The Middlebury register. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1850-1882, 1856-03-12


and with that understanding, aud upon
that alone the treaty was ratified |
submit to any Senator here, then mem.
Der of this body, if it be not so. A gen.
eral assent was signifed The only
question in dispute, which afterwards a
rose, was whether or not it embraced the
British settlement at tho Belize 2 Mr.,
Webster certainly understood the views
Of his committee and of the Senate as to
the effect Of the treaty upon the British
possessions; AMI is it to he presumed
that lie entertained a view differing from
all his colleagues, and yet said nothing
about it? His very silence upon the point
at the time is a sufficient answer to this
inquiry. 1t affords the strongest pre-
sumptive evidence that he agreed in .opin-
ion with his colleagues on that question.
ask again, is it to bo presumed that,
if Mr.. Webster entertained the opinions
imputed to him by Lord Clarendon and
Sir Henry Bulwer directly in opposition
to the views Of his associates Of the com
mittce aud of the Senate. be would not
have expressed them-that be would not
have made them known-that he would
not have even intimatcd thom ? Sir, it
is incredible it is impossible it is not
true. The high character and position
Of Mr.. Webster. as citizen, as q Sen
ator, az statesman, and as patriot,
forbid this impeachment. The Queen'a
Minister can take nothing by his motion
in attempting to bring to his aid the i'm
luted oriniors Of Daniel Webster. ]
stand here to-day, though it be with fee
ble arm, to rescue from the unholy i'm
ruiation. the fair fame Of that illustrous
American citizen. who, by common ac-
cord, the world over, is recognized as the
intelectua! monarch Of the age in which
he lived.
But, sir, We arc advised by his lord
ship, the Earl Of Clarendon in his final
note to Mr. Buchanan that her Majes-
tvs Government adheres and will adhere
to the construction Of tho treaty accord.
ing to his exposition of it; that her Ma
iesty's Government still insists and will
insist upon the continuance and the
maintenance Of all the possessions in
Central America which she held at the
time of the treaty; and will say here,
in passing that she la. considerably en-
larged those possessions since the treaty,
by the occupation and colonization, no.
only Of Roatan and Bonacca but Of all
the other Bay Islands. five or six in nun.
ber, which are all, without di>putation,
the proper dependencies not of Brit.
iSh Honduras. but Of tue independent
State or Republic of Honduras. Ga the
other hand, our Government as s,rcnu-
ously adhcres to the construction Of the
treaty as cxpouuded to the British Gov.
crEn:ant by Mr.. Buchanan, and as it is
understood by every intelligent Ameri-
can citizen and we are bound, therefore,
by every consideration Of public interest
aud By every sentiment Of national honor,
to insist and demand that her Majesty's
Government shall at once surrender all
these possessions not only as hostile to
our national interests, not only as incom-
latible with the plain provisions Of the
treaty itself, but as palpab'e violation
Of her own conventional obligations.
Here, then, sir. the parties are direct
ly at issue and the question very nat
urally arises, what is to be dOnel My
answer is, stand to the treaty. The an
swer Of your interest aud of your honor,
of reason aud Of justice, is, stand fast by
the treaty. by the American interpreter
tion Of the treaty, and to the enforcement
of all its requirements. The practical
question, however. still recurs, wha. shall
be done provided England still adheros
to the determination of mover surrounding
any Of her possessions Of Central Amer
ical 1t is not worth while to be tender
footed or mealy.moutbed on this subject;
but let US speak out, and speak plaioly
and directly to the point | quite agree
with the bouorable and distinguished
Senator from Michigan, that, when there
is danger ahead j. is better and safer,
aud wiser, to look it righ; in the face,
aud be prepared to meet it. We eau
never avoid danger by turning our backs,
or closing our eyes, OF stopping our
mouths upon it.
But the question still presses upon us,
what do you propose to dol ! can say,as |
presume every Senator can say, that 1t Is
much easier to declare what it is best
not to do, than To propose what is best
aud wiscst to be douq We can declare
war against England; but | do not pro-
pose that Just now. We can follow her
own repeated examples, aud, by repeal
iug our neutrality laws 50 far as they
have application 10 Central Amcrica,and
setting loose the buccaueoring and fill
clustering spirit of the country, let slip
the dogs Of war" upon her, and at once
drive her from every foorho!d in Cen'
trail America, and sweep her from the
Caribbean sea but do not propose
that
Now sir, withou, undertaking 10 an
ticipato the call Il the Executive, whose
province it Is, aud whose responsibility
it is, to take tie initiative upon qnes.
tions Of this character; without unier-
'akipg to anticipate the action Of the
Legislature without undertaking to an.
tlcipato the recommendation Of the Com
mitt,es on Foreign Relations Of tho two
Houses, to whom Is 20 be committed the
consideration OF this subject, | will, uey'
ertheless, respectfully suggest, as a first
peaceful Eroposit,on,a a direct aud explicit
congressional declaration Of Our con.
atructinrs Of tba t.aatv and of tha