The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1855-10-31
Fne Election and Its Observation-Disclosures
Against the Federal Constitution.

In few days the people OF the State of New
York, under the forms of law, will be Gale
upon to decide more important question
than ever before has been forced into their
elections. 1t is the first time in the history of
| the Empire State--a State which enjoys so
| bountifully the benefits of the federal Union,
to which it is indebted for great share of its
| prosperity and wealth-that its people have
been called upon to decide, as far as their ex-
| preston eau determine the question, whether
they give sanction or not TO the insane projects
| of William II. Seward and his wicked abolition
confederates for the dismsmberment Of the
republic. Since the days Of Benedict Arnold,
no treason to the cause of popular frcedom--no
plan to subvert the liberties and to destroy the
industry Of the American people-has been con-
cocted which at all compares with the internal
crusade now waged against the federal con-
stitution by the aboltlon-republican conspira-
tors. It is the devils own work, done in his
best style of deception. and sustained by argu-
| ments and devices which had caused transgres-
| sion in thousand Edens, and entailed the bit
ter curse Of sin upon thousand worlds.
The abolitionists come before the people
protesting only to desire the non-cxtcnsion Of
slavery into what they term free territory.
That is the solitary ground upon which they
ask to be elected to State ofiiccs-oficcs which
have no more to do with the subject than with
religion in japan or mining in California.
That, however, is their creed their avowed
purpose. That such is their real object, there
ought not to be q man in New York to believe.
| They approach their ends through that pro-
| fession; they seek to lead the people to gene
| raj onslaught upon the constitution through
| the issue Of non. extension. Is this not evident
! from all their arguments? Do they speak
| much Of slavery in Kansas? Do they not con-
tinnally ding in our cars the wickedncss Of
holding slavcs--that it is unlawful and sinful
| TO maintain slavery: Mr.. Seward said at Baf-
| lalo, Slavery was never established right
fully anywhere; nor was il ever established by
law. II is the violation Of every line OF the
Declaration Of Independence, and Of the whole
summary of personal rights contained in the
constitution" i this an argument against the
extension Of slavery? Is it not an open
assault upon that institution everywhere
Docs it not look TO the ACKNOWLEDGMENT of the
American republic? Slavery is violation of
every line Of The Declaration Of independence
and Of the whole summary Of personal rights
contained in the constitution 1t is then vio-
)a'icn Of The constitution violation OF the
principles Of the Revolution. If this argument
is good for anything--if it has any meaning at
allif Mr. Seward would give i. effect, il must
be that slavery, With his party, is utterly void
everywhere. II has no legal existence. There
Is no legal power anywhere 10 establish il: if
il il q violation OF the constitution it surely
must hc void. Tho argument Of Mr.. Seward
points TO bis real purpose. lie has nothing, or
very little, 10 say anout Kansas about the non-
extension Of slavery. lie cares nothing nbont
that: his Object is 10 prepare his party for the
broader and deeper project of disunion.
Mr. Seward clasifos The American people
INTO three grades the patreians, (tle prv-
legged class, The plcbcians, lthc middle class,
and tbe slases, held by both. lie thus paves
the way for his argument, by consolidating
the States, ohliterating the State governments
and throwing the whole people together,
making each part responsible for the iasti.u-
tons OF the other. lie drew his likeness from
an old Roman portrait which has moi fea-
iure like the American system, and he comes
TO his conclusions from the deep and damning
treason Of his own treacherous aud dishonest
nature. lie knows he has nothing to do with
slayery-that II is IN institution recognized by
the constitution of Our country--that ii existed
in twelve Of the thirteen States when that con-
stitution was adopted; and yet he declares to
The people Of New York that ''it never was es-
tablisbcd by law" never rightfuly existed,
and "is violation OF our compact Of Union"
The coming election involves the question
whether the voters of the Empire State concur
in such an infamous programme Of disunion
That of the extension of slavery Is pre-.
text. Ii has nothing to do with The election.
II is the higher questoD--whcther the Northern
States arc prepared to dissolve the compact Of
Union, with n view OF urging violent crusade
agaiDs, slavery in the South. Let all voters
look this issue in the face.
Suppose the republic is dismembcred: will
the opponents Of slavery be any better Off
That will not abolish slavcry-it will not give
them any power over the matter. Even il Mr..
Seward Is right, that slavery was never estab-
lishcd Wy law, il Will exist just the same after
as before The dissolution of the Union. Will
the Pbarisocs Of the negro stripe the self
righteous abcitlonists-dare 10 invade the
South as the defenders Of the slave. aud to
give him freedom?
If the Shareholders are privileged class.
will they be less so after the Union Is Dissolved!
Is that measure remedy FOR slavery In any
sense whatever! But slavery, they say. mus.
not go into Kansas. The people Of that Tori