The weekly Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1854-1861, 1855-11-17
ADoiitionIsm und the Dlss osa,ion
Of the UniOn--Lelier ofthe Hen.
David r.. Disney

= - tI /
The Fusion papers, We nay say without
N exception, have for . long time past, been
prohOnhcing their bitterest ansthemas a.
gainst the administration and the Democre-
tic party generally. This bitterness they
claim to have arisen mainly upon the ques-
tiOn Of slavery in the Territories. At the
same time they admit that if the doctrine
of popular sovereignty was allowed TO be
exercised without interruptioH, there would
be nothing to fear. Notwithstanding this
admission, disposition to push the matter to
the furtherest possible extremity is apparent.
We commend the following extracts from
letter of Hon DAVID T. DISNEY, to the
late Lexington (Kentucky) meeting For
clearness, force and pungency this letter can
not be excelled. +..- .,.-.s, e..-
Itrelates exclusively to the subject Of slay-
cry in the territories, which, under fusion
tSctics, is assuming such an extreme as
pect. Of the danger of pushing the subject
to this extent Mr.. DISNEY speaks as fol-
lows ,-.5 ..i. s-.
+" Iknow that there is class who imag-
inc that there is no impending danger, and
that to entertain that belief is to show su-
perior wisdom. I know that there are some
who really think that they are quite facetious
aud sneer at every cry Of alarm for the. safe
ty OF the Union. But such people do NOT
sd ~ kbn S1fn mar do thou
appreciate the strength Of the sentiments
which respectively prevail at the North and
South. The loyalty OF the masses to the
Union will bear much, but history shows
that nothing is sufficiently sacred to preserve
it from the violence of passion. The slav'
cry question has now absorbed oil others
and is rapidly alternating the two sections o
our country from each other and the Union
Men now utter freely that which was deem
ed treason half century ago. Life and
property are, by many, already held to be
but of secondary Importance to the existenct
or non existence of African slavery nj tht
Territories Of the Union. And even liber
ty-the liberty of ourselves and the liberty
of cur posteritY, dependent as they are upoi
the existence OF the Union-these sam'
people would sacrifice for the same cause
SO extravagant are the absurdities to whicl
men can be led by passion. ..... ......-.
"Let us look at the matter for moment
The existence or existence of Africal
slavery in State or Territory of the Union
can be of interest to the people of the exist
ing States only SO far as the fact may in
fuence the counsels and conduct OF the ma
ton. Dissolve the Union, and the fact Q
slavery can be of no more interest to tn
respective States than is now the fact @
slavery in Cuba. t-.~
"To become citizen Of a Territory, 9
man must expatriate himself from hi
State; and when he has done SO, his origi
nalState can have no further interest in him
The States can have no interest in the nun
icipal condition of the Territories, except il
so far as they may affect the policy and &C
: tion OF the Union. And yet for this interes
the signs of times indicate that each of u
will soon be called upon to declare our es
innate of the value of our present Union.
"Is the existence or non-existence ofsla
very in any or all of the Territories of NOR
Importance to the welfare of our own Stat
than are the advantages and security whc
flow from the present union and confedera
ton of all the States! is the practical
question which each OF us soon must answ
er.o r.r
After alluding to the Importance of tn
present Union, faulty as it may be, and show
ing clearly that were it dissolved, it woul
be utterly impossible to form new one ou
of the discordant elements which must ne
cessarily be the result of dissolution, h
makes the following strong argument upol
the Kansas matter. We commend this ar
ticle to the especial notice of those, who ar
talking SO loudly about emo more slav,
States" being admitted into the Union. Mr.
DISNEY says:
"Now how can slavery be diminished, eli
ther in fact or in it's effects, within the Tn
ion For this, after all, is the embodimen
of the question which Abolitionism seeks t.
solve. Let me illustrate. Suppose thai
Kansas applies, as a slave State, for admis.
sion into the Confederacy. Let her adInis.
sion be denied. What then? Kansas will
have adopted constitution--will have or
ganized the various branches of her govern
ment. She will have her Legislature, hel
Judiciary, her Executive; she will have al
the organization necessary to separate ant
independent government, and be abundantlJ
capable to regulate her own affairs. He
admission as a member of the Confederacy
has been denied; and Kansas meets the refu
sal with the aUoDdl that she Is perfectly compe
tent to Keep out of the Union. Again, ask
what them? In such condition, would ne.
gro have been freed in Kansas!
| "Kansas refuses to come into the Union
and keep her slaves. And again ask, ia
such q case, what then? What can The Gen
eral Government do? The people Of Kan
sas live on contented under the operation o
their own laws, and under their oWn govern
meat. They ask no aid from the Genera
Government, but maintain slavery as an in
stitution of their State. What power car
set it aside :! You deny them voice inyou
national councils, and they tell you that they
will not obey your laws; that they are nc
party to your Constitution, and therefore arr
not bound by its provisions. What then vii
you do? Will you attempt coercion =! IL
accomplish what! To enforce obedience t.
your laws! To enforce them upon an indie
pendent State-a State sovereign and inde
pendent by every principle upon which your
own government rests. You force them up
on State whose admission into the Conled
eracy you have denied. Could you sustain
such contest upon the grounds of reason
Could you sustain it as matter of policy
in view of the rights of the several States
To what consequences would it lead T.
Could you free negro in Kansas if hel
laws recognized their bondage! :! 1t is true
that you could keep Kansas out of your Un'