The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-06-24

1t will be well for the British to convince them
selves of this, as in the event of future disputes
knowledge of our pacific disposition would no
doubt relieve them from the necessity of assum-
ing q belligerent tone in fancied self-defence.
Let them thoroughly understand that we do not
desire, do not intend to 60 to war with them
unless we are driven to it-either on the Cramp-
ton question, or on the Central American ques-
ton, OF on any other question. What we want is
to buy and sell with them, not to cut their
throats. The United States-being, or considering
themselves, a first class Power-would, of course,
sacrifice right for the sake of peace. But, unless
the character of their people has vastly changed
of late, they are 30 conscious of the folly and
mischief of war, and of the invaluable advantages
of peace, that there are very few affronts they
would not swallow, at least for a considerable
period of time, before they would plunge the ma
ton into hostilities. The rise in stocks in Wall
street yesterday shows how the feeling runs there
Ignorance or the London Press In Regard to
American Politics.
The London Times, in one of its recent articles,
takes to task that portion of the American peo-
pie who sit still amid our political struggles and
permit themselves to be governed, or jeoparded,
or ruined, as the case may be, by those who make
politics their business and their trade. We hear,
says the Times, of large class of Americans,
intellectual wealthy, and refined, who take little
or no part in the management of public affairs !;
content to utter negative now and then, but
rarely rising to affirmative action. This the Times
considers cause Of just reproach and it feels it.
self called upon to administer few words Of
admonition to those who are so insensible to
their political duties.
admit, yet the Times does not think as deeply or
philosophize as profoundly on this subject as it
might.
It is the fault Of all English statesmen and po-
liticians that they look upon government as the
end of civilization and not its instrument The
possession of it's Offices is with them the real OBJ
ject of all just and noble ambition, and all
the policy Of parties and all the progress
of events are subordinated, if possible, to
getting foothold near the throne, or,
in other words, becoming the government.
This is, then, the idea Of government in England
the possession of the executive authority, gene
rally sought for by men Of noble birth, great in
heritances and commanding talents. From this
limited class England derives her political guar
dams, and the people at large, as voters, have
but little opportunity of changing them. Here
and there popular triumph resounds through
the land, and has its effect on some particular
measure, but the government-the machine-re-
mains in form and popularity the same. 1t is the
power of ruling, not the result which influences
English politics
Quite different is it with us under our institu-
TONS So precise are the terms Of our national
and State constitutions that there can be but very
little variation in the conduct of public affairs.
1t was De Tocqueville, we believe, who remarked
on the great sameness which prevailed in the
public character Of our Presidents. They seemed
to have put him in mind of that Anticipated sys-
TEN of landscape gardening,
And half the plator but reflects rejects the other
And indeed, when we look back at the adm-
nistratons of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and
Adams, they appear very much alike in tone and
manner. We almost forget the order in which
they succeeded each other. We defy any one, on
the instant, to name their Secretaries correctly.
The constitution has been the bed Of Procrustes;
those officials who were too long for it had to be
shortened; those who were too short have been
stretched out Thus their stature has been much
alike.
1t is not then, the government nor the man at
its helm, which fixes exclusively the attention Of
the American people, If we are protected in
our private rights we may enjoy liberty and
pursue happiness undisturbed by tyranny: we
have gained precisely and exactly what we
wanted to obtain from government. If we may
TRANQUILITY follow our tastes and undisturbed en-
joy the blessings which God and nature offer u.s.
this is proof enough that we have as much govern
ment as is necessary, and object, to do with as
little as possible, is attained.
If the large, perhaps the largest portion Of
our population are Indifferent to the passing
elections it is because they realize the assurance
that there is great uniformity, of necessity, in
the administration Of our laws and that one set
Of men in power are very like those who have
gone before them. II is the confidence we have
in the surviving of our constitutional authority
over temporary clamor which prevents SO many
from taking an active part in politics. For, out
of twenty-four millions Of people there are only
about three millions and quarter of voters, and
out of these, two hundred thousand briefiess
lawyers and idlers, without business, control the
result; and those who do not vote are quite as
happy and as valuable citizens as those who rush
noisly to the polls without these convictions of
permanenCe and security. The American peo-
pie are ready enough, Notwithstanding to act
upon emergencies, and with vigor which no
mere party combination can resist.
Thus, when the administration of John Quincy
Adams became dstasteful to the people, because
they considered he had obtained his election by
an unfair coalition in the House, Gen. Jackson, a
new man, totally unconnected with any party,