New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1855-07-10
SECTJONAIIS1I.

sECTlOSAIsoI.
We took occasion to remark the other day
that the cry Of SectOnalism raised against the
great new party Of Freedom and Democracy
might as well be given over, because in the first
place II il not true, and because fit we're true,
there is nothing in il at which either man or
mouse need be frightened: The idea of being
fright ned at sectional parties never could arise
in the II ind of anybody who has given any at
tenton to the hi.tory of these United States.
But unique, tionably there is scarcely any SUBJ
iect with which our citizens, and even the
C nductors of our public journals well-informed
and Intelligent as they are on almost every other
subject are less familiar, than our post-reY0lu-
tiopary history; and indeed apar! from the mere
details of battles the history of even the Revo-
luton itself. The books which convey any real
information, especially on the former OF these
subj, cts, ale few in number, and those few, we
are sorry 10 ssy, much less read and studied
than they ought to be. 1t is hence the lessto be
wondered at that many other@ise weil-intormed
people seem to be profoundly ignorant
Of what every tyro in politics surely ought to
know, namely, thsswe have never had any other
PARTIES in our National politics, from the Reyo-
lutionary times downward, than sectional
parties. Even without submitting to the
drudgery of historical reading, a little cousid-
GRAFTON would suffice 10 show that from the very
nature of things it could not be otherwise.
Parties grow, and can only grow, out of con-
fictipg interests and conflicting ideas. The
union under our Government of two sections
Of country which, from radical difference OF
political theory ard social organization, do and
must have essentially different ideas OF social
and political well-beng and of the means Of
producing it, must of necessity give rise to
sectional parties. Matters of momentary in
terest nay indeed temporarily produ;e parties
recruited from both sections alike; but even in
these cases the sectional split never ceases to
be apparent and those parties which at first
seemed 10 be National soon develop themselves
as after all but sectional
So long as Slavery was considered not as the
normal condition of any portion OF our people,
but rs a temporary disease, affecting certain
portions OF the country, and destined to be out
grown and soonto disappear, which was the view
taken of it by the patriots OF the Rev.
olutiop, the idea of the formation Of parties on
other than mere national basis did not seem to
be chimerical. But the disorder ofSlavery hav
ing proved to be in fact vastly more deep, rad
zeal and spreading than had been hoped and
believed, il fas from the very beginning shaped,
nodded and controlled in spite of all protesta-
tons and struggles 10 the contrary all our party
divisions, and must continue so TO do till either
the policy and sentiments proper to community
of self-woTk NJ men be entirely subjugated, or
slavtholdipg itself be driven from the field. if
not Of labor, at least of politics. That which
theory shows 10 have been necessary aud ineSit-
able, history demonstrates to have been tue fact.
The organization of government under the
Federal Constitution might have been expected
to be, if anything could be, a national move
ment; vet before the termination of the first
Congress, indeed even before the first Congress
met, a sectional struggle developed itself for the
control OF the policy of the general Govern
meni-a struggle carried on By Jefferson and
his party in the nsrrowest and bitterest 'pirit,
till in the course of twelve years they sue
ceeded in upseiiing the national system of poll
icy which Washington had inaugurated, AMI in
giving to the slaveh. lder,-at that time flaming
professors Of the doctrine of the rights of man,
by which piece of hypocrisy alone did they get
into power-that absolute control OF our na-
tional politics which they have ever since sue
ceeded in maintaining, and IN 'intaining, too
under Ike false pretense which they have but
lately had the courage to drop.
As Washington wss the unanimous choice Of
the people of al sections for President it might
have been supposed that on the occasion Of
organic ug the new Government the Southern
s'avtholding interest would 60 far have sup
presto their sectional feelings as 10 vote for
Mr. bern man for the second choice. To as.er-
tain bow far this reasonable expectation was
fulfilled, let us look az The record. Washington
received siXty-niDe electoral votes, the whole
number east. John Adams got but thirty. four.
The Virginia electors, as they could not vote for
Two YirgiDisns, were obliged to lock elsewhere,
sLd it was probably this circumstance alone
which secured to Adams the ouly Southern
votes he got, being five from that SAFE, the
other FIVE votes for Northern candidate givea
by the Virginia electors being divided between
George Gin ton, John Hancock and john Jay.
OF tie whole Lumber of Southern electoral
votes thrown on that occasion for President and
Viee-Presdent, only eleven were ist for North
ern candidates-ten from Virginia as already
explained, and ODe from Georgia given to Gen.
Lincoln. Thus, in the very first Presidential
election, was the slavehOlding sectional spirit