The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-04-05


same reason. Why, then, are they not fit, if
they choose it, to rush into the new movement,
and control 1t, at least in their own States
But, If they do, what becomes of our old friends
Like the dog In the fable, who, In swapping at
the shadow lost his bone in the water, they will
spend their strength upon inferior issues whilst
the stakeholder profits of the respite which he
wants, to hide the progress of Slavery out of
sight of the people. For Slavery does not dimin-
ish its power meanwhile. Every days delay
adds hundreds and thousands of dollars to the
weight in the scale which must have its CORES
ponding counterpoise on the side of Freedom.
| cannot but think, then, that Anti-Slavery men
have got into the wrong place and into wrong
company-that is, if they honestly mean to do
Anti-Slavery work.
2. But they will reply to this objection by
| urging that they can prevail in this new and very
popular movement, and finally succeed in giving
| to it the impulse of their own opinions against
Slavery; and this will be great help to the
| cause, worth working for: to which / would OBJ
[, ject the fact, that they have divided the Anti
| Slavery force by their action, and left a large
share of it outside the enclosure which they have
entered. If the whole, when united, was not
strong enough TO give an Anti-Slavery character
| to the whole people around them, how are the
parts, when separated, likely to succeed better
| with proportionate numbers of that people !?
The most unfortunate consequence of this mis-
| take is, that it impairs the unity of the Anti
Slavery action. Those who cannot consent to
accept the new mode, for reasons wholly distinct
| from the slave question who spurn the bonds
of secret obligations, or disapprove an indscrim-
mate crusade against foreign-born persons,
| must continue their labors in the former way,
| without any confidence in the cooperation of
| their old friends, however well-disposed these
| may be to them whilst, on the other hand, they
can do little to strengthen those within the new
| order in any emergency, because they have with
| their eyes open, assumed a new obligation which
| covers what they plan from the public eye, and
| subjects it to become perhaps the contrary to
what opposition to Slavery would naturally re-
qure. The most honest and able champion OF
| true Anti -Slavery principles must be dropped,
if he is not within the charmed ring, and in his
| place must be put their most determined enemy,
| If the majority so decide. Should Joshua K.
Giddings, for example-that tried veteran, him.
| self alone worth an army of raw recruits who
| never smelt the smoke of battle-or Charles
| Sumner or Salmon F. Chase-who have been
exposed for years TO the fire of that Senatorial
furnace. hotter to those who will not fall down
and worship the idol of Slavery there set up
than ever was the one prepared by the king OF
Babylon for the three Jews revolving at a SINH
lar command, and who have come out unscath
ed say, should these men happen to dislike
the chains of a secret, oath-bound society, and
decline to join it, they must be cat down without
friendly hand to stay the wrong; unsecured
boys, with more malleable consciences, must be
put in their places, no matter what the conse-
quent damage to the cause and every man of
the Order has sworn to acquiesce, if he do not
actively aid in the change | ask, is this, can
this be, the best way to aid the Anti-Slavery
cause, if it places men who are friendly to it in
such a difficulty? Can everything be right
ABOUT plan which exposes them even to the
chance of such results?
3. But it may be said that this difficulty can
be avoided by joining the new organization in
great force, in which case these excellent men
will receive all the support their friends would
be delighted to give them. But there is no proof
that even this would avail in the new associa-
ton, formed upon a strange basis to place them
exactly in the same prominent attitude which
they occupy now as champions upon the old one.
They are opponents of Sldrery, known as such
the country over, representing those who have
declared this to be their cardinal principle.
How are they to gain any strength or honor by
changing front, and announcing that thus far
they have acted blindly and ignorantly-that
there was something else more important than
Slavery which they had overlooked and forgot
ten? They must first persecute the lrishman
and the Englishman, the German, the French
man, and the Swede, dsfranchise them, degrade
them, turn them into beings scarcely above the
grade of slaves; they must first wage fierce
religious war against the Catholic, native or
stranger, to put him down; and after they shall
have succeeded in doing all that, they will be
particularly fitted by their experience to take
up the cause of the poor black slave. Moreover,
I H., H.,
this variation of policy, they are going to stand
in relation to the determined men who do not
consent to turn aside, for any such considera-
tons, to the right or to the left-who nail their
| flag to the mast, and fight on, fight ever, in be-
half of their old opinions and the policy TO which
| they are pledged2 Is not some consideration
due to them whose principles have been tried
| over and over again, and have never been found
| venting; who have not, for one instant, been
| led away, by the temptation Of accidental advan-
tage to the substitution Of any other object for
the paramount question Of liberty; still stand
where they have ever stood, more ready to take
the lead in moment of danger and desertion
than when things looked more promising, and
numbers indicated an earlier triumph? | say it,
boldly and without hinching, of those champions
of the cause whom | have named, although |
have no authority whatever to speak for them,
that, through good report and through evil re-
port whoever else may fall they will be true to
the main principle TO which they long ago
pledged their faith that the slave question must
be made paramount to every other considera-
ton in the present emergency in our public af
fairs.
L. Furthermore. the assumption Of an obi
CATION Of any sort which binds men to keep their
movements secret, opens question Of morals of
the most serious character, upon which Anti
Slavery men may reasonably entertain grave
doubts, if not decided objections. Secrecy in
political action implies one oftwo things-either
the object to be gained is not an honorable one,
and therefore men are ashamed or afraid to avow
it before the world; or else, supposing that OBJ
iect to be good, the means by which it is to be
attained are to be used to gain an advantage by
surprise over somebody. At best it is no better
than the warfare of the savage, who, in the thick
ness of the forest, or from the depth of a secret
cave aims his deadly rifle at the traveller, sus
pcious of nothing, who is following his straight
road 10 his destination. | cannot withhold the
opinion that, under such a cover as this furnish.
es, the best public objects may at any time be
degraded in the pursuit to level with the worsti
the very best men may be put far below the
meanest. Even if the opposition to Slavery could
he made to triumph by such an agency, in my
poor Judgment the victory would be stripped oil
half its moral splendor in the process. We
claim, a class, to be honest, ffee-gpoken, con
scientious, God-fearing men, having nothing t.
conceal, and entertaining no malice to single
hpman being. We resist the shareholders, be
cause 70 feel the evils that flow from their de
votion to q highly pernicious institution; but
we do not seek to enter into sGy conspiracieS
against them. They are men, brethren, fellow
citizens, bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh
unduly biased, perhaps 10 countenance, perhaps
TO extend, what we consider fatal evils in pub