Bradford reporter. [volume] (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, 1855-07-14

penetrate our section that was not the dan
ger; it lay in different direction Their cir,
culatlon in the non-slaveholding states was
what was to be dreaded. 1t was inflsing a
deaoly poison into the minds of the rising gen.
Grafton, lmplantng in them feelings of hatred,
the most deadly hatred, instead of affection and
love, Tor one-half OF this Union, to be returned,
on their part, with equal detestaton The fa-
tai, the immutable consequences, if not arrested,
and that without delay, were such as he had
presented.
The first and desirable object is to arrest
it in the non-saveholding states to meet the
disease where it originated, and where it exists:
and the first step to this is to find some com.
mon constitutional ground On which rally,
with that object, can be made These resolu-
tons present the ground and the only one, on
which it can be made. The only remedy is in
! the state rights doctrines and, if those who
profess them in Slavehodng states do not rally
on them, as their political creed and organize
as party against the fanatics, in order to put
them down. the South and West will be COM
PEELED to take the remedyinto their own hands
They will then stand justified in the sight of God
and man and what in that event, will follow.
no mortal can anticipate.
Mr.. President, (said Mr.. C. we are repos-
ing on volcano. The Senate seems entirely
ignorant of the state of feeling in the South
The mail has just brought us intelligence of
most important step taken by one of the
southern states in connection with this sub
ject, which will give some conception of the
tone of feeling which begins to prevail in that
quarter"
Mr.. BENTON did not speak in this debate
! He believed as others did, that discussion WAS
injurious-that it was the way to keep up and
extend agitation-and the thing above all
Others which the abolitionists desired. Dis
cussion upon the floor of the American Senate
was to them the concession of an immense ad.
vantagc-the concession of an elevated and
commanding theatre for the display and dissent
nation of their doctrines.
The Senate, in laying all their petitions, and
the memorial of Vermont, on the table. without
debate, significd its desire to yield them no
such advantage. The introduction of Mr.. CAL
HoUN's resolutions frustrated that desire, and
induced many to do what they condemned
Mr.. BENTON took his own sense of the proper
course in abStaining from debate, and confnng
the expression of his opinions to the delivery
OF votes and in that he c0nformed to the
sense of the Senate and the action of the House
of Representatives. Many hundreds of these
petitions were presented in the House. and
quietly laid upon the table under motions to
that effect and this would have been the case
III the Senate had it not been for the resolutions
the introdution of which was so generally dep.
recated
The part of this debate which excited no at
tentlon but has since acquired a momentous
Importance, is that part in which Mr. CALHOUN
declared his favorable disposition to the Mis-
souri, Compromise, and condemnation of Mr..
RANDOLPH, tits chief opponent,) for opposing
it, and his change Of opinion since, not for un-
consttutionality but because he believed it
dangerous IN encouraging the spirit of aboli-
tonism. This was the highest, the most SOL
emn, the most momentous the most emphatic
assertion OF Congressional power over slavery
In territory which had ever been made or
could be conceived 1t not only abolished sa-
very where 1t legally existed, but forever pro-
hibited it where it had long existed and that
over an extent of territory larger than the
area of all the Atlantic slave states put togeth-
er ; and thus yielding to the free states the
absolute predOminance in the Union
Mr.. CALHOUN was for that resolution in $50.
blamed those who opposed it, and could see no
objection to it i'll 1888 but the encouragement
1t gave to the spirit of abolitionism Nine
years afterwards, session of lS46-41,) he SUBJ
m!tted other resolutions, Give in number on
! the same power of Congress over slavery legS-
latlon in the territories-denied the power
and asterted that any such legislation to the
prejudice of slaveholding emigrants from the
states in preventing them from removing with
their slave property, to such territory, would
he violation of the constitution and the rights
Of the states from which such citizens cmigra-
ted, and derogation of that perfect equality
which belongs TO them as members of this in
ion, and would tend directly to subvert the I'm
ion itself"
These resolutions so new and startling in
their doctrines, so contrary to their anteccSSorS
and to the whole course of the government.
were denounced by the writer of this View the
| instant they were read in the Senate and be-
ing much discountenanced by other senator's,
they were never pressed to a vote in that body.
but were afterwards adopted by some of the
state legislatures One year afterwards, in a
debate on the Oregon territories bill, and on
the section which proposed to declare the anti
slavery clause of the ordinance of 1877 to be
, in force in that territory, Mr.. CALHOUN denied
| the power of Congress to make any such de-
ctatalioi' OF III any way 10 leglSlate upon Sla-
| very in a territory. He delivered most eIabo-
rate and thoroughly considered speech on the
subject, in the course Of which he laid down
three propositions -
/. That Congress had no power to legislate
upon slavery in a territory so as to prevent the
citizens of Slaveholding states from removing
into it with their slave property.
That Congress had no power to delegate
such authority to a territory
3. That territory had no such power in it.
self-(thus leaving the subject of slavery in a
territory without any Legislative power over it
at all.
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