The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-08-10


AT least, such r. the statement made by his
friends; there is no doubt but he will fulfil the
threat, if he cannot do better, and the chances
of his doing better are infinitely small. In one
sense, dissolution would be happy thing for
England; in another, an experiment fraught
with great risk. 1t would be advantageous in
| asmuch as it would scatter to the four winds
| of heaven the imbecile and corrupt assemblage
| now assembled at Westminster, and calling
| itself Parliament. But it would be danger
| Gus, for, SO far as we have heard, no organiza-
| ton of new parties or new party has yet been
| effected and, slowly as these things move in
England, the prospect opened by u dissolution
would be that the old corrupt parties and the
aristocracy would triumph at every poll, and
| the new House be infinitely more debased and
more degraded than the old one
Politics and parties are in a very curious
| condition in the British isles. Nine years ago.
| the old framework Of British politics, and the
| old party lines, were broken up and thrown
overheard, when Sir Robert Peel crowned his
useful life by his heroic recantation of the pro-
tectionist theory. All men becoming free
clans to quarrel over. Great Britain was in the
same position as the United States ut present
| Her old statesmen had fought and lodged each
other until they were all mixed promiscuous-
| ly together. The old issues were settled. No
new ones sprang mp to take their place. In
the like situation, this country relieved itself
by giving. birth to the Know Nothings, who
In infa md -
| next national election. England was not SO
fortunate; no new party arose there; and the
consequence was that the old ones dragged
! out q sort Of posthumous existence for nine
years, without principles, without standard,
without leaders, without anything which could
give stability to their organization, or win
respect from the people. Year after year they
| logged on-breaking down at stated intervals
| from sheer weakness in the knees, and want Of
backbone. For nine years the only impor-
| tant question brought before Parliament was,
| whether the Offices of State, with the army and
| civil patronage, should he bestowed on the
families of the Greys and Russells, or on the
Derbys and the habitues of the Carlton Club.
When the war and its dsasters-thc
through the incapacity Of the officers
the thousands of lives and the millions
OF money absolutely thrown away-thc
blunders and dishonesty of the diplomatic
agents--when all these things reused the peo-
pie, and new party, hitherto silent, made it,
appearance in London, the effect on the House
Of Commons was very curious Up to that
time, the rumps Of the old parties had always
kept up gcntlemanly sort Of hostility to each
other in public. But the moment Layard and
Rochuck began to talk of aristocratic jobbery,
these rotten scions Of the two old factions
made common cause together. Derby was ia
cetious on the blundcrs which have destroyed
the British army; but he defended Palmerston
against the attacks Of the plcbs. More
than this, it was with the utmost difficulty that
such q man as Layard could obtain the ear Of
the House of Commons to denounce the promo
ton Of the sons of noblcmcn over other
officers.
In the meantime. two distinct hodics-oppo-
nents Of the goyernment-begaD to exercise
heavy extra parliamentary pressure on the
House of Commons. The first Of these was the
Administrative Reform Association, chiefly
composed of London merchants and capital
lists, opposed to aristocratic corruption. The
second was the London mob-opposed to the
whole British systematic lords, the bishops,
the lunkeys, the bad pay Of the soldiers, and
the jobbery everywhere. These two parties,
though nominally opposed to each other, rcai-
ly work in concert. They have-at least, the
former has-a few adherents in Parliament,
such men as Layard and Roebuck in the Com
mons and Lord Peterborough in the Lords;
but their strength of course lies out of doors.
On the other hand, opposed to them, and
likewise opposed to the administration, is q
new party, of which Prince Albert is the
leader, and which is known as the court party.
1t goes for peace, and rather leans toward q die
tatorship for the war. In active life it is very
weak; has but few supporters in Parliament,
though probably as many as the republicans;
but the court influence which it can exercise is
very great, and the funds at its command in
cyhaustible.
A third party. likewise opposed to the go
yernment, is composed Of sham reformers who
call themselves moderate men. Their object
is to obtain Office under pretence Of carrying
out the reforms required; they hope that the
mildncss of their language and the compare
tive conservatism of their views will secure
them share of support from the opponents of
change, while their radical professions gain
them the confidence of the disconnected. This
party is large both in and out of Parliament.
II is needless to add that when the proper time
comes, Lord John Russell will be found at the
head Of it.
BN strange to say, none of these new par
tcl hvc any Thing like practical organiza-
ton Had they broken out in this country
they would long ago have divided each State
into districts, and appointed working commit