The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-12-27
THE STRUGGLE IN THE HoUsE-rTs PHI
L0SOPHY.

another would propose some absurd mode of
terminating the contest, and then all sorts of
speeches would be made. At any time, it was
in the power of the Administration Party, by
sustaining the proposition of the Anti N ebraska
men to elect by a plurality, to have aided in
the organization of the House, and that, too,
without assuming any responsibility for the
character of the organization. Let it be con-
ceded that Mr.. Banks's vote cannot rise above
l07. The strength of the Administration
Party, as demonstrated by three weeks ballot
ing, is only IS. And the National Know Moth
ings number not more than 40. If these three
parties remain, each immovable there can be
no election by majority of the whole number
of members voting. This is "lixed fact :"
everybody sees it.
What, then, is to be done2 One of three
things
The AntiNebraska men or Republicans
must disband, give up Banks, surrender their
principles, and agree to vote for a man accept
able to the forty National Know Nothings, who,
by their recorded declarations, will vote for no
man not opposed to the restoration of the Mis-
souri, Compromise, and the agitation of all
questions of Slavery:
Or, the National Know Nothings and Ad-
mnistration men must effect a coalition:
Or, the majority of the members Of the
House must agree that Speaker shall be
elected by plurality vote.
The first plan was thought possible in the
har aft ha arr oola
tried to sow dissensions in the Anti Nebras-
ka Party, break its unity, and draw off its
members into the ranks of the other Par
ties, but all in vain. No hope is now en-
tertained in any quarter that its position can
be shaken. That it is the strongest Party in
the House, the record demonstrates, and the
proof is furnished to the country by every mail
that leaves Washington.
The next project was to bring about the CO.
operation of the Administration and National
Know Nothing Parties. This was the labor
of last week; the speeches of Southern men
were directed chiefly to the accomplishment of
this scheme. The Administration Party be-
gan to feel anxious concerning its position be-
fore the country Several times had the plu-
rality proposition come from the Anti-Nebras-
ka men, evincing on their part sincere desire
for the organization of the House, and will
ingness to risk the consequences of plurality
vote; but it had been rejected by the Admin
istration men. Their position, then, was fac
tious and disorganizing. 1t was they, not the
Anti-Nebraska men, who wasted time, who ar
fbo hi,o hua, no
obstacle in the way of the operations of Gov
eminent If the wheels of Government were
to stop, they, a factious minority not the Anti
Nebraska ma ority, were responsible.
But they were willing to risk this odium, in
the hope that the National Know Nothngs
ment for the election of National" or Pro-
Slavery man; and they were encouraged by
the pressure brought to bear upon the latter
by their Southern constituents. Has not the
Democratic Party, these asked, taken Ma
tional" ground on the Subject OF SIaveryH
Is not its candidate. p" National" man of the
purest orthodoxy? Is not Slavery of para
mount importance? Is it not the first great
/ duty of Southern man to prevent the election
of Black Republican to the Speakership? Is
not that Southern Representative false to the
peculiar interests of the South, who can at
such crisis hazard the division of the South ?
| These appeals, coming up from the South,
were enforced by Southern Administration men,
and then followed Southern Know Nothings in
reply, justifying their position. Some would
denounce the Administration and Republican
Parties as purely sectional, mere extremists,
seeking to make party capital out Of vital in
terest, and would claim for the Know Nothings
a truly conservative and national position.
Generally, however, they conceded that the
Administration members had assumed the only
true ground on the Slavery Question, but there
were two things to be taken into oonsidera-
ton: could they by coalition carry enough
strength to Mr.. Richardson to elect him? II
they could, STILL as men of honor, respecting
themse;yes, how could they support a candi
date standing Or platform, one of whose
declarations was aimed directly at them and
their cause? Mr.. Zollicoffer, Of Tennessee
fully admitted his entire concurrence in the
Administration ground on the subject of Sla
very, but coptended that it was solely the in
dependent position Of the Know Nothing Party
in the House that had prevented the election
of Banks-meaning that demonstration in
favor of Richardson on the part of the South
ern Know Nothings, would have alienated the
| few Northern men who had stood with them
and consolidated the Northern Opposition Oh
the Anti Nebraska candidate. Mr. Walker Of
Alabama dweit particularly on the MT now
Nothing portion of the Administration plat
form, intimating that this alone was the barrier
to a union upon Richardson. He went so far
q to propose that those members of the House
come from WAT section they might, who were
willing to abide by the laws upon tie subject
of Slavery-who felt it their duty to vote for the
admission of State into the Union, whether
its Constitution did or did not recognise Slavery
ss part of its social system, should meet fol-
the purpose Of devising, if possible, some plar
by which an organization could be attained.
This was plain request to the Administra
ton Party to unite with the Know Nothings in
q common caucus, on the single ground of de
votion 10 lie interests of Slavery.
The Administrator members, especially
from the South, while they did not dare to GU
away any portion of their platform, were con
ciliatory in their department. spoke with grea
respee2 Of their Southern Know Nothing friends
assuring them thaS 44oth;ng in their platform
was intended to insult them, OF wound theil
feelings. Some of the Southern supporters O
the Administration went so far indeed as I,
| - e a., e IL