The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-02-03


tyon. where three Of the greatest nations o. the
world are engaged in the desdliest conflict recorded
In the long annals Of human wars, from the first
hattie described in sacred history. when the four
kings went out against the hve kings in the vale OF
f,id5m down to our day. How this mighty struggle
IL 20 end or when, or with what consequences, to
the combatarts themselves 20 the old hemisphere,
would be presumptuous even 10 endeayor 20 predict.
single commentary upon the little danger of
war while statesmen keep their senses'-t0 use
an expression of the Inteligenrer-is furnished by
an event that recently occurred in England. Wax
indeed did not resu from Ii. but Il Is obvious that
in the public opinion critical state of things |
exists which requires but slight incident to pro-
duce hcstilities. And the circumstance to which
alnae is anything but honorable TO the boosted n-
teligence Of this middle OF the nineteenth century
IL is but lew days since the people Of England,
with wonderful unanimity believed that war with
the United States was imminent--not imminent
merely but that it had actually broken out. They
heard as they supposed the guns of the hostile
parties while in fact it was the peals OF their
q Thundereru now face.iousy called Blunderer"
when il discusses American atiairs, that broke upon
their startled seBses-peals with flashes of light
70 relieve their monotorous reyerberations. His
tions,' while the English ruler OF the clouds
has to limit his powers Of alarm to his
own nation. But he sent his voice 10
every nook Of Great Britain, from Johnny Groat's
House to the Lands End, carrying trouble to every
loyal heart feet had actually sailed to chastse
the presunptuous Americans. That was certain
but Why was involved in iDextricable ohecurity The
dark point II was a. much Of puzzle as ever
came from China. But though opinions were
good deal divided, there were two principal
which seemed to challenge the public assent, eaca
anding it's advocates. One was that the naval ex-
petition was destined to intercept new armada,
more terrible than it's Spanish predecessor, which
TO wrest Ireland from English domination; and ths
other, that this display Of nations power was for
the purpose of avenging the insult cast upon the
realm Of Queen Victoria by our Attorney General in
q mi attn 70 thn r. NJ,
York. in which that high functionary had, to the
great offence Of English lecacy, stated plain case
In true terms. And his national burst OF indigpa
tor is ANOTHER illustration Of the .~..s - Ire po..,c
exciamaiiopi--
What great effects from little causes spring
leave to the future historian TO pass judgment
upon the disputed point
II il difficult sir to believe that any extent Of
t0naI ciedulity could suffice to enable people TO
swallow such hambuggery as this 1t deserves no bet
ter And yet the humiliating fact is true, be-
yOLd the reach of doubt. The whole English press
confirms it, have myself seen letter from amost dis
thguished English gentleman, who says frankly that
he was one of the dupes'-this is the word he
upon that occasion the dupe of an arrogant, I'M
pripcjpled journal which has required and exercises
An influence over the English public mind equally
strange ard humstiDg. Unfortunate it is for any
people where the journals Of the day guide instead
Of indicating, the national opinion and especially
where one Of them reigns supreme, and constitutes
itself new estate of the realm.
The President, In bis message, refers to another
incident which has come to complicate our difficult
ties with England, and that is the effort TO procure
recrt its in the United States for the British army,
and the developments which have attended it. As
the President well remarks, our traditional policy
has been TO avoid all connection with European wars
and to prevent either party from receiving aid from
this country. For this purpose laws have been pass
ed which form permanent portion of our system Of
national intefcommunication. These Laws have been
violated by persons acting in the of the British
government. The existence of the offence has been
established and the offenders ascertaned by the
act Of q jury and the sentence Of court. No man
has thel efore the right to gainsay either the one
ment the right to say your laws to be construed
soand 70, and we have not inierfered with them.
Our own judicial tribunals constitute the department
appointed 70 interpret our own laws
The act Of engaging within the United
States to leave our territory, with view
to enlist in the British army, when within the British
domDions, is not denied but we learn from the Pre-
sidents Message thatit mas been urged In defeu oil
the act that stringent Instructions were given
to conduct the affair as not To violate our laws.
Well may the President express his surprise at such
an excuse as this. Well may he ask, show could
the British government, with our law before them,
which they had or ought to have had-how could
they look to the pshment OF their object, with
out going in the face of statute as comprehensive
IS ours n will non characterize this pretenson.
II characterizes Itself.
That high officers of the English government both
in the United States and upon their borders, were
engaged In experimenting and directing this bust
is not denied either by Themselves or by their
this experiment upon our forbeaiance. grea. war
Was going en-, and the nations Of the earth were
watching with anxiety every incident connected
with it. We could not submit to the violation Of our
neutrality laws without the most serious imputations
upon our honor and good faith When this inter
ference with them became known, and known, too,
by judicial investigation, there then were
two courses for the government to pursue in vind-
cation of the honor of the country. One was to
dismiss the British Minister. principal agent in
those obnoxious affairs and the other to lay the case
h>foro fbo hsv.fua and 70 1arno
recall For myself, sir, think the former should
have been instantly adopted. think the nature
and publicity Of the transactions, and especially look
ing TO the time and the condition OF the world and
recalling the thousand and one charges made against
ms by the English press and people and cabinet, Of
AEbustering and OF pernissye il not Of authorized
arman ents in the United States in violation OF our
solemn duties--f think this act of vigorous policy
was demanded by the highest considerations, and
think it would have redounded TO our credit through
the world At the same time, sir, do not conceal
from myself that there very grave considerations
IN favor Of adopting the second coursetbats giving
to the British government the opportunity Of doing
justice to the occasion and to US by its own act.
trust den and has been made, and that it will be
listened to-and If not listened to that we shall do
for ourselves what, in that event. will be most un-
graciously refused and ought to have been done for
The British government, had it been actuated by
proper spirit Of friendly intercourse, would have
awkward position in which he had placed himself.
It owed prompt disavowa, not less To itself than
to US.
OF Mr. Champion shall only speak 10 terms OF
high personal respect. He 10 distinguished gen
teman, enjoying and believe deserving, the esteem
ard regard OF all who acquainted with him.
Upon such subject shall take counsel from !
own feelings only and not from lesson which
find in British Parliamentary history, and which
was written there suppose, for my special benefit.
When had the honor to represent my country
abroad my official conduct became the subject o ami
madyerson, of rather, in the British House
OF Peers. had unfortunately for the good opinion Of
the English public, done what could TO coanteract
scheme of their government, which. il successful,
would have given TO them the maritime snprema
cy Of the world Upon that occasion [ was
assailed by who had held the highest
Office known 70 the British constitution, after
the sovereign, in terms which will repeat