Nashville daily patriot. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1855-1857, 1856-05-22

tHVeo, a0V6cateQ their passage. h0 "oS Wy pSt''-
cal friend and neighbor. In the canvass OF that
year became the Wbig candidate for Congress
against M late comps titor. ! was supported o5
many leading national Democrats in my district,
for Twas known TO be friend TO the compromise
measures. was elected OF that hold q tWo~
fold certificate
Alta public meeting, held in 'Wilkesbarre, on the
llth day of November 1850, convened Tor the
pHrposein the language OF the call, 10 take INTO
considera ion the subject of the fugitive slave BILL
aud TO assert the supremacy of the law, among
Others addressed the large meeting there assembled
10 favor OF the compromise measures, urging all
good citizens to abide by them as settlement, ana
TO sustain the Government 10 maintaining the SUI
premacy of the laws. The resolutions passed at
that meeting received the unanimous vote OF those
present and speak for themselves. During my
term of service in Congress, pursued the same
course.
regarded the compromise as permanent set
Element of the question, and so voted on all occs
sions when present the record will show, and as
nv colleague (ur. Allison) who was then also
member, will we'll recollect, and which, as he n-
formed me himself at the commencement OF the
present session. formed one OF the reasons for not
voting for me as Speaker. 1t is true, made nc
speech on the subject during the entire term OF my
service; but RETAINED from so doing for the very
reason that l was then, and am now opposed to
all agitation and discussion of the subject. des-
red harmony and peace. Ny object was reconcil-
iation. Though voted for the so.caled hnality
resolutions whenever a vote was taken while was
in my seat, doubted the wisdom and propriety Of
their introduction. l against all attempts at
renewing in Congress out Of it, the agitation OF
the slavery question, no matter how, or under
whatever shape coler, the attempt might be
made. This was my position then, and this is my
position now.
But am charged with Inconsistency for having
said in my first remarks TO the House, that if the
Missouri compromise line could be restored, would
be in favor Of its restoration, but in view of the
difficulties which surrounded that question and
must defeat their efforts, opposed to its ag-
tation; while subsequently, declared, that Congress
bad constitutional authority either TO egislate
slavery into, or exclude it from Territory. These
declarations astute and learned gentlemen say they
are incapable of reconciing. Let US zee: | would
have been in favor OF restoration if it were posi-
bic. What kind of restoration, and what were the
difficulties? If the country could be restored-if
the people could be carried back-to the same con-
dition of quiet, Of repose, and OF social harmony
which existed two years ago; If past legislation
could be wiped out and forgotten; if Kansas could
be reinstated, and all made TO stand as before,
upon the compromise OF 1850 as a fnaty-all sec"
tons of the country asserting to and abiding by
tiff this were possible, without invoking any ac-
ton of mine / would certainly be in favor of such
restoration. But said there were difficulties which
surrounded the question. What difficulties! First,
that in the present state OF parties it was impossible
to legisate upon the question; and, secondly, there
were constitutional difficulties: a grave question
regarding the power of Congress to divide the peo-
pie of this country by geographical lnes-questions
affecting State sovereignty, State equality, and
other embarrassing difficulties, which do not pros
pose to discuss at this time.
There is no inconsistency here-none whatever.
'He must have optics keen, ween,
Who sees what is not TO be seen"
Mr. F. pleads guilty to the charge Of having voted
for Mr. Pennington of New Jersey, in the following
language:
did vote for that gentleman. knew him before
I came here / believed him capable of discharging
the duties Of the Speakeship with credit to himself
and honor to the country. Further than that knew
his constituents know the people OF New Jersey;
and while it NAV lily become me to speak OF them
in the presence OF her able and more eloquent
representatives / may yet say, that having passed
eight years of my life among them, no ruer people,
none more loyal to the Constitution, more devoted
to the Union exist any where than are to be found
in that gallant State. No people more firmly sup
mort the rights OF all the States than they OF New
Jersey. For myself, have voted for no man whom
believed hostile to any section of the country, or
who is in favor of slavery agitation. | am an
American sworn if you please to do justice to all
men and defend the rights of every section, to
support the Constitution, and to uphold the Unior;
and this shall do God willing, to the end OF the
chapter
In abiding to the 6nal ballot, the speaker said
I paired off with my colleague (Mr Barclay with
the distinct understanding upon my part that my
colleague was 10 favor of the election OF the dstin~
guished gentleman from Massachusetts, who was
afterwards elected, and fer the accuracy OF my
memory in the case of disagreement, shall refer
to the gentleman from New Jersey, (Mr PenRing'
toni who was present when the arrangement was
made.
Speaking of his declaration on the subject of
slavery, Mr. Fuller said;
Nv declaration, in substance, was that would
vote for the admission of States without reference
to the question OF slavery. What is the past his
tory of the Government Eighteen new States
have been admitted-nine free, nine slave. II has
thus been nine times soemnly affirmed that It is no
objection to the admission of State that its con.
stitution recognizes slavery. II has been as often
affirmed that il is no objection TO the admission OF
State that its constitution prohibits slavery
The proposition to admit State with or without
slavery has thus been eighteen times in the history
of the Government, solemnly affirmed, Il stands
upon the solid basis OF repeated sanction. There
TAYLOR took the ground, with reference to CalIfor-
MIA and New Mexico, that the people Of the Ter
rtories should decide the question of slavery for
themselves when they came to form their State
constitutions. In his annual message to Congress.
in December, l649, he recommended even non
action as 20 the establishment OF Territorial gov
eruments for New Mexico and Utah, preferring that
the people Of those Territories should live under
military government until they entitled to set
oil rar.
stitutious, and be admitted into the United Staesi
these recommendations were strongly reiterated by
him in his so-caled California message on the 2Ist
Of January, 1885,
With reference to slavery in States and TerritOr'
les he says
Now, have felt il my duty, with reference to
slavery in the States and Territories, TO declare
in favor OF the doctrine of ''non-interTention."
''The head and front of my offending
Hath this eytent-no more"
Yet am denounced with having abandoned the
cherished principles of my State and party; and
sober, sensible genetlemen gill now declare that
their right eyes shall be pucked out, and their arms
suffered TO wither, before thew will endorse any
such abominAble doctrine. The POlitiea! sky IS
changed.
Mr.. Fuller then referred to proposition offer.
ed by Mr. Inge, Of Alabama, in the following
words:
'ThAt the people Of any portion Of said territory,
when assembled in convention in pursuance OF
constitutional authority, to frame State cons'tu
ton, have a right to sdop; or exclude African
slavery aud their determination OF this question,
by the adoption or exclusion Of African slavery,
shall be no obstacle TO the admission Of such State
into the Union"
This proposition gave rise TO q DISCUSSION in
which Messrs. Chester. Butter and Joseph Casey,
of Pennsylvania took part, and Mr. Fuller quotes
IRON their respective speeches passages shelving