Weekly Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1853-1861, 1855-03-29

Along with my highly esteemed friend.
who has just honored me with a welcome
home, have known something of profession
al success aud as he has said, have been
honored with office in the State and federal
government but | have never known a sue
cess like the present, or a demonstration so
gratifying. With such evidences of confidence
and such assurance Of regard to be welcomed
home by my neighbors and fellow citizens,
esteem the very highest honor, which could
be conferred upon me. FOrit, my countryman,
accept my profoundest gratitude.
Ny friend has spoken in terms Of COM
mendation, of my course in reference to the
public lands. Ny judgement has been, that
the public good would be promoted, and
and much individual prosperity and happi-
ness secured, by the adoption of policy, on
the part of the government, which would save
our public lands from the hands Ofspeculators.
and secure them to men, women and children
Of the country for homes | am gratitied to
know that my course, upon this most import
ant question, is approved by those whom |
have represented.
After the campaign is ended, it is soldiers
happiness again to meet those who stood with
him in the hours of-confict and danger. The
scenes of the past are reviewed. Again vic
tory has perched upon his banner, or defeat
has scattered his comrades over the plain
He knows the warm affection felt by men
who have struggled together and achieved
victory, or sustained defeat by all the vicis-
itudes of the contest their hearts are Init to-
gether. SO, gentlemen, we meet this evening.
We have passed through political contest
such as our country has never before known.
But, gentlemen, we do not meet as the dis
charged soldiers of a campaign that is ended,
but as men enlisted to serve during the war,
and enrolled to contest battles yet to be fought,
and gain victories yet to be won.
In reviewing the contest of 1854, | will
speak of but two of the questions to which
my friend has alluded, the Nebraska bill, and
acknowledgement. Opposition to the Nebras-
ka bill alone, could not have defeated us and
will speak but briefly of it.
In the organization of the Government our
fathers found slavery troublesome question
and from that day to the present whenever
it has been treated as a national question, and
made the subject of federal legislation, il has
disturbed the harmony of our society. and en-
dangered the perpetuity of the Union After
struggle of more than half century, an adj
iustment was made, by the adoption of the
compromise measures of 1856, which was a.
quiesced in by the different sections of the
Union, and brought peace to the country
That was the last great act of Clay, of Cass
and of Webster. For three years the grea
States of the North had demanded that al
the country which we had acquired from Mex.
! leo should be free, and that slavery should
for ever he excluded therefrom, by Congress
sional legislation and the fifteen States of tn,
| South claimed it as common country, open t.
the people of the South with their property, a
! il was to the men of the North with their prop
erty. That was mighty controversy, ant
between great parties, arraying the States o
/ the Union against each other, and to settl,
it Henry Clay returned from private life t.
the Senate of the United States He wa
met by good and able men from the Nortl
and from the South. Party distinctions ant
preiudices were laid aside and forgotten, an,
/ the common good controlled the hearts am,
guided the judgments of patriotic men. A
early as 1913, and again in 1850, it was pro
posed to divide the country between tn
North and South, by extending the MisSou
Compromise line over it, giving to the Nortl
the largest and most valuable; portion but tn
proposition was rejected, and that principle o
legislature repudiated. The North gave
large vote against, it saying we will not sustain
such an adjustment When division of tn
country could not be had, giving to the Nortl
her portion for freedom, and to the South her
for slavery, there remained to Congress bli
one alternative, either to legislate upon tn
question of slaveryin the Territories, or t
leave it to be adjusted by the people settlin
the country, upon their own responsibility
If Congress had legiSlated at all, it must hav
been for the North and against the South, b,
excluding slavery, or for the South an
against the North, by extending it over al
that country. Our wisest statemen declares
that legislation either way on the part of Con
gress could rot be had without dismembern
the States. The doctrine of non-interventio
the principle, that with the subject of slave
nv in the Territory, Congress should have n
connection and over it exercise no control
but that it should be left to the people there
of tn be disposed of according 10 their soveF
eign pleasure, was then adopted and the
territorial governments, of Utah and New
Mexico were based upon it. The conserva
tive and patriotic men who laborcd to estat
fish this principle, were fiercely opposed b.
abolitionists of the North, and the ultra me
of the South. The northern abolitionists de
!. manded legislation, to exclude slavery fror
the Territory, while southern disuniOnlsts dc
manded it to extend slavery into the TER
tories and from these opposite direction
they met, and together opposed the adjus
ment of 1880.
The adjustment of the question of SLAYER
in the Territories, upon the principle of non
Intervention was not adopted as a measul
foi that time only, to settle the troubles the
disturbing the country, but as the fixed prr
ciple and permanent policy of the goveremel
upon the subject. 1t was then so understoo
and interpreted, and was so understood an
acquiesced in by the people in the election
of 1851 when men, were returned to Congress
pledged to stand by and maintain it. Ii W;
so understood and acquiesced in by the VIII
and Democratic parties in their convention
of 1852, as shown by their resolutions u
the two candidates of the parties, and it W:
so understood and acquiesced in by the W
tiers of United States who supported SEQ
and Pierce, standing upon the platform {
of their respective parties | believe 1t ma
: be said that all parties acqulesced IN the ao
iustment of 1850 (based upon the doctrine {
non-intervention) as establishing the perma
nent policy of the government, except til
party which supported John p. Hale for tn
Presidency From first to last that party, OF
posed the adjustment, and advocated the WI
mot Proviso.
could not have supported the Nebrask
bill as it was framed when first brought int
the Senate. 1t would in my Judgment, bay
revived the laws in force in Louisiana prior
1920, and have established slavery. But bf
fore it passed the Senate, this objection W;
removed, by amendments proposed by Sen;
tors Douglas and Badger, and the bill cam
from the Senate to the House, eStablishin
territorial government, and leaving the whal
question of slavery to the people, as had bee
done in the territorial laws of 1850. Shout
have given it my support Accomplishin
what thought important for the public goo,
could vote against il, for the reason only
that upon the slavery question, it carried OF
! the doctrine of non-intervention on the pa
of Congress a principle which my iudgmei
approved, and which had received the san,
ton and approval of the country, as =! belie'
! Ell To have OnnOse1 IL | must have ali.