The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-12-11
THE NATIONAL ERA: WASHINGTON, D. C, DECEMBER H.

sage as one ofthe most extraordinary documents
that had ever emanated from the Executive of
the nation, containing, it did, assertions and
serious charges against portion of the people
of this country, that had no foundation whatever
In fact. Could he separate that portion OF it
having reference to the Slavery question from
the remainder of the document, he would not
dignity it by motion to print.
Upon his retirement from Office, condemned
by majority of nearly three hundred thousand
votes, the Executive charged the people of the
North with making war upon the constitutional
rights of the South 1t was charge that had
not the least foundation in fact.
Mr.. Keitt, of South Carolina, desired to know
if the majority spoken of by the gentleman was
not made up of the votes cast for Mr.. Fillmore
as well as those given for Mr.. Fremont.
Mr.. Campbell replied in the affirmative.
Mr.. Keitt then wished to know if the gentle
man regarded the votes of the supporters of Mr..
Fillmore at the North as condemnatory of the
Kansas ebraska bill, and in in favor of Free
Soil2
Mr.. Campbell replied, that he did not believe
there was a single Northern member belonging
to the Fillmore party who did not oppose the
principles of the Kansas Nebraska bill.
Mr.. Campbell, of Kentucky, inquired if the
Fillmore party in the North advocated restora-
ton of the Missouri Compromise?
Mr.. Campbell, of Ohio, replied that, so far as
his district was concerned, they we're in favor
of reinstating the eighth section of the act of
1920. But the Buchanan party in the North
assumed the ground that they were more rela
BILE upon that point than either the Fillmore or
the Fremont parties. Laughter. They claim
ed that they were for Freedom in Kansas, and
charged that those who, like himself, had voted
for the bill of the gentleman from Indiana Mr.
Dunn had voted to legalize and perpetuate Sa-
very in Kansas, avowing at the same time that
by the terms of the Nebraska bill Slavery was
not authorized in the Territory of Kansas.
Mr.. Keitt, of South Carolina, desired to know
if the opponent of the gentleman from Ohio
took the ground which the gentleman charged
against the Democratic party?
Mr.. Campbell replied, that, during the late
| canvass, he did not meet his opponent face to
| face. But the Democratic party and its press
in his district charged that he (Mr. C.) had
proved treacherous to the principles which he
| had protested before the people, and, as evil
dence upon that point, he was arraigned for
having introduced resolution calling upon
the gentleman from South Carolina Mr.. Orr
to preside over the deliberations of the House
until Speaker should be elected, and for voting
in favor of the bill introduced by the gentle
man from Indiana, to which he had already al
| iuucu. IL Was also COnJenueu that Tree nan
sas" would have better friend on the floor of
the House, if his opponent should succeed
over him.
Mr.. McMullin, of Virginia, inquired of the
gentleman if in the late canvass he did not
| charge that the object of the Southern portion
of the Confederacy was to carry Slavery into
Kansas, even if it had to be done at the point
of the bayonet?
Mr.. Campbell. not only charged that they
intended that, but that they had already done
it. Laughter.
Mr.. McMulln wished further to know if the
gentleman's party did not represent Mr.. Bu-
chanan as being a Pro-Slavery man, and who
would favor the establishment of Slavery in
the free States?
Mr.. Campbell replied, that he did chargethat
Mr.. Buchanan was a Pro-Slavery man, and that
the platform upon which he stood, and for which
he sacrificed his individuality, was also Pro.
Slavery.
Mr.. McMullin desired to know if the gentle
mans party did not represent that a slavehold.
er owning five negroes was entitled to cast
| three votes?
Mr.. Campbell replied, that he did contend
before the people, that, in the distribution OF
political power under the Constitution, the
slaves counted under the three-ffths rule, and
that every five slaves, in political power, equal
led three voters in the free States. Would the
gentleman frnm Virginia deny that PROPOSE
tion2 Laughter.
Mr.. McMullin wished to know if negroes did
not vote in some Of the free States :?
as to the laws of the different free States. He
saw, however, by recent accounts, that at the
late election one precinct in the State of Louis
lana was carried by negro votes. He would
ask the gentleman from Louisiana if these &C
| counts were true?
Mr.. Taylor. They are false.
MIR. Campbell, continuing, remarked that in
the State of Ohio, under judicial decision
upon this subject, made by Democratic Judges
upon the Supreme Bench, it was held tina,
wherever white blood predominated in persons
they were entitled to the rights of citizens He
believed that, at the late election, one negro
voted in his district-a man who, under the de,
cision OF the court, was not entitled to the right
of suffrage-and voted for his opponent, a
Democrat. Laughter.
Mr.. Sherman, of Ohio, remarked that the
message which had been read this morning ar
raigned the great and growing Republican par
ty, which had been brought into existence by
the errors of this very Administration, upon
accusations which were, as he believed entirely
unfounded. The President charged, in the Ian
guage of innuendo, that the designs which the
Republican party avowed were mere pretence,
and that they were sailing under false colors,
with purposes in view which they had never
entertained. The great body of those who com.
posed the Republican party were conservative
men-those men of property and influence who
stood by the Compromises of 1850, and pledged
their faith to observe them entire. These were
the men who had swept eleven of the Northern
States for John G. Fremont by maiorities un.
paralleled in our political history, and who were
charged by the President with pretending to
prevent the extension of Slavery, while they
were "really infamed with desire to change the
domestic institutions of the existing States.'
He denied that the people of Ohio designeG,
any interference with the institution of Slavery,
as it existed in the Southern States. He haze
| himself observed that, in the intercourse be.
tween the white man and the black in those
States, there was more good feeling than in the
intercourse between the same people in the
States of the North. :
Mr.. s. then reviewed the various charge,
contained in the message against the Republis
can party, which party, he declared, was for
defence merely, only demanding that the quess
| ton of Slavery in the Territories should be re
stored to the precise position in which tn,
President found it. The President, in his mes
sage, not only misrepresented the issue befor,
the American people, and the purposes and de
signs of his opponents, but sought to throa
| upon them the consequences of the policy which
| he himself had inaugurated. Every man o
| sense knew that all the evils which for the past
two years had distracted the country, had then
origin in the repeal of the Missouri Comprqe
| mise and yet, Notwithstanding this fact, those
- l., hot 1loJ