Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1856-07-04

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hardly if ever, successful, and this Mr. Fillmore and
his friends will find, The world moves forward -
What is decent mediocrity under some circnmstan
ces, degenerates into timid imbecilty under other
circumstances. So the country would find were Mr.
Fillmore, by some unprecedented miracle, or by some
second accident to be placed in the Presidential
Chair
The days of the compromise excitement are too re-
Gently past to be forgotten by any one even the
youngest, who is at all qualified to take a serious
part in the discussion of public affairs. We all
know that the only portion or part of the series of
measures known as such, or which passed at
that time, at all favourable TO the South, The
Fugitive Slave Law, law which, although in strict
pursuance of a distinctly worded constitutional re-
qurement, received not a single senatorial vote
from the northern wing of Mr.. Filmores then
party and but three representative votes from the
same wing of said party. Now, Mr.. Filmtre's
friends claim for him much credit as great pacif-
Gator. How was this shown-what are the evidences
of it-what influence did Mr.. Fillmore exert Either
he had no sort of influence al all with his friends
and pariizans, or he exerted it the wrong way
Take either horn of the dilemma and what comes of
his claims. Evidently he a mere cipher or
worse. His friends at the North in defending him
for signing the Fugitive Slave Law, say, and say
with truth that substantially the North gained every
thing 1t gained California, the most valuable of ALL
nd the other territories certain under the opera
ton of the Mexican law, to be Free Soil, even if ma
ure did not unfit them for slave labor.
very short time since Hon, James Brooks, of New
York, delivered speech at Fillmore meeting in
Cincinnati--an able and plausible speech, in which
he defended MI Fillmore's course President with
special reference to these compromise measures, which
speech he concluded by asserting that Mr. Fillmore
was bound by his pledges to his party not to the
veto power to any legislation of Congress, I'M
less manifesty unconstitutional he was advised
by his Attorney General that the Fugitive Slave Law
was constitutional and therefore he signed it. And
Mr. Brooks adds that even Mr.. Seward, similarly sit
uate must have acted in similar manner. Mr..
Brooks does not say that Mr. Fillmore would not
have signed this law but for the advice of his Attor.
ney General and, perhaps it would be making rather
Tree with any mans private motives 10 assert this
but assuredy Mr.. Fillmore's hestancy--his delay in
signing the bll--hs care in fortifying himself no
with other peoples opinions, looked exceedingly like
desire to shirk responsibility especially when this
bestancy and delay is contrasted with his extreme
prompitude in signing the other compromise meas
ures- measures reluctantly accepted by the South
and all the practical advantages of which enured to
the North.
1t is to be remembered that Mr.. Fillmore and his
friends rest his claims mainly upon his connection
with these compromise 1t is therefore fair
and proper to examine ino the nature and extent of
such connection, to if possible what the whole
thing amounts to, so far as Mr. Fillmore is concerned
and after weighing the testimony decide upon the
claims it establishes for Southern support Does a
fair review of the case show any instrumentality of
Mr.. Fillmore in the matter, especially where the
South is interested? Does not in fact the whole case
show that Mr.. Fillmore was mere fly, revo' wing
upon wheel propelled by ADLER and more in1uen-
tial men than himsefq