Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1856-02-08
SPEECH
Of H.M H. SEWARD of Nep York,
on the Central american Question, in
Senate Lyo 21st

on the Central american Question, in
Senate, Jan. 31st.
Mr.. Seward reviewed at length the
history of the Central American question,
including the proceedings of Great Brit
ain in the island Of Ruatan, and combated
with great power the argument of Lord
Clarendon on the points at issue between
the two governments; and he arrives at
the conclusion that the American posi-
tons are just, and the American demands
right. He then asks, what ought the
United States now to do? and proceeds
to the conclusion of his speech as fol-
lows -
II can now only glance at some of the
circumstances which affect the question.
/ regret that in any case it involves the
possibility of war, although 1 believe war
sometimes justifable. Iregard it always,
nevertheless, as calamity and an evil.
/ do not agree with either those who sup
pose it contributes to national prosperity,
or those who declare it a salutary disci-
pline of state. Ishould therefore deeply
deplore any war with any nation, and,
more than any other, war with Great
Britain. Its wealth and influence easily
secure allies, for in such contest the ad-
iacent American States at least would
cooperate with US. 1t would therefore
be general war, and consequently more
extensively injurious and widely demor-
alizing than any other in which we could
be engaged. 1t would, moreover, renew
and practically perpetuate an alienation
between two fraternal states, on whose
common guidance, only secured through
their concord, the advancing nations
largely depend. If.
| deprecate war, moreover, because
it can be avoided, unless there shall be
fault on both sides or on one side. and
therefore, in one sense it would be an
unnecessary conflict. Notwithstanding
the occasional occurrence of misappre-
hension and Invitations, the world is vet
wide enough for both nations, and for all
nations. We are the centre of one sys-
tenn, an American one; Great Britain is
another one, an European one. Almost
in spite of ourselves, we are steadily ex-
tending and increasing our control over
those continents. Notwithstanding her
tenacity, she is constantly losing her do
minion here. This is within the order of
nature: It was for three hundred years
the business of European nations to col
onise, discipline and educate the Ameri-
can nation. 1t is now the business of
those nations to govern themselves.
The decline of European here practi-
cally began with the fall of Canada out
of the control of France in 1853. It has
steadily continued, until now only some
relics possessing little vitality remain
Without any war on our part, Great
Britain will wisely withdraw and disar-
pear from this hemisphere within a quar-
ter of century-at least within half
century. War might hasten, but might
also delay it. / regret also, that war,
If it must come, must also probably con-
cur with the great conflict which now
convulses Europe.
The British administration has long
been unfaithful to the cause of free in
situations in Europe, and the French
Empire is, in my eyes, hateful usurpa-
ton: Nevertheless, both of these admin
istrations are temporarily and practically
ephemeral, while the Russian Empire is
an obstinate and portentous reality. /
accept the oracular exposition of the first
Napoleon, and believing that "Europe
must become either Republican or Cos
sack, | Recognise beneath the monarch
ical mask of the Allies, the Western ma
tons contending against an advancing
despotisn: Although no duty and no
propriety requires lis to intervene on
their side, l should be very unwilling to
engage my country in a combination
against them. Nevertheless, war with
Great Britain is now among the possible
solutions of the present embarrassment.
We certainly can look for no moderation
on her part hereafter, if we overlook her
persistent refusal to fulfill this most SOL
emn and important of all our interna-
tlonal engagements. 1t will be an idle
dream to suppose ourselves free and safe,
If we leave her to waylay us on all sides
OF our lsthmus passages from our Allan
tic region to the Pacific States.
Nor do / fear war, having Justice
and high state necessity on our side
we outnumber the population of the
British Islands. Their dependencies de-
tract from, instead of lending strength.
Although we have realized wealth we