Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1856-08-30
IMPRACTICABLES.
Very truly, your friend.
A. G.. BROWN.
10 Hon. S. r. ADAMS.

directed against the Disunion abolitonists. Some
extracts from which we present to our readers,
with q few corrections aud comments. 1t COM
mences:
In a contest between parties, one of which is
pledged to the indefinite extension and perpetuation
of Slavery, and the other to the opposite policy CT
of Slavery restriction, it is inconceivable to us how
any rational opponent of that Institution can hest
tate to give to the latter his hearty support. Yet
the singular spectacle is presented, in this unpre-
,cedented crisis, of those who profess the hottest
horror of Slavery. giving laid and comfort to the
friends Of the institution, and throwing cold water
'6n' The efforts of the party which alone is capable
of'afresting its spread over our Western Terri
't6fies.
This para gvaph misrepresents the position Of
the hen OF whom it speaks. They are theoreti-
'cdly and practically, 10 the extent, lin their judg-
'ment,l of all wise, honorable and honest means the
enemies ofslGvery extension. They are sufficient
Iy "ratlBhai opponents of the system of slavery"
to decline the folly of attempting to shut slavery
out Of the territories by protecting it in the
States" They decline the dishonorable means of
securing liberty in the Territories for white men
now free. by continuing the enslavement of in
Neutrality-suspicious. of black men in tho States. They
Cannot consent to the wickedness of supporting
the sum Of all villainies for the hope of its gradu.
Tnl overthrow in the indefinite future. They would
'be fhlseto'every principle of morality and justice,
did They not kindlc around this Republican party
The flames of burning rebuke, for its recreancy to
freedom. See that recent example, (Which illus.
'trates the principle on which the party is based
viz, the sacrifice of principle for the sake
of ~success,) where the members OF the party in
Congress, with a single exception, voted to make
Slavery legal in Kansas till 1S5S,-to extend the
fugitive slave law over Kansas and Nebraska, with
'~6utlimitation of time, and to enslave all the in
Infants that shall be born in the Territory of slave
'hlothers from this to 1858. This is part of the
"policy of slavery restriction" This the method,
to keep slavery out Of Kansas and Nebraska. How
could 'any radical opponent Of the institution"
hesitate to condemn such policy. To support it is
to give aid and comfort to slavery in the most
positive manner.
NeSefNkow two paragraphs Of argument and
prophecy that the success of the Republican party
will result in the ultimate, gradual removal Of sla-
very. With this result clearly in his vision. this
''rational' advocate of RepuLlicanism exclaims:
GLOW strange, then, that any friend of humanity
should oppose that party, throw obstacles in it's
path, or cayil at its shortcomings Suppose it
does fall short of perfection; suppose that it omits
in its platform some most desirable and important
measures, or is silent as to principles which no
thorough friend of freedom could for a moment
surrender-must the good which is attainable be
cast aside, because the SUM Of all good cannot be
obtained? Will the supreme good be nearer at
hand, because that which falls short of it is despis.
ed? 1t is a strange infatuation which induces the
hope that Freedom is to be obtained by giving q
loose rein to the rule of slavery propagandists.
Our objection is not alone, that the party omits
some good, but that it does evil-promises protec-
tion to a positive evil-one of the greatest conceiv-
able magnitude. But the writer asks:
"Must the good which is attaineDIe be cast aside
because the sum of all good cannot be obtained'"
No. The good which is attainable should never
be cast aside. The question indicates precisely
our objection to Republicanism. 1t throws away
the great good of emancipation-the Christian duty
of repentance for the improbable chance
OF securing the lesser good of slavery restriction.
will the supreme good be nearer at hand he.
cause that which falls short of it is ~despised ?"
No. Honor all good, superior or inferior, !and
especially cast not contempt upon the sup eme
good-Liberty, by solemn pledges to '%2rotect" sla-
very.
ut is a strange infatuation which induces the
hope that freedom is to be obtained, by giving a
loose reign to the rule of Slavery propagandism."
Yes, SO it is if such an infatuation exists. But
it does not, with the individuals alluded to. But
even if it did it is not more strange than the infat-
uation, that freedom is to be secured by protecting
Slavery.
Next the writor proceeds to combat the position
of the "impracticables" on the suppcsition that
they are all non-resistants. AS this is a mere sup
position, at war with fact, we have nothing to say
to the argument.
We give the conclusion Of She article entire. 1t
us attrociously proslavery and would we'll grace the
columns of the Richmond Enquirer or the Charles
ton Mercury. 1t needs no comments, and yet we
cannot forbear to add a note or two.
The negro slaves of the South must owe their
redemption from the thraldom Of Slayery and ignor-
ance, mainly to the white people of the South.
The Northern people and the Federal Government
may contribute most material and essential. aid to
the Sopth in this great work OF regeneratng a
race but the aid must be extended kindly and
generously, without threats of violence or legisla-
tive interference. We claim for the People OF the
North and the South the most perfect freedom OF
discussion; and here, on Southern soil, we exer-
else that freedom; but we have never claimed for,
and utterly deny to the Federal Government the
right to legislate for the States in what pertains to
them as local jurisdictions. The contrary hypoth-
esis, which sets up a claim of jurisdiction in the
Federal Government, either in its legislative or
1udiciai capacity, W Interfere Win oiasefy IN the
States. whether to abolish, modify, or uphold the
system leads to the widest atitudiBarianism and
if acted on, it would at once abolish every vestige
of State independence and State sovereignty. The
abolition Of Slavery, even, would be dearly pur-
chased at the price Of our system of Confederated
Government. H. Slavery though a stupendous
wrong, is, as every one must see, transient in its
nature. it cannot last forever. We therefore
would not sacrifice the Federal Constitution, and
the independence of the States, to secure its imme-
date abolition. The Federative principle is as