Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1855-08-16


5isnose of and make all needful rules and regu-
lations respecting the territory and other prop
erty belonging to The United States, and nothing
in this Constitution shall be 50 construed as to
preiudice any claim of the United States Or of
any particular State. "
Here in express terms, Congress have power
given them to legislate upon any and all ques-
lions respecting the organization OF territories.
Territory is placed upon the ground OF prop
ertv. as owned by the whole Union, and not by
any particular State thereof, Who will say
that Congress ought not to legislate upon other
property owned by the UnionF Our Navy
Yards, Arsenals, &C., are recognized as the
property of the nation, and are made the sub
iects of legislation. Our public lands are also
as property of the United States, placed under
the spccial care of Congress, and laws regulat-
ing their sale and settlement are passed from
time to time by that body. The South would
not assume the broad ground that Congress was
stepping out of its appropriate sphere, If it pro-
vded by statute law for the existence of slavery
in territory belonging to the nation. But it Is
the fear arising from the fact that such an en-
actment would be so utterly at variance with
every principle of justice and right, as to create
civil war, and thus prejudice the continued ex-
istence of the institution in the several States
where it now exists, that they undertake to ex-
clude Congress from legislating upon the sub
iect of slavery in the territories at all. The eff
feet of this would be to modify the " ordinance
of 1887, together with the entire Missouri
prohibition Hence, our whole domain of
national territory" would be surrendered to the
" embrace of slavery" This would literally
make " Slavery national and Liberty sectional"
Such result would be hailed by Shareholders
with delight while the friends of Liberty would
mourn and weep. Our national banner would
be but the emblem OF oppression, proclaiming
the existence of'' African servitude."
10 sum up this point in few words, we
think, that Congress having the power to legs-
late upon Slavery in the territories OF the I'm
ion, may interdict its establishment within their
bounds. This view was adopted in the adnis-
sion of Texas into the Union as a State. This
course of policy was observed in reference to the
whole North Western Territory, under the Or
dinapce of 1884, and from which the free
Western States were ultimately formed and
admitted into the Union. We consider that no
!, State in its application for admission into the
: Union has any right to clam that Slavery shall
! form part Of its social system. 1t is for Con-
gress to determine this right. The State may
express its preference for such state of society,
| exist or not With this view, the question
t arises. upon the soundness of the theory that
: Congress ought mol to legslate upon Slavery
: within the territories of the United States
States States are formed from Territories, and
Territories are the property Of the whole Union.
: The fundamental law of territory is derived
from Congress, and is statutory in its nature
and extent. Congress is not, in our opinion, a
: body of men elected and organized to egisate
for Slavery providing for its extension and per-
e petuity, the enlargement of its bounds, and
e Strengthening of its power, but to legslate for
b the general welfare" of the nation to estab-
n fish by law the great principles of 'sjustce, !"
d and " secure the blessings of liberty" mot
curse of slavery to ourselves and our posterity
j and il it fails to secure these for the people, it
: Violates the constitution OF the land, that pro-
$ vides primarily for their existence and perman-
1t ency.
e In the early history of our government, slave
g ry was considered local insttu ton. Hence
d Congress, at the instance of Mr.. Jefferson, pas
d scd the ordinance Of 1887, prohibiting. its exist
re ence in the North Western Territory, then SO
J. called. In this, he and Congress were actuated
l, by high sense of public duty, combined with
d the purest motives of humanity, and the highest
sense Of pure and exalted patriotism.
st But it is reserved for statesmen (if they may
Of be SO caled) of the 18th century, to declare
lg Slavery national, and prostitute Congress and
n the Constitution, to its propagation and power,
Id and seek in a convention, styled American, to
y procure pledge to abstain from any and al
ms acts that shall cripple this dangerous power in
our land, and promote the glory of the repub-
It. lie, and the happiness and welfare of its sub
il, jects. To this course of policy we enter oul
or protest, coupled with our VOWS to never cease il
tie our labors to purify the government from thu
n state that already rests upon it, and place mer
tt. in power who will make and execute laws il
;" harmony with The Constitution, and in accord
ance with the spirit of genuine Republicanisu
he nd true Democracy that seeks the "greates
Il good for the greatest number"
n These questions we have thus discussed, we
o. deem of vital Importance, bearing as they dc
IS upon the great interests of this nation, and ap
- pealing as they must to the cons ienoe Of every
as freeman, from the highest to the lowest, through
out the borders of the Republic.
i, We might 60 on and specify other portions
ID the majority platform that we cannot approve of
n and against which we enter our solemn protest
At Particularly do we prott st against the position
e, assumed, that the National Compact'' and
IL :" time-hUnored agreement" styled the Missouri
We Compromise, ought not TO be restored, with theil
le additional declaration of "a tender and socia
e. regard for those acts of statemanship which are
ne to be contradistng from acts of ordinar,
legislation, by the fact of their being of the nature
H. OF compacts and agreements, and so to be consid
OF cred fixed and settled national policy" hi.
OF applies with peculiar force and significance to tn,
L. Missouri Compromise Of 1920, botted from the
; statue book of the nation, at the command O
1t slavery. ........
o. But the national council did not so intend i
q, should BE- applied for we have their affirmation
In that the violation of such compact, natona
ID In It's character" must be snbmite d to ''as ;
III final and conclusive settlement" of that subjec
IN in spirit and substance. They also include in tn,
ne same category the inquisitions " Fugitive Slave
BILL" only that the Fugitive Slave law" il
III " distinguished from acts of ordinary leg
US lsiatlon being in the nature of compact and
ed agreement, and is to be considered fixed and
d. settled national policy" We consider the Fugi
Is tive Slave Law as any ordinary act of legislation
~ extraordinary it is true, in its requirements ant
IN provisions. and subvesive of the rights of free
OF men, establishing powers and creating officers
without the pale of the Constitution and as such
~ mperailvely demanding at the hands of Congress
Oh an unconditional repeal We look upon the
as Missouri Compromise of 1920 in the nature of
he compact not as any ordinary act of legislation
1t was entered into with sacred understanding
of that upon the question involved it was final
es Hence the moral sense Of the nation was shocked
a and stood aghast at the act of Congress tha
he obllterated that compromise line, and opened wid
he the door for slavery, to go into the Territories o
is Nebraska and Kansas. If the plighied faith o
it the North, so cheerfully given at that time, i
il thus wan'only to be made the sport of savehcld
n, ers, demagogues and politicians, it most assured
k. behooves US to guard we'll the future and suiie
ty no suc' violation to be repeated with impunitv
IN In looking over The nlaifnrm adnniad hr III