Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1855-06-13

persons--that it ,0oula restore peace and tran
ou;l;sy to Ireland-he would sacrifice his 'apne
I-kension of the ultimate resah 10 the attainment
of The immense present benefit" We now have
Tint peace in the highest degree that lie wa:
willing to purchase by this concession. Bui
unlike him, we estimate peace 50 lightly, that il
| ia proposed to sacrifice it, for that which he
would rive for its purchase. In the same spirit
in his day spoke William Pitt, who, while dis.
cussipe the clauls of the Catholics, at that time
opposinp the petition, because it was not calcu.
lated TO accomplish the end that was desired, a,
the same time frankly stated in his own words
"I o,cn, l sec none Of these dangers 'chich haze
been urged by some genllenen; nor do | think
that The introduction of certain proportion Of
Catholics into the Imperial Parliament, would
be likely to be productive Of any influence or
effect, detrimental or injurious 10 the 1oegare q
The State, or the safety and security Of The Con-
stitution." Nor is it just in referring 10 those
whose opinions on this subject are eGtilled to
weight to omit, the language .of George Can
ming. In his speech on the Catholic claims in
1912, he uses language as applicable to our
time, as it was 10 his. "Of the cruellies (says
he) exercised against the first reformers, by The
ancient Church, then struggling for the main.
tenance of its authority, history speaks with
lust horror and indignation. But can any man
now entertain n serious apprehension, that; it il
necessary TO be on our guard against their
recurrence? Good God, sir, what should we
say if the early violence of the Reformation
itself ere to be arrayed against Proteslants MS
lasting and inexpiable reproach? If the out
RACES and extravagances of the Anabaptists Of
Munsler-the tyranuical caprice, of Henry Viii.
the seventies of the latter part of the reign of
Elizabeth, the burning of 1Servetus by Calvin at
Geneva, the coarse and sacrilege fury of John
Knox and his followers in Scotland, and the
oath taken by King William himself-were to
be alleged as evidence that the several descrip.
tons of reformed religion, are necessarily and
ecrnally of violent and sanguinarv character ?
We should object to such an inference as ab-
surd and unjusIi6able: and may not the Catho-
lies of the present day protest in like manner
against conclusions being drawn against them,
from the crimes and crueties, the perfidies and
atrocities of those who held the same faith two
hundred years ago."
If, then, such is the language-such the con-
viction-such the policy Of men who have, at
different periods, filled The Offices of Prime
Ministers in England, who will not say that an
attempt in these United States 10 revive that
question: and with its revival to seek here the
re-enactment now of all the disquai6cations OF
that day, and perhaps after these, the pains and
penalties also; is measure, of the most vital
Importance to the peace, security, and happiness
Of orr country.
But suppose that alf experience in this matter
is estimated at nothing; and casting aside the
aid derived from other days, it is insisted that
81 ho IN
grounds. Be it so. Why, then, is it proposed
to disqualify for Office, and thereby dstranchise,
every Roman Catholic citizen in the United
States? And that this sweeping exclusion shall
equally comprehend the lineal descendant of
Charles Carroll, and the adopted citizen, who Is
now cntitle to his certificate? 1t is, rs we
understand it, that the principles of The Roman
Catholic Church are hostile TO The free institu.
lions of our country; and that the purposes Of
its head, as carried out in the practice Of its
ministers, is to obtain controlling influence
Tor temporal purposes. Their influence to
be exercised 1--WE presume) in defogalion Of the
principle of political equality and religious to-
Grafton which now prevails.
In referring 10 the assumed principle of tho
Roman Catholic Church to which exception is
taken, we are very far from, intending 10 enter
upon religious discussion. We shall abridge,
by sitting the matter thus w hat isthe princi-
pie of the Roman Catholic Church in rela, .nlto
the source and end of political government
And the answer to- this. proposition, we make in
tho following extract, ~ttaSen from II work OF
general circulation. If the extract contains any
Thing but the truth, will be seen, that it affords
ample opportunity for proof Of incorrectness, if
such proof can be produced.
alt had been, from the earliest period, the
doctrine of Catholic writers that the people
were the only Legitimate source Of all civil au-
thority. As this doctrine is directly contradic-
tory to the tenets of the established Church, we
shall cite a few passages, not to prove that this
is the doctrine of Catholicism, for no one dis
putes it, but 10 contrast the plain, manly, ra-
lonal views of schoolmen, monks, and friars'
with those of the enlightened teachers OF the
Reformed Faith Of England"
"The doctrines Of ancient Greece and Rome,
that in free States the magistrate was invested
with authority by the people, for their common
benefit. was adopted by Catholic writers as the
only rational. principle of civil government. In
the eighth century we find Pope Zachary writing
thus to the French -" The Prince is response
Bile 10 the people, whose favours Ire enjoys
Whatever he bas-power. honor, riches, glory,
dignity-he has received from the people; and
he ought 10 restore 10 The people what he has
SO received from them. The people make the
king, they can also unmake him." 81. Thomas
Aquinas says, that civil governments are not
"jure dirino" but "jure humano;" and that
g ordinare afiquid IN bonum commune est vel
totius mullitudinis vel alicujus geren,is vicem
totius mutiludinis" Bellalmne says: 1t is
false that political princes have their power from
God onIy-for they have it from God only so
far as lie has planted natural instinct in the
minds Of men that they should wish to be gov
erned bv some one. But whether men should
be governed by kings or by councils by one or
by many, by perpetual or = temporary nasis:
trate, depends on their own wishes,--as also, it
is not The special command Of God, but the
wish Of men, which determines that this person
should he king, and not that: wherefore, the
same ST. Thomas, in the cited passage, q 2. q.
X Art. 10, and q. xii. Art. 2, lays it down as il
matter certain, and examined, that politca! gov
ernments and Kingdoms are not founded Oil
divine, but human law; sohieh no scholar CONTRA
dicis, neither would Barclay" &C., &c. This
doctrine of the delegation OF civil authority
from the people, Suarez tells us, was the conf
mon opinion of his day,-and that it was The
common doctrine of almost all scholars up to
the beginning Of the seventeenth century, is
admitted byGan authority~te whom Protcstants
are disposed 10 listen with respect, the hotor'
GUS Antonio Dominis.
From this doctiine Of the delegation of au-
thority from the people to lhe sovereign, nal u
rally resulted tho responsibility Of the latter,
and the right Of the former to depose him, when
he attempted TO abuse the powers with which
hs had hnen entrusted. These | rinciplrs ara