Thibodaux minerva. [volume] (Thibodaux, La.) 18??-1858, 1855-12-15

| now settle, is no less than tlis--are they desi-
rous, and arc they capable, i'll the new posture
of affairs and of opinion, of continuing any
longer one united and great people? This
| question, as view it, is one wholly independent
| of any consideration touching the nature o,
| Slavery: and it is the evil passions of men-
| and not the essential nature of Slavery at all,
| by which the people are hurried forward to the
ruin of their country. Let Slavery be what it
may, it affords no rational ground of itself for
| the separation Of the States and civil war; and
every good, wise, and patriotic man, let his
opinions about Slavery be what they may.
ought to be ready to crush every political party
which intimates that it does. and such is my
faith in human nature, in the destiny Of my
country, and, above all, in the overruling pro-
| violence of God, that confidently trust a way
will be found to hurl from power, and to cover
with public Indignation, every party that shall
dare to wag tongue against the great national
safeguards of our independence, our freedom,
and our progress.
This is in effect, u contest for supremacy at
the North for safey at the South. 1t is u
mere accident that Slavery should be the i'm
mediate subject of the conflict: an extremely
dangerous accident indeed from the nature of
that institution. But the very conception itself
upon which the North enters upon the contest,
is of itself revolution. 1t is revolution
which, carried into effect upon any subject
whatever, defeats not only the possibility of the
Union, but defeats even its very object. And
carried into effect with reference to Slavery it
makes civil.war the only refuge of the South
from perils which are greater than civil war it.
self. l ask you, Sir, calmly, which do you
consider best for us-to fight the North at once,
or fight both the North and the Slaves, after a
while? Now, Sir, it is for the North to say
whether she values Ter supremacy over the
South at such rate as this; and whether,
making Slavery the pretext, she will pursue it
unto blood. l uttered but the simple truth
when told Mr.. Sumner she will find a million
Of armed men ready to receive her. | repeated
only the plainest lesson of history, when l
added that her own soul will be as deeply
polluted with blood as ours. said what
supposed could neither be misunderstood, nor
denied, when declared that the equality of
dependent wholly on Gods gift of a great Cap
tain I uttered only what many millions will
indorse, and no one that | know of will deny,
when said that every one of us deplore from
the bottom of our heart, contest SO frightful,
but that none of US look towards it with un-
manly apprehension. Sir, it was ignoble in
you to call these threats. They are solid ar
guments; arguments of that description which
every good man will carefully consider, every
wise man ponder deeply, every brave man
admit to be just, every sane man see to be con-
elusive against the counsel you give and the
ends you propose.
You, Mr.. Seward, have much apparent right
to speak in the name of the State of New York.
l have none to speak in the name of the State
Of Kentucky. Yet there are instincts in the
breasts of upright men which seldom err, and
these are grand truths which cannot be con-
cealed, and which will not perish. Now, mark
my words. New York, the greatest of Free
States has the least interest of all, that Slavery
should be abolished. Kentucky, the most ex-
posed Of all the great Slave States, has the least
interest of all that Slavery should continue.
New York will not abide by your principles
Kentucky uW abide by mine.
Your obedient servant,
Ro. J. BREcKENBR1pGE.