Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1855-07-19

man disqualified for office, would
prove him disqualified to vote. There
may be special reasons why particular
offices, involving the representation
of the national character, as well as
the national policy, should be exclu-
sively occupied by native-born cit
izens, but this. is very different in
nature, and proceeds upon a wholly
differen: principle ofpolitical wisdom,
from the universal declaration Of in-
eligibility to all Office, among large
masses of citizens.
That eligibility attaches as an Incl
dent, or inheres among the mass OF
the common rights of citizenship;
and it is absurd to admit the citizen
ship in general, and deny this
single capacity which it involves =
This principle Of action involves the
explanation of the difficulty raised
by the writer in the Critic for May,
in relation to the eligibility of the
Chinese or Mohammedan. This ques
ton will be settled by the settlement
of previous question, and that is,
whether large masses Of such per-
sons, Pagans and Polygamists, are
to be admitted at all to the perma-
nent and general participation in the
rights of citizenship in a Christian
country. @
1t is on this question, the great
Mormon issue, now ripening for trial,
will be determined in a few years.
Conceding the issue as determined in
the affirmative, all minor questions,
such as eligibility to Office, and pro-
priety Of voting such persons into
Office are settled; it is absurd to
question the ordinary propriety of al
lowing by vote what is allowable by
law. The whole question, as gen.
eral proposition, is determined by
the permanent admission of large
masses Of persons in view to the
common rights of citizenship. 1t is
one thing to allow specific privileges
to individual foreigners residing on
our soil, for specific purposes; but it
is altogether another, to disfranchise
in part, and by principle designed
to be permanent, immense masses OF
men already permanently part OF
the population, and SO recognized
We insist, therefore, that the whole
movement must retrace its progress,
or 90 forward; it is unwise in the ex-
IRENE to leave all their power for
mischief in their hands, resulting in
part from their simple existence in
the country as a part of its popula-
tion, and in part from the privileges
which are still to be left them-and
then exasperate them 10 use it, by
attempting to reduce their foil pe!itl.
cal equality with citizens of other
birth and religious opinions.
We object, in the. last place, and
with deep severity of conviction, to
the principles of organization adopt
ed by the American or Know Moth,
ing party, and to some of the pariic-
ular features which they have en-
bodied in their order. If ever any
principle was at war with the very
! foundation Of. the American Repub'
lie, it is a principle Of a secret, oath
bound organization OF political par
ties. It is unnecessary, dangerous
hostile to the fundamental maxims
of republican liberty, and, in its ex
isting aspect, demoralizing in &
high degree. 1t strikes blow al
that great fundamental maxim of tht
government-the intelligence OF the
people an essential element Of re-
pablican liberty. What matters it
how mucIr intelligence the people
may have if political men will con
ceal from them. the elements upol
which to employ that intelligence, il
the foundation of an opinion and TIT
}, adoption of policy? The duties 0
man are correlative. If it is thu
duty Of the people to require knowl
edge of any party claiming thei
, suffrages before they endorse them
!, it is the duty Of that party t.
give it. No party has the righ
: to retire into the dark, bind it
self to secrecy under oath, unfol'
what. they please, and conceal wha
a they please from the people; no
. have the people the shadow Of
f moral right to give their sanction +
s that. ,.of the propriety Of which the
;; are not informed.
: Moreover, this principle Of orgar
!. ization will prove. utterly subversis
3 Of the Constitution Of the Unite
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