Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1856-05-16
RIGHTS OF NEuTRALS.

| OF Inc South.
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RIGHTS OF NEUTRALS
The literal text of the Treaty of Paris varies SC
slightly from the popular conception OF its character
that its official pronugation will excite very little in
terest. Yet, paper of such historical Importance
deserves the critical study Of every intelligent read
| or.
Though the Treaty itself has thus lost ts interest
it is accompanied BY certain conventions, which
not at all anticipated and which Of infinite
ly greater consequence, in broad view Of human
affairs, than the more pretentions paper which pre-.
cedes them. The Treaty Of Paris is simply patch
work of expedlentsi but these conventions incorpo
rate into the cods of public law certain principles
permanent and universal interest.
1t is the peculiar glory Of the American govern.
ment, that it was the earliest to announce and the
most forward to support the rights of Neutral Com
merce In the infancy Of the country the American
people clearly perceived and strenuously maintained
the principles, that neutral flag protects the cargo
and that neutral cargo in an enemy's bottom, is
empt from capture. At the same time our govern
ment protested against the validity of paper block.
AIDES. Jealousy of British ascendancy rather than
any real regard for right, determined other Powers
Europe to affirm the principles, and place them
under the protection Of an armed coalition, of which
Catharne Of Russia,was the controlling spirit. III the
great conflict between England and Napoleon, nu
sor, of respect was maintained for the rights much
less for the disputed claims of weaker nations. Every
body knows how, by the arbitrary decisions Of the
British Courts of Admiralty, by orders in Council ant
Imperial DEGREES, the commerce of the United States
became the prey Of violence and plunder. The spirit
of the people reused, and suCcessively against
France aud Great Britain, they vndicatei the honor
of their flag and their rights OF neutrality. 1t is true
the Treaty OF Client did not contain any concess
our demands but the American people were satisfied
that they had taught Great Britain TO respect their in
terests and the dignity of their government and that
henceforth they would be free from insul, and spo
liaton, without any conventional stipustions.
| The rights which the American Government had
asserted as Neutral respected in the progress
| OF the with Mexico.
Great Britain meanwhile was tenacious in supper. oi
her arbitrary claims and in the beginning Of the
war with Russia, she expressly affirmed their validity
as principles OF public law, while she consented to
"wave" their exercise. Even this partial concession
to the enlightened spirit OF the age, was e1tortrd by
| the importantly of American diplomacy.
In convention affixel to the Treaty oi Paris, the
inviolability of Neutral Commerce is acknowledged
Wy .i,e Powers of Europe, and is fenced around
and protected oy tno oe"o.ions NJ intern
| At last the principles which the American Govern
meu has so consistently supported recognized as
sound in reason, and obligatory upon governments
II is conceded now by the great Powers of Europe
| l. That the Neutral flag oovers the cargo. - That
neutral cargo in an enemy's chip, is exempt from
capture. g. That blockade, to be valid must be sup.
ported by an etfectusl force.
With these principles the Treaty Of Paris asso-
ciates protest against PriraterrinS. Possessed OF
| immense Naval Armanents. the Powers of Europe
make no sacrifice in foregoing the employment Of
Privateers. But as in conflict upon land this coun'
try must rely upon the undiscipned vaor of its mi
ltis, 80 does its aggressive power al water consist
chiefly in the enterprise and courage of its Prvateers
the Militia of the Sens. Since the present Ad-
ministration, the American government has refused
| to unite in declaration against Privateering nor
will any such concession be made to false and in
teres.ed philanthropy, until the country can yield the
point without detriment TO its safety.
THE CHARLESTON MERCURY, THE UNION
AND OURSELVES.
Charleston Mercury
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DlSUElOE.
Our friend uf the Richmond Enquirer, in taking
South Carolina to task for adopting Disun'on rs the
first necessary step to the disenhramen If the South
from Northern and European ideas Of radial Democ.
racy seems to to have mada great military blum
der He has attacked OH our strongest side. 1t ia
precisely because free society ia using its utmost pow
ers to attack US in the Union, that-we advocate dis
union.
II is the fashion TO believe that the Union is merely
political confeJeracy reduced by practical operation
to confedsracy of politicians And It is 30 in lis
ward working in dull times; but let the storm come
on and It will be seen that there are forces, barely
beneath the surface terrible and irresistible, TINT will
have no respect for the conventionalisms of formal
society," but will compel society to take its position
either with radicalism or conservatism.
But Wa beg the Enquirer TO consider this; that by
slight advantage in her harb"r accommodations New
York gradually acquired an ascendancy in the Con
fsderscy that makes her central point oil Influence
as well as Intelligence. IL not this the result ct the
Cuionl The late HUGH s. LEGARE in one Of his
maturest productions sad that II was the unIoD that
had produced New York. And now it appears that,
after allowing great nation 10 grow out of the resta
ting powers that gathered around this centre we are
to be- called on surrender our separate lie 10 the
fermenting its chaotic elements.
But casting aside all metaphors, we believe tnat
Southern society il capable Of vndlcatng itself By ifs
own operation and that the first free standing point
it can have is the political independence II" the South
ern States
II the Richmond Eenquirer can show us any other
starting point more definite or more likely to attain
the objects, We promise to ADOPT H.
We would ask the Charleston Mercury whether in
the absence of tho Union, under the operation of free
trade New York might not have attained her present
wealth, power and population, and we of The South
been equally aiding her progress! But suppose our
trade and travel had been directly with Europe
should we not have promoted the growth Of cities
there, more inimirsl because less dependent on ns
than New York Should we not have imported from
Europe opinions and modes of thought as much at
war with our Institutions those we too often derive
from tho North Since the days Of the Crusades, has
not one public opinion governed Europe Is not that
o,;piop now manufactured in Paris Look at the
revolutious from 1872 l84S and tho sympathy OF
thouyht and action which il evinces. Hungary, P"-
land and Austria were the last to within ts in
auence bat they too have felt its effects, and are but
hesyinr volcanoes. Even Russia acknowledges ITS
power. and is, from time to time, hberating
her serfs-lberating them IL starve like English
libsrsted millions and the French Froetariat. But the
revolutions of ls4s all social not political revou
tions Brought about by men who held that tree
society," "a now organised in Europeans an utter fall
ure, and that society must be wholly re-orsanized
Moreover they all take issue With political economT'
the principle or philosophy on which such society is
founded They all maintain tha; it IS not sufficient
to les alone the poor. They must be protected and
controlled. Such the doctrine Of Llmsrtius ani
his associates, and such is the doctrine and practice
OF Louis Napoleon. They have unconsciously re
s1ol