The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-10-16

choice and discretion as to what Influences sbal
: people their vacant domain, what shall be tn
= character of their neighbors, where and how
8 new votes shall be admitted in the making O
. their laws, they cannot control the DESTINY O
1 their Government, they have in fact abdcate,
popular sovereignty; they are given over to .
companionship, which may be Injurious or re
pulsive, bat in regard to which they have n,
power OF resistance, nor even the right of pro
test. This denial of the right of the people O
the United States, through their Government
TO choose their own destiny-or, reduced to it
Simplest form OF expression, this denial to tn,
people OF the United States to the right of self
, government, is the result of the old mode O.
treating the Constitution as if its objects wer.
unwholesome, and as if no power should be-
, considered in it which is not written out 80 a.
length as to render denial impossible. But i
Is the Old mode forced into distortion BY the
application of lashes and thumb-screws. 1t il
strict construction so refined upon and attenu
ated as to leave an ordinary strict construction
ist on the latitudnarian side. AS a rule Of
construction, its result is to convert the Con
stitution, framed to secure to the people the
right OF selfgovernment into a means of de-
prlvlng them of that right
This mode of construction, in the abstract SC
dangerous to popular liberty, and so unreason
I
jects to which it is applied. It's immediate use
is to extend Slavery; but it is equally favora.
} BILE to polygamy.
Coupled with the above mode of construction
Is another, which belongs to the opposite ex.
IRENE. 1t asserts power under the Constitu-
ton, and by virtue of it, not so much as limited
at In the language OF that instrument the power
OF the stakeholder to take his slaves into any
Territory acquired or to be acquired, and hold
them there, without and against the consent OF
the people of the Union, or of the Territory it.
self. This power is asserted upon the credit OF
several implications and differences, requiring
for their support a latitude of construction com
pared with which, ordinary hberality is narrow
and strict.
The result of it, if this power be sustained.
and may say the purpose of it. as in the pre-,
ceding instance, adds nothing to the attraction
OF the thing itself. 1t extends Slavery over all
the Territories of the United States, acquired
or to be acquired. The same principle would
seem to authorize the indefinite extension OF
polygamy.
Thus are coupled together two modes of con.
STRUNG the Constitution, as opposite as the
poles; both asserted by the same advocates
one, by an extremely strict construction, depri.
wing the people of the power of self-defence ;
the other, by an extremely loose construction,
comforting upon few an almost unlimited
power to corrupt and annoy the body polite.
So far as either of these proposed modes of
construction depends or can depend upon argu.
ment or decisions, they have been long since
adJudicated; and the practice of the Govern
ment, until very recent period, has sanctioned
those decisions. The only thing that remains
is to ascertain whether the people by their votes
are willing to consent TO the proposed abdica-
ton of their light to control the destiny of their
own Government.
The merits of Slavery and Polygamy, as
forms of social organization, ought to be great,
to justify their extension by such means, and
at the expense of such strain upon the funda.
mental law. But the people of this part of the
country entertain, perhaps enormously, unfavor-
able opinions of both Slavery and Polygamy.
They are not intimately acquainted with either,
but have seen and heard enough of both to
create dislike, it may be a prejudice. Since
Slavery already has more room than it can &C.
cupy, they do not perceive why it should be ex-
tended and they look upon the desire to urge
it forward continually, in opposition to the pre-
objections of all who are not engaged in it, as
pretentious, unneighborly, and offensive. When
you meet again, to inform US how to rally the
old Wing party, as l take it for granted you
soon will, think you will do we'll to consider
that the people have great propensity to vote
on this question. have seen old Wings who
make no scruples to acknowledge that they
love the Wing party, but who insist upon it
they also love virtue, and that polygamy is hos
tile to virtue; who insist upon it they also love
justice, and that the further extension of Sla
very at this time is unjust. Some of them go
30 far as to say that they love the Constitution,
and that the claims now put forward unless
met and overthrown, will subvert that instru.
ment.
So much diversity of opinion is expressed, as
to what is national and what sectional, that not
few old Wings have been looking over their
files to find where they stood when they were
acknowledged on all sides to be national. An
examination, they say, confirms their recollec-
ton. They find acts of Congress, some of them
quite recent, speeches. declarations, resolutions.
platforms, judicial decisions of the highest Fed
eral Court, all coneurring in the assertion that
Congress has power to prohibit the extension
OF Slavery into new Territories and they say
they find that general concurrence of opinion
existed OF the expediency of exercising that
power, especially as to Territory north of $50
30 north latitude. The leaders of both the old
parties took this ground. In addition to this
general argument as to constitutional power,
they find there was general striking of hands
on the matter of expediency and fairness in
1870, and again in 1850. They recollect
feeling of satisfaction and comfort in standing
on such solid national ground. The flag seemed
to float over them with feeling of safety, and
gave its ample folds to the breeze, as if it were
indeed the flag of the Union. On this Union,
national ground they stand yet, without any
change whatever. They wish to know how it
happens, that without the slightest variation
from their former national position, they should
now be charged with sectionalism, and their
fidelity to the Union impeached. They are
curious to understand how the meaning of
words has been 80 suddenly reversed They
desire to be informed from whom comes this
accusation and whether, upon the whole, the
charge Is open to suspicion Of imposture.
In case they do conclude to change fronts
now, they are anxious to be informed how soon
and how frequently hereafter they will be re-
quired to turn fip-aaps, in order to be con-
sidered national men and friends of the Union.
They desire to be patriots, and not to suffer pot
ical outlawry; but at their age of life, with
fixed habits, and joints stifened by hard pull.
| ing for the old national doctrines, they find a
certain inconvenience in throwing summersets;
and if they begin, they would like to know how
many will be expected of them? Will they,
1t is asked, after turning against the old Wing
doctrine, be any the surer Wings on that &C.
count? When you issue your next manifesto,
please inform us how to rally such Wings or
what to DO with them.
| The last time the Wings of Ohio tried their
strength, as such, was in the last Presidential
election. The accident of position made me
well acquainted with the details of that con.
test. A portion of their number worked al.
most like giants but they labored under an
imDressIOn. which in 0roani xiuo tho partv IL