The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-02-22

trigue, relieved him from any embarrassment
he might have felt on this point, by suddenly
resigning and exposing to pnblic reprobation
the weakness and imheclisy of the head
of the cabinet Events have succeeded in
the exact order anticipated. The Court |
party, with Prince Albert at its head, made an |
Intellectual effort to resist public opinion, by
getting the Queen to send FOR Lord Derby, with |
view TO forming another pari eolored, do
nothing ministry. Lord Derby failed, as was
tobe expected, and the Queen was at last re-
lactantly compelled to summon Lord Palmer
ston to her councils. Such is the history Of the
Russell Palmerston intrigue lab 600 usque ad
mGid.
Although in one sense the new ministry is
unquestionably strong one, inasmuch as its
head possesses the confidence beth OF the Par
lament and people, ard reserves to himself, so
far az the war is concerned all the discretion
and control necessary to prevent the recur.
renee of the lame ntsble failures which the
world has lately witnessed, it is likely that
further changes will have to be made in it's con-
stitution before Song. The disclosures made
by Sir Charles Napier, in his recent speech
at the Mansion House, in London, aud
which our readers will find another CO
luInn, are of nature which renders it i'm
possible that Sir James Graham can be con-
tinaed at the admiralty. The late commander
in-chief Of the Baltic feet exposes a state of
things in connection with that expedition
which forms fitting parallel to the indecision,
negligence and incompetency which have
marked the conduct of the land operations in
the Crimea. II anything were wanting to
crown the shame and modification which the
revelations Of Lord John Russell must have
occasioned to Lord Aberdeen and his late as
sociates, it is supplied by the whitening state
ungcrupulously sacrificed to cover the mistakes
of the government at home.
With this and one or two other exceptions
the new ministry will probably satisfy the
exigencies of the moment. But it will not be
able to meet those further necessities to which
the convictions of the English people have been
aroused. The appointment of Lord Palmerston
to the premiership may impart greater vigor to
the operations Of the war, but it will effect no
material alteration in the system which
he is called upon to administer. His lord
ship is as much of an aristocrat as Lord Aber-
deem or Lord Derby, and however pa
triotically he may feel. disposed, he will
do nothing to prejudice the interests of his
order. And yet, without liberal curtailment
Of their privileges, no administration can long
give satisfaction to the English people. Those
privileges have been demonstrated to be incon-
sistent with the power and influence nay, even
the very existence Of Great Britain, and its
aristocracy must either submit to reasonable
notifications Of them, or perish, like the old
noblesse Of France, in their defence So long
as this danger was only made evident to them
by Chartist demonstrations, or the occasional
grumblings Of Parliamentary radicals, they
could afford to disregard it. But the events
Of the war have advanced the cause of reform
by at least century. The national mind has
been awakened to the perils to which the de-
ects of oligarchical institutions muse periodi-
cally expose them; and the press, that mighty
lever of public opinion in England, has unani-
mously pronounced the doom of the aristocracy,
by condemniDg as dangerous to the public veal
the privileges that mark them out from the
masses. The vigorous prosecution Of the war
by the present administration may retard for
a while the full Development of this feeling;
but that it must soon find expression in vigor-
GUS action, no one who has attentively watched
the progress OF events in Great Britain for the
last twelve months can reasonably doubt.
------------------