The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-11-20
THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN ENGLAND
Reply Of the Times to the Monsieur.
From the London Times. Oct q. 1850.

| Iime, the MOHtteur mas been directed to call to
order the unmannerly organs of the English
press The Moniteur is the organ of the French
Government. The English newspapers are
merely the private utterance of individuals /;
1t therefore becomes them to confront their
monitor with dignity and respect, neither for
getting the interests that might be compromised
by rough and unmannerly plainness, nor the
directness and sincerity which are the honor
and the distinction of freemen.
The Moniteur tells us that for some time
different organs of the English press have en-
deavored to spread calumnies respecting the
French Government, which are the more odious
as they are concealed underan anonymous mask.
and can only be answered by contempt. We
are aware of the respect which is paid to the
hoerty OF the press in England, and in thus
pointing out its deviations we confne ourselves
! to an appeal to the common sense and good
faith of the English people, to warn them
against the dangers of a system which. bv
destroying the confidence between the two Gov
ernments, would tend to disunite two nations
whose alliance is the best guarantee of the
peace of the world"
This paragraph is framed in terms of studied
ambiguity, and has taken the public both in
London and Paris completely by surprise The
offending journals, the nature of the offence.
the portion of the French Government attack.
ed, are all left to the consciences of the anony-
nous persons who write them, and of the
anonymous public who By reading encourage
them. We are neither in the secrets of the
Mon,teur nor of our cotempararies, and there.
fore know not who are the guilty writers, and
what part of the French Government believes
itself aspersed. But this we can say with con.
hdence, speaking for ourselves, for whom alone
we have right to speak, that without pretend
ing any sympathy with the manner in which
the present Government of France was estab-
llshed, or with the principles on which it is
based, we recognise in his Majesty the Emperor
of the French faithful and honorable ally,
whose good faith towards and effective CO.
operation with this country is embalmed in the
glorious "reminiscences of a successful war. We
believe that the Emperor of the French is the
best and sincerest friend of the English alliance
within his dominions. We accept his autocra.
cy over France as the result of her own choice,
authenticated by her own suffrages. and there
fore as fact which it becomes everv ENGLISH
writer to treat with reserve, with moderation,
and even with respect
Again, we sincerely profess for the French
nation at large, the constituents of their I'm.
perlal master, the same feeling which we enter
tam towards their representative, and it is to
their union with England that we look for all
that politicians can achieve towards the future
progress and enlightenment Of Europe. But
it we are asked to extend the same respectful
consideration which we gladly give to the
Emperor of the French and the people he
represents to all who may from time to time
surround him, we distinctly refuse to carry our
complaisance to that pitch and we tell the
honteur and the men who inspire it that they
must be prepared with far better answers to
the charges which have appeared-not in our
w pOl hntt hoo Sc
than the simple allegation "that such charces
are anonymous, and that they are only worthy
of contempt"
The charges which may have appeared in
the English press are not on that account to be
synonymous, 10 Ue assulneu
fact of their appearing in a respectable journal
is sufficient reason for answering their state
ments by some better and more convincing
response than an assumption of supercilious
contempt.
The Moniteur speaks of danger to the ALI.
ance. Well we will speak out of the dangers
to that alliance. There is danger to the ALI.
ance, but that danger proceeds, not from the
Just and honest structures of the English press
on public men, whose characters are public
property, but from the conduct of some who.
raised suddenly to high office, seem inclined to
enter on career at once fatal to France and
false to England. Those are the worst enemies
OF the French and English alliance who can
see In Government no higher aim than their
own interest, and so become careless of the
welfare of the nation and the trust con6ded to
them. Such men, for instance, view in the
negotiations for treaty Of peace an excellent
Opportunity for revling and crushing the press
OF small but free State; and as we are driven
to 1t by the lMOniteur, We must confess that we
saw with shame and disgust how easily our own
plenipotentiaries we're beguled by the snare
spread for them before their very eyes. Again,
we are not ignorant-we do not profess to be
ignorant-of the colossal fortunes that have
been realized within the last few years, by men
who till thon were plunged in the depths of in
digenee, We have observed with dismay the
rise to the surface of the financial pool of vast
bubbles; we have witnessed the most reckless
and gigantic private speculation combined with
the direction of public Affairs and we have
seen with deep regret that, instead of doing
everything in their power to check the rising
spirit of gambling, some high in Office and favor
in France have lent the whole influence of
their position and their example to stimulate
and exaggerate the evil. We have also observed
with pain that the Government of France has
conducted its operations in many respects osten-
tatiously in defiance Of the ascertained and
recognised principles of political economy, and
thus provoked a collapse, which, come when it
may, cannot fail to be injurious to the Govern
ment, calamitous to France, and deeply pre-,
judicial to this country. We detest the restric-
tons on personal liberty in France We abbor
her whole system Of passports and its attendant
annoysnces. 1t is idle to tell US that the free
discussion of these things is inconsistent with
the alliance between France and England. 1t
is because we are allies-ales to an extent
which no merely political act can make us
allies in commerce as well as in arms, because
France cannot suffer without inhicting CORES
ponding sufferings on England-that we now
claim to exercise the right to discuss measures
and men in which we as well as she are deeply
interested.
The NoRiteWr and its injudicious prompters
have drawn these observations on their own
heads. We are so used in England to the free
expression of opinion, that we cannot consent
to be deprived of the privilege of discussing the
public affairs ofthe world, to suit the convenience
of any one whatever; and we sincerely regret
to find the AcniSe,sr instructed to represent
that diminution of the respect paid to the
liberty of the press in England is the price that
must be paid for the continuance of the French
alliance. AS regards our national policy, we
are ready to do all that can be required from
the most faithful and generous ally, but it is
otherwise with the internal Government and
organization of England. That is sacred and
inviolable, and we believe there is no sacrifice
that this country would not submit to, rather
than suffer them to be assimilated to the Con-
tinental standard.
The Moniteur "warns the English people
against the dangers of system freedom of
the press) (which, by destroying the confidence
between the two Governments, would tend to
disunite the two nations We answer, that we
are warned already. We know what the free