The true Democrat., 1856-06-24
MORNING, JUNE 24. 1856.

: AOO Os
 swelling, silently, secretly, and fatally. Of the same character are insinuations of foreign ln- Huence, which seizes upon laudabe enthu- siasm against danger from abroad, and dlstorts it by an unnatural application, so as to blind your eyes against danger at home.
 The sedition acts presents a scene which was never expected by the earl y friends of the con- stitutlon. It was then admitted that the State souereigaties ,0ere only diminished by po,oers spe c.fcaty enumerated, or necessary to carry the specified powers into effect. Now federal au- thority is deduced from implication, and from the existence of State law, 1t Is inferred that Congress possesses similar power of legisla- tlon; whence Congress will be endowed with a power of legislation in all cases whatsoever, and the States will be stripped of every right reserved, by the concurrent claims of para mount legislature.
 The seditlon act is the offspring of these tremendous pretensions, which intlict death wound on the sovereignty of the States.
 For the honor of American understanding we will not believe that the people have been allured into the adoption of the constitution by an af1ectation of defining powers, whilst the preamble would admit construction which would erect the aosU of Congress into a power paramount in aU cases, and therefore limited in none. On the contrary, it is evident that the objects for which the constitution was formed were deemed attainable only by a par ticular enumeration and specification of each power granted to the federal government; re- serving all others to the people, or to the States. And yet it is vain we search for any spe- cifed power embracing the right of legislation against the freedom of the press.
 Had the States been despoiled of their sovereignty by the generality of the preamble, and had the federal government been en- dowed with whatever they should judge to be instrumental towards union, justice, tranquil llty, common defence, general welfare, and the preservation of liberty, nothing could have been more frivolous than an enumeration of pow CTS.
 All the preceding arguments arising from a deficiency of constitutional power in Congress, apply to the alien act, and this act is liable to other objections, peculiar to itself. If a suspi- cion that aliens are dangerous constitute the justification of that power exercised over them by Congress, then a similar suspicion will justi- fly the exercise of similar power over natives. Because there is nothing in the constitution
 
 permit the residence of natives and aliens. It Is therefore right originally possessed, and never surrendered by the respective States, and which is rendered dear and valuable to Virgi- nia because Is assaed through the bosom of the constitution, and because her peculiar situ ation renders the easy admission of artizans and laborers an interest of vast importance.
 But this bill contains other features still more alarming and dangerous. Itdispenses with the trial by jury; it violates the judicial system; 1t confounds legislative, executive and judicial powers;it it puuishes without trial, and it bestows hpon the President despotic power over nu- merous class of men. Are such measures con- slstent with our constitutional principles? And will an accumulation of power 50 extensive, in the hands of the executive, over aliens secure to natives the blessings of republican liberty? If measures can mould governments, and if an uncontrolled power of construction is sur rendered to those who administer them, their progress may be easily ioreseen and their end easily foretold. \ lover of monarchy, who opens the treasures of corruption by distribut- ing emolument among devoted partiZans. may al the same time be approaching his object, and deu(sing the people with professions of repub, Ilcanlsm. He may coniound monarchy and re- rubllcansm, by the art of definition. He may varuish over the dexteritv which ambition never fails to display, with the pliancy of language, the seducuons of eXpedlency, and the preu- dlccs Of the times. And he may come at length to aVow tlat so extensive d territory as that of the United States, can only be governed by the energies ot monarchy; that 1t cannot be de- tended, except by standing armies; and that 1t cannot be united, except by consolidation.
 Measures have already been adopted, which may lead to these consequences. They consist:
 In fiscal systems and arrangements which keep host of commercial and wealthy indi- vdualS embodied and obedient to the mandates of the treasury.
 In armies and navies which will, on the one hanI enlist the tendency of man to pay homage to his fellow creature who can feed or honor him; and on the other, employ the principle of fear, by punIshlng imaginary instructions, uu- der the preteXt of preventive justice.
 In swarms of officers, civil and military, who can inculcate political tenetstending to consol- dation and monarchy, both by induIgences and seventies; and can act as spies over the free eX- ercise of human reason.
 In restraining the freedom of the press, aud investing the executive with legislative, execu- tive and judicial powers, over a numerous body of men.
 And that we may shorten the catalogue, in establishing, by successi0e preceiets, such mode of const12ang the constitution as aOiW rapidly re- n.0oe euery restraint upon the tederul po,0er.
 Let history be consulted; let the man of ex- perence reflect; nay. let the artfcers of mo- narchy be asked, what farther materials they can need for building up their favoritc system? ?
 These are solemn, but painful truths, and yet we recommend it to you not to forget the pos siblity of danger from without, although dag ger threatens us from within. Usurpation is indeed dreadful, but against foreign invasion, if that should happen, let us rise with hearts and hands united, and repel the attack, with the zeal of freemen, who will strengthen their title to examine and correct domestic measures, by having defended their country against foreign aggression.
 Pledged, as we are fellow citizens, to these sacred engagements, we yet hnmbly and fer vently implore the Almighty Disposer Events, to avert from our land war and usurpation, the scourges of mankind; to permit our fields to be cultivated in peace; to instill into nations the love of friendly intercourse to suffer our youth to be educated in virtue; ard to preserve our morality from the pollution invariably incident to habits of war; to prevent the laborer and the husbandman from being harrassed by to1es and inaposts; to remove from ambition the means of disturbing the commonwealth; to maintain the constitution, and to bless our nation with tram guilty, under whose benign influence we may reach the summit of happiness and glory, to which we are destined by NATURE and MA TURE'S GOD.
 Attest: JOHN STEWART, c. H. D.
 1799, Jan. 23d. Agreed to by the Senate.
 H. BROOKE, c. s.
 A true copy from the original deposited in the the office @ the General Assembly.
 JOHN STEWART, Keeper of Rolls.
 Alien and Sedti0n Laws.
 AN ACT CONCERNING ALIENS.
 1. Be a enacted, etc., That it shall be law ful for the President of the United States at