The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-05-16

II the House Of Hapsburg could look beyond
the dangers and attractions of the moment, and
trust to the future for a recompense for present
risks, there can be little question but its best
policy would be boldly to throw off all re-
straint, to give full effect to the treaty of De-
cember, and to declare war against Russia.
Germany's history and Frances run in pa
rallel lines. United under Charlemagne, to be
finally separated under his successors, France
and Germany have pursued ever since courses
Numerically opposite. France under tue Ca
pets, became a unity. One by one, the media
val lords were broken down by the power or
cunning of the kings; after them the free cities
and communes were stripped Of their local IL
berries and independence; until at length un-
der the absolute monarchy of Louis XIV,
France became in reality homogeneous ma
ton, LEGAL authority made way for centralized
power, and the strength Of the people and the
resources of the country were turned into one
and the same channel. 1t was not so with Ger
many. There the contest between the feudal
lords and the Emperors was never settled.
Emperor after Emperor aspired 10 victory, but
failed in the attempt Charles the Fifth would
have succeeded had not the reformation furnish
rendered his schemes of union and fusion hope
less. In France Richelieu overcame the peril
by crushing out the Huguenots-not from
any regard for the Pope, or his creed,
but because he foresaw that religious diff.
ferences would lead to disunion, and weaken
the monarchy: Charles could not play the
Richelieu in Germany. Prussia was the out
growth of the reformation, and the obstacle
which from that day to this has rendered Ger
man nationality o mere myth From the days
Of Luther to the inchoate schemes of Napoleon
there never was q period when the conflicting
religious elements of Germany in the north
and the south could be united under one ma
tional head.
But there are many reasons for believing
that certain course OF conduct on the part of
Austria might render that great scheme FEAST
BILE at the present day. In the first place, ever
since the upheavals which followed the French
revolution, there has been but one cry In Ger
many, and that has been German unity! Ger
man nationality All the six nd-thirty little
despots who have inherited q patch Of land and
few Germans to trample, are as unpopular as
can be conceived. From Hanover to Dresden,
from Mecklenburg- Schwerin to Baden the peo-
pie are ready at any moment to take up arms
If fair chance of emancipation from their feu-
dial sovereigns can be found; and when that
happens, the cry will be-: German unity! The
Bund has lost their confidence. They under
stand it to be holy Alliance Of despots
against the people; against Germany, not for it;
serving no purpose SO much or SO actively as
the keeping up and fomenting of local divisions
and sectional prejudice. They would de IL with
it as with their own dukes, and electors and
counts and princes, if they had fair chance
OF success.
Austria stands already on revolutionary
platform. The first acts of Francis Joseph on
coming to the throne were to declare open war
against the nobility and court the peasantry.
Hence in some measure his danger; but in a
greater degree his safety and popularity in
Germany. Even in Hungary, where little hope
exists of subjugating the Macy ars, the firm hos
tility Of the Emperor to the aristocracy has,
we are assured, done much towards conciIiating
the people. In the German provinces of the
empire, such as Bohemia, the popular tenden-
denotes of the throne have won for young Fran
els Joseph golden opinions.
Now if he were to espouse the cause Of the
Western Powers with his half million of SOL
diers, and declare offensive war against Russia
on q popular platform, it seems inevitable that
nearly all Germany would flock to him as the
natural head Of the empire. He might have
trouble with the Magyars, with the Slavonic
tribes, with the Italians but these sections of
the empire might even be abandoned without
permanent injury and it is quite certain that
Prussia would be driven to the wall. The Prus-
sian people are rather inclined to side with the
Western Powers it is the court and the army
which are Russian !; and these would find them
selves abandoned by the masses If at any mo-
ment Austria declared war on the Gear, and
called on Germany to back him. For them the
quarrel, in itself, possesses no interest They
care not who owns Constantinople the only
thing indeed, for which they do care is
the great German dream of nationali-
ty one and indivisible. That nationality
is certain to be an utopia 50 long as Prussia
and Austria balance each other. But it might
be secured if Austria at the head of the finest
army in the world, and backed by the money
and means Of the Western Powers, drove Rus
sia out of the Principalities, closed the Danube
against her, occupied the Crimea, and armed
the Poles as breakwater against the Musco
vites. That these results would follow from q
frank union between Austria and the West
there seems very little reason to doubt. Rus
sia has defended herself bravely her resources
are great but she would Individually be over
matched in war against Austria, France and
Great Britain combined.
Had the Prince Metternich been still at the
hood ~ ffo; M