The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-11
NATIONAL ERA WASHINGTON D. SEPTEMBER H. 1856

absolute, as to relieve them of moral response
bility for what they did assert.
Our fathers set this preamble at the threshold
OF the constitution as a lamp, as well to dlspel
darkness from the minds of those who should
attempt to enter this great edifce OF FREE gov
ernment as to cast its cheering light through all
the compartments of that edifce. They did 1t,
that whoever might hope to find in the constitu-
ton guarantee of slavery, or any form of in
justice, might, at the commencement OF his search,
meet only" liberty and justice" 1t was done
to take all excuse from that perverse ingenuity
which, from the infirmities of human language,
might attempt to the constitution as the slave
democracy in congress, and out OF 1t, are now
using il, viz as an instrument for the extension
of slavery into free territory, and as justihca-
ton of their pretence, that the constitution pro
prio ogore carries slavery into all the territories
of the United States or that slavery and liberty
are twin brethren, and must be brought, as such,
simultaneously into the union, or not be born at
all or that other piece of stupidity or perverse-
ness, that the territories the common property
of the people of all the states, and therefore the
STAKEHOLDER has the right to enter ali or any OF
the federal territories with his slaves-or that
other, and last for the present, assertion, that
there exists certain equality among all the states,
which authorizes the people OF the slave states to
take their slaves, property into the territories,
but does not authorize the people OF the free
states to enter the territories and exclude slavery
therefrom-a sort of equality of states which
warrants the establishment of nuisances and So
cial curses in the territories, but takes from the
people the power to abate such nusances.
Another design of the preamble to the consti-
tuition was, to enable the people to detect that
class of demagogues who, under the cloak of de-
votion to the union, are trying to force or cheat
the people of the free states, into carrying the
flag and keeping step to the music of the coffie
gang" as it pursues its dead march from the old
and slave-cursed states, to make its halt in the
now free territories, there to leave forever the
mldew of its blighting nature.
But the preamble to the constitution, is not
the constitution. This must speak with its own
voice. but it must nevertheless speak in the spirit
of its preamble, otherwise both preamble and
constitution are hypocrisy and deluson. The
constitution as framed by the convention, gave
no power to any department of the government
to make a slave of free man, or to convert free
territory into slave territory. The federal gov
eminent, under the constitution, prior to the
amendments was utterly impotent, either to make
or hold a slave or to give authority to others to
make or hold slaves The unamended constitu-
ton was precisely that, neither more nor less
than its authors made it; but they did not make
it slave constitution. They did not omit clause
in that instrument, authorizing slaveholding by
accident but by design. Mr. Madison, one of the
chief artfcers of the constitution assures us that
they did not intend that the constitution should
even disclose the shameful fact that there existed
such crime and disgrace in the United States as
slavery.
But to "make assurance doubly sure" and as
it WERE " to take a bond of fate" those great
and good men, for the vindication of their own
fame as the friends of liberty and justice, and
Jealous lest through the degeneracy of after times
and almost as if foreseeing the apostacy of the
slave democracy of the present day, immedi-
ately on the adoption of the constitution, as
framed by the convention, the first congress as
sembled under it, proposed divers amendments,
the chief objects of which were, to negative all
power in congress, which bad men might claim
to be implied in the original constitution, to make
oppressive laws, or to wrest from men their in
alienable rights.
FIRST ame,adment-" Congress shall make no
{ law abridging the freedom of speech or of the
press or the right of the people peaceably to
assemble and to petition the government for a
redress of grievances"
Mr.. Chairman, it is very true that this prohibit
ton against violating the freedom of speech and
the press by congress, does not affect the states
as such, and consequently the freedom of speech
and the press in the states, must depend on state
laws; but there is not slave state in the union,
with the exception perhaps ofDelaware, where this
great fundamental element Of ciul liberty, eitherprac-
tcally by licensed mobbing by state taaos is not
utterly annhilated. The principle of slavery, viz
property in man, wM not bear discussion; neither
dare it come to the light, lest its deeds should
be reproved" But the discussion of the right to
property in the beasts of the field and the fowls
of the air" in the earth, and the products of the
earth, the air and the waters, are as freely dis
cussed in slave states in free states The reason
for thiS ia Obyi0us rp0uirp illustration.
But dpropos of this, we have all heard OF the
celebrated laws of the bogus legislature of
Kansas for the protection of property in slaves.
If not, the mastery speech of my friend from In
diana TMr. CoLEAx will throw abundant light on
these pandects of Atchison, StringfellOw, Shan
non, and company. But superintendent as are
these infamous acts in the form of laws, against
the great right of free speech and free press,
we have nevertheless, the assurance of a senator
from Mississippi, [Mr. ADAMs,] that the Kansas
laws are by no means peculiar; but are such as
are usual and necessary in the slave states. In
alluding to these Kansas laws he says
"They have passed just such laws-not per-
haps exactly in the language, but substantially
the same-as The states maintaining the institu-
ton of slavery have found it necessary to pass
to sustain their rights. In the state in which
have the honor to live, We prohibit the circula-
ton of incendary pamphlets, as they are called,
WHICH ulcdn HOIuiHS IIOTc nut icsS tudu Tue
language objected to and provided against in
this act. Men are punished for it so in nearly
all the states where the institution of slavery
exists. The mistake which is made here is in
reference to the question which have already
called to the attention of the senate. These
people have acted in conformity with the pro-
visions of the act of congress"
Now sir, admitting that slave states, for the
support of the barbarism of slavery, within their
own limits, may enact laws thus cruel, unjust
and disgusting; still this legislative assembly of
Kansas, is but the CREATURE of which the congress
of the United States is the CREAToR-the mere in
strument, made by congress, to make and exc
cute laws for Kansas, in the place Of and for
congress. Therefore, it can pass no law which
congress, by the constitution of the United States
prohibited from passing. Hence all these beastly
disgusting, and infamous slave laws of Kansas
are nullity and nuisance, by the express pro-
of The first article of the amendments to the
constitution of the United States But what care
this slave democracy, for the constitution of the
United States, where that stands in the way OF
the extension of human slavery? Just nothing at
| all And hence every nerve of this -begotten
| administration, is strained to uphold these uncon-
stitutional and scandalous laws. The whole
military force of the government, is put in requsi-
| ton by the slave democracy, to dragoon the
people of Kansas, into submission to these laws
| and men, good, and wise, and just men are to bs
| tried by slave democratic judges and juries, and
convicted and executed as traitors, for resistance
to these laws the forcible execution of which, il
| TREASON, and ought to subject the president, his
cabinet, and all advising to their execution to the
| trial, and sentence, and DOOM OF TRAITORS.
| Second dmendment-" The right of the peopl,
| to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed'
In this amendment the same SPIRIT OF LIBERT,
is developed, as was so apparent in the preceding
| The right to "keep and bear arms" is thus guar
antied, in order that if the liberties of the people
should be assaulted, the means for their defenc,
should be in their own hands