Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-05-17

proclaim to the assembled multitude not only
his principles, but bis views and sentiments
upon all questions that may come before him
in his representative capacity. 1t was on this
basis that representative government was
founded, and on this alone can il be maintained
in purity and safety. And if any secret party
shall ever be so far successful in this country
ms to bring the Government in all its depart
ments and functions under the baneful infu-
ence ofits control and power, political rain will
inevitably ensue. No truth in politics can be
more easily and firmly established, either by
reason or from history, upon principle or au.
thority, than this These are nv opinions,
candidly expressed.
"But have been anticipating somewhat. |
was on the preliminary gueStion-that is the
secrecy which lies at the foundation of the party
that atmosphere of darkness in which 1t
lives, and moves, and has its being and with
out which probably it could not exist / do
not, however, intend to stop with that. will
60 further, and give now my opinions upon
those questions which are said to be within the
range ofits secret objects and aims. The pri,,-
ciptes as published Tor those principles which
are attributed to the order, though nobody, as
an organized party, avow them have, as /
understand them, two leading ideas, and two
only. These are a prescription by an exclu-
sion from office of all Catholics as class, and
prescription of all persons of foreign birth as
class-the latter to be accomplished not only
by an exclusion from Office of all foreigners
who are now citizens by naturalization, but to
be more effectually carried out by an abroga-
ton OF the naturalization law for the future, or
such an amendment as would be virtually tan.
tamount to 1t. These, we are told, are the great
ostenslble objects for all this machinery--these
oaths, pledges, secret signs, equivocations,
denials, and what not And what have to
say of them is, that if these, in deed and in
truth, be the principles thus attempted to be
carried out then am opposed to both of
them, openly and unqualifedly
but to pass to the other view of these
principles-that is, the consideration of them
as questions of public policy. With me they
both stand in no better light in this aspect than
they do In the other. The first assumes temporal
jurisdiction in forum conscienti0' to which |
am quite as much opposed as / am to the
spait,tdt poacers controlling the temporal One
is as bad as the other-both are bad. am
utterly opposed to mingling religion with
politics in any way whatever; and especially
am opposed to making it a test in quali6ca.
tons for civil Office Religion is a matter be.
ernments should have nothing to do. In this
country the constitution guarantees to every
citizen the right to entertain whatever creed he
pleases, or no creed at ALL if he is so inclined;
and no other man has right to pry into his
conscience to inquire what he believes, or what
he does not believe. AS a citizen and as a
member of society he is to be judged by his
acts, and not by his creed. A Catholic, there
fore, In our country, and in all countries, ought
as all other citizens, to be permitted to stand
or fall in public favor and estimation upon his
oicn iRdicidadt merits. Every tub should
stand upon its own bottom
"But think, of all the Christian denomina-
tons in the United States, the Catholics are
the last that southern people should join in at
tempting to put under the ban Of civil pro-
scripton; for as n church they have never
tcdTTed against US or our peculiar institutions.
No man can say as much of New England
Baptists, Presbyterians, or Methodists; the
long roll of Abolition petitions with which Con-
gress has been so much excited and agitated
for years past come not from the Catholics;
their pulpits at the North are not desecrated
every Sabbath with anathemas against slavery.
And of the three thousand New England clergy
men who sent the anti-Nebraska memorial to
the Senate last year, not one was Catholic, as
should we southern men Join the Puritans Of
the North to prescribe from office the Catholics
on account OF their religion? Let them and
their religion be as bad as they can be, or as
their accusers say they are, they cannot be
worse than these same R1ritdnicdL accusers.
who started this persecution against them, say
that acc are. They say we are going TO perdi-
ton Tor the enormous sin of holding slaves
The Pope with all bis followers cannot, sup.
pose, even in their judgment, be going to a
worse place Tor holding what they consider the
monstrous absurdity of Immaculate eoncep-
uon.' And for my part l would about as soon
risk my chance for Heaven with him, and his
crowd, too, as with these selfrighteous hypo-
critics who deal out fire and birthstone so liber-
ally upon our heads. AZ any rate, have no
hesitancy IN declaring that should much
sooner risk my civil rights with the American
Catholics whom they are attempting TO drive
from office than with them. But, sir, / am OBJ
posed TO this prescription upon principle. If
1t IS once begun, there is no telling were it will
end. When faction once tastes the blood Of a
victim, It seldom ceases its ravages amongst
the fold so long as single remaining one, be
the number at first ever so great, is left surviv.
ing. 1t was to guard against any such conse-
quences as would certainly ensue in this coun.
try u this effort at prescription Of this sect Of
religionists should be successful, that that wise
provision TO which / have alluded was put in
the fundamental law Of the Union. And to
maintain II intact, in letter and spirit with
Steadfastness at this time, hold to be most
solemn public duty"
"THE THIRD DEGREE "A NEW CON-
TRIyANCE OF THE ENEMY.