Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1856-05-06
For the Enquirer.
FACTS FOR THE CAMPAIGN.

nc ittrd, 'ht ny every official act Of Mr. Fillmore
! up 10 1913. he was in favor:
| First.-Of excluding the South from all sLare ir
| the territories belonging 10 tho Union.
Second.-Ihat he was against admitting any State
INTO the Cnionw with constitution tOleratng or estab
| fishing slavery.
and immediate abolition OF slavery in the District OF
Cnlumnia, without the consent Of and without com
| pcn'aon to the owners of such property therein.
Fonrth.--Thas he was i'll favor OF the suppression
by Congress Of the free transfer OF slaves from one
Southern State to another.
Filth.-rhat he was opposed In the execution Of
or any law passed in pursuance of that clause Of the
Constitution with reference 10 fugitive slaves. or 0
my legislation which would make it directly obliga
tory upon the States or the people.
Sixth-Ihat he was in favor Of tho reception Of pc
tltons, in every shape in which they were presented
on the suGec of Slavery aud that III regard to them
and all other phases of ahnOnisn, he was az radi.
cal aud bitter as eilher Gddingsor Slade.
Seventh.-ttc was in favor of the principle, that
! the federal government could do indirectly what il
could not do directly BY the Constitution, upon the
subject OF slavery.
Eghth.--He was in favor of suppressing, under the
aledged power to regulate commerce. the oast-wise
trHffiG IN slaves, III vessels of the United States.
Ninth.-He wac in iavUr of tn. recognition, and
IN favor OF establishing ministerial relations with the
black republic OF Hayii, and against the recognition
OF Texas, as State except upon the condition that
| slavery should be abolished therein.
iGion, in favor Of the property of section Of the
Union, and against the property Of anosler section
Ot the same Union, which pru.sses to secure to all
ITS parts an equal participation i'll and equal benefits
among the States aud people by whom it is com.
posed.
A record thus fearfuly yconsistsnt-whsther spring.
lng from conviction or from prcjudce-thus dread.
fully portentOus. whether resulting from HE situation
or IRON his associations, certainly ought not To be
waved away rs shadow with the hand. Is it cr-
fn nhI.r ntif Ihn
past opinions! Is unjust reflect upon the effect
ut his erample Is it unw!se TO appeal to the past,
when We do not know what may be the trials of the
uurei Is it unfair 10 coate and compare all his ac-
tinns! Which is the more cOmmcndable, the more
prudent, the safest, the BEST blind, unhrsitating
creduhty which will not acknowledge fault, or the
mastery generosity which seeks to scrutinze and to
amend il!
We say this much by way OF estopper to any of the
friends OF Mr.. Fillmore, who cannot appreciate the
kindness Of nature III bring ing On the suppuraon OF
the wound before the curin. process cGnmences.--
We are not willing TO take him trust He cannnt
stand before the American reCple III he now is. He
modify, extenuate, or change entirely the opin-
ions and postioIs he has taken upon the sub ect of
slavery. Ii no other good can be accomplished per-
haps, complete wiunowlng Of his sentiments may
induce him 10 brace his platform, which is not only
enough, but too much in ts present condition. for the
honest conservatism of the South. ii he shall con-
ctde something to lis righteous constitutional de-
nands, It will indeed be well # he shall establish
himself on the ground which tbs times require il will
still be better.
How, then, have Mr.. Fillmores iriendt-how has
he hmseit-soughl to do away the efec, Of the facts
which his whole official life developed the subject
of slavery! The Defence so far, is q ripcate one.
1t il alleged that he GU ht tn be acceptable to the
South. becausc Erst, in his letter To Governor Gale
of Alabama in his letter to James Brooks OF!
New iorx-and third, by his course al President, he
has voluntarily purgrd hinscIf-eased his bosom Of
the perilous stuff which weighs upon tile hearts Of
| our people In other words. letters written while he
was candidate for Vice President, when the strong
est mortal confederation, in operation upon him,
Ia exrrnunte. tO paiGte, 10 modify his opinions, and
by seil-h and partial professions dcaden public
ciamor We do not say /. caS so ; but we do say,
that no human being could be entirely exempt from
influences which, under the circumstances go to
the credlbll:ty Oi the e1pnrga;ions. We must consi-
der too" that IN this reserve reverse movement, he
would 60 far he could conscicntouSly or GGfely
20, aud that the very cSenuntOn itself would nnbo-
dy his extreme couvic:ions-would Sitter all over
with the new lights which Time and Experience
brought to his mind. ThiG is the uaual process ui
vHulting and selfish zeal which, in its eaerness
TO leap al once into secure seat, falls upon the other
side. II Is the very predicament in which find Mr.
h!Bor" upon This question. Weshall examine these
ana -aihted letters md see where they leave hb2
der the constitution. II they can be- taken ~ tne
..nse in which they were too evidently Intended by
iudicious mind after the evidence which will be
presented n connection with them, We will acknow'
ledge that have undertstiInated the extent oi hu
man simplicity and human credulity. But VIZ are no'
presenting 0ue-sded arguinrnt He are rather cola
ting conf ,cng testimony and we ought and shall re.
fran from any Injurious reflections, however merlted
they may appear to be. But 10 the letter
ALBANY, Sept. l3, l54s.
