Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1856-01-28

Am righJE 80,
Mr.. RICHARDSON / made no exposition Of
the bill itself
Mr.. CARLILE. The power, then, Of the gov
eminent?
Mr.. RICHARDSON. / win say to the gentle
man what the bill states. All the power that Con-
eress possessed is conferred upon the Territory,
Subject only TO the constitution. The question,
whether there is any power in the constitution, is
to be settled by judicial decision. l gave no cx-
position OF the bill
Mr.. McMULLEN Win my colleague allow me
to ask him a question?
Mr.. CARLILE. win say to my colleague, who
know TO be my friend that desire to be reliey-
ed from these interruptions. | do not think it IS
courteous to interrupt gentleman TO whom the
floor has been assigned. When get through with
my line of remark upon this particular subject,
will yield the floor for any question OF my col
league, or any other member, may desire TO put
TO me.
Mr.. RICHARDSON. Win the gentleman per-
NIT me TO ask him single question:
Mr.. CARLILE Certainly, because referred
to you.
ar. RICHARDSON. If you had been mem
Der of Congress when the Nebraska bill passed.
would you have voted for itY
Mr.. CARLlLE ! will answer that / am COM
mitted upon that subject in letter which i wrote
to the then Representative of my district, Mr.
Snodgrass, who died before his term expired.
lierc - tue ihhBuaBc employer Dy the gentleman
from Illinois Mr.. RICHARDSON on Saturday last.
Mr. FAULKNER. ask my colleague to say If
he would have voted flor the Nebraska bill if he
had been member of Congress when ii passed ?
] did not understand, from his reply to the gentle.
man from Illinois, whether he would have. done 80
or not.
Mr.. CARLILE. / will state that before get
through. J. intend to state it, / have conceal
ments, as my colleague, presume, knows. / read
now from the remarks made on Saturday last by
the gentleman from Illinois, Mr.. RICHARDSON:
90 The next question requires a more extended
reply. In 1903, we acquired Louisiana it was
slave territory. In 1920 divided, by line 36 80
that Territory north of the line to be free. In
$40 we annexed Texas that was slave Territory
we divided that by extending the line of SO 80
through that--north, to be free. In 1S4S we &C
quired territory from Mexico that was free.
voted repeatedly to extend the same line west to
the Pacific ocean. ] voted for that line with few
Representatives from the North, and the whole
body of Southern Representatives. When gave
those votes, did not believe then, nor do believe
now, that violated the Constitution of the United
States. If you have power, under the Constitution
to exclude slavery from half of territory think
you have power to exclude from ALL though such all
exercise would be unjust and wrong. / have never,
therefore, voted to exercise th power, except up
on the principle of compromise.
1.-THE Constitution does not in my opinion carry
the institutions of any of the States into the Terri
tories; but ii affords the protection there to
the institutions of one State of another. The
citizen of Virginia is as much entitled in the COM
mon territory, to the protection of his property,
under the Constitution, as the citizen of Illinois /;
but both are dependent upon the legislation of the
territorial government for laws to protect their
property, of whatever kind it may be- Thus it
will be seen, that though there may be upon this
point difference MISUNDERSTANDING ques-
- 4 81 -
tcaly, among the friends of non-intervention by
Congress, us the practical result is to place the de-
cision of the question in the hands of those who
are most deeply interested in its solution--namely,
the people of the Territory, who have made it their
home, and whose interests are the most deeply in
volved in the character of the institutions under
which they are to i've"
Sir Virginia has ever maintained the position
that to no Territory to the inhabitants of no
Territory to no judicial tribunal, is she bound
by any allegiance that she owes to the constitu-
ton, to leave the determination of her constitu-
tional rights. She has determined them for her.
self, and she has resolved, again and again in
her Legislature, that Congress has no control
over the subject of slavery, 80 as to impair the
rights of shareholders in the Territories. She
maintains that that right is clear and well de-
fined that it admits Of no quibbling and no
doubt and that it does not allow gentlemen to
saw in one section of the country, that the peo-
Pile Of the Territory settle the question, and
ia another section that they cannot. That is the
difference between the position that Virginia has
ever taken upon this subject and that asserted
in the Nebraska bill
Mr.. RICHARDSON. A single question. Do
understand the gentleman to say that the Ter
ritory has no power over the subject of slavery?
Mr.. CARLYLE. No, sir; the Territory has no
power, while Territory to legislate upon the sub
iec of slavery, as to impair the rights OF slave
holders but when she proposes to cease her terri
toral existence, and to frame her constitution and
make her application to become member OF this
Confederacy she has a right to determine this
question for herself. When she applies for admis-
sion into the Union, and not until them can she in
her constitution exclude slavery from her soil
Tue Territories the common property of all the
States. They belong as much to Virginia as they
do to Massachusetts, and Virginia can 60 there
with her property, and claim the protection of a
commons government over that property, as well
as can Massachusetts,; and Congress having no
power to interfere with the subject Of slavery
to prejudice the rights of the STAKEHOLDER, conse
uuently Congress can confer no power on Terri
tory in its territorial condition. its Territorial
Legislature 80 as to impair the rights of the slave
holder. And / very much fear that the great
body of Southern Representatives, who now are
willing to make this Kansas-Nebrask bill test of
Southern Democracy, viii, before many years have
gone by have reason to regret their present posi-
ton
Sir, this doctrine of squstter sovereignty, as
asserted in the Nebraska bill, is monstrous. IL
the people were composed Of those who were born
and reared upon ourso acquainted with the genius
and spirit of our institutions, familiar with our
beautiful system Of government, it probably would
not be so alarming and dangerous; but its authors
as If they were determined to make assurance
doubly sure incorporated into the bill the odious
principle of alien suffrage. Here it is:
"SEc 5. And Be 10 further enacted, That every
free white male nhsbitant, above the age of TWEEN
ty-one years, who shall be actual resident of