Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-05-15

names of their members, because if either had
been known, their rulers would not only have
frustrated their purposes, but punished the in
dividuals who entertained them. Under such
circumstances, we can see some reason for
their secrecy, but what excuse can be offered
for secret political organization in this coun-
try? Here the ruling power is that of the
people; it is popular sovereignty which gov
erns. Is that the power which this new party
strikes at? is it popular government which
they wish to subvert? Why conceal them
selves and their action from its supervision,
unless they fear it; and, why fear it, unless they
are opposed to it? What they profess upon
this subject we do not know this may be
amongst the secrets of the prison house.
But this we DO know that they refuse their
sympathies to the people, and strike at the
Wholesome and legitimate influences of public
opinion, by acting secretly and withdrawing
from its jurisdiction. Now, say that the party
which strikes at the just influence of public
opinion, and refuses to submit its political ac-
tion to that wholesome Jurisdiction, strikes at
popular government ITSELF for it is through the
action of the former that the latter becomes
practicable or even possible Why is it that
we SO often hear it said Of such and such peo-
pie, that for them a spopular and free form of
government is impossible? Because there ex-
lists not amongst them sufficiently free and en-
lightened state of public opinion to enable the
people to direct properly the affairs of their
government. But how can public opinion be
either purified or enlightened, unless there be
free thought, free speech, and free press; and
how can the people think, speak, and print
freely, if the proper subjects for such action are
concealed from their view? To make popu-
lar government possible, that government must
be directed by popular opinion, intelligently
formed upon the subjects of its action, and not
by chance-sentiment or impromptu emotions.
In the one case law is rule prescribed by the
supreme authority in State and government
becomes systematic and regular; i'll the other,
law is a mere matter of impulse, and govern
ment a succession of shifts and contrivances to
avoid anarchy. But how can the people form
an opinion with regard to the subject of their
political action, unless the deliberations before
them be open and public2
The trainers of our Constitution felt the me-
cessity for publicity, in regard to political &C
ton, so deeply, as to prescribe that "each
House shall keep journal of its proceedings,
and from time to time, publish the same, ex-
cepting such parts as may, in their judgment,
require secrecy: and the yeas and nays of the
members of either House on any question,
shall, at the desire Of one-ffth of those present
be entered upon the journal" This journal
was to be kept and published, in order that the
people might understand, and criticise, and reg
uate the proceedings of their servants, who are
thus made to act under constant sense of the
supervision Of the constituent body. Even so
small minority as one-ffth, we're authorised
to order the yeas and nays, that each member
should be held to his individual responsibility
and that the weaker party, when it felt itself
aggrieved by the stronger, might appeal to
the great bar of public opinion, where probably,
under the influences of truth, reason, and just
feeling, judgment would be pronounced by the
supreme authority in the State, judgment
which would always command respect, and, in
most instances, carry along with il conviction
also. Without the practices corresponding with
these provisions in the Constitution, represent
ative government would become impossible,
and justice thing no longer TO be expected.
To satisfy ourselves of the truth OF these con-
clusions let US suppose, for an instant that the
American Congress deliberated and acted in
secrecy. How long would its representative
character endure, and for how long afterwards
could it probably be reckoned amongst the free
governments Of the earth? All individual re
sponsibility would be gone. No man could tell
how any member voted. Accordingly as the
act was popular or unpopular in his district, be
would be entitled to the presumption Of having
voted for or against it. The reasons upon
which measure passed could never be given !;
the propositions made and rejected would be
unknown, and thus power far more irrespon-
sible than any ever exercised by either Caesar
or Gar, would be welded by this many headed
monster.
But the old fathers Of our State left us stiH
more conclusive evidence Of their estimate Of
.In .n.. xnI
ings. They were not content with exacting-it
from the representative, but enforced the prin-
ciple on the constituent body also. They re-
quired each elector TO vote, not by the dead let
ter Of the secret ballot, but with the free and
manly utterance Of the "living voice" And
thus IL is, by wise and ancient prescription, that
the Virginian has ever given his vote in the
light Of day, and before the world. Preserving
the os sublime, and presenting brow as open
10 the inspection Of his neighbor as his heart is
clear to the search Of Him who made 1t, be
stands at the polls proudly conscious that he
is there as the master, not the man, and willing
himself TO meet all his fair responsibilities to
public opinion for that act Of power, he Justly
expects return Of the same generous conf
dence from his fellow-citizens.
But, gentlemen, / have shown you the pro.
bable effect Of this secrecy upon the represent
alive. Should we mend matters much by trans
ferring it to the constituent body, or rather, TO
the portion which seek TO rule IT'D Popular
government, to be good, must be the result Of
public opinion, formed with all the aids Of free
interchange Of thought and sentiment, but this
interchange becomes impossible, when por-
ton of the people seclude themselves from their
fellows, and conceal from them their thoughts
and purposes.
Popular government, to be just, must com.
mand the assent Of a majority, or, MS some
have thought, of even more than majority
but here is scheme Of secret political organ
ization, by which minority may rule major
ity, without the least responsibility to public
opinion. In the first place, their very mystery
gives them power, and conveys an exaggerated
idea of strength to the public mind for il is the
way OF the world, to take Omni ignoturn pro
mdgniico. Next, their organization and dis
cipline may make minority an overmatch for
the undisciplined majority who act from indi-
vidual impulse. Lastly, their rules Of proceed
ing seem designed to secure this predominance
Of the minority Whatever may have been the