Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1856-04-04

desput or Il Republic lWlcles II, AMI must have il. II
then, tho United States think To degrade lis BIZ tn,
iLfic!inn Of IL positively seryiie chasiisement, in order
that Nil nations for all future time may take warning
from our fate, they have mistaken their victims. Tha
Ia not the stun WI are made of, as any Power on eartf
will soon find upon trial.
THE ENLISTMENT CORRESPONDENCE
FROM BRITISH POINT OF VIEW.
From the London Times, March Isl
The correspondence on the alleged violation o
American sovereignty, by enlistment OH the territor,
Of the United States, adds nothing Of impor,auc,
either 10 the iacis or the argument of the question:
1t only excludes some of tho surmises with which IN.
controversy had been industriously aided, as fast as i
was otherwise lapsing into the rank OF bygone aKnirs
II does not appear, nor is il even alleged, that MIR
rampl was ever knowingly violating the laws O
the United States, or that he acted without cominuni
chtlou with The authorities Of the United States, OF
that he ever persisted in my proceeding whatever
after 1t hal been objected To by those authorities
MIR. Marcy does not maintain that Mr.. Cranptor
broke the municipal! law Of the States, and ON thi.
point he appears to admit that Lord Claremdon's an,
swer last July was sufficient. Ii the correspondents.
stopped here, or it it were confined to the question o
Intentions, no doubt in the case of most other States-
III Europe, for exalnple-we have the certain premise,
of a pacific and friendly conclusion. But here come,
III the extraordinary feature of this correspondence
which we arc bound to confess we regard with some
alarm. That feature is the assumption of a certain
tone, on the part Of the American Government. which
savors not only OF a new sell, but of n new Sphere
After rending the letters, if documents of such preteu.
sion can be 30 modcstly entitled, of the American
Government, one seems 10 understand rather better
the prcp"Stcrous Claims put forth by some colnmnni.
ties on the face Of the earth; how one empire boas,s
Celestial alilnltles, and calls the rest OF the world
"outer barbarlans;" how another pays divine honors
10 lis sovereIgns; how others absolutely forbid the in.
trusIon OF Il stranger, and how most of the Turks are
under the belief that the Sultan commanded the West.
ern Powers to come 10 his MD.
The ground now taken by the American Govern.
ment is, that though the British Government and its
representative III the States had no wish to break
the municipal law of the States, and possibly did not
break that law, and though, 30 far, its explanations
may be satisfactory, yet it committed the greater
crime OF not respecting American sovereignty. For
this II IS alleged no sufficient satisfaction has been
offered, and such is the holiness and vagueness of the
dignity said to be atfronted that one can scarcely
venture 10 say what would be suticient-whether
hetacombs would expiate the crime. This sover-
eighty is treated as something wholly distinct from
law, and perfectly scparable, not only in idea but in
TACT. what II MIR. Champion observed the law!
what if Lord Clarendon gave percmptory orders
that it should he observed! That is wholly beside
the purpose, says the American Government. They
disrcgarded the sovereignty OF the American people
in their own territory. To Englishinen this style Of
argumcnt Id q process in the clouds. In this country
and in most other civilized countries Law is the ex.
preston OF sovereignty, and sovereignty il defined
by law. We acknowledge no sovereignty in our
Queen or our Government, either towards ourselves
or towards Foreigners, Unless it be law. We acknow-
ledge none the violation vi which will not render us
liable to prosecution, trial and punishment. We pre-.
sulne 1t is q piece at cOndcsccIsiOn 10 British ideas
that when Lord Clarendon asks for the proof tina
our representatives. have violated American sover-
eighty MIR. Marcy sends the report of som trials for
simple offences against the United States law. This
would seem to admit, what Lord Clarendon very mn.
turally argues, that he Is clear, if neither he nor his
agents have broken the law, for any one may do in
any territory that which the laws of that territory do
not forbid.
But the President of the United States and his 81.
cretary for Foreign Affairs do moi see the Necessity of
this inference. They seem to hold that in the United
States, at least, a man may observe the law to the
letter, but yet be a grievous and objectionable of.
fender against something far higher than law, VIZ: Il
mysterious sovereignty, the sovereignty of the peo.
pie, and n far more Jealous, irritable, and implacablc
sovereignty than that OF EmperUrs md Kings. That
of the American Government is clearly something
above law, aud incapable Of ordinary expression. In
it's prescnce-if We may venture to suppose oneself
in the presence of So august and mysterious G per-
sonage--we feel Us within the range OF come terrible
Genie, whose express behests we might observe with
the most serviie eXactness, but who could suddenly
demand impossible satisfaction for come crime that
no prudence, no loyalty, no prescieIce could have
avoided. We have thrown the date. stone inside the
wall of the well, instead OF outside, and a grim pu-
tentate rises up from the abyss to avcnge the inno-
cent indignity. We are not aware Of any offence
THAT q foreign lIilStt COulu De guilty. Oh III lnlS
country, except by all express violation Of the law
He might, of course, make hinIself very disGgreeable
by arrogance or rudcness, or by lending himself to
faction; bat that would be a purely personal Question,
and in this cuse it is n public offence which Mr..
l. snid 10 have committed, strangely with
out breaking any law.
The American journals seem generally TO take
neither the legal nor the trarsceudelltal view of the
question. They 20 at once into material resources
and political consequences. The United States they
,np ., I. b.ir., ,rDt,ar.l Gr ,-ur ,hur n.l,l
people in the world, even though their small quantity
of shipping and stores might put them a Year or two i'll
nrrcgr. They have the men, tho wealth, tho spirit,
the territory, aud everything that gives -inews to
war, Oh the other hand, a successful war-and, OF
coursc. il would be successful nguinst this old nristo.
crnlical couniry-wouid wake tie sleepinS spirit vi
Democracy, and drive England to prefer the good
will aud example Df America TO her own ancient in.
We are ready In CUnrcde that there is an
amount Of probability III these calculations. We be-
icvs the United States To be in mOst material condi-
tiuns hh4nt th" wsnlthiAsi na"nlA ia III. r..riI
lu.nt defeat OF her expeditions, the destruction and
disgrace of her armies, the loss of her merchantmen,
and the destruction of her trade, without great cost
and loud complaints. But these are, To say the least,
very dangerous apeculatiDns. They have often been
INDUCED in with equal confidence, and constantly
War rarely does anybody any good,
it be the few soldier adventures whom il
raises TO the first ranks in society, and that other suit
tier race OF men which grows rich on Its extra'a-
yance. Such a war az the American papers seem 10
desire, nad Tor which their statesmen are ~ ailxlous
to find cause, would be quite as likely to affect the re-.
la,ious of American society rs those of the English.
It could hardly fail to hasten that inevitable day
when the Republic, like all other Republics, p"rtlcu-
those Of the New World, i5 10 bloom into En-
pirr. Moreover, the losses would not bn irItiing on
side. We are better prepared for war now
than We were two Years ago, and We should certainly
take n great deal Of beating before We gave in. We
should fight and spend money with our usual courage
aud liberaGty, and, even if we were beaten altogether
is still possible-we think probable-;hnt the A'ne- |
ricans would win victory too dearly to make it matter
for self.cUngratulation.
THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS.