The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-02-14
For the National Era.
A sOUTHERNER'S ESTIMATE OF THE UNION.

A constant reader of the National Era So
licits space for sentiments adverse to the gen
eral teaching of its correspondents. From
Yourself ask this the more freely, because of
the hazards and sacrifices which the Era, since
its establishment, has incurred in asserting the
right of free discussion. While fearless and
uncalculating course has won my respect, have
yet been panied to think that constitutional
right may be exercised in such a way as to en-
danger the Constitution and the Union. You
are attached to the Union; your distinguished
coadjutors are above the reach of suspicion !;
the Republican party is loyal to the Republic :;
yet its leaders will not say that the triumph of
their principles may not lead to dissolution.
State legislation, aggressive and retalative,
has already begun, "alienating one portion of
the country from another" Next summer you
look for a geographical division of public SEN
timent-and this on questions vital to the ma
terial interest of half the nation. Such an
issue, if insisted upon, must make excitement
SURPRISING anything in the history of our pre-
vious parties; nor do men at such times, and
when right and honor are thought to be at stake,
always consult their real interest or their real
strength. Republicans can see the possible, if
not probable, end of their course; such an
issue risks, if it does not hazard, the Union.
donotdiscuss the abstract right of your policy.
But shall the Union, founded in compromise, be
by compromise kept secure? Were Slavery the
enermity you imagine, has the world ever seen
so much good combined with 80 little evil4nder
one Government? What is Slavery, compared
with Disunion? To prevent the possible en-
slavement of few hundred thousand Africans,
in Kansas or elsewhere, will you imperil the
freedom of twenty-five million Americans
Because of small and distant cloud, will you
pull down the blue arch of the heavens More
= IL e IL
the far greater extension of Freedom. Slavery
has spread steadily during the eighty years of
our existence; steadily, like the sun, has Free
dom kept on her benefcent and Glorious
course. And no man Calculates the value of
the Union" May not our future be equally
glorious, unless, in despair of perfeet coun-
try, you prefer to have none? r.
The Republic has scarcely We: "hardened
into the bone of manhood" 1t has reached its
Western limit. The North, even if undefend-
ed, would present few inducements. But to
the South lies an ungoverned part of tbs trop-
les. 1t is the complement of our greatness.
Even now, each extreme of the territory stretch
ing from Texas to Panama is besieged by our
institutions. And who would rejoice to hail
a Nicaraguan Republic as lone star, instead
of one in the galaxy of States? Or, who wishes
to see Cuba continue European colony
Y.
/ freely admit that, in fixing institutions for
any acquisitions in that quarter, the Southern
States of the Union will have the advantage in
position and climate, just as they will naturally
take possession of all Territories west of their
own border, except where prevented by unusual
or forced immigration. But, admitted that
their institutions, unhindered, will naturally
prevail in the Republic; admitted that an ALI
ance between the Amazon and the Mississippi
might send navy into the Gulf of Mexico
equal to that of England, and that our internal
slave trade might extend its operations to the
coast of Africa; admitted that our seville pop
ulation may some day number twenty millions,
or fifty millions, and that a slave may toll in
every sunny valley-yet, while on every hilltop
unnumbered freemen rejoice beneath a banner
that floats in every wind under the whole
heavens" who will say that the anticipations
of our fathers have not been more than real
lied?
Be it, that the Southern States, having gained
preponderance in the Federal Government,
will make Slavery the cornerstone of the Re
public, will declare slaves to be property under
the Constitution, and authorize every master to
take his slave and travel among the laborers of
the North, and over their battle-felds; be it
that, in maintenance of so widespread an in
terest, the Marshals and Commissioners aud
JuugeS anu treasury Oh the OHlIeu states,
shall every year be employed in the recapture
of ten thousand slaves flying from their native
States, or from the Republic, and that our di
plomacy shall be seconded by our arms, in ex
acting from bordering nations the recognition
of slaves as property-in a word, that we be-
come, If you please slaveholding slave
catching Republic-yet, if watchfpl eagle,
in his pride of place, shall unfurl the stars
over millions of freemen, from North to South,
and from ocean to ocean, who will not say that
ours is such a Republic as the world never
saw? "The Union-it must be preserved"
| confess, however, that there are circum-
stances-a contingency may be imagined
that is, we may conoeive--should the North
disregard her constitutional obligations and
deny that our rights are wide as. the Consti-
tuition; declaring Slavery sectional, Freedom
national, and the rightful heir of this Cont
nent-thus aiming to make a mockery and
curse out of this great beacon to the oppressed
nations-then, indeed, in that baleful contin-
gency, with sad farewell to the memories and
monuments and " rhetorical fourishes" of our
stern ancestors, we wash our hands of their
wasted blood, and " let the Union Side"
MILLEDGEvILLE.
TUE mAv TUT CrurrnuArr convrrrYou 70