New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1855-08-01
..,io,-dOt. he honestly believe that hi. federal

one7 The state of public opinion in England on
this question is patent and must be familiar 70
him The priviegsd classes, who at prsseot
rule England snd exclusively fee on those rich
fruits of place aud distinction of which Mr..
Howe 30 esgeIly covet, & bite, he knows full
well, would never consent to ADMIT another in
to share their daily decreasing delights or tole.
rate the entrance Of new and strong reoubli-
can element into a Constitution already
too much Astounding in such for their taste.
! The English aristocracy can hardly desire any
closer contact with men trained under Con-
stltution which does not contain either of the
great institutions of England, an Aristocracy and
an Established Cburch-who must in their con-
slant personal and commercial hustle with our
| citizens have caught somewhat of a dreaded in
| fection-aud who according to Mr. Howe's own
statement "would dispose in five inmates" Of
question which during FIVE years has been five
time 8 successfully rejected by the British House
| Of Lords. If Nova Scotia, Canada and New
Brunswick are admitted, by what right can Aus
trails, ew-Zesland and New Soath Wales be
debarredi With such an infusion how long
would the aristocratic element preponderate in
Britain How long would an Established
Church, House of Lords, or even hereditary
monarchy be left TO that repOse and honor es-
sential to their continued existence
While England is as England now is such
radical and revolution airy ideas are but dream.
One BY one, il is true she has vi .ded TO fear and
the manly assertion of right-thOugh ever with
the reluctant and lingering lust of a miser part
ing with bis bits of gpld-right after right to the
North American Colonies, until, with the ex-
ception of the nomination Of their own Governor,
and the reserve Of veto rarely exercised, they
may be said to enjoy all the advantages of re-
publican form of Government. But she has
never closed her eyes to the natural consequence
of these concessions, or concealed from herself
that alte native to which they must conduct, and
to which Mr.. Howe somewhat falteringly points,
an independent national existence. Lord
John Russell, the late Colonial Minister, de-
clsred recently, when leader of the House
of Commons, that Government was pre-
pared at that moment to give to the
North American Colonies, if they claimed it,
the privilege of selecting their own governor
and that il fully contemplated the not distant
period when they would thow off Colonial hs-
biimepts and govern themselves altogether.
On a recent occasion in the House of Lords
similar views were expressed by all the leading
statesmen Of every party, including Lords
Broueham and Derby, the latter of whom sug-
gested hope which We recommend to Dir.
Howe, that the Colonies would in imitation OF
their respected parent establish palatia poor
house and civil list on this side of the Atlantic,
and take some Royal paupers Of the hands of
the mother country. While as Mr.. Howe well
knows, such are the views Of the governing
classes, the rising commercial and economic
classes, represented by Mr.. Golden and Mr..
Bright, aud even by some in the Government
like Mr.. Wilson, are asking of what value are
the Colonies, now that they have closed
their veins and will give their blood
no longer to feed the pampered heart
This class do not conceal their desire at once with
the st. rn rudeness of business, to cut the rope
and allow the Colonies to drift and shift for them
selves. Federalism on such pleasant terms
az Mr.. Howe would propose is not even dreamed
of, and except on terms such as the Colonies
would hardly, with all their lip.loyalty, assent
to, We i'd, he must know full well, never for one
moment be entertained. The aspiring men of
the Colonies must, we fear, then bid fond fare
well to all their rosy visions of imperial distinc
tiop. and renoupce this glorious union with
go, O00, 600 of British subjects, of whom, by the
way, not more, under the most liberal calcula.
ton, than IL, 200, 900 srefreemen, or are allowed
that privilege OF freemen, vote.
But suppose even, for arguments sake, the
splendid phantom realized, Mr.. Howe's object
attained, and the Colonies permitted certain
number of Representatives IN the Imperial Par
lament of England and certain share in the
distribution Of Imperial Ofice-a point of partic-
ular importance in the eyes of Mr. Howe-@e
have many melancholy doubts inteed as to any
benefit il would confer on the Colonies. The
contingent of Representatives would be small
and could have little effect in obtaining for the
Colonies any substantial benefit, either practical
or political, should they need any, or any sacri-
fee of her own interest from England. But it
would take from the Colony her national voice,
always strong even when speaking as Colony,
and merge it in a crowd of voices in which it
would be overborne. In accepting federalism,
the Colony must accept the will OF the majority
of those States with which it federalzes-that
is to say the will of England, which commands
and always will command an enormous ma
iority. Mr.. Howe knows full well that
England would never submit 10 be gov
eIned by her outlying Colonies. Then, again,
if the Colony claims an equal share in