The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-12-11


in a corner. His speeches had been gathered
/ together and published in three volumes b,
Mr.. Red6eld, of New York, and the Senate
could find his opinions expressed there fully
So far as he was concerned, he was willint
those issues, imperfectly settled now, should b
left open until 1860, for the people 20 deter
mine.
Mr.. Mason said, constant agitation upon The
subject of Slavery had brought the people o
the South to the conviction that the preserva
ton of that institution rested with themselves
AS one of the representatives of the South, hs
desired to say he took no further interest In it
or in any opinion which was entertained at the
North in relation to it, than as he entertained
the firm and decided hope, that there was {
public sentiment yet remaining at the North
which was ready to unite with the South in the
desire to perpetuate the Union; and by the ait
of that public sentiment in the North, he be
Eeved the Union would be preserved. Slavery
was recognised by the Constitution as an exist
ing social institution, and YVES not only pro
tected by the duty being imposed on the Gov
eminent to render fugitives up to their masters
but was the element of political power in rep
resentation. That being so, the people where
it existed had the same right to its legitimate
expansion that they had to its peaceable enjoy.
ment within their own borders. To endeavor
to restrict this expansion was to trench upon
their rights, in violation of the spirit of the
Constitution.
Mr. Wilson stated that he had never enter
tanned nor expressed an opinion that Congress
had power to abolish Slavery within the States,
nor had he ever uttered the sentiment that
those with whom he acted ever intended to as
sumo or exercise such power. He had read
Mr.. Spooners book, but dissented from its
conclusion. There was small number of peo-
pie in the free States who conceded with Mr..
Spooner in opinion, and they had voted for
Gerrit Smith as their candidate for President.
How many votes that gentleman received he
could not tell, but probably not over two hun
dred in all the free States. The positions as
sumed by the supporters of Colonel Fremont
were entirely different.
Mr.. Trumbull remarked, that when Senators
said that he and his friends wished to interfere
with the rights of the States, they imputed to
them that to which they had solemnly declared
their opposition. 1t was just such remarks as
they had listened to from the Senator from
Mississippi Mr.. Brown that were alternating
one section of the Union from the other.
Did the Senator wish the North to interfere
with the institutions of the South, and fasten
on the Northern people sentiments that they
disavow everywhere and on all occasions
This message contained most unwarranted
assumption as to fact, for the President under
took to say that the Missouri act of 1920 was
obsolete and unconstitutional. Where did he
get his authority for the assertions2 The Su-
preme Court of the United States declared, with
regard to the power of the Federal and State
Governments combined
Mr.. Cass (interrupting.) never heard of it.
Mr.. Trumbull sent for the first volume of j.
Peters's reports, and read, from page 546, the
opinion pronounced by Judge Marshall in the
case OF the American Insurance Company
against Canter, the sentence: "In legislating
for them, 1.-THE Territories,) Congress exercises
the combined power of the General and State
Governments"
Mr.. Cass remarked, at asserts no power"
Mr.. Trumbull inquired whether there was
not sufficient power therein to keep Slavery
out of the Territories?
Mr.. Cass responded, "No, unless the power
was found ia the Constitution"
Mr.. Trumbull insisted that the power was
broad and unqualified. Congress formerly ex.
ercised it, and it was new discovery to say
that Congress did not possess it now. In allu-
ding to a remark of Mr.. Mason, that if the Re-
publican party had executed what they aimed
at, 1T would have led to a dissolution of the
Union, immediate and eternal
Mr.. Trumbull also said that the Republicans
had avowed no principles, excepting those de-
clared by Jefferson, Washington, and Monroe.
Was it any cause for dissolution of the Union,
that particular man was elected President?
that Neitfef Colonef fremont nor any other
person could be elected, except in constitu-
tional mode; and if so elected, would that be
cause for a dissolution of the Union? If so,
the Constitution contained within itself the ele-
ments of destruction
1t was lawless assumption Of the President
and Senators to attribute to the great Repub-
lcan party hostility to the rights of the States,
or to the institution of Slavery in any State,
though they declare the right of Congress to
prohibit Slavery in the Territory of the United
States.
Finally, without taking the question on the
motion to print, the Senate adjourned.
The Northern and Western counties of Penn
syloania gave Fremont 81 ,429 plurality over
Buchanan, and 1902 majority over Buchanan
and Fillmore. The totals are-Fremont 79, l67,
Buchanan 1913, Fillmore 5,737. 1t was Phil
adelphia, which a fre-eating correspondent of
the New Orleans Delta commends to Southern
merchants in preference to Baltimore, that de-
cided Pennsylvania in favor of Buchanan. We
hopo the Northern and Western counties will
at once take the lead in forming an efficient