The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-06-12
Correspondence Of tks Gra.
THE LATE WAR IN EUROPE.
IL IL

THE LATE WAX IN EOROPE.
To the Editor of the National Era:
There are several current and uncontradicted
fallacies las conce;ve) relating TO the action
of England in the war just closed, that l would
like to examine, before the whole subject passes
out of the region of American journalism into
the quieter domain of history. 1t appeared to
me useless to notice these fallacies while popu-
lar passions were excited but now that public
attention has passed into other channels, now
that the vitalizing cause of partisan feeling has
ceased, is the time for a solitary but firm con-
viction to speak out. / can bear the most SOL
emn testimony that the organ to which appeal
for publicity does not regard the popularity or
unpopularity of an opinion. when the Right is
in question. To such tribunal, and to such
only, can buffeted minority resort with conf.
dence, and even pleasure.
First. / have seen it stated, in American
journals friendly to the Allies, that England
rushed into the war in a precipitate and heed
less manner.
Who, that remembers Lord Aberdeen's long
drawn-out negotiatioAs-who,t that reflects that
the Russian forces had crossed the Pruth nine
months, and the Danube six months, before the
Allies declared war; can honestly repeat this
charge? How much obloquy did not the
Western Powers incur for many months, from
the Liberals and Revolutionists of Europe, and
also from many leading American journals,
(who afterwards became Russian sympathi-
sers y because-precisely because these Gov
ernments were too slow in opposing Russia.
1t is, however, quite true that public opinion
in England was very early bent on the resolve
of taking up arms, if need be, in defence of
Constantinople, and it is this mental decision
which may be the subject of the above charge
of precipitancy and heedlessness. For the last
thirty years, the present generation of Britons
have had before their eyes the dread saying of
Bonaparte, "In fifty years, Europe will be Re-
publican or Cossack.'' They have had ringing
in their ears the words of their own Canning,
"The next great war in Europe will be war
of opinion" In addition to this, political refu-
gees from every part of Europe have borne to
England the same tidings in every tongue,
namely, that civilization menaced by the
late Gear. If the British Liberals have not
been over Jealous in Fastening on the first of
Bonaparte's wellknown alternatives, they can.
not be accused of lukewarmness in their eff
forts to avert and guard against the second.
Anxiously watching for the opening of this war
of opinion, they had fully made up their minds,
that when the crisis came; England should be
found arrayed on the right side. Above all,
"Young England" (who has not been fearing
France or hating America, as interested tale
bearers have represented) held this anti Czarst
faith with fanaticism and when Menchikoff,
the Thunderer, left Constantinople in wrath
not to be appeased, all felt that the critical
hour, momentarily expected for years, had
struck at last. The resolution, then speedily
and almost unanimously taken, appears some
thing very different from passionate needless
ness, when explained as the climax of thirty
years anxieties and well-reasoned convictions
on this identical contingency.
Secondly. Mr.. Greeley, writing from Lon
don, April 26, 1855, utters this gross calumny
" But if England were this day fairly out of it,
/ believe Russia might march straight into
Constantinople, ere British cannonshot should
be fired to prevent her."
l can hardly conceive that Mr.. Greeley be-
lieves this himself. England is now "fairly
out of it," but can assure you that the first
mile towards Constantinople would call forth
British armament by land and sea, not in ten
tardy months, as in l953-'54, but in ten days
Whether or no Mr.. Greeley is convinced of
this, am sure Mr. Ne,selrOde is, and that is
sufficient for US.
Thirdly. have seen 1t said in the Wash
ington Union, that there never was a war I'M
dertaken by England that was not popular in its
inception, and unpopular before its end.
Assuming, for the sake of argument, that the
above rule can be established by facts, con-
decided exception to it. While l see that both
the Russians and our good allies, the French,
were very eager for peace, did not observe
that there was any faltering on the part of the
British. cannot detect any appreciate diff.
ference between their sentiments in 1853 and
their sentiments in 1856. Their sense Of the
Justice of their cause was not diminished, nor
was their readiness to submit to painful sacri-
fees and privations for its sake abated.
Fourthly. 1t is war of the "British Oil
garchy."
Let the responsibility of this war rest on the
right shoulders. In England it is called "The
Peoples War;" and the seconder of the Address
in answer to the Queens Speech officially en-
dorsed this popular expression by repeating it.
If England has been in the wrong, if the
Cars legions have been really fighting for the
"emancipation of Europe" as has been con.
tended by many powerful journals in America,
let the fault of opposing them rest on the heads
of the really guilty parties-the British people.
AS / ask the American people not to do in JUS
tice to the motives of the British people, it is
of course my duty to see that l, when repre-
senting them, do not commit palpable inius-
tice against the British Olgarchy." If we
have been wrong, and our Muscovite adverse
ries right, all through, then let the blame fall
on s.s-the people-and not upon the "Ol-
garchy. AdSuWuS, Qut JecamnS! But ii, on
the contrary, we have been right, then de-
mand, in justice to ourselves, that you do not
give the "Oligarchy" that credit which is
mainly our due.
That may not make my letter too long, I
will reserve the much-mooted question: whether
the British Aristocracy have been strengthened
or weakened by the events of the last two years,
for another communication; but do not wish
TO close this epistle without expressing my graft
tude towards the present Gear, for the honorable
way in which he has put an end to this harrow.
ing contest. The courageous steps he took in
acceding to the terms of the Treaty of Paris
has saved thousands of lives on both sides.
Every friend of humanity owes something to
Alexander III. / am aware that some say he
wes driven to this step by the sheer physical
exhaustion of his people but /, for one, think
quite otherwise. l feel persuaded that the late
Gear both could and would have entailed one
or two years more war upon the world, and the
event has satisfactorily proved to my mind that
the spontaneous rejoicing of the Londoners at
the first announcement of the death of that
great scourgs to Europe was the result of an