Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1856-01-10

the law Tor the extradltion of fugitives from
service, with occasional episodes of frantic ef-
fort to obstruct their execution By riot and muir
der, continued for brief time to agitate GER
tain localities, but the true principle of leaving
each State and Territory to regulate its own
laws OF labor according to its own sense of right
and expediency, had acquired fast hold of the
public Judgment to such IA degree that by com.
mon consent it was observed in the organization
OF the Territory of Washington.
When, more recently it became requisite tc
organize the territories of Nebraska and Kan.
sas, it was the natural and legitimate, if moi
inevitable consequence of previous events and
legislation, that the same great and sound prin'
clple which had already been applied to Utah
and New Mexico should be applied to them
that they should stand exempt from the restric
tons proposed in the act relative to the State Of
| Missouri.
These restrictions were, in the estimation oil
many thoughtful men, null from the beginning
unauthorized by the Constitution, contrary tx
the treaty stipulated for the cession of Louis
lana, and inconsistent with the equality of the
States. They had been stripped of all mora
authority by persistent efforts to procure theil
indirect repeal through contradictory enact
ments
They had been practically abrogated by the
legislation amending the organization of States
If any vitality remained in them, it would have
been taken away in effect by the new territorial
acts, in the form originally proposed to the
Senate, at the first session of the last Congress
1t was manly and ingenious as well as patri
otic and just, to do this directly and plainly
and thus relieve the statute book of an ac
which might be of possible future injury, but
no possible future benefit; and the measure Of
its repeal was the final consumation and com
plete recognition of the principle that no por-
ton Of the United States shall undertake
through assumption of the powers Of the gen
eral government to dictate the social institu
tons Of any other portion.
The scope and effect of the language of re
peal were not left in doubt. 1t was declared ir
terms to be the true intent and meaning Of this
act, not to legslate slavery into any territory
or State, nor to exclude it therelrom, but t.
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic institutions in theil
own way subject only to the Constitution Of
the United States.
The measure could not be withstood upon
its merits alone. 1t was attacked with violence
on the false or delusive pretext that it consti.
more destitute of substantial justification. -
When before it was imagined by sensible mer
that a regulated or de larative-statuto, wheth
or enacted ten or forty years ago, is irrepeala-
bic? That an act Of Congress is above the
Constitution
If indeed there were in the facts any cause to
impute bad faith, it would attach to those only
who have never ceased from the time of the en-
actment of the restrictive provision to tho pres
ent day, to denounee and condemn it; who
have constantly refused to complete it by need
full supplementary legislation who have spared
no xertlons to deprive it Of moral force who
have themselves, again and again, attempted to
repeal by the enactment of incompatible provis
ions, and who by the inevitable reactonary of-
feet Of their own violence en- the subject, awak-
en- the country TO IL perception of the true con.
stitutional principle oi leaving the matter in
volyed to the discretion Of the respective exist
ing or incipent States. 1t is not pretended
that this principle, or any other precIudes the
possibility Of evils in practice, disturbed rs po-
litical action is liable to be by human passion.
No form Of government is exempt from incon-
veniences, but in this case, they are the result
Of tho abuse, and not Of the legitimate exer-
else Of the powers reserved or conferred in the
organl2tIion OF d territory.
They are not to be charged to the great prin-
cple Of popular sovereignty ; on the contrary
they disappear before the intelligence and pat
riotism of the people, eXerting through the bal
let box their peaceful and silent, but irresist-
ible power.
If the friends Of the Constitution are to have
another struggle, its enemies could not present
Il more acceptable issue thnn that of u State,
where the Constitution clearly embraces u Re
publican form of government, heing excluded
! from the Union because its domestic institutions
may not in all respects comport with the ideas
of what is wise and expedent, entertained ia
some other States.
Fresh from groundess imputations of br1ach
OF faith against others, men viii commence the
agitation of this new question with indAbitable
violation of an express compact between the in.
dependent sovereign powers Of the Uni-d States,
and Of the Republic of Texas, as well as Of the
older and equally solemn compacts which in
sure the equality of all the States But, de.
plorahle as would be such a compact in itself,
and in all its direct consequences, chat is the
very least of the evils involved.
When sectional agitators shall have succeed
ed in forcing this issue, can thoir pretcnsions
fail to be met with counter preter,ionsl Will
not different States be compelled respectively to
meet extremes with extremes and if either cx-
IRENE carry its point, what is that SO far forth
but dissolution Of the Union! Il a new State
formed from the territory of the lnited States
be absolutely excluded from admission therein,
that fact of itself constitutes the disruption of
the Union between it and other States; but
the process Of dissolution could not stop there.
Would not " sectional decision producing such
results by Il majority Of votes, either Northern
Oh Southern, Of necessity drive ont the oppressed
and aggrieved minority, and place in presence
of each other two irreconcilablc hostile confed-
erati0nsl
1t is necessary to speak thus plainly of pro-
.ects, the offspring of that sectional agitation
now prevailing in some Of the States, which are
as Improbable us they are unconstitutional,
and which, if persevered in, must and will end
calamitously. 1t is either disunion and civil
war, Or it is mere idle, angry, harmless disturb
ancc of public peace and tranquility. Disunion
for what!
If the passionate rage Of fanaticlsm and par,
tisan spirit did not force the fact upon our at
tention, it would be difficult to believe that any
considerable portion of the people of this en-.
ll-hteneu country couIu nave 80 sulrenuereu
themselves to o fanatical devotion to the suppo
sed interests of the relatively few Africans il
the United States, as totally to abandon and
disregard the interests Of the twenty-five millions
Of Americans; to trampls under foot the in
functions of moral and constitutional obiga
ton, and to engage in plans of vindictive hos
tity against those who are associated witt
them in the enjoyment of the common heritage
of our national institu tions.
Nor is it hostility against their fellow citizens
of one section of the Union alone. The inter
ests, the honor, the duty, the peace and thu
prosperity of the people of all sections are
equally involved and imperiled in the question
And are patriotic men in any part of the Unior
prepared on such an issue thus made, to invite
all the consequences Of the forfeiture of thei
constitutional engagements 1t is impossible
The storm of frenzy and faction must inevitably