The true Democrat., 1856-09-02


 like the traveller in the satire, with his pockets empty, at present peril, the mere apprehen- sion of which, as distant and bare possibility, could sadden the heart of the father of his country, and dictate the grave and grand warn ing of the Farewell Address.
 They hear men say that such party ouqzt not to endanger the Union; that, although it happened to be formed within one geographical section, and confined exclusively to it; although
 its end and aim is to rally that section against the other on question of morals, policy and feeling, on which the two differ eternallv and unappeasably; although, from the nature of its origin and objects no man in the section outside can possibly join it, or accept office under 1t without infamy at home; although, therefore 1t is stupendous organization, practically to take power and honor, and a full share of the government, from our whole family of States, and bestow them, substantially, all upon the antagonist family; although the doctrines of human rights, which it gathers out of the de- claratlon of ependence-thatp passionate and eloquent manifesto, of a revolutionary war and adopts as its fundamental ideas, announce to any southern apprehension, crusade of go- vernment against slavery, far without and be- yond Kansas; although the spirit and tendency of Its eectloneerlng appeals, as whole, in prose and verse, the leading articles of its papers, and speeches of Its orators, are to excite contempt and heat, or lear of our entire geographical sec ton, and hate or dread or contempt is the na- tural impression 1t all leaves on the northern mlnd and heart; yet, that nobody anywhere ought to be angry, or ought to be frightened; and that the majority must govern; and that the north Is majority; that It is ten to one mo- thing will happen; that, if worst comes to worst, the south knows 1t is wholly to blame, and needs the Union more than we do, and will be quiet accordingly.
 But do they who hold this language forget that the question Is not what ought to eudangef the Union, but what will do 1t? Is it man as he ought to be, or man as he is that we must live with or live alone? In approaching the influences which may disturb a political sys- tenn, and especially one like ours do you make no allowance for passions, for pride, for iutrmi- ty, for the burning sense of even imaginary wrong? Do you assume that all men, or all masses of men in all sections, uniformly obey reason; and uniformly wisely see and calmly seek their true interests? Where on earth IS such fools Paradise as that 10 be found? Conceding to the people of the fifteen States the ordinary and average human nature its good and its evil, its weakness and its strength, l, for one dare not say that the triumph of such party ought not to be ex- pected naturally and probably to disunite the States. With my undoubting convictions, know that it would be folly and immortality in men to wish it. Certainly there are in all sec tionS and in all States those who love the Union, under the actual constitution, as Wash lngton did, as Jay Hamilton and Madison did; as Jackson, as Clay, as Webster loved 1t. Such even Is the hereditary and the habitual senti- ment of the general American heart. But he has read life and books to little purpose who has not learned that ''bosom frienLships' may be to resentment soured'' and that no hatred is so keen, deep and precious as that
 And to be wroth with one we love
 Will work like madness in the brain"
 He has read the book of our history to still less purpose, who has not learned that the of these States, sisters but rivals, soyeregns each, with public life and g body of interests, and sources of honor and shame of its own and within itself, distributed into two great opposing groups, are of all human ties the most exposed to such rupture and such transformation.
 1 have not time in these ha3tv lines, and there IS no need, to speculate on the details of the modes in which the triumph of this party would do its work of evil. Its mere struggle to obtain the government as that struggle Is conducted, is mschievous to an extent iucalcu- lable. That thousands of the good men who have joined 1t depOre this Is certain, but that does not mend the matter 1 appeal to the conscience and honor of my country that if it were the aim of great party, by every spe- cies of access to the popular mind by elo- quemce, by gument, by taunt by sarcasm, by recrnlnatlon, by appeals to pride, shame and natural right-to prepare the nation for strug- gle with Spain or England or Austria 1t could not do its business more thoroughly. Many persons, many 5peakers-many, very many, set higher and wiser example, but the work is doing.
 If it accomplishes its object and give the go- vernment to the north, turn my eyes from the consequences To the fifteen states of the south that government will appear an alien go- vernment. It will appear worse. It will ap- pear hostile government. It will represent to their eye a vast region of states organized upon anti-slavery, flushed by triumph, cheered onward by the voices of the pulpit, tribune, and press; its mission is to inaugurate freedom and put down the olgarchy; its constitution the glittering and sounding generalities of natural right which make up the declaration of inde pendence And then and this is the beginning of the end.
 If a necessity could be made out for such party we might submit to 1t as to other unovld able evil, and other certain danger. But-where do we find that? Where do they pretend to find it? Is it to keep slavery out of the terri tories? There is not one but Kansas in which slavery is possible. No man fears, no man hopes for slavery in Utah. New Mexico, Wash ington or Minnesota A national party to give them to freedom is about as needful and about as feasible as a national party to keep Maine for freedom. And Kansas, Let that absurb and profane soil have calm within in its bor- Gers; deliver it over to the natural law ot peace ful aud spontaneous immigration; take otf the ruffian hands; strike down the rifle and bowie knife; guard its streneOus infancy and youth till it comes of age to choose for ltselt--and It will choose freedom for itself and 1t will have forever what 1t chooses
 When this policy, so easy, simple and just, is tried and fails, it will be time enough to re- sort to revolutions It is in part because the duty of protection to the local settler was not performed that the democratic party has by the action of its great representative conren- ton resolved to put out of office its own ad ministration That lesson will not and must not De lOSJ on any Douy. ne country ue- mands that Congress, before it adjourns, give that territory peace. If it does, time will ine- vitably give 1t freedom.
 have hastily and imperfectly expressed my opinion through the unsatisfactory forms of letter. as to the immediate duty of whigs.- We are to do what we can to defeat and dis band the geographical party. But by what specific action we can most effectually contri- bute to such a result is question of more diff ficulty. It seems now to be settled that we present no candidate of our own. If we vote at all, then, we vote for the nominees Of the democratic party.
 As between them I shall not venture to counsel the whss of Maine, but deem it due to frankness and honor to say, that while the Americans entertain high appreciation of the character and ability of Mr. Fillmore, do not svmpathize in any degree with the objects and creed of the particular party that nominated him. and do not approve of either their organ ization and their tactics. Practically, too, the
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