Weekly Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1853-1861, 1856-09-04
TUESDAY EVENING, SEPT. /, 1856.
Popular Sovereignty.

NN NeAAl - labhCi
and enforced by the trainers of the Republic
1t is a sentiment that rises spontaneously tt
every tongue, and will vent itself in spite o
all the party creeds and dogmas ever invented
to suppress or trAmmel it.
Our opponents made an attempt of thi,
kind in their Convention at Philadelphia, on
the 18th of June but even the supporters
Of Black RepublicaniSm forget their roll
sometimes, aud fall to preaching good, whole
some Democratic doctrine. Here, for in
stance, is cur friend of the Newcastle Cour-
Ter, who, in open defiance of the edicts OF
his masters, the creed-mongers, incontinently
gives expression to the honest impulse of his
heart, and the dictates of sound common
sense. He says:
The fundamental principle at the foundation
OF our Government, and the idea which gives
life and vitality to all Republican institutions,
Is, that the people shall govern. The will of a
legally constituted majority only can determine
what shall be the law or what shall not.
Now, there is some sense in that; and yet
in the very next breath, perhaps, we'll find
1t all scattered to the winds. The moment
the Courier comes to speak its party doc
trines, and uphold its action on the slavery
question, its beautiful theory of popular sover-
eighty vanishes into thin air. 1t finds itself
in the p~aradoxical position of advocating i:
for one class of people and denying it to
Others. Whilst it is ready to concede to the
citizens of the States its full and free cxer-
else, those of a territory are not to be permit
ted the right of its enjoyment. On what
ground the discrimination is to be made, is
more than our philosophy can comprehend.
If it is to be made conditional upon a change
of locality and upon allegiance to a Terrific
rial instead of a State Government, then the
principle is no longer a fundamental one and
general in its application, but a contingent
aud partial one, and local in its action.
The Democracy are the only party that
seek to give life and vigor to the great prin-
ciple of self-gove-nment in its broadest
sense. They would impose no restrictions
upon the people, other than those imposed
by the requirements Of the constitution. They
believe hat the people, whether of States or
Territories, are the best judges of their own
wants and necessities, and that the duty Of
providing for them belongs to them and
to them alone. Peculiarly is this case in
reference to the question Of slavery. By
throwing the responsibility of settling it for
themselves upon the people who are TO be
affected by it, the legislation of the country
uTon the subject becomes local and not ma
tionai, as the subject is local and not national.
Besides, it rids Congress of an evil that has
brooded like a nightmare over the whole
country, for more than a quarter of a centu-
ry. By making that body the citadel of at
tack, the Abolition a~gitators have been ena-
bled to keep up a state of excitement and in
ternal fued that has convulsed the entire
Union and threatened Its peace and stability.
The agitation of the subject of slavery in oui
national councils has been productive Of
nothing but sectional jealousy, hatred aud
strife. Among the long list of sins for which
it is responsible, not a single good that it hal
ever accomplished can be pointed at as ar
Offset. Its whole career has been one of evil anc
that continually. The Congress now in ses,
sion presents glazing proof of the madness
and folly of permitting that body to interfere
in any form, with the subject OF slavery
They have produced a feeling from one enc
Of the confederacy to the other, that hover
like a cloud over the future. Years of calm
temperate and statesman-like conduct OF
their part, cannot eradicate the evils whicI
they nave inflicted in a few brief MONTHS
And, then, look at the purpose for which al
this wild turmoil and strife-thus %infuriat
hatred and sectional animosity, has been pro
duced. Whilst many who act with the OF
position are actuated by no better motiv
than to effects dissolution of the Union, ther
are a large majority of them perhaps, VIII
nave no su0f IN view, but VIII
are, nevertheless, willing to incur the risk {
a result so fearful for the purpose of acquil
ing the material for conduct lg the section.
warfare in which they are engaged. If on
country survives the present shock, we shout
not be surprised to see the whole question {
slavery kicked out of Congress, by commo
consent, and its discussion and its and settll
ment transferred to the Territories where
, belongs. That such will be the settled polio
doubt than we doubt our own existence.
5 is a fundamental article in the creed Of th
Democracy, that such a direction shall b
given this troublesome and disturbing que.
; ton, as the only safe remedy against thos
1 evils which its discussion and agitation i
r Congress, have e~ngendered. In no other il
: stance has a measure which had become
settled policy with the Democratic part,
failed to become the settle policy of ii
I country, and we are not willing to belle,
that it is to witness its first failure on tn
a important issue-the slavery question.
Scarcely had a single decade in our polit
: cal history passed, after life was knocke
' out Of the old United States Bank by Il
Z" hickory club of Gen. JACKSON, when m,
who had ever advocated such an institute
were as scarce as golden eagles in the peck
$ of a beggar. Not half that time will clap
before it will be equally difficult to find
man who has not always been in favor
popular sovereignty in the territories, even
the extent of deciding for themselves, al
within themselves, subject to no outside i
q fuence or restriction, whether they will
e will not have slavery.
= We conclude our remarks with the DO
= and confident prediction that, il JAMES b
cHANAN is elected President in Novemt