Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1855-04-07
ANTI.sLAvERY AND THE CONSTITUTION

AN AND ThE CuhplllollOu
Dean FRrrSp MAn,us: The reward for well-do.
ing has becn,so wisely arranged that lie whos por-
forms his duty has no need Of the Of
his fellows, but in editing the Bugle you are SO
much Of q representative Of abolitidhfstt, that as
one Of your constituents, l feel like expressing TO
you my hearty approval of your criticisms upon
Mr.. Gidding's course in Congress. | thank you
also for the dnassuming and the kindly tenor OF
your reply to his letter to you, andfor the promi-
hence in which you place thu idea of the neces-
sity there is of scanning closely the acts of men,
irrespective Of their motives. After.the many evil
dences bis life has afforded it would be absurd, as
we'll as unjust, to doubt that Joshua II. Giddings
most earnestly desires nd .labors for the entire
abolition of Slavery; but whether he adopts the
%efectual means to do so, and refrains from every
act which necessarily strengthens and perpetuates
its existence, is quite another question. So Of th'
mother who casts her first born into the Ganges in
the belief she is securing its best'intcrests, rs well
as her own, we casnot doubt the purity Of the mo-
tive, vet we fell no less certainty Of the mistake
committed by the act. In what text of the Chris
tians' creed does any one find it written that when
inquisition shall be made for the deeds done in
the body, a difference will be made between those
done by the man, und those by the legislator.
have long felt surprise that among the many
whose love of Liberty is only n little less than their
generation for the constitution, and Union, in the
Free Soil or Republicans party, that no one should
be found prepared to wage war upon Slavery in
the States, by q very natural and fair construction
of certain portions Of the Constitution of the Uni
ted States. The first clause of the eighth section
of the first article of that instrument, expressly
c%onfers.. upon Congress power to clay and collect
taxes, duties ,imposts and excuses, to pay the debts
and provide for the comrAo on defence and general
welfare Of the United States" &c. Now if u pro-
fessed abolitionist chooses to swear to support the
document, one would naturally expect he would
seek in it every possible faeans Of assailing sla-
very, and here it is furnished to his hand, for how
better could he provide for the common defence, or
promote the general welfare, than by securing
freedom to every inhabitant. l have seen Madison
quoted, l know not how correctly, as averring that
this clause does confer power over the subject upon
Congress, and John Q. Adams We we'll remember
taught that in case of war it does SO. Practically,
the Constitution Of the United States is just what
the pro-slavery community choose to have it in
any given locality. If anti-slavery legislators are
bound to submit it to the influence wrought by
those portions designed to promote slavery, are
they not equally bound to seize upon, and employ
efficiently, those portions which may be made sub
seyvient to liberty. Would any but a cowardly
spirit keep men ever on the defensive, when the
means of aggression lie within their reach, in q
warfare they deem not 0nly justiticable but praise
worthy. They will tell US such a policy could
originate only in a latitudinarian construction of
the constitution. Then comes the question what
right have they to UNFOLD an instrument which
will only achieve liberty for all beneath its juris-
diction, by a forced constr u ction, or will they tell
us the slave-owncrs would not submit to such a
construction, and to attempt it would produce n
dissolution of the Union. This is Only to say in
other words that the union of these States is pre-
ferable to the freedom of their inhabitants, in the
opinion of those who urge it, and thus they forfeit,
/ think, their claim to be reckoned abolitionis,s.
Apother occasion for operating against Slavery in
the States might be sought in the fourth section Of
the fourth Article, which declares that 'the United
States shall guarantee to every State of this Union
Il republican form of government" When pro-
fessed abolitionists shall be as earnest in the sup,
port of liberty within the government, as pro-sla-
very men are in support of Slavery, and when
they shall study as diligently the means it affords
them Of assai,ing slavery, as they now do those
portions which restrict their anti-slavery efforts, it
seems likely we shall witness the Inauguration of
Il new policy, and one of less questionable fidelity
to Liberty. 1t can never be ~effectual only so far
as it assists towards the overthrow Of the govern
ment, but it will be more consistent with antislavery
professions than the one they have thus far pur-
sued. At the present, the boldest of their politi-
clans are content with essaying to Iepel what they
esteem TO be the aggressions of Slavery, uncon-
stitutionally made, and when they speak of the
system asst exists within the States it is with abated
breath and each faint expression of devotion to hu
man freedom is smothered by their more ardent pro
fessions of fidelity to the Constitution. Whilst
this state of things continues the slave power will
be adroit enough to keep them provided w;tlidistant
outposts upon which to expend their zeal, and
courage, tina t oppression and tyranny may reign
secure and undisturbed within constitutional lin
its. Yours ever,
A. BROOK.
Marlboro, April 2nd.