The Union and eastern journal. [volume] (Biddeford [Me.]) 1854-1858, 1856-05-23

/ d driving at in this, ezesps that be fsass
that the people Of the Territories may, IN.
der the principle. abolish Slavery in the
Territories. This, Of course, would not be
oonsistent with his theory, that barrel Of
whiskey and man, il a slave, are alike pro-
pcrty. But to quote again
/ have spoken of slaves simply rs property,
because 1t is in that relation that they will
20 into the territory, if they 20 at all. Con.
sidered as persons only, there would perhaps
be no effort made to exclude them. The
relations between master and slave, parent
and child, husband and wife, are all proper
subjects of legislative regulation. But no
one OF them more than another, is proper
subject for Legislative distinction. 1t would
be monstrous exercise of power TO dissolve
all the matrimonial ties in territory, and
absolve all the children from obedience TO
their parepts, and yet II would require no
greater power to do this than it would to
break what is aippantly called the letters
that bind slave to his master. -..
Here we have the story. Slaves are prop
erty as much as horse,-the slave owner
has as much right to carry them into the
territories as the owner Of horses has to
carry horses there, and when there, at
would be a monstrous exercise Of power to
break what is flippantly called the letters
that bind slave to his MASTER This is now
the theory of the democracy of the present
day. We are Obliged to Mr.. Brown for
stating the matter distinctly. There was a
time when democracy meant equal rights ;
but what is meant by the term now is to
regard man and horse as both articles
Of property.
But we cannot leave Mr.. Brown, without
giving his endorsement 9" of the luminous
and powerful report" of the Senator, Mr..
Douglass, who introduced this bill. He
says ....... ....r
The Senator indicates in that report that
Congress has now power TO exclude from
the territories the domestic institutions of
the State, and that the territories, deriving
their legislative power solely from the con-
stitution through the acts of Congress,
can, of course, do nothing which they
are not empowered to do, either by the con-
stitution or by Congress.
And he says the reasoning of the report
is I" appposite and conclusive. And here we
think the Honorable Senator is right. Who
ever will read the report attentiyely, will
perceive that the right to carry slavery into
the territory Of Kansas is asserted and de-
Tended. 1t is to gain time to plant slavery
firmly in Kansas that the Douglass Emma
bling bill is brought forward, to take the place
of the question proposed IN other quarters,
to settle the question, by admitting Kansas
us Free State at once, under the constitu-
ton adopted at Topeka.
We again express our gratitudc to Senator
Brown for copy of his speech. Our graf
ifcation would be the more profound, if he
could prevail upon the conductors ofsome of
the presses of his friends to give the domoc-
ncy of the State his speech entire. Its
publication would do something in the way
of informing the people as to the position
which the Southern democracy occupy IN
regard to the great question of State equal
ity; Popular sovereignty, as understood by
the Nebraska Bill, and the power of Con-
gress to exclude slavery from the territories.