Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-05-15
TERMS OF ADVERTISING.

/ OF Gamalial, let She thing alone, for II this
work be of men il will come to nought but if
! il be of God, you cannot overthrow it," Brave
words these Of the old Jewish Doctor of Laws,
| fit to be spoken by him, and fit to be repeated
| by Luther. Well might st. Paul be proud to
have been bred at the feet of such a man; well
did this Judgment deserve to be recorded on the
imperishabIe page of Holy Writ, to endure
when the reports and DEGREES Of all other law
yers shall have passed away and been forgotteni
They were the first great words ever spoken in
favor of religious freedom, spoken by Gamaial,
to save the apostles from Jewish persecution,
repeated by Luther to defend himself against
Catholic persecution, and now let the Catholics,
in their turn, use them to protect themselves
against Protestant persecution.
But, fellow-citizens, have spoken of this
issue in regard 10 the right of private judg-
| ment in matters of conscience, as being the
most important which it has ever fallen to NOR
tai lot to make. Human history and expert
ence bear me out in that assertion. For this
principle has proved to be the foundation stone
of the fabric, not merely of religious, but of
civil liberty also. II was declaration in favor
of individual freedom The individual mind
burst loose from the bonds of human authority,
and aroused itself from the slumber of ages.
A new moving principle within the mind itself
was thus allowed the room for play, and each
individual intellect becoming instinct with mo-
ton, and quickening into higher life, human
energy seemed to receive new impulse, and
developed itself IL greater activity, and under
more varied forms, than had ever characterized
it before. Our race sprung forward, with
bound, in its march Of Improvement, and may
be said to have achieved more of progress in
the last three centuries, under the influence OF
this mighty reformation, than it had accom-.
plished through the whole period of ts authen-
tic history, which preceded the Christian era.
And yet it is this great work of Luther which
we are now called upon to undo. We are TO
destroy the right of private judgment in mat
tiers of conscience, and persecute Catholics for
their religious opinions sake. As have said,
more than once, upon this subject, there is no
halfway house, no middle ground.
1t may be said, know, that the early Pro
testants did not extend their own principles so
far; that they themselves kindled the fire of re-
| ligious persecution. But even the discoveries
of great principles do not always carry them
out to their logical consequences. The pro
gress of Truth may be certain, but its pace is
slow, and yet great principles will work out
their ultimate results. John Milton had q
glimpse of the truth, that absolute liberation
must be the irresistible result of the great prin.
ciple of Protestant reform, when he said: "Give
me the liberty to know, to utter, and argue
freely according to conscience, above all lib
critics." John Locke took in the whole truth,
and proclaimed it in his celebrated essay, and
the old fathers of our State were the disciples
Of his political school. BY their bll of rights,
and their celebrated act upon that subject, they
did establish, as they supposed, a perfect rel
gious freedom. Has not this experiment work
ed well so far, both for Church and State?
Have they not happily grown side by side in
harmony, and not in opposition to each otherY
Have we experienced any mischief from this
absolute liberation Of religious opinion? Have
we been injured by the fact that Catholics
could vote, and hold Offices amongst us? Have
not these Catholics divided themselves amongst
the great parties of the country, and voted upon
POLITICAL rather than religious tests? Do
Wings complain that too many Of them vote
with the Democrats? This is not more a
Catholic than Protestant sin, because more
Protestants than Catholics vote with that party2
Do the Democrats complain that too many of
them vote with the Whigs2 Again, it may be
replied, that there are more Protestants than
Catholics who vote with that party. But can
there be any political danger from allowing
men of all religious persuasions to vote2 By
doing 50, you certainly widen the basis upon
which your government stands, and increase
the number of those who are bound to it by
the ties of sympathy and interest. Where can
be the danger, so long as political proceedings
are open and public, and repre- sentative and
constituent can question each other face TO
face? If representative is with you on po-
litical tests does it matter, so far as the polti.
clan is concerned, what are his opinions upon
other subjects? If he is with you on the sub
jects of trade, currency, and the principles Of
constitutional construction, when they are in
issue, does il matter that he differs from you on
the doctrine Of transubstantiation? Will not
a Catholic who agrees with you on all the po-
htitical issues and differs from you in religion,
make you a better legislative representative
than q Protestant who agrees with you in re-
ligion, bot differs from you on all matters of
political principle? Is il not entirely in our
power to ascertain how they stand, when tried
by their political tests, so long as political &C
ton is open and public2 If there be danger
from such q liberation, it can only exist when
political deliberations and actions are yelled
in secrecy. ] know that an attempt has been
made 10 except the Catholic from the opera.
ton of the great principle Of religious ioiera.
ton by maintaining that he is pposcribed for
civil, rather than religious reasons, because
he is said to acknowledge the supremacy Of
the Church over the State. in temporal mat
ters,
Feliow-citZens. such distinction docs not
in truth exist. The Catholic Of the present day
no more admits the supremacy Of the church
in temporal matters than the Protestant; their
difference is in regard to spiritual concerns,
The Protestant maintains the right Of private
judgment in matters Of conscience; the Cath
olic believes that, in spiritual affairs, the de.
cisions Of the Church ought to overrule the in.
dividual judgment But Protestsnis and Ca
tholics, all Christian churches and individuals
believe, that the allegiance which they owe to
God is higher than any obligation to man
and that in conflict between human and
divine laws, you must serve God rather than
man.
But how can such an opinion interfere with
the capacity Of citizen to discharge his pohti-
cal duties, unless the civil government under.
takes TO legislate upon religious subjects, and
to draw spiritual matters under temporal
| Jurisdiction, instead Of keeping them apart, as
aSordered by Christ, when he said, Render
unto Caesar the things that are Cesar's, and