Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1855-04-14
AN oLpFAsHIoNED LECTURE.

very in Boston, which the Liberator pronounces
excellent, and a brief sketch of which we find in
the Boston Telegraph. The Governor of the Com.
~monwcalth was on the platform with other distin.
guished citizens, together with the recently libcr.
ated slaves, Anthony Burns, and Ida May.
Judging from the report, it seems very much
such n lecture as we used to listen to fifteen and
eighteen years ago when abolition lecturers were
presenting the rudimcnts of the subject and ans
woring the surface objections, which the prejudiced
mass of our countrymen urged against that meas.
ure OF justice, immediate emancipation. We don't
speak Of this disapprovingly. On the contrary we
highly commend it rs honorable alike to Mr.. Sum-
ner's heart and his judgment. especially as he had
a Governor and other distinguished citizens for
Auditors. When U. S. Senators, thus give special
aid to the moral movement, and Governors and
distinguished citizens give it countenancc and au-
dience, there is cheering evidence of encourage
ment. Fanaticism will thus lie surely transmitted
to reason, and fanatics, to men of sound and sober
Judgment.
'Mr. Sumner began by describing the famous
Boston mob of 1885, which broke up the meeting
of the Female Anti-Slavcry Society, and dragged
Garrison through the street with q halter round
his neck. lie contrasted the fierce prescription of
that period with the liberation, or rather the favor
with which Anti-Slavery was now viewed, even in
Boston, to show that the twenty years of struggle
had been also twenty years of progress"
lie defined Slavery as it is essentially, quoting
the slave laws as it's proper definition. lie exam
ined the scriptural defenses Of slavery, and show
ed their %futility. lie answered the objection that
the Anti Slavery enterprise had injured the slave
as well as that oldest of all objections that the
slave if cmancipated would cut his masters throat,
&c.
We quote the closing part of the Telcgraph's
report:
The practicability of the anti-slavery enterprise
Mr.. Sumner said, was certain, because it was r ighf.
Whatever it was right to do could be done. What
was proposed to be done? Simply this. To Sc
cure to the slaves the marriage relation, to give
them a right to their wives and children, to give
them the rig t to learn to read and write, to give
them an equivalent for their labor. Would any
man say that these things could not be done? L.
was n libel on human nature and on the American
people to maintain that they were mpracticable.-
Yet do these things, give. the slave his wife and
children, so that they shall he his and not anoth-
er's, give him the right to educate, give him remu-
neration for his labor, and slavery is at an end.
MI. Sumner continued his lecture with remarks
III Tue ul1IllN q the Antl-CllNcTN ENTERPRISE. II
was the nohlest cause that ever men engaged in.
1t was noble from its magnitude; noble from the
transcendant genius aud character that had been
devoted to its service noble, especially, because it
W IS an enter prise not for our own benefit, our own
selfish interests, but for the welfare of men t.
whom personally we are strangers, aud with whom
we have no other sympathy or ties than that which
flows from a lofty and generous conviction of tn'
Brotherhood Of man.
Mr.. Sumner closed with n splendid appeal to the
citizens of the Free States on their duty with re-
gard to slavery. In the course of il lie gave the
following unmistakable evidence of his opinion of
the case Of Judge Loring, From so learned "A law
yer rs Mr.. Sumner, speaking with the cautiOusness
demanded by his high official position, no less than,
by what is due to his distinguished reputation ns
II statesman. this clear and decisive declaration
will undoubtedly have great weight. 1t is evident
that Mr.. Sumner hus no fears for the Judiciary:
But without waiting for the overthrow OF the
slave power ON the broad field of national politics.
it must be first 1verthrown here ON the snil of Mas
sachusetts. (ApplauSe) Here within our owI
borders ut once this must be done; and it can he
dCne. Surely we can emancipate ourselves. "A
lie says Carlyle, should lie ~trampied out and ex-
tinguished forever: and nothing less should be
done with II tyrannical and wicked c~nactment.-
The Fugitive Slave Bill. should it continue Longer
on the statute book, must be made II dead letter
not by violence, not even by haSty conflict between
Jurisdictions but by an aroused Public Opinion.
NulCh eHd nidSl WIFI COllleInII, llulRnatlUn ana
adherence all who descend to he it's agents. ZAP
plause.) Thus did our fathers blast all who de
scended to be the agents of the tyrannical StamI
Act. Let their example he your all-suficient guide.
But the Fugitive Slave Bill is more atrocious, fan
than the wrong which aroused what John Adam,
called their 'unconqucrable rage" The slave ira.
der, who drags his victim from Africa is loa,hed
as n monster; but defy any acuteness of logic t,
show the moral difference between his act and that
of the man who dargs his victim from Massachu
sets. (Applause.) A few puny persons, calling
themselves the Congress of the United States, viii
the titles of Senators and Representatives cannot
turn wrong into right, or reverse the irrevisablt
law of God they cannot make him wicked who
hunts n slave on the burning sands of Congo, and
him virtuous who hunts n slave in thccolder streets
of Boston nor can they distinguish between the bill
of sale by which the unhappy African was origi
nally transferred in Congo. and the certificate of the
Commissioner by which he was reduced anew IL
bondage. Great applause. For the sake of con.
%sistency, and in the anne of justice, you must he
ready to apply to these kindred transactions Il kin.
dred condemnation. (Rcnewed applause.)
One mans virtue becomes the standard Of excel
lence for all, and there is now at your door a sim
pie citizen, whose example may lie n lesson to mar.
shals, magistrates and commissioners. | refer 10
Mr.. Hayes, who resigned his post in the police of
Boston rather than become n slave hunter. (Ap
plause.) Better he a dooTkeeper in the House OF
the Lord, than n dweller in the tents of the ungod-
ly. For myself, let me say, that | can imagine no
office, no salary, no consideration. which | would
not gladly forego rather than become in any way
an agent in enslaving my brother man. Where
for me would he comfort and solace after such Il
work? In dreams and in waking hours in soil.
tude and in the street in the study of the open
book and in conversation with the world, wherever
| turned, there my victim would stare me in the
face, while from the distant rice-fields and sugar
plantations of the South, his cries beneath the vim,
dictive lash, his means at the thought Of liberty
once his, now, alas ravished away. would pursue
me, repeating the tale of his fearful doom, and
sounding. forever sounding in my ears, = Thou art
the man !"
FRUITS OF PRoscRiPrIoN. The legitimate results
of the proscriptive and prosecuting policy of Know.
nottingham was manifested at the Cincinnati elcc,
ton on the I'd inst. The combination Of all for
eigners against their secret enemy was of course
to be expected, and unlike the fall election it has
resulted in the triumphant success of the demo