The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1856-10-04

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share OF the northern coniederaey would be about e0O
100000 but according TO the table the actual division
gives them than S00000000 Here, then Is an an
nua profit Of something like S2OOOOOOoo which due 70
the Union.
To all this to be added an item whose value to the
North have TO measure approximately
the cotton trade With the exception Of specie there
is commodity yet known 10 trade which Is so capable
Of being made the basis Of enlarged system Of credits
The cotton bale is almost universal bill OF exchange
there few markets in the world where IL Is not TO be
sold for the costs Of production and transportation ana
reasonable profit upon them This fact and the regularity
Of its supply, have given il capacity TO constitute basis
for exchange such as no other commodity save specie mas
ever possessed.
Now the advantages Of that vast system of credits go
mainly to the American Of radeo your great
city, which is not only the centre OF American commerce.
but destined TO become the centre of trade and exchange
for the world If this Union should last long enough 70
enable her fulfil her destiny In this estimate OF the
material losses which the North would experience If the
Union dissolved have left out some Important
The employment ranked in the that OF commerce
is especially The general prostraton of credit and
commerce, which dissolution OF the Union might occa
son have not considered have said nothing either OF
the chances OF commercial rivalry the part of the South
have referred only OF the leading items whose
importance may be estimated when they considered
along with the fact that the whole property real and per-
sona of the United States computed only at 100000
000 So far have only considered the pecunary risks
but the actual loss OF political power which the North
would suffer in such event matter which involves
considerations of much magnitude than the
other As the Union stands the OF the govern
ment in the hands of the free States they have the ma
the electoral colleges which make the President II they
should choose do So they could WELD the whole pow
err OF the government whatever strengthens that strength
ems them In that point of view, the strength which
the South adds TO the general adds also TO
their As things stand they may WELD not only
their power but often that OF the minority also d.
vide the Union and they limited to the strength of the
free States alone Nay this the best view Of ques-
on which supposes the confederacies to be friendly If
they hostile then her strength would be measured by
the difference between the two Such are the losses to
which the North would be exposed by dissolution OF the
Union in that view of the case but those who are seeking
you take another view of the
question They say that the South could successfully
resist and in the end must submit That is certainly very
opposite to my opinion upon the subject but for argu
ment's sake, let us suppose 1t 10 be
Suppose that in the event of resistance you had conquer
ed the slave States what would you do with them2 There
is provision in the constitution for holding dependent
provinces. You would have to change that and your
form OF government too to effect such object But sup
pose you could do it, there the two together
what would you do with them2 Repeat the West India
experiment the southern States into great ia
maica, one vast Nigrta2 What then would become of
the vast commerce and rich customers who contribute
you power and wealth What too would be the con-
sequences of the destruction of the great of supply
for that staple upon which many people beyond the
limits of the southern States depend for subsistence I'm
less that be subjects in way to involuntary
servude in the South either these consequences would
arise they would be exermnated like the red in
its competition with the white. Is either event consum-
nation be desired Could the free States derive any
benefit morally politically or socially, from such results
these2
But there Is s another view OF this case liz IS SAID
that this sectional party might be placed in power and ad
minister the government upon their principles and
still the South would remain in the Union. Suppose then
for argument sake that this supposon true Take
it that they remained in the Union with fixed Of
the injustice of its government with belief that in their
its power would be used for purposes of offence in
stead Of defence and that its patronage would be employed
breed and engender civil strife in their midst They
still preserve their votes according to this superstition,
which gives them nearly oneha the power of the Senate
and than onethrd of that Of the House of Represent
atve and of the electoral colleges How would that vote
be thrown2 TO aid and support such government to
embarrass and thwart t2 How long, under such circum
stances would the government continue to be practicable
machine So great obstruction this constantly in
terposed in its way would destroy representative gov
eminent Ours could hardly endure through presden
tial term.
Now felowcitzens the moral of all this is that the free
States cannot their present ascendency in the gov
unless they use 1t with justice, moderation, and
due regard the rights and feelings Of the other States of
the Union. The result Of this reasoning ia TO show that
they cannot administer this government upon the section
al principles which are proposed without certainly
great loss Of political power and probably without i'm
sacrifice Of material wealth and pecuniary
Now, what the considerations in the election Of Pres
dent upon these principles which could justify them in in
curing these risks not only to themselves but TO others
IL cannot be 10 bestow the patronage Of the government
upon certain individuals This would be too poor view
OF such question. Is 1t account of the importance
which is attached to the admission of Kansas free
State in the Union Is it only to this that these
immense interests TO be put stalker The free States
already hold the greater share OF political power Whether
Kansas is TO come in free a slave State cannot
surely affect their position in that regard You have the
relative superiority in point Of political strength and
If the Union last must increase It, Look TO
the Territories that to in as free States.
Remember the fact that the annual increase Of the free
States from foreign immigration alone Ia greater than the
annual increase OF the entire negro population Of the Union
II things remain the constitution has fixed them and
events pursue their usual the increase Of your
ories in the federal government assured and certain
If the southern States content with ths why should
you seek to disturb the existing state Of thngs2 In the
way your gain certain matter what may be the
result Of the Kansas question: in the other you may risk
everything You have the power and legitimately
and with the consent Of the South you IL justly but
II you attempt to abuse it for sectional purposes you
pose vast interests to the risks and hazards OF contest
which eVenuGte way without loss Of power
both parties in the conflict can think Of calculation Of
chances which would justify the North in trying the fear
ful experiment OF administering this government not
only without southern in It's counsels but in oppo.
son to the essential interest and IL may be TO the peace
Of the South itself Surely IL there be any State which
would risk than another in such experiment. is
this the Empire State OF the North Yours s the Queen
City Of the West which sits enthroned the shores Of
yonder beautiful bay with hand the and the
other the lakes, gather wealth from both. No wind
blow that does wa her upon the the rich
tribute OF commerce from some distant cline, some
neighborng State The very OF heaven, which be-
numb the arm OF industry in so many other plRces only
seem to give her access to hyperborean regions and 10
open TO her Arctic and Antarctic stores know Of moth
ing in the magnhcence OF the great cities Of the dead
living Of the East West Of the Old World the New
Of the present or the past nothing in the creations Of
dnvh commerce. Of the present age which excel
equal the probable future Of your great city, If this
Union should endure Are all these hopes and prospects
kn okod l.ra