Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1856-10-04
THE ANTI-SLAvERY BUGLE.

/ hShihot EoOu ulOIhlb OF ROeu policy Dut hlhIi
state it as a fact. The most effective instrument
tality which, the Republicans use in this canvass,
is precisely this which theEra proncunces "immate-
rial" Even the platfor m of The Republicans, pro
poses as its alpha and omega, ito bring the Gov
eminent back to the principles Of Jefferson and
Washington" Certainly it cannot abe inmate
rial" whether chose great names" would sanction
the platform or not. On no other topic have the
s,umpors and campaign papers let themselves out
with such vigor and success as in proving to old
hunk wings that Republican abolitionism is moth.
ing but the soul of the old whig party, which hav-
ing left its decayed habitation now inspires with
life the new Republican bcdy-and also in proving
to Democrats, that Republican "fanaticism" and
"Disunion," is only the embodiment of old demo
cratic Anti-slavery as woven into the resolutions Of
the Democrats of Ohio, Pennsylvania and Massa-
chusetts, And though DR.. Bailey"is not in the hab-
it of using such arguments" yet the Cincinnati
and Pittsburgh Gazettes, the Cleveland Leader,
the Boston Telegraph and the New York Post and
Tribune,do use them with great zeal and efficiency
With such effect indeed as to convince, and for
once to silence the growing, complaining, fault
finding disunion abolitionists, and force them TO
acknowledge the truth Of this Republican doc.
trine.
But strange to say when these 'impracticables,"
acknowledge themselves for once. convinced. the
republicans receive their acknowledgement and
%proffered aid with a very ill grace and are almost
ready to deny and r~epudiate this grand truth they
have established, rather than be found in such
company. These abulitionists they cannot consort
with, while their party arms are wide open for the
embrace of shareholders.
The following is the article on authority Of which
the Resolution Of the anti-slavery society was
based. What appeared as editorial in the Era we
have loaded so that it it appears entire, and in
the same form in which it made iis original APP
pearance. \
From the National Era, Aug. 81.
TIE REPUBLICANISM OF HENRY CLAY.
ave defy any man, North or South, to read the
following extracts from Mr.. Clay's speeches, and
reconcile them with .he ground taken in the Blu
ctanan or Fillmore Platforms and we challenge
them to point out any disagreement between these
views of Mr.. Clay and those of'the Republican
Party, as embraced in their Platform, and in
the letter Of Col. Fremont, accepting the nomi-
nation.
1.-The Republican Platform is a Henry Clay Plat
form. In proof of this proposition, we select the
following passages from Colton's Last SevenYears
OF the Life of Henry Clay"
"Sir," said Mr.. Clay, 81 have said that | never
could vote for it, and ] repeat that / never can and
never will vote for it; and no earthly power shall
ever make me vote to plant Slavery where Slavery
does not exist."-Id9e 3l8.
And now, sir" said Mr.. Clay, on onother oc.
casion, coming from a slave State, as | do. | owe
it to myself, l owe it to truth, | owe il to the sinh.
ject, to say, that no earthly power could induce
mt to vote for a specific measure for the introduc.
ton of Slavery, where it had not before existed.
either South or North of that line" 1.-THE line of
36o 30r,)-Fage 355.
Il shall not enlarge" said Mr.. Clay, ION the
opinion which have already announced to the
Senate as being held y me, Ito wit: that Slavery
had been abolished in Mexico, and consequently
did not exist in the territory acquired from Mexico
by the United Statcs) My opinion of the variety
of fo:ms in which legislation can take place-tlat
%sti,ution of the people of Mexico, and by the test
of the legislative authority of Mexico-by all these
modes of legislation, my opinion is, that Slavery
has been abolished there."-Page 364. Again:
Il cannot agree to an amendment (of the Terrific
rial bill for New Nexico) which, in point of fact
assumes that Slavery has an existence there at
this time, and which assumes, in point of law. that
under the Constitution of the United States, there
is a right to carry slaves there. / cannot vote for
either proposition. "-Page $40. Again: why"
said Mr.. Clay, these United States consist of
thirty States. In fifteen of them there is Slavery,
and in fifteen of them Slavery does not exist. Well
how can it be argued that the fifteen slave Sta ties
by the operation of the Constitution of the United
States, carry into the coded Territory their institu.
ton of Slavery, any more than it can be argued,
on the other side, that, by the operation of the :
same Constitution, the fifteen free States carry
into the coded Territory, the principle of Free
dom. !
"Can you come to any other conclusion than $
that which | understand to be the conclusion of the
public law of the world, of reason, and of Justice. Z
that the status of law, as it existed in the moment e
Of conquest or acquisition, remains until it is al,
tered by the conquering or acquiring power %
Page 1873. g
Again: "There are gentlemen" said Mr.. CLAW. /
"who maintain that, by virtue of the Constitution
the light to carry slaves south of that line 1862 3OO t
already exists. If | bad not heard that opiiion q
avowed, | should have regarded it as one of
the most extraordinary assumptions, and the most !
indefensible position that was ever taken by man. n
The Constitution neither created nor does il con- '
tinue Slavery. Slavery existed independent of the C
Constitution; and it was dependent, not upon the /
wils of Congress, but upon the laws of the respec. r
tive States. The Constitution is silent and mas.
sive upon the subject Of the institution of Slaverv. $
or, rather, it deals with the fact as it exists in the o
States, without having created it, or continued il b
or being responsible for it in the slightest degree. p
\ y If slaves are voluntarily carried into Il
such a jurisdiction, (where Slavery does not exist h
their chains instantly drop off, and they become f
free, emancipated, liberated from their BONDAGE
y \ \ If the Constitution possesses the nara. h
mount authority attributed to it THAT is, to protect i
Slavery in the Territories,) the laws even of the ]
free States OF the Union would yield to that para e
mount authority. y \ i You cannot nnt yonr d
finger on the part of the Constitution which con. Ii
veys the right or the power to carry slaves from b
one of the States of the Union to any Territorv of il
the United States."-Page IT'S. Again. ~ can. e
not agree that under the Constitution ofthe United il
States, there is a right to carry slaves into New
Mexico."-Fdge 100. Again: And now, sir, for i,
the first time after the three great acquisitions of q
Texas, Florida, and Louisiana, have been made. Ii
and have redounded to the benefit of the South O
now. Tor the hrst time when three Territories D