The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-02-15

at all times would it be easy to select questions
for this process of removal which no honest
man, of an opposite party, could support"
This was the pith of his argument. He pro-
ceeded
GAN / seek is to explain why acknowledged
the obligations of the former instructions, and
deny those of the present. And when l de-
ny the power of the existing majority of the Leg
islature of Michigan, composed as Il is of polit-
tcdt opponents, soh0se efficient bond of union is
antagonists to the Democracy, to instruct me ont
Of office, L feel that my object is accomplished"
The position of the General resolves itself
simply into this-I recognise the right of what
l style Democratic Legislature to instruct
Senators in Congress, but not the right of an
anti Democratic Legislature
That this is precisely what he means, is placed
beyond all doubt, by the following declaration,
which occurs subsequently in his speech:
For myself, sir, if Providence permit, shall
remain in the position l occupy during the res
idue of my term of service, naless, indeed, the
Democracy Of Michigan should require me to
do 'chat my convictions Of duty ,could prohibit
me from doing; IN ,cl,ich epent should retire,
without hesitation, to prirate life
1t follows that, in the Judgment of General
Cass, what he calls the Democracy has the ex-
elusive right to rule-to legislate, to elect, to
instruct-that when it is thrown into the minor
ity by the action of the masses of the People, it
is denied its inalenable right, and the majority,
by whatever name called, is simply usurper-
has no legitimate title to rule-to legislate to
elect, to instruct The ridiculous absurdity of
the assumption weuld excite derision, did it
emanate from a younger and less respectable
man.
The dogma of the right of instruction needs
revision. 1t is certainly repudated to all in
tents and purposes by the selfstyled leaders of
the Democracy of the North. Witness the con-
duet of the Senators from New Hampshire, of the
Senator from Connecticut, and this fresh exam
pie of recusancy on the part of the Michigan
Senators. The truth is, the dogma as main
| tanned by some theorists is too extravagant for
a rule of conduct. That the Legislature of a
State has right to signify to the Representa-
tives and Senators of that State in Congress its
opinion and will upon any question, few will
deny. How far such an expression of opinion
Shouo NC pihuiS, ID d qucoCloH hor Tie utClSlOn
of those instructed: and this decision, it seems
to us, must depend upon a single questions
| this Legislative Instruction fair expression of
the deliberate, settled opinion and will of the
majority of the People of the State? If the Sen.
| ator is constrained to answer this question for
himself in the affirmative, the spirit and prin-
ciple Of a Representative Government require
obedience or resignation. If honest, honorable,
and truly Democratic, he will obey or resign.
Nay, such Senator would need no Legislative
| Instruction to remind him of his duty. He
would be prompt to execute what he believed
the will of the People of his State, or, if his con.
victions of right forbade, promptly resign, make
room for the selection of an agent disposed to
carry out the Peoples wishes, and thus demon.
strate his devotion to the Representative Prin
ciple.
AS tits, General Cass and his colleague are
no Representatives of Michigan. What do they
represent? For what services do they draw
their per diem? For defying the will, for mis-
representing the views, of sovereign State ?
1t is consolation to reflect that they stand in
the Senate without authority and without posi-
ton, allies of the Slave Interest," but repudiated
by the freemen of Michigan.