Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-05-15

and Anglo-American race, we shall substitute
1 the dark intrigue and stiletto warfare of the
Italian. That such change in our political
habits would have the effect of Transforming
the moral character of our people, is not to be
doubted. Is there man present, who would
desire to see such transformation? Fellow
citizens, let me beg you TO beware of these
secret political associations. Beware of the
mysterious Establishments of this new seducer.
1t is said TO be but the first step that costs.
You may be tampering with danger of whose
whole character you are little aware.
Far up on the Missouri, near to Fort Benton,
upon high cliff, which commands an extensive
view of the surrounding country, it is said, that
| Blackfoot Indian Chief directed himself to
be buried on horseback, with his face turned
down the stream, to look out as he said, for
the white man, the destroyer of his race, when
he should come up the river. If you would
look out for the destroyer of your free institu-
| tions, and popular form ofgovernment, fix your
eye upon the door of the secret political assoc-
| alton; from that door, the worst enemy Of ALL
will come.
But i have not told the whole story against
| this new Order. As said before, they have
avowed opinions upon certain subjects, which,
in my Judgment, are highly dangerous and mis-
chievous. They propose to destroy the liberty
of conscience ITSELF by prescribing the mem
bers of the Roman Catholic religion from all
offices, whether high, or low. Thus not only
prosecuting these men for opinions sake, but
introducing religious test as qualification
for office. | know it is said, that this proscrip
ton from Office is no persecution, because it is
not accompanied BY corporal sufferance; but
is there not moral degradation, and does not
that often carry with it a far keener pang to
the sensitive spirit than the most severe physi-
cal punishment? You say that the Roman
Catholic is unworthy to enjoy the full privileges
of a citizen, or to fiji the meanest office; that
men OF all otherirelgions and sects, Mahome-
dams, Buddhists, even Infdels and Atheists,
may be capable of holding office, but he is in
capable, because he cannot be trusted as being
loyal and patriotic; you fix upon his brow the
brand Of political inferiority, and after wound
ing him thus in the point of honor, you say he
has suffered no punishment. Is not such moral
isolationto noble and sensitive mind, more
than bodily incarceration sometimes?
"Stone walls do not prison make,
Nor iron bars cage"
You may confne mans body, and If he
enjoys the respect and kindly feelings of his
race, who look to him as martyr in noble
cause, he bears up cheerfnly under it all but
not so, If you exclude him from the pale of
human sympathy, and expose him to public
insult and moral isolation, in the midst Of his
kind. 1t is vain to say, that this is no punish.
ment for opinion sake. In country like this,
where Office has heretofore been open to all
the exclusion would be more keenly felt, than
in others, where the privilege was not so ex-
| tensive. But our glorious old Bill Of Rights
provided "that religion, or the duty we owe to
our Creator, and the manner Of dscharging it,
can be directed only by reason and conscience,
not by force or violence and therefore all men
are entitled to free exercise of religion, ac
cording to the dictates of conscience, and that
it is the mutual'd duty of all to practise Christian
forbearance, love, and charity, towards each
other" The act for the establishment of re-
ligious freedom, passed by Virginia in 1886,
and upon which Mr.. Jefferson prided himself
so much as to reckon it, along with the Declar-
alton OF independence, amongst the things for
which he ought TO be remembered by posterity,
declared, "that no man shall be compelled to
frequent, or support, any religious worship,
place or ministry whatever, nor shall be be
enforced restrained, molested, or burdened in
his body, or goods, nor shall he otherwise suffer
on account Of his religious opinion or belief;
but that all men shall be free to profess and
by argument to maintain their opinions in
matters Of religion; and that the same shall in
no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil
capacities" Such we're the ideas Of the old
fathers Of our State, and may the day never
come when they shall be treated as obsoletei
But the Federal Constitution has also some
thing to say upon this subject. 1t expressly
declares, "that no religious test shall ever be
required rs aquah6cation TO any office, or pub
lie trust under the United States" Now, this
was manifesuy provision in favor Of religious
freedom, and it was intended to secure the re-
atty, and not the idea, the thing, and not the
name, the hesubstance, and not the shadow.
The thing designed to be secured, was that
the Offices should be thrown open to persons Of
all religious persuasions, and that no mans
opinions on that subject should incapacitate
him for that privilege. Now, we obey this in
junction Of the Constitution in the letter, when
we forbear TO pass law establishing such tests
but do we not violate its spirit il we transfer
the deed from the representative to the constit-
uent body, and bind this last by VOWS and
pledges, TO vote for no man for office who is
himself Catholic, or who would appoint mem
bers Of that religion TO Office? We may pre-.
serve the shadow Of the constitutional provi.
sion, but do we not sacrifice the substance, by
such an evasion2 or, will it be maintained that
the Constitution binds us only as members OF
the government, and not as individual citizens2
Surely this is poor view Of such question.
We obey the Constitution not as matter Of
compulsion, but Of choices no, as thing forced
upon US, but because we love it, because we
concur in its principles, and sympathise in its
spirit. 1t is the compact of government to
which we have agreed, and we are bound not
only in our public but also our private capaci-
ties, to execute il in its spirit and truth. The
Constitution OF the United States, in reference
to its Objects may be said to consist Of three
portions first, n establishes the machinery Of
government; next, it distributes the moving
power amongst the parts Of that machinery;
and thirdly, il provides certain securities for the
rights Of States, and Of individuals. Nov, these
last are ofthe very essence Of the compact, and
constitute the conditions upon which il was
formed. All the parties, therefore, who enjoy
the benefits Of the compact are bound to carry
out the stipulations, whose execution may de-
pend upon their agency. How often have we
complained Of those Northern States, which
evade the obligation in regard to foreign slaves,
and, without violating the letter Of the Consti.
tntiop defeat the spirit OF its provisions by in.