Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1856-06-12
Reply of Mr.. Benton in Reference
to His Nomination for Governor
Of Missouri.

Va AAAlCOOuI1s
/ We give publication below to letter fror
; Col. Benton, in reply to a communicate
, from the committee appointed to inform hir
of his nomination by the Democracy OF Ms
souri, for the office of Governor of the State
1t will be seen that he does not decline pei
miiting the use of his name in the manne
proposed, but holds that matter under ad
VlSement until his return home; and, from
what we know Of his disposition in the prem
ises, we are fully 5 tsfed that when he doe
come back to N ssouri and fluids, as he viii
find, the unanimous voice of the true Dem
ocracy, whom he has SO long delighted :,
serve, calling upon HIM with one acclaim tt
bear their standard in the apDrodc hing con
ply--with IT, cir wish.
WASHINGTON, May, 1856.
To Messrs. Thomas l.. Price, Jacob Hall
Francis P. Blair, Jr., Stephen Rice, Johr
D. Stevenson, Jas. LuSk, p. P. Fuiker-
son, z. Isbell, w. H. Chafey, James Lind
say, Austin A. King, B. Branch, and R.
! E. Baker.
GENTLEMEN: | have received your letter
on the subject OF the nominations made by
the Democratic Convention at jefferson
City, and am greatly pleased with the who'll
of them, except the one which relates to my
self. That takes me by surprise, and must
remain under consideration until | return,
which will be soon, as am nearly through
the occupation which has detained me here
In the meantime, if any other person was
thought of for the Governors nomination,
in the event of my inability to accept it, |
would wish him to be brought forward at
once, without awaiting any further answer
from me.
1t is my intention TO speak on the state of
public affairs when get to Missouri, but
not in the way OF canvass, nor as a candi-
date for any office, but to do my part as
citizen in trying to preserve the peace and
harmony OF the Union, and TO keep agitation
and sectiunalism cut of the borders-t two
evils now besetting the whole United States,
and our own State above all. 50,
| consider slavery agitation (and its nat
ural offspring. sectionalism) the greatest
curse, both socially and politically, which
could befal our Union; and that curse is
now upon Us, and brought upon Us design
edly and for the worst OF purp Jses. Ths
Missouri Compromise liGe, the work of pa
lriotC men, had stood above thirty wears,
and there was not one among those con-
triving its repeal vino was not upon the rec
ord On votes or speeches) for its support, up
to the time of its abrogation; and Mr.. Cal
houn himself, as late as iS45--oaly two
years before his death, and after. he had
bfoached the doctrine of no power in Con-
gress to lPgislate upon slavery in Terrific
ries--repudiated the idea of repeal, and de-
clared that tha ':attempt' to do so would
:.disturb the peace and harmony of the Union"
1t has been attempted and accomplished; !;
and the peace and harmony of the Union
have been destroyed.
Out OF the repeal of this compromise has
sprung forth a nep test of democracy, which
consists in exacting party allegiance to the
principles of The Kans4s-Nebraska BILL
The first inquiry upon the virtue OF this ne "
test is, t. find Out what those principles are
and the result is dametrically opposite, as it
comes from one side or the other o the Po.
tomac river. From the North the answer IS,
squatter sovereignty! as being the inherent
right of the people of the Territory to de-
eide the question of Sl-v6ry for themselves,
and to have it or not, Just as they please.
In the South that definition is held to be
rank demagoguery, AMI that the people of
the Territory, no more than Congress, have
not particle of power on the subject; that
the Constitution carries slavery with it into
every Territory as soon as acquired, over
riding and cUnroling all laws against it,
and keeping it there in d efiance OF the peo-
pie or Of Congress. until the Territory be-
comes a Safe and excludes it. Thus the
advocltes of the test are as opposite as light
and darkness in telling what it is, and surely
they ought to agree upon it before they re-
uuire others to believe in it.
1t is impossible t. believe in both; and |
believe in neither. believe in the old doc
,rne, that the Territories are the property
of the United States and under the guardian
ship of Congress, and subject to such laws
as Congress chooses 10 provide for Them (or
to permit them to make for themselves) un-
til they become States; and after that (the
children arrived at twen,y-one years of age)
they are out of guardianship and have all the
RIGHTS of their. fathers. Tnat is my belief,
and has been the belief of the whole United
States until lately, and especially the
belief of those who now deny it, and
who are. upon the record (anG that
often and recent) against their own denial.
Witness (to 60 no further back) the bill tor
the admission OF Texas in 1915, on which
all who voted for that admission voted Tor
the re-establishment OF the Missouri COM
promise line in all that part of it south of
the Arkansas river were it had been abro-
gated by the laws and constitution of FeXas
Witness, also, the debates and speeches on
the. Oregon bill in 1913; also, the attempts
to extent the compromise line to the Pacihc
in 1850; also, the vote of some of these advo-
Gates in favor o the w .lmoi proviso; and,
above all, the protest Of the ten Senators
against the admission of the State OF Gail
form a In lS5O.because Congress would not
egislate upon the subject OF slavery IN the
territory which was to compose 1T. with
all these authorities and evidences in favor
of the old doctrine and against the new test
and its authors, think the old Democracy
may be allowed to dispute its binding force
at al! events until advocates can agree IN
telling what it is. Respectfully,
THOMAS H. BENTON.
WEBSTER IN DEATH.-Webster'S fore
head, renowned for its massive breadth and
fullness, presented much smaller appear
ance as he lay in his coffin in the library at
Marshfield. An ordinary sized hand could