The south-western. [volume] (Shreveport, La.) 1852-1870, 1856-08-13
lid believe that territorial legislature possess

did believe that territorial legislature possess
ed any power whatever, but such as is delega-
ted to it blythe congress Of the United States,
and the power which it did possess simply re-
lated to the protection Of persons and property,
and the punishment of crime. Sir, what do
YOU require of them? That they should pass
no law that is not tc be submitted to congress
for its appreciation, leaving them strictly to the
control of the congress Of the United States,
in every act that they may pass. And yet,
gentlemen get up at this day and advocate, on
the floor Of the senate, the monstrous doctrine,
that these territorial legislatures, consisting of
mere handful of men, should make laws to
page I'LL and 11l8.
Mr.. Douglas, in reply to Mr.. King, INDUCED
in the following remarks:
II must say, Mr.. president, that it appears
to me that my friend from Alabama has not
shown his usual courtesy in the remarks he has
just made. He has been pleased to say that
my speech was freesoil speech and Wilmot
proviso speech. And why? Because made
an argument in favor of the territorial bill in
the senate, neither adopting or rejecting any
provision in relation to slavery in the terrific
ries. In other words, l made an argument in
favor of the doctrine advocated by my friend
from Michigan, (Mr. Cass, so far as the ter
ritorial governments were concerned. The sem
ator from Alabama says that he never agreed
with my friend from Michigan on this point,
and that my argument is freesoilism and Will
mot provisoism. He then changes his position
with his eyes open--having advocated the Will
mot proviso at the last presidential election, and
he became an advocate of it with his eyes open
on that subject"
Mr.. King, feeling the severity and truth of
the lash applied said:
''I suppose the senator, in making this state
ment, means nothing personal"
Now, felloW-cizens, we have no doubt but
that, after reading carefully the preceding de-
bate, that you will fully concur with US, that it
presents the democratic leaders of the south, in
a position of treachery to the south, during the
presidential canvass of 1343. Here we have it
distinctly affirmed by Mr.. King, that he did not
agree with Mr.. Cass in respect to the principles
avowed in the Nicholson letter, yet Mr. King
supported him as the candidate of his party for
the presidential office. And here we have Mr..
Downs and Mr.. jefferson Davis combating this
doctrine, and yet they sanctioned it, according
to Mr.. Douglas by voting for Mr. Cass. Here,
fellow citizens, we have given you the proof
that in 1848, in regard to the true meaning Of
Mr.. Cass's letter, the southern democracy de-
ceived you. if they deceived you then and
once, they will deceive you again. Will you
trust them? The response in November will
be an indignant No! MOI!
By referring to the hon. James Buchanan S
letter accepting the nomination of the demo-
cratic national convention for the presidency,
it will be found that he openly endorses the
very doctrine, that a few years ago. was so
vehemently opposed by Jeff. Davis and S. W.
Downs, and which the late vice president of the
United States, w. R. King, of Alabama, at the
time proclaimed to be s..feesoIr'
The public testimonials Of universal conf
dence and gratitude which have, most signally,
emphasized Millard Fillmore's return from Eu-
rope, have graced his progress to his humble
home, near Niagara, with more honor than a
party name, patronage or power could ever con-
fer. His every step homeward has been mark
ed with outpourngs of the popular heart which
would have been honorable to Washington
And, compelled to respond to these spontane-
Gus offerings, he has, in his addresses, not only
manifested powers of speech equal to those of
the greatest modern orators, but exhibited a
spirit of intrepidty, magnanimity and patriot
ism unsurpassed even by the father of his coun-
try. AS some proof of all this, we call atten-
ton to the two of his addresses republished in
this paper. Without waiting, like a politician,
to inquire how his popularity would be affect
ed, but reckless of all personal and local con
sequences, he, as an elevated statesman like
Washington and Clay, opened his bosom and
uttered noble sentiments of nationality which
ought to be embalmed in the hearts of his coun-
trymen. Unsolicitous of the glare of Office, he
like Cincinnatus, would serve his country only
to save it and promote its true glory. And,
like our own immortal statesman of Ashland
at whose feet he was baptised and instructed,
che would rather be right than be president" :"
During his administration he passed through
an ordeal that tried him to the core. And
though, like all others named in non -slavehold-
ing States, he frankly acknowledged that he
had been prejudiced against domestic slavery,
yet, as president of the q. States, he faithfully
guarded the equal constitutional rights Of north
and south, and consulted the harmony and in
tegrity of she Union.
BY that heroic devotion to his whole coun-
try, he subjected himself to prescription by the
political abolitionism Of the north, and was par
tally ostracsed by his own section. Should
not this alone endear him to the south as its
first choice for the same responsible position?
Can any untried northern man, with anti-slave
ry prejudices, be entitled to equal confidence
and support? Could there have been any doubt
that he is anti abolition, anti sectional and tho
roughly and intrepidly national, the addresses
now herein republished, would leave no shadow
Of pretext for honest distrust What other liv-
ing man, as a candidate for the highest station
on earth, in country distracted by vulgar pas
sions and local factions, would have manifest
ed the same patriotic candor and moral intre-
pidity? Would James Buchanan? We will
see. We do not expect him to do it. He ex-
poets the abolition votes wherever they do not
run candidates Of their own, and he will get
them as Beverly Clarke got them in Kentucky.
And yet many Of his party charge that Mr..
Fillmore and the American party sympathise
with black republicanism and still have the eff
frontery, while denouncing them instead Of the
republicans, to urge them as a civic duty to
give up all their cardinal principles and vote
with the Buffalo Van Buren freesoiers for their