Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1855-12-01

NON-EXTENsION.

When the anti.slavery agitation first began in
this country, years ago, the few who espoused the
cause a matter Of principle were, emphaticaly
aLolH0aiStS. They were certainly considered
and so named. 1t was their habit to tell the un-
awkened and Indifferent masses who remembered
not those in bonds bound with them, some Of
the terrible and unbearable things Of slavery
some of its enormities and horrors-its wrongs
and aggressioEs. Fearful and bloody narratives
of personal outrages and terr.fc recitals of tor
ture and plunder and abuse wers given for the
purpose of aIousing the people to a knowledge
first and realization next of their guilt in having
participancy in such monstrous national iniquity.
Actual facts, from the observations Of eye-wit-
ucsses were published; american Slavery as it
is" with all its damning revelation of horrors was
thrown before the world as the most startling eX-
hibition possible of the atrocity of the system
which the American people and the American Gov
ernment cherish, strengthen, perpetuate and sup
port. Save-holding tyrants were made to testify
to their own deeds of rapne and blood and the
testimony of "a thousand such witnesses" was
not to be misunderstood And the public lecturer
in behalf of the anti-slavery reform dwelt, in the
main upon attempts to substantiate the SUPPOSE
ton that American chatte slavery really an
enormity-a monstrosity and sin. And what
was the conclusion of this matter with these early
jealous hearted advocates? Why, that slavery
being inherently and necessarily such wicked
and cruel thing-such bad thing per Se-such n
should of right be Immediately and totally abolished
They said it was a great and shocking crime-this
ensluying men and plundering women and stealing
babies and Government having no right to permit,
much less to sanction such crime, 1T must with
out qualification or reserve, abolish it. They said
if Government protects and allows this overshad-
owing crime it protects ereTy crime and all crime,
and is thus itself a nuisance and crime They
maintained that if slavery was long permitted to
exist in the Government, Liberty must vanish and
die-the two could not exist together.
But mark, now, how different tho tenor of mod
ern popular anti-slaveryism. 1t now admits with
case what in the early time was admitted with
difficulty, that these terrible facts Of slavery are
really facts-yet it does not propose in the least
degree, to interfere with an Institution so admit
tedly abomnable AS then, our republicans tell
the tales of slavery's crueties outrages and ag-
rressions but instead of asking Government to
Suppress it, they admit that Government must pro-
tect it! They propose no legal interference with
these deeds og wickedness the bare recital Of which
so bestir the feelings rend the heart, and curdle
the blood They ask not this shocking barbarity
shall ever cease or it's rgor and severity be aba
ted They simply ask to be let alone; make every
body else slaves but us; don't come here with your
chains and thumb-screws but plunder the victims
you have in your own good time and pleasure
Don't interfere with us, and we shall certainly not
interfere with you? The Constitution and the Gov
ernment must protect slavery wherever it now hap
pens to cxist and liberty where exists; the same
Government mpst protect both, and the Constiu
ton that guarantees the one must guarantee the
other also Such is the popular theory Of non
extension.
The supposition that circumscrbngl slavery
within its present limits will soon result in its soyer