The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-11-02
Terrific Logic-scwsr,l on Sovereignty and
Legislative Power.

Legislative Power.
It is common for merchants &c keep three or
our bank accounts, 80 that IN pinch they |
nay have as many strings to their bow-sc
many reiianccs The thesght, doubtless, has
military oriyin-not trusting too much on q
single point, aud providing for a retreat Mr..
Sewsrd has done all this, and more in his
Buffalo speech. He has not only deposited the
political power Of .se country in three differ
ont places, to be contingently used by himself
and his abilities cohorts, bat has absolutely
dispensed with its exercise at all, by proving
that there il no such authority anywhere.
Hisdngenuity that Of the lawyer IN the
great kettle case "The kettle was broken
when we got it it was whole when we return
ed it; andvhirdly, gentlemen, we never had
tie kettle at ALL" Mr.. Seward would have
added, "t.lere never was any such Kettle"
On the Tuesday election the orator says
"Let the republican party prevail in this and
the next canvass, and Kansas viii. be free
State" Upon us, tten, is the responsibility.
Not SC clear; for after asserting that over all
the Territories there is "plerary and abse-.
Lutte sovereignty somewhere he inquiries,
"whcre does it reside ?" SIN the people of
the United Statcs,n is his answer. Right in
between these two conclusions he avows ''Shat
the people of Kcnsas have the right now to
establish a free State." First, the electors in
New York, =" in this and the next Canvass"
mlst decide TIE question of slavery in the
Territories; secondly, itn1st be decided by
10 oorA n;f
plenary and absolute pswer" over the mat
ter; thirdly, b. devolves en- the squatters of
Kansas.
Mr.. Seward proceeds to clear up the matter
by defining the legislative power for it is
that, after AL, which is capable Of solving the
problem. Bo inquiries, then, "By whom is the
legislative power to be exercised" And he
answers. "by Congress alone" and in this
wise Congress can make all needful rules
and regulations concerning the public lends
and other property of the United States" aaG
he is clear "that the prohibition of slavery is
the most neciful Of all rules and regulations
about lands. How this argument is hitched
on to his two previous propositions-that the
people Of Kansas can exercise the Legislative
power, (Which Congress alone" possesses
and that in this and the next canvass " tic
electors of >STew York are to settle the ques-
ton of freedom in that Terrtory"-we do not
exactly see.
No matter: it is generous, after giving
Congress the legislative power, plenary anE
absolute, toseoncede it to the people of Kan
sas; but it is very ungenerous, after giving it
al a,1 l., l-1-u
from both and give it to New York; but it be- I
comes capricious aud uncomfortable thus depe-
sited in Kansas, in Congress, and in the cleo
tors ofNew York, to take il away from all three
by declaring at, slavery is absolutely deroga-
tory from the rights of human nature, and no
human power can subvert those rights" This
carries off "the plenary absolute sovereignty"
the legislative power of Congress alone"
squatter sovereignty, the authority to make
Kansas free "in this and the next canvass"
and the constitutional provision to make
"ncedful rules and regulations" concerning the
sale of the public lands, which the sagacious
logcian understands as grant of legislative
authority After this he who gives his neigh
Dor power of attorney to sell houEe and lot
will understand that the agent is to do the
domestic work, the thinking and the house,
hold duties Of his principal. He has right to
take possession and turn him out, retaining such
OF his family as he may think proper. To make
needfal ''rules about lands and other proper
ty" was an awful conveyance of power. Ac-
cording to Mr.. Seward, it gives plenary abso-
lutte jurisdiction to Congress, to Kansas to New
York, to the people of the United States; and
then, to show what he considers plcnary and
absolute, he takes the power to establish
slavery away from all Of them, by plenary
and absolute Introduction from the statutes of
human nature. Ofcourse, as human nature ex-
tends into the Southern States, and according
to Mr.. Seward is chiefly absorbed by the negro
race, slavery is void there. The slaves are
supreme. This theory is a little clouded by
Mr.. Stewards invocation to his followers to act
under the penaltiesherein suspended over their
heads -
II you do not slavery, which is firmly planted on
the coast Of Mexico and which extends upwards to the
border Of Kansas will cross that bder and flsten its
ourosts on the Southern border British America Thus
the free States will be shut from tho Pacific coast
Divided by this WALL the fee States become imbecie
and slavery glasps the dominion Of the republic Do.
mnlon this republic, by whomocver exercised
dominion over the continent and all its Islands. Where
will freedom impartial freedom find a refugee viii It
even end one in British America Are you willing to be
driven TO find IL there's III cannot be here
can IL be secured there2
Mr.. Seward comes to the defence of his Eu-
ropean allies. Not only the free States, but
British North America is in danger This is 4
sagacious-it is more il eviuces a provision,
a clairvoyance, which is frightful. How are
The secrets of the future to be hidden from
such a man? How are the past, the present
and the hereafter to be kept separated? What
may he not see through after this? Il a wo-
mans clothing any protection against such
plying, piercing, penetrating eyes? Howi:is
that snch genius has lived to his present age,
is past all comprehension.
In imitation Of the French red republicans
who crowded the cause of popular government