New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1856-02-04

e.. -h.,b,r he was simply man Of bis day. Can
.pyhody really imagine thai Slavery VIZ toeI 80
ao5rsh.pe institution standing We ground :
.~~sntv or eighty Millions VI opponents surrey
.Isrty 70 hope thst long that day Il wn hsse t.
80 ;ra n;tion or attained some quiet euthsaasis. III
stapt abolition is one thing, ultimate e1rreton oaoI
Viii The battle RACES upon the former Oh .nee 49,
obocv 3. M 70 have thought Of the latter; VI re
ner i the topic Of the rabbIe, the latter the auiy VI
statesman. l.. ,,.,. .rs, :, the
crre Of our OWE social evils, 90 Il would ~ become
10 rrescbe for Slavery. The manner OF our own aoo-
an was no model for any state, least OF an Tor one
that Rad its Slavery in it. osn bosom iet we may
r,rre IN notice tie omission of s attempts TO scan
the future Of Slavery in the Message before u.s. We
doubt much whether the next lightly yeas ol I's ui
tory vii be Ike the last. There Is one important
royetv If a nature 20 affect IT, ana that - the IN
merse infusion Of the depressed classes on ElVPe ~
tie working population Of America. Inc so.!a I'LL
culties Of the Union have already more EuLope.a'
character than few years ago. In questions Oh euu
cation religion. and crime, one NAV every Gay see
coupArsous between Manchester and New YORK and
an English phlanthropist would hnd himself quite o.
home al apy great city IN the Uniou ms STATE OF
,hipvs must spread and az it il difficult to conceive
slave population in London N Lancashire, or IN sny
other part Of these Isles, We conclude the DAY mus come
when Slavery will be moral mpossioiIyin the n'ed
States But fthis be only probable. common sense su-
ts that the policy ofthe States, and tae Union a-o as
far a. il can b. done without otense- y to pave the
way for the gradual and peaceful e1I' OF slavery On
this side the Atlantic 1t would be presunp.uous 70
frame tie proper policy for this purpose but there can
be no presumption in Just quietly asking American
sstssIsn 10 consider whether Slavery i likely 70 e1-
s and if So 10 what extent and IN what form IN the
Union in the year 1897 and how far il viii then afec.
the reace and comfort of hundred mlloH cit ASrs
Tie smallest misgyiDg a. 10 the probable state OF
things al that should enter into the pre~eni cdcu
lstious of anybody pretending TO be stateslhaA'-
Slavery, in our humble OPINION VII tnSn elher Iat
ceased 10 exist or exist ntolerabe EVIL ana the
very bane of American politics. There II, TOO, alotAet
contingency in view, more familiar perhaps 10 Euro
rean than 10 American muds-and that l., the gIalua
melting Of the States into closer unity. Either peace
or war either mutual forbeaTance or angry e0ntro-
ytrsy viii tend 70 the entire ANA gamaton OF c0muu
nj lee similar and go clo7ely united. bu, every
step toward that amalgamAtion must tel against The
continuance of an institution tolerated IN some OF the
States and sbhoued in the rest.
Frpr TIE Daily Nesc,, Jas. Is.
The Presidents Message 20 Congress presents
pleasIg and, believe, an unexaggeraed picture OF
The material prosperity Of the United State. Ine CIR
cumstapc.s under which the Message was transmitted
to Congress, and the disturbance n ansas present
picture Of the social and political condition ct the
Union less calculated to inspire satisfactory anGclpa
tons II is evident that embittered struggle OF
many discorian parties now being waged through
out the States None OF these parties l. suihcenty
strong to command majority in the House OF Repre-
sentatiyes and the consequence Is that whole month
Las been Ost in vain attempts 20 organize the House
Impatient Of this delay the President has taken the
unprecedented step of transmitting his Message 70
lied: and majority Of the House has expressed rs
re.ertm nj al this step by equally unprecedented
vote that the Message shal be laid on the table IN
read IL plain language the Executive anu lie orahch
of the Legislature which most directly represents the
people have each assumed attitude OF uncompro-
missing defiance. The evaporation OF party spnt thns
expressed al Washington v merely sample OF that
which pervades the whole Of the federal repuOuc ooe-
thing very Ike a civil war on email scale has been
waged in Kansas, though the coInbatants appear 10
have desisted from active hostities for the present
and the aders of Kansas from Missouri command the
sympsthies Of immense majority of the inhabitants
OF the Slave States while the inhabitants OF the Ierr-
tory are cheertd on by ncOnsideTabe party In the
Noithern States. To those who have not closely and
ninutey studied the history of the Union and watched
the progress of contemporary political contests, civil
war would appear 10 be imminent. We are not us-
posed however. 10 regard the situatIon In such an
alar1nist spirit. We have seen 80 May threatening
political storms of this " fierce Democracy blow over
without material damage, that We feel convinced the
framework of the Constitution VIII weather this one
also. With regard ~ the parties TO the wvFuy war
in Washington, there can be little doubt OF hs
And with regard 10 the untaned spirits of the new.y
settled regions their struggles always remind OF
a remark made By the late Ear Of Durham after bis
return hom Canada. In company where the Ear
wGs present, gentleman adyeUed IN dsparsging
terms to the peculiar state Of society in the set
Elements Of the Union. what astonishes me-" said
Lord Durham, "s, not that there should be large
amount Of awessneSs in these districts, but that there
should be much of settled government and respect
for law Along with many respectable settlers, all the
most reckless spirits OF the Union flock thitaer, and
the puotenese and weakness OF the central govern
ueut leaves them entirely their own masters. Inst
any regulated government should be possible under
such circumstances is remarkable testimony TO the
capacity Of the American people for -el-governinent
We quote from memory. after lapse OF many years
and fear that have done injustice 10 Lord Durham
txpresions but certain that give the sense
Of what be said H. bis view we entirely concur; and
amid the mot painful excesees OF North American
border life, cherish a rooted conviction that ell
ipbt in min ne sur N-az q
Of the oUtragts in Kansas the ardent sympatlies
Of tie partisans Of the contcndng parties through
ont the Union VII be slGyed, and the contest
VII ose much OF its present alarming appearance.
We are, therefore, entirely free from epprehensioas
Of env immediate oanger from the present fierce war
Of parties in the United States. At the same time,
we cannot conceal from ourselves that there il some
thing 20 the bottom Of tie strlfe which may breed
danger hereafter. The disturbances in Kansas tue
natural and necessary consequence Of the growing
convictions in favor Of the abolition Of negro slavery
or one part, and Of The nveterancy with which the
southern States ciEs TO that d" domestic institution
On the other. We have too often argued the question
Of negro Slavery 10 be required repeat views Of
il now; but IN common with tie greater part Of en-
Eghtened and reflect Americans, We feel GOWN ed
that the Intimate abolition Of negro slavery through
out the Union in the colonial douiniOls of Great
Britain and France, i inevitable. The only means
Of preventing the recurrence OF such paiatul outrages
have recently been witnessed in Kansas L the hb-
Grafton Of tie negro The supporters OF negro
slave1 in the United States have 10 alternative but
10 yield. with the best grace they may, TO the irrest-
be progress Of humane and enlg htened views TO
make up their minds 10 series of struggles which
may ultimately rend the Union esund-r
There is another source Of danger 70 the Federal
Uuion. Tie ambition Of territorial extension which
Eliminates considerable section Of the population,
threatens 20, only tie stability of the Union bat the
very eXisterce q free government. So long as the
"fhbEsterlsu" Of the Uuon does It interfere with
tie rights ard security Of the free coored population
Of tie British douiuon the interests of Great Britain