The Kansas herald of freedom., 1855-03-03

pSAnS SuUjoSe W oi0c1'SO siio hcOccSdIf
imbecility. New nations come in. In
England only is the policy pursued of in
fusing the blood of the people into the
shrunken veins of the decaying aristoe-
raey; and, consequently, it is the most
powerful aristocracy on the globe Does
Nelson achieve splendid victory-or
Walter Scott gain a worldwide reputa-
ton by his writings-or BFougham make
himself by his powers of thought and
eloqueDee dangerous to the aristoeraey?
They are each at once taken into the fold
of the aristocraey. But still, even in
England, spite of these infusions, the
power of the aristocraey is tottering and
they are not few who contend that its
government must ere long become dem
ocratic.
/ In the slave Safes it is not SO. They
do not wait for the people to act. The
people are forced by the nature of the
case into condition of dependence upon
this oligarchy. Among the FIVE or six
millions of llon-slageholders, the first ne
cessity is for some TO discharge the Office
of household servants. They are COM
PEELED to go without servants or buy
slaves, and then themselves become iden-
tilted with the system. There was no
philosophical reason why one species of
labor should be regarded as more degrad-
ing than another John Quincy Adams
once nobly said, that he thought as much
ofa shoemaker as of a lawyer. This was
going great way; and yet, though no
good reason exists for this species of
caste, still such is the fact and thus the
non-slaveholders become absorbed in the
shareholders.
Another fact is to be borne in mind.
Ifin the class of non Shareholders liberal
elements arise, those are either exiled
voluntarily or forcibly driven out How?
The North has her railways, her nayiga-
ton, steam and sail. She can find
market anywhere-she is not dependent
upon her rich men. Not so in the South,
which is eminently feudal in her customs.
Though wealthy and luxurious to con-
siderable extent, she cares little for COM
merce and general intercourse, and no
such facilities as the North presents exist
there. Her laboring men cannot manu-
facture the raw materials and send the
product where they will. He is depend
ent upon the home market Manufactures
and commerce are confined to little cir
cles.
1t must be recollected that the slave
holders not only own two thousand mil
| lions worth of slaves, but at least some
three thousand millions more are under
! their control SO that in Congress some
five thousand millions of property are
represented. What is the result? Take
the case of any artisan, as halter or sad
Ter. Probably if he sells one hundred
hats or saddles, ninety of them are for
shareholders Now, if he offend them,
he has no foreign market to which to re-
sort. He is proscribed-patronage is
withdrawn-the man is ruined, and must
migrate elsewhere. By this process one
million of native-born Kentuckians alone
have been exiled from their hearth stones
and the graves of their ancestors.
Put the various processes together, and
it will readily be seen how utterly impo-
tent the masses are rendered.
Butt may be asked-why do not the
non-slaveholders themselves become land
owners, that they may be independent :?
Suppose person commenced life des-
titute of property to a great extent He
cannot purchase, because the capital of
this ofgarchy is thrown against him.
Land is inflated in It's valuation, and
effectually placed beyond his reach
Here at the North, if man has thous-
and dollars ahead, land is at his COM
mand. No such combined speculations
exist, and therefore there is no such arti-
fetal value attached to it. In the South
manufacturing is not profitable, because
the slaves cannot or will not work to ad-
vantage in such employments. Nor is
commerce; because it, without manufac-
lures, isvaIueless. Therefore the wealthy
invest in land, which gives it a fictitious
value. Hence the productive power of
the slave States in land is not more than
three per cent. What profit is there in
borrowing money at six per cent. to earn
but three? Besides. if man has capital,
the shareholders will, and do pay double
the price asked in order to keep nom
STAKEHOLDER off. They suspect "poor
white man " as keenly as the pirate"
who steals the "niggers" In these
ways they have the power effectually to
control the non-slaveholding class
Said the speaker:-I dwell upon
these things, because if there be true
Democrat within reach of my voice. l
wish to convince him that, BY acting with
this oligarchy, he notonly tramples upon.
the rights and liberties of the blacks, but
also crushes to the dirt the poorer class
of the whites.
A convention was holden in 1849 in
Kentucky. We wished to keep up with
the progress of the age. We wanted to
devise means to add to the prosperity of
our people. 1t consisted of 100 MEM
bers, who were chosen from constituent
yof some zoo, 900 non shareholders and
$4,000 slave owners. 1t was ostensibly
a democratic movement. How many
.AASa NiU
elect? Ninety -6ve-eighty-ifty No.
NOT ONE. Now, what a commentary is
here upon the destruction of manliness
which must have occurred, if, out of that
100. 600, none We're capable of acting as
representatives Or-if YOU take the
other horn of the dilemma-what des-
potic and tyrannical state of society is
engendered, which by threats or actual
violence could accomplish the same end
We were defeated What the press and
pulpit did not accomplish, violence did.
We were conquered, but not subdued.-
We presented ourselves in the humble
attitude of petitioners. We said to our
rulers: You have conquered as in the
contest, and We yield. Give US the bal-
lot You say we have the right to this
What was the answer? 1t may be read
IN the published debate OF. that conven-
tion. They said s'Nol you must vote
VIVA vocE." There shall be no secret
ballot-and why? Because the slave
holders wished to, preserve the control of
fl L. i IL