Indiana American. [volume] (Brookville, Ind.) 1833-1861, 1855-07-13
From the Charleston Mercury.
Retaliation or Disunior or-Letter from
John G. Calhoun.

John q. Calhoun.
The subjoined letter from John G.
Calhoun, it is stated, BY one of our
exchanges. has been given to the pub
ic within the past few days. Any
thing from his pen will be acceptable
to our readers. 1t is on the subject Of
retaliation by the South for the wrongs
and indignities heaped upon her by
the Abolition States:
FoRr HILL, Oct. 8, 1847.
My DEAR SIR: But
to come to the subject of your letter.
l am much gratifeu with its tone and
views, and concur entirely in the op-
inion you express, that, instead Of
sf lnning, we ought to cover the issue
with the North on the Slavery ques-
ton. would even go one step furth-
er, and add that it is our duty, due to
ourselves, to the Union, and our polit-
ical institutions, to force the issue on
the North. We are now stronger rel
atively than we shall be hereafter po-
litically and morally. Unless we bring
on the issue, delay to us will be dan
gerous indeed.
1t is the true policy of those enem-
les who seek our destruction. Its cf-
fects are, have been and will be, to
weaken us politically and morally, and
and likewise TO strengthen them
Such has been my opinion from the
first. Had the South, or even my own
State, backed me, l wonld have forced
the issue on the North in 1886, when
the spirit of Abolition first developed
itself to any considerable extent. 1t
is true maxim to meet danger on the
frontier, in politics as we'll as war.
Thus thinking, am Of the impress
sion that, il the South act as it ought,
the Wilmot Proviso, instead of prov
ing TO be the means of successfully as
sailing us and our peculiar institutions
may be made the occasion of success
fully asserting our equality and right,
by enabling us to force the issue on
the North. Something of the kind
was indispensable to rouse and unite
the South. On the contrary, il we
should not meet it as we ought, l fear,
greatly fear, our doom will be fixed
1t would prove that we either have not
the sense Of spirit to defend ourselves
and our institutions.
But, in making up the issue we must
look far beyond the proviso. tits but
one of many acts of aggression, and,
in my opinion, by no means the mosl
dangerous and degrading, tho more
striking and palpable.
regard the recent act OF Pennsyl
vania. and laws of that description
passed by other States, intended te
prevent or cmbarrass the reclamation
of fugitive slaves, or to liberate oul
domestics when travelling with them in
non .slayeholding States, as unconsti
tutional. Insulting as it is, it is even
more dangerous.
l go further, and hold that if W,
have right to hold our slaves, We
have right TO hold them in peace and
quiet, and that the toleration in the
non-slaveholding States of the estab
lishment Of societies and presses, and
the delivery of lectures with the ex.
press intention of calling in question oul
right TO our slaves. and OF seducinq
and abducing them from the service o
their masters, and finally oyerthrowinl
the institution itself. is not only vio
lation of international laws. but also o
the Federal compact. ! hold, also
that we cannot acquiesce in sucl
wrongs without the certain destruc
ton Of the relation of master anc
slave, and without the ruin Of tn,
South.
With this impression. would re
gard any compromise or adjustment o
the proviso, or even its defeat. withou
meeting the danger in its whole length
and bredth, as very unfortunate 70
us. II would lull us 10 sleep again
without removing the danger or mate
rally demolishing it.
! This brings up the question. how
can it be so met without restoring 4
the dissolution Of the Union? l sa,
withoutits dissolution, for in my opin
ion n high and sacred regard for tn,
Constitution as we'll as the dictates O
wisdom, make it our duty in thin case
as well as all others. not to restore to
or even to look to, that extreme rene
dy until all others have failed, and theI
only in defence of our liberty an,
safety.
There is. in my opinion, but one wa,
in which it can be met. md that is tb'
one indicated in my letter to Mr.
and to which you alludc in your lctte
to me, viz. by retaliation.
Why | think so shall now procee,
to explain. The Constitution Of III
United States is complex instrumen
consisting Of many different parts.--
II created government, and designa
ted the functionaries for carrying il in
to effect. 1t granted powers and i'm
posed limitations to prevent abuse an
oppression; and, finally, it prohibite
the States from doing certain acts, an
made it their duty to perform certai
stipulations towards each other, int
which they entered In ratifying tn
J Constitution, and thereby solemn
pledge themselves to perform faithful
/ ly. OF these stipulations some are ia
, vorable to the slave States and other
, to the non-slaveholding States, oil
! more briefly, some to the Souther
+ and the others to the Northern.
q OF the former the most striking
that which stipulates the delivery u
1 by the latter of fugitive slaves. an
= which clearly involves the principle thu
' non -slayeholdipg States should adoI
3 no measure to seduce our slaves, or
e abstract them from their masters, or
4 wesken or destroy our right to then
The Legislation of these States for ii
last twelve years has, either directl
or indirectly. by act or omission. bee
u in violation Of this leading sipulatio
a in our favor; and the recent act