The true Democrat., 1856-01-15

? peal were not left in doubt It was declared, 3 in terms, to be "the true intent and meaning of this act not to egslate slavery into any territo- ry or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to t leave the people thereof perfectly free to form , and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States"
 , The measure could not be withstood upon its merit alone. It was attacked with violence, on the false or delusive pretext, that it consti- } tuted breach of faith. Never was objection more utterly destitute of substantial justifca- ton. When, before, was 1t imagined by sensi- ble men, that regulative or declarative statute, whether enacted ten or forty years ago, is irre- peaab!e-that an act of Congress is above the constitution? 1 If indeed there were in the facts any cause to impute bad faith, it would attach to those only, who have never ceased, from the time of the enactment of the restrictive provision to the present day, to denounce and to condemn it; who have constantly refused to complete it by needful supplementary legislation; who have spared no exertion to deprive it of moral force who have themselves again and again attempt ed its repeal by the enactment of incompatible provisions; and who, by the inevitable reaction ary effect of their own violence on the subject awakened the country to a perception of the true constitutional principle, of leaving the matter involved to the discretion of the peo- pie of the respective existing O. incipent States.
 It is not pretended that this principle, or any other precludes the possibility of evils in prac- tice, disturbed political action is liable to be by human passions. No form of government is exempt from inconvenences; but in this case they are the result of the abuse, and not of the legitimate exercise of the powers reserved or conferred in the organization of a territory-- They are not to be charged to the great prin- cple of popular sovereignty; on the contrary, they disappear before the intelligence and pa- triotlSm of the people, eXeting through the balot-boX their peaceful and silent but irresis- table power.
 If the friends of the constitution are to have another struggle, its enemies could not present. more acceptable issuc than that of a State whose constitution clearly embraces "a republican form ofgovernment," being excluded from the Union because its domestic institutions may not in all respects comport with the ideas of what is wise and eXpedient entertained in some other State Fresh from groundless imputations of breach of faith against others, men will commence the agitation of this question with indubitable vio-
 
 vereign powers of the United States and of the republic of Texas, as well as of the older and I equall Y solemn compacts which assure the equa- lity of all the States.
 But, deplorable as would be such violation of compact in itself, and in all its direct conse- quences that is the very least of the evils in- volved. When sectional agitators shall have succeedet! in forcing on this iSsue can their pre- tensions fail to be met by counter pretensions? Will not different States be compelled respec- lively to meet extremes with extremes? And, II either extreme carry It's point, what Is that so far but dissolution of the Union? If new State, formed from the territory of the United States, be absolutel " excluded from ad- mission therein, that fact of itself constitutes , the disruption of union between tand the other States. But the process of dissolution could not stop there. Would not a sectional decision, producing such results by majority of votes, either northern or southcu of necessity drive out the oppressed and agsrioved minority and , place in presence of each other twoirrcconcila. ble hostile considerations?
 , It Is necessary to speak thus plainly of pro- jects, the olfSprlnys Of that sectional agitation now prevailing in some of the States, which are a. impractIcabe as they are uuconstitution- al, and which, if perscvcred n must and will end calamitously. It is either dsunion or civil War, or 1t IS mere angry, idle, aimless distur bance of public peace and tranquility. Dsun- l ion for what? If the passionate rage of faua ticism and partisan spirit did not force the fact upon our attention, it would be difficult 70 be- lieve, that any considerable portion of the peo : pie of this enlightened country could have sur } rendered themselves to a fanatical devotion to : the supposed interests of the relatively few \ rnt.
 don and disregard the interests of the twenty : five millions of Amercans-to trample under ) foot the njucions of moral and constitutional , oIljgaton-nd to engage in plans of vnd.c- tive hostility against those who are associated : with them in the enjoyment of the common heritage of our national institutions
 . Nor IS its hostility against their fellow -cit- zens of one section of the Union alone. The interests, the honor, the duty, the peace and } prosperity of the people of all sections are equally involved and mpcriled in this question. And are patriotic men ill any part of the Union pre- ared, on such an issue thus madly to invite all the consequences of the forfeiture of their constitutional engagements? It is impossible.
 The storm of phreuzv and faction must nev- : tably dash itself in vain against the unshaken rock of the Constitution. 1 shall never doubt 1t. The Union is stronger than the wild and Y chimerical schemes of social change, which are generated, one after another, in the unstable minds of visionary sophists and interested as- tators. rely confidently on the patriotism of the people, on the dignity and selt-resprct of . the States, on the wisdom of Congress, and, above all on the continued gracious favor of : Almighty God, to maintain, against all enemies, whether at home or abroad, the sanctity of the Constitution and the integrity of the Union FRANKLIN PIERCE. Washington, December 3l, 1855.