Nashville daily patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1855-1857, 1856-03-22

a SYLLABLE was uttered nor a sentiment advanced in
that Convention, by any member who continued his
connection with il to the close of its session. which
can De construed into assault on the Administra
ton, far its policy tended TO the protection Of
Southern rights end interests.-Pdtriot.
word will suffice for the above Explain this
phrase in the platform to make it consistent
with your declaration above, if you cam
Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of
the Administration, as shown in the re-opening of
sectional agitation by the repeal Of the Missouri
Compromise. K. " Platform.
Is that, or is it not ian assault the Admini->
raton, so far as its policy has tended to the protec
ton Of Southern rights and nterests?" This is
question of fact Union and american.
In another article our neighbor charges
that this is the point, the discussion Of which
we desire to escape. He misapprehends US
if he thinks we would evade the discussion
of any point he may raise. 1t is not diff
cult to explain the consistency of our dec
larations with the American Platform. Our
individual position is sound on the slavery
question, and the platform is equally sound.
To reconcile chem, therefore, is an easy mat
ter We said the action of the Ameri
can Convention, nor any of its real friends
and members, nor any portion of its plat
form of principles, could ''be construed into
an assault on the administration, so far as
its policy tended to the protection of South
ern rights and interests" The Union and
american quotes its faVorite passage from
the 18th section of the platform in answer.
Does it consider "the re-opening of sec
tional agitation" protective of Southern
rights and interests?" Have Southern in
situations been made more permanent by
the Administrators course on the slavery
question? Has the Southern mans title in
his property been made more secure by
lighting up the fires of anti-Slavery aggreS-
sion, till their lambert flames curl around
the columns of the temple of our liberties,
and threaten to consume it? Has the pre-
cipitation of civil war in Kansas tended to
render Southern institutions more stable
and enduring? Has the erection of spu-
rious government in that Territory, in open
rebellion to the Government authorities, a
conservative influence in behalf of Southern
interests? The very object of that rebel
lious movement is to make Kansas free
State The very men who have set it on
foot, have received encouragement from the
Administrations northern policy. The very
principle on which it is done and justified,
is the Administrations darling doctrine of
squatter sovereignty. We proved, no long
er than yesterday, by the Administrations
New Hampshire supporters, that it would
be the people Of the territory who would
make Kansas free State. They eXhorted
the AbolitioniStS to let President Pierce's
policy work out its legitimate results They
assured them it would do it just as well and
as surely as theirs. They quoted Robinson
and Lane, those arch Abolition rebels in
Kansas, in proof Of their assertion that the
Administration had done its work well.
Does the Union and american argue that
the right to hold slaves, and to carry them
into the new territories, is strengthened or
confirmed by agitating the question in re-
gard to those rights? When a mans right
in his property, and his right to control it,
is questioned, it is jeopardized. When you
suggest doubt on such points, you render
his tenure frail and precarious 1t is like
handling polished metal, the very touching
furnishes it, 1t is like female virtue, when
you discuss it, you detract from it. AS on a
mirror, the very breath Of such a question
leaves its stain. Southern men should most
deprecate agitation. They have all to lose
by it, and nothing to gain. If the fanati-
cal attempts of abOlitionism to destroy their
rights, could be quelled, the question would
soon vanish as topic of political discus
sion. Peace and quiet would be restored,
and in that state Of the public mind slave
property would be secure, and Southern
rights and interests would be protected"
When, under the Christening visitation of
Providence, this Administration assumed
the direction of public affairs, a state of
comparative peace and quiet did exist.
DOES IT EXIST NOW? Ask the Kansas rebel
as he grasps his murderOus riael Ask the
citizen of Missouri resident on the border
of that territory, if his property is as safe
now as it was before sqnatter sovereignty
had exerted itself to erect that mammoth
negro harbor in sight of his negro quar-
tiers? Does the presence in Congress of
one hundred and eight freesoil members of
the House of Representatives, and ten free
soil Senators, afford additional security to
Southern rghts2 Does President PIERcE's
own avowal to the Hon. JEREMIAH CLEMENS,
that the Nebraska act, which we are now
discussing, was "a measure for freedom"
tend to enhance Southern interests? In
fine, we ask calm survey of the condition
Of the country at this moment and then
ask the South if it has cause to thank the
Administration for what it has done for it?
1t surely has none.
This brings us to the point, that the acts
of the late American Convention did not
assault the Administration for whatever it
had done in behalf of Southern institu-
tions. All it did in that behalf, was to af-
ford encouragement to the passage Of an
act, whose great cardinal principle was non