The Belmont chronicle, and farmers, mechanics and manufacturers advocate. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1848-1855, 1855-01-19


And, first, let Inc comment on the PROPOSE
ton, not first in the order of his remarks, bu
I which lies at the foundation of his opinions
that man in the United States is bound tc
ronulgate bis political views. tuke issue
with him OF tina, question. We are a peo
pie occupying an independent section of the
earth, with Government OF our own. 1t il
o Government which springs from the peo.
pie, republican in it's nature; in which the
interests, rights, opinions, and commands ol
! the people constitute, not only the guiding
but original power, and no man who dischar-
ges his duty Us member of the social com
I pact, who executes his will, and, according
70 the forms OF law, impresses his convictions
I upon the political institutions under which
he lives, is accountable for his actions or opin-
ions to any other man. He is not even ac-
countable to the Government. He is uccoun-
table to God alone. Acting in his capacity
as an original member OF that compact not
| as Representative, mark you, Mr.. Chair.
man, he is entitled to that degree of privacy
which is necessary to secure his natural, in
dcfeasblc, and absolute rgh;--the free ex.
preston Of his opinion. How far he will
modify that opinion aud his action, BY COM
munon with other minds, he has a right to
determine for himself. When citizen OF
the United States is called upon to vote for
President, for member Of the House OF
Representatives, or for any other officer OF
delegated trusts, or in framing the organic
laws under which he lives, he is not only
entitled to vote, uncontrolled, unawed by in
dvidual or governmental influence, but hc
has the right to give his vote in profound Sc.
crecv. And that Government which shapes
its material influences or statutes, so us to
trammel or control citizen in the exercise
Of this his private, but absolute right, which
seeks to wiring from him publicity Of his
views or action, strikes at the basis of repub-
lican institutions, aud ought to be swept from
the face Of the earth.
Sir, The right OF opinion is the right upon
which we stand. God gives to us the pow
cr to form opinions, the Government secures
to lis the right TO act upon those opinions,
and to no individual, organization, or socic-
ty, attaches the right to control us in the ex-
ercise OF these hign prerogatives. SO far,
then, take issue with the honorable gentle
man from Mississippi. | claim the right to
form my own opIhions. The Constitution
and Government under which 1--we, secures
me the ght to express them, and privacy, or
if i: please the gentleman better, secrecy,
may be convenient or necessary for me in
the exercise OF that privilege. The gentle
man from Mississippi asserts it to be duty
10 promuIgate and publ sh opinions enter
tanned. | SO, it must be Cor the purpose OF
influencing others, or that the individual
shall be subject to the il fluences Of others.
or of government. Any influence except
that which legitimately springs from the ac-
ton OF reason upon reason is wrong, and no
wrong can be Il du:y. Ii privacy of opinion
Je rigkt, its expression must be voluntary
and not II compulsory act.
Mr.. BARRY. VIII the gentleman allow
me to ask him IA question!
Mr.. BANKS. If it is pertinent to the
sutjec, upon which | a,h speaking, lrost GER
talny.
Mr.. BARRY. It is pertinent question.
desire to know whether an association has
the right to control the vote OF member OF
that association!
Mr.. BANKS. | will come to that pres
emily.
Mr.. BARRY. And desire to know fur
ther, whet er the New York Council has the
right to make members Of that council tell
for whom they voted!
Mr. BANKS. | will answer the gentle
mans question presently. | was proceeding
to say, that have the right to form my
own opinions. The Constitution and Gov
ernment und which live give me the
right to express my opinions as | please
They give me the right to vote by ballot
the ballot is secret institution; and that Sc
cret institution enables me to cast my vote
in secrecy, unknown to any, and uninluen,
ced by fear OF any man.
In considering public wrong it is very
we'll for us, in the first place, 10 consider the
power which perpetrates the wrong; because,
by studying the motives and interests which
actuute the preparation, we can form Il bet
ter idea of the wrong irsc!f. The gentleman
| from Misss ippi has stated very clearly and,
doubt no,, very conScientiously, that the
as >ociatinn To which he alluded is wrong
| Sir, what is that association! Who are its
members! The people Of the United States.
| What is the nature of this association Of the
! people of the United States which holds its
meetings in secret! 1t is not an institution
or association limited by numbersj but il
seeks numerical strength. 1t seeks, by its
numbers, to control the elections OF the
country. 1t is, therefore, popular in its Da-
ture; and, so far as its secrecy is concerned
It is enough to say, that any association oi
men, wherever they are, who undertake tc
control the Government of country by its
numerical votes, has an element of popularity
/ in its nature which makes secrecy mpossi.
Bile. And, so far as that is concerned, vii
say to the gentleman, that think he may
relieve himself frona fear Of any cons derablt
public danger.
AS to the Councils of New York, sir, as
am not member, and know nothing of theil
action or organization, do net propose tc
enter into their defence. But will say tha
they, undoubtedly, have the same tight tC
control their members that other parties
haye-and that the exact limit to which thei
influence shall extend is always TO be deter