Washington telegraph., 1855-07-25

OpJect 10 place tnem oeyOnu tne assaults OF
those paupers and criminals who are landing
on our shores by the thousand Nor ought
the Catholic to feel surprise that the Amer
lean mind looks with distrust and apprehen-
sion upon hierarchy which in all other
countries has sought to connect the Church
and State. and whose history has been one
continual struggle for dominion in temporal
as well as secular matters We are charged,
gentlemen, with establishing religious test.
and assailing the great natural right of all
human beings to worship Almighty God ac-
cording to the dictates of their own con-
science. The charge is false.
The position of the American party on
this question is as clear as daylight 1t
simply announces to the Catholic bishops,
! that if they possess the power to organize
their communicates with political train
bands to support system dangerous to lib
erty and subversive of the constitution, it is
lawful to oppose them. We say that it is
lawful to oppose them-by our votes, at
least-untl they can show that their alegi-
ance to the Pope is subordinate to that of
/ obedience to the Constitution of the land
The Pope claims infallibility-the power of
pardoning sins. He claims the right of de-
posing princes and potentates. Let his fol-
lowers satisfy us that the pretensions are not
claimed by them. and they will find the
] American party as willing to meet them in
the bonds of common and equal citizenship
as any other class of churchmen. dismiss
this part of the subject with the declaration,
that the idea incorporated into the platform.
that America must rule America, is as old
as the constitution. and has been maintained
by all the early statesmen of the land 1t
is not the prescription of the Catholic. but
timely and salutary warning to him that
/ if the influence of his church is brought in
to the political arena as an element of pow
er. it will be opposed with candor and frank
ness. and trust with success.
| come now. gentlemen, to that portion of
the platform which disposes of the question
of slavery. We have met it with frmness.
! We doolaro .hat Congroos has rIvthing to do
with it. That the constitution recognizes it
in three instances. and that beyond this re-
recognition it is local thing We are not
insensible to the fact that the bill erecting
governments in Kansas and Nebraska has
caused great agitation, and has rendered the
interposition of the conservative men of all
sections necessary to tranquilize the country
| But how can these Conservative men act,-
Can they do anything but invoke the peo-
| pie to survey once more the true character
of this question. and apply to it the old doc
trine of our fathers. that slavery is local
institution, and must be regulated by the au-
thorities having competent jurisdiction over
il. 1t is impossible to restore the Missouri
Compromise. because the people of those
Territories have. under existing laws, rights
| which Congress cannot touch No matter
what may be thought of the folly and reck-
lessness of Mr.. Pierce and his Cabinet, in
re-opening the slavery question, by the pas
sage Of the bills in question, all dispasssion-
ate men must admit that their repeal is now
an impossibility or. if practicable, that the
repeal would only widen the breach between
the north and the South
Under the treaty by which we acquired
Louisiana, slavery within its limits was
placed on the same footing that it was in
other territory of the United States. But
the South in 1920, for the sake of peace.
consented that it might be excluded from the
country north of 36 80 Mr. Pierce and
his nulifying friends. North and South,
were not satisfied to let well enough alone
Nothing would satisfy them but to reopen
the question, and to do so under the pre-
tence that the Compromise of 1850 requir-
ed the course they pursued. Now, put it
to you, felIow-citlzens. and to all intelligent
men in our country, if | am not speaking
according to the facts when assert that if
the proposition to repeal tie Missouri Com
promise had been made part of the Com
promise of 1850, the whole measure would
! havo haap Loot Noholx, Al
the final settlement of the slavery question
at that period had reference to other objects
than those proposed in the bill of Compro-
mise. But it was necessary for Mr. Pierce
and his adjuncts North and South to get up
another agitation. and they accordingly
threw out this frebrand. The North could
say that the pro-slavery men had violated
compact. and cancelled the obligation to ex-
ecute the Fugitive Slave law. The South
could say that it had obtained a. last its
rights. and that the nullifers were. victori-
Gus. What cared they for the good of the
country. provided that the agitation gave
them the power to make President
With Mr.. Davis at the head of the sla-
very party, and Mr. Seward at the head of
the anti-slavery party, how easy would it be
for these leaders to make bargain and
keep the politicians in their places. The
nulli6er of the North was to have the horse
in 1856. It was the old ride and tye game
The nulli6er of the South was to have him in
1860. But, gentlemen. this American party
puts its veto on this unhallowed attempt to
convert sectional jealousy into permanent
source of political power 1t tells this new
school of Democrats that it prefers to stick
to the creed of Washington and jackson !;
that its motto is-"Our Federal Union must