The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1855-07-07

| III.
principle on which tller stand has been re.
pudiated by all true democrats ever since the
foundation of the government. But there are
conventions in the South. and perhaps in the
North, where men calling themselves demo-
Gratis, speak of supporting Mr.. Picrcc's
measures. Now, should like to know what
he has done except turn out few good men
| who W ere true to the principle on which he
came into power, and to pat in their >. ices
men OF multiplying sympathies. This may he
called the distinguishing measure Of his ad-
ministration
The next in importance are tho attack on
Greytown, the OStcnd Conference and the
recent display Of our naval force before Ia
vana. No one, believe, has vcnturcd to
characterize his vetocs as measures, any
more than he would advert to the essay of
some school-boy on morals or mytaphy sizes,
as philosophy. He has quoted little from
one President, anil little from another, but
even the most rabid Of his party have voted
against his Iecomm endationS, without think
ing himself any the worse or better new
school democrat therefor. No. gentlemen, if
you examine closely these conventions, YOU
Will tnd that they arc not democratic in the
old constitutional sense. The nominee of one
of these conventions in Tennessee proposes
to give the public land to the foreign immi-
grants, to change the Constitution, and is
known as Jacobs Ladder man, that is, he is
man who gets power by ascend ladder
which has round for every one to stand on.
| In the Georgia convention you will observe
that notification is the leading idea. The
talk is there about rctallatory measures: about
making hostages out of individuals and pro-
perty belonging to the citizens of Massachu-
sets. They forget tlat two wrongs never
make right. They never think of respecting
the old sentiment of democracy that the Con-
stitution and laws of the United States, in
pursuance thereof. are supreme, and must be
executed. And if we had n President. gen
tlcmen. such as old jackson, You would not
hear of these rctaliatory measures, nor such
diSSraccfu spcctaclcs as are now being PLAYED
in the ncighborhood of Bunker Hill. But
alas we have none. This great Republic
must forever lament that proclamation from
MIR. Pierce would he Just such an affair as his
attack on Grcytown and the establishment of
the OStcnd Conference. What could he do
with a Secretary of War who believes in the
right OF notification, and an attorney Gcncr-
al who is known only to the nation as an
abolitioni>t. alsad even of Gid,lings and
Seward! lie commenced to govern the
country by union of these two clements of
dis'lnon and he can do nothing to save that
will not involve him still deeper in disgrace.
Why. gentlemen, it ought not to surprise us
if we hear tomorrow that this Mr.. Wilson,
who breaches so ftlriousy against the fugitive
slave law, has influence enough to turn out
Gushing and take his place in the Cabinet,
on the principle that fresh horse can travel
faster than jadcd one.
But, fellow citizens. turn from these I'M
pleasant pictures to the platform ON which
have thought an old jackson man could
stand with consistency and honor. You
have seen that the country stands abashcd at
the enormous pretensons of this school.
Modification in the South is the highest pass
port to public favor, and stretches out its
hand to notification in the North for succor
and aid. Can sound jackson man. or a
Clay Wing, witness the determination with
out agreeing to bury their former differences
on minor questions and make one united cf-
fort N rid the country of such a systematic
attack on the body polite? 1t is the object
OF the American party to accomplish this.
You see from the extracts which read that
the Union sentiments Of Washington and
jackson constitute the platform. -Prcsidcnt
Pierce and Mr.. Seward have formed their
coalition in such way as to secure the for
cen vote, and to enlist the Catholics as part-
Fans in that cause. To coun,cract this coali-
ton. the American party propose to modify
the naturalization laws, and to enter into
political brotherhood with no cccleSiastic or
scctarian. who processes to owe allegiance to
any power higher than the Constitution of the
United States. There is no wrong here done
to any human being
The foreigner, who has acquired the rights
of citizenship. as he values those rights, can
not object to place them beyond the assaults
Of those paupcrs and criminals who are land
ing on our shores by the thousand. Nor
ought the Catholic to feel surprise that the
American mind looks with distruSt and ap-
prchension upon a hierarchy which in all
other countries has sought to connect the
Church and State and whose history has
been one continual struggle for dominion in
temporal as we'll as secular matters. We are
charged. gentlemen, with establishing a re-
ligious test, and assailing the great natural
light of all human beings to worship Alnigh-
ty God according to the die tates of thcirown
conscience. The charge is false The po-
sition Of the American party on this question
is as clear as daylight. 1t simply announces
to the Catholic bishops that if they possess
the power to organize their communicates
with political train bands to support system
dangerous to liberty, and subversve of the
constitution it is lawful TO oppose them--by
our votes ut lcaSt-until they can show
that their allegiance to the Pope is subordin-
ate to that of obedience to the Constitution of
the land. The Pope claims infalliblity the
power of pardoning sins. He claims the
right of deposing princes and potcntates. Let
his followers satisfy us that these pretcnsions
are not claimed by them, and they will find
the American party as willing to meet them
in the bonds ofa common and equal citizen
ship as any other class of churchmcn. l
dismiss this part of the subject with the
declaration that the idea incorporated into
the platform, that Americans must rule
America. is as old as the Constitution. and
has been maintained by all the early states
men of the land. it is not the prescription
of the Catholic, but a timely and salutary
warning to him that if the influence Of his
church is brought into the political arena. as
an element ofpower. it will be opposed with
candor and irankness, and, trust, with sue
cess. come now, gentlemen, to that portion
of the platform which dlsposcs of the question
of slavery. We have met it with firmness.
We declare that Congress has nothing to do
with it. That the Constitution recognizes il