Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1856-08-13

Sud nominees of the American party. deduce tnes
conclusion that as w we are not only at hbess
w. but that az patriots we bound, by every oDii
CATION to our country and posterty TO throw aside
the one hand the feelings OF hostility which Mr;
Fllmores desertion of party would be calculated
to engender and on the othe hand to forget tor the
time our former battles with the Democratic party,
and to ask ourselves but one question-ohich OF the
tsoo national organizations offers the bert guarantee
of success in crushing out of existence this new ana
monstrous sectional party, which threatens the me
of your country? do not propose to examine the
relative claims of the two national parties or tneif
nominees to our support. 1t is not, in my Juog-
ment, permissible in the present crisis to nterpose
our individual differences of opinion upon minor
questions 1t is sufficient for us to know that the
election of either national nominee would secure the
Union; and the only question permitted by patriot
ism is whether our support of the one or the otheI
would more certainly prove successfully
It NAV not be immaterial to observe that neither
of the national nominees will obtain throughout this
broad land any votes which will not be cast by ma
tona conservative citizens and it is to be regretted
that in this crisis that vote should be divided be-
tween too national candidates. whilst the entire
antinational vote will be concentrated upon the sec
tonal nominee 10 Judge of the relative strength Of
the two national organizations 1t is unnecessary to
trace infinitely the origin of the American party
1t is sufficient to bring to your recollection that It
was originally composed, North and South, OF the
dissatisfied members of the two old parties and that
in the North its original members were chiefly those
who opposed the conservative principle upon the
slavery question avowed in the platforms of the two
old parties. It must not escape your recollection
that upon the nomination of Messrs. Fillmore and
Donelson large majority of the northern delegates
seeded from the convention declared their inten-
ton not to support those nominees and subsequent
ly united in the nomination of Mr.. Fremont. This
separation of the sectional from the national portion
of the American party has occurred in every North
ern State in the confederacy. / deduce from these
facts the nationality of the supporters of Messrs
Fillmore and Donelson, and submit the inquiry for
the honest decision of those to whom this paper is
addressed schat on-slauehoaing State can this
tionat branch of the American party, thus shorn of
the larger portion of original strength promise ITS
nomtnees? Let the Wings of Maryland ponder up
on the view of this subject have endeavored to
present to their consideration, and one of them
will say that a single slaveholding State is GER
tain for Fillmore and Donelson. Time, think, will
develop the fact that Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson
will be lett without electoral ticket in most of the
Free States and it is at any rate the deliberate con-
viction of my judgment that they will not carry
single non.slavchoding State in the Union. If am
right, or even approximate the truth in the view
have taken. it will necessarily follow that any con-
sentative vote for the American nominees North
will he equivalent to a vote for Mr.. Fremont as it
will be vote taken from Mr.. Buchanan, his only
real competitor
1t is clear, then that to the South alone can the
friends of Messrs. Fillmore and Donclson look for
the probable chance of electoral vote; and it is
to the States Of Maryland, Tennessee. Kentucky and
Missouri that they profess to look with the greatest
hope of success. 1t is manifest that, if this hope
were realized it might, indeed, prevent the election
of Messrs. Buchanan and Breckenridge by the peo-
pie, but it would only throw the election of Presi
dent into the present House Of Representatives. COM
posed as that House now is Does not the election
of this same House, after contest Of two months,
OF Black Republican Speaker, admonsh us or the
danger of such experiment? Who can doubt
that political fabric would be shaken to its very
foundation by this election of President being
thrown upon the present House of Representatives?
On the other hand is it not certain beyond the
tngency of doubt that the vote of the States ndi
Gated for Mr.. Buchanan, when added to that of the
other Southern States would secure his election and
the consequent safety of the Union? 1t is obvious
that in this condition of the the only serious
contest is that between Fremont and Buchanan !;
that the only possible result that the most sanguine
OF the friends of Fillmore and Donelson hope to
attain is to carry the contest into the House of Rep
resentatives. Who can conceive anything more IA
tai to the peace of the country, more insane in po-
litical action, than such Of conduct leading
to such result? Suppose Mr. Fillmore to reach
the House of Representatives with the votes of four
or five States, This utmost possible strength
man can seriously contend that he would be elected
President, and assuredly few will be found bold
enough to assert that under such circumstances he
ought to be. The only effect, then, of giving the
electoral vote of any portion of the South to Mr..
Fillmore would be to transfer the contest between
Mr.. Buchanan and Fremont from the hustings to the
House OF Representatives and the danger to our
country, now sufficiently menacing, would, in that
event, be appalling indeed. Who can contemplate
the occurrence of such contingency without feel
ing that he would be traitor to his country if he
failed to exert every possible effort to avert awful
a calamity?
deem it, then, to be my duty, as well as that of
all who believe with me that the election Of Fremont
would be the death-kncl of the Union, to unite in
the support of Messrs. Buchanan and Breckenridge !;
and shall sustain their election to the best of my
ability. Whilst l concede that there are certain
principles hitherto professed by the party which
nominated them that cannot receive our support
yet on the great issues of the constitutional rights Of
the South the platform on which they stand meets
my cordial approval, and is in accordance with that
party which now address, and to whose kind favor
owe the honor of holding the seat now occupy,
and which shall cease to hold after the 4th Of
March next by the fiat of that party to which Mr..
Fillmore has attached himself, and which is now
dominant in the legislature Of my native State"
Ertracts from the letter Of Hon. JAS A. PEARCE,
old line Wing, md United States Senator from
Maryland, dated July 81, 1856:
My past relations, political and personal, with
Mr.. Fillmore, the confidence have always reposed
in his integrity and ability, the wisdom of his Ad-
ministraton, and the conviction entertain that he
is just national man and free from sectional pre-
JUDGE, would induce me to prefer him to his COM
petitors- Neither do I object to the sentiment of
American nationality, properly limited and restrain
ed Indeed think that our present system has
made American citizenship too cheap. But did
not approve the mysterious system under which the
American party, of which he is now the represen.
tative, was organized the oaths administered to
members upon initiation, and the discipline of the
order, by which secresy and obedience were secured
How far all this has been dispensed with do not