Weekly Indiana State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1853-1861, 1855-07-12
WsskIy gtatt gentinsI.
TUESDAY MORNING. JULY 10. 1855
Henry CLAY ON the Subject of Slavery.

opinions OF the departed great. Inc PeoPie
of Indiana remember when CLAY passed
through the State, in October, 1872, and had
a festival-reception here. Indeed, his pro-
gress through the whole State was a triumph
Al march. Al Richmond he made his famous
MESpESHALL speech, one OF the very best III
ever made In those days it was not ne.
cessary to be- q Democrat in order to speal
and write nationally on the subject of African
Slavery. But now, any man in the fre'
States who abjures fanaticisln on that topic
is Democrat in principle, whether he CALL
himself 50 or not; for the great question o
the age is, Reason or folly on the subject o
SlavSy-and the Democrats have the side o
reason. The sentiments of the sage of Ash
land, which were received with so much APP
plause, could not be uttered now except in
Democratic meeting. ANY man, out of th'
ranks of Democracy, who advocated them
would be politically damned. WerepublisE
a part of the ME,sDESHALL speech, and re-
commend it to ell who thirteen years ago
thought it so good, and ask them if the in
trinsic merits are not the same now as then
In his answer to Mr.. Mendenhall, at Rich
mond. Indiana, October 1, 1912. Mr.. Clay SAID
81 know the predominant sentiment in the
free States is adverse to Slavery; but, happy in
their own exemption from whatever evils may
attend it. the great mass of our fellow citizens
there do not seek TO Aiolate the Constitution, OF
10 disturb the harmony of these States. de-
sire no concealment Of my opinion in regard to
the institution of Slavery. l look upon it as a
great evil, and deeply lament that we have de
rived it from the parental government. and
from our ancestors. l wish every slave in the
United States was in the country of his ances-
tors. But here they are, and the question IS,
how can they be best dealt WITH If state OF
nature existed, and we we're about to lay the
foundations OF society, no man would be more
strongly opposed than i should be. to incorpo-
rate the institution Of Slavery among its ele-
ments But there is an uncalculable difference
between the original formation OF society and a
long-existing organized society, with its an
eieHt laws. Institutions, and Establishments
Now. great as acknowledge, in my opinion,
the evils of Slavery are, they are nothing. abso-
lutely nothing, in comparison with the Tar
greater evils which would inevitably How from
a sudden, general and indiscriminste emanci-
o.tion. In some of the States the number OF
slaves approximates toward an equality with
that of the whites; in one OF two they sarpass
them. What would be the condition of the two
races in those States, upon the supposition of
an immediate emancipation Does any man
suppose that they would become Blended into
one homogeneous mass7 Does any man recon-
mend amalgamation-that revolving admxture,
alike offensive to God and man2 for those whom
He, by their physical properties, has made UNI
like and put asunder, we may, without pre-
sumptuousness, suppose were never intended to
be Joined together in one of the hottest rites. And
let me tell you, sir, if you do not already know
it. that such are the feelings-prejudice, If you
please land what man, claiming TO be states
man, viii overlook or disregard the deep-seated
and unconquerable prejudices of the people,
in the Slave States, that no human law could
enforce union between the two races.
.'What then would certainly happen A
struggle for political ascendency; the blacks
seeking to acquire, and the whites to maintain.
possession of the government. Upon the sup
position of general immediate Emancipation
In those States where the blacks outnumber the
whites, they would have nothing to do but to
insist upon another part Of the same deelara-
ton OF Independence, as Dorr and his deluded
Democratic followers recently did-in Rhode Is
land; according to which, an undefled ma
jority have the right, at their pleasure to sub
vert existing government, and institute a
new one in its place; and then the whites would
be brought in complete subsection to the blacksl
contest would inevitably ensue between the
two races-civil war, carnage, pillage confa-
grafton, devastation, and the ultimate exter-
mination of expulsion or the blacks. Nothing
is more certain. And are not these evils far
greater than the mild and continually improv-
ing state Of Slavery which exists in this coun-
try2 say continually improving; for if this
gratifying progress in the aTnehoration Of the
condition of the slaves has been checked in
some of the States, the responsibility must at
tach to the unfortunate agitation of the subject
of abolition. In consequence of 1T, increased
rigor in the police, and further restraints have
been imposed; and do believe that gradual
emancipation (the only method Of Liberation
that has ever been thought safe or wise by any
body in any of the Slave States) has been posi-
poned half a century.
Without any knowledge of the relation in
which / stand to my Slaves, or their individual
condition, you, Mr.. Mendenhall, and your as
sociates, who have been active in getting up
this petition, call upon me forthwith to liberate
the whole Of them. Now let me tell you, that
some half dozen of them, from age, decrepitude,
or infirmity, are wholly unable TO gain live
Iihood for themselves, and are heavy charge
upon me- Do you think that / should conform
to the,dictates Of humanity by Kidding myself
of that charge, and sending them forth into the
world, with the boon of liberty, to end q wretch
ed existence of starvationf Another class is
composed of helpless infants, with or without
improvident mothers. Do you believe, as q
Christian, that should perform my duty to
ward them by abandoning them to their fate
Then there is another class who would not &C
eept their freedom. if would give it to them
n r. cd Slave that
wished would leave me. but he will not. Wha
shall do with that class?
"What my Treatment of my Slaves A. yoT
NAV learn from Charles, who accompanies m'
on this Journey, and who has travelled with m.
over the greater part of the United States, anc
In both the Canadas, and has had Thousand
opportunities, if he had chosen to embraces
them, to leave me Excuse me, Mr.. Menden
hall, for saying, that my Slaves are as well fee
aud clad, look as sleek and hearty, and arr
quite as civil and respectful in their demeanor
and as little disposed 10 wound the feelings o
any one. as you are.
81 shall, Mr.. Mendenhall, take your petition
into respectful and deliberate consideration
but. before come to final decision, should
like to know what you and your associates ar,
willing to- do for the Slaves in my possession
if should think proper to liberate them.
own about fifty, who are probably worth fif-
teen thousand dollars. To turn them loos.
upon society, without any means of subsistence,
or support, would be an act of cruelty Ar
you willing to raise and secure the paymen
Of fifteen thousand dollars for their benefit, if
should be induced to free them? The securit,
of the payment of that sum would materially
lessen the obstacle in the way of emancipa
tiOu."
Inanother speech, speaking of those VIII
were then called by him GENERALIZATION
ists,D he says
A single idea has taken possession of the
minds, and onward they pursue, overlookin
all barriers, reckless and regardless of all col
sequences Wnhlis class, the immediate Gt
lifion Of Slacery ia the District Of Columbia, an
in the Territory Of Florida, the prohibition o. u
removal Of Slares from STATE TO State, and the =
fusal TO admit any State, comprising ruth
ats limits the institution Of domestic Slarery, al
but 30 many means conducting 10 the accomplish
aenf Of the ultimate but peTious end at ,oich The
acosrsdIy and boldly ainl-are but 90 MANI sho
STAGES la the l0nq and bloody road 10 the disfai