Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1856-01-18

H0e'iAiJ DO SupPncui III q great llcdSuf6. DY
institutions beyond our control and exempt
from our taxation. All attempts to exclude,
I by penal Legislation, the bank notes of 9TH
or States from circulation in this, have prov
ed Intellectual; and the public sentiment
demands an increase of banking capital, or
ganized under our own laws, contributing,
in just measure, to our own revenues. and
sufficient to furnish the necessary facilities
for the transaction of business. The con-
stitution of the State indicates the mode in
which this demand may be satisfied. It
provides for authorizing associations with
banking powers, by act of the General As
sembly, to be submitted to the people at
the next general election. and not 10 take
effect ueless then approved BY majority of
all the voters. In framing such an act
should you deem it expedient to exercise
the power thus vested in you, the utmost
care should be used to secure the promt and
certain convertibility of every note issued,
into gold and silver coin, upon the demand
Of the holder; to protect the community
against all abuses of granted powers; and
to guard against the evils of monopoly by
extending the benefits of the act to all who
will give ample securities and guarantees
which you will, doutless, require. No gen
eral objection exists to a mixed currency of
coin and notes exchangeable for coin at the
will Of the holder without loss; while all
mere paper money systems, pregnant with
fraud and fruitful ruin, justly incur universal
Ireprobation.
For several years past the law has allow
ed contracts for interest at the rate of ten
Ipercentum. There seems to be no valid
reason why the capitalists should be encour-
aged to demand so large proportion Of the
earnings Of the producer and the profits of
the manufacturer and merchant. there
fore respectfully suggest a material reduc-
ton of the maximum rate allowed.
i l need not commend to your judieious
consideration the Educational and Benevo-
lent Institutions of the State. Universal
Education is our cheapest defence, and
surest safeguard, and most enduring wealth.
Our Common Schools, which secure to the
people this great benefit, are firmly estab-
lished in their affections, and Will Justly
claim the fostering care of their Represent
atives. Our Benevolent institutions are a
noble complement to our educational sys-
tom. Their existence honors the State, and
every patriotic citizen must feel deep in
terest in their improvement and prosperity.
The duty of the State win not be fully per
/ formed until the benefits of these institutions
shall be extended to all, without distinction,
who noed their care.
The organization and discipline of the
Militia will require your early consideration
The laws on this subject need thorough re-
vision to adapt them to the requirements Of
the Constitution. Adequate provision should
be made for the enrolment of all citizens
liable to military duty, in order to secure
to the State her due proportion of
public arms. No necessity, however, seems
to demand actual service, from any who do
not feel disposed to perform 1t. Efficiency
and energy will probably be better Sc
cured by the judicious encouragement of
voluntary organization. The patriotism of
Individual citizens, properly sactioned and
supported by legislation, viii doubtless sup
lplya military force fully competent to all
the exigencies Of police, and to whatever
more serious contingencies may possibly
arise.
The Constitution of the State provides for
its own amendment, and assigns to the Leg
stature the duty of proposing such modif-
cations as experience suggests. Changes
in the fundamental law should ever be made
with caution; but amendments which com
mend themselves by their intrinsic merits
to the judgmentof the Legislature, and seem
to be demanded also by a general opinion
among the people, have a Just claim to be
submitted to the final test of popular decis-
ion at the polls.
That the people are the source of all po-
political power IS the fundamental principle
of democratic institutions. Tosecure a true
and complete expression of the popular VIII
must therefore be leading object in every
system Of representative government And
this object cannot be attained unless repre-
sentatiOn be so apportioned among the diff
ferent parts of the State as to give to each
its just weight in legislation and administra-
ton. 1t is obvious that there can be no
complete expression of the popular will un-
less the representative be brought into the
closest possible relations of sympathy and
responsibility with his constituents; and
that there can be no Just apportionment
where the representation of one part of a
State is so arranged as to give to its delega-
ton in the Legislature a greater share of
political power than is given to the delega-
tions Of other parts of equal population,
1t cannot well be denied that uniform
system of single districts will best secure a
proper choice of representatives, and their
due responsibility to the people, and far
distribution of political power
Where one representative is chosen to
represent one district, there will necessarially
be the most careful scrutiny of qualification;
the least liability to misinformation and mis-
take; the closest sympathy in opinion and
purpose; the most vigilant observation of
representative action; and the liveliest sense
of representative responsibility. Where
more representatives than one are chosen
from the same district, all these securities
are sensibly impaired. Opportunity is af-
forded for unwarrantable combination among
aspirants and their partizans; the people
are disabled from informing themselves
thoroughly as to the character and qualif-
cations of candidates; and the decisions of