Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1856-06-28

uainou III tne AailhAS.NcDbAek& eCt, xud IN TIC.
7th section Of the American platform, were
identical land that press even assumed
that the 7th section Of the American platform
was "a plagiarism from the Kansas ebrsslla
act" This wss At least an acknowledgment
that the 9TH section contains the true State
equality principles, fos which the South con-
tend, and which Northern conservatives sc-
knowledge. But there Is, rs we have repeated
ly shown, wide difference in the details Of the
two platforms Of the anti American and Amer
lean parties, and there would be a very differ
emit result productivity the adoption Of the
American platform from that which would fol-
low the adoption Of the anti-American plat
form. 2t
Admitting, for the sake of the argument,
that on the point Of State equality the two
platforms contain the same principles, and
that, In the language Of the Richmond Enquir-
er, they are identical" In this respect, q point
arises, to wit: whether the provision, in the
18th section of the American platform, restrict
ing suffrage ia the Territories to. " the natios-
born and naturalizsd citizens efthe United
States permanently residing in the Terrific
ries, " is not more wise, more prudent more
safe, moro in consonance with the theory ofour
government. than thGt clause of the anti Anne
rican platform, which Glloaos tho alien paupsrs
and criminals Of Europe, aoithout naturalisa-
ton, to enter the Territories, and to mould
their domestic institutions to suit their own
crude and uncertain notions Of free government
This issue is directly made by the American
platform, and the South must decide il in this
present contest.
In the contest between Fillmore and Blu
chanan at the South, this question is necessarily
to be adjudicated. 1t asa prominent and IN
dentabls issue presented by the too platforms
We challenge again, az we have repeatedly
before challenged the anti-American presses, To
defend that propision in their platform, which
allows foreigners, fresh from Europe, coming
hither with sentiments adverse to Southern
institutions, without being naturalizod, land
without even one months residence in the
country, to decide the domestic institutions of
the future States. No man dare attempt to
defend that proyision,-it is indefensible, lit
is dangerous provision, and If allowed ia
prevail, will result in disaster to the South
This question is now in issue, and the South
must settle II.
But there is another, possibly more i'm
portant question ut issue in those two plat.
forms, which the South must also decide. II
is the principle of "Squatter Sovereignty on
squatter power. If the plain language Of the
Kansas Nebraska act, and the construction
given thereto, by the leading advocates Of this
measure, such as Cass, Douglas, Jones Of Ten.
nessee, and others, together with Buchanan's re.
cognition Of this construction in his letter Of &C
ceptance, can be relied upon, rs furnishing
the true meaning Of that act then was "Squat
ter Sovereignty" inaugurated by it, and the
people Of the Territories, be they few or many
have the right, By Territorial Liquidation, to
form and mould the domestic institutions of the
Territories at their pleasure, and to fix forever
their destiny, as to the question Of African
slavery. Such IS the true meaning, and such
soas the intent Of the trainers of that act; and
hence, the declarations of Pierce, Douglas
Shields, and others, that this act secured these
Territories to tho North, and to. freedom
This plain construction of the terms of the
Kansas Nebraska act, is avowed by Mr.. Blu
chanan, in his letter accepting the nominatio !,
and no man of truth can deny that his Ian
guage fully maintains that detestable principle
of "squatter sovereignty" for which 'Cass and
Douglas have so long commended Mr.. Ruchan-
an, abiding to the Cincinnati platform, which
endorses the Kansas Nebraska act says
"The recent Legislation Of Congress, respecting
domest slavery, derived, as 1t has been, from the
original and pure fountain of legitimate political
power-the will of majority--promises ere long
to allay the dangerous excitement. This legisla-
ton is founded upon principles az ancient as free
government Itself, and in accordance with them
has simply declared that the people of a Territory
IKE those Of State, shall decide for themselves
nhether Slavery shall or ahaH not erist sc;thin
their limits.
"The Nebraska Kansas act does no more than
give the force of law to this elementary principle Of
selfgovernment; declaring il to be the true in
tent and meaning ofths act not iegisate slavery
into any Territory State nor to exclude it there
FROM but to leave the people perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way, subject to the Constitution Of the United
States' This principle ioiH surely not be consro-
uerted by any sndiridaal Of any party processing
devotion to popular government. Besides, hon gain
and ittassory ,oo,id any otl.er principle prove in
practice an regard TO the 7srritoriesh
In the above extract from Mr.. Buchanan
letter of acceptance, he claims, Without limita-
tioa or restriction, that the people ola Ter
ritory, like those Of a State, shall decide for
themselves whether slavery shall or shall not
exist within their limits"
Is not this "squatter sovereignty" Do
the South agree, THAI the people of Territory,
ohilst IN a Territorial condition, shall decide
whether slavery shall exist within the Terrific