Richmond enquirer. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1815-1867, 1855-05-01
UNPUBLISHED LETTER OF THE LATE
John C. CALHOUN.
From the Southern Montgomery Ala Times.
Extract IF L<ticr from COi. Perry lpakcr, ~ No
Gth, TO tic !SdathcrR Times.


f Extract Of Il ritter from COi. Perry iaktr, IF No
c GLc, 10 tic Sd"thcrM Times.
,
NV object in addressing you was merely 10 oller f
you for publication the following extract Of cttc
! from Mr.. Calhoun, believing Is do that the SUI
gcstions contained in il worthy of the serious con
slrrat!on Of the Southern people at this timc am
that lis appearance may tend somewhat to corrcc
the not uncommon opinion that Mr.. Calhoun dc
e sired the dissolution of the Union. l have itallciscC
that portion of the letter in which he speaks Of th
- Union.
The tier was written in reply to ore from me il
reference 10 the then position of the Southern States
and the steps that should bs taken 10 guard Ggas
, the encroachmen | had short time before beel
returned 10 the legislature, and, desiring to consult
, Alr. Calhoun before | should, ~ member OF thai
body, propose any form of State action. wrote 10
+ him with the request that he would favor Inc with
, his views.
Ills reply was written in the freedom Of personal
confidence, and Is characterized by that dirceness OF
thought and expression for which he was rclnarka'
bic. Bearing US it does upon questions deeply nj,
tecting the interests and destiny of the South, ana
containing his disclaimer of any design against Inc
Union until all other remedies ''lave failed, and thc
only in defence of our liberty, and safety, have
thought i, unsuitable TO place it before the public, "t
the double purpose of calling the attention oil TN"
section loved by him, his cousels Of safety ana
10 vindicate his fidelity 10 the Constitutional mon
Yours, truly, PERCY NALhER'
Mobile, Alabama.
FoRr HILL, October93, lS47.
MY DEAR SIR:
But to come to the subject of your letter. | am
much sratiiied with its tone AMI views, and concur
entirely in the opinion You express, that instead "l
stunning, we ought to court the ISslle with me
North the slavery question. l would even go
one step further. and add that il is our duty-iue to
ourselves 10 the Union and our political institutions,
10 JOrcc the issue on the North. We are now strong
or relatively than We shall he hereafter, politically
anl morally. Unless we bring on the issue, delay I"
us will be dangerous indeed. Ii is the true policy ni
those enemies who seek our destruction. Its ELECTS
ARE and have been, and will bc To weaken Ills polItl-
cally md morally and 10 strengthen them. Such has
been nv opinion from the first. Had the South or
| even my own State backed me, would have forced
the issue ON the North in 1873 when tue spirit OF abo-
ion first developed itself TO any considerable extent
IL is u true maxim meet danger on the frontier III
uolitics a we'll as war; Thus thinking, an of the
IMPRESSION that if the South act rs 1t ought the IL,
mot Provs" instead OF proving to he HE means OF
successfully assailin. and our peculiar lIisti-
tuition, may BIZ made the occasion oi successful
" asserting our equality aud rights, by en-
abnr II, 10 force the issue the North. Something
of the kind WIS Indispensable 10 rouse md Unite
the South. On tho contrary, II we should not meet
ought, fear, greatly irHT our doom VIII De
fixed. II would prove that we rti"r nave mol tit
sense or spirit 10 defend uursclre and institutions
| But in making up the issue, We must look lar be-
yOnd the prOviso. Ii is but oi many acts OF az
grcrsion and, in my opinion, by no means the most
dangerous q: degrading, though more striking ana
pnlpah".
| / regard the recent act of Pennsylvania and laws
of that description, passed by other States intended
tn prevent embarrlss the reclamation "t fugitive
slaves or Ia Ibcrnc our dnmcstlcH when travelling
with them in MISUNDERSTANDING STATES, hS unColsttu-
tionGl. Insulting as il is, il IL more danger
GUS. | 20 further, and hold that II we have right
| to hold slaves, we have right 10 hold them III
ncacc and quiet, and that the liberation, IN the non
slavehuding States OF the establishment OF societic
u,lt Il lp.fu tlI,.
express intention OF calling III question our right 10
slaves, and of scducng ana abdnctng them from
the service OF their masters, and finally "vcrr"wing
the institution ITSELF as not only violation OF inter.
national laws, but also of the Federal compact.
hold, also, that cannot acquicscc III such wrongs,
without the certain destruction oi the relation OF INNS
| ter and slave, and without the ruin OF I'll" South
With this impression would regard any compro-
mise al ,Hcnt of the proviso, or even its defeat
without meeting the danger in its whole length aud
BREADTH very unfortunate for III. IL would ul liz
Ia sleep again. without removing the danger or mate
| riuly diminishing il.
| This brings up the question, how can it he met
| riih0ut rcSOrfiRg 10 tie dts0InitOg n tie GRiOR
say without lis dissolution, for in my opinion high
and sacred regard for the constitution, well tho
dictates of wisdom, make it our duty in this case, as
well MI Others not TO resort 10, or even to look TO
that extreme remedy until all others have ailcd and
then only in defence Of our liberty and safety.
| There H. in my opinion, but one way i'll which It
can be met; and that Is the Indicated III my letter
!
| ne, viz: 10y retaliation.
| Why think s." shall now proceed TO explain.
