Washington sentinel., 1855-07-21
From rhe Journal Of Commerce.

at first, though this is by no means certain; but
4 they would assuredly sub-divide, from time to
| time, until there would be at least five distinct
/ considerations. California, Oregon, and Wash
| ington, would most probably at the outset form
separate government, and Utah and New Mexi-
co another. Common security, rather than COM
mon interest, might influence the New England
States, New York, and Michigan, to form
| league, which would be joined sooner or later,
under the inevitable operations of the Marcy and
/ Elgin Treaty, by the adjacent British Provinces.
| Pennsylvania and New Jersey would likely unite,
and incline to the South. So would Ohio, lndi-
ana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota.
| Thus upon the ruins of the Constitution, five in
independent nations would usher themselves into
| existence in the Free States, with what forms Of
government it is impossible TO conjecture! But
subdivisions might continue, until every State
would proclaim its sovereignty-proclaming at
4 the same time some Hiss or Brigham Young its
ruler! Causes for quarrels between them, ina
| ginary or real would become abundant for the
| qualification Of their belligerent propensities.
! Real peace, there could be none on the contrary,
1 incessant and sanguinary wars Not day re-
! spite to any of them, perhaps, from intestine
connections of one description or another. No
4 thing III short, but an eternal state of political
ehervescence, could be confidingly relied upon.
/ Every government would necessarily have its
/ Custom Houses, and be subjected to the annoy
ance and expense of maintaining them. They
would necessarily be SO numerous to form
sort of military Gordon around each. Hundreds
of thousands Of new offices would thus be created,
''to eat out the substance" of the laboring
masses!
! In most of the Free States real estate has at
| tanned value, which it will perhaps be difficult
for it to maintain under the most favorable cir
cumstances, unless there be vastly increased
population. This will not The Know
nothing demonstrations and delirious agitations
throughout the North, will deter foreigners from
emigrating to this country. They will not flee
from one political persecution, rigid though it be,
to seek another in distant land in n more obec-
tionable form. They will
-" Rather bear those ills they have
Than fly 10 others that they know not Of"
Moreover, labor is in better request, and more
remuneratingly compensated, in Europe, than it
has been for ages. This results from the large
amount of the effective part of it that we have
been drawing off for the last few years, and the
destruction Of industrial life which has ensued
and is ensuing from the war in the East. The
only augmentation, therefore, of population
which the Free States can reasonably expect, will
be confined to the natural one. This is ever slow,
and may be more than counterbaanced, hence
forth, by emigration from the older communities
to new States and Territories. Without an in
crease Of laboring inhabitants, diminntion in
the value of the property of the North, and of
the receipts of business, is inevitable. To use
an expression current on Change both property
and business operations have been "over-bulled." !"
This has resulted from an anticipation of pro-
gressive demand-that the future ratio Of aug
mentation was to be calculated by the past. De-
lusve measurement.
If the Union were to be divided, and CONNER
cial and travelling intercourse suspended by the
South with the North, every reesoil estate, every
city aud town located on free soil, would imme-
diately depreciate in value, from ten to fifty per
centum, according to location. Therefore, in
pecuniary aspect, the catastrophe would be the
mos hliuhf fIa ppPn will atipn
How totally different the condition ofthe South
Neither politically nor pecuniarily would it suffer,
if it were impelled to the sad alternative of an
nouncing its separation, and proclaimng TO the
world its independence. In the first place,
we have heretofore shown, there is the bond an
inseverabe one, of Slavery, to hold it together
strengthened by entirely mconfiicting, conge-
nial, material interests. Ii must be understood
that Southern property Of no description bears an
inflated value. In the main, it has not been ee
waited to price it would not sustain in anv emer-
gency. A system of railroads was necessary to
its development, and that system, practically
useful as expanded, is only beginning TO unfold
its multifarous advantages. 1t is approxmatng
from embryo to reality, bringing with it its con-
comitant blessings, without extravagant preten-
sions. Hence, come what may, the wealth and
well-being of the Slave States is more to
experience improvement than deterioration.
Again The South has been burdened with an
unequal taxation for the support of the Federal
Government, which has been source of thrift
to the North, from which il would be measurably
relieved. For example, from 1871 till lS45, the
receipts of revenue at the custom houses Of the
United States amounted to 1927 ,050, ,097, ofwhich
the slave States paid S7ll 200 900, and the free
States S2l5, ,097. We will take a period Of
four years, from 1888 TO 1887, and the figures
of Mr.. Woodbury., to explain in what number
the public money is expended relatively in the
two sections The free States received S65,000,-
n,,l h.. IL a ~
the latter contributed $50 900 900 to the treasury
and the former but S17 ,000,5 500. Therefore, as
respects increased taxation, the South would have
nothing to apprehend in the formation and sup
port of new government of its own. Adhering
to, and adopting n new, our present form, with
which it is perfectly satisfied when honestly ad-
ministered, and which is peculiarly suited to
itself on account Of the reliable stability of char
acter and fixed purpose of its citizens, its annual
public expenditures would not exceed half the
amount which il pays at present into the national
treasury.
But the North must be undeceved upon another
point of vast, we say, of primary Importance.
With nations as with individuals, particularly |
with old and mercenary ones, self-interest is the
predominating and actuatiDg consideration. The
North supposes-it may have what il conceives
good reasons for so supposlng-that Great Britain
desires, as a measure Of humanity, the abolition
Of slavery in the United States. Great Britain,
herself, may imagine she does; because in the ex-
isting condition Of relations this continent, il
is her interest TO imagine thus. But IL she do, |
she is deplorably deficient in the most difficult
and incomprehensble of all knowledge-that Of
knowing one s SELF Let the South but once de-
clare its independence of the North, and she |
would joyeusly approach, and cxclaim TO IL at |
the top of her voice "Come, give your hand |
The balance Of power in tho Western Hemisphere |
no longer excites alarm. In the division /
which has ben accomplished, our schemes have |
all been consummated. Our interests are den-
teal, and be made reciprocally beneficial.
Your institution of slavery is indispensable to the
salutary working of our system of political econ
omy We cannot get along without your cotton
and wool for our manufactures, your tobacco for /
revenuc,your rice and other surplus grain for food
We will help you TO Cuba, in order 10 consoli-
date your more perfect prosperity and geographi-
cal security, and ifyou desire it, from alliance
offensive and defensive with you" Similar in
huences would doubtless operate with France.
Nine-tenths at least of her importatons from the
United States are Of Southern origin, while the
principal consumption Of her manufactures and
vineyards, chiefly of luxurious nature, is con-
fined to the same section. Moreover, she is