The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-03-04

in pointing out the motives which viii inspire the
various haraDgues The address Of Mr.. Seward, how
ever is already before u.s. and though his view OF the
treaty wholly American and his language is not want
ing force yet cannot complain Of in which
he has discussed the question He upholds the inter
probation given by the American cabinet arms that
'upder circumstances could the fiction Mosquito
king kingdom protectorate be tolerated. TO interfere
with American rights, and would restrict England at
Belize to what she ally acquired From the enunc
ton Of these opinions he passes TO The practical
question Of settlement. Frmness,, without hostili-
ty to England, he looks upon the proper policy
Of the United States. The States continually In
grease in power on their own continent; England,
true policy is. then, the old Of mastery insc
tivity" However, a. someihing must be done at once
he a.s not object to but IS AsTs. has
It, inhinuates that England would act courteousy in
taking the initiative. The course, however, which he
propoaes to his country is hardly which, At first
sight to allow any concatoYy sdTan to be
sstent with the self respect Of 1t is that n
notice be given to Great Britain tina. we shall to
prevent her exercise of dominion in South America
II it shall not be discontinued within Que year, and
that authority be now given 10 the President to
RIGA seems to have decided that Mr. Sc vards pur pose
eninently pacific. Tho form of notice which
msnas r. We only snsa as Necessity to bring the
prevent" which have an unpleasant sound, are Is
harmless the "orce and arms" the ''sticks slaves
and clubs" of cur old actions of ejectnent.
All this lie very well, and We would fully express
Acknowledgements TO Mr.. Seward or any o'hsr
Senator sho viii urge on his Soun.5y~en me pro
and goodwill. But we cannot allow it to be sup.
posed that the determination OF England to uphold
her rights will be at all affected by the dsHaut
speeches hostile resolutions of any assembly.
1t would be an shnegauon of all that gives us place
among nations if to yield to the threats that
nav be uttered in the Congress by the press Of the
United states The citizens of those States have told
repeatedly what the principles OF their rulers
The men, their motives wnat each has to gain or lose
how one looks election how another receives
credit for having purposely made treaty ambiguous,
have been described again and again by countrymen
who may be supposed better informed than our
selves. We .wii take Washington and its pod
cal morality on this trustworthy testimony. The
question then sre to recede from rights long ad
mtted and openly exercised, because certain mems
eectonesrng tactics demand lopd words and belcose
demcnstrate We believe that much of this reckless
mess owing to the habiuay pacific tone in which the
tone is indeed only sign Of Ii spirit which animate1
people both high and low all classes are anxious to
remain terms only of peace but ct cordially with
a nation akin TO own no English statesman would
dare to speak iu terms OF dsparagemeat hostility OF
the millions the Atlantic But If the sentiments
dity, If they encourage immoral politicians TO acts
Of defiance through belief in English suggishuess
or EMBARRASSMENT then it Is time that they should
be explained. This country ,ctShss 10 do no crong.
blessings of peace, but more than nolc convinced
that there cells than ICdr, and foremost
among them the habit OF concession Of i'll founded de-
mancs merely because it is for the moment less trouble
to acquiesce than 20 resist. England cares little
for the Bay of Islands and less possible for the King
of the Mosquitoes; hut she does for rights which,
only because they rigntsare sacred when they
regard insignificant territory the destiny OF Cana
Jamaica involved. It is in the interest of he
United States and Of itself that refuse to give
though tcoild gladly surrender If could Be decie
that the right rds in the United STATES