Meigs County telegraph. [volume] (Pomeroy [Ohio]) 1848-1859, 1856-06-17
VOL, 81 NO. 20.

touch of tho Missouri discussions, the slave in
terest, hitherto hardly recognized as a. distinct
/ element in our system, started up portentous
and dla' ed, with threats and assumptions, which
are the origin of our existing national politics.
'Fhis was in 1920, The discussion ended with
the admission of Missouri as slaveholding
State, anu the prohibition of Slavery in all the
lteritory west of the Mississippi, and north o
! 36 deg. so min, leaving the condition OF other
territory south OF this line, or subsequently, ac-
Iquired, untouched by the arrangement. Here
was a solemn act of legislation, called at the
time compromise, q covenant, compact, first
brought forward in this body by a slayeholder--
Ivindicated b. SHAREHOLDERS in debate >:fnali,
lsanehoned by siavehoId dug votes also upheld
atthe time BY the essential appreciation Of 0
lslaveholding President, James Monroe, and bis
Cabinet, of whom majority were Shareholders,
including Mr.. Calhoun himself; and this com
promise was made the condition Of the admission
OF Missouri, without which that State could not
have been received into the Union. The bar
gain was simple, ard was applicable, of course,
only to the territory named. Leaving all other
territory to await the judgment Of another gen.
GRAFTON, the South said to the North, CONQUER
your prejudices so fat as to DIDN'T Missouri as d
slave State, and, in consideration of this much
coveted boon, Slavery shall be prohibited forever
IN all the remaining Louisiana Territory, above
80 deg. 80 min. and the North Yielded.
In total disregard of history, the President, in
his annual message, has told us that this COM
promise "was RELUCTANTLY rcquiesced in by the
Southern States" Just the contrary is true. II
was the work of shareholders, and was crowded
by their concurrins votes upon a reluctant
North. At the time 1t was hailed by slaI ehold-
ers as victory. Challes Pinckney, Of South
Carolina, in an oft-quoted letter, written at
three clock on the night of its passage, says,
"It Is considered here by the slayeholding States
as great triumph" At the North it was ac-
cepted as defeat and the friends of Freedom
everywhere throughout the country bowed their
heads with modification. But little did they
know the completeness of fther disaster. Little
did they dream that the prohibition of Slavery
IN the Territory, which was stipulated as the
price OF their fatal capltuation, would also dt
the very moment OF its maturity be wrested
from them. d
| Time passed. and it became necessary to pro-
vide for this territory an organized Government
suddenly, without notice in the public press, or
'he prayer OF single petition, or one word of
open recommendation from the President-after
an acquleseence of thnty-three years, and the
lrreclaimable possession by the South OF its spe-
clal share under this compromise-.in violation of
every obligation of honor, compact, and good
Ineignporhood--and in contemptuous disregard of
tne out-gushing sentiments of an aroused North,
thS time, honored prohibition, in itself Land
marx Oh Freedom, was, overturned, and the vast
region now known as Kansas and Nebraska was
opened 10 Slavery. 1t was natural that meas :
ure thus repugnant in character should be press-
cd by arguments mutually repugnant 1t was
urged on two principal reasons, so opposite and
inconsistent as to slap each other In the face
one 6eng that, by the repeal of the prohibition,
tne Territory would be left open to ihe entry of
lslavehoiders With their slaves, without hind
rance; and the other being, that the people
would be left absolutely free to determine the
question Tor themselves, and to prohibit the en-
f'ty qt lafeholders WITH slaves Il they should
" ,'h some me apology phs the
was the alleged rights Of the people. With
some, " was openly the extension of Slavery
ana WIN OILERS, 1t was openly the establishment
OF trecdom, under the guise of Popular Sow
ereignty. OF course, the measure, thus Upheld
IN defiance OF reason, was carried through Con-
greSS In defiance ofral the securities of legisla-
lion; ana lmentlon these things that you may
see IN what foulnesS the present Crime was en-
gendered. ~.
1t was carried, first, by WHIPPING IN to its sup
port, through Executive influence and patron
age, men who acted against their own declared
judgment and the known will of their constitn-
ents. Secondly, by POSTING OUT OF PLACE both
IN the Senate and House of Representatives, i'm
portant business, long per ding, and usurping its
room' Thlrdly, by TRAMPLiNG UNDER FOOT the
rules OF the House of Representatives, always
befoie the safeguard of the minority. And
tourthly, by DRrvIt @ 1T TO CLOSE during the
very session in which it originated, SO that it
might not be arrested by the indignant voice of
the People. Such are some of the means by
which this snap judgment was obtained. If the
clear will Of the People | ad not been disregar-
ded, 1t could not have passed. If the Govern
ment had not netarious interpos ed its ihhuen nce
it could not have passed. If 1t had been left to
its natural place in the order of business, it
could not have passed. If the rules of the
House and the rights OF the minority had not
been violated, it could not have passed. If it
had been allowed to 60 over to another Congress.
when the People might be heard, it would have
been ended; and then the Crime we now de-
plore, would have been without its first seminal
life.
Mr.. President, l mean to Keep absolutely
within the limits of parliamentary proprety.
make no personal imputations; but only with
irankness, such as belongs to the occasion aud
my own character describe great historical act,
which is now enrolled in the Capitol. Sir, the
Nebraska Bill was in every respect swindle.
1t was swindle by the South of the North. II
was, on the part of those who had already COM
pletely enjoyed their share of the Missouri Com
PROMISE, a swindle of those whose share was yet
absolutely untouched; and the plea of unconsti-
tutiona.ity set up like the plea OF usury after
the borrowed money has been enjoyed--did not
make 1t less swindle. Urged as a Bill of
Peace, 1t was a swindle Of the whole country.
Urged as opening the doors to saye-master
with their slaves, it was swindle of the asser-
ted doctrine Of Popular Sovereignty. Urged as
sanctioning Popular Sovereignty, il was a swim
die of the asserted nights OF slave masters. II
was swindle Ola broad territory, thus cheated
|of protection against Slavery. II was swindle
Of great cause, early esPoused by Washington,
franklin, and jefferson, surrounded by the best
fathers of the Republic. Sir, II was a swindle
Of God given inalienable Rights. Turn it over;
look at 1t on all sides, and It is everywhere
swinde; and, If the word now employ has not
the authority of classical usage, it has, on this
occasion, the indubitable authority Of fitness.
No other VOID will adequately express the min
gled ueanness and wickedness Of the cheat.
It's ohsracterwas still further apparent IN the
general structure Of the bill. Amidst overflow
ing professions of regard for the sovereignty OF
the people in the Territory, they were despoied
Of every essential privilege Of sovereignty. They
were not allowe ed to choose their Governor, Sec
reiary, Chief Justice, Associate Justices, Attor-
ney OF Malshal--.all of whom are sent from
Washington; nor were they allowed TO regulate
the salaries Of any Of these functonarles, or the
daily allowance Of the legislative body, or even
the pay of the clerks and doorkeepers; but they
were left free to adopt Slavery. And this was