The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-03-20


that time even to the present, all slaveholding
delegates in National Conventions, upon what
ever else they may differ, always concur in i'm
posing upon the Convention assent to their
acquisitions in regard to Slavery, as the indis-
pensable condition of their support. Holding
thus in their hands power to decide the result
of the election, and using that power, undevia-
tingly and sternly, for the extortion of their de-
MAIDS, they have always been able to control
the nominations of both parties, and thus, what
ever may be the issue, to secure q President
who is sure to be the instrument of their be-
hests. Thus has it come to pass that, for TWEEN
ty years, we have never had President who
would appoint to the humblest Office within his
gift, in any section of the Union, any man
known to hold opinions hostile to Slavery, or
TO be active in resisting its aggressions and
usurpations of power. Men, the most upright
and the most respectable, in States where Sla-
very is only known by name, have been ineligi-
BILE to the smallest trust-have been held unfit
to distribute letters from the Federal post Office
to their neighbors, or trim the lamps of light
house upon the remotest point OF our extended
coast. Millions of our citizens have been thus
disfranchised for their opinions concerning
Slavery, and the vast patronage of the General
Government has been systematically welded
in its service, and for the promotion of its de-
signs.
1t was by such discipline, and under such
influences, that the Government and the coun-
try were prepared for the second great stride
of Slavery towards new dominion, and for the
avowal Of motives by which it was attended.
Annexation of Texas and the War with Mexico
Texas was admitted into the Union on the
10Th of December, l845, with Constitution
forbidding the abolition of Slavery, and stip-
ulation that four more States should become
members of the Confederacy, whenever they
might be formed within her limits, and with or
without Slavery, as their inhabitants might de-
eide. The General Government then made
virtual provision for the addition of fire new
slave States to the Union-practcally securing
to the slaveholding interest ten additional mem
bers in the Senate-representing States, it
might be, with less than a million inhabitants
and out-voting five of the old States, with an
aggregate population of eleven millions. The
corrupt and tyrannical Kings of England, when
votes were needed in the House of Lords to
as the emergency required. Is there in this
anything in more fragrant contradiction to the
principles of Republican Freedom, or more
dangerous to the public liberties, than in the
system practiced by the slaveholding interest
represented in the General Government2
But third opportunity was close at hand,
and Slavery made third struggle for the ex-
tension of its domain and the enlargement of
its power.
The annexation of Texas involved us in war
with Mexico. The war was waged on our part
with vigor, skill, and success. 1t resulted in
the cesson to the United States of New Next
co, California and Deseret, vast territories over
which was extended by Mexican law prohibi-
Il L 4 i
access to them ALL resisted the admission of
California and New Mexico, which the energy
of freemen, outstripping in its activity the Gov
eminent, and even the slaveholding interest,
had already converted into free States, and
reasonably menaced Congress and the Union
with overthrow, if its demands were not con-
ceded. The free split of the country was
reused with Indignation by these pretensions,
and for time the whole nation reused TO the
tempest which they had created. Untoward
events aided the wrong. The death of the Pres
ident threw the whole power of the Administra-
ton into timid and faithless hands. Party re-
sentiments and party ambitions interposed
against the right. Great men, leaders of the
people, from whom, in better days, the people
had learned lessons of principles and patriot
ism, yielded to the howlings Of the storm, and
sought shelter, in submission, from its rage.
The slaveholding interest was again victorious.
California, with her free Constitution, was in
deed admitted into the Union; but New Mexi-
co, with her Constitution forbiddiug Slavery
within her borders, was denied admission, and
remanded to the condition of a Territory and
while Congress refused to enact a positive pro-
hibition of Slavery in the Territories of New
Mexico and Deseret, it was provided that, when
they should apply for admission as States, they
should come in with or without Slavery, as their
inhabitants might decide. Additional conces-
sions were made to the Slave Power-the Gen.
eral Government assumed the recapture of fu-
gitive slaves, and passed laws for the accom-
plishment Of that end, subversive at once of
State sovereignty, and of the established safe
guards of civil freedom. Then the country
again had rest. Wearied with its efforts, or
content with their success, the slaveholding in
terest proclaimed a truce.
When Franklin Pierce, on the 4th of March,
1853, became President of the United States,
no controversy growing out of Slavery was agi.
tating the country. Established laws, some of
them enacted with unusual solemnity, and I'M
der circumstances which made them of more
than ordinary obligation, had fixed the charac-
ter of all the States, and ended the contest con-
corning the Territories. Sixteen States were
free States and fifteen States were slave States.
BY the Missouri Compromise of 1920, Slavery
was forever prohibited from all the Louisiana
Territory lying north of the line of $50 3O<
while over that Territory lying south of that
line, and over the Territories of New Mexico
and Deseret, no such prohibition had been ex.
tended. The whole country reposed upon this
arrangement All sections and all interests.
whether approving it or not, seemed to acaui-
esce in its terms. The slaveholding interest.
through all its organs, and especially through
the General Government, proclaimed that this
was final and irrepealable adjustment of the
struggle between Freedom and Slavery for DO
litical power; that it had been effected bv mn.
tual concessions, and in the spirit of compro-
mise; and that 1t should be as enduring as the
Union, and as sacred as the Constitution itself.
Both political parties gave it their sanction in
their National Conventions; the whole country
assented to its validity; and President Pierce.
In his hrst official message to Congress- pledg.
ed himself to use all the power of his position
to prevent it from being disturbed.
But all these protestations proved delusiye.
and the acquiescence and contentment which
| they produced afforded the opportunity. not
| only for new aggressions on the part of Slave.
ry, but for the reputation of engagements into
| which its agents had solemnly entered. Less
than year had elapsed before these pledges
were broken, and the advantages which they
secured to Freedom withdrawn by the slave.
holding power.
Rspssi of the Missouri Compromise.
In the course of time and the natural pro.
gress of population, that portion of the Louisi-
ana Territory lying west of the Mississippi
river, and north of the line of go 30>, came to
be desired for occupation; and on the oath of
May, 1854, an act was passed erecting upon it
the two Territories of Kansas and Nebraska,
and organizing Governments for them both.
From this whole region, the slaveholding inter