The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1855-05-31


involved in it7 Is there not true, Is there
not false, way of dealing with it? Are we
to satisfy ourselves with theorizing, with pro-
mitigating what we regard as Truth and Right
while we abstain from all attempts to give them
practical power through organization-in ful
view, too, of the fact, that Falsehood and
Wrong are already embodied and organized
against us? The walls of Jericho fell before
the blowing of rams horns, but Jericho is
without parallel. Sound in these days may
herald, but not achieve, revolution. Ii we
cannot infuse right ideas on the Slavery CUES
ton into existing organizations, we must form
new one before we can inaugurate them IN
power. Patient waiting on Providence may
be pious, but not always profitable. God helps
those who help themselves. Drifting with the
current of events is an easy operation, but in
the long run not safe one: there may be
breakers ahead.
Surely. the Post will not assume that Pub
lie Sentiment is never misrepresented by Or
gapizations = that they may not succeed in
| suppressing "a strong conviction of the Peo-
pie. Did those which controlled the Balti-
more Conventions of 1852, fully represent the
state of public sentiment" or "the strong
conviction" of majority of the Northern
Wings and Democrats, in relation to the Com
promise and Fugitive Slave Acts? Does the
Know Nothing Organization, or the Democrat
ic. Party, as it now exists, represent the deep
feeling of the People aroused against Slavery
by the Nebraska outrage? The Post and the
Era both believe that the great majority of the
People of the Free States attach more import
ance to the Slavery Question, than any other.
How happens it that there is no general organ
ization to give expression to this pervading
sentiment? Because papers and public men,
that sympathize with the People in this convic-
ton, content themselves with blowing rams
horns; with discussions and objurgations,
thorough and eloquent to be sure, but still,
only atmospheric vibrations. They will not take
the lead in proposing well-defned, wise, pow
erfnl organization, through which Popular SEN
timent may be felt as substance. While they
are talking and writing, the working politi-
clans, who cling to the Administration Democ-
racy, or seek power through Know Nothingism,
are laboring to perfect Organizations which
shall thrust aside the Slavery Issue, and shut
out the Anti-Slavery Sentiment of the Masses
from all access to the Federal Councils. These
men act, those talk: one class diverts Public
Sentiment into false channel; the other
drifts with the sentiment thus diverted. "For
our own part" says the Post, we prefer to
drift along the stream of events, intent rather
ON cooperating to form sound public opin-
ion," &c. And was it not precisely this drift
ing "on the stream of events" that bore the
Post in 1852 into the support of Gen. Pierce,
to whom we owe the repeal Of the Missouri
Compromise and the civa par in Kansasp
"The National Era" say our friends, dis
occupied with the project of recognizing the
Independent Democratic Party--a task which
may impose upon it q narrower policy than we
think proper to pursue" The Post sees as
clearly as we do the drift of events-that the
old elements of Compromise and Pro-Slavery
Nationality are gradually becoming reorgan,
ized-that the Administration Democracy, and
the Hunker portion of the Wing Party allied
to the Nativists, under the form of Know Moth.
ingism, will have their respective candidates in
the field in 1856, representing the policy of
C..ka~--.:D.aa 20 H. Cl---- rowcr, anu fnIsrep
resenting the North and West 1t is content
to drift on this stream of events" we are
not, and as we can discover no indication
OF purpose to counterfeit such combina.
tons, we are driven to the project of reorgan-
izing the Anti-Slavery voters, who have again
and again offered open battle to the Slave
Power. We do not intend to let the election
go by default We do not intend to suffer the
Slave Interest to achieve an uncontested tri-
umph. We do not intend that the Cause of
Freedom and Free Labor shall be left without
witnesses. We do not intend, on the plea of
choosing between evils-of doing, in the cir
cumstances, the best that can be done-to be
drawn into the support of Parties seeking Fed
eral Power by base concessions to base Sec.
tionai Interest. This Question of Slavery, in
its Federal relations, must be settled, before
any other great Question can be wisely adjust
ed, before the country can have peace, order.
and security against the hazards of civil war
therefore, every Party that aims at National
Power by thrusting it aside, quibbling about it,
ignoring it, or pandering to the Slavery Propa-
ganda, should be denounced and renowned as
unworthy the SURFACES of free People.
This may be ga narrow policy )" but had it
been adopted by the voters of the free States
in ls4s, and steadily adhered to, Notification
and Rebellion, under the lead of United
States Senator, countenanced by powerful
member of the Cabinet, would not now be star
ing us in the face. 1t is not vet too late to
adopt this marrow policy" A welldevised
political campaign may avert the hazards of
civil war. The right use of the ballotbox for
the correction of great evils, is the true way to
prevent resort to the cartridge-box.
VIRGINIA ELECTION.
The Know Nothings are terribly disappointed