Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1855-10-06

gress cannot interfere with it in the States, it i
most manifest that its diffusion through new Ter
ritory, where land is valueless and labor produc
live, tends greatly to ameliorate the condition o
the slaves. Opposition to the extension of SLAYER,
is not, then, founded upon phlanthropic vie Ss, o.
upon any love of the slave. 1t is q mere grasI
fer political power beyond what the Constitution
OF the United States comedies: and it is so under
stood by the leaders of the movement. And thi
additional power is not desired for constitutions
purposes-tor the advancement of the genera! vel
fare or the national reputation. For such purpos
O. the majority Of the North is already sufficient
and no future events are likely to diminish it
The slaveholding States in minority, but sc
far, minority which has commanded respect il
the national councils. 1t has answered, and We
hope will continue to subserve, the purposes o
Selfprotection. Conservative men from other quar-
ters have come up to the rescue when the rights Of
the South have been seriously threatened. But il
is essential to the purposes of self-preservation
that this minority should not be materially weak
ened; it is essential to the preservation of our
present form of government that the slave States
should retain sufficient power to mako effectual
resistance against outward aggressions upon an
Institution peculiar to them alone. Parchment
guarantees, as all history shows, avail nothing
against an overwhelming public clamor. The fate
v the Fugitive Slave law affords an instructive
warning on the subject and shows that the most
solemn constitutional obligations will be evaded
and scorned where popular prejudice resists their
execution. The South must rely on herself 5or
protection, and to this end her strength in the
FEDERAL Government cannot be safely diminished
If indeed it be true. as public men at the North
have declared, and political assemblies have in
dersed that determination has been reeched in
that quarter to refuse admission to any more slave
States, there is an end TO all argument the sub
jeft. To reject Kansas, or any other Territory
from the Union, simply and solely because Sla-
very is recognized within her limits, would be re-
gsrded here, and, we presume, throughout the
Sfuth and Southwest, as open reputation of the
Ctnstituton-a distinct and unequivocal step to-
ward the dissolution of the Union We presume
itwould be so regarded everywhere, North and
Sduth. Taken in connexion with the abrogation
of that provision of the Constitution which en-
foces the rights Of the owners Of slaves in oil the
States of the Union into which they might escape,
which has ibeen effected practically throughout
nearly all the free States, and more formally by
solemn legislative enactments in portion of them
tho rejection of Kansas account of Slavery
would be disunion in form of grossest insult to
the sixteen slave States now comprehended in the
nation. 1t would be declaration that Slavery
was incompatible with republican government in
the face of at least two formal recogntions of
its legality, in TERMS by the Federal Constitu-
ton.
We trust that such counsels have not the remotest
prospect of prevailing in our National Legislature
aud will not dwell upon the consequence of their
adoption. We prefer to anticipate q returning
d tfiity to national obligations-a faithful adhe-
fGE- ~ thg Constitutional guarantees and corfse.
qusnt prospect-cheering to the patriot of this
and other lands-of a continued and PERPETUAL
UNION.
VIM. B. NAPTON, Chairman.
STERLING PRICE,
M. OLIVER,
S. ii. WOODSON.