Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1856-02-19
A LECTURE
IN EMONT TEMPLE.

BY HON. r.. TOOMBS.
sLAvERY-ITs CONSTITUTIONAL sTATus-ITs INFLU.
ENcE on THE AFRICAN RACE AND SOCIETY.
lpropose 10 submit 10 you, this evening some
considerations and reflections upon two points.
Isl The constitutional powers and duties Of
the Federal Government in relation to Domes-
tic Slavery.
I'd. The influence of Slavery az it exists in
the United States upon the Slave and Society
Under the first head | shall endeavor 10
show that Congress has no power 10 limit, re-
STRAIN, or IN any manner to impair slavery; but,
on the contrary, il is bound 10 protect and
maintain il in the States where il exists, and
wherever lis flag floats, and It's jurisdiction is
paramount.
On the second point, maintain that 50 long
as the African and Caucasian races co exist
In the same society, that the subordnation of
the African is it, normal, necessary and proper
condition, aud that such Subordinatlon is the
condition best calculated to promote the highest
interest and the greatest happiness OF both
races, and consequently of the whole society:
and that the abolition OF slavery under these
conditions, is not "A remed, for any of the evils
OF the system. admit that the truth of these
propositions, stated under the second point, is
essentially necessary 10 the existence aud per-
truth that the white is the superior race, and
the black the inferior, and that subordination,
with or without law, will be the status of the
African in this. mixed society, and therefore,
1t is the interest OF both. aud especially of the
black race, and of the whole society, that this
status should be fixed controlled, and pro-
tected by law. The perfect equality of tie
superior race, and the legal subordination of
the inferior, are the foundations on which we
have erected our republican system. Their
soundness must be tested By their conformity
to the sovereignty of right. the universal Law
which osght TO govern all people In AL cen
turies. Tins sovereignty OF right is justice,
commonly called natural justice not the vague
uncertain imaginings Of men, but natural
justice rs interpreted by the written oracles,
and read by the light OF the revelations Of
natures God. In this sense / recognize
'higher law, and the duty Of all men, by legal
and proper means, to bring every society in
conformity with it.
/ proceed to the consideration Of the first
point
The old thirteen States, before The revolution,
were dependent colonies of Great Britain
each was a separate and distinct political com.
munity, with different laws, and each became
an independent and sovereign State BY the de-
claration OF Independence. At the time Of
this declaration slavery was a tact, and fact
recognized by law IN each of them, aud the
slave trade was lawful commerce by the laws
OF nations and the practice Of mankind. This
declaration drafted by Shareholder, adopt.
ed by the representatives Of shareholders, and
did not emancipate a single African slave; but,
on the contrary, one of the charges which it
submitted to the civilized world against King
George was, thai he had attempted to excite
domestic lnsurrecton among US. At the
time of this declaration we had no common
government; the articles Of confederation were
submitted TO the representatives Of the States
eight days afterwards, and were not adopted
by all OF the States until 1881. These loose
and imperfect articles Of union sufficed TO
bring Us successfully through the revolution.
Common danger was stronger bond Of union
than these articles Of confederation after that
ceased, they were inadequate to The purpose of
peace They did not emancipate single
slave.
The Constitution was framed by delegates
elected by the State legislatures. 1t was an
emanation from the sovereign States as indie
pendent separate communities. 1t was ratified
by conventions of these separate States, each
acting for ITSELF The members of these con-
ventions represented the sovereignty Of each
State, but they we're not elected bs the whole
people of either of the States. Miners. women,
slaves, Indians, Africans, bond and free, we're
excluded from participating in this act of SOW
ereignty. Neither we're all the white male in
habitants, over twenty-one years old, allowed
10 participate in il. Some were excluded be-
cause they had no land others for the want Of
good characters, others again because they
were non-lreemen, and a large number we're
excluded for great variety Of still more un.
far4t - Il.
privilege except those upon whom each State
Tor ITSELF had adjudged il wise, safe, and pru-
dent to confer H.
BY this Constitution these States granted TO
the Federal Government certain well defined
and clearly specified powers in order 10 ''io
make a more perfect JHioh, Establish justice,
insure domestic tranquility, proride tor the
common defence and general treltdTe, and 10
secure he blessings ~ hLerfgto themselves and
their posterity.7 And with great wisdom and
forecast this Constitution lays down a plan,
certain, and sufficient rule for It's own inter
probation, by declaring that the poiceTs not
herein Delegated 10 He United States by The
Constitution, nor prohibited by II 10 tie States,
are reserced 10 The States respectively, or 10 the
people" The Federal Government is therefore
a limited Government Ii is limited expressly
TO the exercise Of the enumerated powers, and
Of such OtheFs only ! UHicH 1tdtt Ire necessary
and proper q carry, into execution these en-.
umerated powers. The declaration of the pur.
poses for which these powers were granted can
neither increase or diminish them If any one
or all Of them we're TO fail by reason Of the in.
suficiency Of the granted powers to secure
them, that would be good reason for a new
grant, but could never enlarge the granted
powers. That declaration was itself imita-
ton instead Of an enlargement Of the granted
powers. II power expressly granted be used
for any other purpose than those declared, such
use would be a violation Of the grant and a
fraud on the Constitution, and therefore il fol.
lows, that # anti-siavery action BY Congress is
not warranted by any express power, nor within
any Of the declared purposes cor which any
such power was granted, the exercise Of even a
granted power TO effect that action, under any
pretence whatever, would fall under the lust
condemnation Of the Constitution.
The history Of the times, and the debates in
the convention which framed the Constitution
show that this whole subject was much con