The true Democrat., 1855-10-30


 and national men, what can the south hope and expect? Will not that worst of all calamities that can possibly befall the country, the election of some aboltionist to the Presidency, be the result? Would there be even the possibility of preventing 1t. What free State, unless, per haps California, would vote with the southern Know Nothings on the southern platform?- Not One--and who does not know that the south would be in dead minority in the cleo. toral colleges without the aid and assistance of some of the free States to vote with her?
 The same result would follow should there be three candidates in the field for the office of President of the United States, the one repre- sentng the democratic party, the second the Know Nothing party south, and the third the Know Nothings, freesoilers and abolitonists of the north. Supposiug the Southern States to be divided between the democratic and Know Nothing candidates, the abolitionst would be elected by the people unless some of the free States should vote for the democratic or south ern Know Nothing candidate. That none of them could or would vote for the southern Know Nothing candidate is perfectly certain, without an abandonment of their northern plat form-that they will do this there is small req son to expect, or foundation on which to build hope. A similar result would follow if the democratic party should quitthe field and give up the contest to the American party of the slave States on their southern platform and to tLe American party of the free States on their anti-slavery platform. The northern American anti-slavery party would defeat the southern American pro-slavery party.
 And if there should be union of all the anti slavery men against the pro-slavery American platform, their defeat would be overwhelming. That this union would take place is not only probable but almost certain. The members of the American party in the free States, instead of repudating have ratified the northern abo- lition platform, and some of their ablest men have proposed union of all the anti-slavery factions in opposition to slavery and the south ern platform. What good, then, can the Ame- rican party, thus divided thus opposed on great constitutional questions, do the country? In this, its hour of peril and of danger, when the united efforts of all the patriotic and national men of every section are required to save the country, what aid, what succor can the Amer- can party afford? The northern members in conjunction with freesoers and abolitionists, aiming ponderous blows at the constitution to destroy slavery, and the southern members arming themselves with the fires of bigotry and religious intolerance to crush out forever the religious rights-righ sacred to every freemen-of large portion of American citi- | ZenS.
 | The question is, not whether the platform put | forth by the American party south, on the sub- ject of slavery is a good one or even better than that which any other party has put forth, and 1t IS no better than that put forth by the democratic party, but it is what can the Ame- rcan party south, do for the country in this, its time of trouble and of danger? How many members to Congress can it elect on this plat form? Can it elect any from the free States? Can it carry single free State in favor of d candidate for the presidency on its southern platform? These are questions which force themselves on the minds of all the true and na- tlonal men of the country.
 He again repeated that from the American party the south and the country had no hope He did not object to its southern platform on the subject of slavery. It was entirely nation al and all that the south could require but un- fortunately none ofthe American party, in the free States, could be brought to it's support and without their aid the American party, South, could not help the country. Could it carry along with it every southern State it could not prevent the election of an abolition President without the aid of some of the north ern or free States, and this aid it could not iOlO IO SOG oo lG duueTeS to US pre- sent platform; for even New York, Pennsylva- mia and New Jersey, States that were thought to sympathise with the American party, south, have, by resolutions recently adopted, ratified the platform of the northern American anti sla- very party, and placed the American party of those States side by side with the abotionists and frcesolers, and the American party of all the other free States, except California, in oppo- siton to the institution of slavery. Northern fanatlcSm, divided on all other questions, is united in opposition to southern slavery. Its platform was-no more slave territory; no more slave States the abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia; the abolition of the slave trade among the several Stateswhere slave ry exists; the repeal of the fugitive slave law and the restoration of the infamous Missouri restric- ton. To accomplish all of these disastrous measures to the country the Know Nothing party, north, were united in sympathy, as they would be in action, with all the other anti-sla. very factions; and the American party, south, thus cut off from all support from the northern and free States, was impotent to do good, and if strong at all, only to do evil.
 In the remark last made, he did not mean to question the patriotism of the members of the American party, South he knew their de- votion to the country and their undving attach ment to the Union; but what could they do but divide with the democratic party. in the election for President of the United States and candidates for other offices the southern votes; and thus weaken those who, on principles of self preservation and in defense of a common right should be united.
 In addition to all this, said he, Protestant as he was in all his feelings and in all his convictions, he could not subscribe to that portion of the platform which proscribes Catholics for their religious opinions. He saw no good to grow out of it, but incalculable evils to the people and to the free institutions of the country Bv 1t Professionalism was already in the field against Catholicism, and the war is not one of conflict ing principles, but conflicting sects, and the contest for power Is to be changed from what it once was-mere polltical-into that of po- litico religious strugg ge, in which the worst passions of our nature are to be aroused to the most fearful intensity, and the trde spirit and genius of the government lost sight of in the fierce and maddening strife of religious bigots contending for religious ascendancy upon the political arena. If the objection to Catholics extended only to such as acknowledge the tenn poral power of the Pope, he should give it his full appreciation; but to those who not only dis claim such power, but refuse, in any respect whatever, to submit to it, he did not think the objection should apply Those who acknow- ledge the temporal influence of any king, fo- reign potentate or power of whatever character or organization, to control their political opin- ons or actions, could not receive his support as candidates for office, either under the State or federal government; but in regard to mere mat ters of religion, the profession of particular te- nets whether right or wrong, is matter that concerns themselves, their consciences and their God. And, as an individual, he would deprecate all political proscrp- ton for the holding of such opinions. The history of the world proves that religious bgo- try and intolerance have been confined to no particular church or sect; and that every reli- gious organization is more or less hostile to all others that do not agree with it. The persecu- tion at one time of the Protestants by the Ca. tholcs and at subsequent period of the Catho- lies by the Protestants shows how fearful a thipp if ic tO oOnfida tha poIitioaI ,,owor If a