The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-11-22

principle, few will deny to him honesty and
patriotism and not even the most prejudiced,
boldness and fearlessness in the avowal of his
opinions. And no one who knows him doubts
his fidelity to the Constitution and his devotion
to Virginia. Please publish.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE BOOKER.
ONLY, NEAR ONANCoCK, Va,
October 81, 1855.
My DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 9Th instant
don't surprise me. That some of my friends
should be alarmed at the distortion which some
of my enemies are making of certain expires
sions in the many late letters l have been COM
PEELED to write, is not wonderful, and very natur-
al Why write so many? you may inquire.
How avoid it? / reply. Hundreds come
many-aU / can-I throw aside; and many
more / have to answer in the midst of the most
harassing and distracting duties. 1t was but
lately that the Examiner, without inquiring,
and of course without knowing the facts, up.
braided me for not answering letter, which,
if ever received, don't know it. The truth
is, that it is impossible to avoid replying, and,
in many instances, at length, Courtesy to the
most respectable men and meetings of our
country requires it; and as long as there is a
head on my shoulders, it shall perform any
ber's pole!" 1t must think some for ITSELF;
and what l do think, and am called upon to
speak or write shall be spoken or written right
out, I" if it Stay me!
The whole complaint to which you refer is
contained, believe, in the Virginia Sentinel,
an Alexandria paper of September 22d-a slip
of which / send you. Some one sent it to me
lately, and it was the first time | had seen it.
1t contains my rhole letter to William f. Sam
ford, &C., &C. a committee of Alabama. 1t is
proper to say here, that its opening sentence re-
fers to an expression about my ocean home,
contained in the letter of the committee to me.
Now, that letter may speak for itself The
Sentinel then goes on to give extracts from
other letters, and to draw differences and make
comments, of the trouble of which l would
readily have relieved him, if he had simply
done me the Justice to call my attention to his
doubts of my meaning. He might say he had
no doubts as to my meaning. If he does say
so, l can reply, that it would only show dis
position to make me appear as meaning what
/ never did mean. He says that he "labored
for my election that he "desired my sue
cess and he compliments my course as
leader of the canvass" All that may be, yet
his differences are unfriendly and unfair. If
understood myself as he assumes to understand
me, ,COnld Join in erery comment he makes.
First. / have not renounced and not aban-
doned my positions upon the Kansas Nebraska
BILL l should have voted for that bill for,
though there were "unans,cerdble " objections
to it, yet they were not "insuperaJle" object
tons and | should have voted for it on the
very grounds that will now and do now resist
its repeal If would not have voted for it,
would still resist its repeal, under the phase of
issues now existing. Why this taunt, then, from
a professed friend?
Second. My letter to the gentlemen of La
fayette, Ms, sufficiently and distinctly sets forth
my meaning, and interprets plainly all my other
letters 1t shows aohy say in one letter " the
Union Of the States IS the most precious Of the
riqhts of tile States" and in another, for ex-
ample, "the right to the Union is one of the
most precious and potent of all the rights of the
States" That did not mean, as the Sentinel
infers and says,'to proclaim "he most Federal
doctrines Of Jackson's unhappy Proclama.
ton; :" that meant any thing else rather than
Consolidation, you know for you know that for
twenty-tUO years | have ever denounced the
doctrines of the Proclamation and of Consolida-
ton. No expression of mine is capable of any
such Interpretation.
Thirdly. l never have "declared" the
Union, as the Sentinel says have, per Sc, in and
of itself, "the most precious of all the rights
of the States" And l never meant so to declare
1t is precious, only because of phat 1t preserves
as means of preserving all the rights of the
States. 1t is in itself not an end, except as a
means to preserve the real ends of our Govern
ments, State and Federal-our liberty, our In
dependence, peace, justice, equality, power as a
nation. In the language of Washington, it is
"the palladium of our liberties each State
has a right to it, and it is one of the most
precious of State Rights, as a binding sheaf OF
other rights, the real ends of Government, the
most precious of State Rights in that true and
only sense, | ever expressed it.
FOurthly. When the Union ceases to be the
palladium of liberty, independence, peace, jus
tice, equality to the States and their citizens, il
will no longer be worth arguments arts, or arms
TO preserve it. The Constitution IS the essenc,
and ritality of the Union, and its citadel too
The Union is but resulting right from the
Constitution.
Filthy. If the Fusionists shall "organize
and act, now or ever in my time, as William
H. Seward, of New York, has openly proclaimed
at a mass meeting of Black Republicans, il
Albany, on the 18th instant, hailing the capita
of New York to summon dgrarianism from
every quarter to put down property defended
by law-arraying class against class of citizens
under system of government knowing NJ
classes-calling to the masses of millions t.
collect themselves in force against $50 900 only
owning slaves-falsely clamoring against tina
"property," and calling it a Especial priv
lege '-urging that any "peculiar property
that is property of its own specific kind, in tn,
hands Of class privileged to own it, sis wrong il
itself, and must be dangerous suffered to expant
and aggrandize itself-attacking the Senate o
The United States as defence Of ~: osa,n
soldated masses, and as Check and balance O
power to secure justice and equality-falsifyin,
all history in a statement of the facts of legisla
ton respecting sectional controversies-assail
| ing the Judiciary, State and Federal, for firml
deciding questions of the Constitution and tn,
laws under it-arraigning the Constitution ant
laws themselves, and maligning their father
and founders-picturing imaginary wrongs ant
outrages perpetrated, as pretended, upon ma
jo'1ty by minority, to rouse popular passions
and inflame sectional jealousies- deonouncins
Virginia, in particular, for defending her insti
buttons by laws securing her ports against slave
stealers-exciting to violence and appealing t.
the ballot-box-pledging the House of Repre-
sentatives as already ready for tie work. anC
promising the abused Senate to yield soon tc
one or t,co years constant decisive effort -
scoffng at slaveholding resistance and securel,
claiming submission in advance-deridino on,
power to live without Union-boasting tina,
we would not "renadin and ,or1nole" San
hour" If we could help Notwithstanding on
our o'cn interests which they are irving to de-
stroy, IN order to keep US bound ind united to
wrong and outrage-openly prodaiming tina,
they haze friends IN the South o. ,ceu as the
North, East and Vest-that Slexru, its in
fiuence and organization, "Is STRONGER TO-DAY
on the bay Of San Francisco, surrounded 6y Free.
men, THAN 1T is ON CHESAPEAKE BAL surrounded
6y stdres shat they are cogniz.nt of where
their friends are to be found in streIgth, South as
well as NOrth-repudiating all oil, parties, and
forming a netc one like the "ar,,u Cron,peU