Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1856-06-17

the foundation of their progress, prosperity,
and power.
1t has been to me the source of the deepest
regret and of the most painful apprehension
for the safety of our institutions to witness the
growing indifference and hostility, developed
more generally during the last few years, to
this salutary principle of that great measure OF
jefferson.
Some, indeed, have ventured to question its
constitutionality, although for nearly seventy
years 1t has been the theme of eulogium with
lawyers and statesmen of the highest emnence
in all sections of the country, and has received
the sanction of every judicial tribunal in which
1t has been discussed, and that too in the slave
States.
In the latter days, jack-o'lanterns, generated
IN the bottomless marshes Of party politics,
seem to allure quite as many followers as are
found in the path illustrated by the purer and
safer lights emitted from the precepts and ex-
amples of the sages of the Revolutionary pc
riod, and political action seems to be directed
rather by considerations Of conceived party ne
cessity than by the suggestions of reason, JUS
tice, and patriotic principle.
Occupying the position l do, it is not per-
mitted to me to speak of the transactions in
Kansas in their legal aspects but may say,
with you, that l contemplate the violence,
bloodshed, and civil and fraternal war now
transpiring there with mingled emotions of sad
ness, alarm, and modification.
They are the fruits of that ill-advised and
mischievous measure, the repeal of the Mis-
souri, compromise, which, from the first, have
earnestly deprecated; and have no hesita-
tion in saying that the immediate admission OF
Kansas as State into the Union, under the
constitution already formed, commends itself to
me as measure OF sound policy and we'll cal
culsted to bring peace to the Territory and to
the country.
With these views have not been backward
in advising, in all suitable ways, the adoption
of that measure. There are several precedents
which may be appealed to in support of it, and
especially that OF the admission of Michigan
1t would do no injustice to any section of the
country. 1t would powerfully tend to tran
quillze the public mind, .allay sectional jeal-
ouses, and bring the mass of the people to the
earnest support of the Constitution and the
Union in their pristine integrity.
The South would have no Just cause to COM
plain of it, and indeed ought freely and gener-
| ousy to yield it upon the altar of public good
Since the adoption of the Constitution as many
slave States as free States have been admitted
into the Union; and the slave States, while
population Of the country, embrace q much
larger extent of fertile territory, with more
genial climate, than the free States
No intelligent observer can fail to see that
the tendency of our institutions is now rapidly
downward, and all history and experience show
that no free Government with such tendencies
was ever arrested in its declining career with
out a revolution, either by peaceful change
of its policy and rulers or by the bloody arbtra.
ment of the sword.
1t is an axiom in government as clear as
any intuitive truth, that no free government
can rest upon any other than a sound moral
basis. In this must consist its strength. How
much of this foundation remains for our model
Republic it will be we'll for the people, yet vr-
tuous and enlightened, to ponder in season.
If they do not see or appreciate their danger it
is in vain that they hold the power to apply the
corrective.
With the greatest respect, / am, very truly
yours. JOHN MCLEAN.
To j. C. HoRNBLowER.