Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1855-09-14
KANSAS ND NEBRASKA.

right aud ought II lie permitted l" ci!'! -,
70 form aud regulate their domestic in'''"'""9 """
internal affairs in their own way, sunlrel OH! ! u '"
Constitution of the United StnteF. inc h'sS""''
C,rn-,r;.. limo WAS rendered void, and non-lnter-
v.,.;n, i, r..nect TO slavery, proclaimed ~ the dnty
,f C,u.r,.s WHY should the people Of Kansas and
S.L..,L, ~. denied TIE right of governing Them
..,,,sp WHY assume that they nc incompetent Tor
:. -o,.rumeu: Who are they, and where did they
,,,w 'FRONT.' From China or Japan! No-hnt IRON
H.. different States OF oar Union. Their enterprise
aud their desire To better their condition. ohG mus "u'
vance their happiness. prompted them 10 e"''Sr"e'
and in regulating their internal AFFAIRS they heeu h''
the unsolicited interposition or ohtru'ire @uaruia"-
ship of the North or the South. The AooiAl"h's's
nvow their assent, that the people oil these 'err''o''es
shall independently regulate all their AFFAIRS except
,hs Question Of slavery, which the ao'll'lohlSS c
,ressp. ne n horrible crime. Ii ii IS II crinle' ID 'n"'
the only crime against which the people OF n lerr''o-
~ ouuht TO provide! Murder, robbery, larceny &C"
=. r.r,r3sd no crimes. We, who Gun show any act OF
CONGRESS %providing for :he punishment OF eitieF III
any organized Territory. The pfr'en''o" "'u w.
ishmcn, Of criminal offences have been wisely ie'' y
the Territorial legislatures. Inc aooi'''n'''' ~ ~
object to giving the Legislatures OF 'ue -"
full control over nil the rights and interests """'
people, subject only to the reHtric'iohs "np'''" 'N
Constitution. They are willing thai inc LEGISLATURE
should prescribe and regulate the relations d "'o"n
and wife, parent and child, but they contend 'ha' 'uo
rights of tho negro are too sacred 10 Dc cohn"co 10
rho protection Of the people OF q Territory II"
Territorial Legislature cnn he trusted Win 'he
r;gb,s Of white men. why should 1t not De
trustcI with the rights of negroes! why should Tie
neonle of Kansas aud Nebraska not be permitted INC
right 10 Judge for themselves whether hlrelinS iaoor
~ sl,ve labor he preGerable' If so, the ab0iiti"nlsts
any .Tbe neople will certainly introduce slavery.
Slavery is a monstrous crime, yet the people VIII Ger
,ainlv commit, the crime unless prohibited Inc peo-
oc Of the Territories are apparently regarded oy'no
abolitiop;s,s as persons 4on comToS m'nAS' VINO wiz
;rs;., rnon themselves the greatest OF all evils II
xou 6o NOT DEPRIVE thrm Of the power!
", ,hstroctiou, no morbid philanthropy, or Wild
fsn,,;c;s,n ever prohibited n people from employing
,ha. lind of labor which existing circumstances indl-
oo,od os most e~xpedicnt and profitable. C"nsiGera-
,ions NOT Of philanthropy, but Of pccuniary interest
,-omnted the States of New York, &C., TO abolish
slavery.
The Southern people have heretofore asserted their
light 10 participate in any and in all OF the terrific
ries which may be acquired BY the United States
They assert their right to emigraie TO the territories
with their property Of every description The North
ern people deny this right, and contend that South
ern people shall not, and ought not to e'n'grate 10 une
territories withou, divestiug themselves OF their slaVe
property.
The constitutional rights Of the Southern States
n.y.. n. nerfsct now as when the Constitution was
adopted. Thirteen free and independent States had
proclaimed ,hsir independence, and maintained II ny
their cnllantry in the field, and their wisdom III couh-
Gil. By tue treaty OF peace, Great Britain acHno"-
lodged them by name aud severally as free, indeIen'
dent and sovereign States.
