Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1856-05-02

law OF the conntry where q Is that u can
not 90 anywhere unless the laws 20 with II
that by the terms Of the constitution 1t Is left
to the action Of the States whore 1t exists.
We have no deposition, either directly or In
directly, IN my way, 10 use the powers II
Congress under the Constitution in order, IN
any manner, to affect II where 1t exists
That IS our position. Because we do not
desire 10 extend 1t we are called Abolition.
lists, Suppose icc were made 10 believe IT,
Suppose that all Of us who nre now called
by different n0mes--names Of rcproach, too,
such MS Black Republicans, and some sort
OF Americans-were made 10 believe, and
the world was made to believe, that we were
Abolilionlsts - who would be the gamer by
II? Who would be benefited by it?
cannot but call TO min a lesson from
our political history on this subject. When
the Parliament Of Great Britain were about
to pass their first stamp act, which was oi-
forwards repealed and another one passed,
Dr. Franklin was the agent Of two colonies,
massachusetts aud Pennsylvania, hen resi-
ding IN London. Our coluuies kept agents
IN London, who were something like the
Delegates Of our Territories here Though
they did not have seats in Parlmment they
we're consulted in regard to the mattcrs,ot the
colonies. Dr. franklin was called before a
committee, and examined ~ relation 20 that
law, and he was asked his opinion as to
whether the people of this country would
submit to 1t cheerlully. or whether they
would oppose ~ Dr.. Franklin told them
that he thought they would NOT submit cheer
fully, aud he did not know whether they
would submit at all. This was, thnk, IN
1864, the year after the treaty with France.
They asked him what the difficulty was -
Tie replied: "'rhe people of the colonies ac-
knowledge allegiance To the British Crown,
and not only do they acknowledge that nile
glance but they are a very loyal people 10
TINT Crown They hold their charters irom
u they are attached TO itas Protestant
Gown; they are attached 10 it iu every way;
but the people of the colonies do not hold
that same obligation 10 the British Parlu~
ment We consider that you have no right
M any form, 10 tax Ms where we are not rep
resented They said TO Dr. frankfurt
There is nothing m that distinction; the
laws we pass are the Kings laws oppose
ton to the Parliament is opposition to the
Clown; inGlelity 10 the Parliament is lnli-
deity to the Crown. The acts Of the Par
lament as approved are the acts OF the
Crown" "N ELL" said DR.. Franklin, 81
have no desire to argue that question with
the committee our people think otherwise
bat all can say is perhaps You can CON
vince them that there IS no difference ami,
# you do, think they viii oppose the law
altogether, and the Crown too sir, they
persisted Within three or four years after
wards they passed lhit law; they pm, 1t To
the people of America; they insisted that
opposition Ia their laws was opposition and
rebellion 20 the 'owu. How dad they sue
coed 90 making them believe o.? Read
your Declaration of Independence, and
what does u say II charges, over aud
over, these very acts of the British PdrIla-
mant rs the acts OF the Throne the nets of
the King, aud says they are the acts winch
define iyraul, They had got 10 believe u
then. They asserted H., and we know the
consequences.
Now, SIR, | do not know bui that 1t may
be made To be believed by Ms all, that we are
all Ab0llt0nlsts IN the sense. IT You please
which ! have defined. and us understood
everywhere but suppose 1t should be be-
lIcved, what would be the consequence -
II IS not necessary for me 10 answer do
not see how any gain would come TO the
Cause of the Shareholders, or the slavchodlng
part ot the United States and when ! use
this term do not mean il in any reproachiul
sense. do not sec how an advantage could
come to them. ! may be a matter Of taste.
IL seems that they have succeeded IN max
ing the people Of Europe understand that we
have a Republican biqck presiding IN our
House of eprescuatlves-a Black Repub-
lican. 1t may be, that It would elevate the
position and estimation of this nation to
have II understood IN Europe, that blacks be-
come presiding officers. Perhaps II will be
best to pursue II until we have IL President
that IS black but that is mniier at '.-'''
Stll, SIR II is part and parcel Of the same
proceedings, and gentlemen must pursue
their own course about IL; but 1t seems to
me all this viii not do any good. Some
thing should be done To restore quiet; and #
you could return to the condition OF things
before the net of 1854, I caunot but believe
that large body ol my hearers and mcm
bcrs of the Senate from all parts OF the
country, would be glad that 1t had been con-
tlnued so. II so, the eyll can be corrected
still, However ! will dwell no longer on
that point
Gentlemen will have perceived, | think,
by this time, all the reasons which J can
urge, why at any rate those laws which
they call such of the Legislature which
assembled IT. Kansas, should M some way or
other be- corrected; and we undoubtedly
have the power 10 do u. There Is ouc other
course, aud that Is jhc one which Is present.
cd. May we not admit them under their
constitution as they have formed it.. The
admission of State must always rest ia the
discretion Of Congress Thus Is the quiet
est way Is settle the difficulty. Nobody has
then 10 take back anything; no steps must
then be relraced. Il undoubtedly viii result
IN quiet; II viii be an end of controversy on
the subject, and do not see that gentlemen
have reason TO be believe that persistence IN
dong otherwise will be likely to produce
any good at ALL But, SIR am moi pre-
pared at tins moment To 90 at length into my
reasons for believing as do, that the best
the shortest, aud the most quiet way ia to
admit that people with their constitution,
and end The trouble. | will detaln the Sens
ate no longer.