The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-08-21

of Representatives, still in that case take my
stand with the House of Representatives. The
American people have persevering way OF cor
rectinp to-day their error of yesterday. When
the temporary inconvenience which they shall
have suffered from your act of Withholding from
them the twelve millions of dollars which ought
TO be discussed to them through the operations
of the army, shall have passed away, they will
call YOU to account for the injustice which VIII
have inflicted that injury, and will then vindi-
cate their fidelity to liberty and justice, wnhe
sternly bestowing upon you the censure you have
provoked.
Whatever may be the decision, early or late, OF
the American people, the judgment now to be
given will go for review to the tribunal OF the
civilized world II needs little of either learning
or foresight, to anticipate the decision OF that
tribunal on the issue whether the Senate is right
in using bayonets and gunpowder to execute
unconstitutional and tyrannical laws, tending to
carry Slavery into free Territories, or the House
of Representatives is right in maintaining the
| Constitution and the universally OF Freedom.
The whole question of the propriety of the in
hibition hinges on the point whether, under the
| circumstances, it is necessary. appeal on that
poiut to the Senate ITSELF to the country, ana TO
the world Either the inhibition must be continued
in the bill, and so take effect, or else the army
will be employed to enforce these atrocious laws
Every other effort to defeat and to abrogate them
made 1t is therefore this remedy for the revo-
| luton in Kansas which we must adopt, or no
! remedy. / go, therefore, with the House OF Rep
resentatives, for the inhibition which it proposes
You reply, that if the House of Representatives
| persevere, the bill will fail, and thus the ac-
| ton of the Government will be arrested. But
although the House shall persevere in the right,
| the bill will not fail, and the action of the Gov
| eminent will not be arrested, unless the Senate
- In M To-
we're, and the action of the Government shall be
| arrested, on whom will the responsibility fall
| Must the House necessarily surrender its own
convictions and adopt yours in all cases, whether
they are right or wrong? Ifso, pray tell me Sena-
tors what is the use of House Of Representatives
at all Sir the Senate will find, lift shall assume
| the position of defiance against the House, that
| it has not weakened the strength of the House of
| Representatives, but perilled its own.
By the letter of the Constitution, the House of
| Representatives has exclusive right to originate
| all bills for raising revenue By custom, inher-
| tied from Great Britain, and unbroken since the
I adoption of the Federal Constitution, the House
of Representatives, exclusively, originates all
| general appropriation bills. This exclusive right
and custom of originating general appropriation
bills involves at least equal right on the part
of the House of Representatives. to limit direct
the application of the moneys appropriated. The
| House, in view of the revolution inaugurated in
Kansas by the President, with the aid of the
! army of the United States and maintained by the
Senate, might lawfully, if in its discretion it
| should deem such a course expedient, refuse to
| appropriate any money whatever for the support
| of the army. The greater includes the less. The
| House may therefore attach the prohibition as a
condition of the grant of supplies for the army.
! The honorable Senator from Maine Mr.. FEssEN-
DEN has sagely said, in the course of his excel
lent speech, that the House has, by reason of its
| constitution peculiar and superior fitness for
| passing on the question involved in this debate.
Its members fresh from the people, and they go
hence directly, to render an account to the people
| of the administration Of the National Treasury
/ We of the Senate so far removed, by the dura-
| ton Of our terms of Office, practically to be in
| measure irresponsible. The House of Represent
atives is constituted by direct election by the peo
pie themselves. We of the Senate sent here
by the Legislatures of the respective States They
are great political bodies, and justly represented
here as such, to check, if need be, the too vola-
tile action of the people through the House of
| Representatives. But they are corporations,
| nevertheless, and the Senate is body repre-
senting corporations.
Moreover, the Senate, by force of its constitu-
ton as council of the President, in appoint
| ments to Office and in the conduct of foreign
affairs, is more readily inclined towards combi-
nation with the President, and of course to de-
pendence upon him. than the House of Repre-
sentatives. 1t is to the House of Representatives
therefore, that the people must look, and it is
upon that House. and not upon the Senate that
| the people must rely mainly for the rescue of
| public Liberty, if the time shall ever come
| when that Liberty shall be endangered, with de-
| sign or otherwise, by the exercise of the Execu-
| tive power.
Thus far, Mr.. President, | have treated this
subject one involving only the interests of the
| people of the Territory of Kansas. But yon will
see at once, without any ampliication on my part,
that you are establishing, by way of precedent,
| a system of government for not merely that Ter
rtory, but all the Territories present and future
| within the United States. 1t is worth while to
see what that system is. 1t is the system of
| popular sovereignty founded on the abnegation of
Congressional authority, attempted by the Kan
sas and Nebraska Act of 1854. But it is that
system of popular sovereignty, with the principle
of popular sovereignty left out, and that of Ex-
! ecutive power, exercised with fraud and armed
| force, substituted in its place. Since we have
entered upon career of territorial aggrandize-
ment, as Rome, and Britain, and Spain did, re-
spectivey we can look forward to no period
when what we call Territories, but what they
called Provinces or Colonies will not constitute
a considerable part of our dominion, and be
theatre for the exercise of cupidity and the dis
play of ambition Let Congress now effectually
resign the Territories to military control by the
President, or by Generals appointed by him, and
| two more acts will bring this grand national
| drama of ours to its close. The first of those
| acts will be the subversion of Liberty in the
| remaining Territories; and then, the Rubicon
easily passed, the second will be the establish
| ment of an Empire the ruins of the whole
| Republic.
| But how is the Government to be arrested
even if this army bill should fail, through your
persevering dissent from the House of Represent
atives? Is the army of the United States, indeed
and essentially civil institutions necessary
and indispensable institution, in our republican
system? On the contrary, it is an exception, an
| anomaly an autagonistic institution, tolerated,
but wisely and justly regarded with jealousy and
| apprehension. We maintain standing army in
time of war, to suppress Indian instructions, or
| to repel foreign invasions and we maintain the
| same standing army in time of peace, only be-
cause it is wise in peace to be prepared for war.
But, whether in peace or war, we maintain it not
without some measure of hazard to constitution
al liberty. Happily, the Indian disturbances
within our borders have been suppressed; and
u if they had not been, the smallest measure of
gentleness and charity towards the decaying
tribes would more effectualy secure the blessings
of peace, so far as they are concerned, than the
employment of many legions. Happily, also, the
dark cloud that seemed gathering over us from
| the East, when this session commenced in De-
cember last, has been dispersed, and we have
now sure prospect Of peace with all foreign
| nations for many years to come. The army of
the United States is therefore Immediately use
full or necessary now only as police, to execute
municipal laws. If the founders of the Consti-
tuition had been told, that within seventy years
from the day on which they laid its solid found
atoms, and raised its majestic columns, stand
ing army would have been found necessary and
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