The Camden weekly journal. [volume] (Camden, South-Carolina) 1853-1861, 1855-08-14

affecting all of the black race throughout the
earth and all those vast interests of the whole
earth, which the final destiny of that immense
race involves. As yet the black race has never
had nationality. As yet there has never been
q civilized State within the tropics. A hundred
millions of the human race and nearly fourth
part of the earth's habitablc surface around its
very centre, await the issue of this question Of
negro slavery in America and must be infuenc
cd greatly if not controliiugly BY it. Rest as
sured, 'ir. Sumner, whatever dignity you may
persuade yourself to ascribe to your antislavery
enterprise, and to your stirring speech at Niblos
Theatre, nay even TO your Faneuil Hall eo
quencc, and your Massachusetts agitations over
some poor fugitive slave--there is an eternal
logic in events, aud there is an awful ma jesty
in the sublime course of Providence, in the face
of which, posterity will say, that men endowed
like you ought to have been ashamed 10 par
ticipate in such insane. fantastic and goble
revels.
However difficult the question Of human Ser
vitude may be to solve, after slavery has been
once fully established in the bosom Of the Com.
monwealth-or or however men may differ as to
the IN 5ral aspect Of the actual questions now
agitatng the minds Of our country so deeply--t
seems to me that as mere topic Of national
politics and national legislation, tue whole oues.
tion Of American slavery is one environed BY no
other difficulties than such as have been created
by our evil passions, and so far rs the powers Of
the National Government arc cconccrned-has
not Massachusetts the unqucstionable right 10
create slavery i'll her bosom, fshe sees fit to do So
and Louisiana TO abolish it in hers if she thinks
proper? And is not this true of every State!
What need then is there, in all sobcrness, fol
frantic contentious about territorial settlements
which, in their own nature, can be only tempo
raryi Suppose Missouri should abolish slavery
Suppose Illinois should create it! Suppose
Kansas should decide the question, first one way
, and then the otherl Moreover, what essentia
difference does it make. whether il is upon
9 basis of fifteen slave States, or sixteen slave
States, that the great problem Of our nationa
destiny is to be worked out? And rs to It
true bearing on the infinite mission of our coun
=. try, what consequence can rational mind attacl
to the temporary result Of 4 fierce conflict 70
|, supremacy between madmen iu one Of on
=. territories west Of the Missouri River?
r What odds does it make, any way, as nation
. al question, whether there are three millions 0
! slaves, or three million and fraction over
, whether six, or ten, or q hundred slaves, NOR
or less, escape or ara reclaimedl The power 0
r tie General Government over the whole subjec
is so extremely limited, aud transient, and Incl
dental, as compared with the absolute power Q
, the States themselves; the good that can bedon
by the exercise Of the powers actually possessed
/ BY Congress, is comparatively so slight ant
, uncertain, and the danger which is obviousl
incurred is so real and deplorabl, the condition
in which the nation stands with reference t.
the whole subject is so distinct and so peculiar
, that mus: confess it has always appeared t.
me unspeakaby surprising that any nationa
r party, and espr cially one at the North, shoul'
be found capable Of permanent organization ii
= connection with such topics. Any honest, mode
rate, patriotic consistent exercise Of the power
{ Of the General Government over the question G
slavery could hardly have failed to satisfy tn
nation to the end, as it satisfied it during il
early and most glorious period Whatever ma
t have been the sins or folles Of Southern states
: men or the Southern people, it would be har
!. to produce an example at once more fragrant
. insulting, and unjust than the discourse whicl
suggested these remarks.
After all, l cannot persuade myself that Go
will allow us to degrade ourselves so utterly, a
to break up this glorious confederacy on such
, question as this. DO not allow myself to be
lieve that the mass of the American people ar
utterly destitute Of the sublime instinct Of thei
countrys mission among the nations. Civil wa
is not q remedy; it is the most direful Of all di:
: eases. National strength, in a day ike ours
and to freemen, is not so much glory, as it
necessity grand necessity of their libert
and independence As to slavery, it is a ques
ton about which nen may differ acc ,rding t
the necessities Of their condition and the poin
Of view from which they consider it. But til
cordial and intli,soube Union OF these State'
isa matter concerning which no American, wh
: has q true heart III his bosom, can possibly hav
but one opiuon-one purpose. If there be on
political duty common to us all, and transcen
dently clear and binding, it is that We shoult
visit with immediate and condign punishment
every public man, who is not loyal to the Uniol
and the Constitution.
Your fellow citizen and obedent servant
Il. ]. BRECKENRIDGE
BRGDALDASE, KY, June llth, 1855.
Credit is one Of the best things man has DC