Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1855-08-09


great advantage; while in all of them il
might be still further ameliorated, without
regard 10 the question of its ultimate sou.
ton. Nor is 1t my opinion, that the per-
manent continuance of this servitude, i'm
its present form, is possble-though its EN-
durance may be protracted, and the methods
OF its termination extremely diversified
over the immense area covered by it,
Your duty and mine, sir, as American phil
anthropists, each in his own sphere, is TO ac-
cept this great problem as we find it, and,
by all the means in our power, assist its
final outworkIng, in manner most colnpati-
BILE with the interests Of humanity, with the
true progress and glory of our country, and
with those internal principles of nature and
OF Providence which our puny efforts NAV
In some degree assist, but are wholly impo-
tent to control
There is an aspect Of this whole question
OK negro slavery in America extremely
broad, and which you do not seem to have
examined. 1t is not merely a question Of
slavery and The negro population on this
continent; nor yet merely a question of
bloodshed and conquest your North against
our South. 1t is question affecting all Of
the black race throughout the earth, and all
those vast interests ofthe whole earth, which
the final destiny of that immense race in
wolves. AS yet, the black race have never
had nationality. As yet, there has never
been civilized State within the tropics -
"A hundred millions of the human race, and
nearly fourth part OF the earth's halitable
surface, around its very centre, await the
issue of this question Of negro slavery in
America, and must be influenced greatly, if
moi controllingly, by it. Rest assured, MIR.
sumner, whatever dignity you may per-
SuaNe yourself TO ascribe TO your ant-slave-
Iy enterprise, and TO your stirring speech at
Nlo,o Theatre-nay, even to your Fan
uel s'atl eloquence, and your Massachusetts
4EdalIons over some fugitive slave-there
rs IN eternal logic in events, and there is an
awful majesty in the sublime course of
Providence, in the face of which, posterity
viii say that men endowed like YOU ought
10 nave been ashamed to participate in such
insane, fantastic, and ignoble revel
However difficult the question of human
servitude may be 70 solve, after slavery has
been fully established in the bosom of COM
monwealth, or however men may differ as TO
The moral aspects Of the actual questions
now agitating the minds Of our colintrvmen
so deeply; 1t seems TO me that as mere ton
lc OF National politics and National legisla-
ton, the whole question of American slave
ny is one cnvironed by no other difficulties.
but such as have been created by our own
EVIL passions. So far as the powers of the
National Government are concerned, has
hot MASSACHUSETTS, the UNREASONABLE right
10 create slavery in her bosom-if she sees
TIT to do so--and Louisiana TO abolish it in
hers, II she thinks proper? And is not this
true OF every State? What need then is
there IN all soberness, for frantic contentious
about Territorial settlements. which in their
own nature, can be only temporary? Sum
pose Missouri should abolish siaverv?-
suppose Illinois should create il? SUPPOSE
Kansas should decide the question, first one
way ard then the other? Moreover, what
essential difference does it make whether il
is upon the basis of fifteen slave States, or
sixteen slave States, that the great problem
OF our national destiny is to be worked out?
And as to its true bearing on the infinite
mission OF our country, what consequence
can rational mind attach to the temporary
result OF fierce conflict for supremacy be-
tween madnen in one of our Territories
west of the Missouri river?
What odds does it make, any way, as a
national question, whether there are three
millions OF slaves, or three millions and
traction over--Whether six, or ten, or a
hundred slaves more or less, escape or are
reclaimed? the power of the General Gov
eminent over the whole subject is so ex-
tremely limited, and transient, and inciden-
tal as compared with the absolute power
OF the States themselves; the good that can
De done by the exercise Of the powers ac-
lualiy possessed by Congress, is cumpara-
lively SO slight and uncertain, and the dan
ger which is obviously incurred, is SO real
and deplorable; the condition i'll which the
nation stands with reference TO the whole
subject is SO distinct and so peculiar; that
must confess 1t has always appeared TO me
unspeakably surprising that any national
party, and especially any one at the North,
. should be found capable..of permanent or
ganization in connection such topics
ANY honest, moderate, patriotic, consistent
exercise Of The powers Of the General Gov
efnment over the question of slavery, could
hardly have failed to satisfy the nation 10 lhe
end, as 1t satisfied sif during its carly and
most glorious period. Whatever may have
been the sins Or follies Of Southern.statesm en,
or the Southern people, it would be hard to
produce an examp at once more fagrapt
insulting and anjpsb than 4,,e3 discodFse
which suggested these reinatks.
After al, | eannet. persuade myself that
God vii! ALLOW usfo degrade ourselves so
utterly as TO break up.tfis glorious conled-
eracy on such a2question as this. do not
aliowmyselfte believe that the mass of the
American people are SO utterly destitute of
the sublime instinetpf their c0rmtry's mis-
sion among the nations. Civil war is not
Iein,dY; y is themost direul of all diseases.
National strength, in day like ours, and to
ifeemertas not SO much glory as it is in a
H-cessity-the grand necessity Of their lib
eriy and indcpe ldence. As to slavery it
IS q question about which men may differ
a1-.. ding to the necessity of their condition
an" the point OF view from which they CON
side' 1t. But the cordia, and indissoluble
Cnion of these States is . rnoifer ooroar,