Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-12-29
WASHINGTON, d. C.
Congressional Debate.-A strange Propo.
sitiOn.
] SATURDAY, DEcEMBER %, 1855.
vESPASIAN ELLIS, ra,.o..
SAMUEL G. BUSEY, N''o

House OF Representatives, MT. ccwdfui oi
Georgia, offered the following resolution, to
wit: s+. ag 81
ssIaesoiyed, That William A. Richardson be cho-
cen Speaker Of the House Of Representatives for
the Thirty-fourth Congress
And that gentleman, in all apparent sinceri-
ty, urged the Southern Americans in the House
to adopt it He argued that there was no diff
ference between the Southern members Of the
AmeriSan party and the administration party,
ON the question ofscndorsing the Kansas-Nc-
braska bill, and they could vote Che said1 for
this resolution, without compromising q single
other principle. Indeed Then 1t has come
to this, that the Southern Americans can for
get the intcrninable trades Of abuse heaped
upon them by the administration party--they
can forgive the direct insult offered to them in
the resolution adopted by the administration
caucus on the LIST of December, and kiss the
rod which has been shifting them ever since
the American party was organized
We mistake the sentiments Of those Ameri-
cans if they ever cast their votes for any mem
bsrs of the present administration party, for
any Office in or out Of Congress. 1t is certain
ly true as urged by Mr.. Seward, that Il ma
tional conservative men were in majority
they ought to elect Speaker" but it is not
true as he insisted, that they are under any
obligations, growing out Of their opinions on
the Kansas N ebraska act, to vote for the adj
,n;n;stration candidate: on the contrary, y II
l. trra that the administrator regards the in
W 90 tho xraea,,+ Tarr; !. ,,,o ac a
matter Of Supreme Importance, overriding all
others, II is the duty Of those who sustain the
administration to cast their votes SO as to effect
this high purpose, irrespective of all minor
considerations.
II Mr.. Seward and those who act with him,
were sincere In their declarations, as to the i'm
portance Of maintaining the Territorial laws
as they now exist, they would long since have
voted for Mr.. Marshall, Mr.. Fuller, or some
other member of the American party, holding
opinions adverse to any change in the Terrific
rial legislation. But they are not sincere
their main purpose is to break down the
American organization, and to compass this end
they would sacrifice any other object whateyc-,
no matter how important the principle or the
policy involved in the sacrifice. The game
they are playing, involves the prize Of the
Presidency in 1856, and they care not a hrth-
ing about their "squatter sovereignty bant.
ling, except so far as itmay serve them in Sc
curing the Presidency.
Although 1t be true that large portion of
the American party are opposed to further agi-
tation Of the slave question, lin which senti-
lncnt we cordially concur,) we apprehend 1t is
not true that majority Of this party sanctions
the prepostorous doctrine Of /" squatter soyer-
eigntyn No man who claims to support the
measures Of the American Reformation can
be content with that feature Of the Kansas-Ne-
braska bill, which allows all persons to vote in
the Territory who may happen to sojourn there,
without reference to the question whether they
are either native or naturalized citizens of the
United States The squatter sovereignty doc
trine proclains that the present occupants OF
a Territory, without any regard to birth, or
any term Of residence in the United States,
have the right to control the destinies Of the
Territory and future State. 500
We can sanction no such doctrine, now or
hereafter. 1t is at war with the principles Of
republcanism,-- violates the
provisions Of our laws Of naturalization, and
sets at defiance the long cherished policy which
has hitherto governed the action Of Congress 1t
Il the offspring Of demagoguism- embodi-
rnent Of mobocracy. The squatter sovereignty
doctrine would authorize band Of French Ca
H.. or Chinese ~ nf Hofto,totz a.. oo,,,
and take possession Of any unorganized por-
ton Of the United States territory, and exer-
else the prerogatives of American citizsns
therein. II would authorize the colonization
of any such territory by hordes of paupers or
convicts, sent hither by European govern
ments.
We do not deny the right of the citizens Of
the United States who have migrated to one of
the Territories to form their own constitution
and pass their own laws to please themselves,
under the previous authority given them to do
so by Congress; butwe regard the Territories
as being under the jurisdiction of Congress,
whether organized or unorganized, until ad-
mitted MS States. If the Federal Government
has right TO purchase territory by treaty,
or to conquer territory by arms, il has the
right to govern it until erected into States IL
it has no right to goOern territory, il ought
not to have the power TO acquire 1t, for ter
ritory can in no other way be protected but by
being governed, and IT would be strange IL the
government which acquires territories could
not protect its territorial acquisitions.
The justice or propriety Of SO governing Ter
ritories as injuriousy to affect the interests Of
such as desire to migrate thereto from any sec
tion az INC ITn;on = dsfferent nrerfion from