Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1853-1862, 1855-06-28
cor. pRgsTov OF IouIsyILI.E.


The Louisville Democrat notices late speech of
Col PREsros's as follows: It win be recolected
that Col PRRsroN was whig Representative in
the last Congress- and is candidate for reelection
in opposition to HUNPnREY MAR.HALI. the know
nothing candidate:
The editor of the Louisville Journal didn't hear
any argument in Col. Prestons speech. Perhaps
he didn't ar any MesetoreS and consequeaties, and
hence could not recognize an argument. The best
refutation of know nothingisrn IS the history OF
the progress of religious liberty in the world and
its full recognition is amongst the first lessons our
fathers taught u.s. the history, too, OF the generous
and just policy this country has adopted toward the
immigrants from other countries
Reverse our policy on these subjects, and the
character of American institutions IS changed
The editor doesn't relish the words Constitution,
religious hberty."'the asylum of the oppressed"
and such Fourth of July phrases. No argument
in them, ell? They are words familiar to the Anne
rican ear, aud rouse the genuine American feeling,
like the old tunes Of Hail Columbia and Yankee
Doodle They have meaning now they never
had before
Religious liberty lie in danger; it is threatened
feebly, to be sure, but it is Threatened
These know-nothings pretend they assail no mans
religion; that man can worship God according to
the dictates of his own conscience and that 1t VIII
not be interfered with Yes, certainly, but If he
worships according to the Catholic faith, he shall
have no Office of honor, trust, or profit. In order
to enjoy his freedom of worship ne must forfeit the
common prospects of an American citizen. on
can adopt any religious faith your conscience die
tates, but if YOU become Catholic you pay the
penalty. Such and no worse, were the test and
conformity acts of England The Dissentel and
the Catholic enjoyed freedom of worship. They
were tolerated. but they could have no hand in the
government; they were subjects, not citizens. These
odious acts were swept from the statute book of
old ultra Protestant England, after long and
stormy debate of q series ofyears. Know-nothing
tories stood up stouty, and made long and eo-
ouent know nothing speeches.
Col Preston read some extracts from the discus
sion in the British Parliament. The know moth
ings in this country ought to arm themselves from
the store-bouse of the bgoted tory speeches of that
day. They would not do The enlightened and
liberal spirit of the age had condemned the old vice.
Egland struck it out her Constitution where it had
the sanction of ages. The example of America
had its influence on that country, and America
shouted applause when the reform was effected.
Now in view of this history, how does know
nothingism look, striving to foist into institu
tions vice repudated by England after centuries
ofexperiment, and repudiated, too, after our ex-
ample?
The history of American principles and Ameri-
can legislation on the subject of naturalization, is
equally fatal to know-nothingism. Indeed let a
man read the history of the worlds progress on
these subjects, and particularly of the lofty stand
taken by the United States in the glorious morning
of her destiny and he wants no logic against know
nothingism. $3.50
Col. Preston was equally happy in presenting
the more recent facts about kno H-nothipgism and
its connection with the great Northern movem ent
against the Nebraska bill The new party has d.
yided We have now know nothngsm South and
know-nothingism North. The latter is mastering
its forces for power in 1856. 1t contains the con-
trolling power of the North, and will have its can
didate for the Presidency. The contest of 1856
will be between this wing of know nothingism
and the democratic party of the country. Is the
South ready to divide her forces ia the presence of
the enemy, and thus play into the hands Of the Alb
clifton party2