The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-05-13

The facts presented by the Committee of Fo-
reign Relations Of the Senate, in their report
on this subject made February, 1854, are con-
elusive and irrefragable. We recommend it
to Mr. Clayton study.
The Treaty OF Psace-The Maritime Law Of
Nations.
We publish elsewhere the text Of the treaty
of peace, together with the conventions which
accompanied and followed it. One of these is
the declaration on the maritime law of Ed.
rope, to which allusion was made some time
|. since. By it, Great Britain, France, Russia,
Prussia, Sardinia and Turkey agree to dis
use privateers In any future war, to respect
neutral flags and neutral property undar an
enemy's flag, except articles contrabaud Of
war, and never in any future conflict to es-
tablish or regard what is technically called 9
paper blockade.
There are old men living who can remember
the time when the United States contended
for these principles against France and Eng
land, and were at last, sorely against their
will, obliged to declare war in order to assert
them. There are many who remember how
sngrily the treaty of peace was received here
because it did not emphatically secure the
rights of neutrals, who can recall the furious
onslaughts of the British press on the same
treaty, because 1t did not deny in EXPIRE s.
terms that neutrals had any rights at all. The
world is but forty years older since then; but
what changes! Now it is the European Powers
who are afraid Of privateering, and alarmed
for their trade: and it is the United States
who hold aloof from any general ex-
preston Of policy on the subject. Mr..
Pierce declined to treat with France and
England on the subject ofpriyateering, because
he conceived that, in the present state Of
our resources, privateers would necessarily be
our only means Of offence by sea during the
first twelve or eighteen months of 9 war. He
might have taken the further ground that no
apparent necessity exists for any conventions
or treaties OF prospective bargains of any SINH
lar kind between this country and the Euro
pean Powers. It is not the policy of the United
States to tie themselves down to this or that
because at the time they are asked to do 80
this or that seems to Europe q proper thing
to do. We are quite satisfied that we shall
not 60 wrong, if we leave to the statesmen
of the day the responsibility of acting &C
cording to free choice whenever trouble
may arise; and we prefer that they should
be thus untrammelled. We want as few
treaties or conventions Of ENHANCEMENT With
European States as can be. Our ways are not
their ways; our interests are diverse from
theirs. 1t lie best that we preserve our des-
tined course separately, and without any
joint clogs.
These and similar reasons seem to account
for the late refusal of the United States to
enter into . treaty disclaiming the use Of
privateers. It is evident, however, that the
practice Of the United States cannot be very
different as general rule from that which
they avowed nearly sixty years ago, and which
the principal nations Of Europe have just
adopted. If it seemed fit to Great Britain to
make war upon this country. and to launch her
enormous feet against our shores, it is pro-
bable that privateers would be our only re-
source, however inadequate and temporary in
its character; but in any ordinary war, delibe-
rately commenced, and undertaken in cold
blood no euch make shift would be required,
and the immense maritime interests Of the
country would dictate forbearance from a
policy which any small Power might retaliate
with interest on ourselves.
The other points of the declaration will find
no questioners at the present day, though
Europe, and some parts of this country w4re
plunged into war on account Of them, within
the memory of hale men. Free ships make
free goods: no paper blockades: the flag covers
the cargo; and the further extension of this
principle, free goods are safe even under an
enemy's fag-these are principles which it is
the highest honor Of Russia, Denmark, Spain,
and the United States that they recognized
last century, and which the growing humanity
of the age now converts into general maxims
of law. Let US thank Providence for this
email concession to mercy.
But, why waste time on details? Can there
be any more wars? Where is the nation thai
is rich enough to go to war at the present day,
when science has added 80 enormously to the
strategic science, and money has become not
only the sinews but the bones of war? We pub
lished the other day memorandum in which
the cost Of the past two years war to the three
principal Powers engaged was roughly set
down at eighteen hundred millions Of dollars
The mind fails to grasp such sum; but an
idea of this expenditure may perhaps be form
ed from the mere statement that it is conaS
derably more than twice as much as the whole
value of the estate, real and personal, Of the
city of New York. This brings it home to us
Two years war would cost us as much as the
whole city of New York has cost to build, fur
nish, and store with property, goods, move
ables of every kind. 1t would be very vital
question that would draw US into war at such
a cost And II the pastime be too expense, J
for us who have no debt, and first rate credit,
and no end of resources, what must 1t be for Il 4
European Powers who are forever on their
kha La Of