Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1856-04-10
Writtepfor the Green Mountain Freeman,

~iN' bDilOh '-<io lHC NOuuOilO VI OCuoOio ho'S
resented to the people the result of their inves-
igations, in the proposed amendments to the
of this State, suppose it will be
n constitutional order for the people duly to |
onsder thoroughly to investigate, and publicly |
o express their convictions of the propricty or
of adopting, in part or in whole,
laid recommendations for and during the next six
months, Or until the Notember election
As humble citizen of Vermont, propose to
discharge my duty in relation to this important
Investigation. say important, for so it seems
to me; as the propositions, il adopted, will livery
change the order of things, for the
better or worse, in relation to the internal poll
cy and prosperity of the State
Now, Mr. Editor, do not know as our views
will harmonize in relation to this matter but
of one thing am quite sure, and that is, that
we shall agree in the fundamental principle of
free thought, free speech, and free press, in all
matters relating to the prosperity of the State,
the nation, and the great brotherhood of man.
1t is with this view of the subject that venture
to give you my views, which, if you think them
worthy of some humble place in the Freeman,
you will so decide.
Now the question is, would the adoption of
the proposed amendments prove beneficial to the
State! We think not, and are prepared to give
some reasons why we take the negative side of
this question. In the first place, we will con-
slider the four first articles relative to Biennial
Elections of State and County Officers, all Of
which necessarily stand or fall together And
here we take the ground that in Republican
Government the people are the rulers, and those
elected to Office are the servants of the people,
and should be held to strict accountability to
the people annually. What individual would
employ servant for longer time than one
year, and risk whether he would prove true to
his interests or not, at least without retaining
the right of settlement and dismsson. We
think no one. So in this case, the people should
keep the power in their own hands, by having
the fundamental right annually to displace an
unfaithful servant, and elect one in lieu thereof
that will be likely to serve their interests better
Now suppose we should be SO unfortunate as to
elect Governor, whose influence should lead
all In the wrong direction, should we not at the
end of the year most ardently desire to have the
right to fill his place with a better man. We
think SO but if he has served the State faith
fully, We can elect him again with plcasure-it
costs us nothing. Again, we think if we adopt
these amendments, and start off in this wrong
direction, that in seven years more we may
take another step, and SO on, once in ten years,
till our Government becomes an absolute des-
potisn Such are, and ever have been, the ten.
denotes of the aspirations Of man to monopoize
everything to his own selfish purposes Thomas
Jefferson, in view of this fact, said, "W here
annual elections end, dcspotisn begins ~
But the Hon. Council stop not here. The
fifth and sixth articles provide for reduction of
the representatives of the people to $50 members
not being contented with having our servants
beyond our control for term of years, but
must have the power transferred from the many
to the few-all tending to concentrate the power
in the hands of the few, and that few beyond
the control of the people. 1t would seem to us
the Hon. Council, in their over-anxicty to carry
out favorite plan, had forgotten the latitude
in which they live, and the intelligence of the
l frcemen who surround them.
The seventh article would be necessary, as O
. matter of course, if the fifth and sixth are
: adopted,
The eighth article provides for the election Of
a Supreme Court for the term Of six years. This
article is subject to the same objections as the
preceding ones-all placing the power beyond
the reach of the people.
The ninth and tenth articles we are not dis
posed to comment upon at this time, but pass tc
the 18th article, which provides for pluralites
to govern. Here, too is another rule tending
to deprive the people of their rights. We have
now three parties at least in the State, and may
s have more at some future time and circum
, stances might be such that less than one fourth
even of the voters of the State might elect thu
; entire State Officers, with no appeal to the
Legislature to remedy the evil. Now we are O.
. the opinion that this alteration is not only un
called for, but dangerous to the interests of thu
t State.
b The twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth and fit
tenth articles, providing for the election of sun
: dry officers by the people, are pointing in tn
L right direction, and were it not for the biennia
election rule, would no doubt prove satislactor,
to the State.
The sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth ar
: tieles we pass over, and take up the nineteenth
. Here is something new under the sun, manifest
u ing the inventive genius of the Hon. Council
u After their protracted deliberations, and o.
e looking over what they had prepared to prescn
to the people, is wonld seem that a REASONABLE
: doubt arose in the minds of the Hon. Council
; with regard to their adoption by the Conventio
if such convention should be composed as usra
; Of delegates from all the towns in the State
+ for the reason that the small towns would ger
d orally be opposed to the change. So the nu mbe
must be diminished, and the matter fixed in
way that the larger towns would hive the in
fuence, hoping in this way to carry out tn
), plan.
Il Now am no lawyer, and do not say tina
the Constitution making provision for the cal
of a Convention by the Council, may not be s
? construed as to make the present call binding
But do say that the construction given is no
only doubtful, but is calculated, if sanctioned
to bring about result which would not hay
been likely to have existed had the Convention
: been called in the usual way, This result cal
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