Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1855-01-21

the privilege. The principally Of Hesse Ham
burg for instance-has only $4,000 inhabitants,
and that Of Liechtesten only $500. This diff
ference Of population being not compensated
by the principle Of equality representation in
the Diet, the result is that the confederation
in that which concerns the small States is but
a mere mockery, held up on account of the ira
ditions ofancient Germany, and also to satisfy
the vanity of the princely houses by recognizing
the titles they derive from their insignificant
sovereignties.
By a political anomaly, which is the main
cause of the impoverishment of Germany,
States not exclusively German, like Austria
and Prussia, have been introduced into the
confederation, whilst portion Of the German
Confederation had been forcibly attached to
non-German States, like, for instance, the Hol-
stein and the Luxembourg annexed to Den
mark, and the Luxembourg and Limbourg be.
longing to Holland. Sometimes, also, Dutchies
and Principalitics fall into the hands Of
other States by way Of succession, and at
other times, kingdoms are governed by the
head of another State, as was the case with
Hanover previous to 1887. And whenever one
Of the independent States or cities wants to
exercise its small portion of sovereignty, as
stipulated in the treaty Of 1915, there is always
some clause intervening, either from the gov.
erning King Of Duke, if the sovereignty is
claimed by the legislative bodies, or by the
Diet itself, if some Prince, moved by liberal
feeling, wishes to enlarge the rights Of his sub
jects, which prevents its application.
As may be inferred from these few desultory
historical facts, the causes preventing the pro-
gress of the German institutions are numer-
Gus enough and sufficiently poisonous in their
nature to put to death any nation possessing
less vitality than the German confederation
virtually possesses. What can be more fatal
to the soundness of an empire than princely
aristocracy, invested with the power of preserv-
ing privileges of feudal kind, conflicting in
cessantly with the rights Of equality of the
Masses than disproportion in the size of
the States, giving to some sixteen millions OF
inhabitants, and six thousand to others than
system Of representation merely based upon
the plurality of voices, and not as is the case
with us, founded upon the representation Of a
State, as State; where will we find more
serious causes of dissolution among the nations
Of the day than in the fact to be observed in
Germany Of the dissimiitude of races, com
PEELED to combine in the exercise of the same
power, Notwithstanding the anhpathy = we
might say hostility, existing between the Ger
man and the Sclavonic races? When shall we
find a greater grievance, greater denial OF the
perpetual interference of the German Diet, or
Congress, with the internal affairs of the State,
and in the fact that the presidency of the Diet
is conferred forever on an empire known for her
unmitigated tyranny-the empire Of Austria?
And what can we think of that indestructible
and everlasting rivalry between Prussia and
Austria for political ascendency, as well as for
commercial Advantages rivalry which, war
like in time of war, commercial in time of
peace, is an unextinguishable source of in
trigues, jealousies, broils and struggles among
all the States Of the confederation?
We do not believe that the definition of such
a government as that exempli6ed by the pres
ent condition of Germany, has ever been given
by any of the authors who have attempted to
write upon the science of government. 1t
would be difficult, in fact, to find any model of
it anywhere. 1t has some of the structure Of
the republic in its federative system; but it is
not republic; it has great deal of the con-
stitutional monarchy in the arrangement Of its
princely system, and yet it is not a constitu-
tional monarchy. 1t has still more Of the alb
solute monarchy blended with vestiges of the
feudal times; still it is not an absolute monar-
chy. In fact, we might say of Germany what
voltaire used to say of the Holy Roman En-
pi,e, tina. it was neither Holy, nor Roman, nor
Empire. So it is with Germany; she is neither
a republic, nor a limited, nor an absolute mon
archy; she is monstrosity in the family of
governments, and this is the reason why she is
always under the sway of all sorts of influences,
especially under that Of Russia, and Austria,
her satellites.
tits, then, evident that the war can produce
no other than a change in the fate Of that wor-
thy Empire, by helping it to get rid Of the pre-
dominant influence Of the Gear and his min
ions-Francis the III. and the small Dukes and
Princes Of Germany. Whether that change
shall come from Austria, by the fact of her
having relinquished the alliance of Nicholas,
or from Prussia, DESTROYS, as she must be, to
avail herself of her position to supplant the
Vienna Cabinet in the affections Of the German
population or whether that change shall re-
suit from the joint action Of England and
France, who are seeking allies everywhere and
at any price; it is certain that the actual posi-
ton Of Germany is dangerous to the civilized
world. To-day there exists q fixed opinion in
the minds Of all statesmen really interested in
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