Bradford reporter. [volume] (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, 1855-07-14

to the inevitable separation of the states. In
this sense, Mr.. CALHOUN said -
He had foreseen what this subject would
come to; he knew its origin, and that it lay
deeper than was supposed. 1t grew out of a
spirit of fanaticism, which was daily increasing,
and If not met an hmine, would by-and-by dis
solve this Union. 1t was particularly our du-
ty to keep the matter out of the Senate, out of
the halls of the National Legislature These
fanatics were interfering with what they had
no right Grant the reception of these peti-
tionS and you will next be asked to act on them.
He was for no conciliatory course, no tempo
rlzlng; instead of yielding one inch he would
rise in opposition, and he hoped every man from
the South would stand by him to put down this
growing evil There was but one question that
would ever destroy this Union, and that was
involved in this principle Yes il: this was po-
tent enough for it, and must be early arrested
if the Union was to be preserved A man
must see little into what is going on. if he did
not perceive that this spirit was growing, and
that the rising generation was becoming more
strongly imbued with it. 1t was not to be stop
ped by reports on paper, but by action, and
very decided action"
The question which occupied the Senate was
as to the most judicious mode of treating these
memorials, with view to prevent their evil
effects; ; and that was entirely question of
! policy, on which senators disagreed who con-
CURED IN the main object. Some deemed it
most advisable to receive and consider the pc
titlons-to refer them to a committeeman
subject them to the adverse report which they
would be sure to receive as had been done
with the QuakerS petitions at the beginning of
the government. Others deemed it preferable
| to refuse to receive them
The objection urged to this latter course was
that 1t would mix up a new question with the
slavery agitation which would enlist the SYM
pathleS of many who did not cooperate with
the abolltionists-the question of the right of
petition ; and that this new question, mixing
with the other, might swell the number of pc
tltlOners, keep up the applications to Congress-
and perpetuate an agitation which would 9th
erwiSe soon die out. Mr. CLAY and many 9th
ers were of this opinion Mr. CALHOUN and
his friends thought otherwise, and the result
was, SO far as it concerned the petitions of in
diylduals and societies, what it had previously
been-a halfway measure between reception
and rejection-a motion to lay the question of
reception on the table. This motion precIud-
ing all discussion got rid of the petitions quiet
iy, and kept debate olt of the Senate
In the case of the memorial from the state
OF Vermont, the proceeding was slightly differ
ent in form, but the same in substance As
the act of a state it was received. but after re-
cepton was laid on the table Thus, all the
memorials and petitions were disposed of bv
the Senate in way to accomplish the twOf0ld
object, first, of avoiding discussion. and next
condemning the object of the petitioners. 1t
was accomplishing all that the South asked.
and if the subject had rested at that point
there would have been nothing in the history
of this session on the slavery agitation to dis
tlnguish it from other sessions about that peri
cd; but the subject was revived, and in way
to force discussion, and to constitute a point
for the retrospect Of history.
Every memorial and petition had been dis
posed OF according to the wishes of the sena-
tors from the slaveholdng states, but Mr.. CAL
HOCN deemed it due to those states to 90 fur
! ther and to obtain from the Senate decIara-
tlOns which should cover all the questions of
federal power over the institution of slavery
For that purpose he submitted series of re-
solves, six in number, which derive their impor-
tancc from their comparison, or rather CON
trast, with others on the same subject present
ed by him in the Senate ten years later, and
which have given birth to doctrines and pro-
ceedings which have greatly 'sturbed the har-
mony of the Union and palpably endangered its
! stability
| The six resolutions of this period ('37-'3S)
undertook to define the whole extent of the
power delegated by the states to the federal
government on the subject of slavery-to spe-
city the acts which would exceed that power
and to show the consequences of doing any
thing not authorized to be done. The first
four of these related to the states about which
there being no dispute, there was no debate
The sixth, without naming Texas, was pros
pective, and looked forward to a case which
might include her annexation; and was laid
upon the table to make way for an express re-
solution from Mr.. Preston on the same subject
The fifth related to the territories and to the
District of Columbia, and was the only one
which excited attention, or has left surviving
interest 1t was in these words:
Resolved, That the intermeddIing Of any
state or states, or their citizens, to abolish sa-
very in this District or any of the territories,
on the ground or under the preteXt that it is
immoral or sinful or the passage of any act
or measure of Congress, with that view would
be direct and dangerous attack Oh the nsti-
tutions of all the slavehodng states"
| The dogma of "no power in Congress to le-
gislate upon the existence of slavery in terrific
ries," was not then invented, and of course was
not asserted in this resolve, intended by its au-
thor to define the extent of the federal legisa-
tive power on the subject. The resolve went
upon existence of the power and deprecated
its abuse 1t put the District of Columbia in
to the same category, both for the exercise of
the power and the consequences to result from
the intermeddling of states or citizens, or the
passage of any act of Congress to abolish sla-
very in either The intermeddng and the le-
gislatioD were deprecated solely on the ground
of inexpedency.
| Mr. Clay believed this ipeypediencY to rest