Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-05-15

IN our polltItlcai society, as soon as he gives
evidence OF his fitness for il. Such is the
policy which we have heretofore pursued, and,
IN the main, 1t has worked well. The serpent
is yet to be warmed into life in this country,
which would sting. the bosom that protected it,
We have thus not only been able TO receive
this large foreign element and assimilate il into
our system, but also TO convert it into the means
of new growth. Instead Of being an alien
power in the bosom of our society, we have at
tached it to US by the strong ties of sympathy
ard interest. If we should offer extraordinary
and unnatural inducements to this emigration,
1t might become mischieyous, by pouring in so
rapidly as to destroy the homogeneous charac
ter OF our people. But if we leave nature free
to pursue her own course, there can be no dan
ger either OF this or of an unwholesome com.
| petition between the foreign and native-born
laborer. So long as a field is open large
enough to employ pro6tably those at home,
and those who will come from abroad, the sup
| ply will follow the demand. The whole mass
OF our productions will thus be increased, and
1t is the interest of every one within the bosom
of our society, that this should be as great as
possible, for it is the comn6n store from which
all must draw. When this labor becomes less
profitable, the demand will fall off, and with it
| the supply; so that the competitions of the for
eigner will cease just at that point of time
when Its inconvenience become serious.
have shown how this, which is one of the great
est operations OF society, has been heretofore
conducted by the laws of trade, so as to secure
us as many of its benefits, and as few of it's in
conveniences, as was, perhaps, possible. That
| some evils and inconvenience will attend so
large anoperation, ! do not deny; but there are
evils which, for the most part, may be cured
by legislation, adapted to the special cases,
without making the vain effort to strike down
the system. The results of the old feeling we
have seen; what would be those Of the new /
cannot pretend to measure in extent but
| something may be said of their nature.
The proscriptive means which are proposed,
if the right of suffrage be left to the foreigner,
| will certainly produce the evil which it is pro
posed to remedy. The foreigner will vote not
as an American citizen, upon the general merits
of political issues, but as foreigner, to remove
the ban under which he lies. But if YOU dis
franchise him entirely, then you ALLEVIATE this
immense power in the bosom of your system of
society. For it is an immense force now, and
will continue to be SO, notwithstanding political
disabilities, whilst there is so great {. demand
for the means of substance. This is quite
new experiment in the conduct of society, and
has net been tried except in those cases where
one portion has actually subjugated another.
The naturalization laws of old States, already
filled with people, and to which the emigration
is next to nothing, can afford no precedents to
US. Here they still come in great numbers, and
| it is not even proposed to exclude them. The
sole question is as to their treatment after they
reach our shores. Shall we make them friends
or enemies? 1t has been our ancient policy to
cultivate their friendship. Why not continue
to pursue 1t?
Having thus traced the principles which this
| new party proposes to some of their most obvi-
Gus consequences let me call you attention now
TO the number OF important questions which
they refuse to speak of at all. They have moth.
ing to say upon the subjects of the Tariff the
Currency, the Internal Improvement system,
upon the questions as the absolute or limited
power of the General Government over the
public lands, or as to the great canons of con-
stitutional construction. Shall we be told that
these questions are all obsolete? In the end.
less varieties of human commerce, are not cases
constantly presenting themselves with new re-
lations, and requiring different applications of
the laws of trade? Does not the course of our
Federal Legislation constantly present us with
cases for the application of all the principles
4 involved in the old issues? And vet the yery
4 issues and principles which are involved in the
A H.
as ] believe they call it by this new party.
Why, they "ignore" the subject of slavery itself.
Can the south afford to have such subject as
this "ignored" Thus, it would seem, that this
new party have not only said things that they
ought not to have said, but they have left unsaid
things which they ought to have said.
But, fellow-citizens, is it not worthy of a
moments thought, TO see what are to be the
moral effects of these new practices upon the
character of our people? Who would trans.
form the old Virginian-such as we used to
know him-such, as / trust, he still is-into
what he must become, if he makes this radical
change III his habits and feelings?-The old
Virgnian was frank, manly and generous, and
made so by his early training and the character
of his political institutions. He had his faults,
it is true, but they were for the most part, the
excuses of brave and manly spirit. Reck-
less he might be--a little too ready to conceive
an insult or too prone to follow the word with
blow; but he had no secret malice nor mean
revenge IN his nature. His friendships and his
enemies were known, and he scorned to strike
foe without giving him notice beforehand
If he had opinions, the world might know them;
and when he acted as a citizen, he was ready TO
meet all the responsibilities Of that action, either
at the bar Of public opinion or elsewhere. Who
would be willing to transform such man into
the secret agitator, mufing his face, and thread
ing the dark alley to the back door of his mid
night conventicle, there to determine upon
measures involving the welfare of his fellow
citizens, and yet giving them no notice of things
that were TO affect them so deeply; or sitting
herhaps, in secret judgment upon some unsus-
pecting neighbor, trying him and condemning
him unseen, or unheard in matters touching
his political character and standing, and in
yolving, it may be, the little Office which gives
bread to his family; and yet, when that man
meets him in the morning and offers him the
hand Of unsuspecting friendship he is unable
to relieve his heart by saying to him, "You
wrong yourself and me by snch undeserved
friendship and confidence you are graspipg
the hand which will strike you blow where
you will feel it most keenly?" 1t would be
some relief to a generous mind to be able to
say this much; but, spellbound by some terrible
vow or oath Of secrecy, he must walk on in
silence and bear the CALLING load Of unmerited
confidence. The edict having gone forth, he
must obey it; he can express no opinion in
opposition to it; he must whisper no dissent;
| he must breathe no murmur against IL. He