Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-08-21
WASHINGTON, ID. C.
The xIIth section The True Basis Of
WILLIAM M. BURWELL, Editor.

An impartial examination OF TINS Important
plank in the American Platform, will show
that it is intended to embody two distinct and
indefeasible principles
/. 1t reserves to all the right of private
judgment
.. 1t binds all true Americans to refrain
from any intervention or agitation upon the
only question upon which Americans are rad
ically divided.
We believe that the repeal of the law of
1920, and the agreement to leave the institu-
tons of Kansas to the discretion of her cii-
zens, has been assailed and defended with
degree Of violence far more dangerous to the
permanence Of the government than the de-
cision Of the questions can possibly be.
Our own opinions upon that question are
finn, and well proven; yet, having subscribed
the platform, we feel under honorable obliga-
ton TO refrain from impressing our opin-
ions upon others. The 18th section is truce
of opinion. We shall keep it sacred. But we
know that question so purely abstract as
this question of policy and title, cannot be de-
'cided to the satisfaction Of either party. We
were content with the Compromise Of 1850.
As the law then stood, we were willing it
should stand. That law has been changed.
We gain no advantage by the alteration. Yet
we will abide by and maintain it, because the
only chance of a general acquiescence consists
in keeping the law sacred. We have hereto
fore argued to show that there can bo no per-
sonal dishonor in maintaining law, though
in our private opinion contrary to right, be-
cause having agreed TO submit our opinion to
judicial arbitrament, the opinion of the
Judge is the rule of the citizen. He has at
least as much claim to be right and honest rs
any one else; and as it is his opinion and not
ours that is executed, the responsibility for
an immoral law-if in the sight Of God it be
immoral-is his, and not ours. 1t is upon this
principle that men, who are conscientiously
opposed to the Compromise of 1850, are now
maintaining that law without dishonor. Such
is the reasoning upon which the 18th section
of the Philadelphia platform is based. 1t is
moreover strengthened by the consideration
that the American party is neither response
Bile for the passage Of the Kansas law, nor
pledged to its repeal. That party has been
formed to cultivate fraternity amongst the peo-
pie ofthe United States, to appcase their an
imosities, to exalt their patriotism, to render
them national, upon the basis Of mutual for
bearance and mutual affection. The American
party found this slavery dispute raging with
fearful violence. 1t became duty to settle
this dangerous question. Neither side could
be expected to surrender its opinion. This
patriotic arbitrator then proposed "the law as
it is" as final and conclusive settlement
of the subject, in spirit and in substance"
The platform further lays down those princi-
pies upon which it is understood that all ex-
cept ultra aboiitionists agree. 1t declares, /
"As the sense Of this National Council, that
Congress possesses no power, under the con-
stitution, to legislate upon the subject of slave
~ in the States whore it does or may exist, or
to exclude any State from admission into the
Union because its constitution does or does
not recognise the institution Of slavery as a
part of its social system"
.. 1t expressly rcfrans from expressing any
opinion upon the power Of Congress to estab-
lish or prohibit slavery in any Territory" be-
cause it was considered that the affirmation Of
the foregoing principle postponed this ques-
ton. Whilst every member can, therefore,
entertain his own opinions upon this subject,
he is under moral obligation not to agitate it,
nor to make his personal opinion the ground
Of federal action. To confirm this treaty, how
ever, il is added THAT Congress ought not to
legislate upon the subject of slavery within the
interference by Congress with slavery as it
exists in the District of Columbia, would be a
violation OF the spirit and intention Of the COM
pact by which the State Of Maryland coded the
District to the United States, and breach OF
the national faith"
In this clause, then, we have an open decla-
ration Of opinion upon certain agreed points,
and compact Ito abide by and maintain" the
law, with a reservation Of private judgment in
regard to those controverted points which the
law has settled. We can conceive no farer
basis Of agreement than this
We are aware that the opinion Is sodulously
cultivated in the North that the Kansas law
gives the South an advantage. We cannot see
how that can be- 1t leaves the vacant territory
TO be contended for by the people who choose
to occupy it. II cannot be disputed that the
State Of Kansas might, after admission as a
free State, adopt any institution of labor she
may choose. The same power, then, that can
establish slavery now, could adopt it after i'd
mission, for we have never seen II asserted
that State could be expelled from the Union
after admission 1t is said that the institution
Of slavery has committed an aggression upon
the free institutions Of the Northern States.
We cannot see how this may be. The insti-
tuition Of slavery has given amount Of politi.
cal power. Its numbers are estimated and
represented according to the constitutional ra-
ito. II is no greater in one quarter Of the
! Union than il would be in another. II a given
number Of slaves be taken from South Caro-.
! lima and carried to Kansas, Carolina loses a