Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1855-08-24
From the London Times of August 3D.
lIsh EnlisTmentS In the limited States

t
all times, and more especially during the present war
of remaining on the very best terms with the Gov
eminent and people of the United States 1t is an
evil almost lnseparaole from that in the strong
passions 1t exctes the fierce resentments it stimu
ates, and the wishes it raises belligerents
are only 100 apt to forget all interests but their own
and to pay too little attention to the rights and recla
nations OF neu'rals Our campaigns have taught US,
only TOO vigorously and plainly how great is our
want OF men, and how necessary it is to find some
means OF competing in this respect with Power
winch levles its human tribute with far more GER
alnty than that with which ii can collect the pecun
airy contributions of its impoverished subjects But
here 49, as 1t appears to u.s. considerable danger that
IN our anxiety to conquer enemy we shall make
to ourselves another and order to provide ourselves
with few hundred dsorderly and refractory recruits
make thirty million enemies of our own race on the
other side OF the Atlantic There no person against
"hom Inc moral presumption would be stronger than
against resident In the United States who should be
willing to recross the Atlantic in order to plunge into
the vortex OF an European war. Such person has
gone to- country where man is above all things in
demand and where idleness and poverty are not the
results OF the state Of society," but the voluntary choice
of men unwilling to work and unable to save. Such
persons there will always be in every community.
but America affords less excuse than any other coun.
try Tor their existence, inasmuch as work is more
easily obtained and more richly remunerated than
elsewhere.
We greatly doubt whether, if we can succeed in
attracting under standard all the desperadoes
who are forever threatening the repose of the feeble
republics contiguous to the United States we shall
have materially strengthened our army and whether
we shall not have to pay in INSTRUMENTATION, mutt
Mes and desertl0ns price more than equivalent II
trItlng increase OF our numbers Whether this be
so however. or not, there is doubt that the inst
and honest cause in which engaged has failed
to command the sympathies of considerable norton
| of the American people We may regret this but
we cannot deny il, We may lament that, while such
extreme facility afforded to the piratical expedi
ton which invaded Cuba and while is found so
easy to collect band Of adventures for anv buca
neerng object, the attempts Of England TO recruit her
armies from the United States have been watched
with such peculiar and exceptional vigilance and
cOunteracted with such unyieIdng severity But
though regret these thing we cannot denv them
nor we deny the right of the United States Gov
ernment 10 put in force lis law prohibiting the
enlistment of its subjects into foreign service even
though that service may happen to be our own We
have the feeling of the people and the law OF the
;, country against us-a people justly jealous OF the
proceedings OF any foreign Stale and law of whose
provisions We at any rate, having adopted similar
law ourselves, have no right to complain Is it wise
is it just, to push this interference with the inter
nal affairs OF friendly Power, in defiance of her
law, her reclamation, and her feelings
! The danger apprehend is nearer than might be
supposed. We find by the American papers that Mr.
ROwcrolt, the English Consul al Cincinnati has been
tried Oh the charge of ensting American subjects
for service with the British army in the Crimea-
The report of the trial is thus headed by our contem
porary,-" irish Intormers Sham Enlistments -
Trap to catch Mr.. Rowcroft The money obtained
spent in drink the object-hatred of England" In
this comrendious abIdgement, which does much
credit to the condonsng powers Of our American
temporary, is pretty well explained the history of the
case. Mir. Conahan, member of tho United Irish
Society," conceived brilliant idea of pretending
wish TO enlist fifty recruits in the English army, in
order to entrap Mr. Rowcroft, the English Consul
into an admission which might bring him within the
$50 bo Law,
this purpose he obtained introduction to Mr.. Row.
croft who appears to have told him that if he wo"ld
take fifty men to the Niagara Suspension bridge he
should receive Il Captains commission. For this
purpose he received en- advance of money-not from
Mr. Rowcroft-whiCh he and his Ccnfederates not
apparently afflicted with -niceness to the point
of honor retained for their 1t also appeared
that Mr.. Rowcro had advised Conahan to stay at
home and take of his wife and children, instead
of going to the Crimea. The evidence, even if it be
believed, which, considering the persons from whom
it comes, would imply extraordinary amount of
credulity, is exceedingly slight The Court has not
yet It's opinion, but we cannot entertain doubt
that upon the merits of the case Elr Rowcroft will
obtain an acqutta Still, the fact of such trial
taking place ISL itself extremely preudical to the
good understanding between the two countries, and
likely to raise feelings and debates of most unde
srable character. Though Mr.. Rowcroft may be &C.
quilted of the charge of enlisng American subjects,
the trial proves clearly enough that such enlistment
was going through agents supplied with money
from this country and that the English Consul was
cognizant of the proceeding.
The whole thing seems to have been managed very
clumscay, and TO have been brought 10 light by an
artiice as clumsy as the management. 1t is of no
use inveighsagain the contemplate treachery by
which the proceeding was discovered. Our duty is
to consider whether free from blame, and not
! how much blame may be imputable to others. 1t is
the will of the American people, as expressed by their
laws that their citizens shall not be enlisted in the
service of foreign States it is the opinion OF the
executive Government that those laws ought to be
put in force and, far tell, that decision
is supported by very considerable amount OF public
opinion. We are not acting the part OF good ally
or OF sincere and honorable friend of the United
States in seeking, for own purposes, to infringe
their laws to outwit their Executive, and TO offend
the feelings and prejudices of their people We
might reasonably have expected at the hands of a ma
ton so nearly united to US by blood and, we should
have thought. by similarity of views and feelings
little more sympathy but their sympathy ls their
own to give or withhold, and we have no right to
: quarrel with our Transatlantic nelghbors IT, IN the
midst of democracy they stretch out their hands to
despotism, and look coldy on the cause of freedom
We earnestly entreat our Government to consider
we'll what they arc doing in thus tamperlng with the
feelings of susceptible and spirited nation, and
to Withdraw, before comes of it. from posi-
ton so aught with difficulty, which 1t Is Impossible
to defend on the grounds of justice, or support on
principles OF equity and far dealng Let snen re-
verse the question, ana ask themselves whether II
the United States sent their recruiting agents into
England the British government would tolerate suci
proceeding We are that they would not, ana
that in so doing they would be backed by the vote OF
Parliament and the all but unanimous OPINION OF tne
people. We have right to lntct upon our nelgh-
= bors that which, under similar circumstances we
, would NOT endure ourselves We have no right tc
make their municipal law bend to our notions OF eH
nediencv and we utterly misunderstood that which