New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1856-11-26

ttrI
repe .aa.upgs or other particular causes OF ex'
might DO put end to by timely concessioo,
sl...sI;cr,tions or possibly BY ttmponzlng Oa the
,,,ry Il arose distinctly rom tne sentiment o, ma
nopsnv determiped hatred of foreign dominion.
essenco nation and its annals were engraved on the
Ilay - mani inds immortality. CIVILIZATION, Cors-
;t. the arts and scien 'es all must depart from .e
nanny az n,;n,ipe press must be forgotten, and the
earn; "" ,RP,sb and the peoples OF Europe aud
e'Pnes. Int he overwhelmed by another deuge,
amenJIs .is couH cease 10 remember her history And
r. neonIe no bad such history nompeieo 20 uiions
ali speaking one LANGUAGE s1S the Eternal to be the
when - n.,;oo; vet the Italian nation stood
bo"e ~ -. Prince Moiternic6 ssld, geographical
osna'';n.,;on without any nanonai orsanizausns;
Ital, desired to be recognizes .. az az. mouu
nc, lie al rest till the dODinauon OF strangers was
new, go protoco would not drive out the str1n-
ssr I,sIv: diplomacy would not effect the indie
sdnoe cf he Italians; nothing short OF successful
pOpuar rising could achieve ansiI emancipation
cs we're utterly mistaken, or they purPosely mis-.
F"Psn,ed all the facts Of the case, both past and
Isst II had bees alleged, for instance, that the
Of things in lSs was more favorable to the Ital'
ss soysmel than the circumstances of the pres-
40 ,h.t suoh being the case encouragement to the
en- "a, ,sejess and cruel; that the italians them-
~ss we're not sufficiently animated by the love OF
and that the foreign relations OF Italy aswen
=, her nns condition were less nopels man a. tne
ON hi II was an absolute Justification Of history.
Ts ,hentic facts Of tie late Italian struggle were
h al themselves TO repel the mpatstons as to the
pctsr of that noble nation; and although, as was
%gsd Louis Napoleon nge; DC Opposes 10 % an aan
In;sbt have good understanding with Austria, bu,
no;s Philippe was actually plotting with Austria. II
- moi the French revolution OF iois whi;h gave the
;moulre for the movement in Tidy Tor the latter was
aSsSy in full career when the former had not YET
sao~e AZ that period Austria being pre-occupied
e,be danger of losing her Italian possessions, made
,oo,v Of the then French Minister Of Foreign Affairs
hat yalue was intended to be given TO the treaty OF
,si5 That minister declared ar late as January, 1878,
~, Prance meant TO aid in making that treaty re-
sneeted by all the world. The British Blae-books
,roved sso that the Government of LOUIS Philippe was
ppottipp with Austria io- q combined Intervention
sg.inst the Italian movement 1he Government OF
I,mariipc, moreover, pledged France to respect the
tsies ofbe Holy Alliance assured deepotc emperors
thst thew bad nothing to fear and the natl )ns nothing
10 hone The manifesto Of Lamsrtne was marvel OF
bumbue and Of blusteriDg nonsense. Then again,
Lord PalmerOn could be quoted TO show that ne also
considered the integrity OF the Austrian empire mat
r of Importance. The British Government, too, ap-
proved of the French Intervention f6f the res
toration Of the Pope, the object OF which inter.
yention was to bring about an Improved form OF
if Popes could be improved Laugh
Ter The Papal Government was the worst OF all gov
ernfnents and could never be improved, whatever
reforms might DO introduced IN those systems OF rule
which were based on conquest, on hereditary rlgn or
on election Considering all things, II was evident
that The prospects OF the italian movement were less
ayorsb in 1913 than they were at present, whether
we regarded the foreign relations OF Italy her power
Of resi- lance, or her internal condition. When the
former strpggle commenced in Italy, no man could
have thought French Revolution Imminent; butnow,
no asonable could doubt that the French people
would soon awaken from their torpOr OF national deg
r,astion. An effective Italian movement might prove
trumpet sound to awaken Fisnoe; and as tor England
chony hatf in no
,rnu ept great advance had been made by the Brit
sh ptOple ICbeers]. Whenever the honr arrived for
Hungarian or Italian freedom, their war Try OF Liberty
would rouse such burst of sympathy from the Brush
peope that no British Minister would dare to make
Great Britain subservient to despotsm, or to tamper
with petty experiments for sitting the aspirations Tor
national liberty lGrsat cReeriDg]. He wished British
statesmen would mind that now II the voice OF the poor
exile coed raise such feeling, what wouli DE the case
when the principles Of national liberty were the reecho
Of cannon over the Continent Cheersl AT the pres
ent moment Austria had 10 Italy, notwithstanding Its
papiating state, from 40 600 10 $1,000 men less than
Radetiky mustered in 1915. In lS4S Austria had
virtually no army in Hungary; now she needed l2o 00O
men TO keep down Hungary and Iransyva Croani,
too required troops at presents and greatly more were
now needed at every point out OF Italy wnere Austria
Kent any forces in lSiS If the Italians would only
fight now as they fought in lsis, they had double
the change Of success they had then lCheersl. No
compromises from rulers would now stand between
the people and their destiny. 1t was not to the
italian people that the failure in 1915 was due;
documentary evidence in abundance proved that.
1t was great MISTAKE 10 put the conduct of revo-
hiiona,y ibsunection in any royal hands when
people had gained their ends, II they chose TO nave
King it was for themselves 10 settle but, during
The struggle only a popular head ana revolutionary
energy could insure success. When hing Carlo
Alberto got at the head of the Italian movement,
it was no longer revolutionary struggle; 1t was
simply struggle of one army against enothe ana Tue
smaller succumbed Carlo Alberto had scted either TO
tn q
abshment Of republic in near his own dominions;
and 80 the cause OF Italy was lost In conclusion, NJ
Kossuth appealed to his audence-when the day came
for the trcoor to be hoised more on the walls OF
Milan, would there not be encouraging cheer for
the patriots from the free people of Great Britain If
enc warm grasp of the hand IN faith and sympathy
could hasten that day. would they remain silent, would
they withhold their hand because some said-and dd
hot shrink from Justification IN saying so-that Italians
had reasonable chance OF SUGGEST
N. Kcssuth resumed his seat amid protractcd
cheering having spoken for nearly two hours.
On Wednesday evening NJ. Kossuth delivered his
second lecture in the Free trade Hail. Manchester and
Rs on the prev ious evening, there was cr0wecd aud
tnce. Nj. George Wilson presided
NJ Kossuth who was welcomed with several rounds
If cheering that while II an intense graf
6caion TO man in misfortune to receive sucn sym
patty as he was honored with IN Manchester, ne 20,
beyed that wise and liberal philanthropy was good
English patriotism Hear, hear. We had one Father
in heaven; we were one family on earth, linked ID
ether with ties so numerous and varied that not the
roudest baton on earth could isolate itself from the
rect of the world so as not be affected by the condi
lion of other nations and chiefly those comprised with
in the pale of the same civilization dear, hearl The
subject on which he had now to speak was the loin'
Interference Of Crest Britain and France III Neapotsn
AtIairs lie heard the question everywhere repeated
- What meant these cavilings and chickering's about
Naples 2" One day i: was a naval demonstration,
another new royal congress, tina, was talked Of de
bad learned from history 70 fear the very name or
congress-" "Wo to the nations when kings put their
I heads together and dipl Dma;ists hug IN fond
\ embrace" In considering the resll, OF an armed
demonstration or a congress il must be remem.