Equality necessarily resulted from sovereignty. As
equal aud sovereign States, they united, formed II
Constitution, and established Il government. by It's
grants Of power, as well as by is reservations OF
mower, the Constitution Ut the United States recog-
niscs the equality of the States. Cnn any unprclu-
diced mind doubt that q government s." formed was
to be conducted for the common and equal bc'ieilt OF
all the States!
Has Congress any constitutional authority to i'm
pair ,hi. equality of rights, by prohibiting the intro
duc,ion of slaves into any Of tho Territories, thereby
discriminating between the North and South! Let il
not be forgotten, that when the Federal Constitution
WAS nu1pttu, 'UtItt W NV 80
hold,nr States. When the Federal Convention was in
session, suppose the members representing the North
eru States had publicly avowcd, in debate, that while
they were willing to bind themselves and their con-
s,;tuents to surrender fugitive slaves to their owners,
to aliow three-Efths OF the slaves to he represented III
Congress, and to form aumioM with the Southern peo'
pls; yet, az the Northern people held but few slaves
and were opposed to slavery, they would not ncree to
any Constitution which did not expressly, OF by tair
implication, authorize Congress to pass lawsrrohibit-
ing Shareholders from taking their slaves into any
Territory which might thereafter be acquired through
the agency of the Federal Government: can any one
believe, thu, the members representing the Southern
States would have sanctioned snch q proposltlohi-
The States had different climate, sol! and proauc
tiuns, different pursuits and different species Of !noor.
They agreed to make n common adventure ii great
experiment in self-gorernment. What was implcu'
| Equality of right and equality OF interest IN al! 'helr
present actual possessions, and the Sumo equality oi
right and interest in all their future public acluisl-
tons. The power OF Congress over the Territories Ia
not unlimited. The power "to dispose Of and make
needful rule. and regulations respecting the Territory
and other property Of the United States" aud the
mower to exercise general jurisdiction over persons
upor it, are entirely independent aud dissimilnr. The
power grants no jurisdiction orsr persons but has re-
rerenc. to Territorial rights. The specific power to
regulate the disposition Of the ;public lands III the
Territories, must be limited TO means suitable I" the
end in view. Congress may organize a Territorial
Government, but Cougrcss.has no authority to estab'
fish a monarchy, or any form of Church govern
ment, in any Territory, nor 10 prohibit the people
from employing slave labor, or hireling labor, for az
ricul,ural or other purposes. n" Intelligent and hon.
EAT man can believe, with tho Constitution and its
history before him, that the slavcholdlng STATES ever
intended to confer upon Congress the power TO legs
late against their slave property in the Territories OF
any where else. When Congress is called upon 10
or.-anize q Territorial Government, the question is,
NOT whether slavery should be nNo~ea, but %helaer
the rights Of an american cit7s'n sto"h be'S'c"Te"M
Ms rtrr;torv; whether n Shareholder. beca"Ss he asa
,1arrhoJder, and for thn cause atone, aai as a STARE
holder. shall he nroWded fran said 1err"ory.
The Southern people demand admission into the
territories, with iheir property of every Description,
as a constitutional right. The North denies this right
and resists this claim. The North desires Congress
to lecisla,e for tho purpose of enforcing their opin-
ions, and the South has equal right to call upon Con
gress TO legisla,e Tor the purpose Of enforcing its
opinions. What is the proper basis of compromise
between these conflicting claims! Is it not found i'll
the principle recognized in the Kansas and Nebraska
bill, to wit: that Congress shall neither provide for
aud promote the introduction Of slavery, or prohibit
is introduction, leaving the question oI slavery TO the
decision Of the people OF Kansas and Nebraska!-
Preparatory to tleir admission as States OF the Union,
they will decide whether it will be best to permit or
prohibit slavery.
The Aboltiorists assert that slaves cannot be taken
into a territory; that slavery exists only 10y force Of