Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1856-04-15
DEMOCRATIC MEETING.
FILI,MORE'S EARLY PLEDGES AND soooh-
oIYEST COURSE.

0ur neighbor OF the IIhig Is an ihini'aoie way
o,,sarva how he Jokes in yesterdays issue OF his pa
per
Va .t;,l indulge the hope that the Cincinnati Con-
van,on which assemblies on the hrst Monoa! III juno,
,ril have the patriotism 10 raty me NOMINATION. W
N,I,ar5 Fillmore At all events, we cannot out ann,
Innate that the Southern delegates in that ooay wiz
yer: themselves with becoming zeal 10 accomplish
that end.
Now this is all very funny. The subtle sarcasm OF
the paragraph is quite worthy OF f"Hc~. Tue o'n.
cinnati Convention ra.fy the nomination OF Milaru
Fillmore. "At all events, we cannot but sntc'pa'e
that the Southern delegates in that body Will exert
themselves with becoming zeal to accomplish 'na'
end" While the Wing ridicules Fillmore = pre'en-
sions TO Southern support in this strain OF Singing
ironv We with less taste and talent for such hne hu
NOR must be content to trest the subject WIN coh
mon-place gravity.
We have said that Fllmores Erie Letter, which
the public will recollect for its bitter hatred OF tue
Sop,h, was a deliberate svowal Of his CONVICTIONS
aysins. slavery and solemn pledge of his alliance
with the aboonis,s. No Journal in his interest hss
ysp;ured 10 contradict this allegation. We have al
frmed too that every word and act OF his life, up 10
the day Of his succession to the Presidency, were IL
exact accordance with the spirit and letter OF that III
hammstory appeal to the pussions Of the North. III
thu journale OF Congress, the names Of Adams, Sade
Giddings and Fillmore are found in lnseparaole as
ISOLATION OF every issue OF interest 10 the South No
gang OF bandtti ever exhibited more perfect identi'
81 Of sentiment q more cordial concert ot action'
in their deprsdsons upon honest peoples properly.
Now, we are not so dsingeuuous US to deny that
Fillmore aba,cd something Uf his ant-slavery zeal
when be became President Of the United States
And 30 would Seward tame down bis ferocity, II he
we're elevated above the necessity OF pandering to
sectional preiudces. This concession implies no radi'
ca, inconsistency in Fillmores course and convlc-
fiona On the contrary, assert that as President,
pa carried bis hatred Of slavery to the utmost excess
compatible with his personal safety and the security
~ his power We have seen, FROM his own subse-
cuent confession, that his judgment IN regard 10 the
fuyu,ve Slave Lau, seos determined before wos
presented for has signature that he neglected the OPP.
paruntiss Of his high position, aud withheld his sup
mort from this vital measure in the critical cxisences
Of its struggle through Congress- We have his own
word that he objected the billthal he doubted its
cons,;,utionsli,v and that he hesated give the
Executive sanction, until he had shifted the RESPONSE
bl,y to the shoulders of his conscience the
y-jlenersl. In his Louisville speech Fillmore
frankly confessed with what reluctance and repug.
nance ne dttdcueu HE uuuc W NV "SN''S 'N'~
Jaw, He regretted that the necessity was imposed
upon him; but what resource had he when his hancs
were held his squeezed, and the bitter draught
Toured down his throat FILLMORE signed the Fugi.
live Slave Bill from irresistible compulsion. Apart
from bic pledge TO employ the Executive veto OK
,ept in cases Of palpabe violation OF the Consttu'
rion lie could no more have defeated the enactment
.: the Fugitive Slave Bill, than he could have set
Ere 10 the Capitol or cut his own throat. Ii was
matter of absolute necessity with him to let the law
psss II he had put his negative upon the measure,
ouch was the exaspera,on Of the public mind, aud
such the critical relations between the North anu
Sou,b that the Slave States would have instantly
,oted from the Confederacy. Was be, with his
weak will and nervous dread Of responsibility,
the person to provoke such dire consequences-to
blight his prospect of an indo'ent enjoyment OF
place and power and to brave the hazards OF civil
war, However repugnant the Fugitive Slave bill
was to his palate like a.feeble and sensible man. he
chose swallow it, rather than deliberately drug his
cup with poison. The event justified his prudence
The South, with Of good nature, was salts
fed with the concession, the North was glad to pur'
chase substantial advantages at 30 small price, and
Willard Fillmore slept through three years Of quiet
possession OF the Presidency. 1t is absurd to pre-
tend that the South owes him any homage for act
that Was extored by supreme necessity aud perform.
Cd with every circumstance Of unwilling and ungra-
cous submission.
To the end of his administration Willard Fillmore
continued to exhibit the same unamiable splrit to-
wards the South. We have seen how he conniVed at
the escape Of Crafts and the evasion of the Fugitive
slave law; how he released two notorious kdnappers
from the pententiary in Washington. to deliver abo.
lition lectures iu the North and more significant than
ALL we have seen with what promptitude aud energy
no ordered out the military forces OF the Federal
government to compel the sovereign State OF Texas
10 ,ubmit to the unjust demands Of freeso terri
forv This act Of extreme antagonism to the inter-
ss,s of slavery, was gratuous insult to the pride
and aggression upon the rights OF the South Presi.
den; Polk had publicly avoued his determination 10
protect the claim Of Texas and President Taylor had
done the same thing. But Willard FILLMORE, true to
the instincts Of his. Erie Letter, evoked the latent
powers of the Executive to extend the limits OF tree
soil, a. the expense Of the rights and dignity
Of q sovereign State. Aud, fearing lest by
eolns future acquisition Of territory, the re-
latve power Of the South might be restored he
protested i'll mis- last annual message against any far
ther expansion Of the limits Of the cunederacy.-
This Was Filmorss tone to the end of the Chapter
Thus We find iu the acts Of Fllmores administration
no implied recantatiou Of the pledges Of his early
anu. slavery platform. On the contrary, he main
tanned his consistency and redeemed his Obligations.
with fidelity that entities him to the unreserved
confidence OF bis abolition associates.
ii. however, all this imposing testimony of un-
devia,ng hostility to the rights OF the South'
-
particle Of confidence among Southern men. We
ale further sdmonished Of his antagcnism to
institutions by the explicit declaration in his
Louisville speech, MGt .ks had drunk an ndk las
a.s.he.s max and eat,!skcd from lbs oun youth mp,
J..!.nx, eoen 4 prejudice against siarery." These
words uttered in 1891 and tied in Wing news
paper are in the exact spirit Of the Erie Letter; and
they show, that 30 far from recanting his early
nbolitionsm Fillmore rather re-ahrms it with sort
OF defiant candcr.
The only way in which Fillmores pattizans under
Take to txonerate Linn from the grave accusations OF
has own conduct, ia By parading the denuncidon 10.
yelled rgainst him by the Abolitionsis. Now, by
tho salne argument, the Black Republicans deserve
the fceLce Of TIT SOu,E for they too are bitterly
abused by the Aboli,ion!-s. who repudiae the Pitts
burg movement, aid propose I" run candidates Of
their own party.
The truth is simply this: President, Fillmore
wss not the blatant and ultra abolitionst of 1884
and by his comparative, though compulsory modera.
,on he provoked tho hostility OF his early associates
The South. justified in anticipating any and every
sort of attack upon their rights were sgreeaby sur
prsed by bis signature Of the fugitive slave law Yet
because they made lucky escape once, they do not
Al