Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1855-08-18

tho first place, what you were required to do,--to
take q solemn oath before God,-and, in the next
place, understood what the laws OF the Union were
what the laws Of the State were, | think you
would all agree with Car | say it with all
respcct to some gentlemen who diffeEher, bue in
Ibis mattcr,-that | could not "a 10I4 too, &c.
CURED, because ] believe that thhf
ing and opposition between they
mUnwoalth and the laws Of the Y 81
emuly and sincerely swear to suTN kuld
he an Inconsistency, and could GotV any
honest man. Finding this difhculy S5uld |
do | felt that | must examine thdV further;
that | must seek to find some way 6phhich to OBJ
tain my commission, and yet relieve myself of
these Conscientious scruples. This examination
very soon convinced me that, as an honest man ]
could not take the onths required. | became salts
fed, and ! avow it here in all sincerity, that no
real lover of the Constitution Of the State of Mas
sachusotts, no real lover of the %professod priEci-
pies of the Constitution of the Union. could take
tho oath TO support the Constitution of the United
States. (Cheers.E Therefore, ], FOR one, from
this day forth, protest against owing any al!egi'
ancc to an instrument, which, upon its face, IS in
consistent with its1 declarod Hnd protested princl-
pies. (Renewed Gheers.)
But fud, Mr.. Chairpan, that this subject is
surrounded with many DIFFICULTIES. ] Gnd that al
though the moral feeling Of the North, when that
feeling alone is appealed I'd, Is sufficient TO make
thew manifest a very strong aversion to slavery
the moment You begin to ask them IL they are
ready TO investigate Inc SUBJECT, WIFI IL NltM ~
some practical work, they arc always ready to say,
@, we have nothing to do with it; we cannot toucS
slavery! You all know how impossible it is to get
the ear of any man when yOC begin to hint, no
matter how remotely, that the Constitution OF the
United States makes him responsible for slavery,
So | find that this general sentiment of the people
against slavery is always met by q sort of i1olatry
or worship of the Constitution of the United States
Now, this feeling of loyalty and devotion to the
Constitution is not only natural, but, regarded IN
the source whence 1T emanates, is commendable;
no government could exist without it But the
trouble is, that the devotion in the public mind
with regard to the Constitution is such that 1t
amounts to idolatry. You cannot reach THEN hearts
or ears wien you insinuate that it may, by posi-
bility, be imperfect. 1t occurs to me, that what
is now going on in the far west is likely to arouse
attention to this whole subject, and there may be
hope, perhaps, that by and by there will be a dis
position on the part of the public to look at the
Constitution, and see if it really be what it pur-
ports to be.
/ think | state nothing but the fact when | say
that the anti-slavery feeling Of the community is
met, and in great part counteracted, by Il blind
worship Of the Constitution of the United States.
| think so, because | find, in my own experience,
that while | talk of the moral aspect of slavery,
while ! say that it is abominable that human be-
ings should be held NJ cbattels. | find no one who
undertakes to defend slavery at tho North; but the
moment / ask if they feel any responsibility in the
matter, the answer is Why, no | have nothing
to do with IT. This is the question they always
put-'What do you propose to do Now, is there
nothing which is practical, which shall meet the
earnest wish Of the whole North on this subject!
If l understand my neighbors and friends on this
question, they all most sincerely wish for the abo-
lition Of slavery; but the trouble is, that they re
ally believe they have no responsibility for it,
They say-'Wc had better he patient and bear with
this evil, and in Gods good time, without any
trouble on our part, the whole thing will die
out"
| tell you, Mr.. Chairman, the trouble is, that
we bow down in a perfectly blind iiolatry to the
names of Washington, Franklin, the Constitution
.of the United States, and the battles of Lexington
and Bunker Hill, and we will not look the cues
lion Of the real character of the Constitution fair
" in the face. Men say, We have made an agree
ment, and we must abide by it, But the question
is, whether it is the best agreement that can be
made, and whether it is a bargain we should wor
ship in blind idolatry.
/ find, then, that the moral sentiment of the peo
pie is what we have got to viyity and exalt up t
the great level of this subject. If we can only
get them thoroughly to understand what the Con
stitution or the United States is, there will ther
lie some hope that We can get them to look at thi'
matter Of slavery Just as it is, and inquire II va
are always to be dragged down by the power o
the Constitution, against our consent, or whether
VIC shall not rather, as froemen of the North en-
deavOr to right this matter, that we may feel Cur
selves frecmen indeed.
/ have hoped that the movements which arc nov
r going on would finally lead to some concerted ac
ton by the North in this respect. | know how
little may be expected from party politicians; bu
| know that, really and truly, the public mind i
progressing onward and upward on this question
We must not despair; | suppose you do not dc
spair. | remember that there have been, in thu
history Of the world, great moral movements which
have marched on through darkness AVID against oh
staclcs, and overcome difficulties as vast as W,
have to encounter; and we may all fall back, il
our hours of Encouragement, upon the great aXl
ON, that truth and justice must in the end pre-
vail.
If | had had more experience in this reform, o
if ! had the power and ability to speak what | OF
ten-times feel on this subject, ! should hope that
might be able to do something worthy of the cause
| have entered upon it with the most sincere con
victiOns that it is right. am free to confess, tina
at this stage of my experience, | feel that the grea
question for us.to consider is, what the Constitu
ZION Of the United States requires US to do, an
what, as freemen of the North, the descendants q
noble ancestors, We ought to do. 1t presents il
self to my mind as n matter which belongs peculi
Larly to the North. Is it possible that We are al
ways to be reminded Of the obligations which W
, owe TO the Constitution, and no right which we ar
) entitled TO exact from the Constitution?
Mr.. Chairman, | hope to live long enough TO sc
q the whole great North united upon this subject.
7. hope to live 70 see Massachusetts recommend
Convention Of the free States, to consider this mt
%mentous question. i hope she will always tax
the lead in these great movements 70, human pre-
3 gress. | wish she would ecommen the calm
Of n Conyention of the free States, / hope sue
y Conventions will be held. Our fathers began
2 hold Con ventions ia tho colonies, " consider whi
Y course to pursue in regard to the tyranny of tn
( mother country, long before the Revolution. LC
$ Massachusetts begin the good work Of holdin
{ Conventions; let the whole North get together i
n some great Convention, aud let this subject be di
laugqab lu nnqn aunoinfpl Inv the gnvprnl Gtntqg
the North, and | believe that the time would nj
be far distant when some practical. earnest pla
y would be adopted to meet tho views Of the pcopl
. of the North. When L am asked if ] would d
: stroy the Union, | say, No, if it be possible 10 pr
serve it, and yet abolish slavery. But the Sout
tells us, 'Yon men Of the North must cease even
talk about slavery, or the Union is dissolved
Not content with oyerturning and destroying til
most valuable guarantees of the Constitution, az
content with silencing the freedom of speech an
-