Bradford reporter. [volume] (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, 1855-07-14

thereof shall be entitled to decide that question
exclusively for themselves"
And the vote upon it was
YEAs-Messrs Allen, Bayard Benton, Black,
Brown, Buchanan, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama,
Clay Of Kentucky, Crittenden, Cuthbert Full
ton, Grundy, Hubbard, King, Lumpkin, Lyon,
Merrick, Nicholas, Niles, Norvell, Pierce,
Preston Rivers, Roam, Robinson, Sewer Smith
of Connecticut, Strange, Upton, Walker, White,
and Young
NAYs-Messrs. Thomas Clayton, Davis,
Knight Mexican, Prentiss, Robbins, Smith of
Indiana, Swift and Webster
The few senator's who voted against both
resolutions, chiefly did so for reasons wholly
nconnected with their merits 4; some because
opposed to any declarations on the subject as
abstract and imperative, others because they
dssented from the reasons expressed, and pre-
| ferred others Mr.. Calhoun voted for both,
not in preference to his own but as agreeing
to them after they had been preferred by the
Senate, and SO gave his recorded assent to the
doctrines they contained Both admit the
constitutional power of Congress over the
existence of slavery both in the District and
the territories, but deprecate its abolition where
it existed for reasons of high expedency, and
in this view, it is believed, nearly the entire
Senate concurred, and quite the entire Senate
on the constitutional point, there being no
reference to that point in any part of the
debates. Mr.. Webster, probably, spoke the
sentiments of most of those voting with him
when he said If the resolutions set forth
that all domestic institutions, except so far as
the constitution might interfere, and any inter
meddling Herewith by state or individual,
| we 70 ba rit Of +bo
and was thereby illegal and unjust, he would
give them his hearty and cheerful support and
would do so still, if the senators from South
Carolina would consent to such an amendment
but in their present form he must give his vote
against them"
The general feeling of the Senate was that
of entire repugnance to the whole movement
that Of the petitions and memorial on the one
hand and Mr. CahounS resolutions on the other
The former were quietly got rid of, and in a
way to rebuke as well as to condemn their
presentation, that is to say, by motions, Sustain
ed by the body,) to lay them on the table
The resolutions could not so easily be disposed
Of especially as their mover earnestly demand
ed discussion spoke at large and often himself,
" and desired to make the question, on their
rejection or adoption, a test question" They
were abstract, leading to no result-madc dis
! cuSSlon where silence was dcsirable-fruStrated
! the design of the Senate in refusing to discuss
! the abolition petitiOns-gave them an import
ance to which they were not entitled-promoted
observation-disclosures friendly senator's from
the NOrth-placcd some in false positions-and
| brought animadycrSionS from many. Thus, Mr.
Buchanan
L cannot believe that the senator from
| South Carolina has taken the best course to
attain these results, (quieting agitation.) This
! is the great centre of agitation. From this
capitol it spreads over the whole Union |
therefore deprecate a pr0tracted discussion of
! the question here 1t can do no good, but may
do much HARM both in the North and in the
| South
The senator's from Delaware, although
representing slavehoding state, have voted
| against these resolutions, because, in their
opinion, they can detect in them the poison of
notification. Now | can see no such thing in
| them, and am ready to avow in the main they
contain nothing but correct political principles
| to which ! am devoted. But what then
! These senators are placed in false position
| and are compelled TO vote against resolutions
the object of which they heartily approve
Again my friend, the senator from New
jersey, (Mr. Wall votes against them be-
cause they are political distractions, of which
! he thinks the Senate onght not to take cogniz
| ancc, although he is as much opposed tC
| abolition, and as willing to maintain the con
sttutona rights of the South, as any senator
upon shs floor. Other senators believe the
right of petition has been endangered and
until that has been established, they will not
vote for any resolutions on the subject. Thus
we stand and those of us in the North who
must sustain the brunt of the battle are forced
into false positions Abolition thus acquires
and the hostility which exists at the North
against the doctrines of notification.
1t is vain to say that these principles are
not really involved in the question. This may
be, and in my opinion is true but why, by
our conduct here should we afford the abolition
lists such plausible pretexts The fact is, and
it cannot be disguised, that those of us in the
northern states who have determined to sustain
the rights of the slave states at every hazard
are placed in Il most embarrassing situation
We are almost literally between two fires
Whilst in front we are asSailed by the aboli-
tionists our own friends in the South are
constantly driving us into positions where their
enemies and our enemies may gain important
advantages"
And thus Mr. Crittcnden
- If the object of these resolutions was to
produce peace and allay excitement, it appear
ed to him that they were not very likely to
accomplish such purpose More vague and
general distractions could hardly have been
brought forward, and they were more calculat
ed to produce agitation and stir up discomfort
and bad blood, than to do any good whatever
Such he knew was the general opinion Of
southern men, few Of whom, however they
assented to the distractions, approved of this
method Of agitating the subject. The mover
of these resolutions relies mainly On two points
to carry the Senate with him first, be reiter