Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1855-08-08

you the people of the North are in earn
est-they are not fanatics or bigots. l
know something of the people of New
England. have sat at the tables and
slept beneath the peaceful roofs of many
of the mechanics, farmers and tradesmen
of fMassachuSettS-of New England-and
tell you the men who read their open
Bibles around their firesides, when they
/ rise IN the morning and retire at nipht,
are the men who will spurn your unhal-
| lowed DEGREES they will rob YOU of none
Of your rights, but they will inhexibly
demand their own. The anti-slavery
sentiment Of Il e North is profound re-
li-ious conviction, resting upon the com
mands of Almighty God, 81 to do unto
others as we would that others should
do unto us, Ito love our neighbors as
ourselves, Ito undo the heavy bur
dens and let the oppressed 90 freel' Sir,
do you think that the defendants of that
sturdy old Puritan race, that met the
demands Of priests, mobiles and Kings
with the stern "ThuS saith the Lord"
will smother the holiest convictions of
their souls, and obey the DEGREES Of
body of men like this l tell you, sir,
that they will do sC--never.
l ask those gentlemen who think the
American party can be organized sue
cessiully upon lhe basis If these resolu-
tons, TO turn back for only seven years
ago this very month, in this city, the
great Wing party, led by Clay, Webster,
and some OF the most gifted statesmen
Of the Republic, hooted out their Ma
tional Convention the grand doctrine of
Slavery prohibition in the Territories -
On that day the Wing party began to
die. 1t staggered into power, and with
its palsied and withered hand it signed
the Fugitive Slave Act, and with its fee
bic expiring voice it declared that, the
Compromise Act of 1850 should be " a
final settlement of the Slavery question:"
and then it sunk into a dishonored grave.
Such was the fate of that once powerful
party, which sometimes contested sue
cessfully with its great rival for power.
The Democratic party went down in
1846, because the people believed it more
fully pledged to slavery than its rival.
1t went irto power in 1852 not because
the people loved it or had confidence in
it, but because the people hated and dis
trusted its rival. 1t laid its victorious
hand upon the anti-slavery movement,
and to-day it floats upon the waves of
the political sea, a shattered, rudderless
wreck. | warn you sir, mol to attempt
to accomplish with this organization what
the Wing and Democratic parties, with
million and half of voters each, led
by old chieftains and accomplished
statesmen, ANONYMOUSLY failed to ac-
complish. Perhaps these modest New
York champions think they can do what
Clay, Webster and Cass could not do
The gentleman from Alabama Judge
Hopkins brings into this National Coun-
Gil the reputation OF learned jurist and
able lawyer. ! listened with attention
to his elaborate speech of nearly two
hours, and must say with entire respect
for the distinguished gentleman, that he
most skiIlfully avoided judicial decisions
and historical facts. His positions were
mere unsup -orted assertions, in face of
the uniform decisions of the United States
Courts, from the Organization Of the gov
ernment to the present moment, and of
the action of the National Government
from the Inauguration of Pierce. His
theories came from the prolific brain of
Mr.. Calhoun, and like most of the schoo
10 which he belongs, the gentleman paid
little Difference to fIcts, when they come
in conflict with his theories To estab-
lsh his theory of constitutional cOnstruc
ton, he went so far as to interpolate the
word "white'' after the word Free" in
the second section of the constitution
The gentleman asks, with tone Of re-
proach, why we of the North are not
willing to live up to the Constitution as
our fathers made it--why we are not
willing TO stand in the relation to Slavery
the trainers of the Constitution placed
us ? Sir, l am willing to stand by the
obligations imposed upon us by the Con-
stituiion, as | understand it as our faith
ers made it-nOt as it has been interpre
ted by their sons, under the aggressive
policy of the slave power. The illuStri-
Gus men who framed the Constitution
found slavery State institution. They
believed it would soon pass away under
the influences of the ideas they had pro-
claimed and the institution they had
founded. 10 prove their sincerity they
prohibited slavery forever in Ill the ter
ritorial possessions of the Republic
| When the Constitution of the United
States was framed and adopted, slavery
existed in twelve OF the thirteen States,
but not a single slave existed by the au-
thority of the Confederacy. The fra
mcrs of the Constitution inauguraled the
national policy of freedom. North Caro-
lima so interpreted the policy of the Ma
tiun, for in 1890, when she ceded Ten
nessee to the United States, she express
ly stipulated that ono regulation made
or to be made by Congress should lead
to the emancipation of slaves. Congress
accepted the grant upon that condition,
and thus made the nation responsible for
the crime of slavery.
Mr. Cunningham, of South Carolina
Mr.. President, | own a slave, and the
gentleman from Massachusetts owns a
horse. Does the gentleman believe that
the federal government has any more
right to exclude my slave from the terri
tories of the United States, than it has to
exclude his horse? Will the gentleman
give me an answer?
Mr. Wilson. | will answer by saying
that if my horse belongs to a breed thai
blasts the earth wherever it puts down lis
hoof, SO thar blade of grass will never
grow where it treadS, the governmen Mt
has the right to keep my horse out Ofihe
territories Where the slave plants his
heel, the earth withers. By the decis-
/ ion of the Supreme Court OF the United
States, q" the state of slavery is mere
municipal regulation, founded upon and
J limited 10 the verge Of the State law. >