The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-11


made out of Kansas, says
aWhy should you not be willing TO remove
this question forever from Congress, and leave
il to the people of the Territories, according to
the compromise of 1880? You have greatly the
advantage of US in population. The white popu-
lation of the United States is now over twenty
millions. Of this number, the free states have
over two to one, compared with the south.
There are only little over three million slaves
off immigration into the territories, therefore,
should be assumed to go on in the ratio OF popula-
ton, we must suppose that there would De near
seven white persons to one slave at least, ana OF
the seven, two from the free states, TO one from
the south. With such an advantage, are you
afraid to trust this question with your own peo-
ple-men reared under the influence of your own
boosted superior institutions? With all the
6 preudices of birth and education against us,
are you afraid to let them judge for themselves?
Are your freedom sons, who never breathed
the tainted air Of slavery such nincompoops,
that they cannot be trusted out, without their
mothers leave z"
Mr. Chairman this is not only challenge to the
people of the free states, to enter the lists with
The slave states in the settlement of Kansas, but
II is a challenge couched in the language OF con-
tempt and defiance Its tone and manner were
warming to all free-state men, that the repeal of
he Missouri compromise, was then, foregone
Conclusion; and that if Kansas was rescued from
lhe doom of slavery, it must be by taking up the
dove thus insolently thrown in their faces. Com
aring the achievements, hitherto, of the two Sec
joins of country-the slave and the free-in the
successful settlement of new states, it was as
cash as it was insolent.
The naughty, confident and even defiant tone
| As sumed by the south towards free-state men, in
relation to the settlement of Kansas, was then a
mystery. 1t seemed at the time, wholly gratui-
tous but the disclosures of the organization of
secret associations by the shareholders on the
borders of the territory, in connection with the
Vaccinations of the then vice president In the
same quarter, constitute more than suspicion,
they amount to strong presumptive evidence,
that the purpose of repeating the compromise
and of making Kansas slave state, were con-
ceived simultaneously, as events inseparably con-
nected, and to be accomplished at every hazard
They prove further, that the shallow and delusive
notion of "squatter sovereignty" was held up
merely to gull set of shallow, bigoted, and reck-
less partisans in the free states, as mackerel are
caught with red rags.
In this view of the case, / ask honest men,
north and south, not these challenges, these
taunts, this contempt and insolence, sufficient
provocaton to put the people of the free states to
their mettle-those of Them mean, who prefer
freedom to slavery Was it wrong in them-nay,
was it not rght-nay, was it not duty which
they owed to their principles, (if they had any,
to prove themselves no nincompoops to use the
select phrase of the gentleman from Georgia but
to show themselves equal at least in intelligence,
energy enterprise, and wealth. to the shareholders
who had thus insultingly challenged them to the
trial2 Why, sir, emigrant aid societies, as agen-
eies for the colonization of new and distant
countries are as natural result OF superior
wealth, intelligence, and enterprise, as railroads
and steamboats, evidence of enterprise, wealth,
and skill, superior to those which had only ad-
vanced to the invention of the hand-barrow,
horse-cart, and fat-boat. Sir, the slave democ-
| racy, northern or southern, might as reasonably
denounce free-state emigrants to Kansas, for not
making their journeys thither, in mule-drawn
| wagons scow-boats, instead of journeying by
steamboats, and railways, as for availing them
selves of the superior advantages offered by emil
grant aid societies.
Nevertheless, there has not been an utterance
from those hostile to freedom in Kansas from the
leviathans and pgmy giants of the slave democracy
in the other end of the capitol to the president and
his cabinet, at the other end of the avenue; or
from the guests of the grog-shops, or even the
street loafers the purpose of which has not been
to conceal or justify their breach of the nations
plighted faith, and to shelter themselves from
the storm of public odium and contempt, for their
treason to the constitution and laws of their coun-
try, as well as to their own protested principles
of "squatter sovereignty" by cursng the " New
England emigrant aid society,"" by "bell, book,
| and candle" The slave democratic press, at the
four cardinal and all intermediate points of the
compass, has grOaned with these execrations.
But when thus insultingly challenged to prove
their superiority in wealth, intelligence, and en-
| terprise, (f they possessed them,) by taking an
even chance with the slave states in the peace
full colonization of Kansas; and when fairly
beaten in the trial. as the slave states have been.
it is not only unreasonable, but it is infamous to
turn upon their successful competitors and charge
them with foul play; and not only go, but to re-
sort themselves to the foulest most infamous and
reasonable measures, to recover what they had
lost in the field of open and fair competition And
sir, charge the slave democracy with all the mis-
chiefs land God knows they are but too numer-
ous) which have already resulted, and which. in
the dark and stormy future, may result from
this shameless breach of public faith in the re-
peal of the Missouri compromise in order to force
the institution of slavery on territory dedicated
to freedom for more than the third of a century
Sir, to talk of acquiescence now, in this breach
of plighted faith and this still more aggravated
offence of expelling, by the army of the United
States, peaceable and innocent emigrants to a
territory to which the slave democracy had in
vited them, is manifestation of weakness and
cowardice which must and will only invite re-
newed aggressiOns. In point of morals, it is as
culpable, and in point of policy, more imbecile if
possible, than that which threw open the terrific
rleS 10 the lnnux OF slavery.
A few words in confusion Mr.. Chairman, to
those political adventures, patriots, doughfaces,
or what not, from the free states, who at this
day, attach themselves to the fortunes of the slave
democracy, or to slavery propagandists of any
school, would very respectfully ask of those
gentlemen, whether, as a political investment,
barring wear and tear of conscience, the business
OF extending human slavery, and cribbing and
combining human liberty, has not, of late, been
rather overdone by the rush of political adven-
turers into this field of speculation whether the
compensation is adequate to the excessive labor
required in this kind of service2 Formerly, be-
fore slavery extension became the main business
Of the holders of Office in the government the pres
ident and his cabinet might hold out sound and
strong for at least eight years, and subordinate
officers indefinitely. Bnt now, since the extension
Of slavery into free territory has baeome almost
the sole business of tfIe officers pf the federal
government, from the president 1downwards SO
excessive and exhausting is the service exacted
Of its servants by the slave democracy, that In
or two years at the longest these officers be-
come so worn down and tagged out, that the
people are as anxious to be rid of them as a
c!eanly housewife would be, to be clear of o
gang of strollng beggars, infected with measles,
small pox, or vermn.
Mr.. Chairman, mankind in general intutivey
despise traitors. They do this, even though they
may love the treason, its fruits. This, sir, is
a law of our moral nature, all-pervading, and in
dspensable in the present condition of humanity
This law of our moral being addressing itself TO
one Of the most powerful affections of our ma
ture, the love of appreciation, serves as one of
the strongest checks from universal treachery
ITO those, to whom we are under moral obliea-
tons alone. So strong is the hold which this
law takes of men, controlled by no higher law"
that when the traitor returns to receive applause