The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-11-08
D. c..
THE CONTEST AND THE CRISIS.
THE POLITICS OF JUSTICE, EQUALITY, AND
FREEDOM.
SPEECH OF HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD
At The Great Republican Meeting an Buffalo,
OCTOBER 10 IS55

OCTObEk ~, 100
am always proud Of my native State, when
STAND in the presence OF the mountains under
whose shadow / was born, on the shores of
the silvery lakes among which dwell l am
probder still, when looking of from the yesti.
bule of the Capitol, L see the Mediterranean
waters of the continent, obedient to her COM
mand, mingle their floods with the tides of the
world-encircling ocean. No less buoyant is my
pride now, when standing here in the presence
of Niagara, the marvel of nature ITSELF see
New York at once unlocking the gates of the
West, and standing sentinel on the frontier of
the Republic, whose safety constitutes the hope
Of the huInsn race. Speaking on such stage,
how can do otherwise than speak thoughtful
ly, sincerely, earnestly?
lie good men OF Erie! The Republican Par
Nv is sounding throughout all our borders a
deep-toned alarum for the safety of the Consti-
tuition, of Union. and of Liberty. Do you hear
1t? The Republican Party declares that by
means Of recent treacherous measures adopted
by Congress and the President of the United
States, the constitutional safeguards of citizens.
identical with the rights of human nature itself,
are undermined, impaired, and in danger Of
being overthrow. 1t declares, that If those
safeguards be not Immediately renewed and
restored, the Government itself, hitherto for
tress of Republicanism, will pass into the hands
Of an insidious aristocracy, and It's batteries be
turned against the cause which it was reared
10 defend.
The Republican Party is not deficient, either
In intelligence, in earnest patriotism, in moder-
alton, or in numbers. Its members every where
are among those who, in ali our political, MGR
al, and religious associations, have been as en-
lghtened and as efficient as their fellows Those
who constitute its masses have, some for long
periods, and others throughout long lives, been
consistent supporters, not only of the Constitu-
ton, but also Of all those principles of Justice,
Equality, and Liberty, which are the basis of
Republican Government. Not one of them, so
far az we know, has ever counseed seditous
or fsctious measures. The Republican Party
holds either paramount at least respectable
rank and authority in thirteen of the States.
with either the whole or majority of the Rep
resentatives Of each of those States in the Fed.
ersl Union.
1t is, indeed, popularity regarded as Party
of yesterday. But, practically, it is old and
well known in the field of public affairs Its
policy is to inculcate perpetual jealousy of the
increase and extension of Slavery, and the
plantation, organization, and admission of free
States in the common Territories of the United
States. This policy is even older than the Con-
sttution itself. 1t was the policy of Jay, Mad
ison, Jefferson, and Washington. 1t was ear
ly exercised in prohibiting the African slave
trade and devoting the Northwest Territory to
impartial Freedom. Although it has not al
ways prevailed in the Federal Government, it
has, without change even the shadow of
turning, been always the policy of the State of
New York, which has, continually, been the
wisest member Of the Confederacy, and as loyal
any other member Those who have cher
ished this policy have, however, been divided
and distributed among the many parties which
hava aYis.ad uptil nv raaann Of tbat ,onara
ton alone, the policy itself has been arrested
and defeated. Defeated but not successfully
repressed, that policy has at last worked ont
disintegration of all the parties by whom it was
so unwisely and disloyally discarded. Its advo-
Gates, thus disengaged and released from d.
verse and uncongenial relations, have come to-
gether by means of just and natural affinity,
and have organized, and they now constitute
the Republican Party.
Slavery, contrary TO the expectations Of the
founders of the Republic still exists in this the
seventy ninth year of Independence; and it has
at once purpose to perpetuate itself, and APP
parently reasonable hope of at least a long
continuance. On the other hand, the love of
Equality springing alike and all at once from
the conscences, the judgments, and the hearts
of the American people, is irrepressible and
mperishable-and so there will remain an I'M
dying jealousy of the aggrandizement of Slave
~. The Republican Party fosters that jea
ousy, and directs it to the proper means of act
i've resistance Thus it happens, that as the Re-
publican Party is not party of Yesterday, it is
also not merely a party of today, but a dura
ble perpetual organization.
The shareholders, always sufficiently united
and consolidated, have improved their ad-
vantages that their aggressions have become
at last intolerable. They have rushed into
dead lock with their opponents The nations
whole breadth is the field of contest A change
less sway of the Republic, throughout its future
existence. is the object of this majestic strife
So the shareholders on the one side, and the
Republican Party the other, are now, and
for an indefinite period must continue to be,
not merely the chief combatants, but practical
ly the only combstants in the Union. Such is
the Republican Party, and such are the cir
cumstances under which it appeals to you to
enlist under its banner, and give it your en-
iightened aud effective cooperation. Shall |
have on your part a fair and candid hearing an
Its behalf?
l am well aware that at this moment large
popular masses are al rest, while Others bro
ken up in the general wreck Of former parties,
are moving capriciousy, and in divergent d.
rechOns. | know equally well that popular
masses al rest, have a sort of riS iHerfi6 to
overcome; and that popular masses, suddenly
and violently disturbed. cannot all at once
compose themselves, and organize. / appre-
bend, therefore, that here, as elsewhere, there
may be, on the part of some, disposition to
Incidence, and on the part Of others DISPOSE
ton TO avoid the organization which seems to
me to have become necessary. Both Of these
dispositions persuade to neutrality
Are you indeed sure, then, that neutrali-
" will be right, even if you find it possible?
Is Liberty to be maintained in this Republic
otherwise than through the conflicts Of great
parties2 Where there are no great parties.
there are either many small factions, or no par
ties or factions whatever. A State that sur
renders itself to the confused contests of small
parties factions, is sinking inevitably towards
despotism. a State that has no parties or fac
tons at all, is despotism already.
In every conflict between great parties,
(speaking without reference to the motives of
leaders or of Masses is there not one side
that is absolutely or relatively the right side,
and which, because it is the right side, is the
side favorable to the public welfare and the
public safety; and also another side that is alb
solutey or relatively the wrong side, and there
fore the side detrimental to the public welfare,
and injurious to the public safety? Are the
welfare and safety Of the whole body polite
anything else than the welfare and safety of all
its individual members? Can Justly expect
you to defend my interest, and to assure my
safety, if | will not defend and guard them my
self? In an ancient Republic, it was made a
capital crime TO refuse to take a side in every
political contest that agitated the common
wealth. The penalty was indeed too severe,
but was not the policy Of the law Just and wise {?
Still you fear agitation, and desire repose Was
not the British Commonwealth free from dis
4urhopoa xvban II an Suddenly want down and