The south-western. [volume] (Shreveport, La.) 1852-1870, 1855-09-05
Speech of Randell Hunt.

A large and intelligent and intensely enthu-
siastic audience, assembled last evening in Odd
Fellows hail. to listen to the views of Randell
Hunt on the American question. The hall was
crowded to its utmost capacity, and we suppose
there were at least 1000 persons within the
sound of the speaker voice. After some delay
and good deal Of noise, the meeting was
called to order by Glendy Burke, who intro
duced the venerable Bernard Marigny to the
audience, as the chosen president of the occa-
sion-and nominated the following vice presi-
dents and secretaries:
Vice Presidents-Col VIM Christy, dr.. W.
W. Mitchell, Jas. L. Carman, Jas. l.. Forgay,
Dick Nash, Thos. E. Adams, j. NJ. Putnam,
George Washington Holt, Edward Grinnell,
James NJ. Rand, J. F. A. Boyle, NJ. J. Zunts,
E. T. Parker, Moses Greenwood, gen. E. L.
Tracy, L. F. Maxent, Victor Labatut, John
Dolhonde, Robert Conway, Charles Calongne,
Geo. G. Brower M. Barnett, ST, capt. Octave
Voorhies, L. Duvigneaud j. B. Kennedy, J. J.
B. Massicot, VIM Piles, Webster Long, capt
Thos. A. Snow, Joseph Solomon, E. Sabatier,
A. W. Bosworth, Clement Brown, dr.. Yeizer,
VIM M. Perkins, judge Arthur Forter, Theo
philus Thayer, Thos. Rees, W. 7. Gerard, JAS
7. Anderson, hon. j. Bermudez, Amos Towne,
James W. Duncan. Secretaries: Henry Bier,
Edward Bouligny, A. G. Brice, P. Wharton
Colens, Augustus Devall.
The meeting being now fully organized, the
camor for Hunt became immense and, fl
nally, when he appeared with his arms full of
books and documents, dressed in a plain black
suit, with white gloves (Rande]l is very careful
in his dress the applause continued for at least
a minute -,4...
Mr. Hunt stated, in explanation, that he was
here before his fellow citizens, by invitation of
a committee of the American party, to address
them on the principles set forth in the platform
of that party, as adopted by the general coun-
Gil at Philadelphia, as modified by the state
council of Louisiana, which met in general con-
vention, in this city, on the 4th of July. And
as a text for his remarks. he should take the
two platforms-and in the first place he would
like that they should be read, and requested
col. j. B. Walton to read them.
The colonel stepped forward and in a loud
and distinct voice read the platforms to the end.
Mr. Hunt then resumed the stand and said:
The platform laid before you is both strong and
broad and large and long enough for all to stand
upon, and is supported by the constitution, and
as modified by our state platform, he would
subscribe to every article of it, and he briefly
enumerated what the principles were. 1t was
platform that had for its basis American con-
stitutonal liberty-not lcentious lberty-not
that kind of liberty which seemed to be SO
much coveted by great many persons-but
the liberty which he, as an American, delighted
in-liberty founded upon the law.
He then took the platform, article by article,
and rapidly ran through, occasionally pausing
to comment. When he came to the article
which expresses the belief that Americans
should govern America, in support of the pro-
positions, he said, at is so very strange, then
that Americans should desire to govern their
own country? Is it the very thing the English
do in England, the French in France, and it is
the very thing that the Irish wish to do in Ire
land! (applause) and we desire no more in
America. Whoever heard of free people
being ruled by any other than themselves?
And so must we, if we would preserve our sa-
cred institutions, and it was his firm conviction
arrived at after close study Of passing events,
that unless the American people adopt the prln-
ciples set forth in that platform they would IN
evitably and ere long, in view Of the rapid IN
crease of emigration, become the serfs OF for
eigners and both our glorious constitution and
cherished Union would be destroyed. (Ap-
plause.) '5
He next read from an article published in
the Louisville Journal, which furnishes statistics
in regard to fgeign emigration from the year
1890 down to the present time, to prove that II
something be not done to prevent European
emigration, that before the close of thepresent
century the numerial strength of the foreigners
will exceed that of the natives by millions.
For the ten years ending at SEQ, the emigration
averaged but five thousand year, during the
next ten years the average was 1000. the next
II 900, the next 100, 900, and at the close OF
the year ending at 1851, the emigration had
reached the enormous number of three hun
dred thousand per annum, and now there was
nearly half million of the population of Eu-
rope, being yearly thrown upon our shores
bringing with them all the feelings and peculiar
ideas of their native country. The foreign vote
was now one fourth the entire vote of the coun-
try, and whatever party can manage to secure
that vote, is sure of success. Hence it holds
the balance of power even at the present time,
and in the course of few years, if somethlng
be not done to check the emigration of the very
worst elements of the European governments,
the foreigners will rule America, and the days
of the republic will be numbered. So long as
Rome confined the rights of citizenship to her
own people, and refused to grant that high
privilege to aliens-so long did she continue a
republic-and was happy and prosperous-but
her downfall was dated from the moment she
departed from that wise rule.
The fact of the foreign vote holding the bal
ance of power, did more than anything else to
demoralize the old parties. Both sought to CO.
alesce with it-for well did each know, that by
doing so, they secured the triumph of their
party. To counteractthe dangerous influences
of this balance of power vote, it became ne
cessary to form the great national or American
party-whose mission is to bring back to our
councils, and infuse into our people, the spirit
that actuated our fathers in the purer days of
the republic. The question now with the demo
cratic party, in selecting their candidates in con-
vention-is not, who is the best or most ft,-
but who can control the foreign vote
When the day arrives that the foreign vote
shall have the preponderance, and arrive, it
surely will-ifthe American people do notstand
firmly by this platform, what will be the con-
dition of the country? What can we nationally
expect of men, who are thrown upon our
shores, actuated by all motives and governed by