The constitution ui the United States II Il complex
instrument consisting Of many and different parts.
Ii created government, and designated the tnn"-
tiobarca Tor carrying It into effect. Al grnntcd pow
ers and imposed limitations 10 prevent abuse and OPP
preston aud finally il prohibited the STATES from do
Ing certain acts, and made II then dhty 10 perform
certain spulNtIons towards each other, into winch
they entered in raiying the constitution, and there
by sOlemnly pledged themselves to perform iHithii-
~. D these stlpuatlons, some are tAvornbe 10 me
slave states and Others 10 the Notwithstanding H'hl'S'
or briefly. some 10 The southern, ana c olh'i"
To the northern.
OF the former the most striking il that which st-
ulatea the delivery up by tue latter oi fugitive slaves
and which clearly involves the principle that non
stvcholIimg states should Hd" II" 'nrAa"ret" Senucc
| our slaves or Ia abstract them from Their
masters or To weaken or destroy right III them
The legislation OF those states Tor Inc lna'
twelve years, has, either directly or indirectly
by act or OMISSION been in violation nt thus lrhdS
stipulation in our favor and the recent net ol Penn
syvania has put it inside openly. without prrtcNt NJ
attempt at uSca"n: iralnpIn". at the same lime,
under foot, the net OF Congress L" carry II mi" elect
10 understand the full lurcc and effect "l the stlpu-
atinn in our favor, il must be borne IN mind that It
has the character of what ia called cytradtion rsa
ties that is, treaties to dcvcru ugitvrs from jus
cr which i'll good faith requires, not only that INC
party where fugitive il found shall pacc no nnpri-
nrn in the way of his reclamation, zen 10 stand
NEUTRAL but that he shall take active MEASURES to
seize aud deliver him up.
Against this fragrant breach Of faith, more sacred
than trenty stipulation, by this act of Prnnsylva
MIA and similar acts of other States the constitution
affords ulrctual remedy. The appeal t" the Fede
raj Court is mere farce. The expense, the dc lay
and the means il affords Tor the escape Ut the slave
make it ~ remedy Mt NIL, while our principles ami
safety will not permit To resort for remedy, to the
principles Of the Force bill passed 10 compel the obc
drncr OF this State.
There is and cGn be but one remedy short of dis
u, slun
To fulfill the spula,ions in their favor such Us wl
may select, the efficient. Among these, the
right "f their ships and commerce 20 Gutcr and de
part from our ports Is tho most ctlccual, and Gun d.
enforced.
That the refusal on their part would justify us tc
refuse fulfil our part tLsc in their favor IL Toe
clear 10 admit of argument That 1t would be ciicc
tua in compelling them 10 fulfil those III orr iavol
can hardly b., doubted, when the immense profit they
make by trad" and navigation out OF liz is regarded
> and also the advantages would derive from The
direct trade it would establish between the rest of The
world and our ports.
My impression is, that il should he restricted IA
sro soigg vessels, which would leave open the trade
of the valley ol the Mississippi to New Orleans by
river, and 10 the other southern cities By railroad
nnd tend thereby to etuCl the northwestern from The
North Eastern States
Nor is there any impairment from the poser OF
Congress 10 rGgulntc commerce among the States -
The right oi the states To nnpt laws tO protect tleii
health, their internal policy and pence and safety, Is
paramount 10 the right al Congress 10 regulate com
mrrcc. You find the subject fully argued III my re-
, port on the subject al circulating inceniiary pubrh
tinns through ma and the speech made on tue "ccn
sion. Several Of the States have acted on 1t III refer
ence to the subject "t abolition, and especially this
! State and Virginia.
There is but one practical diculty in the way AM
that il, to give it force 1t will require the c"nprrH
ton of all the slaveholng States lying on the Milan
y tie Gulf Without that, 1t would be- ineffective. Ii
get that il the great point, and for that purpose con-
. yentiun Of the Southern States is indispensable.
Let that be called, md let it adopt measures t'
u bring about the cn-operaiion and would UNDERMINE
~ for the reft. The nOm-slavchOldng Sates would Dc
h compelled TO observe The stpulatons OF the constIfn
a ton in our favor abandon their trndc with Us" OF
| To tILn IN L.nt