Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1855-06-14
both of them, openly and unquall-

dLu ORPoooN " A"
aspect" both as basis Of party or
ganization and upon their merits a
lquessions Of public policy. As tn
basis of party organization, they ar
founded upon the very erroneou
principle Of looking, not how tn
country shall be governed, but Wit
shall hold the Offices es-not to wheth
er we shall have wise and wholesome
laws, bat who shall ''rule US, though
they may bring ruin with their rule
Upon this principle Trumbull. wh(
defeated Gen. Shields for the Senate
in Illinois, Can be as good "KnoH
Nothing as any mas in the late
sMacon Council" though be may
vote, as he doubtless will, to repeal
the Fugitive Slave Law, and against
the admission of any slave State in
the Union; while Shields, who has
ever stood by the Constitution, must
be reiected by Southern men because
he was not born in the country
Upon this principle Boston Atheist,
who denies the inspiration Of the Bi-
BILE, because it sanctions slavery, is
to be sustained by Georgia Know
Nothings in preference to me, barely
because will not show the knee to
Baal," this false political God they
have set up. The only basis Of par
ty organization is an agreemen:
amongst those who enter into it upon
the paramount question of the day.
And no party can last long without
bringing disaster and ruin in its train,
founded upon any principle. The
old National Wing Party tried the
experiment when there was radical
differences of opinion on such ques-
tions, and went to pieces. The Ma
tioual Democratic party are now try
ing a similar experiment, and are ex-
perieucing a similar fate. This is
what is the matter with it. Its vital
functions are deranged-hence that
disease which now afflicts it worse
than the dry rot. And what we of
the South now should do is, not to
90 iuto any Know Nothing mumme
~ or mischief, as it may be, but to
stand firmly by those men at the
North who are true to the Constltu-
ton and the Union, without regard
either for their birthplace or relig-
ion. The question we should consld-
er, is not simply who 'shall rule
America" but who will vote Tor such
measures as will best promote the ln-
terests Of America, and With that the
interests of mankind.
But to pass to the other view OF
these principles--that is the consld-
Grafton of them as questions OF pub
lie policy. With me, they both stand
in no better light in this aspect than
they doin theother. The first assumes
temporal jurisdiction in forum Conscl'
antie'-to which I am quite as much
opposed as l am the spiritual powers
controlling the temporal. One.ls as
bad as the other-both are bad. !
am opposed to mingling religion with
politics in any way whatever; and
especially am opposed to making
it test in qualifications for civil
office. Religion is matter between
a man and bis Creator, with which
Governments should have moth
ing to do. In this country the Con-
stitution guarantees to every citizen
the right to entertain whatever creed
he pleases, er no creed at allif heis so
inclined; and no other man has arlght
to pry into his conscience TO enquire
what he believes or what ne does no'
believe. AS citizen and as mem
ber of the society, heis to be judged by
his acts and not by his creed. A
Catholic, therefore, in our country
and in all countries ought, as allothei
citizens, to be permitted to stand: OF
fall in public favor and estimation
upon his ownindividual merits. "Ev'
cry tub should stand upon its OWL
bottom"
But | think Of all christian demon
nations in the United States, th'
Catholics are the; last that Southern
people should join in attempting t'
put under the ban Of civil'proscriptIon
For as a church they have neve'
warred against US or our peculiar IN
stitutions. No man can say as mucl
of New England Baptists, Presbyterl
ans or NIethodists; the long Toll o
abolition petitions with which Con
lgress has been so much excited ane