Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-02-21

bis aocial relations and intercourse, so far we
know TO the contrary, bears blameess reputation.
But in his political views, acts, and ambition, they
regard him as entirely wrong, and therefore dan
gerous to the welfare of the country. They oppose
him as politician and demagogue not as a man"
We copy the above paragraph from the Au-
burn, On W American, a paper strongly OPP
posed to the political course Of Senator Seward.
We have no personal acquaintance with this
Senator, and have nothing to say Of him, ex-
cept in his political and public character. Our
opposition to him as politician, has arisen
from two causes-1st, his course on the Catho-
lie school question in New York--his catering
for the votes Of foreigners, and his opposition
to " American" doctrines; I'd, his continued
agitation of the question Of slavery. On this
point, he has been general disturber Of the
peace of the country
With the prioate opinions ofany gentleman,
on the question of slavery, we have no right to
quarrel. Each individual has perfect free
dom of opinion on all questions, but, when
opinions, whose utterance by public men, is
dangerous to the public peace, are sought TO be
enforced upon others in public debate, we, and
all others, have right to oppose the agitation
they would produce.
We are opposed to the agitation Of slavery,
in Congress, and out Of Congress. In our
Judgment, Congress has no jurisdiction over
the question, except to carry out that provis-
sion Of the constitution, which relates to fugi-
tives from labor. Congress has no control over
the institution Of slavery itself
That matter belongs exclusively to those 10
calities where slavery exists, 1t is local and
not national institution, and is under local,
and not national legislation
AS to the merits or dement's of the institu-
ton, we have not word to say, for, whether
right or wrong, neither we, nor any one else,
outside of the localities of its existence, have
any right to thrust our opinions into the midst
Of those who tolerate it.
The very discussion of the merits of slavery,
is unjust to those who alone have the right to
regulate and control it, and by no possibility
can it result in any good, either to the slave to
the master, or to the country, to keep up its
discussion. Gu the contrary, this discussion
engenders and infames sectional prejudices
and antipathies, and, unless discontinued, must
inevitably result in the disruption Of the bonds
of our National Union.
These are our reasons, in brief for opposing
the agitation of slavery, in and out OF Con-
gress, and, whilst we admit the right Of all
men to enjoy their individual opinions, on all
questions, moral, social, religious or political,
we dsny tho right Of any public t4nctionary,
to light up the torch of discord-to array sec
ton against section--to urge crusade against
the institutions of any portion of the country
to fan the flames of fanaticism, and thus to
bring about a separation Of the States Of this
Oonfederacy. n
Firmly believing that the continuance of the
| union or thsso Stat.e, depends upon the recog-
milton of the rights of each Of them, and that
a discussion Of slavery is inconsistent with that
recognition of State rights, we adopted in our
prospectus the position, that 1--WE shall oppose
the agitation Of the question of slavery, in Con-
4 gress and out Of it"
We shall adhere to this position. But we
shall not anticipate that agitation in Congress-
I'VE hope and we believe It will not arise, I'VE
shall await developments, and not assume that
the question will be disturbed, -weshall arraign
no man on the hypothesis that he piH at some
future time reopen the fearful discussion.
Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof"
Whenever 1t shall be seriously attempted in
| Congress, to introduce this disturbing element,
We shall use whatever influence we may pos
sess to keep down those unruly spirits who
would cry hapoc, and lot slip the dogs et,oar |"
The doctrine Of our party is, that zoe hare
nothing to do Nth slavery
IL therefore, any member Of our party shall
riolate this doctrine by reopening the agita-
ton Of slavery in Congress, we would not only
have the right, but we would be In duty bound
to denounce the agitators, as violating our doc
trines. But we repeat, that we shall not an
ticipatc such violation, by any Of our party,
nor arraign those, in advance, who may be
supposed to favor the agitation Of slavery. Can
our friends in any portion Of the country de-
mand anything more Of us than this
We feel, in all their force, the obligations and
responsibilities Of our position, and we trust
we have discretion enough to avoid following
on the one hand, the impolitic views Of politi-
cal hotspurs, and on the other, the seductive
influences Of modern philanthropists.
Our position has not been taken without
much reflection and calm consideration.
1t would be an easy task, 10 divide, distract
and destroy the American party" by raising
sectional issues, and creating local prejudices.
This is neither our purpose, nor our duty; on
the contrary, 1t belongs to us, so far as our in
fuence extends, to prevent the adoption Of
sectional issues, and to alay all local prejudices
This has been our aim, nor shall we falter in
our endeavors to create a National party,
reaching from Maine to Texas, and from the
Atlantic to the Pacific. We may be charged
on one side with being pro-slavery in our scnti-
ments, and on the other with being anti-sla-
very in our policy. We shall heed no such
assaults, but point to our platform Of principles,
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