The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-12-20
NO. 46S.
THE PRIVILEGED CLASS.

representation III NOhSTcsS vi lnree-nllnS OF
their slaves, is in reality disadvantage to the
South, and privilege conferred upon the free
States. 1t says:
"Virginia has five hundred thousand slaves,
three hundred thousand Of whom are counted
in her census, upon which representation in
Congress is based. The moment she abolishes
Slavery, she would be entitled to two more
members in the House of Representatives. The
population would not be changed in character,
bat the abolition of Slavery would increase her
power in Congress, and in conventions, of which
Mr.. Chase complains so bitterly. The North
has actually the advantage in this point of view;
and we suppose Ohio has an extra member of
Congress. based upon this inequality in repre-
sentation: and we wish it was so, in fact, that
Mr.. Giddings could be the immediate repre-
sentative OF this class.
The Statesman and the Washington Union,
in which We find the article, forget that, accord
ing 10 the National Democratic theory,
which they profess, slaves are mere property,
lust AS horses and oxen are in Ohio. This is
the position taken by Judge Kane, by the Ad-
ministration. and by the Sham Democracy,
North and South, who hold that the slavehold-
er has the same right to travel into other States
with his slaves, or to settle in the Territories
with them, that the people of Ohio have to car
" their cattle about with them. Now, the
stakeholder of Virginia enjoys the peculiar
privilege of having three-ffths of his property
represented in Congress, which gives him sub
stantiay as many votes, less two-ffths, as he
has slaves, male and female, old and young. If
he owns one hundred human chattels-a very
common case-he, to all intents and purposes,
votes sixty-six and two-thirds votes, in addition
10 that which pertains to him as a citizen. 1t
is true that the Sixty-six votes are conferred by
law upon the community to which he belongs,
and are equally divided between himself and his
neishbors: but that circumstance cannot alter
the fact that Slavery institutes privileged
class 1t is mmaterial whether the sixty-six
votes, which are based on property, are cast by
the owner of the property or by his poor depend
ants whose spirits are broken and rendered
tractable by contact with the imperious will of
a petty tyrant.
The district Of Georgetown, in South Carolina
had in 1850 nearly nine slaves to one white man.
The total population in 1850 was 20,6l7, Of
whom ,, 1913 were whites, POI free colored, and
-.2j3 were slaves. Three fifths of these slaves
amount to 1880. whose votes are given by
the adult males belonging to the 2, 1873 whites.
In ether words, 2,l93 white people in South
Carolina offset 1918 in Ohio, and have the
same influence in the Federal Government. 1t
viii take rather more ingenuity than the States
n,ga and the Washington Union possess, to
gloss over this plain appeal to facts, and to
show from ii that the shareholders are not 8.
privileged class. Negro slaves have no rights
10 be secured by representation in Congress.
They are not allowed to petition eYen for re-
dress of grievances. How bald and palpable
the act, then, that it is merely as property that
they entitle their masters to send twenty mem
bers to Congress? Does the North possess any
such privilege? Is negro property so very es-
Unable in its character as to enjoy this pre-
eminence. this premium, at the hands of the
Federal Government
We regard Slavery as great curse, and for
that very reason we are opposed to holding out
this reward for its extension and perpetuation.
The injustice of this property representation
exists also in the State Constitutions of the
South, and has given rise TO bitter sectional
contests between the eastern and western, the
upper and lower districts of Virginia and both
the Caroinas. In Virginia and North Carroll
ma, the people of the western counties have ex-
torted compromises on this subject from the
Shareholders of the eastern sections of those
States, where the institution chiefly prevails
and at no distant day they will compel the priv
lesed class to make further concessions. Even
N South Carolina, the spirit of the West is be-
ginning 10 revolt against the Patricians of the
Last. and the demand for equality Of represent
alton in proportion to the ,chite population is
becoming the watch word Of politicians. 1t can
not be said to be remarkable, and yet the coin
cldence is worthy of notice, that as often as
these State issues have arisen, the people who
demand equalit; of representation in proportion
10 the lumber Of white inhabitants have inva-
rahly resorted to the arguments which the op-
qonents of Slavery use when discussing the pro-
pretty olsayc representation in Congress. They
make iho same complaint that the shareholders
ARE privileged class in having their property
represented, which is unjust in its bearing upon
Sections which are not adapted to Slavery, and
entirely contrary to the theory Of Republican
Government. 1t is equally worthy of observa
ton, that the shareholders charge upon the
Trends of the white basis" that they are Abo
-donists since theyresort to the same arguments
IN support of their views.
But the most unmistakable evidence of what
IS he common sense Of the South on this sub
ject Is TO be gathered from the Constitutions O.
the new slave States. E0ery one Of the South
"eSf''" States, zee belierc, bases representation
"p"" 'r"0e PopHlati0n, and thus sets the seal o.
"S'PprooafioR upon the Federal basis. 1t is
well known that in every slave State the insti
'uoi' predomnates in some one section, while
'he opposite extreme is comparatively free
from 1t. Thus, in the Atlantic States, the Eas
Is the slave region, while in the West the free
Population largely predominates. In Tennessee
and kentucky the case is reversed In Geor
"a the northern counties are nearly free from
Slavery. while in the middle and south the slave:
are equal in number to the whites. Alabama
mississippi. and other States of the Southwest
nave each their poor districts, peopled by small
farmers, who till their own soil; and yet, withou
exception, they all repudiate the Federal prin
ople OF representation in their State elections
"a The ground that it confers exclusive priv
,sSes on particular class of property holders
Is not this state Of facts conclusive evidence
ia' The South itself regards the slave represent
%'on as an exceptional privilege? Why,