The Nevada journal., 1856-10-10


in the land of my nativity, of the por-
tentious and ominous signs of the times.
Can any one lay his hand upon his
breast and declare that the political in
dications of the day are not lowering
and gloomyl Can any true American
say that fearful struggle is not at
hand, through which our cherished in
stitutions are to pass? Is there one
who does not feel the responsibility rest
ing upon him in the crisis to come, to do
his whole duty, and do it well 2 For
myself, the depth of feeling which of
late has taken whole possession of me,
cannot be expressed in too forcible or
earnest language. I see the institutions
under which l was born and reared in
danger Of final overthrow. / see a
disposition in one section of our COM
mon country to meet the other On Sec
tional issues and peril the Union in hos
tile arbitrament. What behooves us, as
patriots, to do at such an emergency but
seek for something to still the storm? :?
Where is the calumet of peace to thrust
between contending foes Look at this
glorious Union of ours, freighted with
the hopes of free men and mankind
where on earth can be found an equal
where government under which can
be enjoyed SO much of the sum of human
happiness? Is not here enough to pre-
serve, calling forth our highest ambi-
ton? How can it be done? The dan
ger is imminently near. In few short
weeks the die will be cast which must
decide question big with the fate of
the Republic.
At this brink to which we have ap-
preached. it becomes us to stop and re-
feet upon what has brought us to so
critical a period in our history, to exam
inc well the ground on which we stand,
see what concessions are necessary for
the public veal, and yield all but per-
sonal honor to the claims of country.
1t must be acknowledged that the
compromise measures of 1850 were all
that Northern sentiment could bear, for
the protection of Southern institutions.
The voice of large minority of North
ern men denouced their passage, and
nearly the united sentiment of the peo-
pie of the free States was adverse to the
Fugitive Slave Law. But they yielded
acquiescence, as a 6nality was placed
upon slavery agitation.
This trial of Northern temper by the
acts of 1850, was a sure and infallihe
guide to the administration of Franklin
Pierce. Northern endurance was
stretched to it's utmost tension, and could
bear no more. The South was guaran-
teed in all her constitutional rights
what more could she ask? what more
did she need2
We know the tone and temper of our
Northern brethren and never should
have pushed our demands further. But
it has been done, and now it only re-
mains to us to provide a remedy for the
evil. If we knew that our demands
were in accordance with sacred compro-
misses, and not in violation of them, we
could persist in forcing the candidate of
our section upon the people. But it
would not only be impolitic but danger
Gus to ourselves, to try the experiment,
when almost certain defeat awaits u.s.
Such is the attitude in which we stand
at this moment. Scanning the Eastern
horizon, read no augury of success to
the Southern candidate in any of the
free States. To the most ultra man of
my section, 1 see not glimmer of light
in that quarter to gladden. his heart
The extreme opinions Of one section
must not be looked for in another. 1t is
not natural, and need not be expected.
But moderate, national views pervade
the entire nation. There lies the pal
ladium of Southern hopes.
We want nothing but justice and our
constitutional rights. These we must
have at every hazard. But they are
not to be gained but by fastening to the
conservative spirit which, spite of Sec
tional excitement, still breathes in the
bosoms of Americans from one end Of
the Union to the other-alike in the cold
latitude of Maine and the warm savan-
nahs of the South. To that sentiment
we must cling and labor to foster. The
sooner the better, There 10 no time to
lose.
Then let us abandon a candidate to
whom there is attached no Lope of sue