The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-03-27

fenced to a fine of $4,000, more than the mer-
ciful man was worth. The Judge said, on the
trial, g. On this subject Lord Mansfield has said
some very pretty things, which are often quoted
as principles of Common Law I; but they will
perhaps be found, by examination of later
cases, to be classed with rhetorical fourishes
rather than legal dogmas."
In 1851, an attempt was made by Lopez and
his company, some of them men of education,
and of good Southern connections, to repeat in
Cuba the exploit of 1886 in Texas. But this
time the Spaniards were too strong for the
pirates. The expedition being ANONYMOUSLY
defeated, there nothing to be done by the
Slave Power, incarnate in our Government, but
to disayow and condemn it, while it interceded
for the survivors of the buccaneers, and rebuked
in good set terms of outraged humanity the ex
ecution done upon the dead. A well.meant at
tempt followed, to fan a trumpery dispute be-
tween the captain of packet-ship and the au-
thorities at Havana, who, under their recent
experience, were suspicious of his passengers,
into national difficulty. But the Spanish Gov
eminent apologized so amply, that nothing could
be made to come of it. Bargaining, but lying,
and fiibustering, have as yet been without fruit
as to Cuba, as they were for many long year
in respect to Texas. The opportunity which
at last is to make the Black Queen of the An
titles ours, if the Slave Power continues to
shape events for us. is still formless embryo
in the womb of time But the lesson of Texas
is not forgotten, nor will be.
The Thirty-second Congress met in the De-
eember preceding those quadrennial summer
Conventions, in which two sets of gentlemen
come together from all the quarters, and, I'M
der the direction of their respective friends in
the Slave Power interest, point out two citizens,
leaving to us voters to determine which of the
two shall do the formal duties of President of
the United States for its behoof. Like other
Congresses assembling under those circum-
stances, its proceedings mainly bore upon that
issue. AT its opening, an attempt was made
to form Union Party, for the benefit of the
acting President, his Secretary of State, and
those other leading Wings who had been
leagued with them in support of the Compro-
mise Measures. But the Democratic party felt
strong enough to decline division of the ap-
preaching SPOIL and the enterprise, if it did
not yet quite fall through, halted and fingered.
In the history of the Thirty-second Congress,
nothing was more important than the appear
ance in the Senate of Mr.. Sumner, of Massa-
chusetts, as successor to Mr.. Webster. His
great speech of the 26th of August, 1852, on
his motion for repeal of the Fugitive Slave
| Bill, has made an ineffaceable impression on
the minds of his countrymen and the destiny
Of his country. With his eminent coadjutors,
Mr.. Hale of New Hampshire, and Mr. Chase
and Mr.. Wade of Ohio, he was left out in the
arrangement of the Senate Committees, for the
alleged reason that they were "outside of any
healthy political organizations" and if the same
exclusion was not applied to Mr.. Seward of
New York, it was not because he had not labor
ed with them with admirable ability. The SEN
atorial hoth house of the Oligarchy stood aghast
at the sight of the growth it was forcing, nOOas
frondes ct non scid ponad.
Nor was patriotism in the House inactive.
Mr.. Giddings, of Ohio always ready and true,
wss vigilant and busy now, in proportion to
the emergencies of the time. Mr.. Mann, Mr..
Allen, and Mr.. Rantoul, of MISUNDERSTANDING
former, already a SCARED and laurelled veteran
in these wars, the other two, new members
displayed their great abilities in the champion
ship of Truth and Freedom. The constitu-
tional argument of the last-named gentleman
on the Fugitive Slave Bill is one of the finest
specimens of grave eloquence in our Parlia-
mentary annals. But it breathed its sublime
music to deaf ears. Mr.. Durkee of Wisconsin,
Mr.. Townshend of Ohio, and others, added
their weighty, but Intellectual, testimony to the
right.
The nominating Conventions, to whose action
the proceedings of the first session of this Con-
gress had been prelude met at Philadelphia,
in June, 1852. That of the Democratic party
came first. After thirty-four unsuccessful bal
lettings for candidate for President, the name
of Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, made
its first appearance. He had formerly been
successfully unimportant member of both
Houses of Congress, and had more recently
served without distinction in the Mexican war.
But his subseryiency to the Slave Power was
found, on inquiry, to be unimpeachable. In
the forty balloting he obtained hfty-fve
votes, and on the fiftieth, two hundred and
eightytwo, with the nomination, Senator WA
liam r. King being added to the ticket, as Vice
President. This done, the platform of princi-
piles for the canvass was adopted, the signi6-
cant fact being expressed in the following re-
| solves;
"That Congress has no power, under the
| Constitution, to interfere with or control the
domestic institutions of the several States, and
that such States are the sole and proper judges
of everything appertaining to their own affairs,
not prohibited by the Constitution; that ali
efforts of the Abolitionists or others, made to
induce Congress to interfere with questions of
Slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation
thereto, gre calculated to lead to the most
alarming ana dangerous consequences; and
that all such efforts have an inevitable tenden-
cy to diminish the happiness of the people,
and endanger the stability and permanency of
the Union; and ought not to be countenanced
by any friend of our political institutions.
"That the foregoing proposition covers, and
was intended to embrace, the whole subject OF
Slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore
the Democratic party of the Union, standing
on this national platform, will abide by and
adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known
as the Compromise Measures, settled by the
last Congress, the act for retaining fugitives
from se.yiee or labor included-which act, be-
ing designed TO carry ont an express provision
of the Constitution, cannot with Gde!ty thereto
be repealed, or so changed as to destroy or i'm
pair its efficiency.
"That the Democratic party will resist al
attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it
the agitation OF the Slavery question, under
whatever shape or color the attcmpt may be
made"
The Wing Convention came together presently
after, and they put their platform first, a securi
ty demanded by the Southern members. 1t de-
clared SIS follows:
That the series Of resolutions known as the
compromise, including the Fugitive Slave Law
are received and acquiesced in, by the Wing
6 party OF the = nited States, as a settlement in
principle and substances final settlement
OF the dangerous and exciting subjects which
they embrace a.c so Tar as the Fugitive Slave
Law is concerned, we viii maintain the same
ana insist on Its strict enforcement, until time
and experience shall demonstrate the necess;,>
CT future legislation against evasion or abuss
but not impairing its present efficiency and
we deprecate all future agitation of the Slaver,
question, as dangerous to our peace; and W,
will discountenance all efforts at the renewal o.
continuance of such agitation, in Congress O
9 ont of 1t, whenever, wherever, or however III,