The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-25

Senator from virginia and myself. L desire 10
do all l can to abrogote those laws which con-
sworn to support"
A code which can provoke Pro-Slavery man,
like Mr.. Weller, to such severity of denuncia-
ton, must be indeed hateful.
Mr.. BUTLER OF SOUTH CAROLINA:
81 have heard many of the Kansas laws hint
ed at; have read some of them and / am
asked, as a legislator, whether, on my response
bility, would approve them. would say no."
MR.. BROWN, OF Observation-Disclosures
No, sir, / do not pretend to say that would
vote for such laws. aoould not. do not pre-
tend to say that approve of the laws as they
stand. do not approve Of them. What con-
tend for is simply that that is none of my bust
ness. The people of Kansas have passed those
laws. If any portion of the citizens there are
dissatisfied with them, they have precisely the
same remedy which you and !, if We had gone
to the Territory, would have had, if laws had
been passed obnoxious to us. They have their
right to appeal to the Supreme Court; and if
that right is not amply secured by the present
legislation of the country, am ready to secure
it In the amplest manner possible"
GENERAL CASs:
Even the father of Squatter Sovereignty
claimed right in Congress to abrogate the
code.
81 believe that the people of the Territory
of Kansas have the right to exercise their do
nestle privileges, if may so term them, for
themselves, and you have no right to interfere;
but / believe that if the Congress of the United
States pass q law, they have tho same right to
see that that law is faithfully executed which
they had to pass it. Whether you derive your
power from one clause Of the Constitution or
another, to establish Territorial Government,
you have the same right to take care that that
Government is faithfully executed. Then, if
the Territorial Legislature pass laws which are
in the very face of the Constitution, and in the
face of your organic act, it is my opinion that
Congress has right to correct their error"
August 9th, the Army bill coming up, Mr..
BELL, of Tennessee, took occasion to denounce
! the Kansas code.
MIR, BELL, OF TENNESsEE-(w
Whether appropriations shall be made for
the Army, or whether the Army be disbanded,
or whatever other result may happen, it be-
comes the Senate, it becomes the Congress Of
| the United States, it becomes the Government
OF the United States, whatever may be their
views as to collateral points of doctrine, or of
practice, or of sentiment, upon any question,
to do justice to these people, and repeal those
laws that all admit to be o6noxiows, and IN
ciolation Of the principles of the Consultation.
Fiat justitia ruat ccelum, though a trite saying,
is pertinent and appropriate here, and I do
not hesitate to express it. That is all / pro.
pose to say now, because 1 do not wish to tres
pass upon the patience of the Senate"
MR.. CLAYTON, OF DELAwARE-(Whig)
"Now sir, let me allude to that subject.
| which is the great cause of all this discord be-
tween the two Houses. The unjust, iniquitous,
| oppressive, and infamous lars enacted By the
Kansas Legislature, as ii is called, ought to be
repealed before zoe adjourn; and concur with
the member from Tennessee, that the RESPONSE
bility, If either the Senate or the House of Rep-
resentives shall refuse to repeal these laws, will
justly rest on the heads of the men who refuse
| to do justice. What are these laws2 One of
| them sends man to hard labor for not less
than two years for daring to discuss the question
whether Slavery exists, or does not exist, in
Kansas not less than two years-it may be
| fifty and if q man could live as old as Methu-
selah, it might be over nine hundred years.
That act prohibits all freedom of discussion in
Kansas, on the great subject directly referred to
the exclusive decision of the people in that Ter.
ritory; strikes down the liberty of the press, too
and is an act egregiously tyrannical as ever was
attempted by any of the Stuarts, Tudors, or Plan
tagenets, of England and this Senate persists
| In declaring that we are not to repeal that
Sir, let US tender to the House of Represent
atives the repeal of that and all other objection
able and infamous laws that were passed by
that Legislature. include in this denuncia.
ton, without any hesitation, those acts which
prescribe that a man shall not even practice
law in the Territory, unless he swears to support
| the Fugitive Slave Law; that he shall not vote
at any election, or be a member of the Legisla.
ture, unless he swears to support the Fugitive
Slave LaM , thu he he 70
port the Fugitive Slave Law; and you may as
well impose just such a test oath for any other
and every other law. am, rs I have repeat.
eddy declared, for supporting the Fugitive Slave
Law. have no difficulty on that subject but
there are thousands and hundreds of thousands
| of honest men in the United States who, al
| though they never mean to resist the Fugitive
| Slave Law, would never take an oath to support
| it. Some of them believe the meaning of an
oath to support it is, that they shall be bound
actually to apprehend runaway negro, and
deliver him, if they can, to his owner. Such a
law will drive out of the Territory many honest
and useful citizens, who are no fanatics, and
who never mean to resist any law of their coun.
try.
az will not go through the whole catalogue
| of the oppressive laws of this Territory have
done that before to-day. There are others as
bad as these to which have now referred; and
! say now, that unless the committee of confer
ence, which we are about to appoint, shall go
the whole length of conserving to the repeal of
those abominable acts, the responsibility of the
defeat of the Army bill will not rest entirely on
the House of Representatives. Repeal those
laws, and that House will have no ground to
stand upon, should it defeat the bill. Sir, they
would give way, the friends of the Army ap-
preparations would Immediately gain an acces-
sion of strength in that House, sufficient to carry
them by heavy VOTE"
MIR. DOUGLAS:
~ regarded those laws to which | referred
as being Tepugnant to the Constitution and the
organic act. ! was entirely willing to rely on
the judiciary to make wise decisions on that SUBJ
ject, in the annulment of those laws. / did not
believe that law infringing the freedom of the
press scas consistent acih the organic act allow
ing decision of the Slavery question by the
people themselves. So NTH a long list Of those
Jays. But did not deem it any part of my
duty, nor did deem it necessary, to wipe out
those laws by legislative enactment, for the
reason that the courts would do it,"
We have already referred to the mockery of
judicial redress.
Enough. We might quote from the speeches
Of other Senators on the Fro Slavery side, but
the extracts we have made show the Judgment
of the supporters of the Buchanan and Fillmore
nominations on tho Kansas code; and yet they
refused to abrogate those acts, unless the au-
thorty of the bogus Legislature that had enact
I'D them were acknowledged, and would pass no
Army bill, except one which would enable the
President to pay United States troops for en-