The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-01-08

the immediate may BE- conviction thai the
utionary generals and corrupt ruler has been
ment of destruction BY which Mexican liberties and
tionalities have been paraiysed and broken down
raiized and then betrayed that ignorant people ;
and now the descendants Of the h.ughty spsniard
@ sas al s an
OF the red The influences which control the rise
and tall OF empires find NO truer illustration than in
the history Of Spanish dominion in America The end
OF what is left of il is obvious. Ii must be obera
ted Let prepare to ILL the vacancy which, in spite Of
Sursses our occupation me same destiny which
Indian; and then the more hardy Of Britain in turn
to succeed them with liberal institutions upon which to
erect mighty sell controlling political power, will direct
the further progress Of the republican principle under
the stars and stripes until not only Mexico but in the
acknowledge sway, and become portion OF this con-
federation OF independent states.
In this march OF empire our own emporium
is to hold Insignificant position OF com
mand. Our capital and navigation, together with
the indomitable spirit OF adventure and bold hardy en-
territorial acquisition is to be peaceful conquest,
the of New York lead the van ii is be
by force of arms New York must supply the snews Of
war. In any form by which this great drama is to be
played out through the nscrutaDle mystery OF destiny
TO be the main actors and our resources existing
only through and by commerce, are 10 be the Immediate
agents.
Therefore let it be said the whole country that oar
increase their GAIN our onward progress their ad
all COVER mental restrictions upsn the Of
strength the security of their present prosperity,
sDwthe means by which their future is 20 be made
brilliant.
In this advocacy of freedom from governmental
strsints, wish to be understood declaring prin-
ciple equally advantageous TO every section Of the
country and to every branch Of industry do
not recommend this policy for The exclusive benefit
of city were it possible TO separate its
interests those Of the of the Union 1t requires
argument TO prove that just the prosperity OF New
York Ut advantage TO every State in the unon SO the
fti1
cuton every branch Of trade and manufactures and
OF agriculture, throughout the length and breadth of the
land is Indispensable to the prosperity OF New York But
indeps ndent Of this conaecon and Identification of in
teiess the policy advocate not adverse to the true
policy OF any other section The whole country Will
advance government interference with private in
dustry is withdrawn. Freedom is the theory upon
which our Institutions are founded; and freedom in the
exercise OF opinion whether political relgi us and
in X pursuit OF gair-whether BY manufactures
merce NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. in the full deve openent
of the immense resources Of our noble ixnd securing
all The enjoyment OF The largest liberty compatible with
equal tice subjected only to the namuta bic la OF
nature and the preservation Of the ndivitusi rghs OF
al-reecom thus illustrated, Is TIE great principle OF
American progress.
THE CITY GOVERNMENT.
Having thus briefly directed attention to the of
present strength and future rean:e and pointed
out the principal difficulty in the way Of full deveope
ment OF elements Of growth, it Is now proper TO
refer to what in my Judgment are the leading internal
Next to commerce. the principal, and It may be said
with TRUTH the vital internal element upon which the iy
government in form and its sSveromsnt in
execution The form of government is of ncalculabe
moment for though it is true that the ncumbens of the
several offices, constituting they do the body which
is to carry the government Of whatever kind it may
be- co much to impair its efficacy and subvert its
intention, still they are accountable to legal tribunals
and can be periodically changed. Net with the fun
dame ntal charter or law of government ITSELF This Is
should be In its duration and if possible per-
feet in its 1t is not extravagant TO that this
city, for century, has not had charter adapted
its wants, and in all respects adequate to its require
ments.
Our corporate history win show that far as organic
Law was concerned The municipal franchise we'll
form Of government was constructed by foreign haud
than since we have been exercising these functions for
ourselves through our state authority.
is singular that these charters when emanang from
'the one man power' aforce more security Tor the
corporate rights Of the city, and ain protec-
ores Of late which have been the creation q the
ror Topuli The Dopgan charter Of 1856, that Of
Montgomery of 1880 would be better adapted TO New
York than the by brd incongtuous and inadequate
amendments Of our adoption. 1t is quite certain
that although the former furnishes the foundation upon
wnish these amendments have been made, and upon
whrh we have been continually assuming to improve,
that the mproy ements really improvements in
fact II ever the history Of the charters and Of their
times, shall be carefully written, it will be seen that with
all advancement behind our ancestors in
knowledge Of true municipal government
As New Amsterdam and as New York, we have had the
Dutch charter emspatirg directly from the home govern
ment in 1867; the Nicho frs Gpgh charter ofl6e5
the Dongan charter Of 1885, the Montgomery charter of
amendments of 1sl9 1851 and 1853. 1t is true that some
OF these may be called merely grants from the home 60
yernmen but they are still interesting from ntaning
the idea o. their times as TO what constitute corporate
tights and municipal government aad as contrasting
very favoaty with the supposed superior intelligence Of
the present day. The chief merit Of these ancient
sttution conss ed in the concentration of power AMI
have stBytd from This essential ee nent Of munich
Ial government applied to this city, with iss tens
Of thousands Of the oissolute and awiess, have,
in my judgment, departed from the true p,th and
introduced u damenta productive Of the present
anarchy which is almost the absence of any government
whatever. II in this great difference between the Sc
Ties If amendments of 1919 1851 auo 1853 and the
compact solid atures Of the charter Of 1880 that much
OF the present discomfort arises That there be
power all wi admit and that this power mast be suf
cient to control none ceny and that
tive authority equally disseniina ed among several
heads each separate in action and Independent pre-
negative, with but partial check or hndratee 10 any
quarter is not such a govern New York must
be apparent to all This Is not governmental Is little
better than egalized anarchy The distribution Of equal
power in the executive departments, without one
head, is subyersve of true government This is
peculiarly among people wh) have learned
70 look upon these beads places Of large pecuniary
gain the value OF which is increased as the right to control
them decreased When the law itgelf frees public Of
cer having the disbursement. Of large of money
from Accountability when accountable, the response
bty is Fixed in vague, inappdcable manner |. is diff
cult how the interests OF the treasury are to be
protected in times such lax integrity pervades
the Office seeking and the Office holding part OF the
stern inteSri,y and hgh.tSned honorable principles,
be found canvasspg for the support Of the corrupt
interests in society almost Indispensable TO secure
these places of trust. look upon the want of
Of power and absence OF su ent check TO the
action Of the several departments, together with the
weak and almost powerless condition of the miscalled
chief executive officer the main defects ia the present
government Of the city. In my judgment never
have improvement without entire change Of the
present system in these respects The administration
must be unit. There must be head to which the
other functonares should be subord ate all actng in
har mony and concert.
The Mayor should be to the city what the President OF
the United States is to the general government and the
several heads Of the departments should be his cabinet
appointed by him, gathering their directions from his
will il needs be- after proper consultation and be liable,
for caase, to removal by him. The Mayor having ample
power every municipal wrong should be held to
the most severe and rigid accountability TO the people
and the courts, not only for his acts, but for
the conduct of the subordaes, who hold hes places
by his appointment: and they in turn should be
counta lie 10 him, holding their Offices during his
term or for shorter period II in his judgment the
public5 interests demand a change. Nsrhese checks
and safeguards would create solid troy republican
government the people would know where to go for
ar.x snfc 10 nde mia