The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-07-10

Issue.
We trspsfer to the columns of the HERALD |
this morning, a leading article from each of our
two Seward organs OF yesterday, on the drift |
and purposes of this new Northern anti
agitation. The burden of the elder OF these
organs is, that " slavery restriction is not sec.
tional, while the other argues that it is purely
sectional question, and that this new aboli.
ton and free soil crusade is fully justified from
the late aggressions OF the South upon North
ern rights. As both these articles, however,
are directed to the same common object of
great Northern anti-slavery coalition in 1856,
for the benefit Of Seward and his staff of agi-
tators, pipelay ers, and organ grinders, we may
as we'll consider them briefly together.
AS the taste, touch, or sight of cold water
affects a sufferer from hydrophobia with in
Simultaneous convulsiops, so does the mere
mentionsf Southern slavery appear to affect
our niger worshippers of the Tribune They
fly into q paroxysm of rage, and bite aud
snap Unfortunately at every thing in their
way, as they dash headlong after the slave
oligarchy." They tell us that Southern
slavery is "a hateful despotism;" that the peo-
pie Of Virginia have degenerated into COM
munity of mere slave breeders and slave
sellers" that the North has been long enough
dragooned by domineering slave driving bull
lies," "bantams of the Southern cock pitt"
&c; and yet we are coolly informed that this
renewed agitation upon slavery is not a Sec
tional thing; that Washington and Jefferson and
Madison were opposed to the institution; and
that the idea that this Seward coalition is &C.
ditious sectional conspiracy, is only intended as
raw-bead. and. bloody-bones to brighten credu-
lous old fogies and old women. We think,
however, that the junior organ is right in
making an honest confession of the fact that
this Seward movement is q sectional affair
that it is intended as joint stock crusade
against the South, and that no quarter is to be
asked or given in the contest.
We reject, therefore, the absurd denial of the
elder, and accept the honest confession OF the
younger Of these two Dromios, as the real po-
sition of Seward and his trained band of fol-
lowers Consistently enough, in this ferocious
onslaught Of the Tribune upon the "slave-
holding oligarcby," the obligations and CON-
pacts of the federal constitution are entirely
overlooked. No landmarks are recognized be-
yond those of the higher law" and this
" despotism of slavery is as fippantly
discussed, as if the South had just been
conquered by Northern armies, and were by !
right Of subugation wholly at the mercy Of |
their Northern brethren. The Times, on the |
other hand, admits, in winding up its pitiful |
apology for this Seward holy anti-slavery
league, that there is such thing still existing |
as the constitution but pleads that Seward |
and his gang are only aiming at the restoration
Of the constitutional rights Of the North, against
the unprincipled aggressions Of the South.
What are the constitutional rights Of the
North? Where have they been invaded, how
when? In the repeal Of the Missouri compro.
miss? No: for that measure was an unconsti-
tutional compact-a temporary compromise for
the spoils-a hollow truce between various
aspiring men and parties for the Presidency
That Missouri line was the fruitful source of all
our subsequent sectional disturbances upon this
question Of slavery. Its repeal only places
both sections where they stood before: upon the
lawful and binding compromises Of the consti
tuition. And what are they? The recognition
of slavery as local instituton-an agreement
among all the States to return the fugitive slave
to his master-a compromise with the South,
admitting three tifths Of their slaves to be
counted in the enumeration of their people for
their representation in Congress, and some other
stpulations providing checks and balances for
the prote ction of the weaker section against
the stronger and the smaller States against the
larger, in the working Of the general govern
ment.
The most important feature of the constitu-
ton is that in which all powers not expressly
granted to Congress are reserved to the States
the express grant of power to Congress to legis-
late for the District of Columbia in all cases
whatsoever'') involves the entire control of the
institution of slavery. 1t is reserved to the
States and to the people. The repeal of the
Missouri compromise, whatever the paltry OBJ
jects of Mr.. Pierce and his Cabinet may have
been, restores the question to this cOnstitu-
tional ground. Virginia, if she peases, without
consulting Congress, may abolish slavery within
her borders Her sovereignty over the subject
is clear and undisputed. New York, in like
manner, may re-establish slavery here, under
this general power reserved to the States. But
the same powers are reserved to the States
and the people," Hence, until Territory
shall become State, Congress have decreed
that the local question Of slavery remains with
the people OF such Territory, subject to their
final decision upon their application for admis-
sion as sovereign State into the Union. Thus
it is clear that the bill restores
those Territories 10 the popular sovereignty of
the fundamental law.
Another wise arrangement Of the consti-
tuition is to be found in the organization
OF the federal Senate, forming it OF two men,
bers from each State, large and small. This was
the security Of the small States this was the
balance Of power given to the South. Its i'm