The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-02-11

The News from EuT~Pc-xoU&aco ana Ee0co
Pr0spects.
We devote several columns this morning to
the publication Of the leading documents Of the
diplomatic history of the past years war in
Europe. We give in full the pretensions Of
Russia and these of the Allies, az expressed at
the Vienna conferences and developed in the
diplomatic circulars of the various courts af-
forwards; and to these we append the text of
the various propositions which have been made
during the last year and to the present date.
1t will appear from careful study of these
documents that all the points of difference
with regard to Turkey and the Black Sea
have been thoroughly discussed, and all
parties must have made up their minds on
them The only hope, therefore, with which
Austria coald renew, in January, 1856, an en-
deavor which had failed in June, 1855, arose
from the sapposition that Russia might be dis
posed after the fah of Sebasopol to abate her
terms. This hope was not we'll founded; for
Russia rejected the proposals The news OF the
fall Of Kars arriving at st. Petersburg direct
~ afterwards, somewhat altered the question;
it relieved Russia from the position Of the
vanquished party, and left her more free to
display willingness to negotiate; and on the
strength of it. the Gar declaring that he con-
sented to negotiate out of respect for his
Allies and regard fer the peace of Europe, the
Austrian propositions were accepted as the ba-
sis Of negotiation.
Now, as to the terms Of the propositions, the
first four are simple enough. They re-afirm in
somewhat different nguage the principles
generally recognized By Nparties at the Wen
ma conferences; and they e of that elastic ma
ture which will adapt them dmirably either to
become bone Of contention, or link of con-
ciliation, just as the negotiators are inclined
for peace or war. The chief point of all, how
ever, is the fifth. That point will strike every
reader as admirably vague. That was its in
tention. Its virtue lies in the fact that it may
mean nothing, and may mean everything. Eng
lshmen may read it to cover the destruction
Of Nicolaief and Bomarsund-Russians may
interpret it in such a sense as to justify even
their retention of Kars. From this very I'm
certainty this fifth point exhibits the skill ct
the Austrian diplomatists in the peculiar art of
high lying. The question was how to bring
French, English, Russians and Austrians to-
gether once more to discuss the war, 50 that, if
any wanted peace, it might be had. 1t was
absolutely necessary that they should agree on
some basis of discussion, or else it was clear
the conference would be mere wrangle.
It was hopeless to expect that the English peo-
pie would consent to negotiate on the same
OF Wanna nd rov ilyo1n hiatt Ia
Russians would agree, at the outset, to any
proposal which savored of humiliation. There
fore, to conciliate all these apparently IRE
concileable elements, the Austrians devised
the fifth point, to which all might agree, each
putting upon it such Interpretation, and coup.
ling it with such mental reservation, as his Pc
culiar views might dictate.
We may say, therefore, boldly, that the ac-
ceptance Of the Austrian propositions by Rus
STA is not an Indication that the Gar is bent on
peace any more than their ratification by the
Allies is sign that they are ready to yield
anything for the same end. 1t means simply
that the Russians are willing to negotiate, as
they have always been; and as in the old Eng
lish law system of feigned issues, the question
of Mrs. Smiths virtue was inquired into upon
an issue regarding the relative speed of Mr..
jones and Mr.. Browns horses, SO the question
Of peace can now be discussed in feigned
agreement between the belligerents on this
fifth point.
The real question of peace or war is yet in
darkness Some little light is thrown upon it
by the documents We publish elsewhere bear
ing upon the personal views Of the rival en-
perors. Those of the Emperor Alexander are
to be found in his manifesto, and the circular
published in confirmation thereof by his Minis
ter, NesselIode. They do not seem strongly
peace-like. On the contrary, they breath
firm spirit Of war. The views of Napoleca.
which are perhaps very fairly illustrated il
the Exposition speech and the two anonymous
pamphlets for which the public have held him
somewhat responsible, are of different charac-
ter. He says he is for peace. There is no
reason to doubt bis sincerity. Peace would
now do more for him and France than war
he exhibits, moreover, penchant for Aus
Prince Napoleon is very striking on this point,
and indicates that the present Emperor, like
the first Napoleon, is not blind to the merit of
an alliance with the oldest house in Europe and
would not be unwilling to purchase that honor
at the cost of some small portion Of his diploma
tic pretensons. Again, there is reason to sup
pose that the Peace Congress pamphlet, as it is
called, was il not inspired, at least counte-
naneed by the Emperor. A peace congress Of
sovereigns would place Napoleon on the same
level az the Gar and the monarch of Haps-
burg. The mans personal ambition is suffi-
GENTLY well known to warrant the cons'dera-
tion whether this prospect alone might not
induce him to conclude preliminary arrange
me- mt for peace. He is understood to have de.
clared that he would make himself master OF
Europe vet. though not with the sword. lie