Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1855-07-13
speech of Hon. James Bell of n. II.


sound and moderate speech of Senator Bell,
lately delivered at Concord.
Mr. Bell announced as the topics upon
which he should speak the attempts which
had been repeatedly made to extend the from
tiers Of the country in order to introduce
slavery, the protection of, or rather the re-
moval of the disabilities from, free labor, and
the injury which had been done to free labor
by the squandering of the public domain.
| Upon all these matters gross injustice and
wrong had been perpetrated, and there had
been a wide departure from the principle
and policy Of the fathers Of our government.
The policy Of our government now looks out
tward and not inward-it is not to develop
our own resources, but to mcddle with the
affairs and encroach upon the territories OF
other nations. 1t was the policy of the
founders of our government, and was by them
announced as II principle. to have peace with
all nations and entanging alliances with
none Least Of all did they contemplate the
further extension Of slavery, which they
looked upon as II great evil, by territorial
acquisition or foreign conquest Dwelling
upon the existing policy of our government
in relation to territorial acquisition and the
extension of slavery, he said that II this
policy was continued it would bring about
civil revolution, subverting our government
in its very essence and changing its whole
purpose. He illustrated this point by citing
the attempts to acquire Cuba-a scheme only
postponed, not abandoned. lie denounced
these attempts as Il mere executive motion
usurpation Of power. They are conducted
with secresy, and as though the people have
no right to be heard. How, he asked do you
distinguish the action Of our government in
this respect from that Of any despotic nation
in Europe
In continuation Of this subject. Mr. Brll
asked, ear r.,~e millions Of people, who are
annexed to tui, nation With tIeir iJreigu
sympathics and attachments, he converted
into free and Intelligent American citizens I
lie denounced these territorial acquisitions
as contrary to the Constitution, which no.
where gives the power to purchase Cuba or
any other country. 1t was IA clear usurpation
OF power.
Passing from this topic to the Kansas bill,
he said no man who looks at this bill and the
laws of the country, can deny, that it Con-
gress has granted to the settlers in Kansas
the sovereign right Of legalizing slavery in it,
it has by some strange oversight failed to
confer upon them any other right as a sover-
eign people Tney can choose for themselves
none of the higher Territorial officers, and
they can pass no law which Congress cannot
Immediately altor repeal. Congress may
even blot it out of existence as Il Territory at
their pleasure or they may divide it into
two Territories, or annex it to another.
W here. then, is its sovereignty This de-
fence of the bill, drawn from the propriety or
necessity OF comforting sovereign powers upon
the people OF the territory, not only has no
foundation in fact, but it is not, il cannot be
used in good faith On the part of those who
use it, understanding this Territorial Bill
and its history. The argument lacks truth
for its foundation, and it therefore lacks faith
and honesty. Those who passed the Kansas
Nebraska Bill never intended to clothe the
people Of the Territory, while it remained
such, with the power of excluding Slavery
and according to the construction current
throughout the South, it conters none. " hen
ceasing to be Territory and becoming IL
State, the people may elect whether Slavery
shall be one OF its institutions. But ere that
time the question will have been irrecCycra-
bly, settled by the course OF events. Ii slave
holders, who up to that time could not have
been excluded, shal! then constitute any CON
siderable portion OF its population, it will be
found impracticable to get rid Of the bighting
institution which they have introduced.
Look at one convincing fact. In each
branch of Congress when this bill WAS pend
ing, an amendment was offered, comforting,
i'll clear and explicit terms, upon the people
OF the Territories the right to exclude or to
permit Slavery and it was voted down by
the friends ot the bill, both III the Senate
and the House. and leading southern states
men in the debate repudiated the idea that
people Of the territory could possess any such
power They meant TO confer no such
privilege, but their purpose was to open
wide the door to slavery, we'll convinced that
no vote Of the people, either of the Territory
or of the State. when it should become such.
would have power afterwards to eradicate it.
Nothing but an actual demonstration of ply
steal force could do 1t.
Does some friend of this bill now present
say, that he has read it, and that it docs give
to the people the power of which we have
spoken | would say to him-my friend,
they are deluding you with nice and inge-
nious phrase. That phrase is qualified by a
proyiso which takes all the virtue out Of the
only clause which seems to give chance to
freedom. The people may decide the qucs-
ton, subject to the Constitution, but that
Constitution, as it is read wherever slavery
prevails, permits no interference with the
subject Is not the whole thing then cheat
ana a delusion
Practically and substantially, no such
power is granted, and the future will show
that the whole matter will be resolved into
long and desperate struggle between the
| settler from the Free States, going there to
| claim his heritage, and the stakeholder, with
all the advantage of contiguity on his side,
| striving to wrest it from him. Ii would
seem that fair field is not even TO be al
| lowed for this contest, but that tho free set
tier is to he overborne and crushed down by
the lawless and savage violence of marauders
from an adjoining Slave State. Will the ad-
ministratlon send the military force of the
country to his defence Can any man
answer The duty to do 80 is, n. hold,
clear, imperative, and beyond all controversy.
shall not stop TO argue at length, that it
was unfit in every way, that the true soyer-
eigns of every Territory won by their arms
or purchased by their money, the people OF
United States should strip themselves Of their
power to shape its destlnies for the future,
We were its true soycreigns-it was an un-
settled wilderness with no man there to
till the ground Ii we had suffered it to re-
main, as it was, land from which slavery
was excluded, no man who went there with n
knowledge of its destination could complain
that his rights as one of the sovereign people
was invaded. lie would go Voluntarily, with
a knowledge of the future institutions Of the
country If his preference was for a country
where slavery should exist. he could of course
turn to any of the vast and fertile regions of
the South, which are still unsettled.
This was the ancient the safe, the only
statesmanlke principlc-that on which our
fathers have acted ever since the establish
ment of our government. They began with
the ordinance of l7S7, and adhered to the
same principle, till this atteHpt was made to
change it. Shall we not, discarding this in
novation, return to the old, time honored,
well approved system Of our fathers Or
shall We follow in the path of those modern
politicians, who, avoiding any committal
upon this which they regard a, most deli
cate and dangerous question, would have the
representatives, of the people " abdicatc gov
eminent on this great subject, and throw
its determination upon the decision Of tho
transient and accidental settlers in the Terri
tory or State. Would it not he really better