Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1856-08-07
From the Main. Republican, Journal
THE "sLAvE REPR EsENTATIO

From the Main. Repnblicsn, Journal.
THE "sLAvE MISREPRESENTATION %.
4 BLACK REPUBLICAN FRAUD.
One Of the most potent, and at the same time
| the most false and fraudulent of the election.
eering agencies of the Black Republicans.
IS that which goes under the head Of " slave
representation" The story has been indus
triously circulated from mouth to mouth that
the stakeholder has one vote for himself
and three additional votes for every Eve
slaves he may possess. This falsehood It
was the design Of the Republican leaders
/ to have used verbally, but one editor not
thousand miles of, was stupid enough to be-
lieye it, or sufficiently case hardened in false
hood to print it without believing it. The state
ment that the owner Of slaves has any priyi-
leges al the ballot-box that the poorest northern
voter does not have, is utterly false. In Rhode
Island they have always been maintained, in
| opposition to the Democracy, property restric-
tions upon the right to vote,--but in no other
State so far as our knowledge extends. is the
law regulating the right of suffrage, based upon
property. 1t was Rhode Island over which our
Black Republican brethren crowed SO Justify
last spring, when that State went {" for free
don, ~ yf
But we are not going upon any assertion of
our own, or any argument of ours. We only
its ablest expounders, the facts as they are.
The only clause in the Consultation which
could even suggest this falsehood, does not at
all relate to the manner of voting, or the priv
| leges of voters, flor each State regulates the
manner of voting and the rights Of suffrage
for itself,) but the Constitution fixes basis Of
representation in the National House of Repre-
sentatiyes. And here is the clause:.
Representatives and direct taxes shall be
apportioned among the separate States, which
may be included within this Union, according
to their respective numbers, which shall be de-
termined by adding to the whole number of
free persons, including those bound to service
for term of years. and excluding Indians not
taxed, MrseJffths Of all other persons. y
The number Of representatives shall not exceed
one for every thirty thousand" art. /, Sec. 2,
| W. By the present laso Of Congress, $4,000
population are required TO each representative,
bit that our statements shall he the clearer, ace
use the number as originally fired, for tie pur.
pose IF illustrating. -s8
| That is the clause of the Constitution upon
which is based the falsehood that the owner Of
slaves has more rights of voting than the far
mer of Maine, who may not be worth cent;
and this falsehood has been reported by horse
shed politicians, until an editor was ignorant
enough to believe IT. and that Congress has
power to regulate the qualifications of voters
in South Carolina and Maine, and publish the
absurdity to the world.
The trainers of the Constitution avoided the
use of the word slave" and it is not in that
instrument Hence in the paragraph quoted
the enumeration of the classes who may con-
stitute a population sufficient to have one re-
preventative. 1t will be seen that foreigner
persons in jails, prisons, hospitals, and pau
| pers, are not excluded from this count. If i'm
mediately before the taking of the next census,
thirty thousand foreigners settle in Maine al
though they cannot vote, they add another to
our delegation in the House Of Representa-
tives,--and fifty thousand increase of slaves in
South Carolina, gives that State another repre-
sentative. II the Black Republicans consider
the slaves human beings, we do not see why
they should object to their being counted as
part of the population and represented. 1t is
only recently that they have become wiser than
the trainers of the Constitution on this point
Now, as the Black Republicans promise to
take us back to the principles and policy of
Madison and Jefferson, for their edfcation we
will see what Madison thought Of this very
thing. He says, ("The Federalist,D No. LIV J
"The next view which shall take of the
House of Representatives, relates to the appor-
tionment OF its members to the several States,
which is to be determined by the same rule
with that of direct taxes.
alt is not contended that the number of PEG.
pie in each State ought to be the standard for
regulating the proportion of those who are to
represent the people Of each State. The estab.
lishment of the same rule for the apportion-
ment of taxes, will probably be as little con-
tested though the rule itself, in this case, is
by no means founded on the same principle.
In the former case the rule is understood to re-
fer to the personal rights Of the people, with
which 1t has a natural and universal connection.
In the latter it has reference to the proportion
of wealth, of which it is in no case q precise
measure, and in ordinary cases very unfit one
But Notwithstanding the imperfection Of the
rule as applied to the relative wealth and con-
tributons of the States it is evidently the least
exceptionabe among the practical rules, and
had too recently obtained the general sanction
of America, not to have found ready prefer
ence with the convention. The convention
that formed the Constitution
| "All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said
but does it follow from an admission of mum.
bers for the measure of representation, or of
| slaves combined with free citizens, as a ratio
of taxation, that slaves ought to be included
| in the numerical rule of representation Slaves
are considered as property, not as persons.
They ought, therefore, to be comprehended in
estimates Of taxation which are founded on
property, and to be excluded from representa-
ton, which is regulated by census Of persons
This is the objection, as understand it, stated
in its full force. shall be equally candid in
stating the reasoning which may be offered on
the opposite side.
eve subscribe to the doctrine might one of
our southern brethren observe) that represen-
tation relates more Immediately to persons, and
taxation more Immediately to property and
we join in the application Of this distinction in
the case of our slaves. But we must deny
that our slaves are considered merely as prop.
erty, and in no respect whatever as persons
The true state Of the case is that they partake
of both these qualities; being considered by
| our laws, in some respects as persons and in
other respects as property In being compel
led to labor, not for himself, but for master;
in being vendible by one master to another;
the slave may appear to be degraded from the
human rank clasnad ,uitL