Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1856-02-09

~ w " cihNOO NuAtt, We IbuUiN OcFCtlAN
that there are two conflicting interests-oue on
one side Of the holders of slaves, who constitute in
reality a meager minority Of the whole; the other
On the side of those who have none. The former
ne doubt, possess the larger portion of The wealth
and intelligence of the community. Hence their
interest and influence predominant over those Of
their more numerous but less powerful c~ompatri-
OTIS. Hence; the voice Of the South seems to be
always in favor of the perpetuAtion of Slavery.
That voice is, however, the voice of n minority.
Now, an important point would be gained, il means
could be found, not Incompatible with justice, OF
uniting the interests Of these different classes.
What is demanded in favor of one party, aud that
the most numerous one, would DC merely the cx.
tinction of Slavery, by which labor would be rem
dered honorable, and the oxertiu 9 of ireemen be
no longer placed in competition with the drudgery
OF Slaves. For the other class, would be roquir-
edsthe means of relieving them from the burden OF
Slavery, without giving up what they have been
accustomed to consider MS their property an idea
20 which they cling with a tenacity not easily re.
Taxed. There are, no doubt, among the possess
ors of slaves, many who are fully conscious Of the
injustice and burden Of the system, who yet see,
or imagine they see nothing but ruin before them,
in case they abandon the possession Of their SER
vile dependents. To such ms these, a plan would
undoubtedly be acceptable, which should effect
she emancipation of the slaves upon what they
would regard as an adequate os moderate compen-
sation. There is no inconSideruble number among
the shareholders who have little If any property
except their slaves, and who are supported chiefly,
IT not wholly, by the profit arising from tho labor
Of those slaves in the service Of others. Now,
however clearly it may be demonstrated that the
right by which this imagined species of property
is held is destitute of solid foundation, it is hardly
TO be expected that a plan for the total extinction
of Slavery, without compensation, would be re-
gerded with much favor by Shareholders of the
des cripti,n here alluded to; yet there is no reason
able doubt that many of them would gladly ex-
change this slippery species of property for anoth-
er, even smaller in nominal amount, of q less
questionable and more stable tenure.
1t is generally conceded that Congress has no
power to emancipate the slaves in any Of the
States; and with this opinion we readily agree,
from the consideration that no such power is con-
ferred By the Constitution, and the powers not
conferred are retained by the States or by the
people. But it must also be remembered that the
Constitution coniers no power upon Congress to
establish or maintain Slavery in tie States or
anywhere else; and It is q significant fact, that
when the Constitution was formed, Slavery was
not tolerated ia any Territory of the Union. We
nay, however, consider the general powers OF
Congress as extending to the objects tor the promo
tion Of which the Constitution was framed. These
were expressly declared to be, "to form n more
perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common defence, pro-
mote the general welfare, and secure the blessings
of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." Now,
it could be easily shown that every one Of these
objects would be promoted by 4 peaceful extinc-
ton of Slavery. Congress might then very con-
~sistently appropriate a portion of the funds of the
nation for the purpose OF concentrating the ac-
ton of the States within their respective domains.
Supposing, then, an act of Congress obtained, ap-
propriating a specific sum to be applied for COM
pensatn g the owners Of slaves for the sacrifice
they might be required TO make, in virtue of a law
Ct their own Legislature, which might emancipate
all the slaves within the State, and prohibit tor
ever the introduction Of any more, either by birth
or immigration-suGh an act would be obnoxious
10 no serious objection. The details of such an
oct would require delibera:ion and judgement,
but the general principle would be easily under
stood.
Itmay indeed be objected, that the assumed
right to property in slaves, being founded in vio-
lence and wrong, can have no proper basis; hence,
no com pensatiou for their liberation is due. Yet
it may be considered that the system of Slavery
has been so far encouraged, and the use of and
traffic in the produce of slave labor have been, so
extensive, that the nation at large may be said to
be involved in the guilt of the system, and to have
partaken of its Gins. = compromise such as
proposed would, of course, be very different from
the compromises usually made between Slavery
and Freedom; and the rights given up by the peo-
pie of the free States would be merely their own,
not the rights of others. A a plan of this kind is
probably the only one which would receive the
appreciation, from some time to come, of the
States where Slavery prevails to any considerable
extent. If an act of Congress, such as here allu-
ded to, could be obtained, limiting its apprriaotion
to a specific and moderate sum, 1T IS probable that
some of the States where few slaves are held would
be the first to accept the offer; and whatever the
number of slaves might be, no injustice would be
done to the States or TO individuals, for the meas
ure would not be consumated without the occur
renee of the State Legislature, nor probably with.
out that of the people in general.
One important advantage which a measure
Of this kind would possess, would be the CELEBRITY
with which it might be accomplished. In the
States where Slavery was once tolerated, and alter
wards abolished by law, the abolition was effected
gradually. In Pennsylvania, which took the lead
in this species of Legislation, about sixty years
were required, after the passage OF the law, 70 pro-
duce It's ultimate effect. The act OF llSO was
Justly considered, at the time it was passed, as an
Important measure; but it is observable that the
noble principles laid down in the preamble were
not carried out in the act itself. The slaves OF the
then existing generation were left to wear out their
lives ia eervitude. They had, however, the con-
ISOLATION to know that their children, born after the
passage Of the act. would be eventually free. In
other States, the process vas not widely different.
But, upon the plan here suggested. the people OF
any State. sincerely disposed to rid themselves of
the evil Of Slavery might accomplish this object
without divesting their masters OF what they claim
as their property.
A necessary preliminary measure would be the
preparation and circulation among our citizens at
large, of a memorial to Congress, soliciting the en-
actinent of a law directed to the object above pro-
posed. The following form is suggested, as COM
prising the substance Of such memorial.
"To The Senate and House Of Representatives of the
United States IN Congress assembled:
~The undersigned citizens of-respectfully
ask that provision may be made by Law, that when
ever, within a certain period of years, any State Of
sais Union, now admitting domestic Slavery, shall
decree the enamel patton OF all slaves and the final
--A.--s. - .nual.nfaEu Garrlfuda aNaanf for
crime. within her borders, an exact enumeration of
said slaves shall be made, and for each and every
slave SO emancipated there shall be paid from the
Treasury Of the United States, to such State, for
equitable distyibut ion amongst the shareholders, a
sum Of money, TO be ascertained as Congress In
its wisdom may direct"
The subject is NOT new to our halls of Federal
hgisiauen- It NAV possibly not be viewed WIN
much fAVar fog some time 10 come; but IT 1t could
b brought prosoihenGiy into view, and calmly
diseassed. b0tA an and cut Of Congress, 1t might be
reasonably hoped that the Aspsriy SO generally