The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-04-05
WASHINGTON, D. c..
THE KNOW NOTHING MOVEMENT.
ITS INFLUENCE ON THE ANTI-sLAvERY
CAUSE.

We commend the following manly, eloquent,
and philosophical remarks, of one Of the most
distinguished and sagacious supporters of the
AntiSlavery Movement, to the careful exami-
nation of our readers.-Ed Era.
In opposition to this moral Goliath Of Slavery,
"with spear staff ike a,weaver's BEAM its head
weighing six hundred shekels of iron,' coming
forward, in the pride of his strength, to look
down al opposition TO his sway, what have the
friends of human liberty, of equal rights, and of
eternal justice, to produce? Their only cham
pion is a TRUTH which commands the assent of
all sincere republicans over the globe a truth
hallowed at the birth of American liberty, and
twined into the heart of every man who feels
the wrongs of the slave. This truth is invinci-
bic, only because it cannot die. Not like the
tabled Anteus of old, when worsted, borrowing
new strength from contact with the earth alone;
but rather most invigorated the farther it is re-
moved above ii, towards the skies. The history
Of the present century is history of frequent
defeats, and yet Of gradual and certain progress
To success. Where is the combination that raj
lied this country, with astonishing unanimity,
IN 1885, against the very naming of the word
Slavery? Gone resolved into its original ele-
ments ! Where are the two great political or
CARNATIONS next dividing the country on mat
tiers Of momentary concern, whilst each kept true
TO one duty, of presenting wall OF brass around
the great object of common protection? Gone!
erumbled away, gradually but certainly, under
the mining process which they could neither
remedy nor prevent. Where is the elaborate as
sociation of 1850, which sought to fix upon the
egis Of the Union a Medusa's head, with which
TO turn all the enemies Of Slavery into stone |?
Gone to ruin, like all the rest Neither is it fair
IL. boa hoa, u0bt Oh ~
work of mems hands. The power Of the Anti.
Slavery organization, as such, has at no time
been adequate 10 produce similar results
Always numerically feeble, always looked down
upon by its more powerful neighbors, it has
vet seen its principles gradually working their
way into their vitas, until now that there is little
left TO oppose their progress, and yet that party
itself appears little more in the ascendant than
ii did at its commencement.
The cause of this peculiarly must be looked
for in the vaciation Of purpose characteristic
of the public policy Of free people. 1t is not
that they do not now generally assent to the
great truth which makes the strength of the
Anti-Slavery cause. The difficulty il, that it
seems to them an abstraction, not connected, as
IN the case of the shareholders, with any tempo
raj, absorbing selfinterest. Hence in happens
that, in the field Of local politics, it supplies
steady motive of action, but is put aside for the
benefit Of other principles and other measures,
which, at the moment, seem TO have a closer
relation 10 their own immediate action. 1t fol-
lows that, when public men are selected to rep
resent the free States, there is no one principle
predominant in the choice. Ii is not enough
that man shall be known to be an unfinching
friend of Freedom. A large and powerful body
consider that quality of little use, if he be not
true to their opinions concerning some local
e. IL &l,at h
traffic in ardent spirits. Another wish him to
be right on free trade, or on the duty of protec-
ting home manufactures. If no does not agree
with oil these opposite views, his utility in the
Slavery contest is overlooked BY some of them;
and they will very probably vote to defeat him,
and elect some opponent who agrees with them
in their fayorite idea, even though he should be
lnkewarm, or even worse, in his views of the
question Of Freedom. Thus, with the great null
IMPLICATION Of diverse fancies which inevitably
happens in a country where opinions at per-
feet liberty, come also divided representation
In the Federal Government and distracted coun-
oils A struggle then takes place between
hundred and fifty men animated by one idea,
and two hundred and fifty animated, say, by
twenty different ideas. The issue is obvious
No one can wonder that the smaller and best
eompacted force should, for the moment claim
all the honors of the victory.
The latest instance of serious DETECTION of
this sort occurred few months ago, the impor-
lance of which mainly depended upon the fact
that it happened at moment when the general
sentiment of the country betoksned, for the first
time, decisive triumph of Liberty. You, doubt
less, understand me to refer to the combination,
made in a novel form, but now widely extended,
having for its ostensible object the exclusion of
foreign-born persons and Roman Catholics from
all share of power over public affairs. The MGR
its or dement's Of this movement, and the means
10 which it resorts to gain its ends, present ques
lions deserving of consideration in their place,
but which are wholly foreign to the present oc-
sasion. You will, however, perhaps bear with
me few moments more if | add word upon
the relation which this new agitation seems to
me TO bear particularly to the slave question.
So far as it may be likely to interest honest peo
pie who have heretofore associated the support
of the power of a few Shareholders with their
ideas Of genuine democracy, think the change
will be from a greater To less error, and there
fore for the better. In like manner | will say
that, ia so far as it may draw away the very re
spectacle gentlemen who have labored to save
Slavery, thinking all the while they were saving
the Union, TO another Geld Of labor of a more
harmless character, the difference may be count
ed a gain. Neither of these classes has yet
shown anything else than great repugnancc
70 embrace the doctrines which we uphold. But
there are other persons, l am sorry to add-anc
the number in my own State, if not in others
is quite large, who have heretofore ranked
among the mostearnest friends of. iberty-whos'
course in joining this crusade has penetrated
me with feelings of profound concern. 1t is o
Them, and them only, would speak in the pres
ent connection. That they have acted under
an honest belief that they are thus more fully
carving out their cherished principles, do mo-
permit myself TO doubt Suspechng, not with
out reason. that Romanism in America has bssr
generally srrayed in opposition to their views
they have regarded an attack upon that as equiv
alsnt to the overthrow of one OF the outpoSts o
Slavery in the free States. 4 few may hav,
been precipitated into it by impotence at tn
obstacles intsrposed to the apparent progress
of the direct Anti -Slavery movement, and by tn
attraction Of the new patent for gaining groun'
by secrecy and surprises. Whilst ] can under
stand AID allow for al these inducements Z
leave the oid path, / am not the less convince.
that they have led TO a serious mistake, tn
effects of which may be to postpone, at least 10
time, our hopes of sh carly triumph. My rea
sons for this opinion must bs Vs!y briefly given
They are these:
1. There is no road so good to travel to ge
an object as the straight road. Every turning
however slight at first, may, if we follow it lonj
enough, lead a very different way, from which
viii not be easy to get back again TO the RICH
one. AZ best, the course Of our friends is lik
descending from a clear, strong, well-forti6e'
position, to weaker, less defined and NOR
extended one. As have already remarked, th
power Of Anti-Slavery lies the in TRUTH. Tn
more directly it can be kept before the world
freed from smbiguities and irrelevant associa
tions of every kind, the moro singly it can b
,,rosenfsd tn the mind. the more hold il will gail