New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1855-06-27


eraI Constitutions If You do not abandon your insti-
tutieps and adopt ours will prescribe you; for
that purpose we will forget everything else and 10
our own Free States will support and elevate Office
only those who will rgidy make the line that di
sydes the South from the North the measure of their
action in public life We cannot thus practically
deny our oft-avowed nationality of sentiment. We
cannot thus crush and annihlae that brotherhood OF
feeling which we entertain toward fellow citizens
and fellow republicans, whether they hail from North
CT South, East or Wet. Of Our favored land And If
onr Southern brethren say: Ne cannot rellnquish
Slavery sur response Is. Nor we Freedom; but
swe ere brethren; here Is our hand. We viii have
sOme friendly talk about this; but in the mean time
let us unite to DO all the good we can for the country
of our common alta chment and love.
We sometimes speak Of doughfsces with
what might be called severity, but that is when
they are artful and perverse dosgbfaces. The
Commercial belongs to another category and
with tive desire simply to "haTe some friendly
talk about this"
1t is net correct to say that the Republican
party proposes to divide the country by geo
graphical line. Its purpose is simply to assert
and prevent the aggressi0ns of Slavery upon
Freedom. 1t means to continue before the peo-
pie that struggle against the Nebraska bill
which the Administration by base and corrupt
means but yet with great difficulty, defeated
in 1854 In that struggle some of the most gal
liant and manly spirits Of the South took part
with us. Etheridge, Bogg, Cullom and Bell Of
Tennessee, Hunt Of Louisiana, Houston of
Texas, all spoke ana voted in the very way the
Republican party voted in the Congressional
elections of 1854 and propose to vote in the
Presidential election of 1856. Then the effort
was to prevent the abrogatiOn Of the Missouri
Pr bition; BOW we aim to restore it. Then
it was not properly speaking sectional con-
test: if it is made so COW it may be misfor
tune but it cannot be fault on our part.
Our contemporary also falls into grieyous and
unsccountable error in representing the Repub-
lcan party as directing its energies to the des-
tructon of Slavery where il exists and to the
prescription Of Southern men. We cannot sup
pose this mistake to have been made purposely,
but il would be difficult to get further from the
truth The Republicans as body of men COM
bined to redress great wrong and to avert the
most fearful danger which can menace the coun-
try. They aim to restore the Missouri Prohibl-
ton, and to repel that course of invasion and
domination in which Slavery has entered and by
which it grasps at perpetual and entire control
of the Government AS for the Institution as
it exists in the States, they propose to let it
alone, except BY argument, appeal and exposure
of its character and consequences. That Is
their policy AID the whole of it. Why then
should not The Commercial cooperate with
them
We fear that the sensitiveness which renders
The Commercial so decided in its hostility to
sectional prescription is more touched by the ap-
pIehension that Southern men may be refused
Office because they are slave-driyers than by the
fact that Northern men are, and long have been,
prescribed because they are suspected of pre-
ferripg Freedom to Slavery. Is our cotempo-
rary ignorant that no known Free-Soiler can
receive an appointment from the Executive
Is he not aware that when nomination is sent
for confirmation to the Senate of the United
States the first question in that dignifed body
is whether the person is sound on Slavery All
this is as notorious as any other public fact.
There has long prevailed the most unsparng
prescription of all men who would not fall down
and worship the Black Moloch; aud yet this
respectable New-York journal is frightened and
lamensatory because it fears that the cup which
the South has for years forced all men to drink
may now be returned to her own lips
But The Commercial has no fear of being left
alone in its ultra -mortuary devotion to the Wing
cause. 1t will have plenty of good companions;
at least such is its confident anticipation:
There will remain even after the proposed defec
ton in this City and State, and in every Free State,
band of national Wings whom no Ism, no nope OF
popularity or of office and resentment or exaspera-
ton for this in reality is the source of this sectional
feeling at the North will seduce from their national al
legance men who will be Anti Slavery, who mua be
80 because their intelligent vicons are that slavery
is an incubus upon any State and greyous oppression
TO the slave, but who will limit the application OF
tbis AntSlavery principle to their own affairs, and
not keep up bitter and interminable quarrel with
their brethren of other States because Their eonve
tions are dferrnt who viii not cenSe IN their te
gitimoe efforts to extend the area of Freedom but
who will Xxi ow no North, no South, no East no
West in national affairs and will abide by the
motto, The Union, now and forever, one and nsepa
rable.'
Once again, we are unable to see why The
Commercial should refuse to go with the Anti
Nebraska party. That party is opposed to
Slavery, and so is The Commercial. That party
propose to limit the application of the Anti
Slavery principle to their own affairs as mat
ter of solemn duty, ard so does The Commercial
That party will not cease in any legitimate eff
forts to secure to Freedom its own ancient and
long guaranteed area, neither will The CONNER
eial That party will welcome to its ranks all
men of whatever part of the country aud here
again il is in agreement with The Commercial
That lty is devoted to the Union and will en-
ploy all its powers in freeing it from danger