The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-02-17


We have become one Of the great Powers Of
the world. and must have foreign policy in
Europe and elsewhere. It is undoubtedly true
that the interests a. well as the traditions Of
the American people have heretofore counsel
led us to avoid entanglements with European
governments, and to assert our absolute right
to the exclusive control of affairs ON this con-
tinent. So tar as the mere extension of our
Territories and our political independence were
concerned, this counsel was judicious and wise.
In the organization of the Union there was
contemplated only the structure of compact
government. The prejudice of the men of the
revolution was very strong against any colo
NAL or territorial dependence. Hence it is
that the constitution omits all reference to the
organization of any such communities. Pro-
vision was made for the admission of new
States and for giving to Congress exclusive
power to sell the public lands; but no authori-
ty was given even to organize governments
with nything less than State rights and i'm
munties. 1t is evident that it was the inten-
ton of the early actors in our political affairs
to confne the general administration to an
resources nor the wish to step hey ond the bounds
Of this continent. 1t was enough if we could
maintain the Union and give effect to its prin-
ciples upon a basis even so limited.
Meanwhile, our commerce and industry of
every kind have been extending to all parts of
the world, until there is not q nation with
which we do not maintain commercial and po-
litical intercourse. The example of our gov
eminent, and the success of our people under
it, are exercising amongst all the civilized
States of the world o most potent and effective
influence. Our enterprise has penetrated al
most every COUNTRY; our commerce floats upon
all the oceans; our genius is impressed upon
every nation and people, and we hold relations
of mutual interest and sympathy with all mar
kind.
1t is doubtful, indeed, in such a state Of
things, if we have not arrived at that point of
national Development and power when it be-
comes our duty--a duty we owe to the human
family-to mark out and establish distinc-
tive foreign policy. What we have denomi-
mated such policy has been really nothing more
than domestic. 1t relates solely to this CONT
nent; to our own interests, in connection with
cur territorial extensionrto an assumed right,
in fact, OF supervision over neighboring States
1t is obvious that to confne ourselves to such
a narrow and selfish sphere Of action, We 60
far to discredit our system of government and
to impair the force of it's example over the
public mind Of the world To be effective, we
should be consistent and faithful to the ema-
nations ofthe great cause of liberty which we
exclusively represent in the governments Of
Christendom.
There is no neutrality for people occupying
the position We do in politics, especially after
having passed to the estate Of political man.
hood. To be neutral is to be afraid to assume
the responsibility of the principles We have
adopted for our guidance--to limit the effect
of those principles, by our own acts, to our own
country.
Nothing would more strengthen public con-
fdence at home and abroad in the federal
Union than the adoption of an ambitious dis
tinctive foreign policy, leading to the exercise
of power and influence in Europe as in Ameri-
ca. 1t is doubtful if without it the States
would not ultimately break up into fragments,
as did the ancient republics of Greece, and, in
the middle ages, those of Italy. Nothing can
so surely unite them as the Inauguration of
foreign policy having an eye on the naval am
bition Of England throughout the world. In
this view there should be great diplomatic
mission sent to China, to warn the people and
governments there Of the vast projects Of Eng
land, looking over the Himalaya to the valley
Of the great rivers in that direction. The pre-
sent war with Russia however it may end, will
leave our transatlantic relatives full scope in
the East and the extension Of our commerce
in that direction, as we'll as with all the States
Of the Continent, cannot fail to impress upon
US the necessity of keeping vigilant watch
over the affairs Of China and India. In order
to make this at all effective we should re-or-
ganize our diplomatic service in Prussia and
Austria, and put ourselves in more active CON-
municasion with Russia and all the States on
the eastern borders of Europe.
England occupies just at this time peculiar
ground. She is in the anomalous condition of
not being able to offer peace without the abso
lutte reduction and subiugation of Russia. Such
q result may seem to be accomplished in the
acceptance by the latter Power Of the Vienna
conditions but it is yet too early to Judge in
fact what those conditions really mean. Should
they embrace project for re-composing or
combining the leading States of the Continent,
with Napoleon ct the head, it will be England,
and not Russia, that will be required to make
severe concessions. 1t is in the power Of Rus
sia, more than any other State Of the Continent,
to intercept the projects Of England in Asia
and China. But this can never be done with
out the aid Of navy, to prevent the growth Of
which in Russian waters, was one Of the chief
objects of the present war. To terminate the
war, then, without material guarantees on this
point would be concluding peace, as we did
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