The Union and eastern journal. [volume] (Biddeford [Me.]) 1854-1858, 1855-02-23
Veto Of the French spoilation Bill.


alton Bill, was communicated to the House
of Representatives on the 18th inst. The
document is long, too long for our columns.
We append synopsis of it, taken from tho
telegraphic dispatches to the Boston pa.
papers. published on Monday. II opportu.
nifty presents, We may at some convenient
period hereafter, have word to say.respect.
ing tho injustice Of this Presidential vc,o.-
If VIC understand the synopsis. the Presi.
dent rests his veto, not upon the unconstitn-
tionality Of the payment-but upon the i'm
propriety Of the measure; thus stretching
to its utmost tension the executive peroga.
tive. II this is right, Congress had better
be abolished, and the President installed as
Dictator at once, and have our government
converted into Despotism. We imagine
that our Young Hickory, in vetoing this bill,
has thought to make himself kind Of Jack.
son. We think the fable of the Ass who
sported the Lions Skin, will find an apt II.
lustration in the conduct Of the executive
in this instance. But to the synopsis.
The Speaker laid before the House the
message, which occupied three. iourths OF
an hour in reading. The President, in re-
turning the French Spoilation Bill, refers to
his duties under the Constitution. 1t is
not incumbent on him to sign bill as
matter Of course, and thus merely authonti-
cate the action Of Congress, for he must ex-
erciso an intelligent judgment, or be faith
less to the trust reposed in him. In the ex-
ecution of his official duty, as to signing
bills, he is not to perform a mere mechani.
cal part, but is to act according to his right.
eous convictions of rightfulness or wrong.
fulness Of the proposed law. The Presi-
dents responsibility is TO the whole people
OF the United States, as that Of Senator
is TO the people of particular State, or
that Of representative to the people Of q
State or District, and it may safely DO as
sumed that he will not resort to the clearly
defined and unlimited power OF arresting
Legislation, or calling for the reconsideration
of any measure, except in obedience to the
requirements Of duty. However. If he en-
tertains decisive and fixed conclusion, not
only of tho unconstitutionality, but of the
improperly and injustice, in other respects,
of any measure, If he declares he approves
it, he is ialse to his oath, and deliberately
disregards his obligations.
The President feels called on, ut the
threshold, to notice an assertion often re-
peated, that the refusal of the United States
to safety these claims in the manner pro-
posed by tho present bill, rests as stain on
the justice Of our country. II it be so, the
imputation on the public honor is nggrava-
ted by the consideration that these claims
are coeval with the present century, and it
has been as persistantly wrong during that
whole period Of time. This the President
denies. If new facts, not known nor
accessible during tho administration Of JET.
ferson, Madison or Monroe, have since been
brought to light, or new sources Of informa.
tion discovered, this would greatly relieve
the subject Of embarrassment. But nothing
of this nature has occurred. He never
recognized the alleged obligation on tho
part Of the United States government to pay
these claims. Indeed, it stands out. not as
matter of controlling authority, but as
fact Of history, that these claims have new
or, since our existence as nation, been
deemed by any President worthy Of recon-
mendation to Congress.
After reviewing the entire history of the
case, he concludes his message as follows:
This review of successive treaties between
France aud tho United States, has brought
my mind to the undoubting conviction, that
while the United States have, in the most
ample and complete manner. discharged
their whole duty towards such Of their citi.
zens rs may ut any time have been aggriev-
ed by the acts Of the French Government,
so, also, has France as honorably discharg-
cd herself Of all obligations in the premises
towards the United States. To concede
what this bill assumes, would be to impu,e
unreserved reproach both to the United
States and France.
am aware that the bill proposes to pro-
vide naturalization for such valid claims of
the United States against France, rs shall
not have been stipulated for and embraced
in any of the treaties enumerated. But,
by including such claims, il excludes all in
fact for which, during the negotiations,
France would be persuaded to agree that
she was, in any wise, liable to the United
States or to our citizens. What remains,
and for what is the $5,000,000 appropria-
ted In view Of what has been said. there
would seem to be no ground on which to
raise liability Of tho United States to be
considered the insurers and guarantors Of
all claims Of whatever nature, which any
individual citizen may have against for.
eign nation"
Mr.. Bailey Of Virginia said that, rs little
as he was impressed with the reasoning Of
the message, but as friend Of the admins.
tration. and greater friend Of the veto
power, he moved that the consideration Of
the subject be postponed until Wednesday,
in order in the meantime to afford On oppor-
tunity OF studying the document, and in
respect to the President.
Mr.. Jones Of Tennessee said there were
but twelve legislative days remain, 6, and
he therefore moved The previous question,
with view Of acting upon the message
forthwith. The motion was voted down.
90 to GO.
Several amendments were offered to Mr..
Bailey's motion, but without taking vote,
the House adjourned.