"JaMEs Brooks, Esq:
DEAR SAL returned this morning from the
West and have yours oil the lDth, in which you say
that il has been charged in the Richmond En7Hirer,
that hold il tn be within the power OF Congress 70
aeyj jerc ,Sh, jrcdk 0y, he hdHSportdfon, reno
sat- or disposal ~ perSoMS heid as sfaves, from one
sLacehold,Hg STATE 10 another.
IL am GOT aware that TINS QUESTION HAS EVER
BEEN DISCUSSED IS CONGRESS, or was ever presented
for the consideration nf the Supreme Court of the
United States before 1911. In that year the cee5ra-
ted case from Mississippi was decided, and Mr. JUS
tce Mclean gave an elaborate alrl"n Oh this point,
in which the Chief Justico CGncurrcd. He cams to
the conclusion, Nai ihe constitutional p1EcT 0r'r mas
matter is cSted in he Seceral States and not i'll Con
gress.
= SO far rs my knowledge extends this opinion car
ried convictions 10 every unprcluficed MIND, End the
question was considered Hs settled, AT any rare
this was my own opinion then, and have seen no
uausc to change il since. ShnIId do so, should
not hesiiate to declare it. You will therefore, per
ceivr that you did me injustice in representing tt
your friend t:s! these were my sentiments.
Il write in haste anil fle pressure ol ohciai ua
ties but remain, truly yours.
"MuLARD FILLMORE"
This them is one ui the letters with its modlnca.
tions of sentiment 1t is confined to nne solitary
pont-the power Of Congress over slavery III tht
Statea No reference is made To hls famous letter o
lSfS in which he did avuw the possession oi that au
thority in Congress- and he is evidently desirous t.
leave the Inference that his own individual opinion:
have always corresponded with the decision oil tlt
Supreme Court. This result il the fair import OF Mi
lnnauagc and il is most dangerous, to say Inc very
least on his part. But this is not the only uncannlC
aud incredible revelation which he makes. Hestates
explicitly, that, "e il aware that THIS QUESTION
HAS EVER BEEN DISCUSSED Is CoSGREss" In othe
words, he leaves the impression that the consldera
| ton aud decision oi the power OF Congress o'e
slavery in the Siaies for the first time presented
| To his mind in 1911, by the Supreme Court nTab"
| dic'ai Never been discussed i'll Congress- ~ Has
he found It convenient to forget one of the celebrated
resolutions against which he voted III December
1885, and which We're discussed i'll Congress by Ather
| ton ol New Hampshire, aud others Has he forgot
! ten this res ,lutionf
THAT all attempts on the part OF Congress 10 aboi
ish slavery in the District Of Columbia, nr The Terri
tories or 10 prohibit the removal Of slaves from Stat
to State To discriminate between the institutions
of one portion of the Cuntedcracy and another VIII
| the views aforesaid, ARE ~ VIOLATION OF THE cos
sTIruTIoy destructive to the fundamental principle
on which the Union of the States rests, and BEYcNl
THE JURISDICTION or CosGREss.
| Mr.. Fillmore voted against that resolution, ant
the principle spoken OF in his letter to Brooks wn
then discussed in Cungress. But that IS not all. IL
voted againsl the following resolution, u! MIR. Wis
Of Virginia, the principle OF which was again dis
cussed in Congress:
That, Congress has no power to abolish the slave
trade, or to prohibit the removal Of slaves 6etwee
the States and the District of Columbia or Terrific
| rie- Of the United States"
Has he forgotten. that on the 18th day of Decem
bar 1873, he voted for this resolution, Of Slade o
Vermont, which, with the preamble not only DIS
cussrs the question: but assGrts the authority "hIc
he Processes to deny
| Whereas tn ere exists and is carried on betWee
the ports n the District of Columbia, and other Par1
of tho United States, and under the sanction ol ~
laws thereof, trade in human beings, "oel,o o.
rLnussn5s Of th-n are annually sold and transPorte
from said District to distant parts OF me country
vessels belonging to citizens. OF the United states a
and whereas SUCH trad. Involves Gn outrageous rio
lation of human rights is disgrace TO me cIun',
by whose laws it is sanctioned anu ca..e ,o' 1