Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1856-02-23
Mr.. President, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN;

FRIDAY Evening, Jun 1cOO.
Mr., President, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:
entirely accord with the sentiment of that last
resolution 1.-THE l6th). l think all we have to do
is to prepare the public mind, by the daily and
hourly presentation of the doctrine Of Disunion
events, which, fortunately for US, the Government
ITSELF and other parties, producing with unex-
.ampled rapdty are our best aid. agree entirely
with the remarks of Mr.. Foster, which he made
from his seat tonight. The most mischievous
thing in the world is good man in false posi-
dien; the better he is, the more dangerous he is
The whole difficulty with men who cal themselves
nnti-slaveiy, in this community, is, they are not
willing to sacrifice any thing for their antislavery
The great mission Of the Abolitionist is, to go
about and ask his fellow-citizens not whether they
are anti.slavery-for there is hardly any body in
decent enough to confess he Is pro-siavery-but
what they will sacrifice for their anti-slavery.
do no, care how broadly or emphatically n man
vents his hatred of savery-the only man Of any
use is enc who has clear sight, and adds to that
o willingness to sacrifice something for what he
sees. The officially wish the community is, they
are not willing to sacrifice any thing for their anti
slavery professions. There is anti-slavery enough
in Mass chusetts, judged by its cords Men trust
too mucn to the present political excitement. we
had as much in 1919 and 30 AT the time OF the
Missouri Compromise, things were even better
than now. We do not carry Congress by making
the great men of the old parties our vassals. We
have carried it by crowding out the Everetts and
the Winthrops, and putting in young men, poltl-
caly speaking. In 1919, Otis was the mouth-piece
of the Anti-Savery party of Massachusetts him
self the idol of the Whig party, which owned the
State. Massachusetts, was not "a house divided
against itself'-it was Commonwealth speaking
by the lips of its own idozcd son. Nothing came
Of it. Why not? Because, behind all that there
was firm, religious, radical principle, tnat un.
dsrstood itseif II there had been, the Missouri
Compromise would not be lump of gold on bar
rem soil "a single noble struggle with no root to
it. and no fruit. Look Mt the record of that day !!
Tho speeches and pamphlets are as full, as bod,
us decided as to-day. One of the Representatives
from Northern State, on that occasion, after fin
ishing his speech, was addressed by u gentleman
from one of the Southern States, who said to him
why, sir, if your principles were carried out
every slave would cut his masters throat And
the Northerner, who had just taken his seat, turn
cd his lazy head over his shoulder, and sad-'W hy
in Gods name, should they not? Aud that is as
bold speech as we have had in Congress this
year. lie did not even ccndescend to stand up
and take any notice of so idle threat; he merely
threw the remark over his shoulder.
1t seems to me that what the Missouri struggle
wanted was, meetings just like ours,-with no root
to them. That is the way in which should de-
scribe o regular anti slavery meeting. The politi-
cal meeting is rooted in by the hopes of Wilson
and the dangers of Sumner. The religious meet
ing is rooted in by the credulity OF Adams and the
'sleepless pillow of Win slow. But we have got a
roohess meeting where there is no Union to save,
and where YOU may denounce the State and tke
Church itself, if you choose. That is great gam
When the men who organize to overthrow slavery
say-'This is so vital and important a question,
that we may call up every thing in the country,
sacred or profane and take it all to task, and sac
ri6ce it all, if necessary to get rid OF this evil
then they under stand the depth and power OF sla-
very. When man says he is an anti-slavery man
want to ask him what he knows of slavery. Do
you know its character, its influence, the value OF
i'm leODardy!
know that the Union Itself, Church organizations,
sunday schools. Tract Societies, Bible Societies,
are but dust in the balance compared with the
benefit of getting rid of it. That is the argument
which the Anti-Slavery Societies present to the
people, and that is the background OF sentiment
and intellectual conviction which alone can make
the present political struggle worth any thing.
The fault find with the Free Soil leaders is not
what they doing,-they are doing, l suppose,
all they see to be possible. The injury they do is
this,-that in the course of doing this second-rato
work they placing at hazard that radical anti
slavery sentiment which is necessary to save them
when they fail, they will fail, in their political
efforts. When Kansas is admitted, Cuba annexed,
the Fugitive Slave Law confirmed-when Caleb
Gushing. with his hands full of money and his
heart full of lies, has purchased those ten men he
boasts were never wanting to carry an Administrn-
tion measure, when all this is done, and all the
good efforts of gallant and honest men in Congress
have proved to be in vain, what is beyond? They
people and say-'We have got this account to rem
der: we have done nothing; we are defeated What
is the popular sentiment thoy have prepared =!
Where is the public opinion awaiting them when
they come home, and ready to say-'Gentlemen,
now we have done the best we could inside the
Constitution. Let us go outside of it =? 1t seems
10 me that is the public sentiment they ought to
have prepared, at least countenanced and aided
us in preparing At our very last meeting, wel
saw one of the most fatal and melancholy lnStan-
of the potency of tho Slave Power. 1t was
John Pierpont,-a man, his brow OF sixty years
scarred in many gallant fight, his name the
loved waichword of many a noble battle
field, his character not won in one nor ten, but IN
MANY contests for Justice, Freedom, Temperance,
we saw even him, tempted beyond his strength by
that public opinion, through which the slave row
or makes auti-s,azery sentiment, radically uttered
starvation, martyrdom. You see it every where
you go. / take his name, because the strongest
could take Longfellow. his widespread pinions'
borne aloft on worlds applause. gathering lame
from foreign and Indian song, able to look down
upon the preiudices of America, floating IN the
olear blue of tho poet,-yet he has traied his
wings in the DUST consenting to strike out every
ntisavery sentiment from the costliest edition OF
bis poems But Longfellow,--he is boy, "triie
. straw. compared with the gray-crowned head OF
Biorpopt, brought down to the dust before Sla-
very,
Whom you 20 through literary and political
ranks, and hnd slavery gaining s"ch trophies what
do you make Of III
"a Voice-'What did Pierpont do ?o
Mr. Pbillips.-lIe published edition of his
First Glass Book, the idol Of many q school boy,
the CONVERSIONS of his fame. which, rightly viewed
had run its courss and slept in blessings, and left
out every anti-savery hint and line; yes, and dated
the preface, when the heart OF New England was
satin. itself with indignation. the day or the day
after Anthony Burns walked down State street =
Aud then, on this platform. within twelve months,
defended the act!
say, that any man. who is thoroughly penetra.
ted With the conviction Of the importance OF such
fact as this, knows that slavery is 40 potent and
important and vital, So deeply spread and securely