The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-03-08

doubt that France will come out Of them
stronger than she went in. If the war goes on,
it is quite understood that Austria joins the
Allies, and Rus STA is overwhelmed by conti-
mental coalition; and hence it is confidently
assumed that peace will be made. Whatever
England may desire, France, having the power
in her hands, will deal generously with Russia.
If the proposed new boundary through Bessa-
rabia prove wholly unpalatable, line nearer
the Danube may be taken; and in exchange for
the surrender Of the Sulina and Kilia mouths
of the Danube, the Russian Plenipotentiaries
may be fortified against the obvious demands
of the Turks that Nicolaieff be dismantled. In
like manner, should England persist in demand
ing that the Aland Isles be not re-fortihed, in
the interest Of Sweden, France may join Russia
in pointing out the propriety OF the abandon
ment of Heligoland by Great Britain. The
words British preponderauce on the conti-
nent" are already as frequently heard at Paris
as Russian preponderance in the East" used
to be. 1t appears likely, in short, that France
viii play the part of mediator, and will Issue
from the conferences having laid England I'M
der obligations, having gratifed Russia, and
having inspired Austria with esteem.
The destiny which will open to an empire
commencing the world-we may say-under
these circumstances may be brilliant in the ex-
IRENE. For one thousand years, France has
had pretensions to the sovereignty Of Europe.
But they never were solid till now. Charlie
magne conquered, but he could not retain; in
him vanity overpowered policy, and he sacri-
feed an empire for the sake of a crown. Louis
the Fourteenth gave monarch to Spain, kept
the King of England in his pay, and narrowly
missed raising dependent to the throne of the
empire. But his power was sham altogether.
His grandson's heir was the first to turn
against him: the English put him in the way
of lodging as well as boarding their monarch;
in the empire, he died without a friend. More
than all, that power at home rested on false
basis. There was no solid prosperity or stamina
in France Society was deformed and dis
eased. There were no elements whereout
preponderant empire could be fashioned.
Whatever was enlightened was debased and
unmanly; the few representatives. of virtue
and manliness were ignorant and helpless So
he failed. Napoleon conquered; reaped the
first fruits of healthy democracy; negotiated,
too, with far more ability than it is now the
fashion to give him credit for; narrowly escap-
ed raising France to the rank to which she had
so long aspired. But Napoleon made the mis-
take of taking credit to himself for the meri-
torious works of the revolution he forgot
that he was only it's instrument, and assumed
to be its author; from this egotistical blunder,
passed to the still greater blunder Of desiring
to consolidate dynasty, with collateral dynas
ticles; was led away by the hollow appearance
of force presented by an army; and so he
tailed.
The present Emperor, up to this time, has
committed none Of these errors Of policy
Apart from his antecedents, respecting which
it is by no means clear that history will form
wholly unfavorable opinion, his career, since
his accession to the empire, has been signally
honest, straightforward and laudable. The
commerce and indus try Of France were never
in go fourishing condition as at present; the
State credit is good; and the popular burthens,
as compared with those Of the republic, the
reign Of Louis Philippe and that of Charles
X. are not immoderate, while they are nothing
as compared with those of the former empire.
1t is true that France is denied free repre-
sentative Assembly, and free press; but
strange as the assertion may seem on this side
the water-it is by no means certain that the
want of these necessaries to every branch of
the Anglo-Saxon family is appreciated as a
grievous privation by the French. Judging
from the experiments under the limited frau
chise of the Orleans period, and the
universal suffrage OF the republic, it is
quite doubtful whether the French
whatever the reason may have been-were
as successful in choosing legislators for
themselves as the Emperor has been in select
ing them for the nation. AT all events, it is
certainly the opinion of the best men in
France that the people will be better qualified
to use the franchise after they have seen the
government successfully administered for a
few years without the disturbing accidents of
periodical appeals to the people. The political
condition Of France is clear to one who bears
constantly in mind the broad fact that there
never has been in modern times more than one
revolution, social and political; and that the
changes which have taken place since 1872,
namely, the commissions of 1896, 1914, 1915,
1880, 1S4s and 1851, have been no more revo-
lutions than the fall of Ministry in Englan,
or the change of an administration here. France
has been once revolutonised; that was when
it became republic from being monarchy.
Since then it has always been democratic. The
democratic institutions planted by the rerub.
lie, one and indivisible, of 1892, have p.yer
been uprooted; there have been several
changes of executive, generally bloody and
violent, in consequence Of the want Of proper
provisions for peaceful changes, of the mil
ry preponderance OF certain men, and of the al.
most universal incapacity of all the past rulers
Ho. b,f IN