The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-02-21

SheiOli, hSSp Jul vi ScuITdi America ourselves,
and, when steamship sails from New York har-
Dor with a Yankee armed with one of Sharp's
rifles, detain him; or we must take some action
think the people of this country will never SUBJ
NIT that the British Interpretation of the treaty
shall be accepted or submitted to, by the Govern
ment. do not believe that the American peo-
pie will sustain any Administration in Welding
our Interpretation of the treaty, and leaving Eng
land in Central America an aggressor upon the
rights of those weak and feeble States, where
she has no real interest, where she has not lust
claim to one foot of rightful jurisdiction, while
we are to keep out of Central America coun-
try where we have at this time millions of dol
lars invested-a country across which, last year,
we sent fifty thousand passengers, and forty two
million dollars in gold.
We have an interest in Central America-an
interest to sustain and encourage the feeble Gen.
trail American States. Any man who has read
the various reports of the parties sent out to sur
vey routes for a Pacific railroad, and who knows
anything about constructing railways, or has any
practical knowledge of the cost of their construc-
ton and the cost of running them, must come to
the conclusion that years will pass away before
we shall have Pacific railway completed, and
that our highway for many years to come to our
possessions on the Pacific, in California and Ore
gon, must be across Central America. / say, sir
we cannot, and | believe we ,ciU not submit to
the British Interpretation of the treaty. which
gives to England all she can desire-a treaty by
which, if her Interpretation be correct this Gov
eminent was Overreached altogether.
Then, sir, are we to 60 on negotiating? The
London Times informs the people of England
that {" the President wishes to have the negotia-
ton drag on Unfortunately, that the matter may
be settled by future events" On the basis of the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty we can frame another
treaty, similar in its provisions to the proposition
proposed by Mr.. Webster and Sir Henry L. Bull
wer, of the Both of April, 1852. I apprehend,
after all, that will be the result Great Britain
will not go out, and she will not be argued out,
of the country between the Siboon and the Sars-
toon, and the Bay Islands. We cannot argue
Great Britain out of her position. When the
speeches made here by veteran statesmen reach
England, they will be met by speeches of Lord
PalmerstOn and others, in vindication of the
British side of the question; and they can come
across the water, and quote the opinions of some
OF the most eminent statesmen of our own coun-
try to sustain partially at least their own inter-
probation.
The Senator from New York, the other day,
closed his very able speech on this question with
this proposition
" My counsel therefore, is a notice to Great
Britain, that we shall nterpose to prevent her
exercise of dominion in South America, if it
shall not be discontinued within one year, and
also that authority be now given to the Presi-
dent to execute that delayed purpose"
take it the Senate and the country will I'M
derstand that if that proposition be adopted and
adhered to, war will inevitably be the result If
we adopt that proposition, we must back out or
England must back out a war will certainly
enSue at the end Of one year. The President
must go to Central America, take down the Brit
ish flag in the country south of the Siboon must
atrka down the Rrifisb nam xxb;c
Roatan must strike down that flag which waves
over his Mosquito Majesty at Bluefied.
Sir, the President cannot execute proposition
of that kind without bringing this country into
direct war with England. | apprehend the coun-
try Is not yet ready to adopt the bold and deci-
sive proposition of the distinguished Senator
from New York. Iapprehend that the Admins
tration of the country would shrink from adopt
ing that expedicnt for the settlement of the pend
ing issues.
My advice to Congress and the country now
is, that we should at once declare the treaty null
and void-abrogate it altogether, and stand be-
fore the world, in regard to Central America, just
as we stood when the treaty was negotiated. /
believe that the course of Great Britain on this
question fully justiies us in abrogating the treaty
altogether; and am ready to follow the lead of
any Senator, and vote this day to declare the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty null and void.
Senators may say that the adoption of the
proposition which | suggest will leave Great
Britain in full possession in Central America.
Well sir, do not fear Great Britain in Central
America. The colonial possessions of Great
Britain bound us on the North, from the st.
Johns, on the Atlantic, across the continent TO
the Pacihc; and these colonial possessions have
nearly three millions of freemen on our Northern
frontier. Our intercourse with her colonial
possessions in the North is increasing rapidly;
our commerce with these provinces is estimated
this year, by the Secretary of the Treasury, at
3O,OOO,OOO We are building railways and
framing reciprocity treaties to increase that
commerce. We have no apprehensions about
her growth on our Northern frontier Our ships
along our Atlantic coast pass within the range of
her guns; and on the lakes-thOse great inland
seas which she divides with us-our commerce
passes within range of her batteries All this
excites no apprehension For the same reason
have no fear of the power of England in Central
America. Let her send as many thousands of
the Anglo-Saxon race to those central regions of
the continent as she chooses to send: they will
plant in those regions of the continent free inst-
tutiOns-lay the foundations of law, order. liber-
ty, and progress; they will turn good Democrats,
and sustain Central America as permanent
power on earth, or they will, in their own good
time, and in union with our own countrvmen
who may find homes in Central America, aid in
making it what think it is destined to be at some
future time-a member of the North American
Confederacy Of free Commonwealths
would declare the treaty void | would then
adopt the advice of Mr.. Everett given three years
ago, and send frst-class statesman to Central
America, to settle affairs and secure our interests.
Dir. Everett said upon that occasion:
"Small as those States are, really think that,
Mt this time, it is more important who ia sent by
the United States to Central America than who
is sent to London, to Paris or to ST. Peters,
burgh." al do not see anv no;nt in
the range of our foreign relations where so much
good is now to be DONE"
Sir, the Administration did not follow the
counsels of Dir. Everett. Instead of sending a
hrst-class statesman to Nicaragua, the Govern
ment sent Mr. Scion Borland. This appointment
disappointed the expectations of the country:
but his conduct while there did not disappoint
the expectations of the country To Nicaragua
and the other Central American States | would
send wise and discreet diplomatist. Recogni-
sing the boundaries of Nicaragua as Spain. Eng
land, and the United States have recognised
them, as extending from "sea to sea- would
make such arrangements as might be necessary
TO protect our transit across the Isthmus; and if
we require fortlhcations to protect them, would
make arrangements with the Governments there
for the territory on which to erect those forifca-
tons.
Dir, events are now transporting in Central
America, which may have an important influence
on the future condition Of that section of the con-
tinent. This, perhaps is not the time to speak
with any degree of confidence of the events now
transporting there but cannot avoid expressing
what really feel, and saying have strong
hopes that the movements going on in Central
America will be finally conducive to good and
stable government there, in which law and or
der and well-regulated liberty may prevail, and
that those States will rise from their present en-
barrassments, and find repose under one united
government. The relations between the United