The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-06-26

| Trained from seeking the nomination either by
word or by deed. Now that it has been offer
ed by the Democratic party, accept it with
difiidence in my own abilities, but with an
humble trust that, in the event of my election,
| l may be enabled to discharge my duty in such
a manner as to allay domestic strife, preserve
| peace and friendship with foreign nations, and
promote the best interests of the Republic.
| In accepting the nomination, need scarce
| ly say that L accept, in the same spirit, the
resolutions constituting the platform of princi-
| Piles erected by the Convention To this plat
| form intend to con6ne myself throughout the
canvass, believing that have no right, as the
| candidate OF the Democratic party, by answer
| ing lnterrogatorles, to present new and differ
ent issues before the people.
1t will not be expected that, in this answer, i
should specially refer to the subject of each of
the resolutions, and 1 shall therefore confne
| myself to the two topics now most prominently
before the people.
| And, in the first place. cordially concur in
| the sentiments expressed by the Convention on
| the subject of civil and religious liberty. No
party founded on religious or political intoler-
| ance towards one class of American citizens,
whether born 10 our own or in foreign land,
can long continue to exist in this country. We
| are all equal before God and the Constitution !;
and the dark spirit of despotism and bigotry
which would create odious distinctions among
our fellow citizens will be speedily rebuked by
free and enlightened public opinion.
The agitation of the question of domestic
Slavery has too long distracted and divided
| the people of this Union and alienated their
affections from each other. This agitation has
| assumed many forms since its commencement,
| but it now seems to be directed chiefly to the
Territories and, Judging from its present char
| acter, think we may safely anticipate that it
is rapidly approaching fnality." The re-
cent legislation of Congress respecting domes-
| tic Slavery, derived as it has been from the
original and pure fountain of legitimate polti-
cal power, the will of the majority, promises
ere long to allay the dangerous excitement.
This legislation is founded upon principles as
ancient as free Government itself, and, in &C.
cordance with them, has simply declared that
the people of a Territory, like those of State,
shall decide for themselves whether Slavery
shall or shall not exist within their limits. The
Nebraska-Kansas act !does no more than give
the force of law to this elementary principle of
selfgovernment declaring it to be "the true
intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate
Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to ex-
ciude 1t therefrom, but to leave the people
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their
domestic institutions in their own way, subject
only to the Constitution of the United States"
This principle will surely not be controverted
by any individual of any party, protesting de-
votion to popular Government. Besides, how
vain and illusory would any other principle
prove in practice, in regard to the Territories
This is apparent from the fact, admitted by all,
that after Territory shall have entered the
Union, and become a State, no constitutional
power would then exist which could prevent it
from either abolishing or establishing Slavery,
as the case may be, according to its sovereign
will and pleasure.
Most happy would it be for the country, if
this long agitation were at an end. During its
whole progress, it has produced no practical
good to any human being, whilst it has been
the source of great and dangerous evils. 1t
has alienated and estranged one portion of the
Union from the other, and has even seriously
| threatened its very existence. To my own
personal knowledge, it has produced the i'm.
preston among foreign nations that our great
| and glorious Confederacy is in constant danger
of dissolution. This does US serious injury,
because acknowledged power and stability al.
ways command respect among nations, and
are among the best securities against unjust
aggression, and in favor of the maintenance of
honorable peace. May we not hope that it is
the mission of the Democratic party, now the
only surviving conservative party of the coun.
try, before long to overthrow all sectional par
| ties, and restore the peace, friendship, and
mutual confidence, which prevailed in the good
old times among the different members Of the
Confederacy2 Its character is strictly nation
al, and it therefore asserts no principle for the
guidance of the Federal Government which is
not adopted and sustained by its members in
each and every State. For this reason, it is
everywhere the same determined foe of all
geographical parties, much and so Justly
dreaded by the Father of his Country, From
Its very nature it must continue to exist so long
| as there is a Constitution and Union to pre-
serve. A conviction of these truths has in
duced many of the purest, the ablest, and most
independent of our former opponents, who have
differed from US in times gone by upon old
and extinct party issues, to come into our
| ranks, and devote themselves with us to the
cause of the Constitution and the Union.
Under these circumstances, | most cheerfully
pledge myself should the nomination of the
Convention be ratified by the people, that all
the power and influence constitutionally pos
sessed by the Executive shall be exerted, in a
firm but conciiatory spirit during the single
term L shall remain in Office, to restore the
| same harmony among the sister States which
prevailed before this apple of discord, in the
| form of Slavery agitation, had been cast into
| their midst. Let the members of the family
abstain from intermeddling with the exclusive
domestic concerns of each other, and cordially
| unite on the basis of perfect equality among
| themselves in promoting the great national OBJ
| jects of common interest to all, and the good
| work will be instantly accomplished.
In regard to our foreign policy, to which you
have referred in your communication, it is quite
! impossible for any human foreknowledge to
prescribe positive rules in advance, to regulate
| the conduct Of the future Administration in all
| the exigencies which may arise in our various
| and ever-changing relations with Foreign Bow.
| ers. The Federal Government must of neces-
sity exercise a sound discretion in dealing with
| international questions as they may occur but
| this under the strict responsibility which the
Executive must always feel to the people of the
United States and the judgment of posterity.
| You will therefore excpse me for not entering
into particulars. / heartily concur with you
in the general sentiment, that foreign affairs
| ought to be conducted with such wisdom and
firmness as to assure the prosperity of the peo-
pie at home, whilst the interest and honor of
our country are wisely but infexibly maintain
| ed abroad. Our foreign policy ought ever to
| be based upon the principle of doing justice to
all nations, and requiring justice from them in
return; and from this principle shall never
depart. Should be placed in the Executive
Chair, shall use my best exertions to cultivate
peace and friendship with all nations, believing
this to be our highest policy as well as our most
| imperative duty; but at the same time shall
never forget that in case the necessity should
arise, which do moi nov sppSehend, our ma
| tional rights and national honor must be pre-
served at all hazards, and at any sacrifice.
Firmly convinced that special Providence
governs the affairs of nations, let us humbly
| implore his continued blessing upon our coun-
| try and that he NAV avert .ror. RS the nish.