The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-04

| Commonwealth. sworn to make true inquiry
| into all the grievances of the people, and to
the best Of our abilities apply the remedy, shall
we alone be found to shrink from this inquiry?
And here permit me to revert to remark
which fell II am sure Inadvertently from the
gentleman from Brunswick. Because, forsooth,
| in asking this inquiry, we have chosen to de-
part from the folly of our ancestors, and to
| discuss this question-not with closed doors ;
not in low and breathless whispers; not with
all the mummery of an Oriental Divan-we
| have been told that we are treating the subject
| iippantly as was done in the better days
of the Commonwealth. If fippancy, sir, in
| the vocabulary of that gentleman, signifies a
| free and open discussion of that which concerns
the people, and which they have right to
know, plead guilty to this charge-most GER
tainly not otherwise.
"Sir, uniformity in political views, feelings,
and interests, in all the parts of this widely-ex-
| tended State, would, l admit, be extremely de-
sirable. But that uniformity is purchased at too
dear rate, when the bold and intrepid forester
of the West must yield to the sIothful and de-
/ graded African, and those hills and valleys which
until now have reechoed with the songs and
industry of freemen, shall have become convert
ed into desolation and barrenness by the with
| ering footsteps of Slavery.
"Sir, it is to avert any such possible conse-
| quence to my country, that |, one of the hum
best, but not the least determined, of the West
ern delegation, have raised my voice for eman-
cipation. Sir, tax our lands, vilfy our country,
| carry the sword of determination through our
now defenceless villages; but spare us, i'm
plore you, spare us the curse of Slavery, that
btterest drop from the chalice of the destroy
ing angel!
Sir we have lands we have houses, we have
property, and we are willing to pledge them all
to any extent, to aid you in removing this evil.
Yet, we will not that you shall extend to US the
same evils under which you labor. We will
not that you shall make our fair domain the
receptacle of your mass of political filth and
corruption. No. sir; before we can submit to
such terms, violent commissions must agitate
| this State.
"The gentleman from Brunswick and the
gentleman from Dinwiddie hold their slaves,
not by any patent from God, as the latter gen.
tleman on yesterday assumed, but solely by viz
tue of the acquiescence and consent of the 80
ciety in which they live.
''But, sir. it is said that society having con-
ferred this property on the STAKEHOLDER, it can
not nO,c take it from him without All adequate
compensation, by which is meant full value. l
may be singular in the opinion, but | defy the
legal research of the House to point me to
binary course of its adjudications, where the
community pays for property which is removed
or destroyed because it is a nuisance, and found
injurious to that society. There is, l humbly
apprehend no such principle. There is no OBJ
legation upon society to continue your right one
moment after IT becomes injurious to the best
interests of society; nor to compensate you for
the loss of that, the deprivation of which is de-
manded by the safety of the State, and in which
general benefit you participate members of the
community. Sir, there is to my mind a mani
fest distinction between condemning private
property to be applied to some beneficial public
purpose, and condemning or removing private
property which is ascertained to be a positive
wrong to society. 1t is distinction which per-
vades the whole genius Of the law; and is found
ed upon the idea, that any man who holds prop
erty injurious to the peace of that society of
which he is a member, thereby violates the con-
dition upon the observance of which his right
TO the property is alone guaranteed. For prop
erty of the first class condemned there ought
TO be compensation but for property of the
latter class, none can be demanded upon princi-
ple none accorded as matter of right, although
considerations Of policy, considerations of hui.
mainly, and spirit of compromise, may die
tate some compensation.
Sir, does not that plan of emancipation which
proposes freedom at future period, and which
guarantees to the STAKEHOLDER the present en-
loymeut and profit of that most pernicious spe-
ces of property, contain within itself princi-
pie of compensanon-a fair and just PROPOSE
ton of compromise? | think it does, and | ex
hibit my views thus 1t is conceded that, at
! this precise moment Of our legislation, slaves
| are injurious to the interests and threaten the
subverson and ruin of this Commonwealth.
| Their present number, their increasing number,
all admonsh US of this. In different terms, and
in more measured language the same fact has
been conceded BY all who have yet addressed
this House. 'Sometaiag must he DONE en-
| phatically exclaimed the gentleman from Din
widdie and | thought | could perceive a re-
| Spouse to that declaration, in the couHtenance
| of a large majority of this body. And why must
! something be done? Because If not saws the
gentleman from Campbell Mr.. Rives, the
Threats of all the rhite people of Virginia will
he cut No, says the gentleman from Dinwid-
| die-'The whites cannot be conquered-the
throats of the blacks will be cut 1t is tri-
ling difference, to be sure, sir, and matters not
| to the argument. For the fact is conceded,
| that one race or the other must be extermi.
mated.
"Sir, such being the actual condition of this
| Commonwealth, | ask if we would not be iusti-
fled NOR, supposing all considerations Of policy
and humanity concurred, without even a mo-
ment's delay, in staving off this appalling and
| overwhelming calamity? Sir if this immense
negro population were now in arms, gathering
into black and formidable masses of attack,
would that man be listened to, who spoke about
property, who prayed you not to direct your ar
| tillery to such or such point, for you would
destroy some of has property? Sir, to the eye
of the statesman, as to the eye Of Omniscience,
dangers pressing, and dangers that must nscessa-
| raypress, are alike present. With single glance
he embraces Virginia now, with the elements
| oil destruction reposing quietly upon her bosom,
and Virginia lighted from one extremity to the
other with the torch of servile instruction and
massacre. 1t is not sufficient for him that the
match is not yet applied. 1t is enough that the
magazine is open, and the match will shortly be
applied.
"Sr, it is true in national as it is in private con
tracts, that loss and injury to one party may
constitute as fair consideration as gain to the
other. Does the stakeholder, while he is enjoy
ing his slaves, reflect upon the deep injury and
incalculable loss which the possession Of that
property inilcts upon the true interests of the
country? And does he not perceive that society,
in to'erating that evil say for thirty years longer
for has benefit, is, in the shape of injury to her
self and benefit to him, giving him full and
adequate compensation? 1t is the only com
pensation which, so help me God as a slave
holder, | will ever accept from the Common
wealth of Virginia. 1t is the only compen sation
which, as lawgiver, L will ever dispense to
others.
"Sir, it is, in my judgment, the true and
proper ground of compromise between the slave
holding and antislaveholding interests of this
| Commonwealth; and by dntisidoeholiing in
terest here, mean to comprehend every in
Il
which the master has in the property of his slave
Slavery, it is admitted, is an evil-it is an insti