The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-11-13
EXTRACT FROM MIR. BUCHANANs LETTER
OF ACCEPTANCE.
His Appreciation of the Cincinnati Platform

HIS appreciation OF the Cincinnati Platform.
In accepting the nomination, / need scarcely
say that accept in the same spirit the resou-
tons constituting the platform of principles
erected by the Convention. To this platform,
l intend to confne myself throughout the can
vass, believing that have no right, as the can
didate of the Democratic party, by answering
interrogatories, to present new and different
issues before the people.
1t will not be expected that in this answer
should specially refer to the subject of each of
the resolutions; and [ shall therefore confne
myself to the two topics now most prominently
before the people.
And, in the first place, cordially concur in
the sentiments expressed by the Convention on
the subject of civil and religious liberty. No
party founded on religious or political intoler-
ance towards one class of American citizens,
whether born in our own or in foreign land
can long continue to exist in this country. We
are all equal before God and the Constitution !;
and the dark spirit of despotism and bigotry
which would create odious distinctions among
our fellow citizens, will be speedily rebuked by
a free and enlightened public opinion.
The agitation of the question of domestic
Slavery has too long distracted and divided the
people of this Union, and alienated their affec-
tons from each other. The agitation has as
sumed many forms since its commencement,
but it now seems to be directed chiefly to the
Territories; and, judging from its present char
acter, think we may safely anticipate that it
is rapidly approaching 6nslity." The re-
cent legislation of Congress respecting domes-
tic Slavery, derived, as it has been, from the
original and pure fountain of legitimate politi-
cal power, the will of the majority, promises
ere long to allay the dangerous excitement
This legislation is founded upon principles as
ancient as free government itself; and, in ac-
cordance with them, has simply declared that
the people of a Territory, like those of State,
shall decide, for themselves, whether Slavery
shall or shall not exist within their limits
The Nebraska Kansas act does no more than
give the force of law to this elementary prin-
ciple of self government, declaring it to be the
true intent and meaning of this act, not to
legslate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor
to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
their domestic institutions in their own way,
subject only to the Constitution of the United
States" This principle will surely not be con-
troverted by any individual of any party profess
ing devotion to popular government. Besides,
how vain and illusory would any other principle
prove in practice in regard to the Territories?
This is apparent from the fact, admitted by all,
that after a Territory shall have entered into
the Union and become State, no constitu-
tional power would then exist which could pre-
vent it from either abolishing or establishing
Slavery, as the case may be, according to its
sovereign will and pleasure.
Most happy would it be for the country, if
this long agitation were at an end. During its
whole progress, it has produced no practical
good to any human being, whilst it has been
the source of great and dangerous evils. 1t
has alienated and estranged one portion of the
Union from the other, and has even seriously
threatened its very existence. TO my own per-
sonal knowledge, it has produced the impress
sion, among foreign nations that our great and
glorious Confederacy is in constant danger of
dissolution. This does us serious injury, be.
cause acknowledged power and stability always
command respect among nations, and are
among the best securities against unjust ae.
erosion, and in favor of the maintenance of
honorable peace.
May we not hope that it is the mission of the
Democratic party, now the only surviving con-
sentative party OF the country, ere long to over
throw all sectional parties, and restore the peace
friendship, and mutual confidence, which pre-.
vailed in the good old time, among the different
members of the Confederacy Its character ia
strictly national, and it therefore asserts no
principle for the guidance of the Federal Gov. |
ernment which is not adopted and sustained by |
its members in each and every State. For this
reason, it is everywhere the same determined |
foe of all geographical parties, so much and so |
Justly dreaded by the Father of his Country. |
From its very nature, it must continue 10 exist |
so long as there is a Constitution and Union |
to preserve. A conviction of these truths has |
induced many of the purest, the ablest, and |
most independent of our former opponents
who have differed from US in times gone by
upon old and extinct party issues, to come into
our ranks, and devote themselves with us to the
cause of the Constitution and the Union. Under
these circumstances, l most cheerfully pledge
myself, should the nomination of the Conven-
ton be ratified by the people, that all the power
and influence, constitutionally possessed by the
Executive, shall be exerted, in firm but con.
ciliatory spirit, during the single term shall
remain in office, to restore the same harmony
among the sister States which prevailed before
this apple of discord, in the form of Slavery
agitation, had been cast into their midst Let
the members of the family abstain from inter.
meddling with the exclusive domestic concerns
of each other, and cordially unite, on the basis
of perfect equality among themselves, in pro-
noting the great national objects of common
interest to all, and the good wo,x will be in.
stantly accomplished,
OFFICIAL KANSAS COMMITTEE REPORT,