Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-02-13
From the Wheeling Intelligencer.
The ~


siderable interest the progress Of this new political
organization, and although In the outset disposed
to rank il among the ephemera OF the day, prompt
ed TO our slight regard of it rather by the insgnih-
canoe of its name, than by knowledge OF is prin-
ciples, we begin to see, as the saying u, "hght
ahead" and TO put our trust in this native ncor-
poration to conduct us to it. We had long since
begun to ialter in reliance on the two contend
ing parties of the day. and whilst We regarded as
unayailing the efforts of the Wings, we could not
perceive that matters were likely 10 be amended
| by their opponents the Democrats. On all sides
of US we saw misrulc and error abound, which APP
peared to us irremediable Inconsistencies not Ike
ly to be reconciled and what we regarded as dan
gerous attempts at innovation, involving, as we
thought the stability OF our institutions and threat
ening our national prosperity if not its existence
The welfare and interest Of the nation were be-
ginning To be overlooked in the strife OF factions
and individual promotion to have more considera-
ton than the general good State rights and fed
erative rights brought into constant collision,
not to elicit correction in what is wrong butte dis
play the talents and pretensons Of some prominent
leader or to afford some new aspirant TO political
distinction opportunity for advancement, less OF
his country's interests than his own. We question
if there be Legislative assembly the face of the
earth in which much has been said, and as little
effected of late years. as in our own, and we regret
to perceive the evil is on the increase. Why, it
may be asked, have we departed from the wisdom
Of our fathers, who met for council, not for dis
play; for accomplishment not for useless, angry
and interminable debates? Why told what Mr..
A. thinks Mr. b. proposes, Mr.. 9. says, yet hear
nothing Of what either they or their colleagues in
the service Of the nation do, but to meet, to re-
solve, to neglect to execute, and to adjourn Why
are party considerations 80 much mixed up with
every bill brought before Congress, or our State
Assemblies that the public veal is overlooked en-
tirely, in action upon it, or at best, regarded as
but secondary to more selfish interestsg Why,
but because the ballot-box is abused and the right
of suffrage made too general by extending its pre-
rogative to those whose early education has not
taught them to use it wisely, or to such good pur-
pose as was contemplated in its appointment--to
foreigners, who, as blind and misled instruments in
the control Of factionists and demagogues, have,
we contend done MORE by the misuse OF this privi-
lege, towards the detriment of our institutions,
civil political, and ecclesiastical, in few years,
than our native population, in the natural and
usual progress of innovation, would have accom-
plished In century.
We are not of those who would deny to our fel-
low creatures suffering under the expressions and
priyations Of foreign governments, home In our
favored land, where there Is room and room enough
for all and which their industry has, we cheer
fully acknowledge materially aided in population,
withhold from them participation in our rights and
privileges under what we consider wholesome linn
itations, of which they and their descendants would
ultimately reap their share of benefit. We would
give them freedom Of thought, word, religion, and
action; protection in person and property the
right to acquire, honestly, and to possess peacea-
bly-all and more than all their birthrght entitled
them to abroad and these so soon as they placed
footing on our shores but we would require them
to have such experience of the operation of free
government as is exacted of ourselves before they
should be permitted to influence it by their votes,
or to direct Thy their appointment to Office. It is
not enough to be free /; we must be born So and
long years of probation must have qualified us to
exercise, without abusing, the privileges of this
happy condition, which carries with it also, its la
tent curse, and may become licentiousness instead
of liberty if restraints long imposed, be suddenly
removed. The lesson of POLITICAL like that of self
government, is not learnt In day, and as well
might we expect the child to practice the prudence,
forbearance, and discretion of man as the for
egner, ignorant of our character our position, our
policy our necessities and our institutions, to be-
come as if by intuition, instantly capable of COM
pretending and influencing them Alright. We re-
peat, that he should be taught, as we are, In the
school, before he is admitted into the Office and
serve, as we do, an apprenticeship, before he can
become one OF the craft.
We have said that In ecclesiastical, as well as In
political matters, foreign influence was beginning,
If II have not already begun, to create disturbance
and we think we will be borne out in the assertion
by the reflection of those whose memories, like our
own, extend back to the period when our churches,
of various denominations, though divided in form
and doctrine, were seldom, or never, at variance
in the purpose of Christianity which was Is unite
all in brotherly love and charity; in harmony and
peace. Such too was doubtless the intention Of
our wise constitution, when it offered religious toe-
ration to alsuch its construction and practice be-
fore the tide of emigration brought to our shores
the elements of religious well as political discord
in minds as unaccustomed TO think for themselves
in spiritual, in temporal concerns; priestbound
in conscience, as they had been tyantbound in &C
ton. Catholics and Protestants, before this in
vason, II they did not kneel at the same altar met
in the same social circles were taught at the same
schools participated in like Offices Of trust use
fulness and charity and were with us In all re-
spects what the Father Of our Country desired we
should be, as one people, serving one God, and
living for one common cause Of religious and po-
litical freedom.
The thunders of the Vatican reached us not or,
IL they did, fell harmless, for there was then no
foreign atmosphere, poluting our own, in which
they could continue to fsverberate; no foreign
archbishops to repeat their fulminations no for
egn emssaries to swell their alarms no besotted
zealot 10 be aHrighted by them. The spiritual
character and influence Of the Pope was scknow-
lodged and respected as such by his flock, as were
those of the Episcopal Bishop, or the Presbyterian
pastor by theirs; his temporal power, far as IL
applied to dominion amongst us as little thought
Of or considered, as little dreamed Of or dreaded,
and though, even now, in our estimation, shad-
ow, was then still less a nonentity. But shadows
sometimes appal, and therefore have we endeavor-
ed TO show whence they proceed, that the blame
may fall on the substance to which they owe their
origin on foreign clouds which have interviewed
to disturb the serenity Of our native skies.
We are as yet unaequainted with the principles
of the Know-N othngs, except as we gather them
from report but II these aim, we are told they
chiefly do at the correction Of such abuses grow
out Of our indiscrininatc encouragement Of foreign
emigration and foreign prctenson, we heartily con-
cur with them in doctrines so entirely in accord
ance with own, and rejoice In the success which
the ballotbox, the true test of popular sentiment
announces TO them. There Is wide field for re-
form before anyparty bold and independent enough
TO attempt TO weed out the abuses which have crept
in upon our generous soil, which, like other soils
Of such character, is prone, in its luxurance 10
encourage brambes as well as fruits. The fault Is
a. --t.t-