The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-07-28
the PprtscaI Crises m tho Unltsd 6tntes-
rise ana Progress u Ahalissen.

rne PoI,tscaI crises m the UnItsa gtatss-
Rise and Progress u Ahelfsaon.
II was o common matter twenty years ago 70
hear Statement declare that the two great par
ties were necessary expounders and watchmea
Of our peculiar plan Of government. In the
present condition Of public sentiment, North
and South, there is u zen to justify such an es-
innate Of the valne q d uses Of the cid rival
parties Az ell events, it is very curious fact
that their decline has .een Mgnalized by the
rise of every species of folly which could be
allied to politics. until the constitution has be-
come the subject Of hahitual ridcule and con-
demnstion. Instead Of clinging to that compact
with the faith Of the Apostles to the religion Of
the New Covenant-instead Of regarding it as
the auant courier Of civilization and Of pro-
gFess--as the ark Of political salvation to the
whole human family--it has become byword
and reproach in the mouths of the myriad in
fdels Of the dsy. We have either sprung upon
the wisest generation or upon the weakest.
If the madness that threatens to preside in our
political schools bears the seeds of regeneration
If the follies of the hour conceal some greater
political blessing than that of the almost uni
versal prosperity which has marked our ex-
istence as a Iation-then, indeed, we can aver
from experience that the declaration to which
we have referred was only bit Of egotisn-an
excusable Misrepresentation Of the weight Of
constitutional freedom when put into the ba.
lance against the rotten carcass Of abolitionsm.
The old wing party, as re- organized after the
defeat Of General Jackson in 1924, under the
leadership of Mr.. Clay, whatever may be
thought Of its economical tenets, was In the
highest degree, conservative and respectable.
1t embraced within its range, and for many
years almost exclusively consolidated, the
great banking, commercial and manufacturing
interests Of the country. These classes what
ever may have been their Interests in connec-
ton with the legislation Of Congress and the
economical policy OF the general government,
were essentially national in scope and orderly
and conservative in purpose. Mr. Hamilton,
in 1871, deeming these elements necessary to
the stability of the government, introduced
them to the notice Of Congress, and inaugura.ed
sy stem Of legislation calculated to unite
them together as counterpoise to what was
then deemed the possible evils OF popular
sovereignty.
Mr.. Clay added to this scheme OF Mr.. Hamil-
ton his famous American sya.em--a plan Of in
ternal improvements by the general govern
ment--and thus was perfected 10 one great
party the four most powerful and controlling
elements of opinion. Time was required to
show in the operations Of industry that all in
tc-ests were best promoted by leaving each ia
absolute freedom-that the office Of law is
not to make money, but to effect distribution
between capital and labor. The constitution,
which inaugurated a system Of free trade
amongst the States, and thus Indicated the
general policy to be pursued, has triump hed.
The mercantile class released in time from rs
dependence upon the banks, o. length discov-
cred the necessity of the freedom Of com nerce.
The manufacturing interest, grown Into colos-
| sal proportions by the fostering legislation Of
Congress, frightened by the vicissitudes attend
| ant upon periodical changes 10 the policy Of
laws, has withdrawn its appeals for protection,
| and itself from the arena Of politics. Private
enterprise has vindicated it's right to the e1clu-
| sive construction and control Of works o. i'm.
provement, and thus has been removed the
very foundation upon which Wis organized
one of the great parties Of this country. It
had its evils, in an economical point o. view;
but il had also its great uses in the conserva-
tive influence it exertsd upon public sentiment
and upon the integrity Of the constitution. So
long as it exercised control, il constituted
perfect shield against the inroads Of fanaticism
and this was peculiarly necessary because
great share Of its supporters outside Of the
classes referred to, were wanting in those traits
Of charity towards ard consideration for the
opinions OF others which are SO important in
the operation OF the various and often conflict
ing interests Of this government.
Precisely as the wing party has declined aud
its supporters have been released from allie
glance to it, with the exception Of the grea.
mercantile, banking and manufacturing inter-
ests, and large class of its more thoughtful
men, 1t has leaned towards sbolitionisn. This
0. course is confined to the North The whole
tendency Of things now is towards the organi
cation of q strictly sectional o. geographical
party. The very ideas entertained, and all the
efforts made, and the arguments and devices
used, are in their nature sectional.
There was predisposition amongst the
Northern branch of the old wing party to en-
brace geographical views. Mr.. Clay's speech
al Raleigh in 1874, in opposition to the an
nexasion Of Texas, and Mr.. Van Burens letter,
which followed II on the same side gave
powerful impetus to the abolition movement in
the North. The first operated as not only a
release Of the wings from their party, to The
extent that the Texas project involved the
question Of slavery, bit It also held out the idea
that it was possible to reform that or ganizasion
on the conservative basis Of Southern and
Northern opposition to slavery extension.
Thus w2s the poison of ianaticism infused into
the system. The South yielded its feeble op-
position to Texas annexation; and although it