The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-05-15


manhood; do not make them curse it for its
old age. The North Las its education it is
that of equality; it is natural that its people
should be opposed to Slavery; they have been
taught that the Constitution recognised Slave
ry only where it existed, and they are opposed
to its extension. The force of party attach
ment, the habitude of life, may draw the sup
port of the old soldiers to the party which has
the name they know, but the young and think
ing minds are being lost to you. No party,
with "law and order" as its motto, and the
extension of human Slavery as its design, can
flourish at the North. Our people would have
to .unlearn the teaching of their schools, the
impulses of their natures would have to be
changed, before they could enroll themselves
in such party.
You have brought your cherished institution
into the political arena you have submitted it
to the resolves of Conventions and the keeping
of party. Flushed with your triumphs, with
an unsated ambition for dominion and power,
you grasp boldly. The Kansas bill, and its
known fruits, you hail as victories; but have
you thought of the heart burnings, the disaf-
lection, the notifications, it has caused at the
North2 Brave and loyal hearts have quit, in
disgust, party in which they could not pre-
serve their selfrespect. At my home, know
men whose support would be an honor to any
cause-men whose lives have been passed in
the thickest of the fight, battling for Democrat
ic truths-men of brain, representative men,
honest men-who are not now of you, nor with
you, in this fight. These men could bear with
your infrmities for the good of their party but
your ambition has left them no alternative.
They are now isoated-acting with no organi-
cation, standing aloof the memory Of the past
yet exercising its potent influence. But this
cannot last. Sdch men must act; they have
principles, talent, influence; and they are SUBJ
tile tools in the hands of workers. In your race
of ambition do not overreach yourselves. " Be-
ware! behind you stalks the headsman!"
There is limit beyond which it is not safe
to go. We of the North are tainted as being
foes of the Union, and hear daily threats from
the South of dissolution of the national COM
pact, if any of the laws passed by Congress
where the negro is concerned are repealed.
The counses Of the Father of his Country are
invoked, to show us that Liberty itself is not
as dear as the existence of the Union. He was
a great and good man and he did leave in his
last will and testament food for the reflection
of those who claim to be his testamentary
legatees. Let me quote from that instrument
which of all others more clearly shows the
workings of a mans heart, the will of Wash
ington:
"Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will
and desire that all the slaves whom l hold IN
my o,on right shall receive their freedom. To
emancipate them during her life would, though
earnestly acished by me, be attended with such
insuperable difficulties, on account Of their
intermixture by marriage with the doaoer
negroes, as to excite the most painful sensa-
tons, if not disagreeable consequences, to the
latter, while both are in the occupancy of the
same proprietor-H not being IN my poaoer,
4 Al L.. Il, IT,.
are held, to manumH Them"
"And do, moreover, most pointedly and most
solemnly enioin it upon my executors, here
after named, or the survivors of them, to see
that this clause respecting slaves, and every
part thereof be religiously fulfilled at the
epoch at which it is directed to take place,
acithom erdSiOn, neglect, or delay"
We have frequent extracts from Washing
toms Farewell Address, warning us against
sectional divisions; but if those who quote
them had only a 1.-THE of the spirit breathed in
the foregoing clause of his posthumous farewell
of earth, we should have no occasion for his
warnings. His opinion of Slavery, as moral
wrong, is evinced clearly in the quotation |
have made; and if his example had been fol-
lowed, it would never have become the great
political wrong it now is. But with the one
idea, as a moral wrong, / do not choose to
so loud in their denunciations of those who do
not agree with them that Slavery is divine
institution, that the Father of his Country taught
US differently. 1t is as political wrong that
we of the North svish to deal with that institu-
ton, leaving to those States which have it all its
blessings. We do not envy them its possession !;
we do not ask them to divide it with us we
say to them, |" If it is meet and good in your
eyes, keep it." With it, as a political wrong,
we have the right, and it is our duty, to deal.
We have our interests well as the South !;
and it is our interest to see that free labor is
not supplanted by slave. We believe this TO
be a Democratic Union, where the majority is
to determine, under the organic law, the des-
tination of this Republic. 1t cannot possibly
be admitted that minority, under the pretext
of a right which is huge and monstrous
wrong, shall rule the majority, and shape our
Government to its own purposes and interests.
To permit this is to not only abnegate our
rights, but also to refuse to do our duty 1t is
folly to say that it is no concern OF ours whether
Slavery goes to the Territories or not-that we
have free States, and that should content u.s.
while the one idea, steadily and persistently,
attends to its own propagation and extension
The political power of this Republic must be the
reflex of some principle; and it is essential, if
we wish to preserve the spirit of our Govern
ment, that that power should be the represent
alive of the thrift prosperity, and energy, of the
free States. We are told that our claim to
this is not we'll founded and we have an array
of figures, almost incompatible, representing
in current coin, the value of some millions of
human chattels. At the North, we have no such
values; but we have the energy which springs
from q laudable hope-the skill which emanates
from free minds.
1t is question of vital importance to the
labor of the North, whether our Territories
shall be carved out into free States or not. 1t
is question of interest-it is question of life
itself. Even now we are told, among the new
heresies preached by the one idea--and that
too, by distinguished Democrats of the South
that it is better for labor to be owned than to
be employed that, at the South, tabor has no
unquiet contests with capital, because there
capital oscns labor. And these insulting argu.
ments are addressed to the people of the North,
where labor is proud of its independence, and
jealous of its rights. There seems to be no
limit to the assumptions of the one idea it
claims rights which are wrongs it threatens to
subvert our Government, if its Democratic the.
DRY of a majority rule is put in practice; and
now 1t dares to compare its system of slave la
Dor with that of the toilers of the North. ask
the mechanics, the laborers of the North. to
mark the progress of events, to lay to their
hearts these haunting declarations, and then re-
member that every slave State added to this
! Union gives power to those who think that la
Dor is benefited by being oaoned.
And, as counterpoise to all these dogmas,
assumptions, and clutching ambition, the
"rights of the South stun our ears, and be-
wilder our senses. Why, Slaocry has no riqhts
it is thing of sufferance and suffering, and Is
a denial of all right. The North has Yielded
to the South the suferance to hold slaves but
/ If uill hot hot a Ii