Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1855-05-05

was strictly orthodox in bis creed, and rcjoiced at
reviynls Of religion. 1t was only after he had Ia.
bored for years without effect, to induce the
churches to act against slavery, that he denounced
them as enemies to freedom.
a corrupt, time.serving priesthood, he said,
would have their day. 1t mattered but little how
hard they labored against the the truth, the right
would triumph in tho end. The people would dis
covertheir hypocrisy, and cease to fear their threats
and warnings.
The hour of adjournment having come, Mr.. B.
stated he would claim the floor at the opening of
the afternoon session, to finish his remarks,
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The Convention met. The President in the
Chair.
Mr.. Barnaby proceeded with his remarks. lie
referred to the politics of the North on tho sllvery
question. a year or two ago we had three distinct
partics-tho Democratic, Wing, and Free Demo-
cratic parties. These. according to their platforms,
f were all based upon the principles of Justice and a
free representation. They all agreed in reverence
ing the American Union-all declared it q part Of
their mission to cherish and perpetuate it.
These parties also agreed that the General Gov.
ernment had no power to abolish slavery in the
States, but that each State may continue tie sys-
TEN ulmolested and undisturbed.
The three parties further agreed that if a slave.
Drawing danger from bloodhound and gun and
lash, shall escape from slavery and come to a free
State, his master may follow him, and drag him
back to bondage. AS to the fact, at least, they all
agree, differing only as to the manner. The Wings
and Democrats would make the infamous surrcn-
der under tho Fugitive Slave bill Of 1850. The
Free Democratic party, while it would allow the
master to carry back his slave, and prohibit the
States from opposing him, would have no laws of
Congress on the subjcct--"no national Legislation
for the rendition of slaves.p
OF the wickcdness, perfdy and infamy of the
Wing and Democratic parties he deemed it unne.
= cessary to speak. They had trampled upon every
D principle of freedom and justice. They knew
I when they spoke of democracy their words were Il
~mockery, and their professions n lie. Yet they
|, went forward, the one to seize. tho reins of the
@ Government, and WELD the destinies of the nation
e the other to go down to p%erdition and oblivion,
unless the l~ong-liyed annals of infamy shall con-
q tain a record of its career of guilt.
4 The Free Soil party did not entirely forget its
i professions. 1t spoke of slavery as a sin against
God and a crime against man, and of the Fugitive
Slave bill as q violation of tho Constitution and
: the common law, an outrage upon Christianity and
the sentiment of the civilized world. 1t said "Nc
more slave States-no slave territory-no national
Legislation for the return of fugitive slaves" But
if slavery is o sin and q crime, why say no mort
slave States? Why not say no slave States? No
3 national slavcry2 Why not declare no slaoe,y al
= all, national or otherwise? No national Legislation
), for the return of fugitive slaves! Why return the
5 slave on any conditions? Why permit the base
n and cowardly surrender, either with or without
law? Why did not the Free Democracy STAND
e upon a platform truly free, and resolve to battle
against slavery and the return of fugitive slaves
v everywhere and always? The reason is plain.
e There is another platform in the land, upor
a which those of all these parties are based a plat
form which cannot be 'spit upon" or tramplec
down by any, but to support which every one who
holds a public Office must bind himself by a solemn
oath. This platform is the Constitution of tn
United States. Like the others, it is professedly
h designed to favor freedom, and secure the blessing:
of liberty and like them, by its specific provis
ions it t%ranplcs, at least is construed to do so-upor
IS the principles which in its preamble it seems t,
declare. This platform, as q basis Of government
e al legislation, gives the slave States political powe
in proportion to the number of their slaves. Thu
making the slave the instrument of his own op
preston. And having thus formed q Congress
% large portion of whose members are the represen
Is tatives of the slave power, it requires this Con
gress to protect the master against his %insurgen
slave, and authorizes the guarding of the State
70 against domestic violence.
l. The speaker admitted there were some devote,
n frianlc Of tha s1avo % Corr;t Sill 81 w. o.
G ell, and their associates of the liberty party, VIII
hold that the Constitution gives no support, direc
re or indirect, to slavery. That the system is as nue.
in q violation of the Constitution and the law of tn
~ land as it is of justice and humanity. While h
could honor the philanthropy of these friends c
; freedom, he must dissent from their views.
But Wings, Democrats, Free Sellers, Free Den
: %ocrats, Republicans, Know Nothings and Carr
sonians agree that the Constitution gives thes
guarantees to slavery and the slave power; or i
as sometimes happens, an individual in the Ere
Soil party takes the ground of Goodell and Smit
he only, thereby, adopts it in theory, and
more blameworthy in practice, than his fellow
members. For such an one must claim that slay
o. ry is a sin and a crime, and the giving up to bondag
of one who has escaped from it, an act baser tina
that of Judas himself He must believe, also, tn,
the Constitution so regards it, and that the ma
who, swearing to support that instrument, and "
tolerating slavery even in the States, or permittiu
under any circumstances the return of a fugitiv
he is a traitor as well to the Constitution MS to hume
u ity. With persons holding this view, and y
d. voting with the Free Democratic or Republics
y party, we need have no controversy. They do n
ed regard their own principles, nor attempt to car
zee them out, and there is no reason to suppose that
m convinced of their correctness, they would act
to ours.
nd After thus arguing, these persons go forth az
ere vote for such men as j. R. Giddings, S. P. Chas
Horace Mann, John p. Hale, Chas. Sumner, m,