Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1855-07-12
ran SEW .nrr.snAxnRY PLATFORM.

At the great anti.Slavery Convention OF
Syracuse on the Goth Of June 1855, the fol-
lowing declaration of principles, or platform
for the future guide Of the action of tho anti
slavery party, was unanimously adopted. 1t
is most able and comprehensive document,
read it, and gainsay it who can =
DECLARATION.
The Convention of " Radical Political
Abolitionists" assembled at Syracuse, in the
State of New York, on the 26th, 9th and
28th days of june A. d., 1855, improve the
opportunity to declare to the nation and the
world their convictions concerning American
Slavery, its relations to the American people
and Government, the responsibilities resting
upon them, the principles by which they should
by governed, and the measures they arc NOR
ally bound to employ for the deliverance of
their country, and the liberation OF the en-
shaved.
We believe slaveholdlng to be an unsur-
passed crime, and we hold it to be the sacred
duty of Civil Government to suppress crime.
We conceive saveholding to be the annhila-
ton of human rights, and we hold it to be the
grand end and mission of civil government to
protect human rights. Nay, more--we hold
that the government which annihilates instead
of protecting human rights, should be known,
not as civil government, but onl as con-
spiracy and usurpation.
We accordingly declare and maintain that
there can be no legitimate civil government.
rightfully claiming support and allegiance as
such, that'is not authorized, nay, that is not
morally and politically bound to prohibit and
to suppress sIavehoding. The responsibilities
of civil government in this country, rests, pri-
mariy, upon the people, by whom their own
forms of government are instituted, and who,
at tho ballot box, provide for their admins
tration in conformity with their wishes.
Ii the Federal Government, by the Constl-
tuition. is not competent to this task, then it
is incompetent to be u civil government at all,
or to secure the objects set forth in the Con-
stitution itself 1t cannot form more per-
: feet union" nor establish justice" nor " en-
r sure domestic tranquility" nor "provide for
the common Defense nor "promote the gen.
era welfare nor secure the blessings Of
liberty to ourselves and our posterity."
But VIC deny that our fathers ever attempt
ed such an absurdity as that of instituting a
civil governmet without power to protect the
natural rights of its subjects; government
" to establish justice" and 'secure the blessings
of liberty" without powers adequate to the
suppression of slavcholding. We challenge
the proof that when they declared it sclf-evi-
dent that all men are created equal, they
intended portion of them to be slaves that
when they were publicly proclaiming inalien-
1 able rights, they were secretly plotting unpar-
t alleled wrongs; that when they "appealed to
the Supreme Judge for the rectitude Of their
intentions" they were acting the part of base
hypocrites; that when they protested " to es-
, tablish justice" they bound themselves to
support the grossest injustice that under pre-
tecne of securing the blessings of liberty, they
entered into a compact for the support Of
slavery Their language in the Constitution
indicates nothing oil the kind, but the oppo-
site; and there is no proof that their inten-
: tons were in conflict with their language. We
!, deem it, therefore, right and proper to construe
: the Constitution as it reads, and not as the
shareholders pretend that it msans And by
4 such construction, the Constitution requires
the Federal Government to abolish slavery in
!, all the States. y~u t-.
More than all this we maintain that if it
could be proved Gas it cannot beg that our
fathers mentally intended to protect slavery,
y while their words, in the Constitution, re-
quired its suppression, we should still hold
It ourselves at liberty and under obligations to
use the Constitution according to its rig hteons
: language, and against their unrighteouS in.
Q tentions. If men use language for dishonest
4 purposes, and with dishonest intentions, it
4 becomes the duty of honest men who may
succeed them, and to whom their written in.
:. struments are committed, to defeat such dis
- honest purposes and intentions if they can,
e by interpreting the language according to its
e natural and just meaning. Every enlig htened
e and upright jurist will thus decide; and the
l. decision commits to the Federal Government
d Constitution that binds it to suppress slavery.
e We deny that the constitution could have
II contained any valid recognition of slavery,
: because there was never any legalized slavery
r. in this country, to be the subject of such recog
u milton. We deny that slavery can be legal.
- lied by any conceivable process whatever
' And, aside from this we affirm that according
. to the rnles and maxims, even of savehoIding
a jurisprudence, and of the Supreme Court Of
8 the United States, there ncuer has been any
e legalzed slavery in this country. On this
e point we are ready to produce abundant ties.
It timony from eminent slaveholdiDg jurists and
# statesmen themselves. And the whole history
# Of slavery and of the slave trade proves the
statement 10 be truthful.
- We affirm that the general structure of tn,
10 Federal Constitution, as well as its Particular
IL provisions preclude the legal existence o
st slavery, forbid the States to maintain it, pro
l. vide for the liberation Of the cnslaved, ant
h authorize and require, at the hands of tn,
ct Federal Government, its suppression. Tn
ID powers conferred upon the Federal Govern
At ment by the Constitution are amply adequat
to this object. And we deny that the exer
else of these powers, for the suppression O
n slavery. would be any infringement Of consti
or tutional State rights, or Of any of the re
I'd served rights of the States or of the people
at With these views of the Constitution O
ir our country, we feel ourselves prepared for a
Of aggressive-not merely defcnsive-contes
with the slave power. We take our positio
10 accordingly, and ask our fellow citizens to
the sane. We sue for no needless amend
= ments of the Constitution, requiring the con
currence of two thirds of the States, Pro
r perly construed, it already gives US all W
" need. We attempt no dissolution of the Union
he The Constitution makes no provisions for it
ic and nothing short Of revolution could effec
be tuate it. We consent to no dissolution tina
h would leave the slave in his chains. We de
A. constitutional dol;uoran.o g A.