The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-01-10


issue made is, this very Nebraska Question.
The Administration Party makes it para
mount--the National Know Nothings general
ly, by their own declaration, stand with them
upon it. Now, what should every Anti-Ne-
braska representative do? Meet them on this
paramount question, so that the free sentiment
of the country may confront directly the Slave
ry-propagating sentiment. This is the judg'
ment of nearly all the Ant-Neb members,
and hence their selection of Mr. Banks. What
is his position? He is known to have been
a Democrat-and is known TO be Republi.
can. But what Republican cares now for his
opinion about Tariff? That is not the ques.
ton. He is known to have been a member OF
the American Order-he is now Republican.
Who cares about his opinion on naturalza.
tion7 That is not the question.
He stands as the exponent of the only prac-
teal Question before the American People
recognised as of paramount importance, by the
People of all sections-the question. shall Sla-
very or Freedom govern the Union He stands
as the exponent of that question alone-and no
man, in voting for him, comedies any princi-
pie, any opinion; his vote simply says, that
question is paramount-sll others are and must
be subordinate till that be settled"
There can be no doubt on this point The
Massachusetts Republican Convention, which
nominated Julius Rockwell, after defining the
Slavery Question as the only one for which the
People of the Commonwealth had agreed to
unite under the convenient name, Republican,
resolved
That we require no conformity of opinion
on other subjects Of National or State policy
No man surrendering or qualifying his opinions
on those subjects, we all recognise the duty of
making the question of Freedom paramount.
To secure unity of action here, we attempt no
unity of opinion elsewhere"
Mr.. Banks took his place Oh this platform
this is his position now. Why cannot Mr..
Moore with his associates vote for him? He
demands that the candidate be not only an
Anti-Nebraska man, but member of the
American Order; and he asks all the Anti
Nebraska members, whether members of that
Order or opposed to it, to vote for such a can
ddate! That is, he would make two issues, on
one of which the Anti-Nebraska members are
radically divided, instead of one, on which they
are united. He demands that the Anti-Nebras.
ka members, opposed to the American Order,
shall support it, as well as the Anti Nebraska
movement They do not ask him and his asso.
ciates to endorse anything but the Anti Ne
braska movement-he insists that they endorse
Ana he,
with US on this, which you admit is the para
mount question: he replies, no you must unite
with us on this paramount question, where we
are agreed, and also upon the question of Amer
icanism, where we are not agreed They do
not ask him to surrender Native Americanism,
or take position of antagonism to it-but he
demands that they shall endorse Native Amer
icanism, in violation of their conscientious con-
yictions, by voting for candidate representing
Americanism as well as Anti-N ebraskaism.
We are willing to submit the controversy to
the American People, we care not whether
they be Know Nothings or Anti-Know Moth
ings. The difficulty which the House has
been trying to settle is precisely the difficulty
which they must settle between this and next
November. Many of us can stand on the one
of Slavery in all Federal
Territory, and redemption of the Federal Gov
eminent from Slaveholding Rule-but we can.
not stand upon that issue combined with Know
Nothingism. If the liberal men of what is
called the American Party" will put it aside
for the time being, aud stand shoulder to
shoulder with those who are not members
and those who are opposed to it, on that single
issue, we can carry the country for Freedom.
Otherwise, We cannot. Will the friends of
Freedom in Congress consider this matter. and
by their firm, clear, wise decision, set an ex-
ample to the country, for its action in the next
Presidential election?
Surely, certain Representatives of Anti-Sla- |
very constituencies underrate the interest of
the People in this struggle. These care moth |
ing for Mr.. Banks personally, but they see |
that he is put forward as the representative of
the will of the non-slaveholding voters of the |
country-that the contest is between him and |
the Slave Interest-and that his defeat will be |
the defeat of the Anti Nebraska movement. |
and another humiliation of the free States. |
Let the men who now support him surrender
their ground, and they become from that mo. |
ment irretrievably disorganzed, and we may
expect defeat on every question relating to Sa |
very that shall come before the House. Sure |
ly, the gentlemen who are scattering their
votes, or, while voting for Mr.. Banks, are en-.
the opposition to him, overlook the
real nature OF the struggle, and the vast i'm
portance OF Its consequences. Let them de-
ceive themselves as they please, it is contest
between Freedom and Slavery, between the |
Of the non-slaveholding voters |
and the Slave Power; and he, who from per
Sonal considerations, or blind devotion to
Know Nothingism, or an anxiety to promote
other interests, prevents the decision of the
struggle in favor of Liberty, assumes fearful
A word now in relation to the censure which
the National IntelIigencer has seen fit to inAict
upon the House. 1t blames all parties in it in.
and without reason. Why does
It not tell its readers that FIVE times have the
Banks men proposed to the House to elect a
Speaker by plurality vote, which, if agreed
70, would insure the organization of the House
IN twenty minutes, although they could not be
certain of the election of their candidate and
hat five times have the other parties of the
House combined to reject the proposition
Before God and the country they stand acouit
ed from all blame, for the non-organization of
he House; aud the Lntelligencer, in ignoring