Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-08-30

General Cass Know-nothingism and
the Power OF Congress over the Terri
tories.
Below will be found a letter from General Cass,
defining fully and clearly his views upon Know
nothingism and the power of Congress over the
Territories:
DErRoIr, August %, 1855.
To the Editor ofthe Detroit Free Press:
Sir: The public journals contain letter dated
July Gath, written by General Houston, which
has just met my eye, and in which he says he per-
ceiyes, by the papers of the day, that ssGeneral
Cass has approved the platform of the American
Order, as proclaimed to the world by the conven-
ton at Philadelphia" had observed the state
ments to which General Houston alludes and
had let them pass unnoticed, for il would be
hopeless task TO endeavor to correct all the mis-
apprehensions and misrepresentation TO which il
is my lot, as well that of all other public men,
to be exposed in these days Of party strife. And,
indeed could not suppose that such assertions
would deceive any one who had heard or had
read my remarks in the Senate Of the United
States, on the 9Th of February last, upon the pre-
sentaton of the resolutions Of the Legislature of
Michigan, instructing the senators of that State
to vote for an act of Congress prohibiting the in
PRODUCTION Of slavery into the Territories Of the
United States. Upon that occasion, while de-
clining to comply with those instructions, took
The opportunity to express my sentiments in rela-
ton TO the new political movement, which sought
TO acquire and exercise power by secret combina-
tons, bound together by the sanction Of an oath,
which, IT is said, made it the duty of its members
to surrender their individual convictions TO the
expressed will of a majority of their associates
then observed:
"Strange doctrines are abroad and strange or
CARNATIONS are employed to promulgate and en-
force them. Our political history contains no
such chapter in the progress of our country, as
that which is now opening. The questions of
constitutionality and policy, which have been SO
long the battlecry Of parties, are contemptuously
rejected and intolerance religious and political,
finds Jealous, and it may be they will prove Sc
cessfu, advocates in this middle of the nineteenth
century, Boosting with much self-complacency of
its intelligence, and in this free country founded
ppUn mb by taspno and and
new parties, no platforms, no new organiza-
tons, and the sooner these dangerous efforts are
abandoned, the better will it be for us, and for
those who to follow us in this heritage of free
dom. /"
] might well suppose, after the expression of
these views upon the floor Of the Senate, and
under circumstances of peculiar responsibility,
that any further action on my part would be un-
necessary to prove my consistency, as disciple
of the school of Washington, and Jefferson, and
Madison, and Jackson, in the rejection of a dam
gerous innovation, inconsistent with all the prin-
ciples those patriots taught, and which, in effect,
aims to transfer the great political duty of an
American citizen from the light of day, where it
should be exercised in this land of freedom, to
secret conclaves, unfrendly to calm investiga-
ton, as to wise and patriotic decision. But the
extract from the letter of General Houston has
shown me that these reports have received more
credit than had believed and this consideration
has induced me thus publicly to notice and to
contradict them. My opinions, indeed, upon any
subject are but of little consequence except to
myself, but, If they are worth referring to, they
are worth the trouble of making the reference a
true one.
have no sympathy with this plan of political
OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES whatever; neither with the
means it employs, nor the objects it seeks to at
tain. Its secrecy, its oath-bound obligations, its
control of the ballot-box, its system Of proscrip-
ton, striking both at political rights and religious
duties, and its inevitable tendency 10 array one
portion of the community against another, and
to carry deadly feuds into every corner of the
land, of which we have Just had terrible proof,
written in characters of Blood and are doomed to
have many more, if this movement goes on, for
this is but the first instalment of DEATH and how
many others to follow, and to what extent,
and when the last is to be paid, and after what
lamentable vicisstudes, is known only to Him
who foresees events and can control them-tbese
characteristics mark it as the most dangerous
scheme which has ever been introduced into our
country to regulate its public action or its social
condition. 1t is the Orangeism of republic,
scarcely better in principle than it's monarchical
prototype-of republic whose freedom and
equality justify as little they invite the intro
ducton OF machinery whose operation is con-
cealed from public observation, but whose conse-
quences are as clear as they are alarming
Gen. Houston gives credence to the report that
approve "the platform of the American order.
as proclaimed to the world by the Convention at
Philadelphia" | am aware that changes have
ham da both ~, q L. 4
principles OF this new organization. But these
changes do not remove my objections to it. It's
spirit OF exclusion and intolerance remains, and,
with 1T, its evils and dangers. II is book TO
which L cannot be reconciled, whatever edition,
whether the new one or the old one, is offered to
me. there IS indeed, one principle laid down in
that convention which meets my concurrence.
and that is, the declaration that Compress
ought not to legslate upon the subject of sla-
very, within the territory of the United States
! regret, however, that the body which thus pro-
nounced against the exercise of the power did
not also pronounce against its existence, but
carefully pretermifted-to use its own words-the
expression OF any opinion upon that point. Still,
approve its action upon the subject, so far as it
goes II is step in the right direction, and
should rejoice to see it followed by every poiti-
cal party in our country 1t is a step, too, tow
ards the security of political rights--this opposi-
ton to the legislation Of Congress over the inter
hai dhdHs vi lHe ptOple OF the 1 crr1tOr1eS, and.
among others, over the relation of master and
servant, or that Of husband and wife, or parent
and child for these matters of domestic policy
are subjects which should be left to the Terrific
rial communities, and to divest them of the
power to regulate them, is an act of unmitiqatcd
despotlsm. The negaton Of all power of inter
ference by Congress in the internal government
OF the Territories is the true constitutional doc
trlne, and the only safe and practical one, and |
am reIoiced, that, after years of oppositon--of
obloquy, indeed-t fast establishing itself upon
impregnable grounds.
The msapprehension which has prevailed upon
this grave subject is among the most extraordi-
nary political events of my time. One would
naturally suppose, that in this country, the dog
ma of internal government by an irresponsible |
legislature over distant community, nnrepre-
sented in the ruling body would find but little |
favor, and that the power to establish and put in
operation government might well be defended, |
while the power TO control all the concerns OF |
human life would be left without an advocate.
The difference is broad and practical, and should |
be the dearer TO u.s. as it was the very considera-
ton urged by our Revolutionary fathers in their
contest with the mother country, which began |
by argument, but ended by arms. 1t was asserted |
as early as TIA, when the Continental Congress |
declared that the English colonists ssare entitled