The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-07-26
For the National Fra
For the National Era
Sketch of the Political History of Europe
THE CAPITULATI0N OF PARIS, IN 1914,
TILL
= THE PRESENT TIME.
BY A FRIEND OF LIBERTY.
CHAPTER TX.

been stated, become subjects of the House Of
Orange, in virtue of the decision of the Con
gress of Vienna, in 1915, were very indignant
at being treated as though they had been mere
cattle. Their dislike with the Government, a.
well as with the Dutch, with whom, in opposi
ton to their own wishes, they had become uni
ted, increased, IN the course of time, to the
highest pitch, as was apparent by several mani
festations of displeasure. Shortly before the
outbreak of the French July revolution, there
happened to be much agitation among the Bel
gians, on account of the general anger that
had been created by the severe sentence which
the Government had caused to be passed upon
two members of the Liberal party, Porter and
Ducpetiaux, for some publication of pretended
libellous tenor against its own measures. Con
sequently, the Begians were in such state o.
mind as to be easily induced to follow in the
footsteps of the French.
On the 18th of August, Bruxelles, the CAPT
tai of Belgium, gave signal to the revolution
by various movements that took place among
its inhabitants, directed evidently against the
royal authorities. An attempted conciliary ne
gotiation between the Government and the Pa
triots failed, because the latter, suspectine
| treachery on the part of the former, took up
arms, and defeated, after four days hard strug
gle, the Dutch troops that had advanced from
Antwerp, the strong fortress of which. was in
their hands, and which they succeeded in de
Tending, until attacked by more formidable
force than that which the Belgians could en-
ploy for the reduction of that place.
Meanwhile, all Belgium made common cause
with the capital which had, by its heroic ex
ample, kindled the patriotic fire throughout the
whole country. Thus the rebellion assumed
the formidable character of a revolution, vindi
eating the national rights against the efforts o.
an odious Government, and proclaiming the
independence of the country. The contest be-
tween the Dutch troops and the Patriots was
conducted with various success. But by the
treaty of the 18th of November, 1881, in Lon
don, the five great European Powers acknowl
edged the independence of Belgium. The
King of Holland, secretly instigated by Prussia
and Russia, refused, however, to submit to this
decision, and continued his attempts to reduce
the Belgians to obedience. But when Prince
Leopold of SAKE Coburg (widower of Prin
cess Charlotte, ,resumptive heress of the Brit
| ish crownl had been by the Belgians elected
their King, then France and England declared
! themselves resolved in union 10 enforce the
treaty of London. In consequence of this reso
luton, French army entered Belgium, under
the command of the celebrated Marshal &c
rard, who fastened to attack the strong fortress
at Antwerp, then still held by the Dutch troops
which, notwithstanding very valiant resistance
was compelled to capitulate. This event had
the effect to induce the King of Holland to &C
knowledge the independence of Belgium.
The popular movements which followed the
French revolution of 1880, in Braunswieg, in
Saxony, in Hesse, in Mecklenburg Schwerin
in Hanover, and in some other German States
met not with much success, but had neverthe
less the result of enlarging, on the whole, the
sphere of freedom, and alternating the political
condition of the several parts of Germany.
1t deserves to be noticed, that the language
employed in the promulgations of the respect
i've German Governments was very different
from that recently before in vogue, and that
the Princes almost everywhere showed some
desire of acquiring popularity. But the Ger
mans evinced much want of unanimity OF &C
ton, and, indeed, of energy; hence, the at
| tempts which were made at indicating then
rights proved mostly abortive, and produced SC
| insignificant result The German Princes
on the other hand, employed a trick, which was
accompanied with much success. They put
hired writer's at work, to awaken the Jealousy
of the Germans against the French, by insinu
ating that the latter intended to use the inter
nal dscords in Germany for taking possession
of that portion of it which is situated on the
left bank of the Rhine. Indeed, ridiculous as
it may appear, the Germans proved more anx
ious to preserve piece of land which was not
even threatened, than to enfranchise themselves
| from despotic rule.
But no obstacles of tyranny, no precaution
of the police, no barriers of Cossacks, were
eficacious enough to prevent the celestial fire
which in July, 1880, had been kindled in Paris
from setting Poland in flames.
On the 29th of November of the same year
the gallant Poles rose against the unjust do
minion of Russia, and against the oppression
of the Grand Duke Constantine, who ruled in
Warsaw, in the name of his brother, but surely
contrary to the wise counsels of that sagacious
monarch, whose severity was always subordi
nate to his Judgment.
The Grand Duke Constantine had in many
respects acted as mailman, and thus wantonly
called down upon himself the vengeance of a
| high-spirited nation. The Russian troops in
|
merous, were defeated, and the Grand Duke
/ himself was compelled, though almost raging
mad with anger, to seek for safety by withdraw.
ing from the capital, and soon afterwards by
retreating within the territory of Russia proper.
But, the day after he left Warsaw, the courage
GUS Joachim Lelewel is reported to have told
| him, to his face, that the Poles were resolved
to throw off the Russian yoke, and recover their
| national independently.
On the night that followed upon the repulsion
| of the Grand Duke, Prince Adam Czartoryski,
General Dembinski, and Lelewel, formed them
selves into provisional Government, in which
they invited Niemeewicz, Ostrawski, and Prince
Radzuiel, to take part.
When it was afterwards decided, by the as
sembled Diet, that Poland should become in
reality constitutional monarchy, five individ-
uals were chosen jointly to represent, under the
title of National Government, the sovereign that
was to be elected at some future day.
The ruling party, in order to avoid irritating
the other great Powers, which were the neigh.
bors of Poland, neglected to proclaim the free
dom of the serfs in the Polish provinces that
were attempting to deliver themselves from the
dominion of Russia and this neglect must be
set down as one of the chief causes of the I'M
fortunate end of the Polish revolution, which,
moreover, could not succeed, on account of its
being left unaided by France and England.
and in consequence of the unwarantable con.
duct of Pope Gregory XVI, who seems to have
lost sight of the dignity and the interest of the
Pontiff, in his anxiety to please the mighty
Car. Actuated by the circumstances and
promises of Gargarin, the Russian ambassador
then at Rome, he disapproved of the rising of
the Poles, forgetting the fact that one of his pre-
decessors had said that "each handful of the
soil of Poland was holy relic, because soaked