The Ottawa free trader. [volume] (Ottawa, Ill.) 1843-1916, 1856-10-18
The Issue.

been whitfield down.
All agree, that the only great issue now
involved in the pending presidential contest
has reference to slavery. There are some
side issues, such as know nothingism, the
Ostend Manifesto, &C.; but these are con-
fessedly absorbed and lost sight of in the
great battle about slavery.
Now on this subject, the position Of the
democratic party from the outstart has been
plain and unmistakable. Their doctrine is
simply, non-intervsntion by congress. with
slavery in the states or territories, or "popu-
lar sovereignty" By this is meant the doc
trine, concsded by all parties to be correct
in reference to slavery in the states, that the
constitution recognizes slavery as purely
local institution, with which congress or the
national government can in no wise interfere
except to provide for the rendition of fugi-
tives; and that to the territories the demo-
Gratis say the people there as well as in the
states, shall decide for themselves whether
they will have slavery or not; and when
they come to ask admission into the Union,
it shall be no objection to their admission
that their constitutions tolerate slavery.
On these points, the democrats from Maine
to Georgia, from Virginia to California, per-
fectly agree. But to state their position ex-
actly, it is also necessary to understand that
there is third point on which democrats
north and south disagree; and that is, whe-
Their The south have, by the constitution, the
right to hold slaves in the territories
J northern democrats generally maintain that
the territorie. are by nature free and that
I slavery, being an institution Of purely mu-
nicipal creation, and congress having no
| power either to make or unmake a slave, or
to delegate such power. slavery cannot be
| established in any territory that came into
the possession of the Union free, until it
shall become a sovereign, independent state !;
| while the south, admitting that congress
cannot make or unmake a slave, yet main
tain that, as the territories are the common
property Of the Union, and no citizen Of q
southern state can be abridged in his rights
in the territories under the constitution be-
cause coming from q slave state, he has the
same right to take his property" to the ter
ritories as a northern man. As this disa
greement involves q purely legal question,
which congress cannot decide, the democrats
north ard south have agreed to leave it to
the courts. where it belongs. and tina. an
early decision might be had, they provided
extra facilities in the Kansas ill for bring
ing the question before the supreme court of
the q. S.
This is the democratic position. Now let
Us see where the fusion Fremont party stand
on the slavery question.
| The precise position Of the Fremont party,
| it must be admitted, is somewhat difficult TO
define, for the reason that they are constant
ly changing it. A year ago, Senator Seward
laid it down thus:
"The only sure way to check the slave
power is to take the stand-not another slave
State can come into the Union. Make only
one years constant, decisive effort, and you
can determine what States shall be admit
ted"
About the same time Senator Wilson laid
down the Republican programme thus:
1--WE shall ove,throw the slave power OF
the Sepublic; We shall enthrone freedom
shall abolish slavery in the Territories We
shah sever the national government from all
responsibility for slavery, and all conEexion
tn It; and then, gentleInen-then, when
we ha &c put the nation, ia the words Of Mr.
an Bur,tn. openly, actually, and perpetually
on m. side O. freedom, we shall have glori-
oms .il;es :, the South. Enthusiastic ap-
plause.l Isay, gentlemen, these are our Oh
jects. and these are our pc:rposss
This, then, was the position year ago.
/. To agitate for the overthrow 0: slavery
in the states; 2. To admit no more .>'a'e
states; 8. To abolish slavery in the terrific
ries; and 4. "To sever the national COVE. n
ment from all responsibility, &c. which
Nearly all the republican state conventions
announced the same doctrine, and it was
strictly maintained and preached down to
and including the Pittsburgh "nstionall"
Republican convention.
When however, the Philadelphia conven-
ton met that nominated Fremont, these sails
were somewhat taken in. The LIST, Cd, and
4th of these points, we're abandoned entire
| ly, and the only ground taken by that
convention was that congress had the power,
and ought to exercise it in reference to Kan
sas, to prohibit slavery in the territories.
This, 1t must be admitted, was coming
down pretty rapidly; but, as the campaign
progressed, and popular sovereignty" seem
ed to gain day by day more on the conf
dence of the people, it was deemed advisa-
BILE to take a still further step in the demo-
| cratic direction. So Mr.. Speaker Banks was
deputed to New York to have an interview
with Col. Fremont, when after a full con-
ference, it was decided that NJ. B. should
make a speech in Wall St. declaring the last
modification of the platform, and the last
definition of the Fremont-fusion position on
the slavery question. Mr. B. accomplished
this in the following words:
We desire the election of President Of
the United States of simple views and de-
termlned will, who will exert the influence
of the government in that portion of the
territory of the United States, and allow the
people Of this country to settle the question
of slavery for themselves there. I'VE ask
no more than this, and when we have sue
ceeded in the presidential election before US
| as in the grace of God We shall and will
succeed, [great applause and the fact is
proclaimed that Fremont is elected, Kansas
| will be again restored to freedom without
legislative act, or the interference Of the
hand Of government in any way.
This, then, whitfield down to its last point,
is now the position of the Fremont party.
Of course, most of the individual members
| of that party say much more than this. But