The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-08-27

having come to a d" dead lock" on the question of
preparation bill, King Kamehameha went down to
House Of Mobiles and, in a spirited speech dissolved
Parliament sending the refractory members about th
business He explained his reasons TO the people
proclamation sundays HERALD contained the 10
speech and proclamation.
Letter from Gen. Cass ON Know Nothingi,
and the Power of Congress ia the Terrii
from the Detroit Free Press, August 23.l
DETROIT, August %, 1856
To THE EDITOR OF THE FREE PRESS =
SIR-The public journals contain letter da
July Gath, written by Gen. Houston, which has j
met my eye, and in which he says he perceives,
the papers OF the day, that /" General Cass has
proved the platform of the American order, asp
claimed to the world by the convention ct Philac
pbia." / had observed the statements to VIII
Gen. Houston alludes, and had let them pass
noticed for it would be hopeless task to endeaN
to correct all the misapprehcnsions and misrepres
tations to which it is my lot, as well as that Of
other public men, to be exposed in these days
party strife. And, indeed, could not suppose Il
such assertions would deceive any one who /
heard or had read my remarks in the Senate Of
United States, OH the fifth of February last up
the presentation OF the resolutions OF the Les
lature of Michigan, instructing the Senators
that State to vote for an act of Congress prohibit
the Introduction of slavery into the Territories Of
United States Upon that occasion, while declini
to comply VII those instructions, took the opp
tunity to express my sentiments in relation to
new political movement which sought TO acqu
and exercise power by secret combinations, bou
together by the sanctions of an oath, which, il
said, made it the duty of its members to surrent
their individual convictions to the expressed will
q majority OF their associates. then observe
"Strange doctrines arc abroad and strange orga
cations are employed to promulgate and enfoi
them. Our political history contains no such CHI
ter in the progress Of our country, as that which
now opening. The questions of constitutionalitya
policy which have been SO long the battle cry ofp
lies, are contemptuousy rejected and intolerance,
ligious and political, finds jealous and it may.
they will prove successful, advocates in this mid
of the nineteenth century Boosting with mu
selfcompacency Of its intelligence, and In Il
free country, founded upon immigration, and gro'
prosperous and powerful by liberation. =
We want no new parties, no new platforms, no NJ
organizations, and the sooner these dangerc
efforts are abandoned, the better will it be for
and for those who are to follow US in this herita
Of freedom"
might well suppose, after the expression Of tn,
views upon the floor Of the Senate, and under
cumstances of peculiar responsibility, that any
Their action on my part would be unnecessary
prove my consistency, as disciple OF the school
Washington, and Jefferson, and Madison and Ja'
son, in the rejection of dangerous innovation,
consistent with all the principles those patri'
taught, and which, In effect, aims to transfer
great political duty Of an American citizen from
light Of day, where it should be exercised in Il
land of freedom, to secret conclaves, as unfrient
to calm investigation, to wise and patriotic de
sion. But the extract from the letter OF Gen. Houst
has shown me that these reports have received me
credit than had believed, and this considerati
has induced me thus publicly to notice and to c.
tradict them. My opinions, indeed, upon any 81
ject are but of little consequence, except to myse
but ii they are worth referring to, they are wor
the trouble Of making the reference true one.
have no sympathy with this plan of political I
ganzation- none whatever, neither with the mea
It employs, nor the objects it seeks to attain
secresy, its oath bound obligations, its control
the ballot box, its system of prescription, strikh
both at political rights and religious duties, and
inevitable tendency to array one portion of I
community against another, and to carry dead
feuds into every corner of the land, Of which ,
have just had terrible proof written in characte
OF blood, aud are doomed to have many more; II Il
movement goes on, for this is but the first inst
ment Of death, and how many others are to folio,
and to what extent and when the last is to be pal
and after what lamentable vicissitudes, Is know
only to Him who foresees events and can contr
them-these characteristics mark it as the mo
dangerous scheme which has ever been introduc,
into our country to regulate its public action or
social condition. II is the Orangeism of o republi
scarcely better in principle than its monarchcal pr
totyre-Of a republic whose freedom and euuali
justify as little rs they invite the introduction Of
machinery whose operation is concealed from publ
observation, but whose consequences are as clear
they are alarming.
Gen. Houston gives credonce to the report that
approve 1.-THE platform Of the American order,
proclaimed to the world l5 the Convention at Phil
delphia.n am aware thtJ changes have been mad
this new organization. But these changes do NJ
remove my objections to it. Ts spirit of exclusit
and intolerance remains, and WITH IL, its evils an
Its dangers. 1t Is n book TO which cannot
reconciled, whatever addition, whether the new OF
or the old one, Il offered to me. There is, indee
one principle laid down in that conventic
which meets my concurrence, and that is the decl
ration that Congress ought not to leglslate upo
the subject OF slavery, within the territory Of II
United States" regret, however that the bod
which thus pronounced against the exercise Of Il
power did not also pronounce against its existenc
but carefully pretermtted-to use its own words
me expression OF any opinion upon that point. St
approve Its action upon the subject, so far a
goes. IL is step in the right direction and shou
rejoice to see it followed by every political party
our country. II is step, too, towards the securit
OF political Iights-this opposition to the egisatio
Of Congress over the internal affairs Of the people
the Territories, and, among others, over the rel
tion Of master and servant, or that of husband an
wife, or parent and child for these matters of 4,
nestle policy are subjects which should be left TO Oh
Territorial communities, and 10 dyest them {
the power TO regulate them IL an act OF unmit
gated despotism, The negation Of all power {
interference by Congress in the internal govern
ment Of the Territories is the true constitutions
doctrine, and the only safe and practicable one an
am reloced that after years Of opposition--of oil
loquy, indced-t is fast establishing itself upon in
pregnable grounds. The misapprehension whic
bas prevailed upon this grave subject il among tn
most extraordinary political events OF my time. On
would naturally suppose that In this country tn
dogma OF the right Of internal government by an II
responsible legislature over distant community
unrepresented IN the ruling body, would find but III
tie favor, and that the power to establish and put i
operation q government might well be defended
while the power TO control all the concerns Of huma
life would lie left without an advocate. The difYel
encc is broad aud practical and should be the deare
TO MS, as it was the very consideration urged by on
revolutionary fathers in their contest with the mo
by arms. II was asserted az early as l774. vhe
the Continental Congress declared that the Encljs
colonists :" are entitled 10 a free and excl1siv