New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1855-03-01
OUR RELATIONS TO EUROPE.


That the United States ought to have For
eien Policy and voice in the public councils Of
ChristeDdom, aud that we virtually have no such
policy and no appreciable ihhuence-this is
cut the substar ce Of q recent letter from Kos
sUTH, which has found it's way into several pa
pers, and which. if i! had not been uureasonsbIy
difuse would have been transferred to Our col
umDs. This country shoaid have a Foreign
Policy, AID that policy should look steadily and
earnestly to the effective maintenance Of the
cause of Human Liberty and Mans Inalienaole
Rights. But such policy We cannot have, be-
Cause We trappe On the Rights of Man at home.
AID 20 sre in no cOnd ion aud have no heart to
stspd up for them abroad. Tnis Gov. Kossuth
could Lot fail to see while among US, and 1t is
hardly worth biz w1ie to cilate oo our recreancy
to Our fundamental principle which everyb)dy
sees, ind keep silence as to rhe cause OF that re-
crearcy, which many do no. com prehend. The
simple truth is that We are fathless to Liberty
abroad, becsuse we have betrayed and crucifed
her at home.
Gen. CAss followed Kossuth, in a still more
tedious and pointless dissertation, Of which this
is very nearly the substance: Lord Clarendon, ia
the British Hou,e Of Peers, once declared that
the ALLAN ce (or good understanding OF France
with Crest Britain embraced both hemispheres;
and though attt mpts have been made to explain
this away yet in substance it is true, and is con-
fImed by more receIt declaration of Louis
Napoleon. AID this means (ssys Gen. Csss)
that they DONE mean to let US Ike Cubi, whether
by Fillbuiterrg, IS we seized Texas, or BY
regular conquest, as we won New Mexico Cali
fornia, &c. So far, We think Gen. c. is entirely
right aid DO disclaimers, however positive, from
fifty Lord Clarendons or Louis Napoleons would
make US think otherwise. But when the Gen
eral proceeds verbosely to argue that there is
something wrong in this agreement of France
and England to preserve to Spain the last con
siderable remnant Of her once iumsnse Ameri-
can Empire, ard that we ought to make an i'm
posing counter. demonstration, he seems to talk
very absurdly and weakly. Aud besides, what
does be propose to do about it France and
England don't care how many resolves are passed
in Congress, nor what strong language we may
see fit TO use in Executive maniiesioes; for
neither of these will blow their ships Of war
out of the larbor of Havana, nor prevent their
troops mountirg guard at the Moro Castle when
ever they shall see fit to place them there. Gen.
Cas- bore a leading part in Hulls Invasion OF
Canals, and ought hence to know that provinces
are not conquered by proclamations.
Last Of all comes Gen. WALBRIDGE Of our
CITY. with speech on Russia and tae Allies-
historical didactic and acknowledgement 80 viva
cious as Kossuih's, nor yet so tedious as Cass's.
but containing good deal of retrospective mat
ter whereof the reading public may be deemed
not entirely ignorant. The gst of the practical
pa,t Of il is f.irly summed up in these resolves,
which are therein submitted:
RESOLUTIONS of Conress deelaIstory Of DOR Maritime Rights
ard Of our Policy pterdicting the Extension Of the Euro
psn system OF Portion OF this Henri
Bfsoir,d. By the Senate and House of Representa-
tyes Of the United States of America in Congress as
seubled that the United States, As maritime power,
having neutral rights 10 maintain, deem u proper, In
view Of the existing war IN Europe, TO declare ana
uske known that every American vessel engaged IN
the lawful pursuits Of commerce IS held by this CIV
errmeb TO be protected the flag that ers her. aud
which shall be the evidence OF her nationality; that
we attach TO all such vessels character OF sover'
eighty considering them clothed with inmuolties
ding 10 those which sppertsin 70 our terri
tory that our rights thus declared rest upon NO
precsrious temporary basis, nor upon the conces-
sioIs of any Poser but upon public law, as insisted
upon from the early history of the Repub ic and that
any attempt TO enforce obsolete right of Impress
neut search, detention, visitation, in regard to
such American ship will be regarded as an sct of
hostility 10 the Cnited States and just of
BE nfurtter resolred, That, the existing conflicts
in Europe may lead to the change OF political sover-
eighty in of the European powers, and the de-
s'ruction Of political severe gDty 10 others deem
il proper for Congress 10 make known 10 them that
We tNi u the doctrine that we should consider any
attempt their part 10 extend their system Of Gov
eminent any portion of this hemis dan GER
Gus 10 pesce and safety; and from the Geogrsph
ica and commercial position OF the lsand of CAB, TO
this continent, We will never consent 20 her sover-
eighty being transferred eIcep, TO tbs United States,
10 which she seems naturally 10 belong.
AS 10 the first Of these resolves, the inquiry
inevitably suggests itself-Cui bono What is to
be gained by passing il The world knoS what
il the American doctrine with regard to the
Freedom of the Seas; and the last half century
has witnessed rapid strides toward is general
recognition. 1t is hardly seventy years since We
made with Prussis) the fret Treaty affirming
that doctrine; since which even, Dedmark, Rus
ala, and Gin effect) all Continental Europe, have
scceded to 1t, while even Great Britain no longer
attempts to enforce the opposite doctrine, but
plainly declares that she will G. for the present y
oIform TO our construction OF the Law of Ma
tons. Practically, therefore, the victory is al
ready ours; are we likely to extend il by passing
q fIesh resolve on the subject We cannot see
how.
Well, then: would il be wise on our part to
tell the great monarches ohEurope that we can't
permit them to extend their system Of govern.