Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1856-06-05
]')olitieal,

SPEECH OF
HON. CHARLES SUMNER =.
ON
Kansas Affai1s.
In the United States Senate, May 10, 1856.
(CoNTINUED.)
l. It belongs to me now, in the first place, to
expose the CRIME AGAINST KANSAS, in it's origin
and extent, Logically, this is the beginning of
theargument. | say Crime, and deliberately
adopt this strongest term, as better than any
other denoting the consumate transgression |
would 60 further, if language could further go
1t is the Crime Of Crimes-surpassng fur the
old crimen majestat,s, pursued with vengeance
by the laws of Rome, and containing all other
crimes, as the greater contains the less. do
not 20 too far, when call it the Crime against
Nature, from which the soul recoils, and which
language refuses to describe. TO lay bare this
enormity now proceed. The whole subject
has already become twice-told tale, and its
renewed recital will be renewal of sorrow and
shame but shall not hesitate to enter upon
it. The occasion requires it from the begin
ming.
It has been we'll remarked by q distinguished
historian Of our country, that at the lthuriel
touch of the Missouri discussion, the slave in
terest, hitherto hardly recognised as distinct
element in our system, started up portentous
and Diluted, with threats and assumptions, which
ore the origin Of our existing nation politics.
This was in 1920. The discussion ended with
the admission of Missouri as slave. holding
State, and the prohibition of Slavery in all the
remaining territory west Of the Mississippi, and
north of &c degrees 80 minutes, leaving the con-
dition of other territory south of this line, or
subsequently acquired untouched by the ar
rangement
Here was solemn act of legislation, called
at the time compromise, a covenant, q com,
pact, first brought forward in this body by a
Observation-Disclosures by shareholders in de
bate-fnally sanctioned by slaveholing votes
also upheld at the time by the essential appro.
batons of slaveholding President, James Nun
roe, and his cabinet, of whom majority were
Shareholders. including Mr.. Calhoun himself
and this compromise was made the condition o
the admission of Missouri, without which that
State could not have been received into the
Union. The bargain was simple, and was ap
plicable, of course, only to the territory named
Leaving all the other territory to await the
Judgment of another generation, the South sale
to the North. conquer your prejudces SO far al
to admit Missouri as slave State, and, in con
sideration of this much coveted boon, Slavery
shall be prohibited forever in all the remaining
Louisiana territory above &c degrees 80 min
utes and the North yielded
In total disregard of history, the President
in his annual message, has told US that this com
promise " was reluctantly acquesced in by the
Southern States" Just the contrary is true
1t was the work of Shareholders, and was crowd
ed by their concurring votes upon a reluctant
| North. At the time it was hailed by slavehold
ers as victory. Charles Pinckney, Of South
Carolina, in an oft quoted letter, written al
three o'clock on the night Of Its passage, says
cit is considered here by the slaveholding States
as a great triumph" At the North it was &C
cepted as defeat, and the friends of freedom
everywhere throughout the country bowed theil
heads with modification. But little did they
know the completeness of their disaster. Little
did they dream that the prohibition of Slavery
in the territory, which was stipulated as tn,
price of their fatal capitulation, would also a
the very moment OF its maturity be wrcstcd irou
them.
Time passed, and it became necessary to pro
vide for this territory an organized government
Suddenly, without notice in the public press, o
the prayer of single petition, or one word o
public recommendation from the President-af
ter an acquiescence of thirty three years, AM
the irreclaimable possession by the South Of it
special share under this compromise-in viola
ton of every obligation of honor, compact ant
good neighborhood- in contemptuous dis
regard Of the out gushigg sentiments of al
aroused North, this time-honored prohibition
in itself q landmark of Freedom, was overturn
ed, and tho vast region now known as Kansa
and Nebraska was opened to Slavery 1t wa
natural that o measure thus rcpugnant in char
actcr should be pressed by arguments mutual
rcpugnant. 1t was urged on two principal rea
sons, so opposite and inconsistent as to slap eac
other in the face-one being that, by the repea
of the prohibition, the territory would be LEI
open to the entry of shareholders with thei
slaves, without hindrance and the other being
that the people would be left absolutely free /
determine the question for themselves, and |
prohibit the entry of shareholders with the
slaves, should they think best. With some, I'll
apology was the alleged rights of shareholders
and with others, it was the alleged rights Of ii
people. With some, it was openly the extensic
of Slavery; and with others, it was openly IL
establishment of Freedom, under the guise
popular sovereignty. Of course, the measu
thus upheld in defiance of reason, was carrie
through Congress in defiance of all the secul
ties of legislation and mention these thin
that you may see in what foulness tho prese
crime was engendered.
1t was carried, first, by whipping into its su
port, through Executive influence and patronag
men who acted against their own declared jud
ment and the known will of their constituent
Secondly, by foisting out of place, both in Il
f Senate and House of Representatives, importa
business long pending, and usurping its ROOF
Thirdly, by trampling under foot the rules
the House Of Representatives, always before t
5 safeguard of the minority. And fourthly,
v driving it to close during the very session
which it originated, SO that it might not be .
rested by the indignant voice of the people.
Such are some of the means by which this sn
judgment was obtained.
Ii the clear will of the people had not be
, disregarded, it could not have been passed.
:, the government had not nefariously interpos
its influence, it could not have passed. If
: had been left to its natural place in the order
business, it could not have passed. If the ru
of the House and the rights Of the minority h
not been violated, it could not have passed
Q it had been allowed to 60 over to another C,
g gress, when the people might be heard, it wo,
; have been ended; and then the crime we n
deplorc, would have been without its first SC
" inal life
Mr.. President, mean to keep absolut
+ within the limits of parliamentary propriety
h I make no personal imputations bnt only W
:. frankness such as belongs to the occasion 0
70 my own character, describe great histori
I, act, which is now enrolled in the Capitol. s
D the Nebraska bill was in every respect swind
l. 1t was swindle by the South of tho North.
= was, on the part of those who had already &C
- pletely enjoyed their share of the Missouri &c
nt promise, swindle of those whose share was
sr absolutely untouched and the plea of unc
70 stitutionality set up-like the plea of usury
ter the borrowed money has been enioyed--
not make 1t less swinde.