Butte record., 1855-01-06

welfare, the independent Powers ef this
continent may well assert the right to be
exempt from all annoying Interference
on their part. Systematic abstinence
from intimate political connection with
distant foreign nations does not conflict
with giving the widest range to foreign
commerce. The distinction, SO clearly
marked in history, seems to have been
overlooked, or disregarded, by some
leading foreign States. Our refusal to
he brought within, and subject d 10 their
peculiar system, has, l fear, created a
Jealous distrust of cur conduct, and in-
dnced, on their part, occasional acts of
disturbing effect upon our foreign rela-
tions. Our pres mt attitude and past
course give assurance. which could not
BE- questioned, that our purposes are not
aggressive, nor threatening TO the safety
and welfare Of other nations. OR mill
tary establishment. in time of peace, i,
adapted to maintain exterior defenscs
aud to pres rye order among the aborig-
inal tribes within the limits of the Union.
Our naval force is intended only for the
protection of our citizens abroad, and Of
our c mmetce, diff ,sed, rs it is, over all
the seas of the globe The governm nj
Of the United States, being essentially
pacific in policy, stands prepared to re-
pei invasion by the voluntary serviee Of
patriotic people, and provides no per-
manent means of foreign aggression.-
These considerations should allay all ap-
prehension that we are disp' sed to en-
croach on the rights, or endanger the
security of other States.
Some European powers have regard
d, WA disqucting concern, the terli-
tori1 expansion Of the United States
This rapid growth has resulted from the
legitimate exercise of sovereign rights,
belonging alike to all nations. and bv
many libcrally exercised. Under such
circumstances, it could hardly have been
expected that those among them which
have, within comparatively recent pc
rid, subdued and ahso bed ancient king
doms, planted their standards on every
continent, and now posS IS, or claim
the control of, the islands Of every &C an
as their appropriate domain, would look
with unfriendly sentiments upon the &C
QUESTIONS of this country. in every in
stance honorably obtained, or would feel
themselves justified in imputing our ad-
eancement to spirit of aggression, or
to a passion for political predominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached a
magnitude and extent nearly equal to
that of the first ma itime power of the
earth, and exceeding that of any other.
Over this gr' at interest, in which not
only our merchants, but all classes Of
citizens are at least indirectly conc 'ncd,
it is the duty Of the executive and legis-
lative branch Of the government to ex.
ercisc a careful supervision, and adopt
proper measures for its protection. The
policy which have had in view, in re-
gard to this interest, embraces Itsfutuge
as well as its present security.
Long experience has shown that, in
general, when the principal powers of
Europe are engaged in war, the rights
ofneutral nations are endangered This
led, in the progress Of the
var of our independence, to the forma-
ion of the celebrated confederacy OF
lrm d neutrality, a primary 'bj ct Of
which was to assert the doctrine, that
rec ships make free goods, except in the
case of articles contraband Of war:
doctrine which, from the very commence
ncnt Of our national b ing, had been
cherished idea of the statesmen Of this
country. At one period or another, ey
sry maritime power has, by some solemn
rcaty stipulation, recognized that prin-
, pie and it might have been hoped
hat it would come to be universally re-
,eiyed and respected as rule of inter-
national law. But the refusal Of onr
power prevented this, and in the next
great war which ensucd, that Of the
French Revolution, it failed to be res
Deeted among the bell igercnt States Of
Europe. Notwithstanding this, the prin-
,iple is generally admitted to be sound
and ilutary one Sd much SO that, at
the mencement Of the existing war
in Eurore, Great Britain and Franc
their purpose to obs rye it
Tor the present; not, however, as . re-
cogniz international right. but as a
mere conce eSsion for the time being
The cooperation, however, of these two
powerful maritime nations in the inter
esls of neutral rights appeared to me to
afford an occasion inviting AMI justify
lng on the part of the United States a
renewed effort to make the doctrine in
question principal # international law,
by means OF special conventions between
the several powers of Europe and Amer
lea. Accordingly, a proposition, en-
bracing not only the rule that free ships
make free good, except contraband ar
ticlcs, but also the less contested one
that neutral property, other than contra
band, though on board enemy's SHIPS,
shall b. exempt from confscaiion, has
been submitted by this government to
those of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in the matter,
and convention was concluded between
that country and the United States, pro-
viding for thc observance of the princi-
pies announced, not oaly as between
themselves, but also as between them
and all other nations which shall enter