The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-10-23


Powers the injustice ofsuppcsing that they made
use AT that time of mere words 20 suit the occa-
sion, and that each of them may think itself
authorized, now that the contest is over, in
adopting line of conduct In conformity with
Its own peculiar interests and calculations. We
accuse no one of having used those words sole
ly as weapon momentarily taken up with a
view TO extend the seat of war, and which is
then LAID aside in the dust of the arsenal.
On the contrary, We prefer to believe that
all the Powers which recognise these fundamen-
tai principles, did so with perfect loyalty and
good faith, and with the genuine intention of
conforming to these principles under all circum-
stances.
Taking this for our starting point, we are
bound to pre-suppose that all the Powers which
took part in the last war had, like our august
master, the intention of making the general
peace serve as a fixed radical point for re estab-
fishing relations based on a respect for the
right and independence of Governments Has
this hope been realized? Do we see the nor.
NAL state of the international relations reestab-
lished7
Without wishing to enter into minute
details, connected with questiyns of secondary
interest, we are compelled to state, with regret,
that there are two countries forming part OF
the European family, where in one a regular
state OF things does not yet exist, and in the
other it is threatened to be compromised. We
wish to speak Of Greece and the kingdom OF
Naples.
As for the occupation Of the Hellenic soil
consummated against the will of the sovereign
and the feelings of the people, by foreign
troops, there is now no longer the slgbtes,
reason for prolonging it. Political motives
might 10 a certain extent explain the violence
inflicted on the sovereign. The necessities of
war, more or less real, might be alleged for
giving a color TO this infringement on the
authority of right. But, at this moment, when
none Of these motives can any longer be in
voked, it appears to US impossible to justify
before the tribunal Of equity the further pres
ence of foreign troops on the soil of Greece
Thus, the first words pronounced by our august
master, when the re-establishment of peace had
enabled the Emperor to raise his voice. were
clear and precise. We have never dissembled
our opinion in the councils of the Cabinets, and
We shall continue that course.
We consider it duty, however to add
thai, although the results have not fully answer
ed our expectations we retain hope that we
shall not remain isolated on ground where
right and justice are evidently in favor of the
cause which we defend.
As 10 the kingdom Of Naples, if the question
IS not to find remedy, it appears to us that it
Is time to seek means of prevention. The
King of Naples is the object of pressure, not
because his Majesty may have transgressed
some OF the engagements imposed on him by
treaties with foreign Courts, but because, in the
exercise Of his incontestable rights of sover-
eighty, he governs his subjects as he thinks
proper
We can understand that, in consequence of q
friendly foresight, one Government might offer
10 another advice inspired by kind interest. and
that this advice might even assume the charac.
ter OF exhortation, but we think that this is the
extreme limit at which it ought to stop. Less
than ever is 1t now permitted i'm Europe to
forget that sovereigns are equals among them.
selves, and that it is not extent of territory but
the sanctty OF the rights of each, which regu-
late the relations existing between them. To
wish to obtain from the King of Naples con.
cessions as 10 the internal administration of
hls States by threatening demonstrations, is to
substitute ones self by violence in lieu of his
authority is to wish TO govern in his place, is
TO proclaim without disguise the right of the
strong over the weak
III rs needless for us TO point out TO Won the
opinion that would be entertained by our AN.
gust master respecting such pretensions. His
Majesty desires to retain the hope that they
VIII not he put in practice; and he is the more
strongly lmbued with this hope, as it is also
the doctrine which the States where the prin- |
cples OF political liberty are the more fully
developed have always advanced as their es-
sential profession Of faith, and indeed to sucb
an extent that they have endeavored to apply
this doctrine even where circumstances did not
admit OF ITS being done, save by forced in.
depreciation.
GU viii have the goodness to take care.
whenever the two questions in point shall be
raised at your place of residence, not to allow
any doubt to hang over the view taken of them
10y our august master. This unreservedness is
). natural consequence of the system which the
Emperor adopted on the day he took possession
of the throne of his ancestors.
This system is not unknown to YOU The
Emperor wishes to live in good harmony with
all Governments, and his Majesty thinks that
the best means of attaining that object is not
10 conceal his ideas OIL any questions connected
with public, European right. The Gaiscean of
those sovereigns who for long years have sup
ported with us the principles to which Europe
owes more than quarter Of a century of peace,
no longer exists III its ancient integrity. The
Will oil our august master is foreign TO this
result circumstances have restored to us our
full liberty of action. The Emperor has decided
TO devote by preference all his solicitude 10 the
welfare of his subjects, and to concentrate on
the development of the internal resources of
the country an activity which would not be
diverted by things abroad unless the positive
interests OF Russia should imperiously de-
msnd it.
Russia is reproached with isolating herself,
and keeping silent, in presence of facts which
do not accord with either law or equity. and il
is said that Russia sulks. Russia does not
sulk-she medtates. As to the silence of
which We are accused, we may call to mind
that short time ago an artificial agitation was
organized against us, because our voice was
heard whenever we thought it necessary to
support rght. This action, salutary for many
Governments, and from which Russia herself
derived no benefit, has been laid hold of. TO ac.
cuse us OF tending to l know not what universal
domination. We might shelter our silence nm
der the impression of this sourenir. We do
not, however, think that such an attitude BELTS
Power to which Providence has assigned the
position that Russia occupies
This despatch will prove 10 Won that our an.
gust master does not confne himself to this
character when he thinks it his duty to make
known his opinion. Ii will be the same when
ever the voice OF Russia may be useful TO the
cause Of right, or when it will not be for the
dignity OF the Emperor to let the world remain
In ignorance of his views and opinions. AS to
the employment of our material forces, the
Emperor reserves to himself the power Of having
recourse 10 them according to his unbiased
judgment.
The policy of our august master is a national
one; 1t is not egotistical; and if his Majesty
makes the interest of his people paramount, he
does not admit that the advancement of those
interests can excuse the violation of the rights
OF others. You are authorized, &c.
GORTsCHAKoFF
THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.