The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1856-01-24
slave States will not be long i'll seeking RENE

dy for the great evil.
We present no new views. We are now the
Oldest political Anti-Slavery editor in the Uni
ted States. If we have abandoned any opinion
in regard to Slavery, and the proper mode of
dealing with it, during the twenty-one years we
have conducted al Anti-Slavery press, we do not
know it. January 7th, l847, nine years ago, we
issued the first number of the National Era;
and the creed we then put forth was the ground
on which we, with few other friends in Ohio,
organized the Liberty Party in that State in
1885, is the ground on which we now stand,
and which is now embraced by the Republican
movement.
An extract from our Introductory in l847 will
suffice for our present purposes. Some of our
Anti-Slavery friends may differ from US, but
they must not say that our standard to-day is
different from what it has been. They may
blame us for not advancing-they cannot blame
us for instability or inconsistency.
"To the Liberty organizationwe shall give our
support, regarding it as one means in the series
designed by Providence to accomplish the final
extinction of Slavery. Its power consists in
single-eyed devotion to the one idea. 1t is not
a universal-reform party. The principles it adj
vocates are all comprehensive in their scope,
and must exert an expansive influence on the
minds of its members, disposing them to regard
with favor all movements designed to advance
the interests of the many, and abate the preten-
sions of the few but its great duty is to apply
these principles to the one evil, which has per-
verted the religious organizations, and over
matched the political parties of the country,
thwarting, to great extent, their efforts for its
good 1t stimulates discussion; and, by di-
recting Anti-Slavery sentiment to the ballot-box,
consuts the genius of the American people and
their institutions, and gives to this discussion a
conservative and practical power, at the same
time that it brings the great doctrines of human
rights to bear upon the other parties in the way
in which they can be most effectually reached.
How it will ultimately accomplish its work,
whether by forcing one or both Of these parties
to adopt its peculiar principles, or by breaking
them up and causing new political organiza-
tons, cannot be foreseen but, 1t Is sufficient
for us to know that under the pressure of its
influence, conjoined with other agencies, there
has been steady advancement of public senti-
ment towards healthful action on the question
of Slavery,
at contempiates no unconstitutional course,
no measures incompatible with the sovereignty
of the States. If it did, we should be its foe
rather than its advocate. 1t is the policy of our
opponents to represent us as seeking to inter
NEEDLE with the domestic concerns of the States.
Some are sincere in this course, others are guilty
of bearing what they know to be false witness.
"Suppose radical opposition to all banks of
circulation were the policy of the Democratic
party. Through its journals and speakers, it
discusses the question in all its bearings, and
in its State and National Conventions declares
its purpose to revolutionize the whole country
on the subject. But it is obvious, that, as a
national organization, it can contemplate action
only where the evil is national: action against
banking in the States, it leaves to its sections
residing in the States, respectively. 1t does not
elect President or choose Representatives to
Congress, to put down, by their Legislative and
executive functions, banking in Kentucky: the
Democracy of that State has that work com
mitted to its care. Now, the moral influence
of it's acts and declarations as q national party
would doubtless sustain its adherents in the
several States in their efforts against banking
but who would therefore charge it with inter
meddling with their domestic concerns?
"The Liberty party, though at present confined
chiefly to the free States, is not sectional in its
craed or spirit: its doctrines are American, its
objects OF universal i.terest; and it expects to
find many more slave States following the eX-
ample set them by their brethren in Western
Virginia. Nor does it confound the preroga
tives of the State and Federal Governments. II
clearly understands the rights and duties of the
former, and the restrictions imposed on the
latter. 1t does not propose to repeal the Black
| Laws Of Ohio by action of Congress, or thu
dealaratinns- nf-;l.-- N.s.r,cfs fcsIuent IN thai
State. So far as Slavery may exist by act o.
Congress, affect Federal legislation, or general
politics, it will act against it by federative
powers; but where it exists by the law and
within the jurisdiction Of the State, it leaves its
members in that State to resort to State legis
lative or judicial action for its removal, second
ing their efforts by the moral influence of the
rest of the organization.
is not such a course legitimate What is
there in it repugnant to the rights of the State
or the provisions of the Federal Constitution ?
The Liberty Party is no more an intermeddlel
WITH tbs domestic institutions of the States
than either of the old parties"