Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1856-06-11

poem +" Oh, said he !" my lOfd, my pvo'iAl VS.
not written for this war.~ [Eanghtenl It seemst to
me that this is Just exictly the same answer which
the honorable Senator from Ohio gives to US. he
saws "Observe your plighted faith; hold your
selves bound by the bargain; adhere to the Missou-
ri compromise" We ask him, in reply, Evil! you
adhere to ity' "Oh," he answers, "my position
nv argument my urgency, were not intended Tor
this side of the case, but for the other"
Sir, have now shown that from the time that l
have had seat in Congress, in common with my
southern friends generally, have endeavored to OBJ
tain recognition and perpetuation OF the prnc'Pes
which involved in the compromise OF loSo. we
have signally failed. Whether we thought the rule
laid down was Just or unjust, favorable unavora-
BILE. however much, or however little, we tnougne
it might have intrenched on what we might ccns'd,
er liberal or fair in northern brethren, we ASKED
for nothing but the bargain fairly carried out, ana
we were at all times ready to be content with IT,
Now, after it has been utterly repudiated, after
totally different system oflegslaon has been adopt
ed, in defiance of votes and our remonstrances,
think it is little unreasonable, and little ao-
surd, that gentlemen should call upon US to respect
compromise which hey'themselves have destroy
ed-destroyed just effectually. though not as d.
recty as if they had applied their opposition to the
specific case to which the Missouri compromise line
was applied. They have destroyed the principle on
which the legislation was based demonstrated by
the circumstances of the time, and the subsequent
recognition in the annexation Of Texas Ihey nave
refused to carry out the contract in its spirit ana
fair meaning. They seek to maintain whatever OF IL
is beneficial to themselves and to disregard all the
residue.
Mr.. President, believing, as do, that the propo.
stion contained in the words of the amendment
which has been incorporated into the bill IS true,
that the form of legislation is appropriate, what Is
there that calls upon me to vote against or against
bill containing it? l have shown, think, that
there is principle of plightcd faith that in the
least binds us The legislation now proposed is, IN
my judgment, right. 1t is what have always de-
sired, if it could have been freely obtained.
My position, as you, Mr.. President, are aware,
has never been an extreme one upon this SUBJECT.
was always content with the Missouri compromise
line-always anxious for t--always voted for it;
but my own individual opinion upon the subject al
ways was, that the principles adopted in 1850 are
the true principles What are they? They are
announced in the amendment which has been
adopted .e..-.o .,;,,;on.
of slaves. Nothing is more idle than for gentlemen
to trouble themselves with investigation into the
proprety of those slaves being here into the recti'
tude and lawfulness of keeping them in the cond''
ton of slavery, or into the misfortune or calamity
which may result from retaining them in slavery.
We dealing with fact They are here. They
are slaves. They cannot remain here except as
slaves. Everybody knows that. They cannot, by
any operation of mans wit, be put into any sltua-
ton in our country which will not be vastly more
injurious to them, physically and morally, than the
identical state and condition which they now occu-
py. They cannot be sent away. Where are your
| means to come from to make an exodus across the
ocean of three millions of siaves-to buy them, and
to remove them? And if you could buy them, and
| remove Them permit me to say that more cruel
act of tyranny and oppression could not be perpe-
trated upon any body Of men. very large pro-
portion of them would reject with horror the idea
of being transported to those barbarous and foreign
climes of Africa, for which, though their fathers
came from them they cherish no feeling of attach
ment for this is their country, as well as ours You
cannot remove them they arc obliged to remain
here, and they are obliged to be slaves. That IS
| clear.
Now, sir, can anything be more evident than that
the true for people situated in this way, is
not to aggravate the incidental evils of such con-
dtion by exasperating inquiries charges, and coun-
ter-charges? The people of every portion of the
United States should meet this question as involving
a common calamity.
What then are you going to do? Is it not obvi-
Gus that the true policy as we'll the true Chris
tan philanthropy involved in this NATTER is to allow
this population to dffuse itself in such portions of
the Territories as from climate and soil are adapted
| to slave cultivation? You can have no injurious
competition with your free labor. Slave labor will
not be profitable, and largely employed any where
except upon the great staples of the South-tobac-
| CO. cotton, sugar, and rice. Will white men make
these products for expectation? They will not. Will
your northern people compete with southern slaves
for the privilege of making rice, and sugar, and cot
ton, and tobacco? No, sir. Where that cultivation
ceases rely upon it, slave population is not going
to spread ITSELF We shall have conflict, no en-
barrassment from the meeting of two tides Of labor
ers from the north and south for the kind Of soil
and climate which suits and our slave cultivation
does not suit yours Who is injured by it? Not
the slave. Nothing is more beneficial for him than
to allow the population of which he forms portion
to spread ITSELF to give it room. You promote his
comfort, you improve his health, you diminish his
hardships. If you surround population situated
like ours with Chinese wall or barrier, beyond
which it cannot spread itself-if you compress it
| what do you do9 Why you expose the master to
serious inconvenience and discomfort. and you de-
stroy the whole happiness of the slave: No man
proposes to add to this population. There is not a
man in the New England States who would more
thoroughly and absolutely resist any attempt to
of the South would.
Here, them is the great fact have to deal with.
Why not let it adjust itself? Why not pursue the
wise policy indicated in the of 1850 Cease
to quarrel and wrangle with each other. Live in
your free States. Rejoice in the possession of the
| many advantages you have. But if there is strip
of land belonging to the United States, upon which
| southern planter can make cotton or sugar, why
| grudge it to him? Hereduces no man from freedom
toslavery in order to make it. He transfers his slaves
from the banks ofthe Mississippi the Cooper or the
Cape Fear or any ofour southern rivers to another
place and he certainly will not do it unless the
lands are better, the crops larger, and he and his
slaves can live more comfortably, and have more
abundant supply of the necessaries of life; and I
will ask, in the name of Heaven, whom does it
! hurt? You love freedom. We do not ask you to
make freemen slaves. You profess to have regard
for the black man; can you resist the only measure
which can enable US to make progressive improve
ment of his condition the amount of black popula
| ton increases?