Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-05-19
NUMBER 15S.
From the Louisville Journal
The North and the Sonth-The American
. nslar-

i From the Louisville Journal
The North and the South-The American
i Order.
In our paper Of yesterday we expressed deep
anxiety that the American party of the South
and the American party Of the North should ad.
just amicably with each other all disturbing ques-
tions growing out Of slavery, so as to be able TO
act harmoniously as one great national party in all
future national elections Moreover we gave ut
terance to our own full conviction that this can be
effected II the members of the order North and
South win but enter upon the work of concilia-
tion and compromise in a true and earnest spirit
of brotherhood and patriotism. We sincerely be-
lieve that the members of this great and powerful
order, pervading now every square mile Of the
Union, are destined TO have the glory Of the set
tlement OF the dangerous strifes convulsing the
country, II these strifes can be settled at ALL And
TO despair OF their settlement would be to despair
of tho Republic Ie
4 We spoke yesterday Of the fugitive slave law in
! particular, and endeavored to show that in all
probability the controversy In regard to II between
the truly honest and patriotic portions Of the North
and South can be adjusted without any sacrifice OF
conscience or honor or interest on the part of
either. Honest patriots in the North cannot desire
to cut us of from the right guaranteed to us by the
constitution OF having our actual fugitive slaves re-
stored to us, and honest patriots in the South can
not desire that men not bound to service should
be brought here under fugitive slave law aud
reduced to bondage, or that even slaves should be
recovered under the provisions Of law violating
the constitution or any just rights Of the non-slave
holding States Starting with a common under
| standing and for u common purpose the enlight
ened men of the two sections can hardly fail, upons
full and earnest consultation, to harmonize in their
conclusions.
But there are still other matters that require ad.
justment We will not speak particularly now OF
the question as to the abolition Of slavery in the
District of Columbia, for this is at most very small
affair. The true patriots and statesmen Of the
North surely cannot consider It of much conse-
quence whether the institution slavery continues
to exist within the little space of ten miles square
or not. That little spot that small speck upon the
map Of the nation, has been fixed on by fanatics
| as affording a theme for the agitation that they
meant to have at all hazards. II has been fixed on
in order that bitterly y-exasperated men might have
chance to tamt, to provoke, to intlane, to insult
and to madden the South. Those who have la
bored to abolish the institution of slavery in the
Federal District have done SO not simply or chiefly
to add an insignificant patch Of ground, large
enough to make few farms, to the free territory
| of this mighty Republic, but almost exclusively
with view to a triumph over the South
There are many grave reasons why slavery
should not be abolished in the District, especially
whilst the nstitution remains in Virginia and Ma
ryland; and our Northern friends, If they are will
ling to be our friends, can well afford to let mat
tiers stand as they are In the District without
compromise. There was compromise in regard
to slavery in the District when the North and the
South, through their representatives in Congress-
agreed in 1850 that the slave trade should be abo-
ished there. That compromise the South has no
disposition to disturb.
But there il an important question as to the ad-
|ition Of any more slave territory to the Union or
the admission OF any more slave States into II.
Upon this subject the more fiery spirits, both or
the North and Of the South, have permitted them
selves TO become too much infuriated. The more
violent men Of the North insist that slavery shall
never be extended over another foot of United
States territory, matter what the latitude lon
gitude, and the violent In the South asseve-
rate that 1t shall be permitted to extend over all
United States territory, matter what the lati-
tude or longitude. 80
Unqucstionably il Is a great calamity that the
Missouri Compromise repealed, for, although
it.Nas not very ngidly observed while it existed,
|atp4!<< 10 great extent, TO keep peace and
Between the two sections Of the Union.
! p@ not strictly defcnsble in principle, there
at least weighty reasons why the country
< 3especialy the South should adhere to II for il
~ adopted in 1920, not only with earnest concur
renee, but through the active exertons of the en-
tire South. Itwas avowedly acquiesced In for be-
tween thirty and forty years by the mass Of the ma
ton In both sections; and in 1850 the leading
spirits Of the South in Congress, endorsing both
the principle and the practical operation of it, were
the ardent advocates of its extension all the way
TO the Pacific Ocean Neither the uItraists of the
South nor those ofthe North seem now to be in
favor Of the restoration of the Missouri Compro-
mise, and its extension to the Pacific, but we in.
cline TO think that this would be as fair and proper
an adjustment az could be suggested We do not
know OF any plan OF settlement that would be more
likely to be acquiesced In, that would more efectu
ally cut off all future causes and occasions Of sec
tional strife upon the troublesome question Of
slavery extension. IL could not mortify>the Just
pride Of either section be regarded by either
a triumph over the other !; and then it would be
the carrying out Of a great principle hallowcd by
time and by the patriotic abors OF the greatest and
best men Of departed generation.
But here comes the very disturbing and difficult
controversy as TO slaveryin Kansas Kansas lies
| north OF the Missouri Compromise line, and the
question IL whether II shall be permitted to come
into the Union q slsveholding State, II its citi.
| zens desire and 30 decide by their sufirages.
This TO be sure, Is matter that can scarcely be
said to admit Of compromise; for Kansas must
either be allowed denied the privilege Of coming
into the Union a slave State, II her citizens wish
IL. Our own conviction, a. we have often said, is
that she should have this privilege. We freely
admit that the repeal Of the Missouri Compromise,
effected chiefly by Southern votes was n violation
OF faith but IL is certain that refusal TO let the
people of Kansas come into the Union, with or
without slavery, az they choose, would be still
more direct and palpablc and specific breach Of
faith. The Congressional act Of 1920, called the
Missouri Compromise, embodied a quasi pledge of
general character, involving no personal rights
or interests Of individuals, but tho Congressional
act Of 1854, known as the Nebraska and Kansas
bill, was direct and definite national pledge TO
such individuals as might 90 to Kansas that they
should have the privilege Of coming with their
Territory into the Union, either free State or
fhov .oht
and thousands and Thousands have gone and made
their homes there, not only with firm reliance
upon this pledge, but expressly IN consequence
\ oft
We sincerely think that the true men Of the
North can and should reconcile themselves 70 let
ting the people of Kansas cbosse their own in
stitutons, because the privilege has been and Is
held out TO them by the National Legislature IS
an express inducement to their settlement In the
Territory because the bill embodying the privi
lege was proposed from the North and was sup
| ported by considerable Northern strength, and