New-York daily tribune., 1856-05-24

surnorfed tDIs view. Inc various rpecc'es, lrV-
,e,s &c 10 which be defends it are admirable
specimens Of special pleading. They evihce not
orly The nil utest acquaintance with the history OF
the Constitution, but prodlgols ineness and
acuteness Of perception. There is something gal
liant. too, in the iItrepidity with which the afgu-
ment is pushed to its final consequences. But, as
a doctrine, il has two fatal defects. First, il i.
not fortified by the facts Of the case; aud second
ly, it s incapable Of practical application. When
Mr.. Calhoun says that the people OF the United
States are lot ration in any sense, his assertion
il too unqualified j. They are nation, but na'ion
peculiarly organized. They are one nation as
respects sll the general purposes Of the Federal
COnstItutOD, and they are separate sovereign
States as respects their local purposes. In both
cases the constituency is the saIne-the people OF
the States, act ng in their sovereign capacity
The Federal Constitution is not a c0mp1ct nor
league, but government in the strlctest sense Ot
the term-organzed into ts several departments,
operating upon indivduals and things and having
the power to enforce its enactments. 1t is not,
however, consolidated government nor CON
federated government exclusively, but mixture of
both, in which some Of the features OF simple
federation and some of those Of q simple nationality
are retained. The error of Mr.. Calhoun consisted
in dwelling too entirely upon the federal features,
to the exclusion of the national-taking an abSo-
lutte view Of that which was altogether relative.
He treated the States az parties TO O contract
when they were, in fact, members Of society.
He maintained, consequently, their right to with
draw from the contract when It's terms were vlO-
lated, which s the same doctrine, applied to the
States which the New England Come Cutters, as in-
div!duals, apply to society. II is wholly disor-
gsnizDg. Our Union being government, aud a
limited government, the Constitution which ere
ates it defines its powers and declares the means
Of redress when those powers are exceeded
which is not the nterposition of State authority
but the Supreme Court, for the Interpretation of
questionable laws and a general convention Of the
people of the States for their amendment. Be
this as il may il is certain that the almost uni
yersal opinion of the country has stamped the null
lifyiDg doctrine of Mr.. Calhoun with the seal of
It's rcprobstiOn. It is revolutionary, and revolu-
tionary only. Let it be admitted, and the c0ntinu-
ance Of the Federal Government becomes impOs-
sible There has been no period of ten years in
the history of Legislation in which, if nullifics
tiOn were q rightful remedy, some law OF Con-
gress would net have been rejected. In Pennsyl-
vaDa the Excise-Laws, in the Eastern States the
Embargo, in Virginia the Carriage-Tax, at the
South the Tariff, and at the North the Fugitive
Slave Law, would each, at successive periods,
have made of the Union rope of and. The
of Mr. Cai xsfa hon IN tha
cucatiOn of which he devoted his life and was
ready to take up arms against the peace of the
nation, may be summed up in two lines, viz:
theoretically it extremely doubtful, to say the
least, while practically it was utterly imPractic-
able and absurd
Both in his abstract theory of government and
in his constitutional hermeneutics, Mr.. Calhoun
exhibited tendency, which is not uncommon
among politicians, to trust more to political ar
rangements than to the spirit of the people-more
to institutions than to men, Yet if there be any
lesson taught with uniform precision by the political
history OF mankind, il is the dependence OF all
institutions for their success upon the integrity and
life of the nation. If there be no love of justice
and liberty in the popular heart if public virtue Il
corrupt, or public opinion torpid there is no polit-
cal device which can save nation from degenerd-
ton and decay The most liberal institutions fail
of their effect and the most despotlc cannot arrest
their procliyity to ruin. But when the pubic
mind is vigorous, lending constant and efhcient
support to whatever is great and good III the action
of rulers. though the institutions may be both
theoretically and practically very imperfect, the
condition of the people will be comparatively
sound and happy All the world has admired the
spirit of the Athenan Democracy, and doctrnaire
writer's have commended Athenian institutions to
universal adoption; but what would those insttu'
tons be without the spirit of the Athenan people
Laws do not operate by charm; they possess no
magical virtue; they are not, as Macaulsy says an
Aladdin's lamp a Prince Ahmed's apple Their
virtue is in the willing obedience of the pcople-in
their courage, their freedom, their dislateresed-
ness, and readiness TO defend their own rights and
the rights of others. The Government OF Queen
Elizabeth of England was despOtic government
AS absolute as that of any of the Cars. 1t dis
rsgarded Parliament, il interferei with debate 1t
imprisoned subjects without trial, it employed
torture, it restricted the press, it prescribed re-
lisous faith; and yet the age of Elizabeth was q
golden age for the nation. The reason was that
the people alive, bold and vigorous, in spite
of the Government. They possessed in their own
resolute hearts better security for themselves
than they could have found in Psraments or in
armies BY these Illustrations, however, We DO
not mean 10 argue that institutions are a matter OF
Indifference; they are not-they are always Of the
highest Importance; as landmarks of the rise of
popular progress and barriers against its regurg
...ior H.. .annnt La nrnr-csiinatnI Rnt ther