The daily union., 1856-11-01

dedicate line which parts the powers given to the Union
from those retained 70 the States the people, and therein
qFdAin that an powers not delegated 10 the United States
prohibited 70 the Sate reserved respectively TO the
States the peopthat this language in this instrument
Of 1887 be Interpreted enlarged or narrowed dark
ened illustrated BY the Language OF that other nstru-
nen not less renowned penned IN l7T6 in time and for
purpose dierenthat thrilling appeal TO the reason
and justice OF nations in which people assume TO yindi
cate upon grounds OF natural right their claim TO take their
place in the great equality OF States and then announced
their sublime decision 70 make their claim good by reyou-
ton and bate-composed TO engage the sympathles OF
mankind for the new nation, and 70 lit up s own spirit
10 the demands OF the great crisis that the latter OF these
papers, in point OF time Is 20 be interpreted by the former
In any sense OF which any urst any reader OF his
too extravgaut 70 be imputed TO the author OF the plat
form. .1.. #..n .# .... @s... *. AZ. H
Well then, If they do not the Declaration
Of power, help TO construction what do they mean
TO do with do by it2 How po6teh il them any
than others, than usH Why, they would say they
going TO execute their constitutional powers lin the spirit
Of the Declaration" That is IT. is 2 They 70 take
the constitutional powers they existto find them as
you find them and all find them by just and legitimate
interpretation But the difference between you aud them
is they are going to execute them in the spirit OF the Dec
laration.' Well now, what does this mean2 What
sort OF execution is this 10 insurer How do you apply
your rule2 Nay what is the rule What is the spirit OF
the Declaration in this behaf2 Is IL ything than
its meaning2 IL is what the trainers OF it, the Congress OF
l7T6 then meant by their language is it mott Did they
mean then 10 assert that slaves had an naeabe right TO
liberty Did they to make any assertion at all upon
the subject OF master and slave Was that application OF
this generality of natural right in their contemplation in
any the least degree Were they consciously and inten
tentonay coucedng and proclaming that it sin TO
hold slave and duty to emancipae?
How the student Of the history of that act may answer
this inquiry is not to the purpose The question is
the actual principles of the Declaration its
trainers understood and limited and applied then II is
the meaning of the trainers OF the republican platform
What is their spsit Of the Declaration and how do they
TO it and what do they to draw from il in
executing the constitution? IL they will point out one
single object they design to accomplish through it,
ubt barn nartia arp al 1uuHsa
complish by administering the government upon these
principles OF equal and justice to all the States and
all the sections in the purpose of promoting internal tran
qulity and perfect Union, which have heretofore
constituted the recognised cieed Of American statesman
ship then judge whether this parade of that instru
and that in their platform has any meaning at
ALL and if So whether what is meant is needful safe
We then judge whether they have used form of Ian
guage intended lead the passionate and unthnking to
believe they intended something and yet to leave them
selves at liberty protest when examined it. that they
intended nothing We then Judge whether this lam
guage of their creed is revolutionary and dangerous,
whether ii merely
"Paters in double sense,
And keeps the word of promise to the
And breaks 1t to the hope"
Holding them felow-ctzens, the clear and settled
vcton that this combination of northern States against
the South totally unnecessary for any purpose record
my protest against the attempt form it and give pow
No interest of freedom requires will be helped by
it. No aspects OF slavery justify it, 1t will not give lib
ey to acre. or to one hour than they will
have without 1t will not shorten tighten the rule or
limit the spread OF slavery In the least degree.
And is not this enough TO deter you from innovation
SO vast an experiment untried agency of influence
incapable to be calculated
But what if more than novel and than needless
improves only evil What proves of all
the fruits that slavery has borne yet the deadest
To many, know the bare Imagination of such fear is
matter OF mirtb. Seeing further than see
sangune more bold for them it without
promises only good preponderance of good to
be necessary evil and risk worth taking the worst
Let dare TO that which assuredly believe and
deeply feel To me- to many thoughtful men, whose opin
ions are far more important than mine there secession
for the wisdom OF fear
The grounds and the particulars of the apprehension
with which such may regard this party there is no
need here and now TO open at large.
We have come so near TO the time when practical
sequences to take the place of conecures be
scattered to the winds forever for space if this party
is defeated that may forbear display them in detail
compress my convictions upon the whole subject of the
proposed organization in brief arcuate enumeration
and deliver them to your judgment
They are
That in the exact in which the language has been
used and the thing been held for warning in the Fare
well Address and by all the illustrious both schools
OF our politics, of Washington and OF Jefferson whom
heretofore the American people have regarded its safest
and most sagacious counseors-but on a scale more g
ganc and swayed by passions far incapable of
troll or measure thar they have any Of them ared-it
geographical party confined exclusively in fact and in the
nature OF things TO one of the two great egons into
which American States distributed seeking objects
resting on principles cutyatng dispositions and
etng aggregate of influence and Impressions calcua
ted TO unite all side of the line which parts the
two regions against all the other upon the single sub
ec which, without the utmost exercise of orbearance
and virtue they cannotve peace but for which
they could not fail to be one people foreveby of
which their disruption is possible at all times.
That In the sense OF the language heretofore employed in
American politics and history describe this kind thing
there is now, and there has been another geo.
graphical party that both the other which divide
unite the people-extending through every State
North and South protesting political and industrial creeds
seeking objects breathing spirit and presenting cand
dates which every region may akeexertiug each an
aggregate OF influence and impression calculated foster
an American feeling and not sectional aninosity that
both these-whatever else may be alleged against them
national parties
That the geographical party its nature and spt and
immediate object OF taking possession Of the government
Is founded in essential injustice the section which II OK
cludes that In ethics and these States partners
and stockhOders and contractors each with ALA part
nershp an incorporation for all the good and glory and
progress To which national life may aspire that therefore
although the will ofhe majority is the law Of the mighty
concern yet that that requires will obedient Justice
and II s not just that section, class Of partners
should associate among themselves by that organization
called party appropriate the practical exclusion OF
the rest Che government and all the honor profit and
power which belongs to its possession and administra
tonfor an indefinite period or Tor presidential term
for much as violates deserts the great implied agree
ment Of the socety-mped in the act Of coming into the
federal tie-that property privilege power a glory
large deslreue the possession and adminstra
ton oi the government shall pass about by Just and
equitable rotation and every section shall at all times
have is share e
That II the manner In which the South has performed m
duties 20 the Union and the northern section OF States
be regarded as whole from the adoption Of the constitu
ton TO this day affords justification OF the attempt
thp n