The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-08-09

and the Governors OF eacn OGtte, Win re
quest that the resolves be laid before the Legis
lature thereof
From the Franklin (Tsnn) Review.
POLITICAL PARTIES AND SLAVERY.
In proposing, as / did in my last, what seem
ed to me the best means of settling the Slave
nv agitation, by the independent action of the
South, confined my view to such measures as
we might employ, as members of the present
Union. The plan of separating from the free
States and then drubbing them into good hu-
NOR and good behaviour, under the military
lead of Major General Pillow, or Brigadier
Ouattlebum, do not feel qualified to discuss.
Such scheme is only fit to be undertaken by
the "chivalry" who could storm Sebastopol
without the hazard of losing much brains in
the adventure. One caution, however, l would
most cautiously hint to such of them as are not
vet beyond the influence of all reason or policy.
If the free States should ever attempt abolition
or emancipation, or other forcible interference
with Slavery, it will be resisted by the whole
white population of the slave States as one
man, and "to the last extremity" But, mark
you, gentlemen more than half of the white vo-
tiers of more than half of the Southern States
will refuse to pull trigger in any fight got up
for the extension of Negro Slavery into the Fed
eral Territories. Let us not mince the matter
the whole population is equally interested in
keeping the slaves around them in proper sub.
ordination, but none but large slave-owners are
to be proGted by extending the institution into
new territory.
To such as have been habitually guided in
this matter by no other light than that of South
ern Conventions and stump speeches, know
that this outspoken opinion will sound rs a
"most damnable heresy;" and the utterer will
be most happy, if no experience shall ever arise
to prove it the true faith. But, at present, it is
much to be regretted that the doctrine is not
denounced from source sufficiently influential
to arrest attention and insure reflection. Hith-
erto, Southern politicians and leaders of the
people have talked and acted Just as if we had
no other interest to guard, nothing else to care
for, than the advancement and diffusion of Sla-
very; and as if the only means of promoting
that single object were menace and violence.
The occasion is probably at hand, which will
show that they are mistaken upon both points
and if Andrew Johnson fails in the present can
vass, las he surely will, and President Pierce
should not reward him with some snug berth,
two years will not elapse before it will be seen
that we need not to cross the Ohio, or even to
travel out of Middle Tennessee, in search OF
Free-Soilism, (if not something scorse.
But to our more direct purpose Why should
the Missouri Compromise line be restored ?
Because it was repealed for the sake of "raising
a row." and its restoration will tend to produce
quiet, by taking out of the hands of the Anti
Slavery agitators the great lever with which
they are now lifting the entire population of the
free States into position of actire and e6ect,s-
al hostility to the "peculiar institution" But
the retraction-the backing out "-"crd,ctish-
inq"-can Southern hot blood tolerate such a
thought? Why, my dear ignivomous friend, for
thirty years you stood committed to the defence
of this very line, and valorously swore that you
would exterminate anybody and everybody,
Yankees, English, or Chinese, who might even
dream of infringing it; and such would still be
your position, if S. A. Douglas had not prac-
lion in Congress. A little ridicule we must en-
dure whatever course may be taken, unless we
prefer to convert the farce into a very foolish
tradegy-which / don't; and several of my
neighbors agree with me. Better that our Con-
gressmen should be laughed at for fools than
The repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law is here
proposed simply as measure of Southern pol
leu, while it is believed to be fraught with ma
tional blessings to the Shareholder and to the
slave, as well as to all others. In considering
this subject. it is much to be regretted that we
have no statistics, which might enable us to ar
rive at precise conclusions as to the number of
slaves who have sought or secured an asylum
in the free States and British provinces since
the organization of the Government. In the
absence of all such data, every one is left to his
own estimate of the case. In the best iudg-
ment of the writer, the number has been quite
nconsiderable-muchle less than that of instan-
ces in which slaves have been stolen and run.
from one slave section to another. The truth
is, that, along the line, the slaves on one side
are too well acquainted with the condition of
the free negroes on the other, to have any strong
desire to participate in their nominal freedom
and real Indebtedness. With those more re-
mote, the difficulty of making their way through
the intervening slave territory amounts almost
to an impossibility. Indeed, where they are
seldom trouble themselves with any such at
tempts. From infancy to gray hairs, have
resided in three slave States, with average op-
portunities of observation, and during that time,
as l can now recolect, never knew of more
than four starts, only one of which was success
full. So far as it concerns US in the way of loss
and gain of valuable property, the old law was
Just as good as the late one, and no law as good
as either. The game is not worth the candle.
But our right-our sacred constitutional
right-shall we not assert and enforce it at
every hazard? No, sir; not, if we are wise. at
the hazard of losing infinitely more than we
gain by it. We should not incur the labor and
danger of " shearing the WOLF" merely because
there has been given to US dominion over the
beasts Of the earth. If, by exercising this per-
feet, unquestionable, constitutional right, how.
ever barren of real benefit, we are to deprive
ourselves of great and solid advantages. to
which our claim is precarious and dependent
upon the will of others, it does seem to me the
part of wisdom not to use it; especially as the
right will always remain the same, whether we
use it or not.
For the better understanding of this point,
let us look at the nature and amount of anti
slavery feeling in the free States-not in it's
present state of exaltation and ebullition, the
results of intrigues and management in its
ordinary, permanent, and moral condition. In
country where Negro Slavery does not exist,
it is just as natural and inevitable that the in.
habitants should regard it as a wrong and an
evil, as is their belief in mathematical axioms.
In the history of mankind, there has never been
an exceptional instance. But usually this feel.
ing is q quiet and unobtrusive one; lust "a we
unfortunate Shareholders, hate the BLOODY des
potism of Austria without single movement
on our part for its overthrow-without on,
speaking or thinking of it once in a month. In
either case, the disappearing and protesting
party is not so intimately concerned with the
thing as to be habitually excited about it. Il
does not come home to our business and
bosoms-we are not spectators of the wrong
nor participants in its infection We ara hene