Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1856-06-19

L
ment founded on the earlier eximp'e of Eng
land. 1t is true that our mother country
at the peace of Utrecht, extorted from SpaiT
the Assiento Contract. securing the mon
opy of the slavef trade with the Spanisl
Colonies, as the whole price of all the bloot
of great victories; that she higgled at AK
la Chapelle for another lease of this exclu
sive traffic; and again, at the treaty of Mad
rid, clung to the wretched pir&y. 1t is true
that in this spirit the power of the mother
country was prostituted to the SANE base
ends in her American Colonies. against in
dignant protests from our fathers. All these
things now rise up in Judgment against her
Let Us not follow the Senator from South
Carolina TO do The very evil to-day, which in
another generation we condemn.
AS the Senator from South Carolina is
the Don Quixote, the Senator from Illinois
Mr.. DoUGLAsl is the squire of Slavery, its
very Sancho Panza. ready to do all its hu-
miliaing Offices. This Senator, in his Ia
bored address, vindcating his labored report
I-piling one mass of elaborate error upon
another mass-constrained himself, as you
will remember, to unfamiliar decenc;es of
speech. OF that address have nothing to
say at this moment, though before sit down
| shall show something of lis fallacies. But
| go back now to an earlier occasion, when,
true to his native impulses, he threw into
this discussion, "for a charm Of powerful
trouble" personalities most discredltabie to
| .Iv 70 mol
putations which he cast upon myself; but L
mention them to remind you Of the ''swel
tered venom sleeping got," which, with 9TH
e. poisoned ingredients, he cast into the
cauldron of this debate. OF other things |
speak: Standing on this floor, the Senator
issued his rescript, requiring submission to
the Usurped Power of Kansas; and this was
accompanied by manner-all his own
such as BELTS the tSrannicnl threat. Very
well Let the Senator try. | tell him now
that he cannot enforce any such submission
| The Senator, with the Slave Power at his
| back, is strong; but he is not strong enough
| for this purpose. He is bold. He shrinks
from nothing. Like Danton, he may cry.
''raudac! raalace! toyoars Faudace!" but
even his audacity cannat compass this work
The Senator copies the British officer, who, :,
with boastful swagger, said that with the
| hilt of his sword he would cram the stamps
down the throats of the American people,
and he will meet u similar failure. He may
convulse this country with civil feud. Like
ancient madman, he may set fire TO this
Temple of Constitutional Liberty, grander
than Ephesian dome; but he cannot enforce
obedience to that iyrannical UsurpaiiOn.
The Senator dreams that he can subdue
the North. lie diSclaims the open; threat,
but his conduct still implies it. How little
hat Senator knows himself, or the stre3gth
of the cause which he ptrsecutes! He is
but a mortal man; against him is dn i'm
mortal principle. Wi h finite poSer h.
wrestes with the infinite, and he must fall.
Against him e stronger buttalionS than
any marshalled by mortal arm-the inborn,
iueradicable, invncible sentiments Of human
heart; against him is natur8 in all her subtle
forces; against him is God Let him trysto
subdue these.
But pass from these things, which though
belonging TO the very heart of the discussion
are yet preliminary in character, and press
at once to the main question.
l. 1t belongs to me now, in the first place,
to expose the CRIME AGAINST KANSAS. in
its origin and extent. Logically, this is the
beginning of the argument. | say Crime,
and deliberately adopt this strongest term,
as better than any other denrting the con-
summate transgression. would 60 further,
if language could further go. 1t is the
CRIME of Crimes-surplssiny far thu old
C linen majestatis, pursued with vengence by
the laws of Rome, and containing all other
crimes, as the greater contains the less.
do not 90 too far when | call it the Crime
aquinSt Nature, from which the soul recoils,
and which language refuses TO describe. To
Law bare this enormity, | now prnceed.-
The whole subject has already become a
twice-told tale, and its renewed recital will
be a renewal Of its snrrow and shame; but
shall not hesitate to enter upon it. The oc-
cason requires it from the beginning.
II has been we'll remarked by distinguished
historian of our country, that, at the Ithur;el
touch of the Missouri discussion, the slave
interest hitherto hardly recognised as dis
tinct element in our system, stlrted uo psr
tentous and dilated, with threats and assump-
tions, which are the origin of our existing
national politics. This was in 1920. Tne
discussion ended with the admission of Nil
souri, as a slaveholding State, and the prohi-
bition of Slavery in all the remaining terri
tory west of the Mississippi, north u So
80, leaving the condition ofother territory
south of this line, or subs >quen'ly acquired,
untouched bv the arrangement. Here was
solemn act Of legislation. called at the
time Il com1r ,mile. ii covenant, to Compact,
| first brought forward in this body BY slave
| holler-vind Gated by Shareholders in debate
finally sanctioned by slavehoding votes
also upheld at the time by the esSen'ial ap-
probation of slIvcholding President, James
Monroe, and his Cabinet, OF whom major
ity were shareholders, including Mr.. Calhoun
| himself; and this compromise was made the
condition OF the admission Of Missouri, with
ou, which that State could not have been re-
ceieed into the Union. The bargain was
simple, and was applicable, OF course, only
to the territory named. Leaving all other
territory to await the Judgment OF another
generation, the South said TO the North,
Conquer yoIr prejudices so far as to admi;
Missouri as a slave State, and, in considera-
rion of this much, cove:cd boon Slavery
shall be prohibited forever in all the remain
ing louisiana Territory above SO 3o and
the North yield d.
In total disregard of history. the President,
in his annual message, has told us that this
compromise ''was reluctantly acquiesced in
bv the Southern States" Just the contrary
is true. 1t was the work of shareholders
and was crowded by their concurring votes
upon a reluctant North. A. the time it was
hailed by Shareholders as victory. Charles
Pnckney, OF South Carolina in an ott-quoted
letter, written at three O'Clock on the night
of its passage, says, at is considered here
, by the slaveholdng States as great tri'
umph - At the North il was accepted as