Eastern times. [volume] (Bath, Me.) 1846-1857, 1855-08-02
lude to here might be pointed out, but enough

States is in danger, repudiated, trampled upon.
Parties have heretofore, with the exception of
Garrisonlan abolitionists and southern seces-
sionists, observed at least decent respect for
this sacred instrument. They have acknowl-
edged it as the Magma Charter of our national
independence, the only bond of our union, the
sole charter of our existence as a nation.
Political contestants on the questions Of in
tcrnal Improvements, U. S. Bank, tariff, pub
lie lands, slavery, the rights of foreign emf
grants, (religious rights have never before
been questioned) and the like, have all ack-
nowledged the inviolable character of this in
their city Of refuge. This new party, fusion,
American, know-nothing, what not, not
only repudiate its plainest provisions, but
openly and boldly advocate measures clearly
adverse to the known intention of its founders,
to the spirit of its provisions, and the well
settled principles OF its ablest expounders. The
alien and sedition acts are dwindled to shad-
ow in comparison TO their attacks upon foreign
emigrants-the right of suffrage, freedom OF
speech, the right of every person to worship
God according to the dictates of his own con-
SCIENCE security from religious tests as a
qualification for Office, are to be overawed
and controlled by the secret oaths Of dark
cabal of know-nothings. A republican gov
ernment, the very existence of which depends
upon the intelligence, the freedom of opinion,
and the freedom of action of its members is to
be sustained, and directed by an oath bound
society of midnight conspirators
| crave your indulgence, gentlemen, in a
few remarks Of a bearing personal to myself.
The fact of my appearing in democratic con-
vention has excited degree of attention, Of
feigned surprise, of animadversions and OF per-
sonal attack and vtuperation altogether dispro-
portionaie to the occasion or the individual con-
cerned. Some gentlemen seem TO think they
are constituted my guardians, with perfect
right TO take my character, opinions and ac
tons into their especial keeping. l have
heard of members of churches being excom-
municated or disciplined because they asked
for an honorable discharge on The ground of
difference Of opinion, but these gentlemen have
not even this sorry excuse for their violence.
| never belonged to them,-never asked dis
ssion,-never were they authorized by any
act of mine to put me under the ban. Sill
they will doubtless continue, aereeably to their
instincts, tn pour oct their filth and black
guardism upon me. And for what Simply
because dared in that convention to state facts
perfectly well known TO themselves, and 10 pre-
sent views which had repeatedly been present
ed TO them and to others ever since my connec-
tien with the Maine law. have been charged
by one high functionary of the present dynasty
in his editorial capacity, with swallowing my
own words. shall not copy that gentleman
for consistency or truthfulness. By another
gentleman in clerical robes, am charged with
'apologizing for his (my) approval of the Maine
law of standing up deliberately in state
convention and lamenting over it, and that gen.
ileman, with all his sanctity and decency, en-
fool Had the reverend editor heard what
actually did say, have too high an opinion of
his regard for character, if not for truth, to ~,
pose that for moment, he would have INDUCED
in such comments. He would have perceived
that made no apology for approving the Maine
law, but said that were the thing TO be done
again for the hundredth time, l should do it.
True | did say that the law at that time did not
meet my views as proper law upon the sub
ject, and that as member of either brapch of
the legislature, would not have voted for it.
This fact both the enemies and the friends of
the law knew at the time, and have ever
known. Il has been matter of no conceal
ment with me, and challenge contradiction
from any respectable source. In regard 10 my
views of the law in the main, | said, (what was
stated to some fifteen of its most ardent friends
in the council chamber for consultation some
six months after its passage,) that the object of
the law was good one, such as met my entire
appreciation, on,-that in order to make it success
full they must confne it TO Its object, 'ihe sup
preston of drinking houses and tippling shops
that public sentiment would bear them out, and
in this direction would go with them as far
as The farthest, even to the carrying out of
the right of search under the same safeguards
and restrictions as is done in the case of stolen
goods. But said you must place no unnec-
essary obstacles, no vexatious annoyances in
the way of procuring spirit for such purposes
as you acknowledge to be necessary and sane
toned under this law. You must institute no
system of espionage on the domestic circle, or
the just rights of individuals. expressed the
opinion that the first law did in many respects
do this, in manner not calculated to promote
its object but tending strongly TO retard its ex-
ecution and impede its usefulness. These
faults in the law we're distinctly pointed ont by
me to the gentlemen assembed-amendment
were suggested, which met their entire approv-
al, but they dared not, they said, move in the
matter, for fear of not being able to control it
according to their wishes.
No allusion was made in my remarks, Tex
cept by implication,) TO the present law, to
Neal Dow, or TO any one connected with its