The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-07-19

been contagious, and that our power, as an in
dependent movement would have been i'm
mensely augmented. Instead OF shattered
organization, sinking into a common grave
with the Wing and Democratic parties, and
dishonCred by the meretriciOus embrace Of Ma
! tive Americanism, we should now have found
it terminating into new life upon their ruins,
knit together as a unit by the intensity of a
| common zeal for Freedom. commanding its own
fortunes instead of committing them to the keep
| ing of its foes, and thus holding in its own
hands the destiny of our cause. At all events,
and more than all else, it would have stood be-
fore the country in the uprightness of genuine
manhood, and with the resolve of a martyr to
be true. Here, sir, has been orr weakness,
and herein is seen how poorly We comprehend
the dignity of our cause, and how feebly we es-
pouse it. We desire to lean upon it, whilst
pretending to give it our support. We d%nOt
ally ourselves to it with perfectly unselfsl&e-
votion, resolved to stand by it, cost what IL may,
but our aim too often is to make it accommo-
date some private end, or to advance it by
methods that shall not imperiously affect our
worldly interests. Think Of the early Confess
or of Freedom, enduring every outrage that
| popular evaporation could invent-mobbed,
pelted, hunted down as outlaw wild
beast, and often facing death ITSELF and yet
showing forth his faith IN God and in the Truth
through these fiery trials, and thus sowing the
seeds of Freedom in suiferings and sacrifices
that were absolutely necessary to its growth
4 think of such heroism as this, and contrast it
with the course of the modern Anti-Slavery pol
itician, distrusting the power of his own princi-
Piles, intent upon disarming them Of their I'M
popularity, perpetually deferring to the ruling
Influences of society, instead of bravey with
standing them, and even blindly abjuring his
creed, and enlisting in the ranks of Know
Nothingism, in the hope of thereby fastening
the millennium of Freedoml
But | must leave these reflections for anoth-
er topic. l have alluded, incidentally, TO the
new element in our politics popularity styled
Know Nothingism. / now propose to speak OF
it in direct terms; and I shall do so, more es-
pecially on account of the unfortunate denec-
ton of the Anti-Slavery sentiment of the coun-
try which it has occasiOned, and shall thus fol-
low out the line of discussion already begun,
by demonstrating more fully the want Of any
just comprehension of our movement, or any
intense hatred of the institution of Slavery,
among the people of the free States.
l object to Know Nothingism, in general
terms, because, judged by the light of principle,
it is utterly ndeiensib!e. 1t is radically vicious
in spirit. 1t tramples down the doctrine Of
human brotherhood. 1t judges men by the
accidents of their condition, instead Of striving
to find common lot for all, with a common
access to the blessings Of life. Ii makes its ap-
peal, not to the reason, but TO the unenghten-
ed prejudices and misdirected passions of the
people 1t excites our adherence by yelling
itself in darkness, i'll land in which the peo-
pie are their masters and discussion is free
1t is not called for by any real need of the
times. 1t is at war with Justice, Humanity,
Republicanism, and the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
1t IS, when dragged to the light, bald and
CHASTITY heresy, wanting even the thin covering
of decent fallacy to hide its naked features.
Considered more particularly, ] oppose it,
first, because of its false assumption of danger
from the Romish Hierarchy. According to the
late census, the Protestant churches Of the
United States are about thirty-two times as nu-
: merous IS the Catholic, and can accommodate
more then t.-@~'. ';;''o 90 i'-S.'y "0'siiPP>-''
The proportion of adult Catholics of this cOun-
try to the whole population is only rs one to
twenty.eight. In the State of Virginia. where
the Order seems to flourish, the Catholic church
es cannot accommodate one hundredth part
Of the number receiving accommodations in the
Protestant churches. These, sir, are the facts
by which this newborn scheme of bgotry and
intolerance must be tried. This is the mon
strous power that is to swallow up our liberties,
unless politicians and priests unite in open and
secret combinations to check its aggressions
Now, ] ask, can any man feel alarmed, who will
allow himself to reason2 The Papacy, like
every other force in society, must submit TO
those necessary conditions of life which sur
round it. 1t has seen fit to take up its abode
, in our Democratic Republic and, in doing So
it has been compelled to divest itself of its most
odous and repusive pretensions. 1t may ex-
, ert pretty decided influence upon our civil
and ecclesiastical polity; but while thus acting,
it will be necessarily and most powerfully acted
, upOn, by the spirit of free inquiry, by our re-
publican institutions, by our free schools and
by that general and traditional repugnance
which all Protestant denominations cherish to-
wards it. Herein lies the great blunder Of Ma
tive Americanism. 1t supposes Catholicism to
, be an eccentric force, dsowning all law but it's
, own, entirely cut off from those conditions of
time, place, and circumstance, by which all
! other institutions are modified and controlled.
Sir, it is impossible in the very nature of things,
that the Papal power should now be felt in the
United States as it is in Italy or Spain, or as it
was felt in those countries ages ago. 1t must
obey the law of its condition, and can no more
withstand the multiplied moral forces which
, perpetually beat against it, than the physical
! world can Withstand the laws which make it
their slave. To suppose our Republic serious
ly imperiled by it, is to suppose the ages of
, darkness are about to return, or that under
Providence the Catholic faith is destined to pre-
vail over the world. every sehool-house is
barrier against it. Every printing press is a
battlement. Every steam-car is a battcring-
ram to break it in pieces" Free thought, its
free utterance, a free press open Bible, and
a hearty trust in the almghtiness Of Truth
these are the only weapons needed here In the
warfare against error; and in the hands of
twenty five millions of Protestants, there is
, wanting even the shGdOo of pretext for secret
combinations, or any sort of extraordinary
measures in defence of our constitutional rights
Professionalism, with such advantages, can afford
; to fight its battles in the open daylight Of the
, world, and it dshonors itself when it invokes
, the machinery of deSpOtism in its behalf 1t
confesses itself unfit for its mission, and thus
!, strikes at its own life.
And this brings me to my second objection
to Know Nothingism. Granting that our insti-
tutions are in danger from the rapid growth of
Romanism among us, i oppose this new cru
sade against 1t, because its method Of opposition
must necessarily aggravate instead of mitigate,
the mischief sought to be cured. Secresy, in
deed Our Model Republic loving darkness
rather than light! American Democracy car
rying concealed weapons American Protest
antism stealing the livery of the Jesuit, and st
the same time raising the war-cry against Rome
The rights Of conscience indicated by a great
American party, which makes Catholicism a
hgious test, whilst its members surrender their
own private judgment and freedom of action
to the majority of the Councils to which they be-
long Has it come to this Was the Reform
alton failure? Were John Milton, Roger
Williams, and William Penn, weakheaded IA
T natics Is Professionalism to be saved and sane
tilted by men who Systematically trample it in
H. J,ct2 Gould not no a Know Nothing fo,.