The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-05-03

uehJ Gudt Ney HUCe u cOtcc, anu we 10 NOT III
tend to take sides or anticipate in this matter,
until they have pretty generally divided for the
contest The volume claims for the Hero of
San Jacinto a thorough American character,
o claim which we accept and endorse at once
as to his life, with reservation on some points
as set forth In these pages So far, too, as it is
meant to indicate that he is the identical
: Sam,-the great Sam of the hundred battles
the Sam that is to be, and of the great all hail
hereafter $50 far we must decline to go Just get.
1t Is now too early in the day, and the question
is not in order just at present. The nomina-
tons for the next Presidential term have been
effected only by the Know Nothings-not vet
initiated. For the book ITSELF it deserves the
widest circulation, and should accordingly be
universally disseminated. Apart from all po-
litical considerations, it contains one of the
most pregnant episodes of the history of our
country, and is vigorously and comprehensive
ly written. Eresy Americdn should possess 1t,
and place 1t in the hands Of his children"
The attention of thinking men will be arrest
ed by this extraordinary coincidence of opinion
and inclination between editors so widely differ
ing as to political creed and party associations.
General Houston has always been leader in
the Democratic Party; the hatelligencer has
been the organ, the Express, partisan, of the
Wing Party. The editor of the american Or
gan thinks Slavery justifable, and resists its
agitation; the Ecening Post considers it great
wrong, and will agitate it. The h,teHigencer
excuses and defends Slavery; the Post takes
every opportunity to expose its injustice, impol-
icy, and mischievous workings-and in general
politics, leaving out of view our foreign rela-
tons, they agree scarcely upon any prominent
question. General Houston believes Slavery is
necessary institution in the South, that the
slaves are well fed, well clothed, well housed,
treated tenderly, contented, improving, "the
happiest people on the earth;" denies that the
Shareholders are aggressive, that the passage
of the Nebraska bill was their work; asserts
that all they ask of the North is to be let alone
condemns the agitation of the question of Sa-
very; voted for the Compromise and Fugitive
Slave Act of 1850, pledged himself by letter in
1852 to sustain them as fnality, has always
voted against any proposition looking to their
disturbance; is opposed to any bill to prohibit
Slavery in the Territories; and withal, either is
Know Nothing or in close sympathy with the
Order; and yet, as a candidate for the Presi
dency, he finds champion in the New York
Eceni',g Post, a journal, in doctrine and discus
sion, thoroughly Anti-Slavery and Anti-Know
Nothingl
What, then, means this strange conjunction
of opposites, in the support of common plat
form for Presidential candidate, and in
common effort to prepare the May for agree
ment upon the same nominee)kS 1t means, a
struggle to'aco1 the great conflict between .Sla-
rery and Freedom, betpeen tie Stare Interest,
which has possession Of the Federal Gore,n-
ment, aQd the Free Interests Of the country,
aohich are excluded from their proper aceight IA
its Councils, and constantly exposed to damage
from the usapatioas Of that Interest.
Wow, We care very little about the policy such
iournals.as the hteuigencer and american Or
IAN may see proper to pursue: our concern is
with the Eoeniny Post, and with that portion of
the Press at the North, which, while discussing
with more or less earnestness the Question CT
Slavery, does not deem it expedient to enforce
sound views by direct political action. ~
In what we are about to say, we intend to
define, rather than denounce, differences of
opinion in relation to party action. The Era
does not pretend to any more devotion to the
Cause of Freedom, or TINT it presents sounder
views on the abstract questions involved in it,
than the Tribune or Post, of New York but
it has heretofore represented and advocated a
different policy on the subject, from that of
either. From the year 1910, we took with some
others the ground, that Slavery, from its politi-
cal connections with our Government and Laws,
and its influence over them, is Political Cues
ton, to be dealt with by Political agencies
that its existence within the Federal Jurisdic-
ton is unauthorized by the Federal Consttu-
ton, and therefore a usurpation; that the ne
cessities Of Slave Labor, the instincts of self
preservation, the lust of power generated by tho
possession of despotic prerogatives, and by the
habit of ruling through force and intimidation,
render it perpetually aggressive and domneer-
ing; that it is inherently and always antagonis-
teal to Free Labor and Free Institutions: that
the policy necessary to its ACKNOWLEDGEMENT,
must involve their subordination and degrade.
ton; that, as matter of fact, the few directly
interested in it, had obtained the control of the
Federal Government, had perverted the Consti-
tuition, had made acquiescence in its claims a
test of fitness for Office, had determined the pol
icy of the Federal Government, to great ex-
tent, at home and abroad; had resolved on
maintaining and strengthening its ascendency,
by constantly extending the area of Slave La
Dor; that the main Observation-Disclosures relied upou
for the accomplishment of its purposes, were
the Wing and Democratic Parties, which. Ma
tional in form and professions, no matter what
their local action might be, were, whenever
acting Nationally, controlled aud directed bv
the Slave Power; that the evil of Slavery. "a
an Element in Federal Politics, is of transcend
ent Importance, and therefore that the Question
OF its exclusion from Federal Jurisdiction. Fed
eral Rule, and Federal Politics, is in itself, with.
out taking into the account the probable effects
upon its ultimate extinction as a social institu
ton in the States, Question, SO vast that it
ought not to be subordinated, so urgent that it
ought not to be postponed.
Ahi' wac our Posiiioh IN io4O: 1t Is our posi-
ton now. We need not say that it was then
far in advance of the public opinion of the
North; we fear that even now the majority of
the People of the North and West are not pre-
pared to assume it.
The two old political parties had arisen be-
fore the more recent advent of the Slavery
Question they had grown up out of differences
of opinion in relation to Questions of Trade
FINANCE. and Executive Power They had