The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-08-15

PrepSssfy true sSsScsa e cuSa or possibly even
Meantime what arc we English to dot? Are we
to further the cause Of freedom IN the Baliou inter-
probation OF the word or the English? or are we to
stand by and do nothing We have at least the
credit Of interference Of Being earnest in our desires
and not little active In their realization. France,
England and Spain are charged with having formed
q holy alliance" against liberty; that is-beng in.
slavery. There is supposed to be secret treaty Of
emancipation; or, to use the American term, Afii-
csnization. CUBA" writes q resident quoted by
Mr.. Balou, Is s-day indebted TO Russia for being
free from this calamity. But for the Emperors OBJ
stinacy there would have been an English and
French feet" TO assist in inficting it. This will
explain the "6tatesman's" letter to the Times,
sympathy of his felow-countrymen with Rus
sia, because Of their Jealousy Of o "Crimean ex-
petition in the Western hemisphere" Reason
able enough doubtless. Patriotic republicans
may well desire that the great battle on behalf OF
slavery may be fought BY and at the cost Of the
Gar rather than by the Union. This desire will be
but partially fulfilled. Already on the prairies OF
Kansas the con2ict has begun the Missouri men
are there maintaining with bowie Knives ana re-
10 fog negroes and to tar and feather abotionists
The struggle will indeed hardly be made by the
Union; rather in the Union. Bitter and violent as
must be this struggle We yet trust that ts w not
non-interyenton 10 evidently both our duty and our
policy. Let Us not be misunderstood Any inter
ference on our part, az nation on behalf OF liberty
would DO incalsuaole injury because i would enlist enlist
and South; but when we ere told that this principle
policy Of laissex is to bear not only national
but also individual Interpretation we utterly re-
pudiate II. Because 1t is not the business OF Eng
land to NEEDLE with the internal government
Of other countries, are Englishmen therefore to
choke the impulses Of their indignation, or to
gag the expression OF their sympathies3 The
IL sue- h. sv~n. in
America the sensitiveness Of Americans proves
this: and how can it be otherwise seeing
that their churches are in communion with ours
that their children are taught to read from our
books; that our blood flows in their veins. mas
much, then as this expression is influential, it may
be considered or complained against az an nterven-
ton but it is influence for the exercise of which
we are responsible. Let us be tolerant sympathiz-
ing, humble in the formation Of our opinion; bit,
having been co. let us not be silent for fear Of Of
fence. IT, in order TO secure the custom propitate
the alliance Of Americans, Englishnaen submit to be
silent spectators Of the wrongs Of the slave, they
out sharing in It's temptation, they will deserve to
crouch at the feet Of the great STAKEHOLDER of Europe
and To lose that commerce which has been the result
and reward, not Of cringng weakness, bat Of honest
strength.
If, therefore, the gentlemen Of Virginia are de-
tected in plots for getting fresh market for their
human stock, our aristocracy ought to show them
that they shun the companionshp Of slave breeders:
the freedom Of Cuba, our liberals ought to tell
them that they mean perpetuation OF its sa-
very, and projection Of their own. Above all,
i any one Of US be bound to any one OF
conscience Of his co-regoist, orfrend, or knsman,
il is his conscientious duty to tell him what is ny.
pocrisy, what is cruelty, what is liberty; but on the
other hand II We are asked whether 1t Is the bust
ness OF our government to try to prevent the acquisi
ton of Cuba by the States, because thereby the pow
er Of the slave States against the free might be
increased, We answer, certainly not. For reasons
the slave power are doubtful; but Of this we have
no doubt, that the formation Of an offensive and de-
fensive alliance between Spain and US, thereby
making us responsible for Spanish folly or vindic.
tiveness-stin more our declaration that we would
not allow the purchase Of Cuba--would be regarded
by the propagandists of slavery az the greatest aid
which we could possibly give them. There is. how
ever, one contingency in which the proslavery de-
signs upon Cuba might possibly cause collision be-
tween the Americans and ourselves. We have al-
luded to the charge which is made against u.s. viz:
that we are consPring to make Cuba a st. Domin.
go, in order to further the fanatical designs Of
the philanthropists by fostering servile war in
the States. Our knowledge that Lancashire
would be ruined by such servile war, might,
we should think, be our defence but, in reality, all
these Africanzing charges are based upon this one
simple fact, that we are trying to obtain the fulfil
ment of q treaty in consideration Of which we have
paid Spain some bundled thousand pounds in hard
cash. Such slaves as have been captured on the
passage by Sy Sr and have been
Havana, have been by that court legally freed and
ordered to be apprenticed to Cubans, who have in
reality ensaved them; 10 that there are many thou
for the liberty Of every one Of whom the honor not
only Of Spain but OF England is pledged. After
years Of fruitess representation, government has
at length succeeded in obtaining DEGREES for the
freedom. Whether there is any present prospect Of
these DEGREES being actually carried out we cannot
tell--we fear not; but we know that the mere
mention OF them has excited the rage both OF the
thisers. OF course, the liberation Of 80 many
thousands of men not differing from the other
slaves in character, or in civilization, or indeed
in any circumstance except in legal distinction,
island; and therefore we should not wonder if the
enforcement OF these DEGREES might induce such
statesmen as Mr. Soule, should they he in power at
Washington, TO declare that all laws, human aud
divine, obliged them to invade Cuba We imagine,
however, that there h no one of our readers timd
or so selfish as to desire from fear of such result
that we should relax in our efforts TO secure 70
these people the possession OF that freedom which
we have already given them; and certainly every
principle Of international law would obEge Us to
protect Spain from any consequences which might
eDsne from her fudment Of treaty with ourselves.
We have dwelt TINS long upon what may be called
the slavery side Of the Cuba question: because we
believe that, in the minds Of many Englshmen, its
chief difficulties rest there. There is feeling
vague, il is true and only half expressed, but very
general-that it would be disgraceful for England,
identified as is her policy with opposition to
slavery, and after having bought the freedom
of her own negroes at so large a cost, to allow
the States to seize Cuba, in order to prevent its
emancipation. We have therefore attempted to rea-
son out this feeling, and to show what ought to be
the extent and limit Of its expression but we are
well aware that there are other grounds on which it
is alleged that we ought to guarantee to Spain her
last American possessions. There il in the West, 1t
10 fad in, tt,a Eo ha1 nj uor
which ought to be preserved. We must not allow
the States to become too strong, or they will annex
not only Spanish colonies, but English--even per-
haps ourselves We will attempt briefly to show why
we have not with this chain Of reasoning, or with
this class of fears the remotest sympathy Why not
it may be asked. Why adopt one course Of policy
in Europe, and another in American And ought we
not TO guard our colonies from the possibility of at.
tack in like manner As we DO India? Probably, in
no why can We better explain our views than BY
comparing Russia with America. II is not in order
70 prevent Russia from becoming powerful, that We
form alliances against her; efforts of ours could
S4a hnr 81. Ia