Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1855-05-11
From the New York Tribune.
The EuroDeau struggle

off Of the Vienna Conference, and the par
tial if not total separation Of Austria from
! the Allies. For both these events we we're
not uuprepared. The rejection by Russia
Of any plan Of settlement which should not
substantially admit of all she claimed before
the war, was, in the present state of that
war, a matter Of course. The return Of
I Austria to her old expectant, wavery policy
was also the result of certain circumstances
of great Importance which we proceed to
explain:
The French Government discovered
some time since, and the fact could not be
denied by the British Cabinet, that Lord
John Russell had committed a great blum.
der at Vienna in allowing those of tie
points before the Conference in which
Austria was directly interested, to be first
disposed. of. The freedom of the Danube
and the question of the Principalties-
From this moment Austria appeared salts.
fed. Expecting as she does, to share
sooner or later the partition of Turkey
Serv;a, Bosnia, and Albania are provinces
which she cannot allow 10 fall into any 9TH
er hands than her own. Il is her interest
TO keep the question regarding the Chris
tians in Turkey an open one. And as she
can never expect to cope with Russia's ma
val power in the Black Sea, she has but
little interest in humiliating her in that
quarter. From this point Of view, then,
Austria has every reason TO be satisfied
with what she has obtained, and TO turn
the weight of her seemingly impartial ar
biiration against England and France
. But this diplomatic success has very little
to do with her present waYering. The
cause of this is of far more overpowering
nature.
j Some six months ago we alluded to the
1 private and confidential dispatch by which
Nicholas informed both Austria and Prus-
sia, that in case they allied themselves with
the West against him, he would reply to such
treaty of alliance by proclamation of
Hungarian independence and Polish resto-
ration. At that time, and whenever we
have considered the chances of a war in
Poland and Volbynia, we have always Ia
ken into consideration the great military
advantage which such proclamation might
give to Russia, if put forth after the con-
quest Of Gallicia, and from the heights Of
the Carpathians, with Hungary open to her
victorious armies. On that account, espec-
tally, we have always pointed out the fact
that Austria could not undertake a war
against Russia unless she was in state at
once TO take the offensive and to parry, by
successful battles and an advance upon
Russia, the effects of such proclamation.
So long, therefore, as the Austrian army
in Gallicia and the Principalities was strong
enough to march upon Warsaw or Kief
there was little immediate danger from such
a step.
i The dispatch of Nicholas has, however
as We now learn. lately been followed up
by another from his successor, which con-
tains quite different aud far more serious
meuaces. The moment Austria shall ire
vocably ally herself to the West, it says, or
commit any overt act of hostility against
Russia, Alexander II WU place himself at
the head of the PanSlavist movement, and
change his title of Emperor of all the Rus
SLAMS into that of Emperor Of all the SlavO-
nians.
At lasl Let Alexander take such a
step. and the struggle concerning the
Christians in Turkey, the independence Of
the Porte, Sevastopol, the Principslities,
and other such local trihes, may now be
considered at an end. This declaration Of
Alexander's is the first plain spoken word
since the war began; it is the first step to-
ward placing the war upon the continental
thea,er, and giving il, frankly and openly,
that European character %hich has hither-
to been lurking behind all sorts of pretexts
and pretences, protocols and treaties, Vatel
phrases and Puffendorf quotations. Tur-
key-her independence and exisience-is
thrown into the background. Who is tc
rule in Constanlinople? would then nc
longer be the question-but who is to COM
mand all Europe? The Slavonic race, long
divided by internal contests; repelled to.
ward the East by Germans; subiugated
in part, by Turks, Germans, Hungarians
quickly re-uniting its branches, after 1915,
by the gradual rise of Panslayism, would
then for the FIRST time assert its unity, and
in doing so, declare war TO the knife against
the Romano Celtic and Germanic races
which have hitherto ruled the Continent.
Panslavism is not movement which mere
ly strives after national independence; it is
a movement which thus acting upon Eu-
rope, would tend 10 undo what a thousand
years of history have created; which could
not realize itself without sweeping from the
map Hungary, Turkey, aud large part of
Germany Moreover it must subjugate
Europe in order to secure the stability OF
;hese results if they are ever Obtained
Panslayism is now, from creed, turned in
to political programme, or rather vast
political menace, with 100000 bayonets to
support it.
Nor are these 100000 soldiers all The
forces it could command A word from
the Russian Emperor at the head of ar
army marching upon'the CaEpathians, and
nine or ten millions Of Slavonians in Aus
tria would be agitated as in l848; victo
ry over the Austrians and they would be
in full insurrec ion; while Hungary and 1t
ally would be hardly less plowed by revolu
5 Iionary agitation Here is a danger which
might well make Francis Joseph pause; fol
unless be could at once defeat the great
Slavonian army on his frontiers and carry
the war into the enemy's country, he NIGH
as well give up the contest before entering
- fba I,c4o