Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1855-06-26

80 far ssit nfsy bs permitted by the constitution,
and consistent with the public good"
That Is sort of generality. which would be good
if il had come from sincere men.
@XI-The education Of the youth Of our oonn-
Try in schools provided Ly the State; which schools
shall be common to all without distinction Of creed
or party, and free from any infueree or direction
OF UNCONVENTIONAL or partisan character. And,
inasmuch as Christianity by the constitutions of
nearly all the States by the decisions of the most
eminent juiicai authorities, and by the consent of
the people of America Is considered an element OF
our political system, and as the Holy Bible is at !
once the source of Christianity and the depository
and fountain of all civil and religious freedom, we
oppose every attempt to exclude it from The schools
thus established in the States"
The remark on the 10th resolution will apply |
also to the 18th, above.
sXlI-The American party having arisen upon |
the ruins and in spite of opposition CT the wing
and democratic parties cannot be held IN any man
ner responsible for the obnoxious acts or violated
pledges of either and the systematic agitation OF
the slavery question by those parties having eieva-
ted sectional hostility into positive element OF po-
tca power, and brought our institutions into peril
it has therefore become the imperative duty OF the
American party to interpose for the purpose OF CIV
ing peace to the country and perpetuity to the
Union; and as experience has shown it impossible
to reconcile opinions extreme as those which sep
arae the dsputants and there can be no dishonor
in submitting to the laws the national council has
deemed the best guarantee of common justice and
Of future peace TO abide by and maintain the exist
ing laws upon the subject of slavery as final and
conclusive settlement of that subject in spirit and
in substance.
"And regarding il the highest duty toavow their
opinions upon a Subject so important, in distinct
and unequvocal terms it is hereby declared, as the
sense of this national council, that Congress pos
sesses power under the constitution to legslate
upon the subject of slavery in the States, or to
clude any State from ADHESION into the Union be-
cause her constitution does or does not recognise
the institution OF slavery part OF her social sys
TEN; and expressly pretermitting any expressions
of opinion upon the power of Congress to establish
or prohibit slavery in any Territory, It is the sense
of this national council that Congress ought not to
| legislate upon the subject of slavery within the
Territories ofthe United States and that any inter-
ference Of Congress with slavery it exists in the
| District of Columbia would be violation of the
| spirit and intention of the compact by which the
State of Mary land coded toe District to the United
States, and breach of the national faith"
This is the rock on which the convention and
| the party split. Tame as it is, the States which
| contain majority of the know-nothings, and the
only States which they have carried in the elections
voted against the resolution, and left the conven-
ton and repudisted its action because of this
luton And yet, it is Jess explicit than the resolu-
tons which have always been adopted by the Dem
ocratic National Conventions, and hardly up to the
resolutions of the late Wing National Convention.
We call particular attention to the clause relating
to the existence of slavery in the District Of Column
bia and the Territories On this subject, the reso
luton adopts exactly the position assumed by Mr..
| VAN buren, in 1886. Mr.. VAN buren, said he
would veto bill abolishing slavery in the District
| of Columbia, because such an act would be mex
pedent and breach CT faith. But he would not say
| it would be unconstitutional The whig papers of
this State denounced this position for many years.
| And yet, these very same men now go into exta-
cies over exactly the same position, taken by con-
veption of Southern meni 1t seems as though this
fact ought to open the eyes even of the politically
blind. The whole of the slavery plank, indeed, is
rotten and ricketty. Framed for Southern lati-
tude, it nevertheless, with unheard of earontery
| and "with the recent blade of Joab"-nsidousy
stabs the Nebraska Bill-that great measure to
| which the South owes so much andn the set
tied policy of the country-characterising it, not
| only as ''an obnoxious act but as violated
pledge" True, it was resolved that Congress can
not constitutionsly legslate upon slavery in TIE
States, or exclude any State from admission into
the Union because its constitution does does not
recognize the institution OF slavery 60 part of its
social system, and that any interference by Con-
gress with slavery in the District of Columbia you'd
be violation mot OF the Constitution but of the
| spirit and intention Of the deed of cesson from
Maryland to the United States; but at the same
| time it expressly PRETERMITs AMY EXPRESSION OF
| OPINION UPON THE POWER OF CONGRESS TO ESTABLISH
| OR PROHIBIT SLAVERY IN ANY TERRITORY, contenting
| itself with the weak and wshy -washy expression
of opinion that Congress ought not to interfere with
slavery in the Territories. This convention thus
refused to sanction the principle of the Nebraska
| bill Nay, it went farther. 1t failed to adopt any
resolutian against the repeal Of that bill against the
repeal of the fugitive slave law and against the abo.
| litfou of the Interstate slave trade
Enough was thus negatively conceded to the
| Abolitionists to have induced them to remain in
fraternal and cordial cooperation with the South
| ern know -nothings. Surely they must have been
as mad as March hsres and as blind as moccssins in
| dog-days to have Withdrawn, seeded, and YAM
osedl
But we must pass on:
"XIIL-The policy of the gov rnment of the
United States in its relations with foreign govern
ments is TO exac. justice from the strongest and do
justice to the weakest; restraining by all the pow
er of the government, all its ci@zens from interior
ence with the internal concerns of nations with
whom we are at peace"
This is another generality, which, if it means
what it says, nobody disputes.
The 14th and last plank is as follows:
"XIV.-Tbis national council declares that all the
principles Of the order shall be henceforth every
where openly svowed; and that each member shall
be at liberty to make known the existence of the
order and the fact that be himself is member and
it recommends that there be no conceament of the
place of meeting Of subordinate councils"
This is another Of the features of the platform
which seems to afford great relief to the know
nothings. 1t permits them to tell the truth, when
asked if they are membersl Other parties have
heretofore themselves taken the liberty Of telling
the truth, without asking permission of a national
convention But this is dsy of progress The
Doth to vote for members of the order and against
foreigners and Catholics is not sboished Every
know-nothing's conscience and freedom is still in
A. OP "