The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-09-27
., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 81. 1855.

| have FASTENED to do Justice to the motives of
this noble man, because, having always viewed
him as generous dreamer, and consequently
as altogether disqualified for playing the part
of statesman, / have, on several occasions.
severely censured him for the vanity of imagin.
ing himself possessing qualities of which he is
quite destitute, as amply proved, during the
short period he was one of the members of he
Provisional Government.
Of his colleagues little is to be said, except
that NJ. Ledru Rollin possessed much iirmness
OF character, much energy of WILL and reck-
less ambition. He might, however, under other
circumstances, have perhaps been able to i'm
mortalize his name, by aiding the champions
OF Italian freedom, and the advocates of the
unity of Germany; but the state of the political
parties within France itself, the blamable pre-
sumption of the Italian patriots, and the ridcu-
lous vanity OF the leading members Of the Re-
publican party in Germany, prevented him
from becoming instrumental in advancing the
cause OF freedom in Europe generally. Be
sides, carried along by his violent propensities
and interruptions principles, he aimed soon at
the Dictatorship, but, his scheme being prema-
tHrely detected, he, as well as many of his chief
adherents, had to seek for safety in foreign
countries; thus sharing the very fate which
they had themselves prepared for Louis Phil.
ippe.
The immortal glory rests with NJ. de Lamar
tine, of having, by his chivarous heroism and
sublime eloquence, restrained, in a most deci-
Slve moment, the fury of the populace of Paris
and thus for while prevented the execution
OF the wicked designs of the Red Republicans.
Still, it soon became the sorrowful duty of
Generals Cavaignac and Lamoriciere to vindi-
cate the supremacy of the laws, by inflicting
most sanguinary defeat upon that inmical par
ty, who, abusing the sacred name Of Liberty,
dared to renew their attempt by force to intro
duce anarchy, and render beautiful France the
theatre of all the horrors of an internal war,
while depriving her Of the glory which her
children, during the revolutions Of 1890 and of
February, l848 had shed upon the pages of
her history. The victory over the Red Repub-
licans saved France from the renewal of the
horrors OF the revolution of 1882 still it must
always be counted as one of the causes that
frustrated the immature attempt at establishing
Republican institutions in France.
But let no one suppose that the French peo-
pie are unable to appreciate the blessings of
freedom, or race prone to submit to despot-
ism. Still, many writer's have committed the
egregious mistake of maintaining the opinion
that the French are unfit for the enjoyment of
liberty. The real case, however, stands thus ::
that no other nation requires so much social
equality as do the French-none who guard
with more jealousy its civil liberty. But the
people OF France are, to a certain extent, indif
ferent to political freedom. The cause of this
originates partly in the Consciousness of the
French nation of being able to rid themselves
whenever they choose. of rulers extending their
power too far, and partly from the advantages
which they are aware that the manufactures,
the arts, and the manners, derive from Court
Besides, the warlike spirit of the French makes
them willing to admit large share of power to
their rulers, in order to enable them with the
more vigor to conduct military affairs.
1t is also to be observed, that the French
generally entertain mean opinion of lawyers
as statesmen-and as men, too. Consequently,
they do not like to see lawyers at the head of
affairs; and as this is often the case in Repnb-
hes, we might set down this as one of the causes
which operate against the establishment of Re-
publican institutions in France.
The political freedom enjoyed in Belgium, in
Sweden and Norway, in Great Britain, and es-
pecially in the United States, is certainly much
greater than that of which the French might
boast, during the last years of the reign of Louis
Philippe. But they possessed, nevertheless,
far greater share of social equality than the
Norwegians, and even than the republican
hmcrlCduS. nelr CIVIL nDerty was also better
guarded than that of the people of Great Brit
ain and the United States-in consequence of
the greater protection which the French Code,
in this respect, affords to the French nation,
than does the Common Law, the offspring of
barbarous ages, to the inhabitants of Great
Britain or the citizens of the United States.
Those to whom this assertion might appear
unfounded, | beg to remind of the fact, that
one of the Judges in New York made publicly
the statement that during only one gear, more
than 1900 unlawful commitments had taken
place in the city of New York and that about
700 persons had unldofuUy been sentenced,
during the same space of time, to longer or
shorter Imprisonment. But such a scandalous
number of violations of civil liberty did not
certainly take place during the whOIe reign of
Louis Philippe.
The revolution of February, 1913, was an
event so unexpected as to cause the greatest
establishment throughout the whole civilized
world. This brilliant achievement of the Pa
risians, who, not without much reason, were
termed by several English journals the bravest
of mankind excited the most exaggerated
hopes of the friends of European freedom, and
especially among those who looked upon France,
Italy, and Germany as destined to become the
models OF socialistic democratic republics. AT
the same time, this sudden change of Govern
ment In France created great uneasiness among
the European sovereigns generally, who, not
without good reason, apprehended that the ex-
ample OF France would prove epidemic.
Berlin, Prussia.