The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-05-01

to hold, the scales of justice even and mistaken
We still tell all the joint owners of this public
domain to enter and enjoy it, both in the North
and the South, with property of every sort ex-
ercise the full powers of American freemen leg
islate for yourselves to any and every extent,
and upon any and every subject allowed by our
common Constitution the Federal Government
will protect you against all who attempt to dis
turb you in the exercise of these invaluable
rights; and when you have become powerful
and strong enough to bear the burdens, and de-
sire it, we will admit you into the family of sove-
reigns, without reference to your opinions and
your action upon African Slavery. Decide that
question for yourselves, and we will sustain
your decision, because it is your right to make
it. This is the policy of the Kansas bill it
wrongs no man--no section of our common
country"
But this is the pleasant splicing to an unpleasant
dish. 1t is kind of sophistry which deceives by
its apparent fairness, and which is so finely ex-
pressed as to create desire to leave its beauty
unmarried. But how is its logic affected by the
following, from the honorable Senator's Boston
speech?
"The constitutional construction of this point
by the South works no.wrong to any portion OF
the Republic, to no sound rules of construction,
and promotes the declared purposes of the Con-
stitution. We simply propose that the common
Territories be left open to the common enjoy
ment of all the people of the United States, that
they shall be protected in their persons and
property by the Federal Government until its
authority is superseded by State Constitution
and then we propose that the character of the
domestic institutions of the new State be de-
termined by the freemen thereof This is just
ice-this is constitutional equality"
Here, sir, what have shown to be true, as a
logical sequence from the denial of power in
To Ind t1,o
is distinctly avowed. The honorable Senator
from Georgia I Mr.. TooMBs] declares this to be
"the constitutional construction of this point by
the South" He says:
ave still tell all the jeint-owners of this pub
lie domain to enter and enjoy it, both in the
North and in the South, with property of epcry
sort" "That, unawed and uncontrolled, they
shall freely, and of their own will, legisate for
themselves to every extent allowed by the Cox
srIrUTIoN, phik they hare Territorial GoUern-
ment."
But the construction" of their constitution
al powers "by the South he tells US, is
" That the common Territories be LEFT open to the
common enjoyment of all the people of the United
States, "with their property of erery Sort" that
this property shall be protected by the Federal
Government, until ats authority is superseded by
State Constitution ;" and that then, not before
:" the domestic institutions of the new State may
sir, this is the equality of the States" which
we gravely told by able Southern Senators
"in measured words" that must be preserved in
the national Territories, if you would perpetuate
the Union. You must continue Slavery in all the
Territories, and protect it by the strong arm of
the Federal Government as long as these Terri
torial Governments continue or the honorable
Senator from South Carolina [Mr. BUTLER1 will
advise the people of that State to dissolve the
Union.
From this we may readily infer why those who
have resolved TO make Kansas a slave State will
resist her admission into the Union until her pop
ulation shall have reached ninety-three thousand.
Slavery is to be continued by force as long the
Territorial Government lasts but when that is
superseded by State Government, her people
are to have the gracious privilege of determining
for themselves the character of their domestic
institutions This is feature of sef-govern-
ment" for Kansas, which the people of the North
and of the West have not hitherto fully under
stood. They supposed their free sons, though
poor in worldly wealth, might go to Kansas with
nothing but hard hands, with strong arms, with
sane minds, and with honest hearts and by their
own votes settle the question of Slavery at once
and forever. But in this they were grievously
deceived. The equality claimed by Southern
States requires that Slavery shall continue, and
receive the protection of the strong arm of the
Federal Government, in all the common Terrific
ries, until superseded by State Governments; that
then they may abolish it continue it, at discre-
ton This is the equality rendered to the North ;
this is the equality claimed by the South-the use
and occupancy of all your Territories by slave
holding communities during the entire period of
the continuance of Territorial Governments This
modest demand sounds to my very much like
the claim of the lions share. And men are de-
nounced the floor of the Senate as fanatics,
as disunionists, Black Republicans, and as
traitors to the Government, who discard such a
construction of the great charter Of Frecdop,-the
Constitution of the United States.
Sir it is apparent to the least observant, that
if you establish Slavery in Kansas and defend it
with the armies of the nation, as you are now
doing, until her population shall reach ninety
three thousand, it will have become so firmly es-
tablished, and so deeply rooted and interviewer
with the framework of society, as to render its
removal practical impossibility; as much so as
it now is in Missouri, Kentucky, or Louisiana
Slavery has never been removed from any one
of the new States admitted into the Union
Mr.. President, this equality of States in the
Territories which permits and defends Slavery in
all of the Territories, crumbles under a careful
analysis as readily as the doctrine of squatter
sovereignty" The doctrine, "that the people of
all the States may enjoy the common Terrific
res, with their property of erery sort, as band
of brothers, until their pupilage is terminated by
a State Government, and that then they may
frame such institutions they DESIRE" seems
so plausible in fact, and 80 beautiful in theory,
as to almost palsy the tongue and bcwilder the
brain of him who disputes its truth Nothing
was ever more false, that seemed so fair. The es-
adjustment and continuance of Slavery in the
Territories not only predetermines the question
for the future States, but it violates the very
equality which it pretends to foster and protect
The millions of hardy laborers of the North
and Northwest will not live in a slaveholding
community. | need not answer "why2" A
thousand reasons are on their tongues. To you
1t may seem to be the result of sickly sentiment
alism. To them their conclusions seem,to be the
result OF the clearest reasoning sustained by the
strongest sense of moral duty. IT. then, you es-
tablsh Slavery in the Territories you erclude them
from the enjoyment of this common heritage
The thousands and tens of thousands of men and
women of the free North who migrate to the
West are laborers. Many of them 90 to your new
Territories with no capital except industrious
habits, strong arms, generous hearts, and lofty
purposes They go to form new communities
and new society, where labor is honorable; where
he who is too proud to work ia discarded where
he who refuses, by his own toll, to add something
to the solid capital Of the country, is disgraced;
where the industrious, the vigilant, and the fru-
gal, are honored and promoted where, in time,
nearly all live in their own houses, cultivate their
own soil, and run their own machinery They
live on a common platform Of equality, because
all are willing to labor for a living. Such men
will never degrade themselves as to labor in the
fields, side by side, with Southern slaves.
Establish Slavery in the common Territories.
and you exclude the working men of the North
prohibit Slavery in the Territories, and you ex-
clude Shareholders. Which is the greater I" ine-
quality?" The white population Of the United
States was reported by the officers of the Gov