Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-10-11

tallsts, acho desire cheap labor aoo as eper ask
what IS TO prevent them from sending abroad and
importing laborers who cannot vote, and who,
consequently, cannot resist their demands for a
reduction of the price of labor.
Let us scrutinize this point.
We see that in England, in the year 1923, labor
was completely in the power Of capital There
can be no doubt that it was at the request and
solicitation of capital that the combination law
was passed by Parliament. This combination
law, which made it unlawful for labor to com
bne for the purpose of procuring fair, lining
compensation, or of resisting reduction of prices
That declared such combination unlawful, aud
empowered any two justices of the peace, ,cith-
out trial by jury to send The inraciors Of this shock
ing lao 10 Jail for months, and obliged them 10
testify against themselves.
This law, capital, which was represented in
Parliament, procured, and aoas able 10 procure IL,
only because labor ainrepresenteddid moi pote
1t would have been next to impossible for cap
ital to have obtained such law had labor voted
and been represented Had the seats of any
considerable number of members of Parliament
depended on the votes of labor, Parliament would
never have passed such a. law. This, we think,
is clear.
Labor in this country IS honorable and honor
ed. Its honor stands on the substantial basis of
political power. Labor votes in the United
States
The psalmist says: .Put not your trust in
princes or in any child Of man, for there is no
help in them" These words of truth are acted
upon in our system of government. 1t is related
of Madame De Stael, that, with fulsome flattery,
she thus addressed the Gar of Russia: -"Sre,
you are a constitution for your country, and your
character is its guaranty" To which the mon
tuition of my country is but fortunate acct
dent .
Our Constitution is no fortunate accident, de
pending the character of any individual.
We put no trust in princes any child of man,
for there is no help in them.
The rights of our citizens stand firmly on the
basis of the power of the citizen at the ballot
box to redress his grievances for himself 1t was
the policy and aim Of the sages and patriots who
laid the foundations of our government, to arm
right and justice with power, substantial power,
to defend themselves against all corners
Human nature is the same in all countries, and
in every epoch. 1t is the same in the United
States in England. Take from labor here the
right to vote, and we may be assured that capital
will be enabled to secure and will secure, its adj
vantage at the expense of labor Like causes
must produce like effects. Deprive labor of the
right to vote in the United States, and you put
in operation the causes which degrade labor in
England and puts it completely at the mercy of
capital.
But says the know-nothing advocate Of the
repeal of the naturalization laws as the remedy,
for excess of competition. s'It is not our inten-
ton to deprive labor of the right to vote
that is American labor, but we intend only (for
the benefit of native labor to prevent foreigners
not now naturalzed, from voting. We leave
ma tive labor to vote, with all its political power
unweakened SO that it can defend itself against
capital as well ever" This we imagine will be
the reply to what we have advanced, but let us
carefully examine this reply, and see if it is a
good one.
Capital desires labor at the lowest attainable
price, it desires this now, and will continue to do
so, should the naturalization laws be repealed.
Capital, always seeking the lowest price, looks
about for the means of obtaining laborers at a
lower price than native labor can be obtained
and imports foreign labor yes' says the
Know nothing, " but capital did that before"
Granted, but there is this dfference-before,
the foreign labor which it imported, soon became
voting labor and was not therefore at the mercy of
capital, but the naturalization laws being repealed,
puts il in the power Of capital to import a labor
which can never vote, and which capital for
that reason can manage, and control, and if it
pleases abuse and abase.
Repeal the naturalization laws, and the capt.
talists will have il in their power TO import
workmen en-, whose labor they can, if they please,
depreciate TO as great an extent as in England or
Europe.
1.-THE repeal Of the naturalization laws puts
this power in the hands Of the capitalists, we
ask if self interest will not urge them TO exercise
it. We think they triH exercise the power which
Know nothing legislation by the repeal Of the
ma turazation laws will place in their hands,
Be forefd 10 ioWer lis prices, BIZ PUSHED OUT OF
THE WORKSHOPS ALTOGETHER.
For our part we will not be satisfied with the
idea or opinion " that American capitalists will
not be so selfish thus to ruin their countrymen
For our part we want some more substan tial
basis for the security Of the interests of the large
and intelligent body of American workmen and
mechanics, than the character of any or set Of
men, In Russia the Car (ihe man) is the con-
stitution, and his character its guaranty. In
America, we insist on some more substantial Sc
curity for our rights and interests, than human
perfection or individual character.
We have here indicated our reasons for think
ing that the repeal Of the naturalization laws will
tend to stimulate the emigration of mechanics
and working men.
II is our settled conviction that it is suicidal for
mechanics TO join the Know nothing Order.
Looking we do upon the mechanics, as a
highly intelligent body Of American citizens, we
have high hopes that they will see that the self
styled American party is no party for them.
We Of the United States claim that our states
men are in advance Of the statesmen Of Europe;