Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1856-02-07
From the Baltimore Patriot
Inherent Strength Of Republican Insti-
lions. -


Inherent Strength Of Republican Insti-
lions. M SD
One Of the lessons which the world has
yet to fully learn is correct appreciation
of the inherent strength Of Republican in
stitutions, especially when those institutions
are based upon the most democratic impul-
scs of equality, and sustained by a sufficient
amount Of intelligence among the masses to
farhish a central or balancing power, which
brings back the erratie, controls extremists
and maintains the whole structure in equi-
hbrium by what is generally described in
the suggestive term Of conservatism, but
which in IFS extended Specification muy be
taken to mean the common sense, the intel
iigent thought, the educated control, the pa
triotism, and the loyalty to right, of the peo-
pie. The people of this country have been
deemed by those of Europe, to put too high
value upon their form Of government, 10
rely too strongly upon its stability, and 10
calculate too much upon its ability TO resist
those internal connections which monar-
chists affect to believe to be the unfailng re-
suit OF domestic institutions. We are told
that our government is not strong one,
that it has no controlling. centralizing pow
er, independent Of the influence, and beyond
the reach Of the momentary impulses of the
masses, that our liberties are ever menaced
by RIGHTEOUSNESS, and that in short we are
$50 free that we will not submit even to our
own laws"
But notwithstanding these assertions,
which by the mere force of repeated letter
alton have grown into some sort of credit,
We are disposed to think that our people es-
innate too lightly their institutions, and
that having TOO small faith in their inherent
strength and powers of resistance against
disturbing influences, we become alarmed
for their perpetuity when no adequate cause
exists, and cast dishonor upon them by
doubling their ability to meet the ordinary
exigencies that must ever arise from the
diverse interests and conflicting opinions of
free people.
We might refer to many instances in the
history or our country in which our insti-
tutions have proved their power and endu.
rance, and put 10 flight the fears that un-
worthily conceded the possibility of their
failure; but to which may be said TO be still
Of the present, inasmuch as the commoton
of one has scarcely subsidized, and the other
is yet in progress, must suggest themselves
as specially applicable. We refer to the
late threatened civil war in Kansas, and to
the more peaceful but not less eager strug-
gle in the House Of Representatives. These
nre examples of the disturbing influences 10
which our institutions are subjected on the
field and in the council, and show that they
are equally comprehensive and sufficient 10
calm the quarrels of men with arms in
their hands and assembled for warfare, and
to prevent the disintegration that might 9TH
erwise follow from what is the virtual sus-
pension of one branch Of the Government.
The great impossibility of efecting civil
war in this Republic may be considered
demonstrated by the peaceful conclusion of
the belligerent preparations in Kansas
The whiskey insurrection in Pennsylvania
in 1874, the notification movement in South
Carolina in 1882, and the Dorr rebellion in
l843, were all eminent evidences of the
extreme difficulty of bringing our citizens
into armed collision with each other, or into
organized and bloody resistance to establish
ed laws, but in none OF these cases was the
danger SO iminent or the preservation SO
great as in the instance furnished by Kan.
sas. There was there every incentive of
provocation 10 provoke fierce civil war,
and yet it was Withheld. The belligerents
were within reach of each other; they
were not unequally matched; both were ex-
cited by what they believed their wrongs;
sectional feeling was rife TO give them
pungency and color to the most exaggerated
iSo 40 " cdCh O'hSIS lHlellllOiis dllu inOllfcSs
neither were thoroughly under the control
of their respective leaders, and both claim
cd the sanction of the law for their actions.
With all these incentives TO hostility they
were for days at arms length, with wea-
pons mutually presented, and at the risk at
any moment OF being urged into war by the
indiscretion or impetuous zeal Of the low
est Of their officers. The danger was a
real and threatening one, and yet it its
consummation was avoided. The deep and
abiding veneration of the American mind for
established law, its loyalty to institutions
that grew from the will Of the people and
were, therefore, always open to their appeal,
was felt, even then, under circumstances
that seemed to forbid all arbitrament but
that of force and bloodshed. The leaders Of
the forces thus arrayed felt responsibility