The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-08-19
NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, AUGUST 10 1865.

body and strength In the American govern
ment. 1t is not q caprice. II has the bases Of
distinct agreement, assented to by all its
members, and is supreme within the sphere Of
its action and its powers. Within this sphere
are fifteen slave States, equal in all respects to
the sixteen free States Of which the Union is
composed. This attempt, then, to render i'm
possible the recognition Of slavery by the
American government, because it derives its
existence from State laws, and on account of
its supposed conflict with the principles of free
dom, is but mean device to shirk RESPONSE
blity, and to originate quarrel between the
North and the South. Whether it is good or
an evil, blessing or curse, an expense or q
profit, it is fact that it was an institution re-
cognizea by the laws of twelve of the thirteen
States which in 1888 formed the compact Of
union. Even a majority of those States legal
lied the foreign slave trade; and Massachu-
fetts, the only one in which slavery did not
exist by law, was more largely engaged, by
the employment of its shipping in that trade,
han even Georgia or South Carolina.
The relation of master and servant then was
Union. It was the normal condition of Anne
rican society. 1t lay at the foundation of the
great agricultural districts of the South and
the centre. It was one Of the most valuable
and important sources Of our material wealth
and prosperity. 1t existed without diminution
during the whole contest Of the Revolution,
and was a source from which was drawn means
10 o;pto &, hat c<r
held by the Father Of his Country, who was
one Of its proprietors. 1t was sustained with
differing opinions by all the leading statesmen
of that period; and during the confederation
and up to the adoption Of the constitution it
was the subject of national discussion, delibe-
ration and action. The first compromise be-
tween the North and the South was in reference
to the treatment it should receive by the ma
tion--a compromise made in season, incorpo-
rated in, and not drawn from the constitution.
1t is indeed doubtful if the colonies could have
achieved their independence without its mate
rial aid, but none at all that the Union could
not have been sanctioned without its distinct
and positive recognition. The Massachusetts,
republicans now resolve that it is sectional.
It's products constitute the bases Of large
portion of the present employments of the peo
pie of that State. The great staples of rice,
cotton, tobacco and sugar are its exclusive
productions. They employ the shipping of the
free States in their transportation everywhere.
They lie at the foundation of our great com
merce with foreign nations, and sustain and
uphold an internal trade between the States
which has no parallel in the history of man.
If these facts do not fix the general character
Of slavery-if they prove it to be sectional, and
thus liable to proscription-if they justify as
sanlts upon it, under color of constitutional
authority-then, aside from the forts, arsenals,
public buildings, lands, and the chattels of the
army and navy, no property is national and
no federal obligation is binding When an
American ship having slaves on board was
driven by stress of weather even into British
port, Mr.. Webster, in behalf Of the President of
the United States, denied the legal jurisdiction
OF the local authorities, and asserted that
she came there, and brought with her, and
retained for her government and protection
the laws and jurisdiction of her own country.
This was the strong arm of the nation protect
ing parties in the possession of a species of
property not recognized by Congress. Was it
sectional or national? Does freedom revolt at
a connection with those who aided to rescue it
from tyranny?