The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-12-13
IMMIGRATION, AND WHAT WE PAY
FOR IT"


inflicted on the country by foreign immigration
The writer remarks, that " the question is one
for the solution of which no reliable and com
plete data can be procured" and then proceeds
to dwell upon the cost of maintaining foreign
paupers, and prosecuting foreign criminals, as
an enormous evil. After having drawn upon
his own imagination, and excited that of his
readers, he jumps to a conclusion which is just
as startling as if he had really educed it from
a careful investigation of facts
But, while We cannot obtain these statistics
IN any such form or with any such degree OF
precision and authenticity as to Justify US in
making them the basis of general calcula
ton of the cost of immigration to the nation,
it is very certain that that cost is not only enor
nous, bot of far, very far, greater magnitude
| than most persons who have not thought par
ticularly about the matter have any conception
Of"
One might suppose that, having no data to
reason upon, our contemporary might as well
hold his peace. If there be no facts sufficient
to authorize an opinion respecting the amount
Of an alleged evil, what right have we to de-
clare that it is enormous, far transcending the
conception of "most people?" Know Moth
ing newspapers are in the habit of dealing
with imaginary horrors, but we did not sup
pose the North american was one of them.
The value of foreign immigration is admit
ted by the same writer although with some re-
luctance; but he forbears to dwell upon it, pre-
ferring to convey the impression that, if any
thing, the foreign immigration, on the whole,
costs more than it comes TO. lie does not put
this in the form of L distinct conclusion, but
strongly suggests it.
Now, we agree with the North american,
that there are no complete data, covering the
amount of loss sustained by this country from
the settlement of foreigners among US; but
common sense and reference to certain facts
will snow that the conclusion arrived at by the
North american is an absurd one.
First, as to the item of pauperism. In the
year 1885, according to the census, the whole
number of paupers supported within the year,
in whole or in part, was l34,972-total ex-
pense, $2,954,8 O5. OF these, 68,538-rather
more than one-half-were of foreign birth.
The expense for them may therefore be charged
at 81 100000. The whole foreign-born popu-
lation is set down at :, 200, O0O and the foreign
immigration for the year 1850 was 279,0O0.
Let us suppose that the immigration for that
wear furnished $4,000 of the 68,OO0-a very
liberal proportion-th cost would be 81 ,087, 500.
The whole number of criminals for 1850
that is, persons convicted of crime--was $1,000,
of whom $4,000 were foreign born. Let us
assume-and it is obviously most extrava-
CANT assump tion-that the immigration Of
prosecuting these would be about $50 per head,
or about 100000. Their expenses in pris-
on would amount to little. In twenty peni-
tentiaries in 1850, containing on an average
through the year 1000 convicts, the earnings
amounted to S326, 0l5, the expenses to S377,llO
But reckoning the extra expense of support
ing these criminals at $40 head, it would
come to 100000. Add this to the 100000
for the cost of prosecution, and add 100000
for loss of property sustained by society, and
we have the immigration of that year charged
with 100000 for crime.
The total loss inflicted on the country, then,
in 1850, by the pauperism and crime of the
foreign immigrants, was about S2,000,O00, on
the most extravagant estimates, or eight cents
a head expense to the whole population.
Now, deduct the estimated total of paupers
and criminals 10000, from the 279,OOO immi-
grants, and we have 2l9,O0O persons added to
the alth-producing classes of society. Were
we to- adopt the Southern method of calculating
the value of human beings, we should esti-
mate the average value of these at $500
head, giving an aggregate of S87,600OOO,
showing a net pecuniary balance in favor of
immigration, for the year 1850, of only eighty
five millions six hundred thousand dollars
But we do not choose to degrade men and
women by such calculation. The capacity
for labor, the skill, the ingenuity, the intelli
gence, brought by these immigrants, are not to
be calculated by dollars and cents. The mere
personal property conveyed by the immigrants
in single year into the United States is more
than enough to pay the total cost for pauper
ism and crime incidental to our foreign imm-
grafton for the last ten years. We have no suff-
cient data for precise statements, but we have.
for proximate estimates. The emigrants regis.
tered in Berlin in 1854, 5,0l8 in number, took
with them property to the aggregate amount of
1888, 250 or, $40 head. Averaging the per
sonal property Of the 100000 immigrants
who arrived in this country from 1874 to 1854,
at $50 a head-quite low estimate-the
I'll L. IL
value to the amount of $4,000, 0OO-a sum
entirely distinct from the results of the indus.
try and skill of the immigrants for ten years.
In view Of such facts and considerations. the
political economist of the North american.
trying the value of immigr alton by the pecil-
mary standard, is really at loss to know
whether it does not cost more than 1t comes to
How long shall the People be mised by such
alarmists? Do they not know, that had for
eign immigration to this country stopped in
1890, we should now be a sixth rate, instead
of first rate, Power in the world That, in
stead of a population of twenty-eight millions,
We should have scarcely numbered more than
ten or twelve millions? Do they not know
that the multiplication of free States, and their
present superiority in population and political
power over the slave States, are chiefly the re
suits of foreign immigration, which, repealed
by Slavery, flows naturally into territory conse
Grated to free labor?
The pauperism and crime of immigrant:
are evils, but not to be compared in magnitude
with the solid good they bring US. Besides
these evils are local and transitory, and to q
great extent may be abated by local legisla
ton, or, rather, by the enforcement of local law.