Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1856-08-14

the Union Slide" The people of the Free States,
burning with fanaticism, inflated by these sue
cesses, and headless Of constitutional restraints
and of consequences, are madly rushing into
the Republican ranks with unanimity hitherto
without example; and it may we'll be feared
that even the united energies of all southern
men and the conservatives of every section may
be too feeble to resist their overwhelming
power The Union trembles under the blows
Of this sectional strife; God grant that the
fearful catastrophe of its dissolution may be
averted The election Of Fremont would be
its death-knell. If his supporters are strong
enough to elect him, they are also strong
enough to consummate their designs of sec
tional ACKNOWLEDGMENT and southern humiia-
ton; and in spite of the Constitutions they
will assume the power of Congress to legislate
over Slavery in the Territories of the United
States; they will exclude the South fromits
Just rights in the national domain, abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, repeal the
fugitive-slave bill and refuse to admit new
States into the Union unless they repudate
Slavery. That these measures would follow
the election of Fremont he had no doubt; and
when they did, the Union would, and ought to
be, dissolved. These measures, and each of
them, negative important provisions Of the Con-
sttution inserted for the security of the South,
and if persisted in are just grounds of separa.
ton.
Fellow-citizens, do you appreciate the dangers
which encompass you? He feared we were on
the verge of dissolution. Gloom and appre-
hension shroud the future; our very existence
as nation--as one united people--in all
probability depends upon the result of this cleo
ton. Our institutions are assailed in their
most vulnerable part. The torch of the incen-
diary is blazing; the citadel of the Union is
besieged; and this is no time for the garrison
to be wasting the time aud strength, which
should be given to the common enemy, in the
indulgence of old antipathies and vain Disputes
but regardless of the past, and with patriotic
devotion, sacrificing on the altar Of our common
country our ancient prejudices and preferences,
we should rally under the standard of that
leader who gives the best assurance of his
ability to preserve the common safety.
If we concede Mr.. Fillmores entire nation
atty, and that, if elected, his energies would
be devoted in good faith to preserve the Union,
and quell all sectional discord, what assurance
have we that he can be elected? Does any
one believe that he can be? He who thinks
he can be is blind to the signs of the times.
Mr.. c. knew very well that in certain
quarters studied efforts had been made to pro-
duce the impression that his election was GER
tain, and it is quite possible that Their are those
whose vision does not reach beyond the narrow
horizon of Somerset, or even Of the State of
Maryland, who may think so but the man
who comprehends within his view the whole
country, and the present state of parties, who
has observed for the last half year the varied
and manifold indications of popular sentiment,
and is familiar with the spirit Of the American
press, and can think there is the remotest pro
liability of the election of Mr.. Fillmore by the
people, has become insensible to evidence.
Where is he to get the votes? He is the no
mnee of the American party which, if it was
even national party, has long since ceased
to be so by the detection of its own members.
A large portion of the members from the free
States of the convention which nominated him
at that time seeded, and went over to the
Republicans and from that time to this the
work of secession has been going on, until
now it may be truthfully affirmed that the
American party, distinct from, and uncon-
nected with the Republicans, has ceased to
exist in those States. True, individual mem.
bers remain firm; but, as party, capable any
where in those States, unless it be in the city
Of New York, of efiecting anything, it does
not exist Nor can he expect any important
aid in those States from other parties. The
in Americanism, aud as part Of the American
party has gone over to the Republicans. Elk.
cept Choat and Winthrop, and probably Eve
rett of Massachusetts, he could not name a
Wing of New England, of national reputation,
who was not now Republican. Even the
most active and able supporters Of Mr.. Fill
more's administration have enlisted in the
Republican ranks. Dayton, Of New Jersey, is
the Republican candidate for Vice President;
Collamer, of Vermont is the chosen advocate
of Republicanism in the United States Senate
and Corwin, of Ohio, his Secretary of the
Treasury, is stamping Indiana for Fremont
and the same may be said Of many others OF
like stamp. In the free States nearly every
Wing of national reputation may now be
found among the Republicans. The legislatures
of those States are either Republican or De-
mocratic-not Fillmore Americans; in the
House of Representatives there are scarcely
enough members from the free States who
favor Mr.. Fillmore's election to fill the cab.
net appointments, even if they were of the
right material; and if there is ono member
from those States in the Senate of he United
States who favors his election, Mr. c. could
not name him. OF the anti-1emocratic press
of those States the same may be said. Out Of
81 anti-democratic journals from the free States
WHICH WIN the new Il Ork 1efuL0,
rs, as we learn from that paper, are for Ere.
mont, and II for Fillmore and 2 for Buchanan.
Shut their eyes, as The friends of Mr.. Fillmore
may, the fact is nevertheless true that the
whole North and West are either republican or
democratic; and no reasonable ground exists
justifying the belief that he can get single
electoral vote in the free States, unless it be in
California, Of which he did not pretend to
speak. These States will vote for Buchanan
or Fremont. Mr.. c. greatly feared a majority
Of them would go for the latter In the South
Mr.. Fillmore may do better. His friends last
year carried Delaware, Maryland, and Ken.
lucky; II these be accorded to him now, they
will not elect him. Can he get any more I?
Few, if any, think he can but suppose he
gets Tennessee, North Carolina, and Louisiana
and his most sanguine friends claim no more
in the South-still he is greatly in the minority.
Then, he cannot be elected by the popular
vote; and every vote thrown for him, with that
view, is vote thrown away. But votes for
him may have different and very mischieyous
effect If he carries the States referred to, or
even considerable portion Of them, no cleo.
tin, prnhablv ,p;1 ka &C. L.. IL