The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-10-02
THE DEMANDS OF SLAVERY.


ty. According to that doctrine, which he
enunciated in bis famous letter to Mr.. Michel.
son, of Tennessee, the present editor of the
Washington Union, the people Of Territory,
in their Territorial Legislature, possess the
right of establishing, or abolishing, or prohb-
ing Slavery. General Cass wrote his letter in
l84s, or it was published in that year. during
the canvass for the Presidency, in which he
| was the Democratic candidate. His Northern
friends received the doctrine with gladness,
as a sort of substitute for the WiImot Proviso,
which was just going out of fashion before the
rising tide of Calhounism. The South was at
first caught mapping, and glorifed the doc
trine; but when the Whigs-who were dis
posed to apologize for their Northern friends,
such as Webster and Fillmore, who then occu-
pied positions similar to that of the present
Republican party-bent all their critical acu-
men upon the Cass letter, and found that it
might be used by the emigrants from the free
States to supplant Slavery, they raised the hue
and cry, and denounced it as "worse than the
Wilmot Proviso"-by which they meant that
it was better calculated to prevent the spread
of Slavery. This of course was an absurd ex-
aggeration, which excessively pestered and
scandalized good Mr.. Cass but the Wing de-
nunciation had the desired effect of causing
the Southern democracy" to grow ashamed
of "Squatter Sovereignty" and of its author,
who was dropped like cold potato. The
Southern Democracy preferred seeing the cleo
ton go by default in favor of Louisiana Wing,
owning couple of hundred slaves, rather
than in favor of Democrat with such plat.
form, whose residence is within cannon shot of
the British frontier. Buchanan saw the way
the wind was blowing, and adjusted his sails
accordingly. On the 2lst of August, lS4S, he
wrote letter to Mr.. Sanford, in which he
repudates Squatter Sovereignty" as defined
by General Cass, and puts himself upon the
Calhoun platform. In this letter he declares
that in his opinion the inhabitants Of Ter
ritory, as such, had no political rights, although
they possessed all the private rights of Amer-
can citizens that they had no power what
ever over the subject of Slavery; and they
could neither interdict nor establish it, except
when assembled in Convention, to form a State
Constitution" The whole South quickly seized
upon this important modification of Squatter
Sovereignty; and now, the very term itself,
which was at one time popular, has become as
odious in the South as the Wilmot Proviso.
The South insist that the slave-owners shall
have the uncontrolled right to introduce Sla-
very into all the Territories, and that neither
Congress nor the People inhabiting Terri
tory can prevent it, until they come to form a
State Constitution. But then, as everybody
knows, it is too late. Wherever Slavery takes
root, the shareholders become the ruling class.
The People are nothing. They have no rights
which are not strictly subordinate to til divine
right of holding, whipping, and selling slaves.
IL they doubt the morality of Slavery, they
cannot vote, or sit on jury, or hold Office. If
they refuse to catch runaweys, they must 90
to the penitentiary, or wear a ball and chain.
IL Slavery had been tolerated on this principle
" Northwest of the Ohio" whence it was ex-
cluded by the Ordinance of 1887, it would now
have existed in every one of the new free
States-in Michigan and Wisconsin, even.
Who can doubt that the supple time-servers,
Cass and Stuart, would now be waited on by
slaves, but for that Ordinance? Imitation"
says Lacon, p is the sincerest of hattery."
Could doughface pay more acceptable hon.
age to STAKEHOLDER, than to buy slave !?
Is not human nature corrupt, vain, proud, and
wicked? Are there not thousands and tens of
thousands of purse-proud Northerners, who
would gladly indulge in the luxury of slave.
holding? Would they not rejoice to have
slaves to fan them when they sleep, and
tremble when they wake?" Every man of
common sense knows that they would. To in.
sist, therefore, upon the right of slaveholding
in the Territories, is to insist upon the univer-
sal spread of Slavery. They are hollow hypo-
critics, who, while affecting opposition to Sla-
very, insist on the constitutional right of the
Shareholder to carry his property" into the
Territories. 1t is false and shallow pretext
for covering up thorough love of Slavery.
| How contemplate the subterfugeI That Con.
gress cannot abolish or prohibit Slavery in tn @
Territories, nor authorize the Territorial LIE.
gislatures to abolish it, and yet may authorize
"a Convention of the People" to abolish it
| What is the Territorial Legislature but Con-
vention of the People? And what is " Con-
vention of the People" but a Legislature ?
| Where is the constitutional authority to pro-
hibit Slavery by Convention And where is
the constitutional disability of the Territorial
Government Away with such lying subter-
fugesl Mere phrases without meaning, in.
vented to cozen the People out of their rights,
and to turn the whole Territories of the Union
over to the avarice and ambition of the Slave
Oligarchyl
Everything for the Slave Oligarchy nothing
for the People, is the doctrine of the Sham De
mocracy, and the doctrine of James Buchanan
There is not a foot, no, not an inch of territory
belonging TO the United States, which the Dem
ocratic platform and james Buchanan have moi
consecrated to Slavery From the tropical re-
gions lately purchased from Mexico, to the fro
zen region on the border of British America
which they have not yet given away to England
(they gave away as much as they dared in
l846)-every foot has been given by the treach
cry of Pierce and Douglas, and the deed rati
fed by James Buchanan-to the cause of Sla
very. The sons of Northern freemen mus
either expatriate themselves-they must 90 t.
the British possessions, or they must consent I,
labor by the side of slaves, and take rank will
them, if James Buchanan is elected President