The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-08-21


interests, and confident that patriotism exists
in all parts of the Union, accept the nomina-
ton of your Convention, in the hope that may
be enabled to serve usefully its cause, which
consider the cause of constitutional Freedom.
Yours respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. G. Fremont.
Mr. Buchanan's Letter of Acceptance.
WHEATLAND, NEAR LANCASTER,
June l6, 1856.
GENTLEMEN: l have the honor to acknowl-
edge the receipt of your communication of the
18th instant informing me officially of my NOM
nation by the Democratic National Convention,
recently held at Cincinnati, as the Democratic
candidate for the Office of President of the Uni
ted States. / shall not attempt to express the
grateful feelings which / entertain towards my
Democratic fellow-citizens, for having deemed
me worthy of this-the highest political honor
on earth--an honor such as the people of no
other country have the power to bestow. Deep
ly sensible of the vast and varied responsibility
attached to the station, especially at the present
crisis in our affairs, have carefully RETAINED
from seeking the nomination either by word or
by deed. Now that it has been offered by the
Democratic party, l accept it with difiidence in
my own abilities, but with an humble trust that,
in the event of my election, may be enabled
to discharge my duty in such manner as to
allay domestic strife, preserve peace and friend
ship with foreign nations, and promote the best
interests of the Republic.
In accepting the nomination, 1 need scarcely
say that / accept in the same spirit the resolu-
tons constituting the platform of principles
erected by the Convention. To this platform,
l intend to confne myself throughout the can
vass, believing that have no right, as the can.
didate of the Democratic party, by answering
interrogatories, to present new and different
issues before the people.
1t will not be expected that in this answer
should specially refer to the subject of each of
the resolutions and I shall therefore confine
myself to the two topics now most prominently
before the people.
And, in the first place, cordially concur in
the sentiments expressed by the Convention on
the subject of civil and religious liberty. No
party founded on religious or political intoler.
ance towards one class of American citizens,
whether born in our own or in foreign land,
can long continue to exist in this country. We
are all equal before God and the Constitution !;
and the dark spirit of despotism and bigotry
which would create odious distinctions among
our fellow-citizens, will be speedily rebuked by
free and enlightened public opinion.
The agitation of the question of domestic
Slavery has too long distracted and divided the
people of>this Union, and alienated their affec-
tons from each other. The agitation has as
sumed many forms since its commencement,
but it now seems to be directed chiefly to the
Territories; and, judging from its present char
acter, l think we may safely anticipate that it
is rapidly approaching 6nality." The re-
cent legislation of Congress respecting domes-
tic Slavery, derived, as it has been, from the
original and pure fountain of legitimate politi-
cal power, the will of the majority, promises
ere long to allay the dangerous excitement.
This legislation is founded upon principles as
ancient as free government itself; and, in ac-
cordance with them, has simply declared that
the people of Territory, like those of a State,
shall decide, for themselves, whether Slavery
shall or shall not exist within their limits.
The Nebraska Kansas act does no more than
give the force of law to this elementary prin-
ciple of self government, declaring it to be the
true intent and meaning of this act, not to
legisate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor
to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way,
subject only to the Constitution of the United
States" This principle will surely not be con-
troverted by any individual of any party profess
ing devotion to popular government. Besides,
how vain and illusory would any other principle
This is apparent from the fact, admitted by all,
that after Territory shall have entered into
the Union and become State, no constitu-
tional power would then exist which could pre-.
vent it from either abolishing or establishing
Slavery, as the case may be, according to its
sovereign will and pleasure.
Most happy would it be for the country, if
this long agitation were at an end. During its
whole progress, it has produced no practical
good to any human being, whilst it has been
the source of great and dangerous evils. 1t
has alienated and estranged one portion of the
Union from the other, and has even seriously
threatened its very existence. To my own per-
sonal knowledge, it has produced the impress
sion, among foreign nations, that our great and
glorious Confederacy is in constant danger of
dissolution. This does US serious injury, be-
cause acknowledged power and stability always
command respect among nations, and are
among the best securities against unjust az
gression, and in favor of the maintenance of
honorable peace.
May we not hope that it is the mission of the
Democratic party, now the only surviving con-
sentative party of the country, ere long to over
throw all sectional parties, and restore the peace,
friendship, and mutual confidence, which pre-
vailed in the good old time, among the different
members of the Confederacy. Its character is
strictly national, and it therefore asserts no
principle for the guidance of the Federal Gov
eminent which is not adopted and sustained by
its members in each and every State. For this
reason, it is everywhere the same determined
foe of all geographical parties, so much and so
justly dreaded by the Father of his Country.
From it's very nature, it must continue to exist
so long as there is Constitution and Union
to preserve. A conviction of these truths has
induced many of the purest, the ablest, and
most independent of our former opponents,
who have differed from US in times gone by
upon old and extinct party issues to come into
our ranks, and devote themselves with US to the
cause of the Constitution and the Union. Under
these circumstances, most cheerfully pledge
myself should the nomination of the Conven-
ton be ratified by the people, that all the power
and influence, constitutionally possessed by the
Executive, shall be eXerted, in firm but con-
ciliatory spirit, during the single term shall
remain in office, to restore the same harmony
among the sister States which prevailed before |
this apple of disoord, in the form of Slavery
agitation, had been cast into their midst. Let |
the members OF the family abstain from inter |
meddling with the exclusive domestic concerns |
of each other, and cordially unite, on the basis
OF perfect equality among themselves, in pro- |
noting the great national objects Of common |
interest to ali, and the good work will be in
stantly accomplished.
In regard to our foreign policy, to which you
have referred in your communication, it is quite
impossible for any human foreknowledge to pre-.
scribe positive rules in advance to regulate the
conduct Of future Administration in all the
exigencies which may arise in our various and
ever-changing relations with foreign Powers.
The Federal Government must of necessity ex-
ercise q sound discretion in dealing with inter.