Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1856-02-21

latter, more than one-fourtb. But even in this
we have deprived the slave OF no pre- existing
right We found the race without any know.
ledge of or regard for the institution of mar.
riage, and we are reproached with not having
as yet secured 10 il that, with all other blessings
of civilization. To protect that and other do
nestle ties by laws forbidding, under proper
regu lations, the separation of families, would
be WISE proper and humane, and some of the
slaveholding States have already adopted par.
\ tlal legislation for the removal Of these evils.
| But the objection is far more formidable IN
theory than in practice The accidents and
necessities OF life, the desire to better ones
condition, produce infinitely greater amount
| OF separation in families of the white than ever
happens to the colored race. This is true, even
in the United States where the general condi-
ton OF the people Is prosperous. But il is still
more marked in Europe. The injustice and
despotism Of England towards Ireland has pro-
duced more separation of Irish families, and
sundered more domestic ties within the last ten
years than African slavery has effected since
its introduction into the United States. The
twenty millions OF ireemen in the United States
are Witnesses OF the dispersve injustice of the
old world. The general happiness, cheerful
ness, and contehtment Of slaves attest both the
mildness and humanity of the system and their
natural adaptation to their condition. They
| require no standing armies to enforce their
obedience; while the evidence of discomfort
and the appliances Of force to repress il. are
everywhere visible among the toiling millions
of the earth even in the Northern States of
this Union, strikes and mobs, unions aud com.
binations against employers, attest at once the
misery and discomfort Of labor among them.
England keeps one hundred thousand soldiers
in time OF peace, large navy and an nnumer-
,l1 IL n
institutions; and physical force is the sole
guarantee Of her social order, the only cement
of her gigantic empire.
/ have briefly traced the condition Of the
African race through all ages and all coun-
tries, and described it fairly and truly under
/ American slavery, and | submit that the pro-
position is fully proven, that his position in
slavery among Us is superior to any which he
has ever attained in any age or country. The
picture is not without shade as well as light !;
evils aud imperiections cling to man and all
OF his works, and this is not exempt from
them. The condition Of the slave offers great
opportunities for abuse and these opportuni-
ties are frequently used 10 violate humanity
aud Justice. But the laws restrain these abuses,
and punish these crimes in this as well as
other relations of life, aud they who assume it
as fundamental principle in the constitution
tant of power and crime of opportunity, sub
vert the foundations of all private morals and
of every social system. No where do these
assumptions find nobler refutation than in
the general treatment of the African race by
Southern shareholders and we may with hope
and confidence safely leave 10 them the re-
moval of existing abuses, and the adoption of
such further ameliorations as may be demanded
by justice and humanity. The condition OF
the African, Whatever may be his interests !
may not be permanent among us ; he may find
his exodus in the unyarying laws OF popula-
ton. Under the conditions of labor in Eng
land and the continent of Europe, domestic
slavery is impossible there, and could not exist
here or anywhere else. The moment wares
descend to point, barely sufficient to support
the laborer and his family, capital cannot af,
ford to own labor, and it must cease. Slavery
ceased in England in obedience to this law
and not from any regard to liberty or humanity.
The increase Of population in this country
may produce the same results, and American
slavery, like that of England, may find It's
euthanasia In the general prostration of all
labor.
The next aspect in which propose to ex.
anime this question is, its effects upon the ma.
terial interests of the slaveholding States.
! Thirty years ago slavery was assailed, mainly
, on the ground that it was dear wasteful, un.
profitable labor, and we were urged to emanci.
pate the blacks, in order to make them more
useful and productive members of society. The
, result of the experiment in the West India
Islands, to which ! have before referred, not
only disproyed, but utterly annihilated this
: theory. The theory was true as to the white
race, and was not true as to the black, and this
5 single fact made thoughtful men pause and
ponder, before advancing further with this folly
e of abolition. An inquiry into the wealth and
productions of the slave-hoding States of this
Union demonstrates that slave labor can be
economically and prohtaby employed, at least
{ IN agriculture and leaves the question in great
doubt, whether IT cannot be thus employed In
the South more advantageously than any other
f description Of labor. The same truth will he
made manifest by comparison of the produc-
ton OF Cuba and Brazil, not only with Hayti
and Jamaica, but with the free races, in similar
ATTITUDES, engaged in the same or similar pro
ductions IN any part of the world. The slave.
holding States, with one half of the white popu
latlon aud between three and four millions o
5 slaves, furnish above three fiflhs of the annua
exports Of the Republic, containing twenty
three millions Of people, and their entire pro
ducts including every branch Of industry great,
2 exceed per capita those Of the more populou,
E northern States. The difference in realized
D wealth IN proportion to population is not les.
s remarkable and equally favorable to the slave
r holding States. But this is not a fair compari
son, on the contrary it is exceedingly unfair tc
the slave holding States. The question q
e material advantage would be settled on the
! side Of slavery whenever it was shown thai
! our mixed society was more productive and
:, prosperous than any other mixed society with
the inferior race free instead Of slave. The
question is not whether we could not be more
. prosperous and happy with these three and 4
i half millions Of slaves in Africa and their
! places filed with an equal number Of hardy. in
! teligent, enterprisiug citizens of the superior
e race, but it is simply whether while we have
them among US, we would be most prosperous
! with them in freedom or bondage; with ibi.
1 bare statement Of the true issue, can safel,
. leave the question to the facts already hereto
, fore referred to, and to those disclosed in the
late census. But the truth itself needs some
explanation, as 1t seems to be great MYSTERY
to the opponents of slavery, how the system i
capable at the same time of increae;nc tLc