The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-07-17

| ISrriIOricS oi Inc Onlteu OtateSI Ihe result
in its nature, is just what predicted; while
in its aggravations, it surpasses all that M
fanatical imagination had conceived.
Sir, l say again, and with emphasis, we hav,
had enough of compromises on the subject o
Slavery. The day for them has passed. d,
| you ask what / would do on these disturbing
| questions? / answer, that | would do on thes
| what would do on all other questions. | holt
| this to be a Government of majorities, modified
indeed by complex constitutional limitations
but nevertheless Government of majorities.
1t is the business of Congress to adjust anc
determine all questions which legitimately com,
before 1t, and not to compromise them, or II
devolve their decision upon others. True,
know very well that l might be overruled, ant
that Slavery might be established in Terrific
~ by Congress, where should vote to establish
Freedom. In that case, Slavery must remain
there, until, in a constitutional way, it shall b,
removed. So, on the other hand, if Freedom
shall be established in the Territories, wher,
others vote to establish Slavery, they too mus
submit. and abide the change they desire
True, know that there might be diHerenc,
of opinion between the House of Representa-
tives and the Senate in such case. In sucl
| an event, we must wait until the two Houses
can agree-tomorrow, the next month, or tn,
next year. The people will ultimately tax,
care to constitute the two Houses so that the,
shall agree. So much, sir, for my position up
on the subject of compromises concerning th'
the subject of Slavery.
Mr.. President, the Territory of Kansas consti
tutes one twenty fifth part of the whole dominion
of the United States of America, sufficient u
constitute six States of the average size of those
now enrolled in the Confederacy. 1t is a Terri
tory which, thirty five years ago, was with pecu
col, o.t rlfx. Cd 70
| and assigned as an exclusive field of free labor
The distinguished Senator from Delaware Mr.
| CLAYTON now argues to convince US that thai
| benefceut act was unconstitutional. The ques
| ton which is thus raised is merely incidental
| and collateral now. / am content, therefore,
on this occasion, to reply, that the act was a
compromise; that it received the form. name,
| and character, of a compromise at that time,
| by the slaveholding States and the free States,
as parties having conflicting interests to. be
settled. And it received that form, name,
and character, foR the purpose OF binding the
| faith OF all parties against repeal or disturb
ance Of it, on the ground of alleged unconstitu-
tionality, or on any other ground. So it was
received and acquiesced in by the people of the
| United States. SO it took its place in the ma
| tional history, and so it respected and
maintained by all parties until 1854. Congress
in that year abrogated the benefcent guarantee
of Freedom, and thus offered and exposed the
Territory of Kansas, as well as that of Ne
braska, to the intrusion OF Slavery and slave
labor But Congress, nevertheless, replaced
the old covenant of impartial Freedom and free
labor, with guarantee that the inhabitants of
Kansas, when coming to organize the Terrific
rial Government after a model prescribed,
should be perfectly free to establish Freedom
and free labor, and to reject Slavery and mental
LII. Iol 81,
sembled, than it was made known to us that
that guarantee had failed; that, in the very
moment of her organization, an armed foreign
body entered the Territory, assumed an attitude
of actual war, usurped the franchises of the
citizens, seized the machine of Government,
and converted it into a tyranny marked by the
enforcement of despotic laws by foreign legisla
tors, magistrates, and ministerial officers ; and
that the President of the United States vas
maintaining this despotism in Kansas with the
armed force of the United States. | brought
these facts to the notice of the Senate, together
with the fact that the people of Kansas, free
American citizens as they were, unwilling to
acquiesce in that usurpation, and unable to
submit to that despotism, had assembled at
Topeka, in the manner customary on such &C.
casions, and in acknowledged subsection to the
jurisdiction of the United States, organized
themselves, Professionally, into State, and were
here, by representatives delegated to both
Houses, soliciting admission into the Union.
| submitted to the Senate that the new State
of Kansas ought to be admitted, not because it
would be always wise to admit whatever new
States might come, and In whatever manner
they might come, nor yet because it would have
been wise, under other and different circum
stances, to have admitted even Kansas herself
but simply because Kansas was held bound,
hand and foot, under foreign usurpstion, at
the feet OF the President OF the United States I:
and that her admission now was not only a
necessary measure of relief and redress, but
vac the only practicable and adequate one.
urged her admission on the Senate upon
three distinct grounds. First, that it would Sc
cure peace to Kansas aud to the country, then
fearfully threatened with CONJUNCTION and civsl
var Secondly, that it would be the means
Of protecting property, hle and liberty, with
in that Territory, then dangerously exposed.
Thirdly, that It would be tue rnesns OF bring
ing Kansas into the Union rs free State,
! with the institutions of free labor, in compii-
ance ri;a that original pledge which once
had been gwen Tue Inhabitants cf that Ter
ritory. and afterwards revoked. Introduced
a bill for the admission of the new State
| of Kansas, and advocated its passage on
those grounds, while | urged my objections
against the bill relating to the same subject,
which had been presented to the Senate by the
| Committee on Territories. There | left the
debate. and 1 return 10 it now only because
that committee have abandonsd their first bill,
and adopted the one now under consideration.
| stand now by my own bill. which maintain
to be preferable to the last bill of the commit
| tee, it was &c the first. Some honorable
Senators seem to think that It is unreasonable
i hat In L.
down and accept the new one, which they are
inclined to treat as compromise between my
| own bill for the Immediate admission of Kan.
| sas, under the Topeka Constitution, and the
FIRST bill of the Committee on Territories. Why
| should 4 surrender my own bill? If it was
wise, Just, and necessary, when l presented i,
| TO the Senate, it is Just, wise, aud necessary
now. 1t was wise, just, and necessary then, II
the circumstances under which the Constitution
Of Kansas was adopted were then truly stated
and set forth By me, in my argument delivered
in the Senate. IA making that argument, / had
to rely on probable evidence, for no oiSG- evi
dence then existed. Now, 6 committee of the
House of Representatives, after having dill
gently inquired on oath, have ascertained ana
confirmed the truth OF the circumstances o.
Kansas yi,ch | then assumed. | state those
circumstances anew, o. The present occasion
In the moderate and guarded conclusions of the
committee of the House of Representatives.
Spurious and pretended Legislative, Ju
dicisi, sud Executive officers have been Sc
over them, by whose Qsurped authority, sus
tanned by the military power of tho Govern
ment, tyrannical and unconstitutional law
have been enacted and enforced;
"The rights of the people to keep and beal
arms have been infringed;
"Test oaths, Of an extraordinary and en-
tangling nature, have been imposed as con
dition of exercising the right Of suffrage AM
holding Office;