Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1856-01-05

equiyocating as this, they will turn their backs on
Lord Palmerston aud his Cabinet, and any other
set Of men that have such estimate Of what is
due to British honor l do not believe English
pen have sunk 80 low. Depend upon it, sir, there
Is some misunderstanding among EDglishmen on
this subject IL is impossible that the people Of
England can comprehend It, IL they do, they will
not suffer such miserable special pleading to dis
honor them, and force us at last into an open war
with them.
The President OF the United States, in my judg-
ment, has very wisely resolved to stand by the
treaty. Independently of the message, we know
from some recent occurrences, which have taken
place within few days, that the Executive haa
strictly enforced the treaty, and has prevented
American colonization In Central America, and has
avowed the object of stopping ship in the har-
Dor of New York TO be TO maintain the treaty.
Sir Great Britain having denied the plain meaning
of the treaty, as she has done, we should be
perfectly justified in breaking up the treaty on our
part, ii that would place us in any better con-
diton. Now, | ask the attention OF the Senate
for but a few moments to consider that point.
We have the right, an Joro conscientiG, 70
annu the treaty, and we should be justified
before the civilized world for annulling il, II il
be our interest TO do So
We have not been charged by Great Britain
with attempting to violate il heretofore; and, as
an American citizen, thank God that we have
maintained such ground that we cannot be
charged with want Of faith in this matter at any
period But is it to be endured that shall aban-
don the treaty, If our position is made worse by
abandoning IL Suppose we do abandon and an
null it, where shall we be theny The British say
they are in possession, and have kept possession,
through the Mosquito king; but If they are not
now, they would undoubtedly then take possession
and keep it. Can we tolerate thats American
q. 4 oalr t.la Tn
contingency they would control every passage
through the isthmus, in the event of future rup-
ture between this country and Great Britain Yes,
sir, they would be at hand, with their colonists,
and seize any and every canal or railroad between
Tehuantepec and Panama.
The question forces itself upon us, if we break
up the treaty now, what win be our position? We
shall have given up the whole controversy, or we
must assert that ancient doctrine which my ancient
friend from Michigan Mr. CAss] and others
here have been desirousve often to assert called
the /" Monroe doctrine" In reference to this par
tcular territory, would not hesitate at all as
Senator, to assert the Monroe doctrine, and main
| tain it by nay votes but do expect to be sustain
ed in that nor does any other man here expect to
| be sustained in such vote by both branches of
/ Congress? Whenever the attempt has been made
to assert the Menroe doctrine in either branch of
| Congress 1t has failed. The present Democratic
| party came into power after the debate on the
| Panama mission, on the utter abnegation of the
whole doctrine, and stood upon Washington's doc
trine of non-intervention
1t is q principle which, whether 1t be right or
wrong-and ! am not standing here to-day TO dis
cuss its proprety-you cannot prevail on major
| ty, and will venture to say you cannot prevail
on one-third of either House of Congress, to sus-
| tain Well sir if we cannot sustain that, let us
| stand by the treaty. The reason for which was
/ particularly anxious to make the treaty was, be-
| cause was conscious of the fact that Congress
would not assert the Monroe doctrine, and that VIC
must either give up the country to the British, or
obtain treaty binding Great Britain to abandon it,
We have the treaty. Isay again, that think the
President has rightly decided to stand upon it, and
to demand from Great Britain compliance with it,
and If it became necessary in the last resort to
| compel her to submit to it. Resistance should be
| promptly made to any occupation Of any part of
| Central America.
| Mr. President, before I have done, let me say
very briefly that am anxious that the attention OF
Senators and our countrymen now should be di-
rected 10 another point, in order that they may
rightly decide upon the merits of this controversy
with Great Britain. In January--certainly not
later than February, but think in January, 1852,
Lord John RUSSELL then acting as British Secreta-
| ry of Foreign Affairs, wrote letter to Mr.. Cramp
| ton, to be laid before the American government,
| in which he virtually acknowledged the American
construction of the treaty, and declared that the
| whole Mosquito Protectorate, which we are now
! told Great Britain intends to maintain at all haz-
| ards, was sheer fiction.
Take that letter of Lord John Russell and place
| IL by the side Of the letter of Lord Clarendon
subsequently written, let the American people
have the two letters side by sidc-one of the Brit
ish Secretary Of Foreign Affairs, in January, 1882
and the other of the British Secretary of Foreign
Affairs in April, 1S52--and they will find them as
n ~ a. e
Lord Clarendon and Mr.. Buchanan on your table.
Sir, have detained you too long. My object
in rising was to draw the attention of the Senate
and the country particularly to this topic, which
the President himself has made the most prom-
nent in his message will not detain the Senate
longer. l now offer the usual resolution for the
printing of the message. ,1....r