Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1855-08-20


form OF civilization. We ought, by this time, 70
be able 10 comprehend 1t. From this point Of
view have two statements to make, both Of which
fear may appear TO you inaccurate. The first 10,
that nothing concerning the structure Of human
society Is more clearly established by the entire
career Of man on this earth, than that, in some
form or other the social subugation of one part OF
every highly developed community to another part
Of it-that Is, servitude in some form or other, 10
absolutely inevitable just as much SO as the exist
ence Of crime, or want, or sorrow. Let US bewail
this as badge Of our fallen condition let us seek
its constant amelioration, as one Of our clearest
duties but let US respect truth, and justice, and
honor, and good faith, In all our attempts. The
second statement have TO make Is, that the gem
eral condition of negro slavery in America, 30 far
from being particularly direful and oathsome, as
you represent II TO be- is really and indeed OF ne
cessity, in all respects mitgated and regulated
after the pervading spirit OF our Protestant civil
zation, and Is gradually acquiring more endura-
BILE position, as the power Of the Gospel gradually
extends its influence and as the slave States grad
ualy settle into the conviction that their duty
oblgcs them to accept this institution as perma-
nent part of their social system.
do not myself believe that servtude in this
particular form is, as an original question, either
necessary or desirable and am well convinced
that, in many Of our slave States 1t might be grad
uay abolished, with great advantage; while in all
Of them it might be still further ameorated, without
regard to the question of its ultimate solution. Nor
is 1t my opinion, that the permanent continuance
of this serytude, in its present form, is possible,
though its endurance may be protracted, and the
methods Of its termination extremely diversified,
over the immense area covered by it.. Your duty
and mine, sir, as American philanthropsts, each in
his own sphere, il TO accept this great problem as
we find 1t, and, by all the means in our power, as
sst its final outworking in a manner most compat-
BILE with the interests of humanity, with the true
progreAs and glory of our country, and with those
internal principles of nature and of Providence
which our puny efforts may In some degree assist
but are wholly iHpotent to control.
There Is an aspect Of this whole question of ne
gro slavery In America, extremely broad, and
which you do not seem to have examined. 1t is
not merely question Of slavery, and the negro
population on this continent; nor yet merely a
question of bloodshed and conquest of your North
against our South. 1t is question affecting all Of
the black race throughout the earth, and all those
vast interests Of the whole earth, which the final
destiny Of that immense race involves. AS yet,
the black race has never had nationality. As
yet, there has never been civilized State within
the tropics. A hundred millions of the human
race, and nearly fourth part of the earth's habi-
table surface, around its very centre, await the
issue OF thisquestion Of negro slavery in America,
and must be Influenced greatly, il not controlling
ly, by it. Rest assured Mr.. Sumner, whatever
dignity you may persuade yourself to ascribe to
your antislavery enterprise, and to your stirring
speech at Niblo Theatre nay, even to your Faneuil
Hall eloquence and your Massachusetts, agitations
over some fugitive slave--there is an eternal logic
in events, and there is an awful majesty in the sub
lime course Of Providence in the face Of which
posterity will say that men endowed like you ought
to have been ashamed to participate in such insane,
fantastic, and ignoble revels
However difficult the question of human servi.
tude may be to solve, after slavery has been fully
established IN the bosom Of Commonwealth, or
h ,wever men may differ as to the moral aspect OF
the actual questions now agitatng the minds Of
our countrymcn SO deeply it seems to me that,
AZ mere topic of national politics and national
legislation, the whole question of American slave
ry is one environed by no other difficulties, but
such as have been created by our own evil pas
sions. So far as the powers of the National Gov
eminent are concerned has not Massachusetts
The unquestiouable right to create slavery in her
Sosb i in hers Il sSe thinks pd hSqisana t.
not this true Of every State What need then
is there Id all soberness, for frantic contentious
about Territorial settlements, which, in their own
nature, can be only temporary Suppose Nilsson.
II should abolish slavery? Suppose Illinois should
c cate itg Suppose Kansas should decide the
question, first one way and then the other
Moreover, what essential difference does il make,
whether 1t is upon basis Of fifteen slave States
or sixteen slave States that the great problem Of
our national destiny Is TO be worked outf And
to It's true bearing on the infinite mission Of our
country, what consequence can rational mind
attach TO the temporary result ola fierce conflict
for supremacy between madmen 10 one Of our
Territories west OF the Missouri river =
What odds does II make, any way, as a national
question: whether there are three millions Of slaves
or three millions and fraction over-whether six
or ten, or hundred slaves, more or less, escape
or are reclaimedf The power Of the General Gov.
eminent over the whole subject is so extremely
limited, and transient and incidental, as compared
with the absolute power Of the States themselves ;
the good that can be done by the exercise Of the
powers actually possessed by Congress, is compare
lively 30 slight and uncertain, and the danger
which Is obviously incurred Is 40 real and deplora-
Bile; the condition In which the nation stands with
reference TO the whole subject Is 80 distinct and
70 peculiar that must confess, II has always APP
peared to me unspeakably surprising that any ma
tional patty, and especially any one at the North,
should be found capable Of permanent organization
in conneIion with such topics. Any honest, mod
erate, patriotic, consistent exercise Of the powers
OF the General Government over the question Of
slavery, could hardly have failed to satisy the
ton to the end, il satisfied II during its early
and most glorious period. Whatever may have
been the sins or follies Of Southern statesmen, or
the Southern people, Il would be hard to produce
an example at once more fragrant, insulting, and
unjust than the discourse which suggested these
remarks.
After an / cannot persuade myself that God
win allow us TO degrade ourselves 80 utterly as TO
break up this glorious confedeiacy on such ques-
ton as this. | do not allow myself to believe that
the mass Of the American people are so utterly
destitute Of the sublime instinct Of their countrys
mission among the nations. Civil war is not rem
edy; Il is the most direful OF all diseases Ma
tonal strength, in day like ours, and TO freemen,
IS not 20 much glory as IL is a necessity-the
grand necessity Of their liberty and independence.
As 70 slavery, Il is question about which men
may differ, according 10 the necessity Of their con-
diton aud the point Of view from which they con-
slider It. But the cordial and indssoluble Union Of
these States ia a matter concerning which no
American who has true heart in his bosom can
possibly have but one opinion-one purpose. If
there be one political duty common 10 us all, and
transcendantly clear aud binding, IL Is that we
should visit with immediate and condign punish
ment every party and every public man who Is not
loyal 70 the Union and the constitution.
Your felow-cizen and obedient servant