New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1856-02-11

pire might have boyxs war for the next Eve yesrv
or ten, If ou will. But sspposng that she could
have come out Of 80 prolonged war with intact
territory. and no end Of glory 70 mady improbs,
bic superstition, by the way what would be her
condition. One OF relapsed bsrbsrism. Rusis
has in territory and population the raw material q
an immense political power. But for its manu-.
facture she must introduce the machinery of civil
zation--tle arts, internal trade, foreign con-
merce and capital from weather. countries. The
vitality Of her own partial civilization is nct
enough to develop her resources. Instead eft
shutting out that nourshment to it which the reet
of the civilized world brings to her in time Of
peace it is her only sound policy to encourage in
all WAYS its introduction At the end Of ten
Years war; whatever might be the Losses Of the
Allies her power would be reduced tar below ito
present state simply by her want Of the civilized
means Of reproduction. France has carried %
the war at an immense outlay of men and money,
and yet France is to-day stronger than she Wa
Two wears ago. Her civilized vitality create
fsster than war destroys. She offers to the al.
miration of the world triumphant exposition q
industrial art: che builds new railroads; she ex.
tends her commerce-in spite of war and shor
crops. Russia must turn all her applicable eivt
lized vitality 10 war functions. What little re-
mains of her foreign commerce is carried on ct
every disadvantage through foreign ports. Her
railroads stop in the state OF plans. Her imper.
feet agriculture lacks foreign capitai ior us de-
velopmept and foreign purchasers for It's pro
ducts. Here ID where Russia loses relativelyN
the Allies, let bulletins Of battles tell what tale
they may.
And it is on the hypothesis-more or less We
lent-tbat the Emperor Alexander is rs capable ~
YOUR correspondent of looking at this great, civil
led Industrial side of the question, that found
nv belief in q coming peace, aud my explanation
of the otherwise inexplcable acceptance OF the
Austrian propositions. Let Russia turn to the arts
of peace with sn equal energy the forces that for the
past years she has wasted on war aud what may che
net become To take for illustrations sake, sinl-
ple case suppose that two years ago she had YIELD
"a IN all the propositions of France and England re.
specting the Eastern question. suppose thea,
having no war on hand, something like nthe OF
the muscle and money and engineering skill thrown
away at Sevastopol, and other where's had been
spplied by her TO continuing the st. Petersburg
ard Moscow railroad TO Odessa with branch runa(
nirC to Sevastopo. Aud then suppose the war
had broken out Sevastopol in such case would
evidently be vastly more difficult to take. Now
let Russia have 50 years peace, and peacefully de-
velop her resources. Is not this, even in view Of
an aggressive policy, the surest means OF strength
ening herself?
eobble Turkey, if that be her destiny, without
Lighting. Bad, iI fernal as this war has been it
gives us glimpses of such hope even through the
smoke Of its battles. BarbarOus as all war must
be. this has been less barbar0us than any preced.
ing one Of anything like the same extent. All
parties TO il have recognized, as no parties toa
war ever before recognized SO depreclatngy, ito
horrors: all parties have recognized, AS they never
in similar case and to like extent before recog.
nized the protest of civilization. the counter
claims of industry; all parties have recognized
more clearly than in similar case they ever before
recognized the loss and harm they received as well
as caused. Probably no war OF similar herceness
was ever carried on with 60 little OF what might
be called personal yirulence. Certainly no IKE
war was ever carried on in which the acting par.
ties sued so earnestly before the worlds bar for
the favorable verdict of public opinion.
And here, it is worth the while to note in pass.
ing, is one of the few immediate, visible, good re.
suits of the war. Because of il public opinion has
gained an increased recognition oil it's power IN
France. You may see it In The French press II
YOU have been, for your sins, careful reader OF
Paris journals for the past three years. The
Government needed the support the advocacy
with the people OF the newspapers. They have
been indulged-as, feeling their importance, they
were inclined to indulge--in a greater freedom OF
speech. grant it needs careful and compars'
tive reading 10 see this. To one who has read in
those conditions il is evident. 1t becomes all the
more interesting in view Of peace. II the peace
DO made, Government, journalists will be lit
tie disposed to fall back to their stata quo
ante belum Of nulity. Other elements Of In
terDal opposition, that have been kept quiet
BY the outward pressure Of the war, will fer.
ment again. We shall hear more than we do
at present-though even now, when Napoleon
is, by virtue of foreign war, at the head not OF
party but Of the nation, We hear OF cOnspiracies
and murmurings of discomfort. IL il true
that he may take the credit-accordng TO
the terms on which history usually grants
credit-Of having raised France to higher
position than che has ever held since the
best days of his uncle. He has obtained
for her glory in war, and has gained for her q po
ltical position in Europe that she has never occu.
pied before. Louis XIV, indeed, might call
Charles III. his yassal-ally; but Napoleon III has
managed, led, controlled greater England thsa
the England Of Charles H.; he has dated imperial
DEGREES from its royal palace of Windsor; he hss
led it's Sovereign in sort Of triumphal procession
through the streets Of bis own capital, aud-what
is still further beyond the result of Louis the
Fosrteenths policy or the first NapoleOn's plani--
he has conquered the adulatory applause Of the
English mob. A Frenchman recognizing all this
has his vanity tickled But it so happens tbs.
glory and tickled vanity are not the snmma bonasf
Frencbmans aspirations. AS talking, thinking
animal he has fOndness for free speech and free
thought. 1t is indeed sort Of passion with him. Il
may be turned TO other objects for time, but
the end it will seek satisfaction upon political and
social themes If there is no legitimate outlet
arranged for it, it will explode. But am vergng
toward prophecy-a very commonplace pro-
phecy-of the next French revolution, prophecy
that every thoughtful man must make, but 70
which the wisest man should put no nice date. 10
leave the theme to the private elaboration your
thoughtful and wise readers.
"asssted" the other evening at a performance
so curious in itself, and so characteristics, as it
seems to me. Of Paris nature, that / determined
tho "a TRIRIrNE.