The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-10-18

of the Missouri Comprehensive existence
and perpetual disgrace to our national charac-
ter Of the Fugitive Slave Law-the surrender
of the independence and the venality of the
Federal Courts-the destruction of the right of
personal hberty-the corruption of legislation
by the subsidies of patronage-the Executive
interference to prevent the freedom of elections,
and nominations to Office tending to corrupt
and undermine the elective franchise, which
lies at the basis of our institutions, and upon
the free exercise of which the perpetuity of the
Constitution and the Union altogether depend.
If the farce of an election of the Emperor of
the French is recollected, my meaning will be
more fully appreciated. We have often been
led to wonder why these fatal and aggressive
wrongs of MIR. Folks Administration were not
resisted and arrested in Mr.. Fillmore's time.
The answer is obvious. The towering intellect
and more towering ambition of Mr.. Webster
controlled it. He was the master-spirit of MIR.
tlllmore's organization, as much as MIR. Mar
cy was of Mr.. Folks. He had surveyed the
ground upon which Mr.. Polk stood in relation
to the Ordinance of '87, and saw the array of
the Slave Power which stood also upon it. He
saw the timid submission of the Democracy of
the North to Mr.. Folks policy and patronage.
lie derived hope from it. His ambition was
stimulated by the signs of the times, and he
persuaded himself that he could derive power
and advantage from the same field of opera
ton. need not refer to the denOuement of his
plans. 1t is too recent to have been forgotten.
His State abandoned him, and has never since
kept time to the music of the dead march in
the tragedy of Anthony Burns. Let it be rec
objected that President Pierces Administra-
ton is essentially only restoration of MIR.
Folks. They each undertook to carry water
on both shoulders, and were well drenched on
both sides, the natural consequence. Having
contributed my aid to bring them into power,
| have had satisfaction in approving of some
of their measures, but cannot follow them to
carry Slavery into the temple of Freedom, for
with my consent Slavery can never be extend
cd in this or any other country. L am willing
to leave it alone where it is-this l regard as
my constitutional obligation and duty-trusting
that those whose misfortune it is to be connect
ed with it will in their own time discover and
apply in their own way humane and practi-
cal remedy for an evil which, without any fault
of theirs, they are now suffering.
! have thus briefly pointed to the history of
the introduction of the doctrine of Slavery ex-
tension, as one of the principles of the Demo
cratic party, and referred to the measures and
consequences resulting from it. While one d.
vision stoutly repudiates such principle, they
always in practice uphold and vote for the
measures which depend upon and proceed
from the principle, as on the passage of the
Nebraska bill. The other division are more
bold and hardy. They maintain openly, and
with manly frankness, at least, both the princi-
ple the practice, and the measures, while they
denounce the Administration for not giving to
them the exclusive benefits of its patronage as
their reward. The Wing party, as heretofore
constituted, are also divided, in like manner
and in similar proportions, by the same means.
In this state of things among us, the inquiry
Isl What is to be done? Shall we continue our
hopes of redress and our divisions to the Gin
cinnati Convention next year, where we shall
only again exhibit our weakness and want of
principle, by our des.itution and want of cour-
age, if not of integrity? Does any intelligent
man doubt what the result there will be? 1t is
already foregone conclusion. We shall again
be put on board of a SLAYER, and compelled to
navigate the ship by the chart of Mr.. Folks
Administration, with the Fugitive Slave Law
as our letter of instructions, for the next four
years voyage. For myself, having the light of
past experience, and in view of the historical
facts to which have alluded, l cannot consent
to sign the articles. Duty, in my opinion, re-
quires me to rebel now. If 1 do not begin the
voyage, shall not be liable to be punished for
mutiny during its progress.
L prefer now to organize in a true position,
in order to prepare better for the next cam
paign. My reasons, therefore, for continuing
among those who maintain the Freedom of the
land, instead of those who profess Freedom
and practice Slavery, are sufficiently obvious
to every intelligent and candid mind. In cor
daily accepting, therefore, this unsolicited NOM
ination which the Convention have so literally
and spontaneously conferred, it is due that
should express my sense of obligation to them
for their estimate of my capacity to discharge
the duties of the office.
For the obliging terms in which you have
communicated their nomination, you will please
to accept my best acknowledgements.
l am, sir, faithfully, your obedient servant
A. MANN, JUN.
To r. S. Berry, Esq, Secretary
Of the Republican Contention.