Weekly Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1853-1861, 1855-08-02


are applying for passage to the land of their /
fathers. Shall they be denied? Every emmi-
grant, who deserves it, is presented on his ar
rival, with a farm, and is sustained for six
months, until be can bring into requisition his /
own resources.
Daniel Webster on the Subject of
Slavery.
p Several weeks since we published for the
benefit of our Freesoil readers, a large part of
Mr.. CLAY's Mendenhall speech, and suggested
to our friends of the journal that it would
furnish some fine captions for its leading edi
torials; but, willful men that they are, our
disinterested advice has not been followed
We also made some liberal extracts from Mr..
CLAY's speeches in the debates on the Com
promise Resolutions in which he says in as
plain English as it was possible to use that
Congress should leave the question of slavery
in the territories untouched. These extracts
were made for the Enlightenment of our eve
ming contemporary, the Republican. But the
Republican remains unenlightened, and per-
sists in the opinion that Mr.. CLAY was Free
soiler, The same paper also claims Mr..
WEBSTER as an advocate of its heresies and is
astonished that we should consider him
National 1Ean
We admit that Mr.. WEBSTER did not ex-
press himself as strongly as Mr.. CLAY and
that passages may be found in his speeches in
which he favors the Wilmot Proviso rs appli-
cable to the territories.
But he stands committed to admit the
slave States from three to five, which may
be formed out of Texas, and also to sustain
the Fugitive Slave Law. Besides. the gene
raj tone of his mind was conciliating and
various extracts might be made which would
not. harmonic with the editorials of either
the Journal or Republican.
Although the Indiana Convention has not
IN ats resolutions distinctly and unequivocally
declared the doctrine of "no more Slave
States" yet the Ohio Convention has done
so, and it is conceded that the two bodies
were identical in feeling and tendency. The
resolutions are silent also on the Fugitive
Slave Law; but the speeches made on the
18th the well known proclivities of many of
the leaders, the banners and all the concom-
itants showed plainly that the direction of the
movement was towards the repeal of that
law, and against the admission of aay Slave
States whether carved out of Texas or not.
On these important questions Mr.. WEBSTER
is clearly with the Democracy
On slave states from Texa he saws:
81 may not then be here-I may have no
vote to give on the occasion; but wish it to be
distinctly understood, to-day, that according
20 my view of the matter, this Government Is
solemnly pledged, by law and contract, to Gre
ate new States out of Texas, with her con-
sent, when her population shall justify such
proceeding, and so far as such States are
formed out of Texan territory lying south of
$50 30, to let them come in rs slave States.
The time of admission, and requisite popula
ton, must depend, of course, on the discre-
ton OF Congress. But when new States shall
be formed out of Texas, they have a fixed
right to come into the Union as slave
States"
On the Wilmot Proviso he says:
81 look upon it, therefore, as fixed fact,
to use an expression current at this day, that
both California and New Mexico are destined
to be free, so far as they are settled at ALL
which believe, especially in regard to New
Mexico, will be very little for great length
of time-free by the arrangement of things by
the Power above us. / have therefore to
say, In this respect also, that this country is
fixed for freedom, to as many persons as shall
ever live there, by as irrepealabe and a more
irepealable law, than the law that attaches
to the right of holding slaves in Texas; and
will say further, that If resolution, or law,
were now before us, to provide territorial
government for New Mexico, / would not
vote to put any prohibition into it whatever.
The use of such prohibition would be idle,
as it respects any effecti it would have upon
the territory; and | would not take pains to
reafirm an ordinance ofnature, nor to re-enact
the will of God. And | would put no VIII
mot Proviso, for the purpose of a taunt or re-
proach. would put into it no evidence OF
the votes of superior power, to wound the
pride, even whether a Just pride, rational
| pride, irrational lride,-to wound the
pride of the gentlemen who belong to the
Southern States. | have no such obect--no
such purpose. They wonld think it a taunt
An indignity. They would think il to be
an act taking away from them what they re-
gard a proper equality of privilege; and
whether theyexpect to realize any benefit from
it or not they would think it theoretiC
f wrong-that something more or less deroga-
tory to their character and their rights had
| fax nla 1 m ipfii lot
: wound upon anybody, unless something es-
sentially important to the country, and eff.
S cient to the preservation of liberty and free.
d dom, it is to be effected. Therefore | repeat
sir,-and repeat it because wish it to be
understood-that / do not propose to address
the Senate often ON the subject | desire e
pour out all my heart in as plain a manner a
: possible; and | say again, that if a proposition
r were now here for a government for New
Mexico, and it was moved to insert a provis
ion for prohibition of slavery, would no
: vote forit'' 5f
On the general topic of slavery, he says:
"Thc Roman jurists, from the first. an,
r down to the fall of the empire, admitted tina
t slavery was against the natural law, by which
t as they maintained, all men, of whatsoeve
n cline, color or capacity, were equal; but they
n justified slavery---first, upon the ground anc
: authority of the law of nations-arguing, am
: arguing truly, that at that day the conven
d tional law of nations admitted, that captive
i in war, whose lives, according to the notion o
y times, were at the absolute disposal of the cap
: tors, might, in exchange for exemption from
" death, he made slaves for life, and that sucl
= servitude might descend to their posterity-
e The jurists of Rome also manta; ned that b.
3 the civil law, there might be servitude-
: slavery, personal and hereditary-first, by tn
o voluntary act of an individual who nigh
e sell himself into slavery; secoDd, by his be
S ing received into a state of slavery, by hi
creditors, in satisfaction of debt; and, third
a ly, by being placed in a state of servtude, o
slavery, for crime. At the Introduction 0
9 Christianity into the world, the Roman worlc
was full of slaves, and L suppose there is T.
be found no injunction against that relation