Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1856-08-16


t ing our sessions under and by virtue of statute
laws, and acting in conformity to the dictates ant
] decisions oc some more dignilcd tribunal.
Yet this argument against the exercise of AM
and OF all discretion by this body, is argued will
great ability by gentlemen from the southern sec
lion of our Union. Gentlemen from the saveh0ld
! ing States distinguished usually for what the
term ''strict construction of the Constitutions;
and on the present occasion, this doctrine has beer
r urged, and its application insisted on, by ever,
gentleman from the slaveholding States. 1 have
reason to know that they have not at all times beer
tenacious of either the doctrine, or its application
Statesmen should have memories Fifteen years
SINCE witnessed different scene in this Hail.
The Hon. John Quincy Adams, at that time Rep
resentative from Massachusetts, was placed on
trial. The difficulty at that time, we'll on the
present occasion, originated in the conflict between
Freedom and Slavery. Some of the people o.
Massachusetts, feeling burdcned with the expense;
which the support of that institution had brought
upon Government, sent to this body a respectful
petition, praying Congress to take measures
for peaceful dissolution of the Union. The peti
tion was transmitted to Mr.. Adams for prosenta.
tion. In the true spirit of our institutions, he fel
that the people, constituting the sovereign power
of the nation, to be treated respectfully, anC
their petitions answered in candor. He moved th
reference fthe petition to select committee, will
instructions to report to the House, and through
this body to tho petitioners and the country
granted
But sir, he had not given full utterance to these
words before ut least score of Southern mem
bers were upon their feet, each demanding an op
portunity to speak. In few moments, a gentle
man from Visgnia INV. Gmore) presented res
olution, declaring that the member from Massa-
chusetts by presenting to this House petition fol
dissolution of the Union had justly incurred the
severe censure of this body" Mark the fact, that
this resolution came from Virginia, that land OF
distractions and of strict construction. lt was
brought forward by one of her most cherished sons
1t was aimed at the distinguished member from
Massachusetts. No southern man appeared to
doubt, and surely none Denied the Jurisdiction, or
the power of the House to ccnsure Mr.. Adams for
this discharge of his constitutional duty.
That night, a caucus OF Southern members was
held to concert measures by which to insure the
adoption of tho resolution. Of course, | now
speak from the information derived from those who
ATTENDED, and from con OntemporaneOus history, Tor
was not with them either in body or in spirit AT
that consultation, the burden of supporting the
Constitution was transferred from Mr.. Gmer, who
was a Democrat, to Mr.. Marshall. of Kentucky,
who Wing both OF whom were Southern
men; yet never learned, nor did hear it init
M ted, that any member in that caucus of South
ern men doubted the full power of this body to
punish Mr.. Adams for performing has duty The
friends of Mr.. ADAMS often inquired wherein that
gentleman had offended. Why, sir he had offend
ed the Slave Power and the Representatives Of the
slave Interest," felt that they had excuse fact
which they could found an effort to strike down
his influence, to destroy his fair fame, to deprive
Freedom of its sernest advocate. They sought for
no rules or law defining the offence, or declaring
the penalty attached to it. but they assailed him
in every way which hatred could invent, malice
express. lie was charged with treason to our
Government. with moral perjury, and with almost
every crime found in the catalogue of offences
There he sat- in the seat now occupied by his suc-
l. l..
learning, for his exalted patriotism; venerable for
his services to his country around his brow clus-
tered all the hOnors which faithful, upright, and
wise administration of the highest office known
to mortal could confer. Yet, sir for thirteen days
he subjected to these assaults. During that
time, the waves of slavohol2ing invective, detrac-
ton, and caumny, rolled and dashed around him,
in wild confusion, until the raging elements had
spent their force; while, from the first introduction
Of the resolution to its final disposition, not one
word was uttered by u Southern Democrat, indi-
eating the want of full and constitutional powers
to act on the subject 'cittom any rule or tar pre-
Scyibing lie peldLy Then, sir, Massachusetts
ON trial. shareholders were the prosecutors. Now,
sir, Il son of South Carolina is on trial for wrong
"a crime perpetrated against the sovereign right
of Massachusetts, This change of position, by slave
holders, is very remarkable. There are yet lin
gering in this Hall two three Southern members
who then voted in favor of censuring Mr. Adams.
am curious to see how they will vote on the pres
ent occasion. ] wish they were present as this
time | desire to address some thoughts to their
consideration, particularly.
| ask this House and the historian to notice the
different spirit in which this trial is prosecuted,
from that manifested on the trial Of Mr.. Adams.
Since the attention of the House was first called
to the resolution before US, to this hour, we have
not heard an unkind word uttered against the ac-
cused Every speaker has manifested a sympathy
in his behalf. We regard him unfortunate i'll
his education his prejudices, and views of society
and of human government, and do not hesitate
to say, that not member from the free States feels
the least impulse Of ill-wil toward him, or OF per
sonal revenge We are borne along to our conclu'
sion by the irresistible force of public duty. This
is but the reflection Of that popular sentiment
which prevails in the free States. 1t is founded
upon the great doctrine so ably advocated by the
Senator whose injury we deplore-that doctrine
which teaches MS the fatherhoOd of God and the
brothhood of man-that doctrine which puriiies
the human heart from its vilerer passions of re
venge, hatred and malice and leads us to do unto
others as we would have them do unto U.s. SO diff
ferent are these manifestations from those which
characterized the trial of Mr.. A ams, that com
mend the marked distinction to the House and the
country.
Another case, which illustrates this change in
the position of Southern gentlemen, ought not to
pass unnOticed, although | felt embarrassed in
calling it to the attention of this House inasmuch
as | was myself the victim. 1t is not, however,
entirely unknown to gentlemen, that while my
venerable and ever-lamented friend, Mr.. Adams,
was laboring to regain the right of petition, was
myself toiling, in more humble sphere. to regain
the freedom of speech, which had been stricken
down in this Hall.
For years had sat in this body hearing myself
and my people, and all lovers of Liberty, contemn
ed, yili6ed. and slandered for entertaining the
views which Jefferson and Washington and Frank
lin and Hancock, and the whole Continental Con
gress had proclaimed as the foundation of our Re-
public; yet our lips were hermetcally sealed by
'gag-rules," as they were then called. The slave
Power ruled supreme in Congress, and no word
was allowed to be spoken dcroeatory to that insti
Lutioa.
At that time, slave ship, from Richmond was
taken possession by her cargo of human beings,
guided to Nassau, where they landed on British
soil, resumng their Cfod-giyen rights. The Presi,
dent directed our Minister at London to demand
T. l..- H.. lI...l