The weekly Minnesotian. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1852-1858, 1855-04-21


%, 1855. "a sef# tnrs 80 -sr. ~
| Mr.. PRESIDENT: The scene before me, and all
its circumstances and incidents, admonishes me
| that the time has come when the Senate of the
United States is about to grant another of those
concessions, which have tecOme habitual here,
to the power of Slavery in this Republic For
the second time, in a period of nearly three
months, tie brilliant chandelier above our
heads is lighted up; the passages and galleries
are denscly crowded. all the customary forms
| of legislation are laid aside The multifariOus
subjects which have their rise in all parts of
this extended country, are suddenly forgotten
| in concentration of feeling upon a single ques
| ton of intense interest. The day isspent with
out adjournment. Senators, foregoing their
natural luxuries and refreshment, remain in
their seats until midnight approaches Excite
ment breaks out in every part of the chamber.
Ordinations and determinations, and denunci-
ations of Sena' ors individually, and of Senators
by classes equally of those who have participa-
ted in the debate and of those who have remain
ed SILENT CRATE harshly upon the ear. Such as
these were the incidents that heralded the pass
age of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. Such
as these attended the abrogation of the Nilsson
ri Compromise in 1851. I know full well that
the fall of Constitutional Liberty is as certain
to follow the incidents occurring now, as it TO-
lowed the like incidents on the sad occasions to
which have referred. And, for aught know,
the tceming gun. which proclaimed those for
mer triumphs of Slavery, is already planted
again under the caves of the Capitol to cele-
brate another victory. My course, Oh this oc
casion, has been the same as on all former
occasions of like character. l have forgone
from engaging in the debate, until near the
end of the controversy. that the country may
know who it is, and who it is not, that disturbs
the public harmony, and breaks the public
peace, by the agitation of Slavery in these
Halls and shall speak now, less in the form
of an argument against the bill before US, than
of protest, upon which shall be rendered by
the American people.
For myself, there is painful association con-
nected with the rise of this debate. l arose in
my place at eleven o'clock this morning, SIM
ultaneously with the honorable Senator from
Connecticut, Mr.. TOUCEY,] and each of US de-
manded an audience, which was assigned by
the Chair to him. He announced this bill,
which, however obscure in its language, was
as we all instantly knew, designed for the pro-
lection of officers of the United States, who are
enga gcd in executing the Fugitive Slave Law
On the other side held in my hand PROPOSE
ton TO be submitted to the Senate, for the cree
ton of a bronze monument, fifty feet high, in
the city of Washington, which should illustrate
the life and the death of THOMAS JEFFERSON
and commemorate the immortal names of the
Signers of the Declaration of American indie
was about to ask from the Senate OF the Uni
ted States to the great fact on which the lib
critics of this country and all its constitutions
rcst-that all men are created equal. Sir, the
success which the honorable Senator from Con
necticut [Mr. ToUcEY,] obtained over me, when
the floor was assigned to him, was ominous
The Senate of the United States will erect nc
monument to the memory of JEFFERSON, who
declared that, in the unequal contest between
Slavery and Freedom, the Almighty had nc
attribute which could take part with the op
pressor. But the Senate will, on the other
hand, promptly comply with the demand to
raise another bulwark around the institutions
of Slavery.
Mr. President, as there is nothing new in the
circumstances of this transaction, SO it has hap
pened now, as on all similar occasions hereto
fore, that everything foreign to the question at
issue has been brought into the debate. The
e introduction of these foreign matters has, as
heretofore, been attended with profusiOn o.
reproaches and calumnies and epithets, as inap
positc to the occasion as they are Inconsistent
@ with the decorum and dignity of an augustleg
8 islature. Those of us upon whom such denun
Citations, calumnies, and epithets, have beer
: showered. have endured them long. and 1 think
no one will deny that we have endured them pa
tently. To such Senators as have given utter
g ance to their opinions in that form of argument
1 make. for myself, only this reply-that that
field of debate is relinquished exclusively to
, themselves Now, as on similar occasions here
tofore, the relations of political parties, and
, their respective merits and demerits have en-
tered largely into the discussion. Sir, l shall
forbear entering into that part of the debate
for the reason that am addressing, not pOliti
clans, but statesmen. So far as the justice OF
expediency of the measure under consideration
is concerned, it can make no difference wheth
er those who advocate it or those who oppose
; it are Wings or are Democrats, or belong to that
: new class of men who are popularity called
Know Nothings. Arguments based upon such
, grounds may have their weight somewhere else
outside of this Chamber-Or possibly up
, there-[pointing to the galleries. but certain
ly not down here. Inquisition has been made
concerning the circumstances and influences
which attended the recent elections OF members
not only of this House, but of the House of Rep.
resentatives, for the purpose. as it seems, Of
, awakening prejudices against those who oppose
the passage of this bill, give notice to hon.
orable Senators who have adopted this line Of
argument, that it is neither required by the peo
pie whom represent here, nor is it consistent
with their dignity or honor. that should as
! sumo to interpret the motives which determined
their choice OF legislators The results are be-
, fore the world. They explain themselves
. Equally derogatcry from my duty, and disres-
pectful to the statesmen around me, and to the
States which they represent, would it be, were
, | to inquire into the manner or circumstances
, of the elections made by those States. Irecog
, nize every Senator here as the exponent of the
opinions and principles of the State from which
he comes. And hear no voice from any State
but that to which its representatives. give ut
terance. Nevertheless, Mr.. President, shall
not shrink from such an exposition of my own
opinions and sentiments of collateral issues, as
, shall tend to disembarrass good cause, by re-
, lieving it from unjust predjudices, directed
, against myself as its advocate.
First. in regard to what is called the Nebras-
ka Question. l freely confess, that regard
the abrogatiOn of the Missouri Compromise by
the Nebraska bill of the last session as an I'M
just, unnecessary, dangerous, and revolutions
ry act. l voted against it as such. Let that
vote stand against me, in the minds and in the
hearts, if it must be so, of those Senators who
regard it as a cause for repreach. Certainly
this is not the time to justify that vote. A time
to do so was, when the vote was given, and its
vindication was then duly made. There is pro-
badly another time coming for the renewal of
} that vindicatiOn-a time in the near future,
when question of a restoration of Freedom
throughout the Territories of the United States
will arise in the Senate. Then, if God shall
bless me with continued life and health and
strength, hope again to do my duty. To that
future time adjourn the argument on the bill
for the abrOgation of the Missouri Compromise
There is more of propriety in the discussions
of the Fugitive Slave Law, which have been re-
opened during this debate. l have no need,
however, to speak on that subject. have full
ly debated it heretofore on more occasions than