Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1856-10-01
EBENSBURG, OCTOBER 1, 1856.

that the North has been the victim of Qriev-
Gus wrongs, to which We have been submit
| ting with disgrsceful tameness of epirit-
This is an artful appeal 10 ) roint Of hoaer on
which all men sc sensitive, sad it IL not won
derful that those who are vesk enclch TO be
deceived by 1t should also be weak enough to
break out into denuncistion Of the South, as
cheap and safe way of showing their cour-
age.
Candor requires Us to say that if there is
truth in his the Democracy ooght 10 be de-
fessed. Ii that party kes ever ceanselleA
submission to wrong, oppression. and injury,
it il not worthy your confidence and support
If we have ever yielded to cur Southern breth-
rem a right which the Constitution, ,in its letter
or spirit. did not give them-if we have made
any concession to them in the way Of compro-
mise, which was not required By fair end
manly sense OF justice-then we admit thst
Abolitionism has the right side of this .rgu-
ment.
But we totally deny the truth of this impu-
dent accusation. 1t is false in the aggregate
and false in detail false in the sl,m t. tai and
false in every one of its items. We pronounce
it a libel on both sections of the Union 1t
could be invented only in q spirit CT .h Ger
mendacity; it can be believed only BY gross
ignorance childish credulity
The fact that the Democratic party in the
North has behaved with honorable magma
nimity and fairness to the weaker scction-
their brethren in the South-this is our crime
this is the wrong which We and our fathers
have been heaping on our own heads fer three
quarters of century. This is the offence
which the Aboltionists would punish by
bringing our Government to violent end.
and by covering our whole country WITH shame
and ruin.
Before the formation of the Constitution it
was feared that the interests, opinions and
feelings of the different States, were so vari-
Gus and 50 much opposed that no general
government could possibly be established
Such was the view of the subject taken by
Washington himself But the effort vas made
It o.scd its success simply to the fact that the
right of each State to manage It's own domcs-
tic concerns IN Its own way, was fully conce-
ded.
1t was easily foreseen that great di ference
OF opIni.-.- and feeling would exist between
the people of the several States in regard to
the treatment that ought to be bestowed upon
the black race, who were among US, but not Of
us-who were on our soil, and vet not a part
of the people. nor qualified in any way to be
our equals. This race was then held in sla-
'Si vi scINltuue, tue IaSS Oi
all the States except one. But in the North
their numbers were few, and the climate un
suited to them, while in the South it was Just
the reverse. 1t was utterly Ont of the ques-
ton to expect unanimity OF a subject like this
1t could be managed in one way ouly; and
that by agreeing that each State should des.
termine the whole matter for itself, and on its
own responsibility 1t was then soiemny
agreed that the Federal Government should
not interfere with Slavery; and that nc State
should interfere with it in any oIher State,
either directly or Indirectly And all the
people said amen, If the solemn assurances
of mutual forbearance then given aud sworn
TO so often since, have been belied and viola
ted, it has not been done with the consent Of
the Democracy.
The question ofainvoluntary servitude had
engaged the earnest attention Of the sages of
the revolution There can be no doubt that
if they could have provided for its arneliora-
ton aud gradual emancipation, would have
done so; they found it, however, incorporated
in the social system of all the States but one,
and they dealt with it according to the exigen-
cies of the times in which they lived. We atl
know that even at that early day it was z sub
iect of mutual irritation anu excitement; a2d
although the wonderful uses to which tue cot
ton plant has been applied, on account of the
SUBSEQUENT discoveries in the mandatory Of
machinery, we're then scarcely anticipated, it
is enough to say that ths republican fathers
could not dispose of this slavery question un-
til they agreed upon the basis which led to tie
formation OF the Constitutions; The recognition
of the domestic institutions of the SoCth IN
the ratio Of representation and iu the provision
for the restitution Of frgitives from labor.
Twelve of the thirteen States that formed the
Constitution held slaves at the time that in
strument was adopted and by the quiet oper-
alton of the popular exclusive sovereignty sl1
of these States have since become nee.-
Throughout all the action of the trainers Ca
the Constitution, the idea which prevailed
was that which regarded the negro as inferl
or to the white and until abolitonIsm is able
to convince the present generation that this
idea is illogical or untrue, (and to do this they
must agree to tie doctrine of a perfect equal
ity between the races,) all permanent legis-
lation on the subject of the negro race must
and will be controlled by the same sentiment.
In the free States, at the present day, the ne
gro is subject to moral. and in many res
poets to physical servltude, quite as injcri-
Gus to his condition as the most fabulous PIC
lures of Southern slavery represent his broth |
ers' condition in the South to be. We do
not call the Northern negro slave, put IN
what free State is he equal to the white! In +
some States he is prevented from voting, IN
others he votes upon property quaii lcaton'
even in Massachusetts, certain disqualihcatlons
are thrown iu the way by those Utopian phi
losophers, who constantly prate OF the equall-
ty of races; in others still he is met by stat
ute that excludes him altogether from entrance