New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1856-05-06


of the Free States Ginning the whole, which they
said they never would submit to-
There was, in all this, a show Of resson; and ad.
hitting that Slavery was an institution fit to be
transplsnted into a country where it did not exist,
their claim was just. But it was opposed, on the
ground that Slavery is an institution at war with
the fundamental principles Of our Government 80
repugnant to the universal sense Of justice and hu
mainly, and so disastrous in is effects, that it
ought not to be permitted to spread into any terri
tory already free from so grave curse. Mr.. Clay
himself declared that he held this position, and
asserted in the most imprisoned manner that he
never would by his vote admit Slavery into Free
territory
Now, however, all this is changed. And behold
how vast the change! The Slave States no longer
exact their share Of the national domain-they no
longer insist upon division Of the common terri-
tory-they demand the 0hole. This preposterous
claim has grown out OF the ProposIion
of the original Kansas and Nebraska Dill
TO give them the whole. That scandalous oner
was made by reckless and traitorous MOTH
ern leaders of the Democratic party, the
President Joining in it, to prOpitiate Southern
interests and inpraate the proerers into the good
praces of the Slave Power. The Slave States az
first were astounded at tse proposition. lney nau
never asked so much. They almost doubted
whether it was made in earnest. They did not
at first believe it possible that Northern men could
be entced by stealth, by corruption, by any means,
or by all means, to concur in such measure. The
people of the Slave States thus stood quiet and al
most aloof during the tendency of the proposition
before Congress. No Legislature, aud hardly
press in the Slave States, was found
urging it, The Southern spirit, itself so
prompt to resent anything like an igno.
minous surrender of its own rights, seemingly
could not conceive that so great piece oftreachery
could find sufficient number of Northern votes to
consummate it. The South was stunned for the
moment by the audacity Of the proposed betrayal.
Several Southern members of Congress refused to
entertain the proposition from very shame, and
when asked to vote with the traitors of the North
who had made it, scornfully refused to be party
to such shameful and unasked-for humiliation.
Individual Southern homer repealed Northern obse-
quiousness and perfdy with disdaip. Men like
Hunt of Louisiana, and Culom of Tennessee, sac
r6ced themselves rather than consent to affiliate
with the traitors on the decisive vote which sur.
rendered the rights of the Free States and the en-
tire Territory of the Union to Slavery. Yet
(humiliating cOnfessionD enough men from the
North were found who could be demoralized, de-
bauched, bought up, to consummate the fOulest
transaction that stains the record Of Northern
treachery.
Emboldened by the hardihood with which the
H. 10
the recognition of this measure as party act, and
to insist upon its support by the Democracy as the
test of party featy the Slave States have appeared
in Congress this Winter standing unanimously to-
gether in its support and along with its guilty
authors and abettors from the North, impudently
maintaining that it is measure which only secures
the equality of the States. This is the ground
taken in Mr. Bepjamin's elaborate and closely
woven speech delivered on Friday. Half the Ter
ritories was all that was asked in 1850 to secure
this equality, but now nothing short of the
whole is competent to do it. In 1850 1t was a
division of the Territories that was proposed;
the giving of one half to the Slave States and one
half to the Free, was the equality sought by the
Slave States, and with which they protested entire
satisfaction; as well they might, for this was all
they could demand on that score, assuming the
institution of Slavery to be as worthy as the iast-
tuition of Freedom. Now, since the pronered sur
render to Slavery made by the infamous Kansas
Nebraska act. the ground is taken that
Slavery must have the whole public DOMAIN
To itself and this and this alone can be received as
fulfilling the idea of equality among the States
II is gross sophistry to maintain that the Free
States have the same rights and the same chance
in tbe Territories as the Slave States under the
new scheme. This is demonstrated by the i'rmer
propostion of the Slave States for division OF the
Territories, in which they propose to consent 10
exclude Slavery from one portion for the right 70
carry it into another portion, where the same
right TO exclude it would exist as is now pre-
tended is ample protection for Freedom
anywhere and puts it on an equality WIN
Slavery Slavery and freedom do not and CANNOT
coexist. Freedom only prevails where Slavery Is
excluded. The introduction Of slaves into Ter
ritory dispaces Freedom and establishes Slavery.
| The right to carry them into such Territory is
always followed by its exercise. 1t is only by re-
fusing this right that Slavery can be kept out of
any Territory. Our history for the last fifty years
demonstrates this fret II, then, there is to be no
more inhibition of Slavery there is to be no more
Free States made out of new territory.
The question thus comes directly upon the Free
States for their decsion-Does equality among the
States, which is the ground the Slave States rest
their claim upon, demand that all the Territories
shall be opened to Slavery! Is it equality to give
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