Weekly hawk-eye and telegraph. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1855-1857, 1856-07-16

| JOHN "A. WILLIS,
5sii c. F. CLEVELAND,
CYRUS ALDRIcn.
To JOHN c. FREMONT, of California.
COL. FREMONT'S REPLY.
| New York, July 8, sc.
! GENTLEMEN You call me toa high response
bity by placing me in the van of great move
ment of the people of the United States, who,
without regard to past differences, are uniting
| in common effort to bring back the action of
the Federal Government to the principles of
Washington and Jefferson. Compromising the
magnitude of the trust which they have declared
themselves willing to place in my hands, and
deeply sensible of the honor which their unre-
served confidence, in this threatening position of
public affairs implies, / feel that cannot better
respond than by sincere declaration that, in
the event of my election to the Presidency, l
should enter upon the execution of its duties
with single-hearted determination to promote
the good of the whole country, and to direct SOL
ely to this end all the power of the Government,
irrespective of party issues and regardless Of
sectional strifes. The declaration embodied in
the resolves of your Convention expresses the
sentiments in which / have been educated, and
which have been rpened into convictions by
personal observation and experience. With this
declaration and avowal think it necessary to
revert to only two of the subjects embraced in
those resolutions, and to these only because
events have surrounded them with grave and
critical circumstances, and given to them es-
pecial Importance.
concur in the views Of the Convention de-
precating the foreign policy to which it adverts.
The assumption that we have the right to take
from another nation its domains because we
want them, is an abandonment of the honest
character which our country has acquired. To
provoke hOstilities by unjust assumptions, would
be to sacrifice the peace and character of the
country, when all its interests might be more
certainly secured and its objects attained by just
and healing counsels, involving no loss of repu-
tatio1. International embarrassments are main
ly the results of secret diplomacy, which aims
| to keep from the knowledge of the people the
operations of the Government. The system is
inconsistent with the character of our institu-
tons, and is itself gradually yielding to a more
enlightened public opinion, and to the power of
free press, which, by its broad dissemination
of political intelligence, secures in advance to
the side of justice and judgement Of the civilized
world. An honest firm and open policy in our
foreign relations, would command the united
support of the nation, whose deliberate opinions
it would necessarily reflect.
Nothing is clearer in the history of our insti-
tutions than the design of the nation, in assert.
ing its own independence aid freedom, to avoid
giving countenance to the extension Of slavery.
The influence of the small but compact and pow
erful class of men interested in slavery, who
command one section of the country and WELD
vast political control as consequence in the
other is now directed to turn back this impulse
of the Revolution and reverse its prinoplos.--
The extension Of slavery across the Continent is
the object of the power which now rules the
Government; and from this spirit have sprung
| those kindred wrongs in Kansas so truly portray
ed in one of your resolutions, which proves that
the elements of the most arbitrary governments
have not been vanqushed by the just theory Of
our own. 7t
| 1t would be out of place here to pledge myself
to any particular policy that has been suggested
| to terminate the controversy engendered by pc
litcal animosites, operating on powerful. class
| banded together by common interest. A
practical remedy is the admission of Kansas into
| the Union as Free State. The South should,
| in my judgement, earnestly desire such consum-
| nation. It would vndcate its good faith. 1t
would correct the mistake of the repeal and the
North. having practically the benefit of the
agreement between the two sections, would be
satisfied and good feeling be restored. The
measure is perfectly consistent with the honor
of the South and vital to its interests That IA
tai act which gave birth to this purely sectional
strife, originating in the scheme to take from
Free Labor the country secured to it by solemn
covenant, cannot be too soon disarmed OF its
pernicious force. The only general region
| of the middle ATTITUDES left to the emigrants
of the Northern States for homes cannot be
conquered from the Free Laborers who have
| long considered it as set apart for them in our
inheritance, without provoking desperate strug-
| gle.
Whatever may be the persistence of the par
tieular class which seems ready to hazard every
thing for the success of the unjust scheme it
has partially effected l firmly believe that the
great heart of the nation which throbs with the
patriotism of the Freemen of both sections, will
have power to overcome it. They will look
to the rights secured to them forever by the
/ Constitution of the Union as the best safeguard
from the oppression of the class which, by mo-
nopoly of the Soil and of Slave Labor to till it,
might in time reduce them to the extremity OF
| laboring upon the same terms with the slaves.
The great body of Non Siaveholding Freemen,
| including those of the South, upon whose welfare
Slavery IS an oppression, will discover that the
/ power of the General Government over the Pub
/ lie Lands may be benefcially exerted to advance
their interests and secure their independence
knowing this, their suffrages will not be want
! ING to maintain that authority in the Union
which is absolutely essential to the maintenance
of their own liberties, and which has more thar
once indicated the purpose of disposing of the
Public Lands in such way as would make every
settler upon them a freebooter.
/ IF the People intrust to me the administration
Of the Government, the laws of Congress in re
lation to the Territories shall be faithfully exc
cuted. All its authority shall be exerted in ait
of the country on the just principles which have
heretofore received the sanction of the Fedora
Government, of the States, and of the People o
both sections.
/ Such policy would leave no aliment to tina
sectional party which seeks its aggrandizemen
by appropriating the new Territories to capita
/ in the form Of Slavery, but would inevitably re
suit in the triumph of Free Labor-the natura
CAPITAL which constitutes the real waalth OF thi
great country and creates that intelligent powe
in the masses alone to be relied on as the bul
wark of free institutions.
Trusting that have heart capable of com
pretending our whole country, with its varid in
terests, and confident that patriotism exists in al
parts of the Union, accept the nomination o
your Convention, in the hope that may be en-
abled to serve usefully its cause, which cor
a slider the cause of Constitutional Freedom.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
JOHN G. Fremont.
To Messrs. h. S. Lane, President) James {
Ashley, Anthony ]. Blocker, Joseph
Hornblower, E. B. Hoar, Thaddeus Steven
Kinsley 8. Bingham, John A. Willis, 9.
, Cleveland, Cyrus Aldrich, Committee, &c.
~ Was very much amused the other da
in hearing one Of our jolly hearted steambo
! captains singing an old song about Buchana
|. / can remember only few lines Of it, which rs
as follows:
!. ssWhen this old hat was new,
E Buchanan was the man
d Best fitted, in the Keystone State,
/. To lead the Federal clan.
He swofe If Democratic blood