Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1856-08-06
For the Spectator.
Fillmore and Buchanan.

nent democrats, always regarded as "souno OF
the slavery question"
First charge Mr. Fillmore is an abolitionis
because he voted against the celebrated "Ather
ton Resolutions"
What was the position of HENRY A. WISE
Governor of Virginia, when those resolution
were under consideration and since3
Mr.. Atherton, OF New Hampshire, the autho
of the resolutions, having made long speecl
in support of them, moved the previous question
the effect of which was to cut Oft further de
bate. SIS oi gs.a ~
Mr.. Wise: 81 ask the gentlemen of tn
North, as the North has been heard, that tn
South may be heard also. THESE ARE NO
SOUTHERN RESOLUTIONS AND REPUDIATE THEi
AS SUCH. / Wish to offer an amendment"
The chair (tle House being in Committee
the Whole) said it was not in order.
'sMr Gushing called for division OF tn
question. so as to take it on each resolution.
'.Mr. Wise: / ask leave of the house, tina
the South MAY BE HEARD ON THIS QUESTION.
'The chair reminded the gentleman that n
must be aware that no debate could be enter
tained after the previous question had been de
manded.
"Mr. Wise: Then ask, that my resolution
may be read.
1.-THE chair replied, it could only be done b.
unanimous consent. (Cries of no no +! from va
rious parts of the house.) Ron
"Mr. Wise: IT Is PLOT SPRUNG UPON TIL
SOUTH" e1
But this is not all: Mr.. Wise in 1889, made
speech in Louisa County, Va, and the burden Q
his song was these same "Atherton Resolutions.
He said, SAT the last session, however
the party North and South, combined il
secret cabal, and concocted their scheme OF ad
justing the vexed question. A few administra
ton members (among whom | am told wer
Gov. James X. Polk of Tennessee, and MIR. Rhet
of South Carolina,) met o few of the same part.
from the North, and after various amended
propositions among themselves which clearly
shows what our Southern champions yielded IL
the sectional bargain for the sake of the party
brought forth the celebrated Atherton Resolu
tions. Nor MAN OF THE OPPOSITION, excap
one, bound by considerations of confidence n
mong gentlemen, as far as | know had notice
these resotions, or their tendency and scope
They were the first of a strict party proceeding
in secret &C., &c.
"The house met-the Speaker, being in the
plot, had his eye and ear ready for Mr.. Atherton
he, Mr.. a., rose as soon Us the Journal was read
moved suspension of the rules to introduce
the subject, and obtained suspension for which
I voted,-made prepared speech on each OF nj.
resolutions separately, offered them and moved
the previous question.
"This course was astounding. The firstglanct
of the resolutions showed me at once that they
simply declared that Congress had mo power te
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia or te
interfere with slavery in any way, AS MEANS
oR WITH VIEW OF ABoLIsHING SLAVERY IN THE
STATES s r4
sIst. They entertained and tolerated the ju'
risdiction OF declaring q resolution at oil III re-
lation to Slavery in the States.
''2d. They did not deny that Congress had moi
the power to abolish slavery in the District o.
Columbia, even per- Sc, provided the object was
not to effect slavery in the States.
SD. They admitted the reception OF Abolition
petitions upon presentation thereof, and lalc
them on the table of the house.
"4th. They did not negative the doctrine that
Congress might abolish the slave trade between
the States.
"5th. They did not deny that Congress might
declare every fugitive slave of the District free
because the constitutional provision embraces
States only, co nomine. a
ture in free States even. -r aaIe.u
9th. They did not assert the supremacy o.
the laws of Congress over free State laws in res
pect to the mode of apprehending runaway
slaves in their limits.
.Sth. They admitted nothing in respect te
the admission of new slave States into the Union
in the face of Florida's application to become
sister of the confederacy. g4
"9th. They did not deny the doctrine of 9
State court, or Judge of Massachusetts,, that
slaves voluntarily carried there were apso .factt
free-the constitution embracing persons bound
to service in one Estate flying or escaping into
another. .a ,si,s,r =.
sFrom that moment, 1.-THE passage of the resolu'
tionsl gentlemen, became convinced that par
ty spirit would sacrifice the dearest interests up
on earth and DEsPAIRED OF EVER OBTAINING
DUE PROTECTION OF THE INSTITUTION OF sLA-
VERY q. Hsa ,.}r,l 9el
"The Atherton resolutions are the programme
the received text of their Southern principles
and I take them at their word. They ARE
ABOLITION ENGINEs--THE MOST POTENT AND EFF.
GENT" - ro*
1t will thus be seen, that the Enquirer, in
proving Mr.. Fillmore to be an abolitionlst be-
cause of his vote on the Atherton Resolutions,
proves also, that Mr.. Wise, the present Niger
foot Governor of the State, is unworthy OF con-
6dence, and unsafe on the Slavery Question.
Second Charge: Mr.. Fillmore is an abolition
ist because he voted in Congress for the recep-
tion of abolition petitions 1I.
What is the record of James Buchanan in re-
ference to this subjectG In 1886, he presented
the petition from the Cain quarterly meeting OF
Friends, of Lancaster Co., Pa praying Con-
rress to abolish slavery in the District of 20.
lumbia. The question pending was one raised
by Mr.. Calhoun, "shall the petition be receiv-
ed2r GSee Register of Debates Vol. II, Part l.,
p. 209.]
The question was discussed by many Senators,
from time to time, and, on the I'd March, 1886,
Mr.. Buchanan made an able and elaborate speech
in favor of receiving the petition, extending from
page $40 to $50 of the volume allowed referred
10.
From this speech we submit the following ex-
tract, taken from page 6S1
LET it once be understood that the sacred
right ofpettion and the cause of the aboitionsts,
must rise or fall together, and the consequences
may be fatal | would, therefore, warn South
srn gentleman to reflect seriously in what situa-
lion they place their friends of the North, by
insisting that this petition shall not be received.
1--WE have just as little right to interfere with
slavery in the South, as we have to touch the
right of petition. Whence is this right derived :
Can Republican Government exist without it 2
Man might as well attempt to exist without
breathing the vital air. No Government possess
ng any of the elements of liberty, has ever
existed, or can ever exist, unless its citizens or
IL. Il al.
.ure of your Government, from the very estab-
of Senate and House of Representa-
ives, the right of petition naturally and neces-
,arily resulted. A representative republic, es-
,ablshed by the people, without the people hav-
ng a right to make their wants and their wishes
known to their servants would be the most pal
oable absurdity. This right, even if it were not
sanctioned by the Constitution, would
result from its very nature. 1t could not be
by any action of Congress, or either
,ronch nf II IF the Constitution had heen silant