The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-08-01
The Pretexls or Political Agitators-Progrcss
orNegro W0ruMP.

as lDStrumeHts Oh SBithtlOn, not one, save that
OF the Fugitive Slave law, involves the fate or
can seriously affect the existence and attributes
Of slavery. The abolition campaign was origi-
nally opened upon the question OF the recep-
ton OF its various petitions by the Senate aud
House OF Representatives; and the South, con-
additionally sensitive, as all property holders
are when their interests are menaced, mistak-
ing impudence for influence, unwisely, as we
think, met the fanatics at the door of the
capital, and entered into a contest with them
This was necessarily Northern and Southern
combat-it became battle of the sections.
The people Of the free States had nothing, in
truth, to do with the matter. They regarded
the abolitionists with contempt, and could not
understand how it was that they were deemed
worthy of the consideration of the South, as
evinced by an array Of its entire representation
in Congress against the reception and reference
Of their harmless petitions. By the policy pur-
sued by the shareholders, the abolitionsts were
enabled to bring on a sectional war; and it was
one of its inevitable consequences that they
should in their favor large class of weak
and visionary men in the North to aid them in
beating back what they never failed to denounce
as the aggressions Of the South. For many
years the reception of petitions was the only
bone of contention between the two extremes
of the Union. The success of the one or the other
party had no practical bearing-it was a pre-
text for agitation--it was section al strife, and
was seized upon by local politicians, who, by
pandering to the prejudices Of the parties, re-
spectively, were enabled to secure their own
advancement, and to make the issues involved
source OF perpetual dscord between the two
great sections Of the Union.
Next came the proposition, under general
laws Of population to annex the Dung republic
Of Texas to the United States. 1t had been
carved out Of neighboring nationality,
and was the conquest Of superior enterprise.
Whatever it possessed Of slavery had been sup
piled from the adjoining States Of the Union.
There was, to u.s. nothing new in the existence
Of the rebel republic, either in its conquest over
the Mexicans, its people, or it's Institutions. We
had supplied all, having added to the recogni-
ton Of slavery there, perhaps every negro that
was, or is now, within the State. The North
had advanced its frontier limits over the whole
plain Of the lakes-it was natural enough that
the South should move also in the direction of
the Rio Grande, in obedience to its own laws of
industry. 1t is evident at once, then, that the
fierce denunciatioDs OF the abolitionists against
the incorporation Of Texas into the Union,
though capital means for agitation, were wholly
without point or justification. Neither the fate,
the existence or attributes Of slavery were in
volved. Successful resistance to annexation
would have released not single slave, or modi-
fed the condition Of his bondage. There was
| no extension Ct slavery for it existed before;
and, indeed, it is difficult to understand how
slavery can be extended on this continent SO
long as the foreign slave trade is prohibited
how it can be extended, in any just sense, with
out adding to its numbers from without. M.
tural increase is just as probable and certain in
one place us another. The diffusion of slavery
g not its extension. In fact the Texas contro-
versy was a device-a mere pretext for agita
ton and the end sought is the total extinction
Of the Institution by act Of Congress. The
labor of the fanatics is pointless on any other
| hypothesis. If there is any positive good in
their ideas, it can be made available in no pos
sible event except by the abolition of slavery
by Congress.
The next point of agitation, passing the fierce
controversy of 1850, was on the repeal of the
Missouri compromise
There are few or none Of the negro worship
pers who claim that that compromise had any
legal force as final settlement of the slavery
question, in connection with the formation of
new Territories and States. 1t did not, be-
cause to make it SO would be to raise up law
to the level of the constitution, and to surround
| it with all the sanctities of aa organic com
pact But it is something's result of congress
| sional action, growing out of great excite.
ment between the two sections Of the Union.
1t is not a law, because statute has not the
power to bind the people ana control future
legislation at the same time. 1t is not treaty,
because there is needed necessary parties, there
being no national North and national South
Well, it was moral compact kind of sacred
understanding not plain legal obliga-
tion, but conscientious faith, such as boys in
woke when they say: ~ hope to die" pighted
one to the other-a kind of favorite invalid
that exacts every thing and performs nothing
Nobody knows where to place it, or no " to con.
strue it. 1t is definite enough now in its name,
and it must be very attractive for that, as it is
the only compromise which has found favor
with the abolitionists and free solers 1t was
a statute much like the Maine law-destined to
create deal of trouble, aud to do nobody any
| good. 1t was legislation by Congress for the
| Territories thirty or forty years in advance
an act of presumption aud folly which no from
tiersman ever thought Of as binding upon tie
| people sought to be affected by it. 1t
was joint stock investment of lot OF
trading politicians in a machine patented
by Congress, which was to manufacture
public opinion for the Territories. Its drst bril-
liant thought was to run up wall on the pa