The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-03-13

which the Wing Nominating Convention, the
summer before, had been seduced by the vigor-
Gus Pro-Slavery element within it, that fruit
was now ripe, and ready to be gathered.
The way being thus effectually prepared in
the House, the Ohgarchy went systematically
to work in the Senate, its stronghold. On the
29th Of January, the week before Mr.. Roots
resolution was laid on the table, and when, no
doubt, the arrangement had been made for the
Northern Wings to do their part in that meas
ure, Mr.. Clay brought forward series of reso-
buttons, as the basis of what ne called COM
promise" for the settlement of the pending
questions. The resolutions proposed
l. To admit California, without reference to
Slavery therein. 2. To establish Territorial Gov
ernments. withoutthe adoption of any restriction
or condition on the subject of Slavery. 3. To
fix the western boundary of Texas on the Rio
Grande, excluding any portion of New Mexico.
4. To provide for the payment of the debt of
Texas, within limited amount, on the condition
that Texas should "relinquish to the United
States any claim which it has to any part of New
Mexico" 5. To declare it inexpedient to abol-
ish Slavery in the District of Columbia, with
out the consent of the people of the District,
and without compensation to owners 6. To
declare it expedient to prohibit the introduc-
ton of slaves into the District, " either to be
ported to other markets" Z. To make more
effectual provision by law for the recovery of
fugitives 8. To declare that Congress "has
no power to prohibit or obstruct the trade in
slaves between the slaveholding States"
The topics here brought to view almost en-
crossed the attention of the Senate till they
were disposed of. On the 18th of February, Mr..
Bell of Tennessee presented series of resolu-
tious, covering part of the ground of those
offered by Mr. Clay, but not embracing the
topics Of the interstate slave trade, the recla-
nation of fugtives, or Slavery or the slave
trade in the District. Mr.. Foote of Mississippi
moved to refer the questions thus raised " to
select committee of six members from the
North, and six members from the South, and
one member to be by them chosen, with In
structions to exert themselves for the purpose
of maturing scheme of compromise for the
adjustment of all the pending questions grow
ing out of the institution of Slavery, and to re-
port by bill or otherwise"
On the 5th of March, Mr.. Foote gave notice
that he intended to press this motion very
earnestly, after the close fthe address which we
have been promised by the Senator from Mas
sachusetts on Thursday next" Mr.. Foote may
be supposed to have known what the Senator
from Massachusetts designed to say. "Thurs-
day next" came, and with it Mr.. Websters
memorable speech of the 7th of March. The
vote in the House on Roots resolution had set
tied the point of Slave Power supremacy, and
the practical question now for Presidential or
other aspirants was, as TO who should do most
to propitiate the favor of the dominant caste.
After six weeks of debate, and some scenes of
turbulence, the motion to raise the committee
was carried on the 18th of April. 1t was
chosen by ballot, Mr.. Clay by separate vote,
being elected chairman.
On the 9Th Of May, the committee reported
what has since been known as the Omnibus bill,
from the variety of subjects which it undertook
to dispose of. The measures proposed en-
bodied the whole policy embraced in Mr.. Clay's
resolutions of January 29th, except that the
Interstate slave trade was passed over.
Mr.. Calhoun died, March 3lst. On the 4th
day of that month, a speech which he had pre-
pared was, on account Of his feeble health, read
by Mr.. Mason to the Senate. 1t contained one
suggestion, which, coming as it did fron, the
man who, for many years, was head and front
of the Slave Power usurpation, was of more i'm
GaeSst t. than appears to have been observed.
Union," he ends by proposing "the insertion
of a provision in the Constitution, by an amend
ment, which will restore to the South, In sub
stance, the power she possessed of protecting
herself, before the equilibrium between the
sections vas destroyed by the action of this
Government. There will be no difficulty" he
adds, " in devising such a provision" That is,
the hundred thousand shareholders of the South
should no longer be content to be controlling
aristocracy, under the forms of a republic, but
should insist on having their authority formally
recognised, and perpetuated beyond danger of
overthrow, in new form of government. On
the few other occasions on which Mr.. Calhoun
took part in the business Of the Senate, he re-
Cured to the suggestion, as if it was his dying
thought.
This is proper incident in that course of
proceeding which we have been showing to
have advanced far among ourselves. An oil
garchy, springing up in republic, first governs
it by management under republican forms. At
length, when strong enough, it changes the form
of government, so as to have the nominal cor
respond to and express the real state of things.
Amy one who has but read so common book
Mr.. Adams's. defence of the American
Constitutions" knows how in former ages that
process has been gone through, times without
number, and under just such pretences as Mr..
Calhoun's. Should things 90 on as they have
gone on, there will be resurrection, before long,
of Mr.. Calhoun's constitutional scheme, and its
second svatar will not be as harmless as was its
first.