The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-07-10

published yesterday, completes our collection Of
Presidential documents emanating from the can
didates. We have seen Mr.. Buchanan's letter, in
which he not only identifies himself with the past
policy Of the democratic party, but announces
that he has transferred the future keeping of his
public conscience to the leaders of that party-the
Soules, the Forneys, the Sanders the Sickles and
we have read those convincing speeches of Mr. Fill
more, in which he sets the American public on
its guard against the insidious snares and the
terrible menaces of the wicked old Pope of Rome
Now, we have before us Colonel Fremont's letter
the last Of the trio-a modest, unassuming
document, in which the writer sets forth his views
on subjects of public interest, without partisan
leanings, without sectional bitterness without any
Of the party characteristics one is used to see in
similar documents.
The chief point of interest in the letter to the
bulk of Col. Fremont's supporters will no doubt
be the reference to the slavery question. Colonel
Fremont openly ayows his anti-slavery opinions.
But this merits little examination.
Colonel Fremont, like every other man in this
country, is entitled to hold what opinions he
pleases he does not become a just object of re-
mark even, until he adopts some measures to
give practical effect to those opinions In
judging of slavery as he does, Colonel Fremont
merely shares the opinion of the bulk of the peo-
pie of the North, who are in the abstract opposed
to slavery, and are not, on that account, justly
obnoxious to censure from the South. Now,
when we come to inquire what practical measures
are likely or possible to be taken, either by Colo
mel Fremont or by those Northern men who agree
with him. for the purpose of giving effect to their
anti-slavery views, we shall find that in reali-
ty it matters very little what those views are.
For the Conventions which nominated Colonel
Fremont-being themselves covered by the rush
ing current of public opinion. and acting under
the peremptory dictation of the neutral presses
throughout the country-adopted an anti-savery
platform. but provided no means for giving it vi
tality or vigor. They did not demand that
slavery should be abolished in the District Of Co
lumbia. They did not insist on the repeal of the
Fugitive Slave law. They did not even call for
the restoration Of the Missouri compromise.
These questions, which have so largely occupied
the attention Of anti-slavery minds, and have
stituted the staple of anti-slavery speeches and
writings throughout the North during the past
two or three years, entirely lost sight of, or,
rather, deliberately set aside, by both of the Con-
ventions which nominated Fremont, and also, by
tacit consent by his leading extra-conventional
supporters throughout the country. The only
question to the practical solution Of which their
anti-slavery views were attempted TO be applied,
IL 1gY II
is to give effect to his antisavery opinions at ALL
ii must be, it can only be, by using his power as
President-however that can be done-to further
the admission Of Kansas into the Union as free
State.
But long before Colonel Fremont enters the
White House-if indeed he is destined ever to
occupy that mansion-the question of Kansas
will be dead and gone, settled, ended, laid on the
helf, as much so as the compromise of 1850, or
the Nebraska law. In the course of q few weeks
the House Of Representatives viii pass Mr.. Doug
lass bill. The President is pledged to approve
I il will become law and before the Presiden-
ial contest has fairly become warm, Kansas will
North may make-all the efforts Of any Pre-
sident they may elect-all the walls and lamenta-
tons Of the anti-savery presses and orators will
not then avail one jot. Kansas will be slave
State and from that time forth, the South will
possess an equal share of representation with the
North in one branch Of the national legislature,
and--the North may rely upon tit viii never
lose that footing Of equality.
Such being the prospect-the inevitable pros
pect-what could Colonel Fremont do If he
were elected President in November Obviously
nothing. And what do his antslavery profess
sions amount to, on the whole? Absolutely
nothing, for they must necessarily remain mere
speculative abstract opinions, from the want of
opportunity to put them in practice. They
would be Of no more consequence to the country
or the Territories, or the President himself than
his private views on the subject Of the plurality
Of worlds, or the Greek Digamma.
We feel justified, therefore, in passing In silence
over that portion of Col. Fremont's letter which
refers to slavery. We regard il AZ unimportant,
and as irrelevant for the only question to which
the views advanced by the writer could be use
fully applied, will be beyond his reach, and be
yond the pale Of Congressional or Presidential
interference. when the time would arrive for the
gallant Colonel to redeem his pledges. In our
view Colonel Fremont stands before the people
on much higher ground than he would occupy as
the champion Of a sectarian school Of economists.
He appears TO Us to be the leader Of great
sweeping and radical revolution against the wick
cdncss and the corruption and the prohigacy Of
the late, and especially the present federal admi-
nistration. We expect that every honest man
who Is Disguised with the landjobbing, and the
trickery, and the bribery and the Wholesale bar
ter Of principle, and the sickcning sacrifice Of
everything that i worthy Of honor or esteem. and
the odious worship Of everything that Is con-
tcmptible and vile-that are now witnessed. and
have been witnessed for the past two or three