The true Democrat., 1856-07-29

the Vice Presidency. In October, 1851, while MT. Fillmore was still President, and MT. Do- nelson was editor of the Union, at Washing ton, he said (speaking of Mr. Fllmore:)
 HE WAS A BITTER PILL A VERY BITTER PILL-TO THE SOUTH IN lS48; and they took him only for the sake of General Taylo and since then he has done literally nothing specially to commend himself to southern favor. It is true, he signed the fugitive law; but it would have been stark mad ness-utter lunacy-in him, or in any other President, to have refused that signature. It was an act of the most indisputablc and impe- ratlve necessity, and nothing more. And with the single exception of that act, HIS ADMI- INSPIRATION HAS BEEN ONE LONG, SAD, TEDIOUS FAILURE AND BLUN. DER. Who believes that, with the proper spirit, capacity and effort in the White House, we should have had this disgraceful muster-roll Of triumphant, insulting, and yet unpunshed negro and abolitionst mobs, instruction and murders" With these facts in view, It IS plain that President Fillmore can nave no real strength with the people of the south, even If we leave out of view the great ualphin odium in which he is implicated.- Ahd IL IS Tn these circumstances that we find President Fillmore putting the last hand to his rum at the south, by bringing out anew, and with justification, HIS OLD, AND FOR A TIME DORMANT ABOLITIONISM" X "Does not every one see that the real effect if not the design of President Fillmore's recent visit to the people of New York will be the continued organization of an anti-sla. very party, reconciled to the compromise only because it enables whig administration to fa ml'iarize the people to the idea that slavery is political evil-an evil prescribed by the whig conscience, limited to its present area, and pro- per to be assailed hereafter in all the ways which are possible, short of the violent disrup- ton of the Union."
 We forbear comment The American party have either to admit that Mir. Fillmore was still date for the Vice Presidency as his slanderer They may take either horn of the dilemma they choose.
 Since the above was prepared, speech of Mir Fillmore's, delivered at Albany, New York, has appeared in the public journals; and while we gladly admit that its general tone is patriotic, 1t commits him to no line of policy; asserts no means by which to allay the apprehended dan- ger-but attempts to captivate the masses by its vague generalties. The only thing it does commit him to, is hostility to the Kansas. Ne. braska bill, which under the acts of 1850 finally wiped out an odious restriction on the right of the southern people, and restored each section to Its common interest in the common territo- Ties of the nation. It proves one thing, how ever, that we have done him no injustice in showing that up to and at the time he signed the fugitive slave law, he was, and had been, in feeling and practice, a freesoiler; and if he has been slandered or misrepresented in regard to his views since his associate, Andrew J ack- son Donelson, is his traducer Mark his Ian guage: " You all know that when was called to the executive chair, by bereavement which overwhelmed the nation with grief, the country was agtated from one end to the other, upon the exciting subject of slavery. It was then, sir, that I felt it my duty to rise above every sectional prejudice, and look to the welfare of the nation. / aoaS compelled to c certotn ertent, to ore'come lOng-cherished pre,Ddices and tLsre- gard party clainss." What ng-cherished pre- judiceS had he to overcome, before he could sign the bill? Surely, he referred to his long cherished prejudiceS against slavery n all its forms, and against the rights of the south in regard to it, as shown by his Erie letter. his con- gressional record, and his New York speeches. and he had to overcome them Men. What party claims had he to disregard in sanctioning ito Suralx- tha o1oi,,c of tbo al ,,b; ;,, party. Clay and Webster its great leaders, were there, urging its passage with the combn- ed powers of their intellect and their influence. That party had no claims on any of its mem- bers to disregard the provisions of the constitu- tion carried out in that bill; all its claims were for its faithful execution. The only party whose claims could have been regarded was the abolition party, which he seemed to con- sider had claims on him, and he felt bound un- der the circumstances, to disregard them. It IS true, he now disapproves of the course they are pursuing. But, when he, for at least ten years had, in and out of Congress, famed the flame of slavery agitation, until it threatened to consume the Republic, can he now, after rais- ing storm he can't control reproach the vic- tins and dupes of his own fanatcism, for car rying out his views and measures to their legi- timate consequences? We think not, and be- lieve the country will hold him responsible,
 But the trne object of the speech does not appear upon its face. Whatever Mir. Fillmore's private feelings may be, (and grant that they are patriotic,) the willy leaders at the north who control him, had it made for a very different purpose. Their obvious plan is to make Mir. Fillmore weak as possible at the north, .o drive from him all the aboitionists and free soilers, and give them to Fremont, retaining for him only that respectable and conservative DOT ton of the old whig party who would vote for Buchanan in preference to Fremont; to place him in short in the same position occupied by Trimble in the race for Governor in Ohio last summer between Medill and Chase, and there by strengthen Fremont at the north. While in the southern States its effect would be to so strengthen Fillmore, that he might divide their vote with Buchanan, and thus throw the elec- ton into Congress, where Fremont would in all probability be elected, and the managers of Fillmores party be entitled to a distribution of the spells. Hence the speech was urged upon Mr. Fillmore and made.
 Every refiecting man must see that the con- test is between the national democratic and black republican parties, and that every vote cast for Mir. Fillmore, however deserving his admirers may think him personally, is in fact a vote for Fremont. These things will be duly considered by the moderate men of the Ame- rican party before November, and they will doubtless shun the snare thus artfully laid for them.
 7teaSarer's Cfce L'ttle Rock, Ark,
 4th June, 1856
 His Excellency ELIAS N CONWAY,
 Governor of Arkansas: