The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-08-07


nrst principles of the Constitution of the United
States. They had no right to resist the agita-
ton OF any question in Congress because the
Constitution Of the United States guarantees 10
every member of this body the right to agitate
any subject that he proper to sgitate which
Is connected with the administration of the Gov
eminent; and yet the great Democratic party
deliberately, in solemn council, resolved that
they would, in some way not defined resist any
attempt to agitate this question. Their Conven-
ton, with their eyes open, with the Constitu-
ton before them like flaming sword, resolved
that they would resist the agitation of this queS-
ton in Congress; thus resolving to violate and
trample under foot the first principles of the
Constitution. They have repeated the same
thing in the new platform which they have got
up. They say they will resist the agitation here
how, do not know how, have no means of
knowing, only by what they have done. l do
not know but that some of US may be brought to
feel how 1t is that this constitutional right Is to
be resisted here. They are, however, pledged at
all events to resist it, and as firmly pledged
here to stand by the Constitution, and oppose all
attempts to trample it under foot. | will do So
at the hazard of whatever it may cost. l have
dwet upon this subject the more earnestly, be-
cause fear that there is a systematic attempt TO
put down the freedom OF debate on the subject
of Slavery.
But Mr.. President, we were told that politi-
cal millennium about TO come that those
Compromise Measures were to be final settle
ment and adjustment of all the difficult, danger
Gus, and delicate questions between the different
sections Of the Union. Although did not see
TIT then to interpose and state TO the Senate the
opinions which entertained, l did not believe a
political millennium was so near at hand, for
could not help rejecting that, in the providence
OF God, that which is unjust cannot be permanent.
II this were not the case, he would cease to be
the God of Justice. ! do not believe you could
establish principle that should stand forever
upon a basis which was wrong and unjust and
such as must meet the disapprobation of a Just
man and of God. 1t is impossible to make
hnality OF such measure as that. Gentlemen
will yet learn that all nature is progressive and
that there is no fnality but God. However gen.
tlemen may dream over the workmanship of their
own hands, though they may fix it to suit their
own fancy and desires, being based upon the
grossest injustice, however they may resolve
and re-resolve what shall be fnality the AL
mighty will confound all their selfish schemes,
and they will still find that the fnality is as far
off as ever.
Reflections like these brought my mind to the
conclusion that it was impossible that your final
ity measures should ever be finalitv | did not
wish to agitate the subject. | could even wish,
as lover of my country, that they might in
some measure be inality. Iknew that institu-
try, which could not meet the appreciation of a
just man. | say it here because it is as well to
speak plainly what we know to be the facts. All
just men, all patriots, from the formation OF the
Constitution to this moment, have looked forward
to the time when a certain institution which now
jeopards the very being of the Republic should
be wiped out. Gentlemen may rise and tell me
that the founders of the Constitution were lovers
of injustice and Slavery they may preach until
don, 1hot h. Gel kol.o
be right but it is libel on them-it is gross
Islander upon their memories. There was not
one Of those great men whose names are held
sacred, and are revered among the American
people, who did not treat it as great stigma upon
the Republic which they had formed and they
hoped in their heart of hearts that the time
would come, and come soon, when il would be
blotted out forever. Not to wish this would
make them fends instead of patriots. They did
wish it, and not only wished it, but they made
use of all the rne@Ae within the legitimate com
whom we rcvrTv- .s.--aaTNsopIich Il THOSE
nized in spirit when they found that their en-
deavors TO abolish this accursed institution could
not, for some selfish reason, be at once accom-
plished. There is no man that has figured in
this Republic, whose name hold in greater es-
timation than that of Thomas Jefferson. He
was the enemy of everything that was unequal
and unjust. He might have had unwarrantablO
aspiration for place; but, if So it was weakness
of human nature for which | can excuse him.
Some say that he used means for the attainment
of power which were not entirely proper. This
may have been the case-I know not. At any
rate, when he attained a position which gave
him the power to do right, there was no man of
whom know that ever labored with more disin-
terested zeal for the accomplishment of that
which / stand here to-day to advocate, than
Thomas Jefferson. speak of him particularly,
because he was resident of slave State was
born in a region where the institution prevailed
with its greatest force; was educated, undopbt-
edly as far a man could be educated to be-
lieve it TO be right and yet his clear sagacity
foresaw that it was all wrong, egregiously wrong.
He predicted, more than seventy years before il
took place, that the Almighty would visit us
with heavy hand because willfully retained
this institution. His prediction is true to-day,
for the shadow of this accused institution is the
only thing that crosses the path of this great
Republic and makes the experiment of free gov
as yet problem. If this were out of
the way if there was no Slavery on either side
of Mason and Dixon's line, what would there
be to disturb the anticipations of any patriot
But for this it is clear the Unisn Of these States
founded upon the great principles of equality,
Justice, and republicani.m, might endure forever;
but to-day q dark cloud intervenes and obstructs
the horizon. Whether il viii soon pass away,
cannot tell.
Il
iress the Senate at this time under circumstances
more disastrous, more gloomy, more fraught with
apprehension to our glorious Republic, than ever
before existed since its foundation. Was there
ever before time when ont 'ction of the Union
was warning against the other with such acrimony
as now?
l ask any gentleman 10 tell me who 1t was in
he olden times, in the better days of our Repub-
ic that rose up as the advocate Of eternal chains
md slavery TO any class Of the human race. His
lame is not to be found upon the records of thoss
yreat men who made their impress our Con-
titution. 1t was left for later and smaller men
% believe that your peculiar institution was
livine that it had its root in the eternal fitness
If things, and was to endure forever. 1t was
for smaller men, at later period, when
he Republic became more corrupt than formerly,
o introduce into the nation this nefarious doc
rine. If it is to continue, farewell to the work
nanship of those great men who formed our Con-
titution and Union.
Formerly we were told that the rights of the
States were to be respected that this institution
existed by virtue of the authority Of the States
wherein it was tolerated that the General Gov
had nothing to do with it. The cry was,
Hands off The General Government has moth
ng to do with Slavery" What do we see now?
You are called upon to forget all other interests,
md to go forward with zeal to the protection, the
pread, and the perpetuity, of this institution.
In entire change seems to have taken place. II
his institution were confined to the States which
olerate il, would say that have no moro to do
With it in State of this Union than in Algiers,
n Russia, or in Turkey, or anywhere else. In
GENERAL, deplore the tyranny and oppression of
men everywhere; but It is not for me to redress
heir injuries within those jurisdictions where
I'm deprived of the right of using an influence.
When it is sought to introduce it into Territories
lnder the jurisdiction Of the General Government
,ou make me responsible for it. When YOU ask