The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-10-16
will now give the evidence of a distinguished
member of the Cabinet:

stiiunon would have been brought 10 HIM for his sigma
ure and he had summoned all the members of the Ad-
minstraton, ask their opinions, in writing, TO be
deposited the Department of State upon two quesuons
l. Whether Congress has a constitutional right 10 pro-
hibit Slavery in Territory? And 2 Whether the Sth
of ths Missouri bin (which nterdicts Slavery
in the territory north of BOT autude was appl
cable only 10 territorial would extend 10 II
after it should become State? As 10 the first question:
twas UNANIMOUSLY agreed that Congress have The power
10 prohibit SGrery IN the Territories"
There being some division of opinion in regard
to the second question, Mr.. Adams contending
that it would apply to a State, and the other
members holding differently, the second question
was modified so as to receive the unanimous ap-
prevail of the Cabinet. This will appear from
the following extracts from the Diary of Mr.
Adams
questions writing upon which he desired TO have an
swers in writing be deposited in the Department OF
State. He wrote it would be IN time If he should
have the answers tomorrow. The first question is i'm
general terms il stated TO the meeting on frday
The second was moolned 70 an lnqI,y LII III 9 Con- o
stiiuon, To this can without hesitation answer by
simple affirmative; and So amer some renecnoh con-
sBfareh 6. Itook the Presidents my an
his constitutional questions and he desired
me have them deposited in the Department. together
with those of the other members OF the ADMINISTRATOR
They differed only they assigned their reasons for
thinking the Sth section of the Missouri bill consistent
with the Constitution, because they considered it only
applying the Territorial term, and barely gave my
opinion without assigning for II explanatory reoson
The President signed the Missouri bill this morning."
Comment upon these extracts is unnecessary.
There was no doubling the constitutional power
to prohibit Slavery then. Even Mr.. Calhoun at
firmed it. The invention Is of later date and by
smaller minds.
To show the importance attached to the Mis-
souri, Compromise at the time 1t passed, and its
sacred character, quote from Niles's Register,
published in a slavehoIding State, under date Of
March IL, 1920, as follows:
"There is no hardship in this; the Territories belong
the United States and the Government may rightfy
prescribe the terms which il will dispose of the public
lands.
three votes 10 eleven; and in The House OF Representa-
ves, by hundred and thirty four to orty-two, or
really by hundred and thirty nine TO thlry-seven
and we trcs that II is determined forever IN resPect
the subject TO the legislation Of the Cen
eral Government. II is the Compromise is sup
ported only by the letter of law repealabe by the au
ihory which enacted it; but the circumstances Of the case
gre la moral force equal that Of positive pro
rision Of The COnstison and do not hazard anything
in saying that the Constitution er IN IT'S observance
Both parties have sacrificed much To cancellation. we
tch the compact kept in good faith and trust that
kind Providence will the way TO relieve us OF an
evil which every good citizen deprecstes as the supreme
curse of this country"
For more than thirty years the compact stoodl
The Constitution itself was not more sacred
Men of all parties and from all sections, &C
quiesced in its provisions, and admired the wis.,
dom of those noble men who formed it. verify
believe, that ten years ago, representative of
to this Capitol, than he would have voted to alb
rogate this covenant of peace. Even the Sem
ator from Illinois, seven years ago, chanted Its
praises. In speaking of this Compromise at
Springfield, Illinois, in ls49, Mr.. Douglas 10 re-
ported to have said:
.The Missouri Compromise had then been in practical
operation for about quarter of q century, and had
the sanction and appreciation of OF all parties,
i'll every section of the Union Ii had allayed all
uona jealousies and limitations growing out Of this
vel eQ harmOnlTcd
whoe country IL had given 10 Henry Clay, Its prom
caor and by that title and that service political
friends had repeatedly appealed 10 the people rally
man who had exhibited the patriotism and the power
suppress unholy and reasonable agitation and pre-
the Union He was not aware that man. or any
party. any section of the Union, had urged
objection Mr. Clay that he the champion of
The Missouri Compromise On the contrary, the effort
made by the opponents of Mr. Clay that he
entitled the exclusive merit Of that great patriotic
and that the honor equally due others
origin the hears Of all patriotic lcho desired
aud peate The blessings Of glorious Unon-an
conceived in the spirit of frsernal affection, and
calculated remove forever the only danger which
social bond of union. All the erdecss public opinion
that day seemed indicate that this Compromise had BE-
sacred thing, tchieh ruthless hand icoad Be reckless
enough 10 disturb"
The deed is donel The Compromise that was
canonized in the hearts of the American peo-
ple,' has been brokenl The South has not
kept faith with the North In an evil hour,
the ambition of "reckless" and selfish men
tempted her She upheld the "ruthless hand"
that smote the compact and disturbed the peace
of the Union. She has some excuse-the prize
of more slave States was too much for her pa
triotism. But what shall we say Of the man
whose ruthless hand 4" was uplfted for this
work of destruction? Words fail me History
will give him page The record will not vary
much from that of another man, who sought to
betray and sacrifice his country, when Liberty
in its birth-struggle.
The country knows how wantonly this work
was done. 1t knows the actors. 1t knows how an
Notwithstanding itself Democratic-lent
all its powers of patronage and corruption to
seduce the venal men of the North, and push ON
the work. Deaf to the prayers of the people, it
was intent only on its own selfish and personal
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT. The chief man in this great
conspiracy has his reward. After sanctionng
and approving all the outrages in Kansas for the
sake of a denomination, he went to Cincinnati to
| claim the reward of fidelity to the Slave Power.
He was denied even a complimentary vote and
was carried off the field by only three faithful
followers-not one of them from the South.
say nothing of Southern ingratitude in this case
The funeral is none of ours. Let those who mourn
his taking off," settle the account. l thank
God, however, that the present occupant of the
White House will have but one more opportunity
| in his annual message to insult and belle the
free, intelligent, and Libertylovng people of the
| free States.
The country knows why this work was done.
| 1t was for the benefit of Slavery The Missouri
| restriction was repealed for the purpose of
| making more slave States-and for nothing else.
This was not the avowed purpose; but any man
with half eye could see that it was the real
purpose. If there WAS any doubt when the
Kansas and Nebraska bill passed, that this was
the object, subsequent events In Kansas must
| have removed all doubt.
| The country knows who did this work. II
was the party called Democratic. Yes, sir the
Democratic party is responsible for the repeal of
the Missouri ompromse-responsible for the
strife and discord that now prevail in this land,
| as consequence of that repeal. That party is
| responsible for all the Outrages in Kansas. The
murder of innocent American citizens-the wan
ton and cruel treatment Of women and children
the burning of townsville plumber of property
the destruction of printing presses-the seiz-
/ ing of ballot-boxes by ruffian invaders-and
all the fraud and violence practiced in that Ter
ritory, are the result of the repeal of the Mis-
souri, Compromise, and chargeable to the Dem
| ocratic party.
| The country knows, also, that the Democratic
party now stands upon this measure and makes
it the test of party orthodoxy. No man. who re-
fuses to sanction the Nebraska bill, can hold any
place in the party. Every man must now sub
scribe to the Slavery-extending policy of the
party, or he dread out" He may be sound on
all the old principles of the party, but, if he
falters on this Slavery plank, he is declared spu-
rious, and must lose his standing in the party.
The gentleman from Mississippi, Mr.. BARKs-
DALE, in a recent speech upon this floor, said
"The Democracy tolerate who is not sound On
the Slavery question"
| We all know what il meant nv being sound