Minnesota weekly times. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1854-1859, 1855-11-24
SATURDAY, NOV. II, 1855.
JOHN vAN BUREN on SLAVERY!

JOHN vAN BUREN on SLAVERY!
Weconsider the following pretty hard nut for
some of our Democratic and sold line Whig''
friends to crack Try it. Prince John is on the
right track now, if he never were before, as the
following extract of his speech testi6es: What
think some of the dough faces and dough heads
and dough souls of Minnesota to this? Hear
him: -
sin the first place, upon the subject of slavery,
the practical question is how to prevent the exten
sion of slavery into free territory. That is ques-
tion upon which we have right to act, and it is
II question which affects the State of New York.
For example: under the constitution, in the OPP
portionment of representatives, every five slaves
count as three persons consequently slavehOid-
er owning FIVE 81 aves is represented as four per-
sons. But a man in the State of New York,
though he NAV own ten millions of property, is
merely counted as one person. This is an une-
DUAL apportionment but it was one of the com .
promises of the constitution, and which we agree
TO he bound bv, and which we must acquiesce in
so far existing States are concerned. But when
YOU propose to convert free territory into slave
territory, YOU propose to increase that inequality
upon which is based our representation in Con-
gress, which lays your taxes, which makes treat
ies which declares war, and affects the whole
property of the country. IL is, then, question
with which We have right to meddle; and when
we undertake to declare an opinion upon it, it
should be true opinion. This is in no sense
abolition. 1t is the ground We took in lS47 and
ISIS, and have adhered to it. This does not nee
cSsarily require Congress to prohibit slavery in
the territories, because they may he accomplish
ell under the operation of the Kansas bill. The
settlers themselves may prohibit slavery; but if
they should not. then, when the territory is form
ed into State and applies for admission, you
have again the 9ht to raise the question wheth-
f,ir iptn "A Sla St1ta 1
not, YOU have the ri sht to prevent it from coming
into the Union until it presents itself with free
constitution, if You choose"
There, gentlemen Democrats! and cold line
WhiSs,'' and dou ;lfaccs, there's fat-footcd po-
sition. Dare you deny it?
But hear Prince John further. In his Albany
speech he said:
At Syracuse we called upon the Federal Gov
crnment to put down the Kansas rulhans. We said
it was the duty of the Administration to ,lo this,
and the Administration says it has not the power.
Perhaps not But it is singular that the Adm MIS-
trat on his power enough to order the sOldie s
and sailors of the United States, 10y telegraph, to
execute the fugitive act black at Boston, and
has no power to protect white citizens and white
voters in Kansas. Ii the President has not the
power, it is competent for him to ask Congress
to give it to him, in his next annual message
Then we desire him to ask Congress for the pow
; and if he can't find 1t somewhere, it don't
matter how soon we have some one that can.-
[checrs.
No wonder that John Van Buren, read out
of the party, or, as the Washington Union says.
he read himself out, becoming perfectly disgusted
with those who pretend to revere the memory
of Thomas jefferson and vet advocate doctrines
antagonistic to his sentiments. How any Northern
Or Western man can sanction the extension of
Slavery. when that institution counts five slaves
as equal to three bona fde American citizens, and
allows the STAKEHOLDER as many votes accordingly,
is one of the mysteries of the age! Are of the
North allowed many votes for our cattle p
And yet the Shareholders say that slaves are
no better than cattle. Are we of the North al
lowed so many votes for our horses, our houses,
our lands And yet slaves property. The
truth is, Slavery existed in our country at the
formation of the confeder icy. 1t was an evil so
admitted by Washington, Madison, jefferson, Jay,
Franklin, and host of others. The question arose
--''Shall We insist upon it's abolition, and thereby
weaken the strength of the old thirteen, or shall
we make compromise, let it exist and die out?'
The latter course was chosen. Slavery was to
exist where it then was, subject only the juris
diction of the States, but was to ertend no turth
So said the fathers of the Republic. So said
the ordinance of $3.50 said the compromise Of
1870. But now the Sonth says, "Give us more
Slave Territory, or we will dissolve the Union ~
and because John Van Buren dare stand up be-
fore an intelligent audience of American citizens
and declare his convictions, he is hooted at by the
same Northern doughfabe party that hitherto has
considered him one of their brightest lights The
''good time is coming % The bile on the stom
ach is beginning to nauseate, and those who swal
lowed the bitter pill Of ''sqaatter sovereignty"
feel its effect to the ends of their toes The op-
Grafton is going on silently but efectually.