The Kansas herald of freedom., 1856-11-15

hour has come the Charleston Mercury
thinks that the election of Buchanan
/ should postponethe event Tor four years,
TO make the final event more certain /;
Gov. Wise says his election would mere
/ ly insure brief period of peace and
preparation. 1t seems to be admitted
among themselves, that it would be
better to wait, If Buchanan should be
elected, in the hope that his admins
tration would be instrumental in
Strengthening their power and multiply
ing their resources ; but as Fremont's s
administration would be against them,
if he should be elected, the tocsin must
be sounded at once.
This theory reconciles every contra
diction and unlocks every mystery. 1t
explains everything from Cuba to Kan
sas. It decreed war with Mexico and
annexed wide territories; it repealed the
Missouri Compromise; it promises adj
mission to Utah. because triple slavery
exists there, negro slavery ,peon slavery,
and the slavery of woman it lusts for
Cuba and the revival of the African
slave trade ; it prompted the pirarieal
invasion of Sonora by Walker, and the
subjugation of Nicaragua by the same
individual, who, we perceive by late ac-
counts, has decreed the introduction of
slavery into that country, preparatory
to its formal union with the Southern
States and in order that fiilibusterism
might become another cherished insti-
tuition, it asked Congress for the repeal
of the neutrality laws last winter, and
now apprehensive that its vile career
may be checked, it rises in open rebel
lion, insinuating that the election of
Fremont would be fatal to slavery in
the South.
The daily record of the press bears
testimony to the truth of these allega-
tions. In a late issue of the Leader, we
find an article copied from the New Or
leans Delta, from which we take the fol-
lowing paragraphs. We presume the
entire article has the sanction of the
Leader, since it accompanied its publica-
tion by no editorial qualification.
Such being the social and political value of
slavery. its diffusion and extension are of the
first importance, and nothing, at the present
time, should more nearly interest the wise
philanthropist and the patriotic statesman
than to devise measures to effect those objects
Ito restore slavery to its original national
character, and make If an object of political So
lieitude.
We have heretofore pointed to the measure
of negro exemption as one highly favorable to
the objects just named, to wit: the diffusion
and extension of slavery, and the consequent
consolidation of the slave owning interest
One other measure we are In favor of, though
we fear its announcement may throw some of
| the ancient fogy men" into almost epileptic
CONSERVATION. Nevertheless, we shall an
nounce it, and here declare that we not only
desire to make Territories, noso free, stdoe Ter
Titories and to acquire ne,0 Tertiary into acaich
to expand slaDerg-such as Cuba, North eastern
Mezico, $,c.-but zoe sc0uld reopen the african
slGUe trade.
TO make Territries now free, slave
Territories" to extend slavery into
Mexico, to annex Cuba, and reopen the
African slave trade is the game. To
ocupy the lands which nature destined
for the poor of our own country, emf
grants from Europe, with. the negroes
kidnapped from Africa is the policy
which is distictly announced We
think it wiser and more human to leave
the negro in Africa, and appropriate our
territories to our white brethren, in
Europe and America The principles
of liberty or the prejudices of color
rigidly applied, might exclude the ne
gro, whether bond or free, from any
portion of our virgin soil; but political
justice demands a share of it for the
benefit of the slave owners and their
slaves. The slaves number about three
millions and half, and their owners
half million, which taken together
constitute about one-sixth of the ag-
gregate population of the country; We,
therefore, think the slave owners have
a right to claim one-sixth of the terri
tory which, as they say themselves, is
the common property OF the nation
| This, and the extension OF our southern
limits, which viii be accomplished
gradually and legitimately, and the
climate of which would be adapted only
20 the negro, would give the slave IN
terest ample room Tor expansion. But
this equitable division is spurned by
the Southern leaders.
Not the abolition of slavery, but re-
sistance to its extension, is the imme-
date cause of the enmity of the slavery
propagandists Fremont is committed
as deeply against the abolition of slave
ry, as he is committed in favor of free
soil. 1t is not the existance Of the In
stitution or It's constitutional privileges
that are assailed, but its oyerweening
pretentions and aggressive designs. 1t
seeks to domineer over the whole
country. and over all other institutions.
Fremont merely opposes its rapid pro-.
gress to universal dominion on this
continent, resolved to keep it within
its due bounds We are not threatened
with the despetism of one man. like
the Gar, or one body, like the French
Convention, but We are threatened with
the despotism of one Institution, as
potent as the Czar and as proscriptive
as the Convention; and maintaining
itself like all other despotisms, by an
unwinking espionage, tyranical laws
and Its own higher-law which indicts a
more summary vengeance. We con-
denim no Law however apparently severe,
which bears upon the slaves them
selves, because experience has taught
us that such laws are necessary; ; but
scorn and execration should greet those
statutes or customs which the institu-
tion has imposed upon white men ami
citizens. 'Fhe grievance of which we
complain is not the thraIdom OF the
slave, but of the citizen. The other
day, learned, and pioas man was