The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-11-23

the table by vote of SO to "a. We publish in
another column the latest intelligence from the
scene of the apprehended difficulties.
The Relations Between the United States and
Great Britain-state Of the Public Pulse In
Both Countries.
The advices from England, received by the
| Canada, represent the uneasness pervading the
| public mind in reference to the existing diff
| cultes with this country as somewhat subsidized.
This seems to be more particularly the case in
commercial circles where the matter has been
discussed with more seriousness than the trivial
character of the dispute would seem to justify.
Amongst commercial men here the same sensi-
tiveness, though in lesser degree, manifested
itself. This is owing less to irritabilty Of
feeling on the part of either people than to the
political circumstances in which the two gov
erpments are placed. Judging from the tone
of the nom official portion OF the English press,
there is nothing that the nation in general
would regard as greater calamity in existing
circumstances than their being forced into
hostilities with the United States. The same
feeling exists here, though in modified degree,
for happily we are not involved, like Great
DAltuAu, III COuipliCdtLOn VI pVAltACu1
| ties, making enormous drains on our resources
and menacing us with the final exhaustion Of
our energies. We must, however, suffer con-
| siderably in such contest, and without some
| powerful political inducement to urge us on
it would be the height of folly and wickedness
for lis to engage in it.
! With such sentiments animatng generally
the people of the two countries, it will be
asked whether there are any real grounds for
| apprehension Were the governments of
Great Britain and the United States admins
tered by men of pure principles and unsuspect-
ed devotion to the interests of their respective
countries, the reply wonld be an easy one.
Where, however, on the one hand we see man
like Lord Palmerston, the most inscriptions
of political adventurers, seeking on frivolous
pretexts to pick quarrel with us in order to
feature OF his Eastern policy, and on the other
an equally characterless politician, like Gene
raj Pierce, endeavoring to fan into flame the
| embers OF hostility, in order to make capital
out of the question for the next Presidential
election, it is impossible to tell what may hap
| pen. With two governments thus disposed,
the slightest circumstances will serve to aggra-
| vate the original cause of offence, and the
pride of the two nations becoming engaged in
the controversy, the only possible final issue
| will be that of war.
| Are we prepared for this issue? We can
| no doubt sustain honorably and successful
| ly another protracted war with Great Bri-
| tain but at present it would entail heavier
sacrifices to our commerce scattered in every
| sea than it's results would be worth. The
time has not as yet arrived when we can
regard with confidence the effects upon our
interests of such contest. 1t will take
some thirty or forty years before we shall be
justified in considering ourselves a ltch for
England, allied as she is at present with so
| many oiher nations. It would have to be long
| war to be successful one for us. In 1880 or
| 1890 it will be yery different. We should then
! be in position to dictate terms to the rest of
| the world. Until that period arrives, however
our foreign policy should be wise, cautious,
prudent and conservative OF our growing in
terests. We will infict greater blow on Eng
| land by our commercial and Industrial sue-
cess and example in ten Or twenty years hence
than by war Of greater length of time.
The other antagonisms that we should have
| to encounter at present will have been con-
| ciliated or efaced by time. Our policy, for
| instance, will become so manifest to and so
clearly in unison with the interests Of France
that we shall ultimately find in Der firm
friend, if not an ally. 1t would, therefore, be
manifestly anticipating our own chances we're
we to precipitatc such struggle.
| On a review of the circumstances of the en-
listment operations in this city, after the arri-
| val of Lord Clarendon's instructions, it will be
seen that the ground assumed by the English
government and its organs is not as tcnable as
! was contcndcd. II is true that an apology for
the infraction of our laws, under the pretcxt
of its having been committed innocently, is
| entitled to be considered an atonement for the
| offence, but when those acts are repeated after
| proper Amusement by the authorities here, and
subsequently, to the arrival of those alleged
instructions, the explanation loses part of it's
value. Its sincerity may very we'll be ques-
| toned in view of the proceedings to which we
! refer; and the coincident promptness with
which demand for an explanation was made
| of our minister, and orders issued to reinforce
the West India feet, after Mr. Cushng's in.
structions reached London, by no means relieve
| it from that equivocal character
| The quarrel on the whole, is mean aud
| pitiful one, and can only, by Intentional
mismanagemcnt, be aggravated into respecta.
bic proportions. II the British government
really meant what it said, and what the acts Of
its agents belied, it would be better for it,
instead of clustering and resorting to threat
ening measures, to make such further explana-
tions as would lead to the modification of the
expressions complained Of in Mr.. Cushing's in
structions. The question is whether it will do
SO? We are inclined to think not, for the
simple reason that under this pretext for