The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-09-11

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testimonials of our high appropriations of your
recent conduct at Washington city. They were
prepared some time since for presentation, but,
supposing that it would be more agreeable to
you to receive them here in the midst of your
own fellow citizens, they have been withheld for
this occasion. L trust, sir, that may be per-
mitted to add that it is not alone that you have
visited with merited castigation the vile SLAM
derer of the State which gave YOU birth. that
we delight to honor you, but because your con-
duct throughout the trying scenes through which
you have since passed has been such as to win
the applause Of all honorable men, and to iusti
fy our pride in claiming you as one of Carroll
mas noblest sons.
O. 1t is needless for me to allude more partic-
ularly to your noble bearing and gallant CON
duet in maintaining the honor and interests of
your State, for let me assure you, sir they need
no other record than the hearts of your country
men, where now they are already inscribed in
characters which time cannot efface.
"Allow me, sir, on behalf of the citizens, to
welcome you to Columb a and to tender to You
our warm congratulations on your triumph over
the malignant slanderers Of your State and race,
and to assure you of our cordial sympathy and
appreciation"
After the conclusion of Mayor Arthur's re-
marks, Col. Brooks advanced to the front of the
portico, amid the cheers and applause of the
multitude, and delivered a speech of nearly an
hour in length, brief meagre, and very mad
equate synopsis of which we give. He thanked
the citizens for the compliment paid him on
this occasion, and for the sympathy which his
course had received 1t was the spirit which
actuated him to do the deed, more than the
deed itself, which deserved their commentator
1t was deed which was the result of a high
sense of duty, and any man who held his honor
above reproach would have acted, under SINH
lar circumstances, precisely as he did,
An ordinary castigation was nothing to ex-
cite people as had this act of his excited the
North. Abolitionists, seeking excuses for their
vile SANDERS had made it pretext for more
fanaticism. 1t was curious that the castgation
of a Black Republican should beget so extraor-
binary an excitement But they had used this
act of his-executed under the highest sense of
duty-as an instrument to kindle more fires of
tanaticism. Their motive was political power;
they wished to enjoy the patronage and the
emoluments of the Government.
Eccry foot of the acay from Washington TO
this city, he had met acith Kindness from the peo-
pie Of the South, and It gratifed lin 10 betiece
that, tcere he to tGcet to tie ertre0est rerqc of
tie South, lie Sh0,dd meet wih tie same hearth
'cetcOD'e as he had experienced here and else
ichere.
lie would not say there was no honor or moral
courage at the North he knew there were some
| men OF as true courage at the North as else
where. But what he wished 10 say was, that
the moral tone of mind which would lead a
man to become a Black Republican, would
make him incapable of courage, and would in
volve loss of all honor and moral principle
whatever.
1t was plain that the defeat of the Army bill
was the act Of the Black Republican majority
in the House of Representatives. He was al
most glad of it; though he had voted for the
original bin, he of opinion it ought to fail.
He voted for it from a sense of duty, not liking
to do evil that good might follow. The loss of
| the Army appropriation would not inure the
South, because all the money nearly was ex-
| pended at the North.
He rather wished the Army appropriation
bill would not pass, because it would effect the
removal of the United States soldiers from Kan
sas, and leave the people of the South free TO
go there and cat the Threats Of Lane and his
abolition comrades. We know the Black Re-
publican platform; it is our duty either 10
counteract them, or meet them boldly, face to
| face, and battle for our rights.
Their principles were, the abolition Of Slavery
in the District of Columbia the prohibition of
the Interstate slave trade, no more slave Terri
IOEf, &C. w Ill lHeJ carry out IDese principles I
The election of Banks as Speaker of the
House of Representatives, and the defeat of
| the Army BILL teach us that we should meet
and prepare to defend ourselves. With right
upon our side, we should meet and conquer
them.
All of US agreed, that if we could not live in
equality in the Union, only course to dis
solve it. He was a cooperation disunionist-
the same as he was in 1851. He felt convinced
that South Carolina would respond to his po-
sition.
When he said lately, in the House of Repre-
sentatives, that he had it in his power TO raise
revolution, it egotistic boast. He felt
that he had done as much as any one man to
concentrate the feeling of the South; and when
he spoke of revolution he knew that had he
stepped forward and smote one of their Abo-
lition crew in the House, their enmity to him
ac0nld hare precipitdted them against him, d,u}
then his friends .couId hare cODered the floor o
the House Of Representatives aciM human blood
He now came to delicate questionable
Presidency. The only hope for the South was
to support Mr.. Buchanan. His opponents
were Fremont and Fillmore-the former a
soldier who had never won battle a politician
who had never made a speech his birthplace
too, was as hard to fix upon satisfactorily, as
was the identity of his father. Fillmore was "A
man of unexceptionabe moral virtue but be-
tween Fremont and Fillmore he would prefer
the former, because the great issue would be
precipitated, although he was as much an Abo-
litionist, having voted to abolish Slavery in the
District of Columbia, against the admission Of
Texas, and had opposed the Administration Of
Franklin Pierce for his course on the Missouri
Compromise
Buchanan, the speaker frankly admitted, was
not his first, second, or third choice, but his
last. His first choice was Franklin Pierce, be.
cause he had manifested disposition to give
the South her constitutional rights. After
Pierce, he was in favor of Douglass true
friend, who had peried his life by his position
on the Nebraska bill, and who had the smoke
and scars Of the battle upon him.
There must be compromise everywhere-in
society, in law, and in politics. Buchanan was
the standard bearer in the coming contest and
the platform upon which be stood was the right
one for the South. If its principles were car.
ried out the Government would he restored to
the condition of a constitutional Administra-
ton. Why should we refuse to take part in
the battle? If we are bound to have civil war,
and if we must dissolve the Union, we must
do it with a full appreciation of the consequent
ces. He thought there would be no child's
play when the conflict did come.
On the second Monday in November next,
the great question would be decided. For his
part, if Fremont-the traitor to his section
should be successful. it was his deliberate
opinion, bkat on lie fourth Of MarcA neat the
people Of the South Should rise IN their might
lsarcA 10 Washington. and seize the archices
and tie Treasury Of Tie Government. We
should anticipate them, and force them to at
tack US.
In conclusion, Mr.. Brooks said he felt it To
be an obligation upon him to devote all the