The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-05-08

men with whom, IN days long gone by, was
closely united by political sympathies and ties
Little did Francis P. Blair, Abiiah Mann, IT,,
and myself, when earnestly contending, under
the eye and by the side of Andrew Jackson, for
the peculiar principles and policy of Jefferson,
IN regard to national bank and to monetary
affairs, dream that the day would ever come
when We should be prescribed and ostracised
by those who profess to represent our then po-
htical associates, for maintaining on another
and far more momentous subject-one infinite
ly dearer to the heart of Jefferson-the very
principles and policy of that illustrious man.
Mr.. Buffers remarks were delivered with
great animation, and with thrilling effect. He
was frequently interrupted by applause; and
when he closed, some time elapsed before the
audience could be composed enough to listen
to his announcement that the Hon. Abijah
Mann, jr., was present, prepared to make a re-
port on behalf Of the New York Delegation to
the Pittsburgh Convention.
MIR. Mann's name, when it was heard, was
received with loud cheers, and himself by still
louder, when he was seen. Quiet being finally
restored, he proceeded to read a report of the
proceedings of the Pittsburgh Convention. One
of the gentlemen who, in 1850, took conspic-
nous part in the famous Castle Garden meet
ing, under the delusion which few men as SEN
sible as he shared, that the safety of the Union
required the passage of the Compromises of
| that year, then came forward to move the &C.
ceptance of the report. He made the motion,
and he made speech also, and we speak the
unanimous voice, we believe, of all present,
when we say it was one of the most effective
and eloquent political speeches they ever list
ened to. Nor did it, like most political speech
es, consist merely of transient effects, but it
abounded in rhetorical and logical combina-
tons, which are destined to take permanent
place among the artillery accommodating against
the day of need in the great arsenal of Free
dom. He spoke IS follows:
Speech of William NJ Evarts.
Mr.. President and Gentlemen: In moving,
sir, as L now do, the acceptance by this meet
ing of the report of the Pittsburgh Convention,
which has been SO impressively introduced to
our attention, | shall consult the proprieties of
the occasion, and my own disposition, no less
than that of this audience, by making a brief
suggestion as to some of the principal features
Of the call, the occasion, and the cause, that
has brought us together.
Your call supposes sir, that the present Ad-
ministration of Federal power has adopted
policy, and Is pursuing measure for the ex-
tension of Slavery over Territories once Sc
cured to Freedom-that the first step in this
aggressive movement was a disturbance of a
solemn arrangement, which had been entered
into between the two opposing interests
sentiment which divided the country, and a
violation Of the good faith in which that ar
rangement was cemented, and with which it
has been hitherto observed and defended. 1t
supposes that this course of Federal politics is
departure from the sensible, necessary, and
primary principle On which our Government
was founded, and the purposes for which it was
organized, and has hitherto been maintained,
aud 1T shows us that the public welfare requires
that this evi! legislation should be reconsider
ed; that this violated faith should be recon
structed; and that the principles and practice
of the Federal Government should be restored
to those which were professed and acted upon
by Washington and Jefferson, and which are
alone compatible with our honor, our dignity,
and cur safety, as people. Loud applause.
Now, Mr.. President, let us consider what the
three great steps of the Federal Government
by Federal legislation have been On this sub
iect of Slavery.
At the very outset of our Government, the
common territory. unoccupied by any State ju-
risdiction, was all devoted by solemn ordinance
to Freedom forever. That was the sentiment
that was the action of the founders of the Re-
public in 1877, and re-enacted in l799 AL
was not too much then to give to Freedom
and all agreed that all was not too much for
Freedom. Loud cheers. Now, at that time
Mr.. Madison thus expressed himself, in reference
to the Federal Constitution in this aspect. He
said that he took it that the Constitution was
formed in order that the Government might
save herself from the reproaches, and her pos
terity from the imbecilities which are always at
tendant upon a country filled with slaves. APP
plause.
General Lee, Of Virginia, says that the Con-
q has oh = L.. L.
but he lamented that it had not contained some
provision for the gradual abolition of Slavery.
This was the action, this the sentiment, then
Loud cheers. Just one third of a generation
passes away, just one generation of men is with
drawn from the scene, and precisely the same
question is presented to the American people
as to the future fate of its new Territory then
coming up for occupation by civilized men.
And then, gentlemen, in order to obtain one
half of that Territory for Freedom, there must
be paid out of that half region large enough
tor a Kingdom, as ransom for the rest. Cheers. |
Mark how the American people and American
statesmen and American politicians have chang
ed in thirty-three years
But, Mr.. President, thirty-tbree years now
roll over again. That generation of statesmen
has passed off the stage. In the year 1854, the
question Is again presented to the American
people, the American statesmen, and the Amer
lean Congress, What shall we do between Sla-
very and Freedom? Then the ransom paid for
the half of the Territory is forgotten, and then,
by direct Federal legislation, it is determined
that the half that was given in the generation
ago, shall be taken back by our generation and
in our day. CHEERS. This is the second step
Now let me imagine that another third of a
century has passed away-that our generation
is withdrawn from the stage-and when we
| 60 l,ax al. IL Al n
of Freedom, and the year S9, the date of the
first free Republic of modern times, how shall
we show our progress, how shall we mark our
craftsmanship, if the same path be pursued, but
by solemn declaration that henceforth, in all
the Territories of the United States Slavery and
involuntary servitude shall be forever by law
established? Cheers. There is nothing else
for US to do. We gave once all to Freedom
We gave next half to Slavery. We take away
next the half given to Freedom, and there is moth
ing left for US. Wherever Freedom dwells under
our flag, Slavery follows close after her. Ap
plause.
There is this great and solemn lesson taught
by the review, and that is that no succeeding
generation has corrected the error or retraced
the step of its predecessors, and the solemn
monltion is put to US, that should follow quick
ly this action by reaction. 1t is for you now
who have seen this thing done, to undo it. Ii
is for you to protest. Cheers. Now, we sup
pose that this subject of the extension of Sla-
very TO Territories, which, If they have any Gov
eminent, are governed by the Federal power
is legitimate subject of Federal politics, and
we intend to act accordingly. We suppose tina,
it is a more important subject of Federal poll
tics than any others, and we intend to act &C
cordingly. We have called you together. and
you have responded to the call in one of those
nh ,.a. I1,-1