The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-04-10
THE NATIONAL ERA: WASHINGTON, D. C., ApRIL TO- 1856.

a State there is an Instruction or domestic vio-
lence, the President may upon proper request, in
terfere to restore order and prevent bloodshed
He must act upon the instant and, by his proc
Iamation, recognise the authority which he holds
to be regular and this recognition is the law of
that case and goes no further, and can go no
further without breaking down the powers of the
coordinate branches of the Government. He
has no more right by his decision, to control the
constitutional functions of the Senate and the
House of Representatives, than they, or either of
them, have to control his. Each must decide for
its own exigency and each, in its own sphere,
is independent of the other. Why, sir, after the
President has recognised State Government as
the authorized and regular Government, and has
succeeded in his duty of quelling the disturbances
there, the people of the State may peaceably
recognise the antagonist Government, submit to
it, choose Senators and Representatives under it,
and they, coming here, may be admitted by the
Senate and the House; and thus the Government
which they represent will be acknowledged to be
the true and rightful Government by Congress,
and such acknowledgment will be the political
decision which the Supreme Court declares it is
bound to follow.
Sir, the doctrine ofthe minority, that this House
has no authority to inquire whether, in point OF
fact, there was a legal Legislature in Kansas, and
which goes to the extent that even if thousands
of armed men did march from Missouri, their
place residence, to Kansas and there, by threats
and force, take possession of the polls in every
election district, and disregarding and trampling
upon the laws and rules of election prescribed
by the rightful authority, keeping citizens from
voting, did themselves elect every officer and
thus impose upon the people of Kansas Legis-
lature-to call it such-against their wishes, in
contempt of their laws, and in fragrant violation
of their dearest rights, still there is no remedy
that the House, in case where its own rights
and duties are directly concerned, and where,
from the nature of the subject it has full and
plenary power to investigate and judge, must
regard and hold such Legislature to be legal and
rghtful and its pretended enactments as absolute
" binding upon all parties, and protected from
every inquiry, is a startling and monstrous doc
trine. No doctrine more dangerous or alarming,
none more false and treacherous to liberty and
to law, has ever been ventured in any Govern
ment, even the most tyrannical and despotic, of
which history has kept the record say more
treacherous to ldsc-to law
"The States collected will,
Ger thrones and globes eate;
Growing good REFRESHING ill
not the will of one people over another; not, sir,
the raw and unbridled will of Missouri mobs, in
regard to the affairs of Kansas, pronounced in
edcts such as have been read upon this floor,
"crowning" the indescribable evil of Slavery,
and REFRESHING" the priceless good of Liberty.
Gentlemen upon the other side of the question
have spoken eloquently in behalf law and order.
The simplicity and apparent sincerity with which
they have insisted that law and order were to be
respected in this case, by upholding pretended
Legislature in Kansas-admitted to be elected in
good part by non-residents; elected, as is charg-
ed-and this is the question in issue-in contempt
of all law, order, and decency, by fraud, force,
and unheard-of Outrages and by submitting, I'M
complainngly to the acts of such a body, sitting
in fraud of the rights of the people, was indeed
admirable or the irony of their remarks if they
were so intended, more admirable still. The
law must be kept by protecting law-breakers,
and sustaining their doings in open violation of
all lawl Order must be observed, by yielding
an unquestioning obedience to acknowledged
mobs Sir, we stand for law; this House,
trust will stand for law and by law, and ascer-
tain what the law is, in so far it is itself
cerned, and bound to know and act upon it. 1t
should inquire and investigate to this end, and be
careful that the law, rather than the resolutions
of marauders, shall control its decisions.
In no State or Territory upon any question
where Slavery is not concerned would such prin-
ciples and doctrines as we have heard in this de-
bate be ayowed. Suppose that an invasion like
the one alleged to have been made upon Kansas
and have argued this case, as | had right to
do rs if all could be proved which is charg-
ed-had been made upon Minnesota from Canada,
and that under similar circumstances of fraud and
force o Legislature had been imposed upon that
Territory; and then that under its pretended laws
Delegate elected by Canadians had been sent
here-where is the man who would consent that
Canada should be permitted in this way to be
represented in this House2 Oh sir, nothing but
the system of Slavery-its necessities for strange
and unfounded assumptions and demands-could
suggest or permit such opinions and claims as
have been set up here. They must not be toler-
ated for a moment Does any man imagine that
those to whom they are addressed do not per-
ceive how utterly unsound and groundless they
are? Should they submit to them, they would
acknowledge their unfaithfulness or incapacity,
and justly become the scOrn or pity of man
kind
Mr.. Speaker, for the sake of Slavery, solemn
compacts of long standing, deliberately entered
into, and with mutual considerations, have been
destroyed pledges of faith and honor have been
cast like worthless weeds away the great writ
of right sacred for centuries, wherever the COM
mon law has been known, to the protection of
mankind-the HABEAs CoRPUs-has been struck
down; the TRIAL BY JURY, the palladium of civil
right and personal security, born of the conflicts
of liberty with despotism, and baptized in the
blood of men struggling to be free, cOnsecrated
in our hearts the ancient and indefeasible her
itage of the people, guarded by the Constitution
stands against all assaults except those of Slavery
and, as if these things were not enough we are
now told that the instruments of this sectional
interest, its gangs and invading armies, may enter
and seize upon our infant Territories our own
Territories, under the immediate and especial pro-
lection of the General Government--subiugate
the people rightfully residing there, make laws
and elect Delegates for them and this House, in
its unrestricted power to Judge of the elections of
its members has authority to inquire into their
proceedings, or to resist the admission of such
Delegates upon this floor.
Slavery, in its claims and demands of to-day,
is so much greater and better than anything else,
nay, than all things else, that to protect and
strengthen it, is held to justify the destruction of
whatever stands in its way. The rules of the
House are broken down by inscriptions major
tiles, and less than quorum of members per-
mitted to report bills from the Committee of the
Whole to the House at its call. Laws are set
aside and compromises violated for its sake, and
nothing is held sacred against its assaults. The
great idea of the Declaration of Independence,
and which has given its author name that
Through the ages,
Living in historic pages
Brighter grows and CLEANS immortan
is pronounced in the Senate of the United States
"self-evident lie." All memories and hopes,
all possessions and rights-the Constitution, the
Union, the living Gospel of "peace on earth and
good will to men, are but fax and stubble when
exposed to the consuming flame of this insatiate
and memorable system.
THE VOICE OF OHIO.