Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-10-30

v
tional men. Mr.. John Cochran, the sur
yeyor of our port, takes the principal charge
of this branch of our politics, which may aptly
be termed the heavy business. He was mem
Der OF our State convention, and rather took
it for granted he had seen to this.
AS near as now understand, you object to
our occupying now the position we occupied
in l848, upon the subject Of slavery. That
position was then and now defined as fol-
lows:
Resolped, That while the Democracy of
New York will faithfully adhere to all the com
promises OF the Constitution, and maintain
the reserved rights of the States, they deem
this suitable occasion to declare their fixed
hostility to the extension of slavery to free
territory"
Which branch of this resolution do You OBJ
Ject to, in the name of the National Democ-
racyY Are they against the compromises of
the Constitution, or the reserved rights of the
States, or do they desire to extend slavery to
free territory, and is their feeling 80 intense on
either of these three subjects that they cannot
act with Democrats who agree with them on
everything else, but differ on these?
Again you object to the following remarks
Of mine, which you quote:
In the first place, upon the subject of sla.
very, the practical question is, how 10 prevent
the extension Of slavery into free territory.
That IS question upon which we have right
to act and it is question which affects the
State of New York. For example: under the
Constitution, in the apportionment of represent
atives, every five slaves count as three persons;
consequently, stakeholder who owns FIVE
slaves is represented as four persons. But a
man in the State of New York, though he may
own ten millions of property, is merely counted
as one person. This is an unequal apportion-
ment, but 1t was one of the compromises of
the Constitution. and which we agreed to be
bound by, and which we must acouiesce in so
far as existing States are concerned But when
you propose to convert free territory into slave
territory, you propose to increase that ineuual-
lty upon which is based your representation in
Congress, which lays your taxes, which makes
treaties, which declares war, and affects the
whole property of the country. 1t is, then, a
question with which we have right to NEEDLE;
and when we undertake to declare an opinion
upon 1t, 1T should be our true opinion.
Inns Is In no sense abolition. It is the
ground we took in l847 and l848 and we have
adhered to it. This does not necessarily re-
quire Congress to prohibit slavery in the Terri
tories, because that may be accomplished un-
der the operation Of the Kansas bill. The set
tiers themselves may prohibit slavery; but if
they should not then, when the Territory is
formed into State and applies for admission,
you haze again the right to raise the question
iohether 1t IS fairly formed into Stare State
and, II 1t IS not, you haze the right to prevent ii
from coming into the Union until 1t presents ii.
se.t a0ah a free constitution, If you choose
ought to state that the report of my remarks
was taken by the herald reporter, without my
even knowing there was reporter present,
and, OF course, without my knowledge or
consent. ! suspect it was done by Seward
men, who thought would say something in
Oswego that would hurt us in New York. On
looking over the report / am amazed at its
hdelity, so far as can trust my own memory.
1t IS wonderful exhibition of skill and accuracy
IN reporting, and, on reflection, / do not see
that In advocating our platform l said any
thing that would hurt us anywhere. As Oswego
is In the extreme north of our State, and New
York in the extreme south, / am now convinced
our platform is as broad as our State-it NAV
not lap over, | admit. And, now, have you
read the extract that you quote? In it say
to the people of Oswego that they have right,
If they choose, when Kansas applies for admis-
sion into the Union, if it comes as a slave
State, to raise the question whether it was
Jdrty formed unto q slaUe State. Do the
National democracy deny this right? If they
do, the people of Oswego will not next wear
act with the National Democracy. l ask YOU
to give this note prompt insertion in your
columns. l might also ask you to publish all
of my remarks at Oswego on the subject of
slavery and the South. But they have, no
doubt, already reached your readers through
the columns of the Herald or the Evening Post.
both OF which papers published them without
my knowledge or request. My request is
more simple; ask you to read the extracts
you do publish. Allow me to add that the
citizens of New York propose, this fall, to
inaugurate good State governmental govern
ment that will complete our magnificent system
OF internal improvements, protect our State
treasury, uphold our State credit, relieve the
occupations Of our citizens from unconstitu.
tional restraints, and their property from
legislative con6scation, and place the adopted
citizen, wherever he may have been born, and
at whatever altar he may worship, on footing
OF entire equality with the native. We shall
thus substantially provide for the happiness
and honor Of one-sixth Of the entire population
of the United States. This is much to do, nj one
State election. Although not strictly national,
our numbers, perhaps, give us some little
claim to be called a nation of ourselves; and If
we should be, as you anticipate, so unfortunate
as not to take part in giving good general
government next year to the confederacy, it is
the more important that we should now provide
good State government for ourselves The
same difficulty occurred in l848; but, unfor-
tunately, we were not able in ls47 TO make
similar provision against it. Every candidate
on our State ticket now, except one Judge and
the canal commissioner, was openly and
warmly the advocate Of Martin Van Buren, in
l84s. They were proud of it then, and be.
lieve do them no justice when add that they
have been prouder of it every day since. Now
permit me to ask you one question:
Does the Washington Union desire our
ticket elected or defeated? State seasonably, |
SO that our electors may know; and after |
election will tell you why / asked. Though |
your answer cannot change the result, it can |
increase or diminish our majority.
Truly yours
j. VAN BUREN,.
OCTOBER 26, 1855.
Mans Hand Bitten on by . Horse.
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