The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-05-14

admit as one of its principles hostility to this
or that faith. These are the groupings in the
dark which precede the bright and shining day.
Altogether the programme is sensible and
moderate. There is not word at which Vir-
ginia or the South could take offence. The
rest is left to the National Council, respecting
whose course indeed there can be little doubt
In order to avoid the corruptions and disorders
invariably attendant on primary elections, it
has been decided to leave all local nominations
to the local councils Such men as Governor
quite clear that the admission of Senator Will
son and his set would be fatal to the Order, and
they will be excluded. 1t rests with the peo-
pie of New Hampshire to say whether they will
Join their sister States of the South and centre,
or hold themselves sloof from the movement
with New England.
How the organization is viewed here is but
100 apparent in the daily approaches which are
being made towards fusion between the Sew
ard and Van Buren, free soil factions. Parties
are gradually nearing the point when every
man will stand on firm ground: disunionists on
the one side, Union men on the other. The
advent of this period depends mainly on the
election in Virginia, the National Council at
Philadelphia, and the next State elections in
the South and Middle States.
PaImerston and Louis Napoleon-What do
They Mean:
The anti-slavery idea SO curiously interlard-
ed in the remarkable and comprehensive ad-
INV in lu
to the corporation of London continues to be
subject of reflection, discussion and elucidation
in the columns Of the newspaper press through
out the country. The Southern journals, which
have just received the first intimation of such
a speech on the part OF the French Emperor,
seem generally to understand him as abiding
to slavery as it exists in the Southern States.
They are accordingly beginning to urge their
objections to it, warming up as they proceed
until they reach q point OF al most eloquent de-
nunciation Of the policy Of interference with
the social institutions of the South, which they
take to be the purport of the allusion. Up to
this period the anti-slavery press has observed
remarkable silence upon the subject. That press
which has been in the habit of stigmstising the
head Of the French nation by all sorts of
abusive epithets, such as murderer, traitor,
assassin and perjurer, seems to regard with
CONSERVATION the idea of an anti-slavery policy
such as is indicated in this speech. Many jour
nails in the North, however, which are not of
anti-slavery principles, believe that the phrase
n question was not intended to convey threat
or insult to the United States. They think
that it was the expression Of general idea, in-
tended to affect the lower classes of Europe,
but more especially to create a sympathy in
the minds of the radicals of England, who IN
derstand it in special sense, although it is
not viewed in that light on the Continent.
Certainly, if we look at the antecedents of
Louis Napoleon, and take into consideration
his personal knowledge of the United States
his moderation and general political wisdom
we think it highly improbable that even to
please Palmerston or the English radicals, he
menace towards this country, or even to reflect
insultiDgly on the popularity Of our institu-
tons. We are the more confirmed in this
opinion from the fact which we have just
learned through an authentic source, that in
recent interview with Mr.. Buchanan the French
Emperor expressed the highest friendship and
respect for the people of the United States, aod
stated that in this he only represented the gen.
eral sentiments of the French nation. In fact
Napoleon knows well that such menace, if in
tended, SO far from producing difference Of
opinion and feeling between North acd South
would Only have the effect of combining all
the citizens Of this great republic in one
common bond of determined union and
resistance to any aud every attempt
on the part of foreign governments to interfere
with or influence the institutions under which
they live But it is not the less certain that
the British government and arstocracy have
long entertained the idea Of making use of the
anti slavery sentiment Of this country to impede
the growth Of that great maritime supremacy
to which we are fast progressing, aud which
promises before long to overshadow and render
subordinate the naval power of all the Euro
pean nations. As confederation Of this OPT
MON we have only to refer to the ovation pre-
pared for Mrs Stowe by the ladies of the Fog
lish aristocracy, such as the Duchess of Suther
land, Lady Palmerston, Lady John Russell
and the large contributions in money and
valuables that are continually pouring in from
the same source into the Golfers Of the anti
slavery societies Of New England.
Lord Palmerston aud the English aristocracy
are OF only strongly imbued with these views,
but they are joined in them by large portion
of the radical and religious classes of Great
Britain. These latter rest their argc-
ments on abstract principles Of religion aud
morality, whilst Palmerston and the Eng-
fish aristocracy do not pretend to be
influenced by any such considerations. They
are guided solely by the gr6nd political
motive to which we have just reierred-that Of
endeavoriDg to prevent this country from at