Weekly hawk-eye and telegraph. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1855-1857, 1855-08-29
Tho Presidency.

4
Don't be alarmed, reader, we do not
propose to bore you with any of our own
cogitations on this prolific theme. We
only intend condensing, from our cotem-
poraries, few interesting and important
considerations worthy of attention in view
of the nearness of our Presidential election.
The n Y. Evening Post, one of the
numerous Democratic papers occupying
strong ground in opposition to Pierce and
Nebraska, has very able article on the
proposed Democratic Convention to as
semble, as provided at Baltimore, at Cin-
cinnati in 1856 He considers it utterly
impossible for such convention to make
nomination with any chance of uniting
upon the nominee. Since so new issues
have arisen, that widely separated those
who then acted in concert. There are ir-
reconcilable differences among those who
were at that time united. These differ
ences are such that they cannot be lodged
they are such as must enter into the
canvass-they are such as cannot be cxclu-
ded from the Convention.
Too many Of our active party discipline
rians seem not to be aware of the origin, OBJ
ject and purposes of conventions, which are,
legitimately, only means, an instrument of
expressing and concentrating the opinions of
that portion of the people whom they pro-
fess to represent, on the principles and issues
involved in the pending election. They are
the mere incidents of o cause, not the cause
itself. What, then, are the issues now be-
fore the people? What the true .aaracter of
the contest in which they are engaged? What
description of candidates will honestly re-
fleet their views and opinions?
1t is said that the proposed convention at
Cincinnati is to bea dcmocractic convention;
but the democratic party of 1852 is not ho-
mogeneous on existing questions. There is
a stronger affinity among old opponents than
exists between old associates on the real is
sues now before the country. No man can
deceive himself on this subject, and it isuse-
| less to attempt to deceive others. There has
been fusion in Congress and fusion out of it,
and alterations over the whole country. On
the great question of the day which reused
the whole elements of the country-the alb
rogation of the Missouri Compromise
Douglas and Dixon, Bright and Badger,
Toombs and Toucey fused, fraternized aud
acted in concert, and the animosity of the
| democratic portion Of that coalition, or par
ty, towards all who opposed that abrogation,
and especially towards all democrats who op-
posed it, is quite as ilnplacable as that of
their whg associates.
IL tho
in the proceedings that have since taken
of the actual inhabitants of the territory,
but the laws Of Cong have been tram
pied un Ter foot, the aggressive spirit has
been exhibited. 1t is also displaying itself
in the Lemon and Wheeler cases, where at
tempts are making, by judicial usu:pation,
to override the jurisdiction and sovereignty
of the states.
The issues created by these and kindred
elections, and are absorbing all other ques-
tions. Any attempt to divert the public
mind to other topics will be unavailing, for
those in magnitude and Importance altogeth-
er overreach them. As we'll might the man
ayers, twenty three years since, have under
taken to escape and ignore the Bank ques-
ton. There are periods when great and dis
turbing topics press themselves on the coun-
try for decision and adjustment. Sooner or
later they must pass the ordeal of public
opinion, and the experience of the past con-
| firms the conviction that each and all of US
| have in the ultimate rectltude of the verdict
which that tribunal will render.
The controversy may be severe and pro-
tracted as in that of tie Bank or the Inde-
pendent Treasury, but it will finally result in
the triumph Of tight, and correct and sat-
isfactory settlement of the question in con-
formity with the requirements of the consti-
tuition, and in clear definition of the limi-
tations and powers of the central and state
governments in regard to slavery. Neither
threats, nor intrigues, nor old party attach
ments or enmities will aid in the adjustment
or disposition of the differences that exist
Better for all that the subject should be in
vestigated, discussed and rightly understood,
and that every man should take position in
accordance with his convictions Of duty and
right. Mere conventional arrangements,
were they successful as q temporary expedi-
ents, would not dispose of those issues
They have been tried on repeated occasions,
with no enduring benefits.
If, rs is claimed by the centralists, the
constitution protects and carries slavery over
the whole country, it will be necessary for
them clearly to establish that fact. If it
cannot be clearly demonstrated that it does
50 protect and cover tiff the states have
delegated no such power to the central gov
ernment, the advocates of state rights aud
strict construction will never assent to the
centralizing doctrine, or acquiesce in central
usurpation.
There being, then, these distinct issues,
H. 3:v ~ho ~
ecutive, and those who met in convention at
Baltimore, In 1852, as we'll as other parties,
can there be unity of purpose or harmony Of
natl? Will it be possible for that conven-
tion to select a candidate for President who
will have the confidence and support of both
centralists and state rights men on present
issues? Suppose, by way of illustration,
the state rights men should have majority
of the members in the convention when it as
sembles, and that they should nominate SAL
mon P. Chase, of Ohio, democrat in all
his anteeedents, statesman of admitted
ability and TIE most unquestioned integrity,
but an uncompromising opponent of the CEN
tralists on the issues now before the country.
Would the minority acquiesce in his nomina-
tien, and honestly and in good faith support
the candidate? We all know they would not.
On the other hand, suppose that the central
lists control the convention, and that they
should nominate John NJ. Mason, of Virgin
la, the father of the fugitive slave law,
man of talents and Of umblemisbed charac
ter-the equal, perhaps, of any one espousing
that side Of the question. Would the state
rights men--the opponents of slavery extern
sion and of the nationality of slavery. .--sus-
tain him? They could not, without an
abandonment of their principles and honest
convictions. Yet both of these men are
democrats-both Of them voted for Franklin
Pierce in 1852.
$4,000 PER MINUTE. Burhans & Co.,
at their Match Factory on Valley ST. have
new machine in operation which splits
q, 900 matches per minute. The extent
of their business taking into account that
it is in manufacturing so unimportant an
article as friction matches is really aston
s-1s m