The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1856-09-10


cling to them as you would to the last hope Of
life. If they had been blOtted out you would
have lost all your capital on the stump; you
would have been under the necessity of rewri-
ting all your stump speeches, changing the tone
of all your newspapers, and Of making an en-
tire new plan Of campaign for the Presidential
election.
Nr. President, have shown that the House
would not pass a bill to repeal the obnoxious
laws l have shown that they would not take
up and act on our bill when we did pass it. Let
us trace this history a little further. In this
very provso preserves those laws in force as they
are. You do not even propose to repeal them
in the proviso,
Now, let me see what you have done by your
appropriation bills. You first put in IA proviso
not to allw the judges to have their salaries un-
til they should dismiss certain prosecutions. If
they dismissed the prosecutions for political Of
fences they were to have their salaricsbut when
they got their salaries, what were they to dO?-
Of course, go on and hold their courts, and try
murderers, thieves, robbers, and every man gull |
| ty of crime. At last you receded from your
condition or prOviso to the Legislative executive,
and judicial appropriation bill, and allowed to
become a law. will not say that the fact that
it contained an appropriation for your pay and
mine was any inducement for thus receding; but
it so happened that the bill on which you re-
ceded from your provisos, and passed, con-
tanned the appropriations to pay the governor,
the Judges, and all the civil officers Of the Ter
ritory. You thut have voted money already to
carry those laws into effect Your proviso to
the army bill leaves them in force, but says the
President shall not use the military power to
enforce them. You leave them in force; you
make it the duty of the Governor of the Terri
toryto enforce them; you leave it to the judges
to enforce them; and by appropriating for their
salaries, you leave them on the statute book
with entire vigor for them to enforce. You fur
nish the money for them to do it, and you only
provide that the President shall not use the mil
itary power of the government. Now, if you
intended to blot out those bad laws, would you
have framed language of that kind? 1t is clear
that it has never been the intention to allow
these laws to be blotted out or repealed Great
skill was shown in drawing the provso to the
army bill in such way as to leave the obnox-
ions laws in force, to be talked about on the
stump during the campaign, at the same time
you cripple the President and drive him of the
power of comi- to the rescue Of the civil au-
thority. Hence it is evident that the proviso to
this army bill is not designed to prevent the ex
, ecution Of those laws. You never intended it
for that purpose. 1t was designed to cripple
the army--not to prevent the execution Of the
laws of Kansas, for you left them in force, you
recognized their validity, you appropriated the
money to the Governor to enforce them. You
appropriated the money from the judiciary for
the same purposes. You did everything that
$ could be done to aid the civil authorities in en-
c forcing them, but you would not allow the mill
tary power to be used
8 lam, therefore, forced to the conclusion that
f by framing this proviso, thus guarded, to pre-
r serve these darling laws, which you hug to YOU
hearts so dearly, in order to use them for polit
c cal effect you wish to get rid of the army in or
der to set up civil war on account of these very
: laws which you thus leave in force Why did
YOU thus limit the power of the army at the
j. same time that you recognized the laws as be-
g ing in force, and authorized the governor and
Judges to carry them into effect? If the COVER
nor and Judges did not attempt to execute tho
O laws perhaps you would not have any pretex
i for getting up civil war. In order to make tho
u scheme complete it was necessary to make i
the duty of the civil officers to carry the laws
into effect, and then prohibit the President from
h aiding the civil authorities, and then march al
/ army ofyour own into the Territory under you,
# own leaders, and thus you get up civil war il
|. which blood can flow, and flames can rage, anC
: the country be laid waste, and you can hayt
d victims who will answer as good enough Nor
N gans," at least until after the election.
NJ Mr.. President, repeat that take no pleas
II ure in showing up scheme of revolution so da
:, ring so reckless, so reasonable in its purpose
;, as the one which have noticed here to-day
y Each day brings contirmatory news of the who'll
= schcme--an attempt to destroy government
l. that they cannot rule. 1t is painful retlec
ton that of the great political parties Of th
ot country allow passion or prejudice, or ambition
10 to urge them to an extent that would destro
ar the very temple of liberty in which we are as
in sembled / believe that it is qeestion of unio
n or dsunion, depending upon the protection {
s the constitution Of the United States nyiolablC
ne look upon it as contest rising in importanc
nc and magnitude far above any other that this o
no any other country has ever witnessed, becaus
ve we have a party arrayed against the constitu
10 ton on the one hand, and a party upholding an
Or sustaining the Constitution and the Union {
of the country upon the other. When the qucs
i, ton shall be submitted to tho people, and full
70 understood, rebuke will be administered
tv these rcvolutionists more severe, terrible, an
ur overwhelming than any which any band
desperate men who combined to sieze and dc
. stroy the liberties of their country ever rece
- vcd
od BILL of Fare for the Black RE
.AvpNAAsnan Gnnpfipuy TgmHh