Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1855-09-22
AMERICAN SLAVERY A NATIONAL CRIME

For something near half Il century wo have
watched the working of the institutions of the
United States with close attention and very deep
interest. lnheritng cordial hatred of tho dcspo-
tism of the old world, and hailing with JOY the
birth OF civil and religious liberty in the new
world, we inherited ALSO and had over fondly cher
ishcd tho hope that tho Union would solve the
more difficult problems of the civil polty, and
teach the nation how to combine the security of II
strong and effective government with the advanta-
gcs of personal independence and social freedom.
Fol many years the hope grew alike in soldty
and brightness; but latterly. we regret to add, it
has become somewhat dim. The retention of sla-
very by the founders of the North American Re-
public was not only gross Inconsistency, but n
serious-may it not prove iatal-mistako. Tho
best friends of the States have long lived in hopo
that the mistake would be speedily corrected, and
meanwhile lent no unwilling ear to tho plea that
the Union in its aggregate capacity was not com
mitted to the wrong. But all such pleas arc now
swept away. The Slave Law implicatos the Union
in the crimes of man-stcang and man selling
and the whole tendency of practical opinion and
actual legislation has now for long time been
such Ms to extend, encourage and confirm slavery
no less than to rivet tho chains of the slave. The
republic, therefore, has deliberately undertaken
tho most solemn Of all tasks,-a task which we
regard as impossible as well as solemn,--it has
undertaken to assert by deed, and by deed to prove
that Christianity ald slavery arc comparable. Be
IncFlnH tne TWO luCOHputlDlc uuu
believing that as tho ono advances tho other must
rf ccde, believing that tho hostility between the
two is deadly and if the Christianity of the States
does no say slavery slavery will slay its Christi-
anity; We feel concerned at the progress Of this
monster evil 1t is not merely that We believe Di-
vine Providence to be against people who hold
their loilow-mon in bondage, but because slavery,
wc hold, blunts mems conscience, lowers their
character, makes them mcrcenary, and precludes
from their hearts tho power and prcdominancc of
spiritual realities. And this painful conviction we
are compelled TO hold, at the very time that VIC
gladly admit that in the Churches of America there
are somo great and many good men, both lay and
clerical. But their excellence wc ascribe to the
over-rulng power Of the Gospel, and feel no doubt
that it acts powerfully on many in spite Of the
countcracting influence of the great national sin.
And we'll does il become these true and faithful
disciples to consider whether an obligation is not
laid upon them to take in hand the delicate and
difficult, yet most necessary and imperative cause
of the three millions of their colored brethren held
in bondage; if only because, their chains will
have to be broken i. is desirable the change should
be wrought out under the high controlling inau-
encc of Christian principle md Christian love.
Meanwhile we would cntreat thom to ask them
selves whether much of the too prevalent laxty of
morals. the corruption of public mon, tho depravi-
ty of large masses of the city populations, the ven
ality, the lusts of money, tho oppressivoness OF
principle in public life, of which they so justly
complain, may not be ascribed to the demoraizing
influence Of slavery all classes of society p
British Quarterly Reuieio, July. 1855.