The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-08-21

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The national or hard she'll democrats meet
in State convention at Syracuse on Thursday
next 1t is an important movement and win
be the first authoritive action of the dennocrs-
cy in opposition to the Seward Holy Alliance
and to the Order of Americans. II is easy to
anticipate the result of that con ention-to
pre-announce the principles ana policy by
which it will be guided. 1t will sustain the
Kansas oct of 1854, denounce the Missouri
compromise, the Know Noshings, the admins
tration and the Maine law-assert the doctrines
Of popular sovereignty in the States and in
the Territories, avow incorporating hosti-
lily to negro worship in all its phases, and ut
terry to soft management and men, This con-
~eati0n, in connection with the recent meet
fngs in Georgia and Louisiene, and that of
South Carolina on the 18th inst becomes ex-
ceedingly important Having in view the is
sues precipitated upon the country by the
Seward erepublicans-the restoration of the
Missouri eompromise-the repeal of the Ne
braska law-the abolition of slavery in the
District. Of Columbia, it is easy to see that the
national democrats of New York will at once
place themselves in alliance with the great
democracy of the South and West, and leave
the latter only the choice to select for sup
port either the administration or the true prin-
ciples Of the constitution.
The most prominent, as far as the North is
concerned, Of these issues, and that which ex-
cites the deepest interest, is that Of the resto-
ration of the Missouri compromise. 1t has be-
come to the negro worshippers what the polar
star is to the mariner-a point Of general obser-
walton. 1t is good time to look into the
question. Now, what is its specific nature,
its character and its office?
1t is simply q restriction upon and limita-
ton Of the people in the exercise Of the
rights of election and legislation within pre-
scribed territory; hence its restoration now
involves the broad question whether the pee-
pie OF Kansas and Nebraska, for instance, like
the citizens of New York, are or are not seve-
reign and independent? Restoration is point
less upon any other bases Either Congress-
without reference to the provisions Of the con-
stitution, and by virtue of the existence Of the
government, is sovereign or the people are
compromise act as q governing principle in
this republic, deny that the people are the
source Of power. There is no halfway house
to stop at-no middle ground in this matter.
1t is then manifest that the passage Of the act
of 1920 was at least the exercise by Congress
of great powers, and the assumption of fearful
responsibilities sovereignty, in fact, certain
~ 1svo &c LOT;
portion Of our people. If it was competent
for that body thus 70 act, there is an end to the
boaated equality of American citizenship for
while New York is at liberty to govern ITSELF
to authorize or prohibit slavery, for instance,
the people Of a Territory lying north of
stated parallel of latitude are restricted by
Congressional dictation from doing SO. 1t is
subversive of equality, because the people Of
one section Of the Union are permitted to do
that which is absolutely prohibited in another.
The moral bearings of this species of legis-
lation and government are still more incon-
gruous and absurd; for if slavery is an evil,
and Congress has the power to permit or in
hibit it in the public territory, its confinement
to geographical limits-a species Of political
quarantinc-is an act Of casustc folly quite
incomprehensible.
But the mischief does not end here. Say
what we will, it's restoration and the enforce
ment of its limitations upon the people, is the
subversion Of the whole doctrines of American
policy and the substitution in their stead of
the monarchical canons Of the British consti-
tuition. 1t is an assumption, whether it is con-
stitutional or not, that sovereignty exists in
the government and not in the people, as we
have said--that power is delegated from and
not to Congress-in fact that that body is a
divine appointment sovereign and absolute in
its nature. Under such construction of the
powers of the government, the establishment ofa
territorial or colonial system, and the grant to
and limitation Of rights of legislation to its
subjects, even upon the arbitrary and tyranni
cal basis of a geographical line, is natural
enough. But if we reverse this doctrine, and
lodge the sovereign authority with the peo-
ple-make Congress representative body,
limited to the sphere prescribed in the charter
of its existence, we must recognize the equali-
ty of every political community within the
jurisdiction of the Union. 1t is the people,
them that limit Congressional action, and we
hear no more Of the absurd proposition of the
agent and representative debating terms to his
principal.
But again. The enforcement Of the limita-
tions Of the act Of 1920 is utterly impractical
BILE This is manifest because it is seen to be
impossible to interpose the will Of Congress
between the neople of Kansas and the eyercise
by them of the ordinary privileges Of election
and legislation. If such privileges were
not inhaent in them, prescription has set
tied the question in their favor; for Con-
grcss has never pretended to interfere
with the sovereignty of its territorial citizens,
and up to the year 1886, in the case of Wis
consin, never asserted its right to do So There
is wide difference in a popular government
between the assertion of right and its en-