The Kansas herald of freedom., 1856-03-15
From tie Ldndna Times. Jaa. Il.

rance with our notions of Royal impair
tiality. the President reviews the history
of the domestic Institution" from the
days of the Confederation through the
successive annexations. He expressed
himself freely, and with mighty little
heed of hostile prejudices, as To the sue.
cessive acts of Congress for the tolera-
ton or restriction of Slavery. He bold
ly puts it as quarrel between the North
and the South and shows with all the
zeal of Pretectienistrecounting thebur-
dens on land, ora Liberal eusanSag on
the privileges of the aristocracy fhaS the
supposed concessions to the interests and
ideas of the Southern, or Slave+holding
States. have tended equally to the az
grandizement of the North. In almost
every paragraph of this discussion the
burning brands of controversy are hurled
about, as we should scarcely even expect
TO find them in the fervid pages Of an
Abolition or Anti Abolition journal.
At all events it is the man who speaks,
not the abstraction that fits behind the
generalities of an "address from the
Throne" Imagine Queen Victoria ac-
cusing whole portions of her realm, Scot
land for example, ofunconstitutional con-
duct, impertiuent interference, spurious
humanity, duplicity, and the like
But, apart from the warm language of
the President, we seriously regret that
he evidently lost sight of far more i'm
portant question than the existing rights
of the Slave States and thecenduet OF par
ties. Admit every word. and more than
every word that he says. Admit that
the Congress acted against the Constitu-
tuition in attempting 10 prescribe domes-
tic laws for the newly annexed States
Admit that the efforts of the Abolitionisls
inasmuch as in the case of independent
nations they would certainly bring ON
foreign wars. SO, in the case OF Federal
States, they tend to civil war;. Admit
the notorious absurdity in the Northern
States, utterly unwilling and unable as
they are to raise the colored to actual
equality. leaving their own misery un-
mended to aggravate the misery OF their
neighbors. Admit it all; there remains
the further question. The only practical
one-hoU is slevery to be kept uthin
bounds, 6rought to qaies old age, and
deeeatty inferred some hundfed years
heneek At that distance of amer
lean statisticians tell us, the population
of the States will be at least a hundred
millions, half of them either Europeans,
or the descendants of Europeans. At
that date what will 'sthe domestic insti-
tution'' have to come to? 1t must d.
minish every year in proportionate bulk,
and as it diminishes so also must the
wealth, the influence, and the Territory
of the Slave States. On the other hand,
| there can be little doubt that the zealand
fanaticism of the Abolitionists will not
have abated. fed as it will be by the per
petual Introduction of European ele-
mentS. s..t
Turn your eyes from the past, Mr..
President, as We poor Englishmen are
forced to doom hundred questions for
get the angry onslaught, the inselent de-
meanor, the treacherous wiless and the
atrocious hypocrisy of party. Let by
cones be bygones. Be deaf to The STERN
now raging about your head. ESSk for
ward to the day when some cool lblooded
historian of your Union viii be consider
ing how far President Pierce could forecast
futurity, or orwfether he was simply q man
ofhis day. Can any body really innag-
inc that Slavery will then be sIfourish-
ing institution, standing its ground
against some seventy or eighty millions
OF opponents Surely it is charity to
hope that long ere that day it will have
died of inanition or attained some quiet
euLhanasia. Instant abolition, is one
! thing-ultimate distinction another
While the battle RACES upon the former
eff these points nobody seems to have a
| thought of the latter: yet the former is
the topic of thersbble, the latter the duty
of statesmen.
We, in the Old World, make but little
way in the cure of our social evils, SO it
would still less become US TO prescribe for
Slavery. The manner of our xRabo-
lition was no model for any State. least of
all one that had its Slavery IN It's own
bosom. Yet we may venture tosnosice
the omission Of all attempts to scan the
future of slavery in the Message before US.
We doubt whether the nsxt 80 years
of its history will belike the last. There
is one imp rtant novelty Of a nature TO
affect it, and that is the immense infusion
of the depressed classes of Europe into
the working population OF America
The social difficulties of the Union have
already more European character than
a few years ago. In questions ofeduca-
ton, religion. and crime. one mayevery
day see comparisons between Manches-
ter and New York !; and an English phi
lanthropist would find himself quite at
home at any great city in the Union
This state of things must spread, AID. as
it is difficult 10 conceive slave popula-
ton in London, in Lancashire. or IN any
other part of these isles. We concfuas the
day must come when Slavery Millbe &
moral impossibility 10 the United States.
But, if this be only pfobAble. common
sense suggests that the policy OF the
STATES. and of the Union also. IS far s. Il
can be done without offsnss, Is % pave
the way for the gradual and peaceful exit
of Slavery. On this sids the Atlantic Il
would bs prssamptusas 70 frame TIE
proper policy for this purpose: bat there
lean Be 10 presampssoa in jass quieils