The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-04-10
SOME NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. coRREcTrp

As we remarked last week, we do not lame
our Anti-Slavery friends for watching with
anxiety the course and complexion of tn Re
PREJUDICE and condemn it. 1t will be time
enough to reject it, when it shall have p owed
false to the cause of Freedom. {
Two of our correspondents take excef tioEs
to the Pittsburgh Convention, because its dec
larations of principles are so low-toned. Bota
assume that the only policy proclaimed is
either to restore the Missouri Compromise, on
to secure for Freedom that portion of United
States Territory, once dedicated to Liberty un.
der its provisions. This is misapprehersior.
The broad ground assumed by the PittsEArgp
Convention is, Freedom to the Ierritorts OF
the United States
Again-it must be recollected that the Cor.
vention was informal-that it was called not
to construct the creed of Party, but simf ly to
provide for National Convention to nominate
candidates for the Presidency and Vice fresl.
dency. Its business was to do nothing more
than specially related to this subject. Wig
criticise its platform, then, when it made zone,
but merely declared, in general terms, the cues
ton which should determine the charactr of
such nominations? !. 3
We hope this explanation may satisfysou,
friends, and be accepted as a sufficient re ssoY
for not publishing, at this time, animal .yeE-
sions that may not be deserved. Let ussnot
be impatient, but hope for the best results ssona
a movement which, thus far, is under the Ahu-
ence of men whose services in the caus> Of
Freedom entitle them to confidence. ! :
In this connection it may be proper to nstics
the attacks of a few Anti Slavery paper, os
Francis P. Blair, of Maryland, who was ealF
ed to preside at the Pittsburgh Convention.
He is mere stakeholder, they say, and thi5
fact shows the true character of the Rep3blf
can cause. Besides, he sustains this cause, as
a remedy for the agitation of the Question Of
Slavery Do they expect man reared amidst
slaveholding institutions to take precisely the
same views that they are accustomed to?b l.
it not much for STAKEHOLDER to separate iht
self from his caste, to incur obloquy and ,ro-
scription, by taking upon Southern soil 1'osi.
ton of open antagonism to the cherished ;lolf.
cy of that caste-to the policy by which it 81 eks
to perpetuate and increase its power? w, uld
not every reasonable man at the North rejc ice,
if all shareholders would proclaim boldly that,
regarding Slavery great evil, source of dis
cord at war with the main objects of the Union,
they will no longer seek to extend it, but unite
with the free States in consecrating the Tssri
tories of the United States to Freedom sna
Free Labor? Men of the North might DYER
from them on the moral question, on the q,es
ton of their personal responsibilities to the Ss
tenn, but would this abate one jot or tittly. Of
the admiration such declaration would ava.
ken? Why not, then, award full credit to DIR,
Blair for taking this manly position? i
He is man advanced in life, in easy cir.
cumstances, highly esteemed by all who ksow
him, without ambitious purposes. The cGhf;
Dental friend of General Jackson, one Of S;he
ablest editors, in his day, of the Democratic
Party, he had retired from political life, and
might have enjoyed, in his declining years, the
undated respect of a Party in whose service
he had won reputation. But when, in lS4a,
that Party seemed to be fully committed toShe
policy of Slavery Propagandism, he so 1s-
emerged from his retirement, as to give kis
support to the nomination of Martin Van Iu-
ren-intended, as we all know, to battle he
Propaganda, and place the Federal Cow IN
mems on the side of Liberty. Since Il an,
his sympathies have uniformly been on he
side of those who have been on the side Of
Freedom and now, when an opportunit, is
once more presented to strike blow again =
Despotism which he regards as inimical TO- he