The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1855-09-07

terrible proof, written in characters of bloc,
and are doomed TO have many more, II m
movement goes on, for tins is but the first IN
SlaiHe OF death, and how many others are !
IoiioW and 10 what extent and when the last
20 De paid, and alter what lameEtable yiciSsjtude
= Is known only to Him who ioresaps rvent
aau can control them-theSe characteristic,
marx II as the most dangerous scheme whici
hdS ever been introduced into our country +,
regulate It's public action or It's social condition
II IS me OrangeSm of republic, scarcely bet
yer 10 principle than lis monarchial protctvpe-
OF republic whose freedom aud equality juSti-
y as iiitie as they invite the introduction of a
machinery whose operation is concealed from
Fuolic observation, but whose consequences are
as Clear as they are alarming
nfp' HouSion gives credencr to the report that
approve the ''platfor:n OF the American order.
as proclaimed TO the world bv the Convention
al ftIiadelphia." | am aware that chances
nave oeeh made, both 10 the name and in some
VI thF principles OF this new organization. But
.hFSr changes do not remove my objections TO
II. It's SpIrit ot exclusion and intolerance re-
mains, and with It, IFS evils and its dancers
IL Is book to which | cannot be reconciI4d
Whatever addition, whether the new one or the,
Ola one, Is offered to me- There is indeed. one
PrIneipie taid down in that Convention which
meets my concurrence, and that is the decJara
tioh that ''CongreSS ought not 10 Ipqislatr m
on the subject OF slavery, within the territory
Of the United States" regret, however. that
the body which thus pronounced against the
exercise OF the power did not also pronounce a.
SaInS' ITS existence, but carefully prptprnitted
TO use lis own words-the expression of any
opinion upon that point. Still, ! approve iiS
action upon the subject, 50 far as il goes. I, is
d step IN thr right direction, and | should re-
Joic' 10 see 1t followed by every political party
IN Our country. 1t is step, too, towards the
security OF political rghts-this opposition To
TIE legislation Of Congress over the Internal al
'aifS oi lhe peoP" OF the Territories, and. amono
Others, over the relation of master and servant
or thai OF husband aud wife, or parent and
child; Tor these matters OF domestic policy are
SUBJECTS which should br left TO the Territorial
communities, and TO divest them OF the power
10 regulate them IS an act OF unmitigated dpspo
tisn. The negation of all power of Interference
ny Congress IN the internal government Of The
d d,iSq-ttr,- offry ett,,.t.~- I---
rejoiced that, after years Of oppoS;tion-oi obio-
guy, ndprd-it is fast establishing itself upon
grounds. The misrepresentation ;
which has pre- vailed upon tins grave subject Is
the most extraordinary political event of my
time. One would naturally suppose that IN this
country the dogma of the right Oi internal gov
ernment by an Irresponsible Legislature over a
distant community, uureprrsented IN the ruling
body, would ind but little favor, and that the
power 10 establish and put in operation gov
ernment might we'll be defended, while ;he
power TO control all the concerns OF human lille
would b. left without an advocate. The differ
ence is broad aud practical, and should br the
dearer to u.s. as il was The very consideration
urged By our revolutionary fathers in their con-
test with the mother country, which began by
argument. but ended by arms. 1t was asserted
as early as 17T4, when the Continental Con-
grpss declared that the English colonstS care
entitled to free and exclusive power of legis-
lation in their several provincial legislatures,
where their right of representation can alone he
preserved in all cases of taxation and internal
polltv, &C." In that great struggle, the patriots
who conducted il conceded 10 the British Par
lament the authority to organize colonial gov
ernments. but denied their ghtto touch the IN
terna poIity Of the people; and for the support
of that great principle, denied and derided as # .
is now, they went to war.
observe that highly respectable and intel
lgpnt gentleman, Gov. Hunt, of New York, in .
letter Just published, speaks Of the Nebraska +
bin as sbased on the absurd theory of territorial
sovereignty" l never heard man support
that measure or approve it for such reason.-
Gov Hunt has mistaken the Sneers OF It's enc
mips for the views Of its friends. The Nebras-
ka bill rests upon no such theory-upon no the
orv at all, but upon the stable foundation Of the
federal constitution, and OF the natural rights OF
man.
know of no one who claims sovereignty for
the Territories. All concedr their dependence
upon the United STATES But within this rela-
ton there are mutual rights and duties, and the
qurstons-what power may Congress lawfully
exercise, and are the people of he-Terrltorles
divesed of all rights !--must be determined, moi
by potico-metaphysic considerations arising
out of the attribute of sovereignty, but by the
constitution of the United States. To the law,
andto the testimony. BY that constitution, the
general government is a government, not only
of granted, but Of limited powers, and Congress
can exercise no authority which is not given by
the great charter that brought it into existence.
LIT any man psi bis finger upon the clause OF
that instrument which confers this power OF IN
ternal interference, and will abandon the prin-
ciple. long as il has been cherished by me-
And that is many years, as will appear by refer
ence to the Globe of March 3lst, 1882, which
contains an article written by me, and entitled
"A Review of the Opinion Of the Supreme
Court in the Cherokee Case" In that article
observe that the clause OF the constitution au-
thorizing Congress s:to dispose Of and make all
needful rules and regulations respecting the ter
5 ritory or other property Of the United States,
refers to territorial rights, and grants nourisdic-
: ton over persons. Among other things | say