The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-02-22
WHAT MAKES SLAVERY A QUESTION OF
NATIONAL CONCERN "A LECTURE
BY THE HON. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

HATlONAL CONCEREt-A LECTURE.
BY THE HON. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.
The tenth lecture of the New York Anti. Slave
ry Society's Second Annual Course was deliv-
cred last evening in the Tabernacle, by the Hon.
Charles f. Adams, of Mass, son of the late ven
cradle John Quincy Adams. There was nu-
merous attendance. Mr.. Adams was loudly APP
plauded on presenting himself The following
is an outline of his address: He commenced by
observing that he could not subject his views
to any acknowledged standard among his fellow
countrymen, but would offer them as his can.
did convictions. He hoped, while he would ex-
press them freely, he would be able to do so
with due courtesy to all. 1t was to be rcsret-
ted that so much acrimony had been introduced
into the Anti-Slavery question; it had only the
effect of aiding the worse cause and begetting
a series of private contests, which had mo uaore
to do with the real issue, than would number
of duels have to do with the balance of power
in Europe. He would propose for considera-
ton the questions, LIST, What makes the slave
| question a national concern in America? 3D.
| How Is 1T to be treated on the part of the free
States? If the increase of slaves goes on ac-
cording to the present ratio, in 80 years their
number will equal that of all the present inhab
itants of the thirty-one States. How is this pros
pect to be viewed? 1t is said that Slavery be-
longs alone to the States in which it is an insti-
tuition, and that other States have nothing to do
with it. But will this satisfy the mind of any
sagacious statesman Certainly he will see
that any such institution, grown to such dimen.
sions, within the geographical limits of this
| country, must greatly affect the national chas-
acter and destiny. The answer, then, to tie
first question is, simply and in word, necessity
We are accused of troubling society with agita-
ton on this topic; but, if some practical mesr
close their eyes to this issue, surely those who
open their eyes to it, and try to meet it practi-
cally, are no less PRACTICAL for at some day, 10
matter whether sooner or later, the slave que
ton must become matter of direct Importance
to the nation. 1t differs much from the epheu
eral topics of politics; its roots shoot downward
to the bases of the Christian faith, and lis
branches overshadOw, or shortly will, the whols
nation. MIR. Adams adverted to the early Ant
Slavery organizations, and maintained that tb
efforts to stihe freedom of speech therein, made
the question they treated national one, while
they also produced more permanent and effec.-
i've association against Slavery He, thought
Its fault lay rather in not being sufficiently az
gressive than in being too much so. 1t has gain
ed some points-amOng others, that of reassert-
ing the right of petition. Applause.l The
question should not be looked on as sectional:
the real good of the South itself is as much in.
volved in abolition as that of the North Under
the second head, Mr.. Adams presented few
suggestions. After reviewing the strength of
the Slave Power-the stronghold it possesses at
the seat OF Federal Government-the persist
ency of its adherents-and the fact that there
is no path to distinction in the South, (whefe
commerce, literature, and art, don't exist, SAFE
that of politics, land that leads but one way1
Mr. Adams considered the resources of the e,,-
emies Of Slavery, the chief of which is the vehc.
ment and eternal truth of their cause EveA
the successes attained by small body of frient
of freedom show the assistance of some powtr
far more important than any material means 1T
their disposal. The multiplication of political
issues in the free States prevents the selection If
Legislators with pure Ant-Slavery sentiments
Mr.Adams alluded to the combination against
Roman Catholics and foreigners, in its bearing
upon the Slavery question: and feared, while It
had drawn gentlemen distinguished for "saving
the Union int. another field of action, land
thus given gaia so far,) that it had also with.
drawn many who had been friends of the slave.
Shareholders themselves may not be disinclined
to join this order, because they have no particu-
lar reason to like foreigners, the greater part of
whom settle in and improve the free States
and thus, in their own States, they will probably
WELD this new organization for their own pur-
poses. In the free States the operation would
be to deprive honest Anti-Slayery men of the
support of those former friends who had Joined
the private association, sbecanse they are bound
to support their brother members against all who
are not of the order. Surely, the men who
sought to reduce the Irshman, the German, the
Swede, to a condition not much above that Of
the slave, would not be much improved by that
practice in their qualities for freeing the negso
slave. The great national question should Be
one only, namely, opposition to Slavery. Mr..
Adams censured all secret associations t1r
political purposes; if such an association we've
ever to aid toward emancipation the desrabilfty
of the aid should be seriously doubted. HID
such patriotism as this prevailed in the heroic
days of the Republication honor, courage,
and capacity, meant patriotism--W ashington
could not have run the career he did; and noble
and valiant foreigners,-such as Lafayette and
Montgomery-wouldh have been pushed aside in
favor of the treason Of native Arnold or the
trickery of native Burr. Washington himself,
when assailed by a secret association, did not
stoop to secret resistance. The exclusiveness
that even now is winging its way from Japan
must yet take its stand on the heights Of the
Allcghanies or the Rocky Mountains. Why do
secretly what may be done openly and boldly?
The hope of any great cause lies in the unity of
idea with which it is pursued. What should
be done is, TO dislodge the slave owner from the
places Of power; to elect no President who is
of, or serves, the Slave Power and to prevent
all extension of its territory. The effort to do
the country good against its will, supplies the
patriot with his noblest aspiration.
Mr.. Adams was listened to with attention,
and frequently applauded.
FASHIONABLE LADIEs.-If thought should
not be ostracised for my temerity, | would en-
brace this opportunity to present a suggestion
or two in relation to the style of "full Dress"
so called, adopted recently by very many of our
ladies on public occasions. At the risk of many
frowns, cast from brows which should much
regret to see thus distorted, must be permitted
to suggest that fashion, in this particular never,
within my recollection, was so regardless Of
good taste, not to say of modesty, as now. La
dies evening apparel is anything but "full"
dress, in the literal sence-at least in many in
stances The unobjectionable exposure of the
throat and neck, which replaced the stiffly,,
starched standing collars or ruffies of olden
times, has been caricatured of late, until now
our fashionably -arrayed lady can scarce be said
to wear any waist whatever to her dress, save
broad belt next the skirt, and narrow strap
from it around the upper part of the arm.
admit that this picture is very slightly overdrawn
but know not how better to intimate the in.
finite distaste which sensible men express when
| speaking of the prevailing fashion. know full
well that many excellent, amiable, and we'll bred
ladies indulge in this style thoughtlessly. The
matchmaker oftentimes is left to suit her own
idea of taste and fashion; and the gentle wearer
! when she dons for the first time the strange,
unnatural apparel stiles her better Judgment
by the careless reflection, " 1t is the fashioA -
Let me assure you, fair readers, that the true
o,,l a. ,.oko l.. -