The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-06-01
Parties suz Politics Of the Dsy-A sousn
C,xol,ra view OF the Subject,

C0rolln0 view Oh SShS Ssv
We tzansfer to our eorumns today lesd:ssr
article on "tbe South and PARTIES" from the
Charleston Mercury. In its Enumeration Of
Southern wrongs and Noxtksrn aggrsssions,
and Of the evidences Of . domineering anti
slavery agitation, which threatens to override
all other issues in THE section, our Charleston
contemporary has simply given us relation Of
historical facts, with strong Southern color
ing we admit, but still substantially true The
means Of relief proposed against this recurring
tide of Northern fanaticism are quite another
thing; and here, we apprehend, our Charleston
philosopher falls short of the mark.
He tells us that we may expect parties TO be
patched up again for the Presidency, upon am
biguous platforms, " framed to propitiate the
strong and cheat the weak that pledges
will be given with no honesty, and accepted
with no faith'-that in short, the campaign,
like others which have preceded it, will be a
trick, a.juggle and fl and upon the South, and
nothing more, unless the mon of the South
shall look to the dangers of the crisis, and pro-
vide promptly and decisively against them.
Very well. What next? The Mercury tells us
it will not be enough to ignore the slavery
question in the coming contest, but that every
issue must be made to bow before this para
mount question of slavery; and that to this
end the South have the right to demand,
and should demand, Of any Northern party
claiming Southern support, that they shall
"come up and meet fairly the fugitive law,
the Missouri line and the Kansas questions"
And this is all.
Now, as we understand it, these three tests
scarcely break the crust of the main question.
The Missouri line is obliterated; and there
need be no fear Of it's restoration. Even if
there should be found fanatical majority in
the popular branch Of Congress in favor of re-
storing it, the scheme will certainly be arrested
in the Senate, where the States stand upon an
equal footing. The same may be said Of the
Fugitive Slave law. 1t cannot be materially
disturbed with the Senate prepared to hold 10
check any fanatical excuses of the House.
As for the Kansas question, all that can be re-
CURED of any party upon that subject is an
honest acquiescence in the doctrine of "squat-
ter sovereignty" established by the vote of
South Carolina in both houses.
What, then, have the South to depend upon
as positive future security against Northern
aggressions? Nothing else than positive
balance OF power in the general government.
This balance has been provided for in the
constitution in the organization of Con-
gress, and rests in the Senate of Unit
ed States. Here the South had :.
least an equilibrium of power until the admis-
sion Of California, whereby the North secured
majority of one State, or two Senators. Il
must be admitted that, if we look at the tenn
per and progress Of this renewed free soil and
abolition agitation it will be unsafe to the
South to increase this Northern preponderance
in the Senate. Our Southern brethren are
jealous Of it, and fearful of the results, and
very properly SO. The dying declaration Of
the great statesman of South Carolina upon
this subject should not have been so soon for
gotten, at least in South Carolina, as it appears
to be. 1t was this: that the only security to
the South in the Union against unconstitutional
Northern encroachments is q positive neutral
izing balance or equilibrium of power in the
Senate. And here lies the solution of the whole
difficulty. With the Senate secure as a break
water against Northern agitators and disunion-
lists, the South are perfectly safe, but all other
promises, pledges and compromises will be I'M
certain and unsatisfactory.
The South, then have the right to require
from any Northern party asking Southern sup.
port that hereafter, upon the admission of any
free State into the Union, there shall be con-
ceded to the South the counterbalancing equi-
valent in the Senate of another slaveholding
State. They have the right to ask this
from the pressure and seditious tenden-
cies OF the anti-slavery agitation, and from
the necessities Of sel-preservation. The North
may accept or reject the proposition; but we
apprehend that when the power of the North
shall be confessed as hostile to the concession
of any principle Of equality to the South in the
government, that The charm of this Union will
be broken and beyond the reach Of remedy.
Between the conflicting extremes of Massa-
chusetts and South Carolina there is safe
middle ground and q substantial conservative
people, ready for all reasonable concessions for
the sake of union, peace and harmony. In the
meantime, while the South are sure of the Sc
nate they need have no fear of the repeal of the
Fugitive Slave law or the restoration of the
Missouri line.
Our WARLIKE ADMINIsTRATIoN--BLoCK OF
Col. KNNEY--There are two things which ex-
cite our admiration, and q third which is per-
fectly astounding. The first is the submission
of The oyster house critics to the Opera admins
tration of the Chevalier Wikoff; the second is
the indomitable energy Of Alderman Briggs con-
corning the nativity of the Chief Of Police and
the mysterious disappearance of that black