Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-06-26
WASHINGTON, ID. G.

TUESDAY. JUNE %. 1885.


by its editor in the National Council, and the
article published by us on Thursday last un-
der the head Of ''The Missouri Compromise. /"
Il affords us pleasure 10 say, that the tone
and temper Of the Enquirer In the article re
fsred to, is wholly unexceptionablc, and very
unlike the disposition manifested on former
occasions when assailing our prcss Wen
cheerfully meet our opponents In a lair and
open fight upon questions Of dispute be-
tween us, nor do we care with what force Of
argument, or with what array Of facts, they
make their assaults.
We are Justly held responsible for our
opinions, as well as for our acts, and we never
have sought and never shall seek 10 escape,
from the responsibility which rightfully at
taches to either. How Ear the American party
Is responsible for our opinions is a different
question. We claim no right to bind the
party by any PRONUNCIATION Of our opinions
The Americans Of this District, whom we rep
resented in the National Council, spontaneously
approved Of our course by their second resolu-
ton adopted at the ratification meeting held
on Thursday last, and we have some reason to
believe that our course there, is now, and viii
be hereafter more generally approved than
tho Enquirer intimates
But to be approved il must be understood.
The Enquirer copies a lengthy extract from
our editorial of Thursday last, and then pro-
pounds the following interrogatory, to wit;
~. - -
American Organ, which is held up for its devo-
ton to the South, is willing to surrender ground
of the most vital Importance 70 the Southy A
critical question now before the country Is the
admission of Kansas into the Union as State"
1t means directly the opposite. We pro-
posed no surrender of ground Of vital i'm
portance to the South. Nor is the question Of
the admission Of Kansas into the Union as
State, "now before the country" We deny
the business of the Enquirer's differences from
it's premises, to wit: our positions.
The positions which We took, form the prem
ises Of the Enquirer, and from these no such
differences are fairly deducible. The resolu-
tons we introduced were fully and carefully
natured. Their meaning will be understood
only by critical estimate Of the phraseology
used. We know not only what we meant, but
what our resolutions expressed upon their face.
We did not propose to bind the people of
Kansas by any Congressional act--nor to take
from the South any right of "vital import
ance." On the contrary, when the minority
report Of the committee, restoring the Nilsson
ri compromise line was submitted to the test
Of vote, we opposed it, and our name stands
recorded against its adoption.
What, then, did we proposes We pro-
posed:
"That the American party ought not to insist
upon urge, or require the admission ofany Territory
into the Union rs snve State, which lies north Of
the Compramise line, and that on the other hand,
said party should intepose no objections to the adj
mission OF any Territory as slave States, south Of
said limo. =; that Congress has no
power to regulate slavery in the States, and ought
not TO interfere with slavery in the District OF
Columbia. =; and that the Compro.
mise measures OF 1880, Fugitive Slave Law, &C.
should be maintained"
The effect Of this measure, if agreed upon,
would have been-.Jirst, to put an emo to all
further agitation in ourPdrty.
It's effect would have been, second, to unite
our whole party, North and South, East and
West, and to ensure our future success. The
ultra anti slavery men Of the North, would Of
course have left our ranks, and without regret
to the residue Of our party.
The effect would have been, third, that the
strife between pro-slavery and ant-slayery
men, to get foothold in Kansas, would have
ceased, and that Territory would have become
at once, what it's climate, its soil, its locality
and its destiny will ultimately make it, de-
spite all efforts to the contrary free State.
It's effect would have been, lastly, to give to
the South, without contest or excitement, the
benefit Of slave States south Of that Compromise
line, wherever the people desired to have slave
~, and to heal the present discussions which
exist In the country.
But the Enquirer would have the South be.
lieve that our proposition would have prevent
cd Southern men from realizing the advantage
Of slavery in Kansas. We have no space to
present here the views and arguments Of prom
inent Southern politicians, Of those, too, who
ooncocted and urged the adoption Of the 18th
section Of our platform, showing that slavery
nsrer can, as question Of interest, and nerer
ought, as matter Of policy, to go to Kansas.
We trust, however, that the country will soon
have the benfit OF those views and arguments,
and especially Of those Of Mr.. Burwell, Of .Vir.
ginia, who is one Of the most unyielding South
ern mon on the Missouri Compromise ques-
ton, and one Of the ablest advocates Of South
ern interests and rights in the United States.
We regard it as fixed fact" that slavery
cannot exist in Kansas, il for no other reason,
because 10 cannot be made profitable there
and though by dint Of great exertions pro-
slavery majority may be maintained in the
councils Of Kansas, for q time, and though a
constitution recognising slavery might be adopt
cd by the people Of Kansas, this year or next
year, such provision would not continue five
Year,, because the climate and soil Of Kansas
are unsuited to slave labor and this institution,
instead Of travelling northward, is turned
southwark towards the tropics, because II is
,v,oro ,,roft, hlo In that direction All cxnari