Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-01-02

ny for the future 10 guard against the designs and
tendencies of Romish and foreign influence, py
change OF the constitution and the flaws--nf
Wises argument that some few Roman Catholics
aud Foreigners having been good soldiers in the
Revolution, and one Roman Catholic having signed
the Declaration of Independence, should forbid
such action--is worth nothing There is not only
no logical but there Is no rational sequence in
any such conclusion. Even if foreigners and Ro-
man Catholics had been mainly instrumental In Sc
curing our liberties that is no reason why Others
seventy eight years afterwards, who happened 10
have been born in the same lands, and to be follow
crs Of the same faith should be allowed to destroy
in peace the freedom which the former maintained
IN war
Mr.. Wise next proceeds 10 say" But before the
dth Of July, l776 there were laws passed Of the
highest authority, to which this secret organization
is opposed" He then goes on to enumerate proyi-
sions In the Declaration Of Rights prehxed 70 the
Virginia Constitution. The first OF these provisions
10 which he adverts is the fourth section, that no
man or set Of men are entitled to exclusive sep
srate emoluments orpryileges from the community,
but in consideration of public services, which not
being descendible neither ought the Offices OF ma
gst1tc, legislator or Judge to be hereditary" and
then he asks If the Know Nothings do not claim
for the "natve born set OF men to be entitled 70
exclusive privileges from the community, against
naturalized and Roman Catholic citizens &C. Mr.
tence, that this secret organization Is opposed"
70 this provision. He ought TO be more careful
how he makes such ungenerous charges against his
own fellow countrymen, In the absence Of all proof
answer his question--no cmphaticaly, no!
They not only never avowcd any such doctrine,
but have uniformly denied IT. and, In the absence
Of proof such charges are unkind and Liberal
Under the constitution and laws, as they now are,
natiye-born citizens enjoy no such Exclusive
privileges;" and defy MI. w. to point to any evil
dence showing that the Known othings are In favor
Of so changing our institutions as to give them
SUCH This provision in the Virginia Declaration
OF Rights was Intended as a restriction upon the
Legislature and no one surely can contend that
IL ever was designed to curtail the privilege Of the
citizen, In the exercise Of the right Of suffrage Mr.
w. lays stress upon the term " set Of men"--that
evidently means class, constituting an integral
portion Of the body polite, and has reference to
the hereditary magistracy and Legislature Of the
English constitution, which it was intended to
guard against. Even II the Constitution Of Vir-
ginia were so changed as to declare that no for
cIgner or Roman Catholic ever should be elected
TO any Office in that State, 1t would be no violation
Of that provision of the Declaration OF Rights, any
moro than the provision that none but white men
shall be 50 elected, is a violation oft.
Has Mr.. w. forgotten that the very constitution
Of 1910, to which this declaration was prefxed,
provided that none but freeholders should be eli
gible TO the Legislature, and that the privilege Of
voting should be confined to those who owned
certain amount Of property VIII Mr.. w. contend
that that provision in the old Of his State
conferred Exclusive privileges" on a "set Of
men !" and did man who inherited from his ia
Their property sufficient TO render him eligible to
Office, or to vote for those who werc thus, "by
virtue of birth inherit the right of election to the
Office of magistrate, legislator" &c? He will
hardly admit that the great men who formed
the constitution of his State in l776, thus stulti.
fled themselves. Docs the present constitution OF
Virginia, declaring that none but a natye-born
American shall be governor Of that State, conflict
with this clause in the declaration Of rights? Does
il thereby constitute native citizens 8 set OF men,
who, "by virtue of birth, inherit the right of cleo
ton to that oices And If the principle involved
In that clause of the declaration of rights referred
10 is not violated by this provision, how would it
be violated by extending II to every other Office in
the Commonwealth
Mr.. Wise next refers to the seventh Sec
ton Of the Virginia declaration Of rights, which
forbids "all power Of suspending laws or the
execution Of laws by any authority, without
consent Of the representatives Of the people"
&c. And he asks, how can "a secret power
Suspend the laws or the execution OF the laws,
which say that Catholics and naturaiized citi-
zens shall be tolerated, and allowed the privie-
res of citizenship and eligibility to Office" The
kuOW-NOtUuCb
thority" having the power to suspend the laws or
the execution thereof This provision, like the
former, was not intended to impose restrictions on
the people, In exercising the right Of suffrage, but
ON the Legislature. 1t was nothing more than the
assertion Of the same great principle secured to
the English people in the bill Of rights.
The revolution Of 1888 annued forever this pre-.
roqative OF the Crown exercised by the Tudors and
claimed by the Stuarts of suspending the laws, and
N. -, nd zeal w
revolutionary men of 1910, that they determined
even in framing a republican government, that no
authority should ever, under any pretence what
ever. be armed with this dangerous power Of sus-
handing the laws SO far, then, from its being a,
a restriction ON popular liberty or the right Of SUI.
rage, or the privilege of the people to control and
regulate the action Of the government II is pro-
vision In favor Of popular rights The restraining
clause applies to :" any authority" What means
the term authority therey 1t certainly does not
refer TO the people as the great source Of all power
through their action at the balot-box. But 1t i'm
nl;es 4 mower invested with certain official func-
Iona provided for by the organic law. Mr. Wise
has COMPOUNDED concerted effort on the part OF
the people TO counterfeit the evil tendencies OF
law with suspension OF the law ITSELF
Suppose Congress were to pass law for the es.
,ablishment Of a national bank (which Mr. w. so~
thinks 70 be unconstitutional suppose the people
of this country or any considerable portion OF
them, were TO form combination, that they would
not only never deal with it in amy shape or FORM
but they would never vote for any one who did
would this be establishing an authority" for the
suspension Of a law Let Mr.. Wise answer
for tho case supposed Is directly in point
Mr.. Wise proceeds with the Virginia declaration
of riehts He refers to the sth section, which
provides "that no man shall be deprived OF his
liberty, except by the law Of the land or the judg-
ment Of his peers" Mr.. Wise says, liberty here
does not mean mere personal liberty, but his fran.
chisc Of any sorts and asks, If private and
secret tribunal has right TO impose qualifications
for Office and enforce their laws by test oaths, 80
a 10 deprive any one Of his liberty to be elected"
For the sake Of the argument viii let him state
his proposition in his own way; and answer
mol -
The constitution alone can define qualifications
for ONCE. No secret tribunal has any power
10 enforce laws in this country-thank God for it,
And the Know othings don't intend to allow any
such TO be established In this country, If they can
belp Il. The hierarchy of Rome have established
such tribunals, wherever they have had the power,