The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1856-08-12

notification Of the will of the American ,.eople
should Fremont be elected. We say mat upon
the Kansas question the sectional Issue between
Fremont and Buchanan is as clear as white and
black. Fremont goes for mailing Kansas a free
State Buchanan is pledged to Governor Wise
and the Southern bigger drivers of the Cincinnati
Convention, TO make it Q. slave State Upon this
well defined issue, Mason and Dixon's line and
the Ohio river have been made by the South the
dividing barrier between the two great parties Of
the campaign, notwithstanding the Southern par,
ty are as free to act, and are as active, on the
North side Of the line as within the limits of theii
own peculiar jurisdiction.
Our third proposition, declaring the present
buchanan party the most ultra sectional Of any
isted in the United States we shall endeayor te
p.ake as clear as either of the other two.
There is nothing in the history Of Fremont
eothng in the platform ne occupies, nothing in
lis letter Of acceptance, to justify these Southern
rpprehensions and these democratic accusations
against him, that be is an abolitionist- his
election win be the triumph Of abolition princi-
pies; and that, in anticipation of being driven to
the wall by his administration, the South, in the
event of his election, should and will recede from
the Union, and set up Southern confederacy
Kansas or no Kansas-peaee or war. On the
contrary, the only issue upon slavery which rem
ders Fremont unacceptable and an object of fear
to our Southern secession democracy, is Kansas.
Upon the Fugitive Slave law, slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, and the constitutional and
lawful rights of slavery wherever it exists in the
Union, his position is quite as good and even
more conservative than that of Mr. Buchanan.
We say more conservative, because Mr.. Buchanan
is the champion Of certain tilibustering projects,
which, if followed up, may prove more disastrous
to the South, before the end of single admins
tration, than all the Northern abolition agitatons
Of the last forty years.
Upon Kansas, however, our modern niggerized
democracy, from Mr.. Buchanan at Wheat
land and Mr.. Toombs in the United States
Senate, down to all the little organs and
stump orators Of the party throughout the coun-
try, are proclaiming that " Fremont is q sectional
candidate" and that his election will and ought
to be the end of the Union" How sectional I?
l. his position in favor Of Kansas as q free State
in any degree more sectional than the position of
Mr.. Buchanan in behalf Of the admission OF
Kansas as a slave State? But we are told that
in his election fifteen States of the Union will be
ignored. How So The answer is, :. look at the
South-not even a Fremont electoral ticket in
any Southern State excepting Kentucky" But
We ask again, why not And we are answered,
" because the Fremont abolition party dare not
attempt it-they would be lynched, tarred and
or hung up on the first tree, or drum
med out Of the State; and they know it,
Admitting all this 10 be true, we cannot ece
that it proves Fremont to be more sectional
candidate than Buchanan. On the other hand.
we think 1t shows the boot to be upon the other
leg; and that the present Buchanan party of the
South is seriously the most ultra and deplorably
sectional party that has ever existed among us.
Mr. Cobb Of Georgia, and Mr. Senator Benjamin
Of Louisiana for example-both slave holders
Buchanan and the admission Of Kansas as
4 slave State, and both in favor of seces-
.ion and revolution in the event Of Ere
mont's election-haye just been enlight-
ening the people Of Maine on demo-
cratic principles, and on the sectionalism Of FIRE.
mont and his masses Of Northern supporters. Mr..
Cobb and Mr.. Benjamin are free to 90 and speak
IN this way, in every hole and corner OF the North
free TO vilify Fremont, his party, his platform, his
supporters, and free to preach secession as the
democratic alternative should the will of the peo-
pie be against Buchanan; but how is il down in
Georgia or Louisiana Very likely ii North
ern man in Savannah were TO mount the stump
for Fremont he would be stopped by the fighting
democracy of the place, rs Mr. Brooks stopped
The mouth OF Mr.. Sumner in the Senate chamber:
and very likely, IL Mr.. Cobb were present he
would not interpose to ave the audacious ntrn-
der from the vengeance Of bis fellow citizens.
And az with Mr. Cobb, % with Mr.. Benjamin. l.
not this, then the real sectional party-this ultra
lespotie and sectional democracy Of the South.
which. upon Kansas affairs, throughout the South
seals the mouth and the press OF the opposition at
the peril Of Lynch law
The truth IL, that from the very foundation Of
the government, ard in its organization, &C.
tionalism was, has been, IL, and will continue
10 be, the great cohesive party principle Of the
South. Concede that this il due 10 the great
law Of selfpreservation, the fact of this
sectionslism must be admitted. We NAV
trace II through all our Presidential cleo
tions, as the fundamental doctrine Of
Southern politicians. even in those elections
where the North had no suspicion that the South
were acting as the South against the North. |,
has only been since Martin Van Buren, was run a.
" the Northern man with Southern principles
that the fixed fact" of this sectional spirit Of
the South has become patent to all the world
From that day TO this the South. with each sue.
ccssive election, have insisted upon stronger and
broader concessions to Southern rights, aud have
secured them, not alone upon the slavery ques-
ton, but upon the tariff and upon internal i'm
Upon the matter Of rivers aud har-