Squatter sovereign., 1855-02-20

OF the right of a people to declare, who
shall compose the government, who enjoy
Its full privileges, OF the propriety of cxer-
clslng this right so as to exclude many, to
one who appreciates the blessings Of liberty,
no proof need be given. There never was
there never can be free government, to
the full privileges of which, all who may
happen TO be within its limits, are admitted.
We have restricted this right, even in the
case of the white man: and it is conceived
by many that we have even been too
'iiffberaf IN our permission to others of the
white race to come and after a short proba-
ton share with us our proud privileges.
Whatever be the opinion as to the pro-
prlety OF our course towards the white race,
we will not admit it debateable as TO the
negro. Positive Legislation is not necessary
to exclude them, so universal is the feeling:
aboiitionists indeed would never entrust
the government to their hands.
Ii then negroes cannot take part in the
administration Of the government, if they
are never to be admitted to share in its
privileges; it will be asked, how are they
to affect It's duration, preserve its purity?
Our answer is, by continuing to occupy
that position for which their maker intend
ed them: that OF slaves to the white man.
In a Republic, where all are politically
equal, wealth becomes the great object to
be attained; for wealth alone gives distinc-
ton, wealth is indispensable to the enjoy
ment of real liberty, wealth alone distin-
guishes the freeman from the slave. There,
money makes the real master, poverty the
real slave. A contest between wealth and
poverty necessarily begins. Each seeks
by the means within its command to irl-
crease its power. Wealth by the aid of
talent to increase and to secure its fortunes
Poverty by its political power, in numbers
the stronger, seeks to better It's condition,
to free itself from real slavery, to become
at least really "free and equal" Capital
seeks to extort the greatest gain for least
expenditure. Labor struggling for bread,
demands higher recompense for its servi-
ces. The interests Of the employer and
the hireling, the capitalist and laborer, are
antagonistic, foI the gain of the one, is
the loss of the other. As a country con-
tinues to increase in population, these in
terests conflict the more: wealth becomes
more absorbed IN the hands Of the few,
the demand for labor less than the supply,
the la5orers become weakened by their ve-
ry numbers: at last the starving millions
become desperate.
POLITICALLY the paupef, and the man of
wealth are equal: labor has thus the power
of numbers; while on the other hand wealth
has the power of money, the command of
talent. The contests have ever proved ul-
equal; the brute force of numbers may pre-
vail for time, 1t effects mere convulsion;
Agrarian laws may be called for, distri-
button of property demanded; in the end
talent and wealth viii conquer; and then,
to protect itself, to guard against a like
conyulsion, strong laws will be enacted, a
government of force be established. The
scenes of the French revolution but illus
trate the issue of this contest: Anarchy
under the cry of Liberty, Equality, Fra
ternity,' rules for the day, to be followed
on the morrow by an Empire!
Here it is proper we should agian refer
to the boasted increase Of population in
New England.
We have seen that this is not so much
the result of natural increase, as of foreign
emigration; we now propose to consider
whether such increase be evidence of pros
perity.
We may, as political economists insist,
first that providence in its wisdom does re-
grlate the natural increase of population
by the capacity Of country to sustain its
population, and may hence properly rate
such increase as an evidence of prosperity
But the capacity of country may be in
creased by wise, be diminished by iniudi-
cious legislation; and hence mere increase
of population is not necessarily evidence of
prosperity. So too, population may by ar
tificial means be increased far beyond It's
natural increase, and may greatly exceed
IN this manner the capacity of the country
10 support its population: this would be the
reverse of prosperity.
There is none more ready than we to
extend all the blessings of our free govern
ment, the almost boundless resources of our
favored land, to the poor and the oppressed
of all nations; yet, it is possible that our
hospitality may be extended too far. The
statesman of the slaveholding States have
been, and are still willing, to extend the
welcome hand to all who come TO US; their
generous hospitality has not been cramped
by the hard struggle for bread.
But it is not so al the North: there, the in
crease of population is beginning to be felt
as far from evidence of prosperity. AL
ready the cry for repeal of the naturali-
zation laws has been raised; political par
ties, secret societies, with this for their ba-
sis, have been organized. 1t is not that
our foreign population WELD too great an
influence In our government; 1t is not that
our naturalized citizens are corrupting, or
debasing public morals; but it is the strug-
gle for bread is becoming desperate, that
the contest between capital and labor is
Fastening to a close; that it is that leads
the efforts to orepeai the naturalizatio nlaws,
to the growing opposition In the North to
the further admission of emigrants; the
capitalist fears the vast addition to the
ranks of its enemies; the laborers of the
North feel the dread consequences of such
a host of competitors.