New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1855-07-30

rsue1tary bodies called LaHdsidHde, though very
impeffect have been transmitted through cen
,uries. Independent of the celebrated Hansa,
there were, up to the present century, seat
tered in various parts of the country, so-called
Imperisl aud Free cities, governing snd admin
istering themselves, though Napoleon's wars put
an end TO Their existence. Even cities subjectto
particular princes preserved many communal
forms. considerable portion of the German
nesssntry still enjoy the same benefits. N the
sub,tance had disappeared, as was the case
with many Of these free cities, the traditions
were It'll fresh and alive. Seeds of sei-goyern-
ment are scattered over Germany. Protestant
i'm. in its turn created by those seeds, contrib
utes TO preserve them from destruction in Ger
many ss well as in g'and; in the last, however,
not through the aid of the ultra aristocratic and
monarcbical established Church, but through
the dssenters Germans are slow at transform
ing ieeas into facts thoroughly, but once at work
they accomplish it.
Before Luther spoke, opposition to Rome
found voice in France, Italy, England, even
among the southern Slavons, and in Bohemia.
Bot neither Wycliffe in England nor Huss IN
Prague succeeded. Germans reused by Luther
carlied out the Reformation. In the same way
political transformation advances. Republican
and democratic ideas are widely and thickly
spread among the German people. Though yet
suppressed, they are probably sown as deeply
as in France. and in richer soil. That
hatred and contempt for arstocracy which
we have represented as unknown in England
prevails in Germany 10 an affilent extent,
Where an Engli, hmsn looks up with pride to
lords. the German democrat gazes on them with
hatred. curses them, and thirsts for their de-
struction. In Germany there may still be
found some feeble glimmerngs of loyalty to-
ward princes, but they are passing rapidly away.
If The leaders of the movement of 1913 had
understood their business, Germany would have
have been radically cured and not yestige of
this unmanly feeling left.
The German people on the whole possess many
republican rudiments, and are prepared TO a con-
siderable extent for selfgOvernment. But the
pest of unity and Capitalization in the hands of
suprt me power must first be extirpated. 1t Is
foreign to the German character, to the national
oresnizati IA. and ever TO German history when
clearly read, notwithstanding TIE contrary oPln-
ion which has been urged by so many learned pro-
fessors. Different German EmpeTOrs, the Othos,
the HeDrys, the Fredt rickp, the Haps burgbs, At
TEMPTED 10 different ways but always unsuccess-
FULLY to establish unity and gather power
into one great center. In 1915 the
opposition Of the legislative bodies of several of
the States to the Central Assembly in Frank
fort ought to have taught those wiseacres, the
leading sham statesmen and professors, that
Germany did not want a centralized Empire.
But OF spark of genuine statesmanship lllu-
minated the PROFESSIONAL brains. The Re,ubli.
cans or Radicals of Frankfort committed the
same fault as the others, only it was manifested
in different form. In their view the salvation
of Germany consisted in the formation of one
single, and therefore more or less centralized,
i, public in imitation of France. Here they
failed because they misunderstood the genuine
character IF IA Republi,. Thy were in fact
devoted to bygone historical ideas, and did not
take into account the means and elements
which were to be put in order, developed and
brought into action.
Such are the republican elements fermenting
in the thee principal nations Of the old world.
These three nations, geographically as well as
mentally, form the center of Europe. They
give it impulse in various special or general
ways and they alone can decide its fate and
charge the destiny of the continent. Other
peoples are scattered over its surface destined
to receive the current but without any power to
give it start. Others again, dead nations, or
wOuld-be nationalities, are chaotic masses, in
capable of inauguratng or influencing the gen.
eral re generation, but doomed to wait and re-
ceiye the fe-giyiDg stroke from the center
They must remain unnoticed, never, for cen
turies, having filled a spot ia the history of the
mental progress Of Europe, its culture or de-
yelopment of ideas and institutions.
To this Italy alone forms an exception. She
constitutes a focus in herself In many respects
her position and case resemble those of Germany.
Itslyis and exists as an Independent nation, with
the exception of Lombardy, or the sixth part Of
the Italian population. The rest is ruled by
Italian soyereigns. The question is how to get
rid Of them. Italy has always been subdiyided
into various States. Ancient Rome established
unity after centuries Of struggle, but on its
fall, decentralization resumed its sway. This
condition Of things has cow lasted about four
teen centuries, and has taken such deep root as
to be immoveable. Italy is marked out for a
federation, and it is a great mistake in her mod
ern patriots to Try to make her run an un-
Natural course and to attempt to lift her up
by Capitalization. All such aspirations and