The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-25

accustomed to it that have ceased to regard
it, and the public mind shall not be kept in a
state of ignorance as to what has occasioned
that civil war, 80 far as can enlighten it. And
without caring to express any opinion as to the
merits of the case, l will simply state that it
appears by the report of the committee appoint
ed by Congress (which is so voluminous that it
will never fall into the hands of nor be seen by
the people) to take testimony in Kansas, that
the Legislature of that Territory was elected by
several thousand Missourians, who went over
with their wagons, tents, provisions, and arms,
and took possession of the polls at the point of
the bowie-knife and mouth of the revolver /;
and that that Legislature passed set of laws
a full copy of which / have in my possession
tohich establishes system of tyranny, oppres-
sion, and despotism, that l hare not knO,cn to
be pdTaI!eled an ancient or modern history.
For example, no man is permitted to practice
law who does not first swear to support and
sustain the Kansas Nebraska act and the Fugi-
tive Slave Law. 2. All persons are permitted
to vote, and every vote presumed to be good,
unless challenged but if challenged, he shall
swear to support and sustain the same laws.
This was intended to let in the Missouri voters
without challenging.) 3. No one is capable of
holding any Office in the Territory who does not
take the same test oaths. 4. No person is Ca
pable Of voting for or against Convention to
form a Constitution who does not also take the
same test oaths. 5. If any person shall speak,
write, assert, or maintain, that Slavery does not
legally exist in the Territory, and that the peo-
pie have no right to hold slaves, or shall intro
duce into the Territory, print, publish, write,
or circulate, caused to be introduced, written,
printed, published, or circulated, in the Terri
tory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or
circular, containing any denial of the right OF
persons to hold slaves in the Territory, he shall
be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by
imprisonment at hard labor for term of not
less than two years; and, finally, no person
who is conscientiousy opposed to holding slaves,
or who does not admit the right to hold slaves
in the Territory, shall be qualified to sit as a
Juror in the trial of any prosecution for any
violation of the provisions of these laws.
Upon this / have but two remarks to make.
The first is, that if the North propose to exclude
the South from taking their slaves into the Ter
ritory with them, the account is pretty well bal
anced by the South refusing to the persons of
the North to take their opinions and freedom
of thought and speech into the Territory with
them. The next is-suppose the authorities of
this State were to pass any law obnoxious to
large portion, or majority of the people-such,
for example, as Temperance law, or any other,
| care not what-aad should then declare that
no man should have the privilege of voting, or
holding Office, who would not first swear to sus-
tain and support that law; and if any man
should dare to question the propriety Of that
law, or the right to pass it, he should be subject
to Imprisonment at hard labor for not less than
two years. and that he should have neither law
yer TO defend nor person to try him, who would
not also first take an oath to support and sus-
tain the very law that the offending party had
opposed. / ask, what would you do? Would
you submit or resist? | leave that question to
be decided by my friends Ste2rns & Brummel,
extensive whisky manufacturers. sitting inn
mediately before him ~ excessive laughter and
cheers. For myself, as / am determined not to
get ahead of public opinion again. if 1 can help
it, / forbear to say what, under such circum-
stances, ! would do, but leave it to those who
know me to guess. But these are the laws
that, on motion Of Mr.. Geyer, of Missouri, were
repealed in the Senate, by a vote Of forty to
three. They then kicked the plank of Squatter
Sovereignty from the Cincinnati Platform, after
having first made Mr.. Buchanan square himself
to it. l have one word to say in regard to the
Brooks affair, and it is only because have re-
ferred to it before Northern audience, that
choose now, in the presence of a Southern audi
ence, 10 repeat ma entire and absolute c0ndem-
nation Of the attack made upon the Senator
from Massachusetts. If Mr.. BROOKS had thought
proper to resent the language OF Mr.. Sumner by
pulling his nose, slapping his face, or sending
him challenge, should never have found it ne.
cessary to express any opinion upon the subject,
whatever opinion i might have entertained ;
Jut Iapprore neither Of tie time, place, manner,
nor circumstance, attending the assault. Ihave
no doubt at all, from what | have heard from
the friends of Mr.. Brooks, that he is high.
minded and gallant man in his general deport-
men;, but has. in a moment of impetuosity and
excitement, been led to commit an act which
his own better judgment will condemn as he
grows older and more reflective, and that the
compliments he has received from his warm
hearted, enthusiastic, but iniudicious friends, in
| the South, and the taunts and abuse heaped
| upon him at the North, have served to bewildel
| and mislead his Judgment in much that ha:
transpired since, as it was well calculated to do
But let me say here, once for all, that he knows
| little of me who supposes that could be induced
| to make sectional matter of private quarre
between any Northern and Southern gentlemen
| Geographically or politically, know no differ
ence between Mr.. Brooks and Mr.. Sumner.
have no more political sympathy for Southern
nullifier and secessionist, than | have for
Northern Aboltionist. / am IA citizen of Viz
GINA, holding attachments to my native land
but when | get beyond the limits of Virginia,
different States; am equally interested in an
equally sympathize with all and of one thin
he assured, that no multiplying, seeding Den
ocrat, and no Democrat of any other description
. can be allowed to make an issue for me, that
!, to widen the breach between the North and tn
. South.
Nor will | permit the personal quarrels
anybody to raise sectional issue for me.
my o,on brother had acted as Mr.. Brooks do
: tin The discharge Of Il solemn public dat,
!, schatercr might hare been my personal feelings
4 shouid hare ooted for his expulsion, and, as
!. said before, choose to say so here, because
- said so in the North, before Northern ar
> Southern delegates in the National Council
: the American party, while opposing the pa
!. sage OF resolution offered by commits
demanding his expulsion. Loud and lor
continued applause. | will indulge in
speculations as to who is to be elected, bl
: Judging from the past, should think this Sta
= would be most likely to vote for the man tn
= is most certain to impose cheat upon her,
', she has always repudiated her own children
y Clay, Harrison, Taylor, and Scott-for such m
: as Van Buren,, Polk, Cass, and Pierce and $
- has never failed to be cheated yet but NJ n !,
ter who is to be elected, or who y
path of duty is plain bsfoI,b Tho ~. anu 49, sn'
!, pursue it. shall lllc,ip ;l and that in nv be
e represent -AiY most advance the general gre
,5 l%serests of the entire country and leave Il
responsibility to those who choose to cast the
votes for either of the other candidates. o,
:. :. hsi"g, Aoscecer, tsW say--tlat enlist pe mt
= be benefited, nee cannot he porsted by al
: ehange from Democracy
). With regard to the frequent threats of di
Z !. union, lie. me say, The Union is in no danger
= a dissolution. There are but two ways of di
: solving the Union one is by revolution al