The Carolina Spartan. [volume] (Spartanburg, S.C.) 1852-1896, 1856-07-10

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but could not allow error 10 Prevail LONG
er in relation TO my State, my friend, or
myself. This is my position.
SIR, II there is any one individual who
more than another regrets the occasion on
which have spoken, it is myself | have
no temper for strife. am passing through
the las, chapter of my public lifc, aud
have no wish TO identify my name with
anything like n personal controversy. |
have never sought it. When the question
comes to be examined aud solved. who
was the aggressor, it will lie found that it
was not on any occasion. / admit that |
have three pccuarities OF manuer-impa
tience, eScltabili,y, and perhaps absent.
mindedness. They are peculiarilics which
have followed me from the cradle. But. sir.
hope have never known the time when
reason and repentance would not suppress
even temporary injustice. If injustice is
done 10 me, or "A wrong or insult offered, |
never stop to parley in words. / ask ius
tice, and if it is not given, | never would
be IN the wrong if could help myself; but
when | am in the right do not think any
man can blame me for yinLicating my
principles.
Now, sir, | appeal to the good sense of
this country. | appeal 10 tho lessons
which It's grave history incuIcates. ap
peal to the position which il occupies in rela.
ton to the history of The world, aud 10 the
high responsibilities which now rest on
this Coniederacy, rot 10 allow il 10 be dis.
solved in blood. II we are to separate, let
us have common sense enough to do it in
a way becoming intelligent men, who have
learned their lessons from the highest sour
ces oi Intelligence and wisdom. If we are
to live together, let it not be on the terms
prescribed or intimated by the tone and
temper OF the liccntous and aggressive Ian
guage of speech delivered by the Senator
from Massachusetts, 1t is impossible for
seli-respect TO. allow me TO sit here and lis
ten quietly TO such speech. II there
were separate confederacies tomorrow. he
dare not utter it without subjectinc himself
to peril which he will not encounter now.
lie would then put his section in position
to make war, and he would be responsible
to higher tribunal than that Of those who
have erected themselves into il under an
influence which think must perish; and
hope the day is fast coming, when the
fires of that limited sectionaism will burn
out, or will be reduced to the ashes Of dis
appointment and disgrace.
CosT OF THE WAR IN EURorE.-The n.
I. Journal Of Commerce comments upon
the cost of the war; to the'Allies, s4OO oOo,-
600 to England, and as mucl, or more To
France, 10 say nothing of Turkey and Sar
dinia. Including the Russian expenditure,
the cost is supposed TO be tro thousand
million Of dollars.
"lf, adds the Journal, "to this sum be
added the value of property sacrificed in
consequence OF the war, Of the fleets des.
troyed, the towns burned, the fortresses,
harbors and bridges demolished-all Of
which cost millions upon millions in
Their construction if account be taken Of
the property Of private individuals utterly
devastated III the course Of the struggle,
and of the untold losses occasioned b. the
withdrawal of hundreds of thousands Of
men from the ordinary industrial and pro
duclive employmen,s Of peace-some idea
may then be formed of the deplorable ex-
pendltures of the war. But all these are
insignificant III comparison with the loss
ofhuman life by the bullet, the sword, want,
fatigue and pestilence-the dread concomi.
iants of war-oven if those lives be only
regarded for their material value TO the rest
OF The world, rs producers of food, rainent
and shelter. During the two shot years
OF the war, 1t is estimated that upwards of
three quarters of million perishei on the
field, III fight, on the way side, from cold
or want, or in the hospital from disease,
who, had they been left to pursue their or
binary avocatons, might have enriched
their country and benefited their fellow
men,