The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-03-08
SPEECH OF Mr.. CHASE ON PETITIONS IN
RELATION TO SLAVERY.


The subjoined are Senator Chase's remarks
on some Anti-Slavery petitions presented by
him, on Thursday, February %, after resolu-
ton offered by Senator Stuart in favor of erect
ing suitable buildings at Detroit, for the safe
keeping of persons confined under the laws of
the United States, in order to counterfeit the
recent legislation of Michigan for the protection
of alleged fugitive slaves.
Mr.. CHASE. object to the consideration OF
the resolution. hold in my hand, Mr.. Presi.
dent, several petitions Of citizens of New York,
in relation to Slavery. 1t is my duty to present
theW to the Senate, and the present seems a
fitting time. / propose to state briefly the par
port of each, and then to move that they be
referred to select committee.
They present various phases of the Slavery
question. In one, the petitioners ask that the
protection of Congress may be extended to citi-
zens of one State travelling in another; in
another, they pray for the prohibition of the
traffic in slaves among the several States; in a
third, they recommend the abolition of Slavery
IN this District; in another, they insist on the
repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act; in another,
they demand that slaves be no longer sold
under judicial process, for the payment of debts
to the United States; in still another, they
demonstrate against payment, out of the Fede-
raj Treasury, for the negroes Of the Amistad,
who were declared freemen by the Supreme
Court, but claimed to be property by the Span
ish Government and in the last, they ask for
the prohibition of Slavery and the slave trade
in the Territories of the United States.
These several petitions are signed, in part,
by the same, and, in part, by different individ-
uals. They were committed to my charge by
gentleman of distinguished worth and high
social position. The signers are men Of char
scter and substance, intelligent and patriotic
They have a right to be respectfully and fairly
heard.
/ move the reference of these petitions to a
select committee, for several reasons.
First, the Importance of the general question
of Slavery, which they present under different
aspects justifes such reference. No one here
can fail to observe the immense, not to say
overpowering, influence which Slavery exerts
over almost every act of the Government 1t
was but yesterday that the Senator from Penn
sylvania Mr.. BRoDHgAD invoked the aid OF
Senators from the slave States against the pro-
posed credits for duties on railroad iron, and
intimated not obscurely, that the loyalty OF
Pennsylvania to the South might be affected
by their refusal. Today the Senator from
Michigan Mr.. STUART causes to be read, at
the Clerks table, an act of the Legislature OF
MS State, for the protection of its inhabitants
against unlawful seizure, as evidence of the
necessity of prompt action upon his resolution
Of inquiry into the necessity of providing United
States jails at Detroit. Thus, on every side we
confront this question. Hardly a question
indeed, | may say, no subject-comes before
Songress which is not, nearly or remotely,
,fatfected by considerations and influences grow
ing out of the Institution of Slavery. No attempt
10 settle this Slavery question has yet succeed
aSh. Adjusted by one compromise, 1t demands
Smother; settled again, it is again renewed
he very compromises by which it was adjust
ID, are broken by its power. Such question
20 important, and so importunate, so pervasive
find so controlling, certainly deserves the con
liberation of select committee.
Secondly, | submit that the ordinary rule oil
legislative proceedings requires such a reference
al memorials and all propositions, according
to the common course of parliamentary action,
should be referred to favorable or, at least, to
On impartial committee. Every Senator knows
that the standing committees Of this body, to
which these petitions might be otherwise appro
priately referred, are so constituted that the
petitioners could not expect from them even an
impartial, much less a favorable, consideration.
A reference to select committee is therefore
necessary to secure for these petitioners that
candid and liberal hearing which American
citizens have right to demand from their
National Legislature.
Thirdly, beg Senators to consider whether
justice to brother Senator'S and members of the
other House of Congress, who share, in great
er or less degree, the sentiments of these petit
TONERS does not require the reference which /
/ "a 10 IN COR
tain Senators, myself among them, fanatical
notions on the subject of Slavery. A great
deal of loose representation, and not a little
gross Misrepresentation Of our opinions, is
propagated through the country. Certainly, it
is but fair, and hope Senators from all sections
will agree in this, to give us an opportunity of
stating, in the authentic form of report, our
real views, and our plan for the final settlement
OF this great question, for the consideration OF
Congress and the country. Let it be seen wheth-
er we are fanatics, or whether we are sincere
men, holding only, in good faith, the opinions
Of Washington and Jefferson, of Franklin and
Adams and seeking only their just and impair
tial application to legislation and admnistra-
ton. We are no longer uncomfortable in num-
Der here, and we represent majority of the
voting population of the Union. Under such
circumstances, respectfully ask, how can a
reference 10 q select COmmlJLee Dc uenleU Will
propriety or justice?
Finally, sir, it is due to the people of the slave
States, and to the slaveholding class ITSELF that
this reference should be ordered. They ought
to have correct and authentic information as to
the views and purposes of those who agree in
the general with these petitioners. | have al
ready said that believe they constitute at this
moment majority of the electors of the coun-
try. Party ties have hitherto restrained their
action. But party ties, as we have been made
to see clearly, during tho debates of the two
days, visibly decay, wax old, and are ready to
vanish away. Instead of the old parties, new
organizations arise. Through these new or
ganizations or over them, the people will assert
their supremacy; and the people are against
Slavery. Under these circumstances, what in
terest can the slave States have in suppressing
the clear expression of distinct opinions on this
subject? Is it not better for them to know
what the opponents of Slavery in the free States
really propose to do7 Why should they fight
shadows and phantoms9 Why not inform them
selves accurately and carefully of real facts and
the actual situation? Surely, sir, it is best that
each section of the country should fully under
stand what the other sections wish or propose
in reference to matters of such interest If real
dangers exist, they can be best encountered when
clearly seen and fully understood If no real
danger exist true information will dispel need
less alarms.
1t is not my habit, Mr.. President, to make
long speeches. / confess to some reluctance
even to make this motion, and to say what /
have said. But l seek no debate. merely
propose reference, that a committee may con-
slider and report. For this sufficient time re-
mains, and | trust that my motion may be
agreed to.
Mr.. WELLER. 1t is very remarkable, if the
Senator from Ohio has had these petitions in
his possession for a long time, that he should
have been delayed up to this hour introducing