Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1855-08-09

.hdSSdCHHSeIS-OC OCCdStOHeu W HiS U1nIl-
Slavery Discourse, in Niblo'S Theatre.
BY REV. r.. j. pREcKENR1DGE.
SIR: have read with great attention a
discourse of yours published in the New
York Tribune of the 18th of May, which,
according 10 the statements of that paper,
was pronounced at Nibo's Theatre, in the
city of New York, few days before, to an
immense ard delighted assembly orthe peo-
pie. will add that it is my habit to read
carefully whatever l find in the newspapers
of the day proceeding from you. For l OBJ
serve in what falls from you, more serious
conviction, a deeper tincture of scholarship,
a larger intelligence, and more earnest
maniness than have been able to discover
in the utterances Of those who seem to enjoy
your confidence and share your labors. 1t |
is no disparagement TO you, personally,
TO add, that representing the Common
wealth Of Massachusetts, sitting in the seat
Of Daniel Webster, discoursing the duty of
the Northern States on the most dangerous
topic Of our day, and pleading eloquently
for the necessity, practicability and dignity,
Of an enterprise whose success involves the
ruin OF the country-your words have for
all considerate men, an interest and an i'm
portance which all your high qualities would
fail 10 impart TO them, if you spoke as a
private citizen. 1t may be possible, also,
that the words of private person like my
self, and a total stranger to you, by connec-
ting themselves with the stirring and dam
gerous words spoken by you from tha; great
position, you have won, may obtain an au-
dence, which, but for that, it were idle TO
expect for them. And you will yourself,
perhaps, admit, that have somewhat to say,
worthy of serious consideration, and that
my life long connection, in many forms, with
most of the topics you discuss, entities me,
without undue presumption, to give utter
ance to some of the thoughts excited by your
discourse.
Allow me, sir, to utter in one sentence
the substance of my whole thought touching
the madness of the times about this whole
question Of negro slavery. Here we are
great people, with glorious mission set
before us. More than twenty millions of
us, with whose destiny the destiny of three
or four millions Of blacks is feariully COM
bined. One way or other, we must solve
their destiny when we solve our own.-
This is wholly unavoidable. But the mad
ness is, that every seven white Americans
must needs cut each others throats concern
ing the fate of one black African! Is there
no solution of the problem of their destiny
and ours, but that solution which destroys
us without beneftting them? And can
statesmen such as l do not see sufficient
reason 10 doubt you are-and patriots such
as have not the heart TO deny you to be
find no better solution of this terrible pro.
blem--no nobler issues of our sublime hopes
than mutual destruction by the men OF
the North and the men Of the South-for
the sake OF the African slaves, scattered
thinly over the continent? Are we not able
to bear through, by our invinclble strength
even such parasite as this black race, car.
rying them forward far beyond anything
they could have reached without us, and ye
mounting up ourselves far beyond anything
they may ever reach? Shame upon every
American statesman and every American
patriot who is insensible to the glory of sucl
f a result! lnfamy to every one who con
F.. spires to defeat il!
And yet, sir, you, an American Senator
speaking in the name Of the great Common
wealth, in whose bosom stands Bunker Hi
and sitting in the seat OF that great states
man and patriot who saw no hope for pub
lie liberty, higher than that which rests upol
the Union of these States; you, an Ameri
: can Senator, who have studied the past an
fear God, allow yourself to bring the whol
force of your character, your position, an
your great gifts, to bear directly upon III
point at which alone it is possible to wrecl
< the country; and TO destroy us altogether
The very madness of the times assumes i
D. you its most frantic aspect; and you openl
avow that slavery in America, is wron
~ sogrievious and unquestionable that it shoul
not be allowed TO continue-nay, that
I'd should cease to exist at once--nay, that
-. wrong so transcendant, so loathsome, 5
~ direlul, must be encountered wherever
= can be reached, and the battle must be cor
st tinued without truce or compromise, unt
the field is entirely won. Such are you
or words, profoundly eloquent--unspeakabl
frantic!
ls' Now, sir, this means, neither more M
less, than the edge of the sword. La
aside the rhetoric, and the simple sense i
= grape and canister, cold steel and stricke
battle. Believe me, Mr.. Sumner, when
state two facts, one OF which l know bette
than you do, and the other of which yo
ought to know, better, perhaps than do
OF The fact, which know better than you
is, that whenever the very faintest indies
=, ton of the settled purpose of the men of ii
a North to follow your advice, becomes appal
- rent to the men of the fifteen slave States
lie this Union--a million of armed men, wi
ats be ready to receive you and your follower
J.. and if you come not speedily thereafter
81 execute your threats, your coming will n
be waited for; but they will seek you on Il
re soil where you now vainly suppose no da
IL ger will ever come. The fuct which yC
ought TO know better than i do is, that aft
=, two or three hundred thousand men are a
y rayed in battle, on each side, it makes
= sort of difference as to the probable resu
whether one or tho other party has Il
greater reserve of physical force, left out