The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-07-07
The Impression In England and the Effect In
EurOpe.

~ the papers Wnfcn arrlNeu III tne Cttlltua anu
Baltic dating from London to the s5th, we per-
ceve that the sober resignation which first marked
the tore Of the press some ten before, has
now tecome settled feeling. Everybody's
mind is made up to sacrifice Champion and the
Consuls not that all are satisfied that Champion
was wrong-the admissions on this head are vague
and guarded-but on fair balance between
Champion and war on the one side, and peace and
no Champion on the other, the British nation have
promptly decided in favor of the latter. Satisfied
as We all are here that Champion was rightly
dismissed-that his acts, whether undertaken Of
his own mere motion or under private instructions
from his government, constituted palpable vio-
lation of our law-we cannot but congratulate
the world on this result Further examination
OF the papers will doubtless confirm the British
government in the course which popular senti-
ment has forced upon them, though it is plain
enough that that sentiment did not wait for the
evidence to decide against the culpit.
In this point of view, the Champion case may
certainly be regarded as one of the most impor-
tant recent events in our history and in that
of the world. Great Britain has, in the Ian
suage of the Times, :. submitted to the gravest
airont that one nation can offer to another" and
that, not from general conviction that the af-
front was merited--for the decision was arrived
at before the grounds of the step were fully
| known-but from general aversion to engage
| in war; and that war with the United States
OF course, it is not pretended by any one that
England has given way from any fear Of a war,
or any suspicion of military inferiority. The i'm
mense disproportion existing between the forces
Of Great Britain and those of the United States
the unquestioned power Of the former to infct
dreadful losses on the latter before any substan-
tial preparation for war could be made here-the
prestige of successful war just brought to
close. and the possession of the finest naval ar
mament ever seen, a fine well disciplined army
and powerful allies while this country has, so to
speak, neither experience, nor army, nor navy,
nor allies-al these show at glance that neither
did America press her point from any wish to
bully nor did England yield from any feeling
but one that reflects not the slightest shadow on
her honor or her courage. Yet there is no doubt
she did yield without examination without
struggle; chopped suddenly round from an atti-
tude of marked hostility and asperity to one of
Cancellation and concession.
It is plain that il was her commercial int
cotton and corn She could not afford to run
the risk of going to war with us, because by SO
doing she would. on the one side have deprived
her factories Of the material they require to keep
them going, and, on the other, raised the cost of
living TO her poorer classes by enhancing the va
lue Of bread.
This is the most useful lesson that has been
tlught the world for great many years. The
European nations can go to war with each other
whenever their aims or their spites require.
because they are independent of each other, and
can subsist in a state Of comparative isolation
without marked suffering But-with the ex-
ception, perhaps, Of Russia and Austria-none of
them could afford 70 go to war with the United
States. because the first effect Of such war
would be to produce such suffering among their
working classes as would be likely to precipitate
revolution. Prussia, for instance, and Spain
would suffer severely from it. France would
probably be revolutionized by such an event.
And England, with her dense population, her I'M
equal distribution Of property, her immense trade
and immense manufacturing interests, her low
rates Of wages and close sailing of nine-tenths of
her people-England, with all this, combined
with strong democratic spirit among the masses,
could not 60 to war with us.
Our great staples, therefore-our cotton and
our corn-pot only feed and enrich, but shield and
protect US. They have become such necessities
that we are in some sort the bankers of the world
which is necessarily civil to US lest we should
close our doors in their face.
Nor is there any imminent prospect OF our los
ing this cmlnently advantageous position. Many,
many years ago the British government made
fruitless endeayors to obtain supply Of cotton
from India The scheme failed, as was clear il
wonld: in times Of peace Indian cotton never
could compete with American, and man is too
careless an animal to expect war before II
comes. We have got the market now, and with
out gpcat mismagemcnt and great misfortune on
our Part. We shall never lose it. And 70 long AZ
we grow the cotton and one half the breadstuif.
that are consumed In the western countries Of
Europe, we may rest assured that they will not
run the risk OF going 70 war WIN us Without
some tangible and pressing reason.
AT the same time-plain a. this seems to think
ers, 30 plain that 1t seems almost superfuous to
mention tit Is by no means clear that il will
b. understood in Europe. II is more likely that
a view will be taken Of the affair les compliment
tary to England than the true one. Democrats
on the one hand, whose land Of promise is the
United States, and who cannot praise them sufli-
GENTLY, are likely to say that they have insuted
England, who dared not resent II, so great was
the strength and proves Of the youthful repablic;
while. on the other hand, those sovereigns and
absolu,is,s who are already scheming to get rid
Of England 80 as TO curb the press Of Belgium, re-
tain foreign garrisons In the Papal legations.
crush out liberty in Sardinia. and keep tighter