The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-04
REPUBLICAN, EQUALITY.

ence, and its spirit appears In every line OF
that instrument. 1t is to be found in the Con-
stitutions or Bills of Rights Of all the free
States, and in some of those which tolerate
Slavery. 1t is the foundation of justice, of law,
and of equity; and is but the expression of
the common sense of mankind. Yet in prac-
tice how far do our laws and institutions fall
short of equality
The trainers of the Constitution themselves
were compelled by political necessity to depart
from it in apportioning power among the sew
eral States which were to compose the Union.
There were large and small States to be united
into Federal Union, each independent, and
wishing, as far as practicable, to retain that
independence, while enjoying the advantages
of union. Ii power was to be conferred in
proportion to numbers and wealth, the small
States spprehended that the larger States
would combine, in order to crush and swallow
them. If the States were united on terms of
perfect equality, giving an equal representa-
ton to each, then the burdens and expenses of
the Federal Union should be apportioned in
like manner; and an adequate revenue raised
on this principle would bear with crushing
weight on the small States, such as Delaware
and Rhode Island, while they would scarcely
be felt by the larger States, such as Virginia
and Pennsylvania. In word, the equality of
the States could not be preserved, without es-
tsblishing inequality among the people. A
union on such terms was impracticable and
absurd; yet the smaller States still held out
for their equality of representation; and the
difficulty was at length compromised, by Civ
ing equal representation to the States in one
branch of the Federal Legislature, and equal
representation to the Peoplein the other branch.
This compromise, though proper under the
circumstances, is manifestly unjust and I'M
equal as general principle of federative
union, since it gives to hundred thousand
men in Delaware equal power in one branch of
Congress to that of forty hundred thousand
in the State of New York.
This unequal distribution of power was ne
cessary at the time, from the actual condition
of things-from the unequal distribution of
territory which happened to fall to the several
Colonies which were about to compose the Union.
Those Colonies had severally laws and institu-
tons, historic associations, and patriotic at
tachments, peculiar to each, not to be blended,
or effaced or forgotten, which presented insu-
perable barriers to any attempt at re-distribu-
ton of territory among them, in order to their
equalization. The large States were unwilling
to be partitioned, and the small ones were
equally averse to being merged and the Con-
stitution.maker had to deal with them as they
found them-independent equals as to polti.
cal rights, and yet very unequal in power and
population. They did the best they could, un.
der the circumstances but there was not
man in the Federal Convention who did not
regret the existence of that inequality in terri
torial extent and population, which made an
unequal distribution of power political ne.
cessity. None Of them would have created
that inequality, if they had possessed the power
of carving out States upon the map; and
the history of the country proves that in the
admission of new States, the rule has been OBJ
served, as far as practicable, of making them
of the average size. Circumstances have
compelled temporary departure from this
rule in the cases of Texas and California, so
far as territorial extent is concerned; but it is
well understood that the irregularity is to be
remedied as soon as the increase of popula-
ton in those States will Justify their subdi-
vision.
The distribution of power among the people
of the several States, though equal in terms,
has worked gross inequality in practice, owing
to two circumstances. That distribution is
made on the principle of proportionate repre-
sentation for all free persons excluding Indians
not taxed, and hree:ftths Of all other persons.
This pregnant decentralization was intended to
embrace a class peculiar to one section of the
Union, which is there held and claimed as
property--in other words, the slaves. Five
slaves, though esteemed at the South as mere
property, are rated in the apportionment of
Representatives as equal to three white men at
the North. The slaves are valued at two thou
sand millions of dollars and while it should
entitle that section to no more political power
in the Government than go many millions worth
of houses or lands, it in fact sends twenty-one
or two Representatives to Congress- Can any
man assign a valid reason for this representa-.
ton of negro property? 1t is not pretended
that it enures to the benefit of the slaves, or
was designed for their benefit. So far from it,
it gives to their masters that much more polit-
ical power, to be welded for the extension and
perpetuation of the system. The admission of
such principle into the Constitution, estab-
fishing gross inequality among the citizens,
can only be defended on the ground of politi-
cal necessity. Our ancestors fel. the necessity
of union. Divided, they were unable to with.
stand the power of England, which might any
time be directed against them; and as the
South stoutly maintained the right to equal
representation in proportion to population, this
compromise of a three-ffths representation of
the slaves was hit upon. 1t had this solid rea-
son IN its favor at the time, too, viz: that
tarat'on was to be apportioned among the
States on the same principle of counting the
value OF three-fitths of the slaves. This rea-
son has ceased to be valid, in consequence of
the disuse of direct taxes. The whole adyan-
| tage of the arrangement now enures to the ben,
eht of the slaveholding States, which, besides
foil representation of the free people, have a
property representation which gives them TWEEN.
ty-one members of Congress, without particle
OF corresponding burden. Here, then, is great
inequality, resulting directly from this clause
OF the Constitution; and We will proceed to
show that the effect of Slavery ia to create and
keep up an inequality of representation in the
Senate.