The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1856-11-29

IS true that IN former periods Of our history parties
have been bitter in their strife and sometimes perous 10
the peace Of the country but they have been formed and
maintained principally upon the expedency OF particular
measures affecting the material interests Of the country
and the contests which arisen in reference TO the
power Of the government and the true theory OF the con-
suution have been harmless. These parties have em-
braoed men OF all classes sections and creeds from hese
collisions and nerchanges Of opinion beneficial results
have flowed Doubtful and dangerous powers have been
discarded exposed the popular mind enlightened
public sentiment purified and, by wise combination and
fusion Of conflicting eounses and opinions the true inter
Of the country have been developed and sustained
In those particular exceptions in which sectional interests
and feelings have been deeply involved existing parties
attracted and held together by other principles and pur
poses, have been found equal TO the emergencies.
How different in every aspect is the sectional party which
agitates the country Traced TO its original source
its creed stripped of its artful dsguisesseparated from
the incidental issues which it has cunningly attached
sefts purpose will be found to be political poU@ and
the abolition Of SLdUey It's existence is not OF recent ORR
GIN preceded the birth Of the constitution and imperll
led its adoption. Valuable equivalents then inter
changed between the conendng parties and the founders
Of the republic ondy hoped that they had trumphed over
this gigantic spirit OF evil and imprisoned II forever under
the mountain weight Of the constitution and yet alas
from time with its uneasy notion it has threatened
TO subvert the very foundations OF the government
II places itself upon power OF the constitution ex-
pressly granted necessarily implied, but seeks for sec
tona purposes TO exercise doubtful power regardless OF
the great principle that the abuse of admitted power
far less of doubtful one is itself usurpation 1t propo
avail itself of the principle OF popular sovereignty in
the enlargement of its political preponderance and
yet avows its determination 10 reject its decisions II adj
lis wishes 1t arrogates to itself to rule by the
right of numerical strength, enjoy exclusively,
dole may deem proper the honors and emoumen
of the repubc to shape and control the legislation and
destines Of the country 1t draws geographical lines OF
exclusion around entire section and procaims its una
terabe purpose TO circumscrbe its growth and develop
ment until TO employ its malignant illustration J
gir with fire. it shall sting itself to death 1t does not
however, stop at all this 1t proposes indirectly to dis
solve the rights of property preexisent to the constu-
ton the recognition of which alone could have secured
the adoption of that instrument reckessy attempts the
solution OF great social question: foreign TO It's own nm
its and capacity for correct Judgment and thus 1t seeks 10
accomplish only without regret but with fierce de-
light over the havoc and desolation that
1t would be unjust TO include the entire body OF the
republican party in this description of its purposes but
that such the designs of its principal leaders mani
fest Personal ACKNOWLEDGEMENT through the political
power OF their section, with some and ianaca phan-
hropy with others, the Incentives but whatever may
be the motives how far adopted by all It's adherens
the fatal results of its policy not less inevitable To
form just estimate of their purposes and the certain ten
denotes of their measures IS only necessary TO consider
the influences and agencies they have employed.
The naser-sprits of this party have sought to impress
the northern mind with the belief that the South from the
very foundation of the government has been nflchng ag
gressions and insults upon the North that II enjoys
monopoly of the honors and benefits In this course II
artluy appeals only sordid passions but aims to
corrupt and change honorable sentiment of serespec
into feeling of wounded pride and desire for revenge
1t has incucaed the doctrine that there is reserved
right OF conscience which may contemn constitutional
oaths and the obligations OF good citizenship 1t has call
ed to its aid the efforts of popular literature TO viate and
msead the public sentiment. The press and the pulpit
have both become its active allies 1t has concentrated in
close and fearful array sectional jealousy the lust of pow
err and fanatical phrensy and above ALL has mpously
attempted the seeds Of ill-will between the diff
ferent classes and members of the same section
All these elements of great power and mischief that
are not easily overcome. Ambition may faer, but fanat
csm takes no step backward These doctrines nculcated
and sustained by such agencies and influences will gradu
ally impress themselves upon the ua heart and under
standing until impressions become convictions preudces
principles. They will not always remain quiescent ms
/ ,ptrs L,
sive powers within the constitution or beyond it, will
best subserve its purposes. And WHO can believe for a
moment that the South will submit TO violation Of its
constitutional privileges in letter or spirit TO system OF
political domination to this wanton disturbance Of its
rights of property constant insult to It's sensibes
1t is impossible. Retaliation, distrust, and alienation Of
feeling follow until those ranking feuds end in
d hate and strife Material interests and associations
of feeling strong to unite but they must give way be-
fore the steady growth OF intestine dssension Who does
NOT see that the North and South already ascending
the narrow mountain pass and ere long, II not arrested
will stand upon its trembling su2m with the deadly hate
of rival chetans eye 10 eye and foot TO fool with the
yawning abyss either side neither daring TO retire
Who shall be the victor in this tratricda contesY Per
chance the birds OF prey who gather to the bloody banquet
OF civil dscord will gorge upon the manged remains Of
both.
Constitutions and laws offer but feeble barriers against
such assaults In free country they but the express
sious Of public opinion and as such do possess II is true
a selfsustaning power and yigo against temporary
croG chmens but without the steady and cheerful support
OF public sentiment they must lose their authority and
Crumbe away The popular VIII, lmoodylnE the intsh
gencs and pqtriotiSm of the land cnRng with devoted
loyalty the spulaons and ntents OF the constitution
alone preserve its quckenng energy Its Prone
thean celestial life Shall however then abandon all hopel
IL the public Judgment unequal to the crisis Have the
tai reso holy patriotism gone out upon the affairs OF the
country aud left nothing TO but the extinct memorials
Of their former life W. trust not
The evils which agitae and nct the country not
exclusively political in their character and have but little
connexion either with the strength weakness Of the
sutution and the laws Whatever influence political
tiers may have exercised in their formation and develop
ment they have become social questions outside Of the
written law, and the same agencies which have adopted
them SUCH corrupng and nhamiug the popular mind
be invoked 10 to sound and healthul
don In reference TO the principal danger OF the country
interference with the domestic institutions Of the South-n
my Judgment neither peaceful forcibe dissolution Of
the bonds Of the Union however proper TO vindcae viola
ted rights outraged honor, eradicate the root Of
the mischief IL s question ola fearful moment whether
the strife o. cotermnous national soveregntes would not
be more enveuomed and fatal Either with without
dissolution Of TIE Union, the mind Of the country must be
enuhten the heart Of the country purified The press
must assume A more elevated position than 1t occupies IL
s eminent for its aby-let IL become equally so for
its purity In country, above all others Il is potential
for good or evil II contributes largely to form the public
mind TO intensity the public heart Let H. then, discuss
the affairs Of government the obligations Of the constitu
ton the duties Of good citizenship with dignity and
patriotism with the responsibilities and con-
sequences Of their action. Whatever bitterness
aggeraon Il may nfuse into the ordinary strife Of par
tea let hold nviOlabe those great relations which in
yove the destnies Of the republic Let IL aspire TO en-
tighten misead public opinion TO dispe error and
not 10 establish Il TO elevate the people above their pas
sons and preIudiCss and not 10 iname them. In this
course alone il will establish itself the palladium Of civil
liberty fountain Of public instruction whose heathful
currents viii invigorato and purify public sentiment
Ill q