Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-09-15
NUMBER 259.
From the Savannah Republican.
A Letter from Hon. j. M. Berrien.

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A Letter from Hon. j. M. Berrien.
[coNcLUDED.
| ROCKINGHAM, 4th September, 1855
And why should you bear 1t Foreigners aided
us in our revolutionary struggle. Ay, and they
have received their rewards. They became ncor-
porated among us, or have voluntarily gone else
where in quest of new adventure. But we invited
immigration. Ay, at the close of our revolutiona-
ry war when, amid its tolls and privatons we had
achieved our independence. we had sparse and
exhausted population, and nm extensive uncultiva-
ted domain. We required an increase of popula-
! tion for the purposes of internal improvement and
external defence, and conforming to this policy,
our system of naturalization was established. Eu-
rope was then calm, at least free from the menace
| OF intestine commotion Party spirit among ouI-
selves was comparatively quescent. We invited
| foreigners, and we received them. They came to
| us in small numbers, mingled with our people, and
peacefully pursued the avocations of industry Al
hts Is changed. We have population sufficiently
| numerous for every present purpose and without
the aid OF immigration we are increasing in num-
bcrs as rapidly as we could desire. Notwtlstand.
ing this, there is an annual outpourng upon US Of
the restless and unquiet spirits OF Europe its pau.
pers and its criminals. Not mngling with US, al
when their numbers were small, they are now sul-
hciently numerous to herd togethcr--to live apart
from us--to constitute distinct foreign societies in
the midst of the native population. In the bitter
| ness OF our party contests this foreign vote has
been eagarly, and often by unworthy means, sought
after and obtained alternately by both parties and
| acting rs a unit, the boast Of Kossuth has been
realized--it holds the balance and may decide our
| elections.
This is q state Of things not to be borne by
American ,freemen. This foreign incursion must
be regulated or checked, and the American party
has its origin in the conviction of this necessity.
The very general existence of this conviction has
| secured to them support beyond the limits OF
| their association. concur with them in the be-
lief that the laws regulating immigration, and the
naturalization of foreigners ought TO be subjected
! to thorough and searching revision, that the
term Of probation should be largely extended that
| to protect us from the intrusion of paupers and
| criminals, provision ought to be made for the as
certanment by our consuls abroad Of the charac-
| ter and condition ofpcrsons proposing to emigratc
| to the United States, and that every safeguard
which the wisdom Of Congress can devise, should
| be thrown around the amendatory statute to pre-
| vent and punish its evasion.
2. As a further means of attaining their object,
| the individuals composing the American party,
have bound themselves, by mutual pledges each
to the other to unite their exertions for is accom-
| plishment. suppose such pledge, either ex-
pressed or implied, is the tie which connects the
members Of every party. As to their organization
their ritual, their particular modes of proceedings
and OF recognition, and the secrecy which has hith-
erto been observed in their proceedings--al which
have given occasion for so much eloquent and in
genious defamation and denunciation--I am not
required to express an opinion for these II Ia un-
deistood, have been abandoned by their National
Council, and all that is now required for admission
into their Order is the approval OF their principles
! One of these, that which announces their deter
mination not to vote for or appoint Romansts to
Office, has been the subject Of much apprehension
and has been assailed as violation Of the liberty
aF Fnnna ta1. l. Al.
The provisions of that instrument which are sup
posed to be violated, are contained in the concu.
ding clause OF the third section of the sixth article
and in the first clause Of the first article of the
amendments. The first, after providing for admin
stering an oath to different public functionaries,
contains the following provisions
But no religious test shall ever be required as
qualification for any Office, public trust under
the United States.",
The second declares:
"That Congress shall make no law repectng an
establishment OF religion or prohibiting the free
evercise thereof"
BY what process Of reasoning the provisions of
the constitution can be made to conflict with the
right Of the citizen to the unlimited exercise OF his
own free and uncontrolled will in the enjoyment Of
his elective franchise, | am utterly at loss to dis.
cover; and have sought II in vain, in such arg,i-
ments Of the obectors as have had an opportu.
nifty OF perusing. The first clause relates TO per-
sons elected to Office, and requires that they shall
have the oath of Office administered to them with
out being subjected to any religious test. And
| this Is the whole scope and effect of the act II
does not, even remotely, interfere with the right
| OF an individual TO exercise his own Judgment In
determining whether the religion Of the candidate.
or the want OF IL, ought, ought not TO influence
him in In casting his vote for or against him. This
| seems almost too plain for argument If a voter
hpliaypQ the religion af H.,
and dangerous to an extent which would induce
distrust in the ordinary transactions of lf il il
not only his right, but his duty to withhold his
| confidence and his vote,
No provision of the constitution forbids r., and
duty TO the country requires IT, II would be
wrong in the government to make this test, be-
cause it Is an exercise of discretion which the
people have not ntrusted toi them, but have re-
served to themselves. Thus that which would be
wrong in the government rs the right and the dnty
| Of the citizen. How far this may apply to Roman
ism, Is matter for the exercise Of individual iudp-
mcnt and for that alone. | would not feel that
| native American Romanists, trained Ia the princ-
Piles of civil liberty, of for the consttu-
ton and laws, and devoted to the Union, would
come within its scope. For the rest, to show that
the view OF the American party is sustained by a
man Of large intelligence, and Of undoubted petv I
subjoin the letter Of Mr.. Wesley remarking only
that the attempt 10 restrict his opinions to the par
tcular state OF affairs existing at the time when
his letter was written, is simply futile since il Is
perfectly obvious that they of enduring appli-
cability, at least until Romanists shall abandon
those precepts of their religion to which Mr.. Wes-
| ley refers
| SIR: Some time ago pamphlet was sent to me
entitled "An Appeal from the Protestant Asso-
citation to the People Of Great Britain day or
two since kind of answer to this was put into
nv hand, which pronounces its style contempti-
BILE, its reasoning futile, and it's object malicious.
On the contrary, think the style Of It is clear,
easy and natura the reasoning, in general, strong
and conclusive; the object or design, kind and
benevolent.
And in pursuance Of the same kind and benevo-
lent design, namely, to preserve our happy consti-
tuition, shall endeavor to confirm the substance
of that tract, by few plain arguments. With per-
secution have nothing to do. Ipersccute no
man for his religious principles. Let there be as
boundless freedom in religion as any man can
conceive. But this does not touch the point i
will set religion true or false utterly out of the