Lynchburg daily Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1852-1861, 1856-04-10
The Compromise of 1850.

Its perusai 10 well calculated 10 revive rccol
lection Of the intensely excited condition Of III
country at the period the compromise measure
were under discussion. and Of the happy effect
the legislation which followed in calming tb,
storm aud restoring tranquility. In ls4s 'aa
and the early part Of so, the country was agi
tated and tost like the ocean in a tempest. Fa
nasics at the North and Fire eaters at the South
both seeking to break 10 pieces the fabric Of tb
Union. Were flashing the public mind into will
and maddeued excitel.ent California was threa,
ening to set Up an independent government
The people of Texas were in arms to maintain
disputed territorial clam; and the troops of III >
federal government were on the march to resist
and subdue them. The country stood on 1.-The
perilous edge" Of civil war. Gen. Taylor ohme
forward with scheme of adjustment and pacii.
cation, to which Congress, deeming il inefficient
would not assent. Congress. on the other hand
under the lead Of the venerable statesman OF
Kentucky. who had been. called from his retire.
ment by the crisis, offered comprehensive sys-
tenn of measures, which we're accepted by tina
conservative sentiment of the country us an cqui.
table. satisfactory and efhcacious settlement OF
the whole controversy. This was the posture OF
affairs when Mr.. Fillmore was called TO the office
Of the chief magistracy. The principles Of tho
party whose representative he was, az we'll as his
own sense of propriety, forbade active inter
vention of the Executive to control the Legisla-
tive Department of the government; but it WAS
definitely understood not only from thu character
Of the cabinet he drew around hm but from such
indications of his wishes ms he could without
breach of official propriety give, that Mr.. Fill.
more approved the system Of measures devised
BY Mr.. Clay and would give his signature to tho
various bills embraced in il. The constitutional
question, growing out Of tho denial Of tho writ
Of Habeds Corpus to the arrested fugitive. presen-
ted itself to his mind, ms il did to many Of the
most distinguished iorists of the eountry-but
this being settled he gave his lull, prompt aud,
we doubt not. hearty sanction to the whole scheme
Of adjustment How these measures were To-
oeved by the better portion Of the people Is well
known. How almost universally they were
either approved or aoquiesccd in is shown by
the fact that at the national conventions of the
two great parties, into which the country was
then divided, they were made the basis Of n
national creed aud the platform of Presidential
canvass. At the Democratic National Conven-
ton of 1882 the following declaration was put
forth
THAT the foregoing proposition covers and
was intended to embrace the whole subject of the
slavery agitation in Congress; and therefore.
the Democratic party of tie Union standing up
on the National Platform will abide by and ad-
here to the faithful execution of the acts known
as the scgapron,ise measures settled bu the last
Cong ress, the net fo, the recaiming of iuci,ives
from service include :; which act, being designed
to carry cut an express provision of the Consti.
tuition, eanno' with fidelity thereto be repealed
or so changed as 10 destroy OK impair its eiiioen
cy.
At the Wing national convention held during
the same year, it was resolved:
THAT the series of measures commonly known
az the Compromise, including the fugitive slave
law. are acquiesced in by the Wing party of tho
United States, as settlement in principle and
substance final settlement-of the dangerous
and exciting questions which they embrace.
From these resolutions we see how universally
satisfactory the adjustment of 1850 was TO people
OF all parties and all sections of tho Union To
have approved and to adhere to those measures
were considered satisfactory evidence of sound
ness on the slavery question-in so much that
the Democratic party did not hesitate to go into
the heart of New England, the very hottie of
abolitionsm- for Presidential candidate, re-
garding II sufficient voucher of his fidelity TO
the constitution and the rights of tho South, that
he favored and would abide by the compromise.
AT that time, then, II was not allowable 70 i'm
peach the nationality and trust. worhiness of any
man who stood CT the compromise PLATFORM
Did not Mr.. Fillmore stand there, and was he
not, thus standing, pronounced by the action of
the two national conventions, as with an unani.
Uous voice, worthy ui the confidence of all sec
tons the South well as the North Undeni-
ably and undoubtedly this for lot only
had he approved and signed the compromise bills
but he had faithfully enforced the fugitive slave
law in which the South was most Interested
Nor did he rest here. bnt in his annual message
to Congress in December, 1851 (before he meet
ing of either convention) he earnestly enioned
upon the country strict obedience to these
measures, saying;
l cannot doubt that the American people, bound
together by kindred blood and common traditions,
still cherish paramosls regard for the Union of
their fathers; and they are ready 10 rebuke any
attempt to violate it, integrity, to disturb the
compromises which it is based, or to resist the
laws which have been enacted under its authori.
ty.
1.-The series Of measures to which | have allu-
ded are regarded by me a settlement in princi-
PIE and substance final settlement ofthe dan.
gsrons and erciting subjects trhieh they I'm
brace.
This was the standard of National and South
ern orthodoxy in that day. l. there n man in tho
Union who came more fully up to that standard
Does he not, at that time, stand endorsed by the
concurrent action Of the two great National Con-
ventiOns, to declare the sentiments, and
sxpcnnd the creed of the parties they represent
ed The conclusion isnconiestable. Butt has
suited the policy of the Democratic party to Sc.