The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-07-09
TIC Kansas Trkers ut Washlngton-The
Crisis Of the Game.


tween the two houses simple issue Of slavery or
no slavery. The House has passed bill pro-
viding for the immediate admission of Kansas
into the Union, upon the basis Of the Topeka
State constitution, which interdicts the institution
of slavery. The Senate has passed bill Of q
more circumlocutory character, providing for
commissioners to take q census, a new Know
Nothing dispensation of the elective franchise and
the abolition of some of the worst of the despotic
Legislature; but as this bill leaves the whole
management of the matter in the hands Of Mr..
Pierce and his border ruffan agents in Kansas
and Missouri, there can be no doubt that the OBJ
ject and the execution of this act, if passed, is
and will be the admission Of Kansas into the
Union as slaveholding State.
BY reference to the Senate proceedings of yes
terday it will be seen that Mr.. Douglas reported
back from the Committee on Territories the
House bill, with an amendment striking out that
bill and substituting the new scheme Of the
Senate. THUS amended, the bill will be returned
to the House, when the whole issue will be open
ed again upon the question Of concurrence in the
Senate amendment This win be the critical point
of the game; for upon this issue will most proba-
bly, depend the destiny Of Kansas-pr o-slayery or
no slavery. Should the House adopt the
Senate amendment, Kansas will undoubtedly be
admitted into the Union as slaveholding State.
Should they reject that amendment, the whole
trouble viii, we apprehend, remain open during
this Presidential campaign, to come up again as
the first business Of the next session; for we dare
say that in this new Senate bill Mr.. Toombs has
given the full length Of line that can possibly be
spared by the South, unless Mr.. Forney on behalf
of Mr.. Buchanan and for the sake of Pennsylva-
MIA, should ask, i'll Gods name, for a little more
The crisis upon this question in Congress is
strkingly analogous to that in the Convention of
the fathers Of the constitution, when they were
brought to dead halt upon the slavery issue,
and TO the verge Of a dissolution; but they were
saved by the .'sober second thought" and an APP
peal TO Divine Providence. In that Convention,
however, there was large proportion of the
wisest and most disinterested patriots of any age.
This crisis also bears strong resemblance to that
of the fiery agitation of 1870, resulting N the
Missouri compromise; but the political parties
and the Congress of that day were composed of
men of larger calibre than the mousing and ruff
fan politicians who now hold possession of the
federal capitol. The present agitation, and the
critical pass to which il has been hurried
by an imbecile but reckless administration
and q corrupt and demoralized party, is more
fearful TO contemplate, in every aspect, than the
slavery crisis either Of 1920 or 1850; for even in
the latter case there were still such master spirits
in the Senate as Clay, Webster and Calhoun,
whose places are now filed with mischieyous fac
tonists or feeble old fogies. In fact, neither in
the work Of framing the constitution nor in the
compromise of 1920, nor in the adjustment of
1850 was the issue between slavery or no slavery
50 sharply defined as upon this Kansas imbroglio;
nor has there been at any former period upon this
slavery trouble, an issue Of such direct aud mo-
mentous import as this Kansas question, touching
the limitation or extension Of the geographical
area Of Southern slavery.
In this condition of things such small beer
peddling politicians as Pierce and Douglas are
hardly equal to the exigencies of the day. Can
any democratic philosopher tell US what squat
ter sovereignty is, for example, as defined by
Mr.. Douglas? Before Mr.. Dixon, Of Kentucky,
threw In bis experimental bombshell for repeal
Of the Missouri line Mr.. Douglas and Mr.. Pierce
regarded that line as too sacred to be touched.
Since that day the Senate expounder Of squat
ter sovereignty has changed 'front.' this way and
that way, half dozen times, till at length we
find him kicking il out Of doors as humbug that
has served its purpose and can be used no longer.
Even General Cas-, the venerable father Of
:" squattcr sovereignty" bows to the supremacy
OF Congress over the border rufllans, and pleads
for the sake Of humanity and deccn-
ey, the interposition Of "a higher law"
In word, the Congressional thinkers Of
+" squatter sovereignty" give 1t up as
base imposition, and have fallen back upon the
fundamental principle that the Territories are
under the care Of Congress, and that something
must be done 10 cut short the bloody career Of
border rufianism, or that it win spoil the Presi-
dental election and ripen into civil war.
Hence the new Senate bill Of Mr.. Toombe,
adapted TO the double purpose in the North Of
" keeping the word Of promise to the ear and
breaking it to the hope"-a bill repudiating the
acts Of the border ruIians, but still securing TO
their hands the control Of the affairs Of Kansas
Mr.. Toombe is doing bis duty He is Southern
man, looking to the security Of Southern institu-
tions In making Kansas slave State he win
have secured balance Of power in the Senate
against Northern aggresions; II Kansas comes in
as free State, the South in both houses Of Con-
gess viii be at the mercy of the North. But q
great right can never be made the excuse for the
border ruiian policy Of establishing slavery In
Kansas. The constitutional rights Of the South
can never be enforced by ,rampling the constitu-
ton under foot. Bogus Legislatures, Missouri
invasions, murders, robbcries. confscations fire,
sword vfllanous uhiskev and terrorism arc not