Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1856-08-08

interview with the Pope of Rome, one OF
the most bigoted and tyranical rulers I'M
der Heaven, and he has now come home'
polished by foreign travel, enlightened by
Papal laws, and he says that to MAINTAIN
freedom in the territories of the United
States. is sectional, and ought to dissolve
the Union. Yet where is the argument
Let us have the proof. Is slavery the /
natural state of any people! Where is
the statute written, either on the page OF
nature. or in the sacred oracles, or in the
law of nations, which makes slavery the
natural state of one portion of the human
family? 1t Isl not there. 1t can be found
in neither. Rather, all these go to prove
that by nature one man has just as much
right as another to be free. 1t is not
found in the Declaration of Independence,
for that directly contradicts the dogma as
every body knows. 1t is not found in
the Constitution of the United States, for
that is built on the Declaration of indie
pendence, and does not mention slavery
at all, and only inferentially alludes to it
as existing by local law in some Of the
States, agreeable to the laws thereof 1t
is not found in the law of nations, or OF
reason. or the word of God, and IS Who'll
ly excluded from legal existence in the
United States, as such, except when pro-
tected by the reserved rights of the States.
Even in the District of Columbia, the
only argument against the abolition of
slavery has been implied faith to the
slave holders, who received their rights
from the slave State which coded the dis
trict to the nation. Then staUezy as not
national. 1t can exist only when sus-
tanned by local laws. 1t is not constitu-
tional, any further than that instrument
guarantees the reserved rights Of the sew
eral states. Consistently with the letter
of the Constitution or its spirit the nation
cannot sustain slavery, or give it counte-
nance in one state, or on one foot of ter
ritory not included in the original COM
pact. So it has been considered by the
most eminent statesmen of our country
and so it must be, of right, eternally.-
But freedom as the birth-right of all men
1t is made especially So in the gloriou.
Declaration of Independence, recognised
in the law of nature, and of nations, anC
is without contradiction national.
then follows that the party which uphold
freedom, freedom of men of all colors
and eUerylDhere, at least in all territor7
controlled by the national government
is, in the fullest sense national, and no
sectional. 1t is only the man, or tn
party who seeks to carry onward an
diffuse an institution sustained by locs
- law, and belonging to only one part
the confederacy, which is SECTIONAL
h From these facts the Republican party
:, sha,ur, ta L. ---t:-~ly e. GUIII -ur.Lir1nsI
ism. 1t is the true national party. Br
:. can the same be said of the other M,
% ties, or their candidates? The very fact
Fl here laid down prove that, wherein the
- are opposed to Mr.. Fremont, and hi
party on this issue, they are sectional
4 They seek to carry local institution mi
- territory now free, to favor SLAYER
against freedom, and if they succee
of may establish it in Massachusetts, or We
"A mont, if they can overcome our reserve
:, rights. And this they are seeking to
: by their Fugitive Slave Law" al
other kindred measures. Thus thu
-, would nationalist sectionalism. It's tn,
:. settled that Mr.. Fremont is not section
Oh IN his views on the Kansas question, al
or that Fillmore and Buchanan, so far
=. they join issue with him on these vie,
: are.