in the Constitution itself, or in
the debates CT its trainers. of any expec-
taiion or apprehension of the institution
or maintenance of slavery by national
law, or in national territory. No one an
ticipated its extension beyond the limits
Of the existing States.
But the people required additional Sc
When, therefore. Virginia sug-
gested al amendment Of the Consti.u-
ton, that mo freemen ought to be depri-
we'd OF his lie, liberty. or property. 6X
by the LaW Of the lana" Congress refused
TO sanction this restricted guaranty. but
proposed, for the adoption of the Safes,
an amendment embracing a comprehen-
sive and express interdicL against all in-
yasion of personal rights by the General
That in.erdici. made part
o. the Constitution. by the consent of The
is in these words: mo person
+ + = shall be deprived of life, liber-
ty or property without due process of
So long as this provision remains
unalLered, it Is not easy to see how sla-
very Can be constitulionaily introduced
any where, or continued any where By
national legislation or in national terrific
~.
This brief statement will sufi &c to
show what was the policy and what was
he anticipation of the founders of this
in respect to Slavery. Their
policy was one of repression, limitation.
Encouragement; they anticipated with
confidence the auspicious result of u%niver-
sal freedom. Persistent adherence to
heir policy would doubtless have reali-
led their anticipations.
The question of Slavery. it is almost
universally conceded, transcends in pres
mt importance all other political ques-
ions of a national character. The repeal
If the Missouri Prohibition, abrOgating
he Missouri compromise. opens anew
he whole subjec: Of the relations of sla-
'ery, to the Union, to the States. and to .
Territories. In determining the true line
If duty, under these circumstances, it
10 be the part Of wisdom to recur
o the acts If the Founders of the Repub-
ic, and 10 the principles Of the ConsIitu-