The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-18

3
the Somerset case, in l772, has often been re-
iterated by the bench of the United States
even by that of more than one Southern State
viz: that Slavery is the creature of positive
law; and being against natural right, it can
only exist by special enactment, within the jul
risdiction, of the legislating power. A slave,
according to this longrecognised principle,
when carried beyond the limits of the State
where the institution has been thus specially
established, becomes free. Hence we hold, that
under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United
States there can be no Slavery; and that all
legislation for its maintenance in the Terrific
ries, or in the District of Columbia, is in vio-
lation of the letter and spirit of the Constitu-
ton. We nevertheless think, that as such en-
actments are made by and in the name OF the
Government they impose upon it an obligation
of good faith, not to abolish the institution,
without fair compensation to the owners of
slaves.
While we unqualifedly insist that the Fed
eral Government is precuded by its own terms
from interfering with Slavery in the States,
without their consent, we have the clearest con-
viction at the same time that such interfe-
renee would be utterly imprscticable, and, if
attempted, highly injurious, in every point OF
| view. In the first place, the South has an
honest conviction, from which there ID no dis
sent, even among the Anti Slavery men of that
section, that Slavery within the States, whether
evil or good, is shielded by the Constitution
| e. h. he EoJa INT
Any attempt to touch it by the hand of Federal
power must therefore arouse feelings which lie
far deeper than the prejudice and passion Of
the hour, which are the props Of Slavery
Every sentiment of patriotism and independ
ence would be aroused by such interference
and in the contest between the State and Fed
eral authorities the Southern people would be
reinforced By consciousness of being in the
right, which could never be aroused by strug
gle, like the present, for the privilege of extend
ing Slavery. We Americans all agree that
the Church Establishment in England, as well
as the privileged order in the State, are founded
in principles of wrong and inequality but car
we imagine for moment, that highminded
English Republicans would tolerate the inter
ference of France for their overthrow? And
would any high-minded Southron, however op
posed to Slavery, acquiesce in such interfe
renee with Slavery at the expense of the SOW
ereignty of his State, secured to it by the Con
stitution?
There cannot be the shadow of doubt that
Emancipation forced upon the South on the
plan of the Radical Abolitionists, would be re-
sisted to bloody issue. Nothing but over
whelming power could accomplish it in peace
and then at the expense of the independence
and sovereignty of the States within their OWE
| limits. In other words, consolidated despot
| ism would be the result of acting out the
Radical Abolition doctrine despotism as
| well over the whites of the free States as o.
| the slave States. The States would cease tc
| be States-they would become mere counties
| or provinces, under such latitudinarian prin
| ciple of constitutional Interpretation as that
| which ignores all the clauses and their history
| which relate to Slavery. The same mode Of
construction, or, rather, the same mode of dis
tortion of the Constitution to the purposes O
the ruling party has led to the doctrine tha
| Slavery goes, as natural right, wherever the
| Shareholder chooses to carry it. 1t is on this
| principle that the Kane doctrine rests, which
overridcs the barriers of State sovereignty
! north. a. Macao asd HiseRiss liucnr the lf6t
of his slaves on Bunker Hill.
We hold, therefore, that the State RIGHTS
| doctrine is not only correct in theory, but bes,
| for practical use-best for the slaves, and hes,
for the whites-best for the present. and bes,
for all time. The Federal Government NAV
| legitimately use its influence to cultivate the
spirit of Liberty in the States and when not
thus used, it is grossly and wickedly perverted
from its great object and purpose as it is at
the present time. Now its power and inlu.
ence are on the side of the foulest spirit OF
Slavery extension. Now they are EMPLOYED to
uphold the despotic power of the STAKEHOLDER
to crush the freedom of the press and of speech
The Republicans propose to reverse the appli.
cation of Federal infuence-to discourage. to
irown upon, and to prescribe, the spirit of SIa.
very, and to uphold the spirit of Freedom.
They propose at the same time to prevent the
further extension of Slavery into free TERRITORY.
| and to eradicate it from Kansas. There can
be no doubt that this policy will be far happier
in its effects than any understandable and des.
potic interference with Slavery in the States
aud there is every reason to believe that it will
In few years result in great revolution of
opinion in the South on Slavery. And that is
| the great thing needed. The hearts and con.
sciences of the Southern people need to be dis
ciplined for the great work of Emancipation
Forced abolition would produce an extermina.
| ting war of races, ten times worse than Sla.
very. How strange that such policy should
be urged by non-combatants. They dream,
if they suppose that all the world will act on
| their peace maxims. G.