Lynchburg daily Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1852-1861, 1856-01-08
The p, esident's Message.

management Of our national finances and the
enormous expenditures Of the government, un-
der the present administration. We come now
to speak briefly Of his theory ofthe constitution
and Of slavery.
The other portions Of the message are plain
simple and succinct. In the discussion Of these
questions the Presidents views are stated with
elaboration. and with bellies -lettres finish. that
is better suited for rhetorical effect than logical
force. The argument and the history, as here
presented, have been offered a thousand times
before. and are ndisputable and irreirsgible.--
We give our heartiest approval to all that the
President says, upon these topies-and trust that
the PRONUNCIATION of doctrines so sound, by the
highest Executive officer of the government
may have a sslutary effect upon the diseased
sentiment of the section from which he comes,
and tend to restore to it sense of justice and
right
The plain duty Of Congress in regard to slave.
ry is that Of total abstinence from all legislation
or interference, except so far MS II may be no.
cessary to enact laws for the enforcement Of
that provision Of the constitution which requires
the rendition Of fugitives. The institution does
not owe its origin, or its existence. 10 the fsder-
al constitution. II antedaies that instrument,
and is sanctioned by prescription. Inheritance
and Holy Writ. When the people came TO form
a constitution anda confederacy. they parted
with poDe of the rights by which property in
slaves was secured to them. In its very nature
il was one of those things the control Of which
they never would have surrendered to others
1t belonged prominently TO that class Of rights
reserved TO the States aud the people.
The States came into the confederacy as CO.
equal sosereignties the intendment 81 the con
stitution being that none OF them should be pre-
JUDGED. then or thenceforth. in consequence of
any difference from others in their geographical
position. population productions. Institutions or
any other reason. Whatever rights, benefits or
privileges, one of them enjoyed, a member Of
the cobfederacy, it was designed tia. all should,
if they chose and eoniI II could never, there.
fore. have been contemplated that when new
State proposed admission into the Union. it
should be subjected To any disadvantage not I'm
posed on the old States, nor TO any greater sur
nd-r of sovereignty than they had made in &C.
eding to the federal compact. Such would be
the effect OF requiring. as condition b new
States admission, that it should present a con
stitufion forbiddng slavery. Nor could il have
been contemplated that when territory belong.
ing to the government was opened for settlement,
the people OF one State should have any advan.
tage over the people Of other States la settling
il. Yet such would be the result of allowing the
citizen of free State to e. with oil his proper
ty INTO such territory aud not allowing the Gill
zep of slave State to 60 with his property
The obligation of non-inieryention therefore
rests upon Congress and the federal government,
first, because the right Of property in slaves is
prior TO the formation of the government and
was never surrendered. upto it-and. secondly,
because there can be no Intervention, without
breaking down the platform of equality on which
all the States were meant to stand
We 60 further than this. We maintain that
the people not interested in this property have
no right to discuss it, publicly. even as u moral
and abstract question. They cannot do so with.
out injury, direct or remote, to the owners of
slaves. All such discussions have nm incendia-
ry effect-are calculated to dissatisiv the slave
with his condition, and excite rebellious feelings
and insurrectionary ideas. They cause the
slave in many cases to escape from his muster
They tend to diminish the value of the property,
and modest the master in its peaceful possession
and proper employment. Such being the case,
the duties OF good citizenship, and the implied
obligations resulting from, the common bond of
union which holds US together, and the reciprocal
friendly service we have right to expect from
anrb thar l. A L i l
the property should do nothing TO impair its
safety, usefulness and value, in the hands of
those who do What would the people Of Mas
sachusetts and Maine say. if the presses ana
pulpits and public men Of the South should take
to discussing piracy as a moral proposition
should defend, Justify. promote. and protect it,
until their merchant marine should be made
prey to providers on the sen? Free speech is a
republican prerogativc we know-but thing
otherwise right may become wrong when it in
Jures ono to whom We owe good neighborship. -
We hold therefore that it is the duty of the
Northern States by the employment o. wha,ov.
means may be found necessary. to silence
those misehieyous mon who are perpetunlly
brawlng about slavery. They should be dis
countenanced frowned down, gagged bv public
sentiment-and if that does not stop them they
should be punished by law. We should be the
last to advocate. or submit to, censorship OF
the press-but an abolition journal or publica-
ton, Of any sort. is libel that should be taken
cognizance of. and punished by the law. like any
other libel, as tending to breach of the peace
Agitation of the subject in any shape is pest.
lent nuisance. and should be abated by force il il
cannot be done otherwise.
Entertaining these views, is not to be p X.
.pected that. though we approve the sentiment.
of the President, as altered in his message w,
1,1ri,,ra L.