Republican vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1857, 1855-10-20
Ills the North Ripht g,

wv e"P'ioh-"lS the Nortn HI2ntf
W. word about slavery and the colored
10 the people Of Massa-
chuse.ls, by fellow citizen" It's one
OF the most dispasslonate, candid and lucid
discussions of the questions arising out Of
the slavery agitation we have ever read,
and cannot fail to have most salutary eff
feet upon every mind North Of Nj ason and
Dixon's line, inluiring after the truth
1t is an elaborate vindcation Of the duty
Of the non-slaveholding States to observe
the provisions of the fugitive slave law,
because 1t IS legitimate sequence Of con-
stitutional guarantee. I, is clear and
forcible discussion Of the intellectual and
social inequality Of the Anglo-Saxon and
African races-presentipg the impossible
ty Of amalgamalion aud social urity, in a
peculiarly practicable and impressive man
ner. Upon this point, the writer, (who
the Post states, in an honored citizen Of
Massachusetts, illustrates his positions and
arguments by appealing to the actual state
OF the relations existing between the two
races IN the North. He say; with much
point and force:
''Ihe question now becomes one Of the
future. Suppose the existing purity of ty.
pical consanguinity is preserved in the
two races, and the relative numerical in :
crease not materially diHerenG the great
problem for solution, in the free States, Is
this: Can the African while in immedi-
ate contact with the Angelo Saxon sur
mount the disabilities of cast and attain a
position Of social equality with the latter
This, say, is the problem for solution in
the free states, because If a negative an.
swer to the inquiry is reudered. it settles,
at least, one controvelted point IN the des-
tiny OF the African. In the northern sec.
ton Of the United States This question has,
for more than half century, been subject
ed to practical test, and that too, under
circumstances sufficiently various and d.
rect to fix the result beyo ud all shadow Of
contingency. In order to show IS hat that
result is, It is only necessary to look at
the actua! condition Of the colored man as
he is at present found existing IN the nom
states, In these he is free
that is, free to dispose Of himself-and in
many of them, BY law, a coequal with the
dominant class. This is his position legal
iy. But, as matter OF fact: does he, in the
free states find himself, Outside the stat.
utes, recognized as an equal, in any sense
to sensitive mindl No one
will pretend that such is the fact. Legis-
lative enactments or prescription declare
him one thing by including him as CO.
equal in the general description Of citizen
ship; but public opinion aud social iuhibi~
ton, both Of which are law unto themscl-
YES declare him decidedly another; under
these circumstances, then, that actually is
the position Of the African in the non.
slayeholding states Social equality he
surely does not enjoy. Of this lie may
not so much as dream. He is free, says The
abolltionists. True, but how Should he
set up acclaim to p Anticipation in your SO.
cial enjoyments and privileges, you would
resre: it Boating friend Of the negro. as
you profess 10 be, you do not allow him
seat at your lestivity OF family board; you
do not admit him co-equal guest upon
fhe floor Of your drawing room; you would
not for one moment willingly allow him
seat beside your daughter, 10 whisper soft
things IN her ear. aud seal :hem on her
lips! Nay. more, you would even reproye
your son were he seen in the streets arm
and arm With black man.
The author then advances 10 thu DIS
cussioa of the Nebraska Kansas act, and
the justice and constitu,ionality Of the
Compromise. Upon this point
be is particularly lucid. We are ouly sor-
~ our space forbids our quoting more cx-
tensively from the truly national views
presented. He proceeds:
"a few words additional on this point
will not be out Of place here. If the
act establishing the Missouri line ere ,ru-
|y tae exercise of constitutional power it
covers the whole ground, and may be cited
as evidence tllat:congress possesses absolute
control over the whole subjec, Of slavery
in the territories; because, il congress has
The constitutional right TO say where in.
voluntary servitude shall not exist, il pos.
,ses co-ex,ensivo authority to say where il
may exist; since denial clearly involves the
existence Of the affirmative power. Are
he people, either uoTth or south, ready to
.oncede this power to congress! Iappre-
bend not. Enough there are, am aware,
who contend for the constitutional right Of
but all these are careful to re-
pudiate the permissoIy alternative. The
eason lot this Is quite obvious. The adj
mission of congressional pIenary power
'ver the subject Of slavery, would author.
re any congress, now or hereafter, to es.
abl,sh the institution OF involuntary ser
7itude in any and every territory. This
light The freeso'er denies, and SO do I, !
tut upon totally different grounds and for |
Tery different reasons. The freesoiler de.
lies it simply because he uiskes it to be
otherwise; |, because the constitution con.
ers upon congress no authority whatever to
Interfere with slavery in any territory, ex-
ept it be territory over which il exercises
Deal jurisdiction. As it does not, nor new
II did this, over any portion of the terrific
y bordering upon the late Missouri line,
he act establishing that line, hold to have
'een unauthorized by,that constitutions
I was, therefore, neither compact nor
oniroct but merely compromise in sta.
utory form, which even had It been with
n the legitimate power Of the congress,