Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1855-10-20
fes this Dugle.
THE TEST.

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requires the employment Of the whole physical
force of the nation, If necessary, to protect the
several States from foreign invasion and domestic
Snsurroction. 1t is further agreed that a demand
for assistance TO quell a slave instruction, or to
ropol an invasion by q foreign force although the
only object Of such expenditure might be the
emancipation of the slaves, would be constitutional
and must be responded to be all who are loyal
to the government. To this construction of the
intent and meaning Of the Constitution, the Re-
pulicans consent with the same unan,mity as do
the Wings and Democrats, and by their public
resolutions, and the declarations of their leaders,
they are as distinctly pledged to uphold the slave
owner in his unrighteous position. as they are
TO carry out any other of the provisions of that
instrument. Whilst thus afording a direct and
irresistible support to slavery in the States. they
propose the endeavor to confne it within present
limits, and the well meaning among them appear
70 cheat themselves into the belief they are aotu-
ally opposing the system and are free from res2on-
sibility for its continuance.
A delusion so monstrous rs well as 80 pernici-
GUS, which will control the conduct of many thou
sands Of excellent people this 9th day of October,
seems wholly inexplicable to those who are free
from its influence. How any one can entertain it
who is reasonable intelligent and passably honest
is a perpetual wonder.
This mischevious selfdeception forms now the
chief barrier to the progress of the question OF
emancipation, and to its removal our most earnest
efforts should be addressed, since we have succeed
ed SO far in lessening the influence of the church
that its position Of hostility has become of secondary
importance. In this condition Of our cause a seems
E.. ~ --1--Nl -zs-l. cIa1 10
perpetually urged to test thoir position and prin-
rciples by the one unerring rule of placing them
selves in the slaves stead, and deciding what they
would desire of others, were they the actual suf-
ferers. To such it is extremely unpleasant and
Irritating, it is true to have their positions examin-
ed, and their principles criticised, and under it
they are FESTIVE and impatient, since they feel
confidence in their own motives. So is the slave
owner under the criticisms to which they are
free to subject his actions. but this very irritabili-
" proves the Necessity for that faithful dealing
which occasions it.
If there be a man who will consent that the
government shall sustain the same relations to him
self, his wife and children that it does toward the
slave, that man may consistently and honorably
support it by participation therein. And n1 man
who could refuse to change his present relations
with the government for those endured by the slave,
Is really just and upright in fact, and q truo friend
TO liberty, whatever he may be in intention.
lie who assists to impose upon others conditions
which he refuses to accept for himsclfS an IN
Just. unrighteous man, efeeting evil rather than
good, by, his acts, no matter how specious the mo
tives be may profess for the government, OF his
conduct. "By their fruits" mot intentions) Eye
HA d. = 49,, a NJ
shall know then" is an infallible maxim. The
Gath bic iu1uisiti1n protested the highest pos
sible motive for torturing and numbering its vic
,ins, namely the attempt to secure their eternal
salvation and no doubt often was actuatcd solely
BY it, and the same may DO said Of countless other
Impressions from which human beings have suffer
ed. The slave owners themselves profess to hold
their bondmon for their own good, and believe II
too, perhaps, as fully as Republicans believe they
assist through the government to hold them ioi
their own benefit, that they may employ their po'
1itical privileges for their advantage of themselves
mainly, but incidentally in such way MS they hope
in some imaginable future. will accomplish the
freedom nf those now in bonds. Or rather The
roster;,y Of those now in bonds. for no enc as ye'
believe has had the hardihood 10 Venture a cai
~culation as to when Slavery may Le expected tt
cease, should this political movement be speedii!
and triumphantly successful. Try the siave-owner
or Republican, by changing his condition faf tina
of the slave, and if brought to the test o
actual application to every individual of each o
these classes, and you you'll no longer leave a slave
owner or Republican in principle in the land
Let us suppose the case Of one whose principles
are publicly Known. Take for example our, il
many respects, excellent friend j. r. Giddings
and render his relations to the general government
preeisely the same as are those OF tho slave IN 'ir
r;pia No one will question that he would fee
AN intense desire and an innate right to rise II
rebellion against the master who claims him, an'
the Government which ~confcsses the claim. M
one will deny his right to seek and obtain assis
..,cs from foreign nations, or individuals in hi
alrucrle for liberty. And yet if these be his ac
knowIedred rights, it is manifestly plain that NJ
rorsoo whatever his motives, can have the RICH
to confer actual aid and assistance 10 the govern
ment, in carrying tic submission OF friend Gid
.dings, or moral aid, by promiging to do it, eithe
with or without the intention OF performing
Under such circumstances 1t is not to be supposed
>rors the choice left to him that lac would DO WI
lin, 70 have an influential party repel the assist
a,ca he has sought and Is about to receive from
,d,rood and coerce him besides into subniissio
20 his master, or 80 recognize them MS his friend
or the friends of freedom because they propos
certain other measures which by bare p%osSibil't
might sometime bring freedom to his poS'er'''
though not to himself. Joshua r. Giddings nc
anv other member Of the party wouldteyer choos
susb a condition for himself and therefore be ho
no moral right to choose it for the slave.
rhs onnositc doctrine to this that the end just
ass the means is popular and almost universal !
practice. however generally it may be r'pudiate
in profession.
il is a good rule when applied to our relation
TO slavery, ii is good everywhere else and OF
n~olititicaI friends ought to come out with an ope
"a r,nlv ayowal of it. We should then be ali