The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-08-15

Georgia we're the two extreme representatives
Of the slave States and most bitterly opposed
to the proposition to give Congress exclusive
jurisdiction over the navigation laws. The two
most prominent and exciting subjects before
that convention-and which seemed to be link
commerce and the African slave trade. The
latter was denounced as a violation of the
principles Of the Revolution and the States
were urged to consent to its immediate prohibit
ton. It was referred to committee of one from
each State. That committee after discussing
it in connection with the proposition to confer
the exclusive power over the navigation laws
upon Congress, reported in favor Of the pro-
hibition of the slave trade after the year 1900,
and at the same time against any restriction
to the regulation Of commerce by Congress
Thus the two subjects were blended. After
full consideration of the matter and the OBJ
vious softening down of the New England
delegations upon the subject of slavery, and in
obedience to an understanding between Mas
sachusetts and the extreme men of the South,
G. G. Pinckney moved to extend the prohibi-
ton from 1900 to 1908, which was seconded by
Gorham, of Massachusetts,, and carried against
the votes of New Jersey, Delaware; Pennsyl-
vania and Virginia. Immediately following
this act, the proposition to give exclusive pow
er to Congress to enact navigation laws came
up. It was warmly advocated by Governeur
Morris, Wilson and Gorham, and sustained by
Mr.. Madison. c. c. Pinckney, "in considera-
ton of the liberal course of the Eastern
States" (Massachusetts was the only one
which had much commerce,) "in voting for an
extension" Of the African slave trade for eight
years, felt it to be his duty to vote for giving
the exclusive power to Congress to make COM
mercial regulations, and it was carried.
Thus, as Governor Norris called it, by "a
bargain" between Massachusetts, and the slave
State Of South Carolina, power was given to the
commercial men Of the East to regulate the
navigation laws, and to the rice planters Of
Carolina the equivalent of twenty years ex-
tension Of the African slave trade.
This was the first great compromise between
the North and the South; it was the purchase
Of the control of the navigation laws and the
profits Of the slave trade for twenty years by
Massachusetts,, at the trihing expense Of the
sacrifice Of its principles, SO often and so loud
ly proclaimed, 1t was natural enough for
Georgia and South Carolina to seek the perpe-
tuation of an existing system of slavery and
slave trade. Their motives cannot be ques-
toned for so acting. But no such exemption
falls to Massachusetts,. The interests of her
commerce are too obviously the consideration
moving them to the bargain, and the regrets
that they exhibit as little faith now to the COM
pact of union as they did then to the cause of
negro rights.
But We will suppose there is a moral statute
of limitations which may be pleaded by her,
not in justification of her conduct, but in bar
of present impeachment. Such defence is
inadmissible, if her Identification with slavery
and the profits of slavery can be shown from
1888 to the present moment. We admit that
time and reformation ought to cover very
questionable acts; but there should be shown
unmistakable evidences Of the latter, even if
the penance Of restitution is not exacted.
There are in the United States about one
thousand cotton manufacturing establishments
"a product of slave labor OF these Massa-
chusctts has more than two hundred. In the
ly seventy-four millions Of dollars employed, of
which Massachusetts has twcnty-eight and a
half millions Six hundred thousand bales of
cotton are used annually and of this there are
two hundred and twcnty-four thousand absorb
ed in that State. She employs twenty-ninc
thousand Of her people in these works. at an
average product Of $4,000, 1000. It will thus
be seen that about onc-third of the whole cot
ton manufactures Of the United States is the
work of Massachusetts,. It is unnecessary 10
trace this interest into the channels Of COM
merce, or to run out its connections into the
various relations Of life North and South; il is
enough to present it as q basis of Massachu-
sctts industry and the employment Of its CAPT
tai in connection with slavery. How far the
men of that State have been enabled to build
mp their great works by the aid of capital
derived from The slave trade even during the
time Of its existence secured by the votes of Mas
sachusets, and especially by the influence Of the
federal Union, would be curious matters of in
vestigation. We prefer to deal with establish
va i"S'r. Inv HcA' Potu1 "a COHtttt DcLWccH
the capital and labor Of the old Common
wealth and slavery is to be found in the sup
plies furnished Wy the various manufacturing
establishments TO The South. That this il u
source of still greater profit than the cotton
interest and in all respects more important to
the prosperity Of the State, none will question
In addition to all this, large portion of New
England shipping employed between the Gulf
of Mexico, the West Indies, South America and
Europe, is sustained almost wholly by the pro-
auctions Of slave labor
We now place these facts before the people
of Massachusetts, and ask them whether their
present attitude towards the South is likely to
be regarded otherwise than in the light of
mere sectional fanaticism? Whether IL IL nos