The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1856-12-26

slave law, besides the rejection Of all terrific
res which asked for admission into the Union
as States with constitutions recognizing slavery.
But statesmen of the republican party must
necessarily shape their sentiments by the letter,
II not by tbe spirit af the Constitution. Yet,
SIR, very large proportion of the VOTES cast for
their candidate for the Presidency, were made
mp oftwo classes, viz: first, these who are look-
ing 10 the abolition OF slavery everywhere, and
VINO hope to consnmmate this wofl, through the
republican party; and this IS the class to whom
toe Senator from New York, MIR. Seward, might
say, ':Sfavery can and will be abolished, and
YOU and will do t;'' and 10 which The Senator
OF the prompt repeal Of the '.inialncus fugitive
slave law
The other class is composed of those who are
aciuated by motives of sympathy ior The fate Of
the unhappy African: of those wfo believe that
slavery is great wrong upon the negro, and
that il is 10 be redressed and bis constitution bet
tered, BY the Republican party. The leaders
oi that party have themselves been vgilent aud
peFsevering to create those very Impressions
and if they win have thr candor even now TO
turn around, and proclaim Enthusiastically that
they do not hold The views entertained by those
classes of people, nor seek to remedy the evils
.Eey complain Of, my word for it their ranks
viii soon be materially thinned, and those Of
the Ultra Abo!ilionists enlarged in like ratio.
This done and they will nos carry ] States at
ne next election. They viii not thpn have all
misguided preachers and fanatics upon their
side, as they had IN the recent contest.
The aggrtssioas Of slavery is a favorite theme
Of the Senator from Ohio; bat he has not, TO my
knowledge, Mr.. President, specifically defined
what he means BY the rhasr. am not willing
10 submit to any aggression from slavery, or the
slave States, or tlIe slave-holding people,; AMI If
the senator will point ont aggressions on the
part Of either, will join him in resisting and
repeiiing them. But | can discover, as vet,
none OF their consequences. In What do these
aggresSionS consist! In what department Of
Government are they TO be found? The reverse
ot aggressons is obvious to all. The control
ing power which the slave states once possess
ed, in ali departments, has passed away, and,
thinG, forever. When the constitution was
framed, and the Union secured, the sapebold-
ing States had the contro Of all the branches
OF the Government. Now they control none.
Then there were eleven saveholding states and
one non-Slaveholdiag. Now there are l6 free
and ID slave states, with SIX or seven terrific
ries 10 come in as free states: then we shall
have % free states and , slave states, Kansas
disputed, and with the right in Texas Of maxi
ing two slave states. Surely there is nothing
in this picture 10 alarm the Senator from Ohio:
as an element of political power he certainly
does not fear it. The northern states have the
ascendency in both branches of Congress and in
the electoral college. Where then shall we
look for aggressiou1 Is II in territorial acqui-
sition2 Certainly not. When our indrpen-
dence was established, The states north of Ma
sons and DiXon'S line, as shown by The Sena-
tor from Alabama, Mr. Clay, in his speech
made during the last winter, possessed an area
of but one hundred and siXty-four thousand
square miles, and those south of tie same line
an area of six huodred and forty-seyen thousand
square miles. Now, the slavehodng states
possesses an area of eight hundred and eighty
two thousand square miles, and the free states,
with the territories to become free States,
an area of over one million seven hundred
thousand square miles. Surely the Seuator
and his party cannot be alarmed at sach aggrps-
SION as this. And vet this charge Of aggression
was constant and fruitful subject OF discussion
Tor the Republican party during Tie late CAM
paign.
Tie fugitive slave law was another. The
law was talked of, even by a,en Of position in
socistv, as though ii had no constitutional au-
thority: as though it were the mere act Of Con-
erpss: and that by its agency alone slaves were
reclaimed They knew better, Mr.. President
The knew that the law on this suhject IS moth
ng; the Constitution every thing. The law
gives no man the right TO his fugitive slave.
The Constitution has done this, aud the Supreme
Court of The United States has SO decided; and
the law is but the execution OF the constitution
al provision Therefore, those who rail against
the law, rail against the constitution; and those
who reject anv portion Of that instrument repu-
diate all its blessings. The Senator from Oho
has not hesitated to do this, and vet he claims,
I believe, 10 Be friend Of the Union. Sena-
tors representing States, the Legislatures OF
which have taken distinct ground against the
exeeution Of this law, say they are for TIE Uni
on and the constitutional rights Of all the states.
Vow, was not this constitutional provision one
OF the compacts Of the Gnion?-was it not one
of the compromises of the Constitution Ger
;ainly it was and no man has a fair claim to
friendship for either who will not hold that il
Is tosbe faithfully executed. The denunciaton
Ct This law was one of the potent means of The
campaign, to swell Mr.. Fremont's vote. How
much Of loyalty to our people and their free
institutions there is in il | leave others TO de-
eide
But DO not wish TO be misunderstood.
am not standing here either as the advocate oi
slavery or the defender OF the South | speak
bat to vindicate history, and particularly the
history of the late Presidential contest, which
has been 50 unfairly referred to. I do not de-
sire. nor have ever sought, the extension Of
slavery and heartily do | concur with toe Sem
aior from South Carolina Nj. Butlerl when