The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-11-08

Leolu holln, assisted by M. Cousidiere appoint
ed frefect OF the Police, took prompt measures
for the safety of the city.
but u was not until the sixth day that M.
Lamartine deemed it prudent to leave PHotel
nc Fi9e, IN order to take possession of the pal
ace OF the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He
mad, however, already, on the 9th of February
appointed NJ. Bastide his Assistant Secretary
who, consequently, had meanwhile taken charge
OF the palace, which NJ. de Lamartine found oc.
cupieo by detachments of the National Guard,
ana py armed volunteers, who were ready TO
ueienG IL against any surprise that might pos
slDiy have been attempted by the enemies of
order. The political situation of Europe and
the mutual relations between France and the
other European Powers, attracted Immediately
his attention. Convinced that genuine Re-
publican freedom would most likely be estab.
hshed IN France by the maintenance of peace,
he took the firm resolution to avoid everything
that might be the cause of provoking war be-
tween the new Republic and the monarchical
States OF Europe. Still, he was well aware that
tne course which It was his intention to pursue
would meet wilh the condemnation of all those
who wished to make France the instrument of
interfering in the internal affairs of other coun-
tries, and in propagating the principles of De-
mocracy by dint of its arms. But, mindful
OF the events of the first French revolution, he
feared that such policy would provoke, first,
disorder, and then despotism, within France
itself; while hoping that, by resisting the par
tlsans OF violence, and by maintaining peace,
ne would secure to the French nation the bless
ings OF truly democratic institutions. The
motives that actuated him in Drawing the dis.
pleasure of the Red Republicans were noble
and praiseworthy; and to him does not belong
the blame that the glorious object which he
mad In view was not obtained. STILL it might
be questionable whether he would not have
acted more prudently in concealing his peaceful
sentiments But it ought not to be forgotten,
that he did not neglect, as we shall elsewhere
show, to prepare means for aiding the Italians,
should they have requested the assistance of
France, In indicating their national independ-
ence and in enfranchisng themselves from for
eign and domestic despotism.
Already, before the outbreak of the French
revolution, several States of Italy were subject
to political agitations. Indeed, the Pope (Pius
IA) himself had, by his words and Deeds ava
kened the spirit of independency, and the ha-
tired against Austria, in the breasts Of the peo-
pie OF central and northern Italy; while revo-
luton had taken place within the kingdom of
OF Naples, anterior to that in France. But the
rising OF the Parisians soon spread the revolu-
uonary ire over all Italy, and throughout the
whole of Germany, too.
The people of Tuscany, though governed by
Prince of liberal principles, who had award
ed to them high degree of freedom, compar-
atlvely speaking, nevertheless took up arms, in
order to force him to acknowledge their actual
liberty AS right, and to submit to constitu-
tlonal limits prescribed by themselves. The
charge of ingratitude, which has been made
against them, seems scarcely justi6able, while
1t must admitted that they acted imprudently.
Venice and Genoa did not remain Indifferent
tor the name of Republic, which reminded them
OF their ancient glores, and the liberty which
they had enjoyed while graced with repubi-
can form of Government.
Heroic Piedmont, painting long for internal
freedom, stood prepared to fight in behalf of
Italian independency, against Austria. Its
brave but vacillating King was actuated by the
ambition of acquiring, at one and the same
time, the two titles of Liberdtor and Protector
Of Italy. But the influence of the clergy, and
his own love of power, had made him an ene
my to liberal ideas, and prosecutor and op-
pressor of the friends of free institutions. Hence
his 1uctuation for many years between cor
dial alliance with Austria, as a support against
his own subjects, or an open defiance of that
Power, and closer union with France, and
consequently, adoption of more liberal views
relative to the government of his own kingdom.
1t seemed, therefore, rather uncertain whether
on the establishment of the Republic in France
he would unite with Austria in suppression of
the revolutionary movements that were antici
pated to follow upon that event in Italy, or
whether he would employ his army of one hun
dred thousand soldiers in the cause of Italian
independence. The sentiments of praiseworthy
patriotism and of noble ambition conquered at
last his desire for the exercise Of despotic pow
er; and, appointing a new Cabinet, composed
of acknowledged friends of freedom, he turned,
unexpectedly, his arms against Austria.
But the effect of the French revolution was
still more promptly felt in Germany.
Already, on the Sd of March, the King Of
Wurtemburg deemed it advisable to abolish the
censsre, admitting the liberty of the press and
the arming of the people.
On the 4th of March, the Grand Duke of b.
den was induced to make the same concessions,
to abolish the remaining feudal privileges, and
to approve of the election of members for the
German Parliament, which was to be composed
OF deputies from all the German States, and
which, it was intended, should adopt the proper
measures for bringing about a thorough union
of all Germany.
On the 9Th of March, the King of Bavaria
abdlcated-a contest having previously taken
Munich, his capital. His successor embraced,
seemingly at least, the popular cause.
The abdication of the Duke of Hesse Darn
stadt and the arming of the people of that
dukedom, followed soon afterwards; and al
ready, before the 18th of March, had even the
Eiector of Hesse Cassel-who was very hostile
to the introduction of free institutions found
himself compelled to grant the demands of his
subjects.
On the l4th Of March, the inhabitants of vi
emma, carried along by the impulse which was
felt throughout the whole of Germany, rose
against the despotic rule of Prince Menternich,
who saved himself by timely fight, and forced
their imbecile but good-natured ruler to accede
to their demands of liberal constitution.
On the 18th of March, revolutionary move
ment IN Leipsic forced the King of Saxony,
whose power was already limited by a rather
free constitution, to authorize the election of
members for the new German Parliament, and
to grant certain required reforms.
On the same day, the inhabitants of Olden-
burg compelled their Duke to convoke the rep
resentatives of the people.
few days later, the people of Mecklenburg
forced their Dukes to submit to their demands.
In the so-called free cities of Bremen, Ham
burg, and Lubbock, popular movements, direct
ed against the encroachments Of the moneyed
aristocracy, broke out, having for its purpose
the introduction of democratic institutions.
On the 18th of March, the people, of Berlin
took up arms, for the avowed object of limiting
the royal power, and of obtaining the consti-
tuition which had so often been promised, but
never awarded, to Prussia. But the first days
contest ended in favor of the King. Still, that
prince deemed it prudent, on the following day,
to feign submission to the popular WILL resto-
ring to liberty the Poles who, as punishment
for their participation in the revolutionary
movement in Posen, in 1916, had since been