The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-03-06

utterly inactive-through what force OF pre-
vious engagements, or of surrounding infiu-
ences, it would now be useless to inquire. 1t
looked better than any other on paper; but,
from the beginning to the end, the friends of
Freedom looked as vainly as anxiously to it for
something to indicate that it understood and
felt its obligations. Its inaction placed the
questions relating to the organization of Gov
ernments in Oregon, California, and New Mex
leo, at great disadvantage. Numerous petitions
for the abolition of Slavery at the Seat of Gov
eminent went to the Committee on the District
of Columbia, and were never heard of more.
The subject could not be got at by the House,
because it was in Committee, and the Commit
tee took care that it should not be got at through
them. The business was thoroughly done, and
it was done by hands which Northern Speak
er had empowered.
But there was another side to the history of
the Thirtieth Congress. In the action not only
of individual MEMBERS but of the House as a
body, there were still occasional indications of
different temper. A motion by Mr.. Giddings,
to submit the question of emancipation in the
District of Columbia to a vote of its adult male
inhabitants, including slaves, though it failed,
received ~ votes. Mr.. Palfrey, of Massachu-
sets, asked leave to introduce a bill "to repeal
all acts, or parts of acts, of Congress establish
ing or maintaining Slavery or the Slave Trade
in the District of Columbia" and it was denied
by majority of only 81 to 50. By III votes
against II, the House refused to lay on the
table bill "to prohibit the introduction of
Slaves into the District of Columbia as mer
chandise, or for sale or hire" and by SO votes
against SO, passed resolution offered by Mr..
Colt, of New York, which recited that the Slave
Trade, as practiced in the District, was 90 con-
trary to natural justice and the fundamental
,pla Of
ously reproach to our country throughout
Christendom, and serious hindrance to the
progress of Republican Liberty among the ma
tons of the earth" But by dexterous appli
cation of the Rules and Orders, under decis-
ion of the Speaker, the latter measure, on a
motion for reconsideration, was pushed on be-
yond the end of the session in the pile of un-
finished business and the other shared the
same fate
An important feature of the Thirtieth Con-
gress was, that the question of the Slave Pow
er usurpatons was installed in both Houses as
a recognised subject for free debate, to de-
gree unknown before. In the Senate, Mr.. Hale,
of New Hampshire, lost no opportunity 10 bear
wholesome and eloquent testimony against the
overshadowing wrong and danger of the time
In the House, Mr.. Clingman, of North Caro-
lima, presently after its organization, made a
set speech on what he called /" The Political
Aspect of the Slave Question" His friends re-
preached him for imprudence, as having thrown
down gauntlet, which they could not with any
decency refuse to allow to be taken up. He
was answered by Northern Representative,
and the privilege and practice of debate on the
subject have never since been obstructed.
The freedom of discussion, which in recent
years had been so jealousy restricted, was as
serted and established, not long after, in an
other and scarcely less important form. Great
excitement was produced at Washington, in
the spring of 1848, by an abortive attempt of
sixty or seventy slaves to escape from that
place. 1t directed its senseless fury against
the National Era, then recently established in
the Federal city. During the nights of the 18th
and 10th of April, noisy mob threatened to
destroy the printing office, and were with diff
Guilty kept in check by the police. An insolent
demand sent to the editor, that he should dis
continue the publication, was treated by him
as it deserved. On the morning of the goth,
Mr.. Hale called the attention of the Senate to
what was going on, by asking leave to intro
duce bill relating to riots and unlawful as
semblies in the District of Columbia" and Mr..
Palfrey, in the House, by moving for Com
mittee, with power to send for persons and pa
pers, to inquire whether the privileges of the
House had been invaded by threats uttered
against Mr.. Giddings. Sharp debates followed F;
and, though neither motion prevailed, the OBJ
ject was efectually carried. The matter was
no sooner stirred in the Houses, stirring the
whole country through the telegraph, than the
President, too, began to bestir himself There
was no help for it. Orders were issued to the
marines at the Navy Yard to be in readiness
the army of clerks were put in requisition by
the heads of their departments; the many-head-
ed did not show itself that night nor from that
night to this day has mob menaced the free
dom of the press at the seat of Government.
After less than two years desperate strug-
gle, ruined Mexico was glad to get a peace on
any terms. The war, according to a careful
estimate, (Livermore's "War with Mexico,
PIP. IS, 1l4,) had cost twentyf five thousand
lives, and two hundred millions of dollars on
each side X lives and money all squsndered to
glut the Slave Powers greedy spirit of aggran-
dizement. BY the treaty of peace, Mexico yield
ed the fatal boon of $4,000 square miles of
her territory; a country four times as large as
France, and FIVE times as large as Spain.
The Democratic and Wing Conventions for
nominating the next President, met respective
ly in May and June of that year. The Slave
Power had everything its own way in both. The
former nominated General Cass, with decla-
ration of principles for his Administration
thoroughly satisfactory to the Slavery Interest
the latter, General Taylor, without any such
annunciation of policy; his position was thought
sufficient guaranty to the Shareholders, while
silence was deemed the best expedient to OBJ
tain for him Northern support. Outraged at
this proceeding, a sudden movement was made
by friends of Freedom hitherto attached to both
the old parties, which resulted in the nomina-
ton of Mr.. Van Buren,, at Convention held
at Buffalo the second week in August. They
gave him 29l, 900 votes, more than etenth
part of those of the whole country. In Massa-
chusetts alone, nearly three-tenths of the voters,
most of whom had been opposed to him in past
times, but were won by his new profession of
allegiance to Freedom, gave him their selfde-
nying, but cordial support.
Fettered as it was, the function of the House
OF Representatives of the Thirtieth Congress is
seen In the light of history to have been rather
IN the partial and temporary obstruction of mis-
chief than IN the accomplishing of much posi-
tive good. In its first session, however, one
CLEAN OF hope broke through the surrounding
| gloom. The obstinacy of the House forced
through reluctant Senate bill constituting a
Territorial Government for Oregon, with the
prohibition of Slavery attached; and in the
critical state of affairs, Mr.. Polk was fain to
find reasons for giving it his unwilling sigma
ture. The great struggle on that question was
nearly simultaneous with the meeting of the
Buffalo Convention, and the serious news
brought by every days mail and telegraph, OF
that marvellous rising at the North, had a salu-
tary effect on the minds of Northern members
of both the great parties. The worst of the
alarm had passed away when the Congress met
for its second session, after the election Of Gen
eral Taylor had been secured; but still enough
of it remained to have an influence in the dispo
sal of the questions which arose respecting the
1 Il CO.