The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-05-29


Precipitation of their obscene idols the Span
iards, who under Alva, sought to force the Inqui-
sltlon upon Holland, by a tyranny kindred to that
now employed to force Slavery upon Kansas; and
such were the Algerines, when in solemn conclave,
after listening to speech not unlike that of the
Senator from South Carolina, they resolved to
continue the slavery of white Christians, and to
extend it to the countrymen of Washington !
Aye, sir, extend it And in this same dreary
catalogue faithful history must record all who
now, in an enlightened age and in a land of
boosted Freedom, stand up, in perverson of the
Constitution and in denial of immortal truth, to
fasten new shackle upon their fellow-man. If
the Senator wishes to see fanatics, let him look
round among his own associates let him look
at himself.
But have not done with the Senator. There
is another matter regarded by him Of such con-
sequence, that he interpolatcd it into the speech
OF the Senator from New Hampshire Mr.. HALE,
and also announced that he had prepared him.
self with it, to take in his pocket all the way to
Boston, when he expected to address the people
of that community. On this account and for
the sake of truth, | stop for one moment and
tread it to the earth. The North, according to
the Senator, was engaged in the slave trade, and
helped to introduce slaves into the Southern
States and this undeniable fact he proposed to
establish by statistics, in stating which his errors
surpassed his sentences in number. But | let
these pass for the present, that may deal with
his argument. Pray, sir, is the acknowledged
turpitude of departed generation to become
an example for us? And yet the suggestion of
the Senator, if entitled TO any consideration in
this discussion, must have this extent. join
my friend from New Hampshire in thanking the
Senator from South Carolina for adducing this
instance; for it gives me an opportunity to say,
that the Northern merchants, with homes in Bos-
ton, Bristol, Newport, New York, and Philadel-
phia, who catered for Slavery during the years
of the slave trade, are the lineal progenitors of
the Northern men, with homes ia these places,
who lend themselves to Slavery in our day and
especially that all, whether North or South, who
take part, directly or indirectly, in the conspira-
cy against Kansas, do but continue the work of
the slave-traders, which you condemn. 1t is
true, too true, alas that our fathers were en-
gagged in this traffic but that is no apology for
it. And in repelling the authority of this ex-
ample, | repel also the trite argument founded
on the earlier example of England. 1t is true
that our mother country, at the peace of Utrecht,
extorted from Spain the Assento Contract, Sc
curing the monopoly of the slave trade with
the Spanish Colonies, as the whole price of all
the blood of great victories; that she higgled
at Axis Chapelle for another lease of this ex-
elusive traffic and again, at the treaty of Mad
rid, chung to the wretched piracy. 1t is true,
that in this spirit the power of the mother cOun-
try was prostituted to the same base ends in her
American Colonies, against indignant protests
from our fathers. All these things now rise up
in judgment against her. Let us not follow the
Senator from South Carolina to do the very evil
to-day, which in another generation we con-
denim.
As the Senator from South Carolina is the
Don Quixote, the Senator from Illinois Mr..
DOUGLAS is the squire of Slavery, its very Sancho
Panza ready to do all its humiliatng offices. This
Senator, in his labored address, indicating his
labored report-piling one mass of elaborate err
ror upon another masS-constrained himself, as
you will remember, to unfamiliar decencies of
speech. Of that address | have nothing to say
at this moment, though before sit down | shall
show something of its fallacies. But 60 back
now to an earlier occasion, when, true to his ma
tive impulses, he threw into this discussion, for
a charm of powerful trouble" personalities most
discredtable to this body. | will not step to re-
pei the imputations which he cast upon myself;
but mention them to remind you of the "swel-
tered venom sleeping got" which, with other
poisoned ingredients, he cast into the cauldron
of this debate. Of other things speak. Stand
ing on this floor, the Senator issued his rescript
requiring submission to the Usurped Power of
Kansas; and this was accompanied by manner
all his own-such as BELTS the tyrannical threat.
Very WELL Let the Senator try. | tell him now
Senator with the Slave Power at his back, is
strong; but he is not strong enough for this pur-
pose. He is bold. He shrinks from nothing
Like Danton, he may cry, "Fauddce! pduddce :!
toujours Pduddce!" but even his audacity cannot
compass this work. The Senator copies the Brit
ish officer, who, with boastfnl swagger said that
with the hilt of his sword he would cram the
stamps" down the throats of the American peo-
pie, and he will meet a similar failure He NAV
rith oix he
ancient mailman, he may set fire to this Temple
of Constitutional Liberty, grander than Ephesian
dome; but he cannot enforce obedience to that
tyrannical Usurpaton.
The Senator dreams that he can subdue the
North. He disclaims the open threat, but his
conduct still implies it. How little that Senator
knows himself, or the strength of the cause which
he persecutes He is but mortal man; against
him is an immortal principle With finite power
he wrestles with the infinite, and he must fall
Against him are stronger battalions than any
marshalled by mortal arm-the Unborn, ineradi-
cable, invincible sentiments of the human heart;
against him is nature in all her subtle forces
against him is God. Let him try to subdue these.
But pass from these things, which, though
belonging to the very heart of the discussion, are
yet preliminary in character, and press at once
to the main question.
l. 1t belongs to me now, in the first place, to
expose the CRIME AGAINST KANSAS, in its origin
and extent. Logically, this is the beginning of
the argument / say Crime and deliberately
adopt this strongest term, as better than any
other denOting the consummate transgression.
would 60 further, if language could further go.
It is the Crime of Crimes far the old
crimen majestatis, pursued with vengeance by the
laws of Rome, and containing all other crimes,
L.. 49, IL
too far, when call it the Crime against Nature
from which the soul recols, and which language
refuses to describe. To lay bare this enormity,
I now proceed. The whole subject has already
become twics-told tale, and its renewed recital
will be renewal of its sorrow and shame; but
l shall not hesitate to enter upon it. The oc-
casion requires it from the beginning.
1t has been well remarked by distinguished
historian of our country, that, at the Ithuriel
touch of the Missouri discussion the slave interest
hitherto hardly recognised as distinct element
in our system, started up portentous and dilated
with threats and assumptions, which the
origin of our existing national politics. This was
in 1920. The discussion ended with the admis-
sion of Missouri as slaveholding State and
the prohibition of Slavery in all the remaining
territory west of the Mississippi, and north Of
$50 3OI, leaving the condition of other terri
tory south of this line, or subsequently ac-
quired, untouched by the arrangement. Here
was a solemn act of legislation, called at the
time a compromise, covenant, a compact, first
brought forward in this body by STAKEHOLDER
indicated by shareholders in debate-fnally sane
toned by slsEekolding votes-also upheld at the
time by the essential appreciation of a slavehold-
ing President, James Monroe, and his Cabinet, of
whom majority were Shareholders, including
Mr. Calhoun himself; and this compromise was
made the condition of the admission of Missouri,
without which that State could not have been