Squatter sovereign., 1855-02-20

Gus of his privilege" with ga stubborn
spirit with the haughtiness of domination
he will resist every attempt to rob him of
his dominion. ssNot accustomed to see all
the exterior Of servitude" attached to his
color, but taught to look on slavery as fit
only for negro, he will not stoop to call
any, .masters he can not be made slave.
/ !. Where negno slavery exists. money is not
necessary to make the freeman, the swfffe'
man takes rank by his color; it is his pa
tent of nobility, and until forfeited for dis
honor, entities him and commands for
him all the privileges of his class
| Not so can it be, where ''all the exterior
of servitude" attaches to the nominal free
man: there of necessity money must distin-
gulsh the Classes-mark the master, sepa-
rate him from the serFant. There color
gives no privilege, but the white man and
the white woman driven to ''service," are
excluded from the presence of their mas
tiers dare not claim to be their equals.
Where. money gives honor, poverty is
looked upon as disgrace. To those who
envy the negro his position, we urge no
argument; but to those who would see their
race respected, fit to be free, we confident
| ly appeal to reflect upon the difference
which is thus effected In the condition Of
the white race. With all the price and
haughtiness attributed by the abolidonists
to the Shareholder, we challenge COM
parison Of the rank in society held by the
poor white man in the slave-holding, and
non-slaveholding States. The no;thern
mechanic, who has once put foot within the
limits of a slaye-holding State, has felt
this vast difference, and can bear witness
to it. The humble seamstress, the des-
| pissed chambermaid, whose fortune has led
her to the home of the Shareholder, has
had cause to remember his courtesy to
woman. Shareholders are proud Of their
color, they can not but respect it.
But the influence of negro-slaFery on
the future destiny of our Republic, is even
more potent than its effects upon the char
actcr Of those who compose the government.
We have said that the preservation of our
Republic in its purity, depends on the in
stitution of slavery. For this we shall be
denounced by abolitionists, as denying the
truth of that principle which lies as the
| foundation of our government.
They who daily in practice deny it, give
the lie to every word in the sentiment, are
ever most ready to prate about ''iberty and
equality in their denunciations OF slave
holders, are accustomed to insist on literal
Interpretation of the declaration "that all
men are created equal. 'That they are
endowed by their creator with Certain in
''alienable nights; that among these are
life liberty and the pursuit of ''happi-
ness"
1t is common with abolitionists to con-
dense this with the declaration that "all
men are born free and equal
Neither is true when taken literally
| On the contrary, as has been wittily said,
the first word is falsehood, for men are
| not created! Children are created, not
men. Nor is there more truth in the de-
claratlon, that men are created equal, as
applicable to the physical, CT mental con-
dition of man. The helpless idiot, the
cripple, the blind, are not equal to the bright,
| the beautiful, the strong: unequal In fortune
is the ''beggars brat" and the petted child
of a wise and wealthy father. No two of
all who are created, are equal.
Nor is it literally true, that '.hfe, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness are inaliena-
ble.' On the contrary life is taken, the
pursuit of happiness is regulated, liberty is
restrained from the hour of birth, to the
right in their Interpretation of this princi-
pie, our army should be disbanded. our ma
Wy dismantled, our prisons thrown up, our
very laws blotted out; they are all practi-
cal refutations of their construction
Though of this declaration not one word
is true when taken literally;yet as apoliti-
cal principle, as applicable alone to those
who are members of government, it is
the very foundation of liberty.
But as political principle, applied as
as it must be to those alone who compose
the government, it has no relation to the
question of negro slavery.
Ours is in fact, whatever it may be at
tempted to make it in the theory, essen
TALLY government of white men: it can
not be necessary that we should say
word to show, that it shonld be so. Wis
dom suggests it, necessity compels it: the
negro is a race inferior to the white; they
cannot meet as equals.
When we say that the negro is an infe-
| rlor race, we need not claim that his race
is different or that its origin Is not COM
mon TO that of the white. We care not
TO engage in controversy of so little profit.
To crafty those who so love the negro, we
may admit that they spring from the same
source, and still maintain that they are IN
ferior to the white. The blood horse of
Arabia, the dray horse OF Holland, and the
Shetland poney; are all horses. and
naturalists tell us they spring from a COM
mon stock; yet none will pretend that they
are equal. So too the feet greyhound, the
sagaeious Newfoundland, the NANCY cur,
the diminutive despicable fee, are all dogs;
IT may be of common origin, yet is the one
inferior. They can neither be fed nor
trained into equality. We may then ad-
NIT that negroes are men sprung from a
common origin with the white race, and
still claim that they are inferior. That
they are so, We can cab abolitiollists to wit
ness, for however much they love the slave,
they exclude free negro from their pres
ence, drive him from their States.