The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1855-11-02
Prom the N. Y. Day Book
PATRIOTISM AND DEMAGOGISM.


At interval Of many years prominent individuals
Of the State Of New York have addressed their eowc
upon the absorbing domestic topic Of later times
slavery. On the Of an election in which the ee
ments OF sectonasm, fauacism, and hypocrisy viii have
coaesced party TO accomplish the most dangerous OF
purposes and perpeuate prohgate and corrupt rule
in the State il win be instructive to compare the senti
ments upon the subject Of great patriot Sas
Wright with those Of ms great demagogue William II.
Seward The following extracts from the speech Of
the latter reced before the monge meeting held at Al
bany on the 18th instant:
Think It not strange extravagan when say 10 you
that arisoeraey has already arisen here and that IL
already undermining the republic. a privileged
class has existed in this country from early period OF
its settlement SqUery constitutes that class They have
special foundation which TO stard-namely personal
dominion over slaves
Again:
"sayery is not and never can be- perpetual 1t viii be
overhrown either peacefully lawfully under the
ton together with its overflow. Then the Sldpe-
holders coud perish in the struggle The change
be made without violence and by eagency of the ballot
box The temper or The nation just liberal, ana Tor
bearing 1t viii contribute any money and endure any
sacrifices to effect this great and important change"
! And again;
we must the demoralized virtue Of the nation
We the prnc pie of equality among the
bers of the Staethe principle of the sacredness of the
absolute and inherent rights OF men. We want them an
organization open to all e,ases and that excludes
none = We want a bold, outspoken free-spokon
organzaonone that openly procaims its principles its
purposes and its obectsn fear Of God and not OF man
like that army which Cromwell led that established the
Commonwealth of England. This is the organization we
I want
That is, organization Of traitors who would subs
die the slaves for the purpose of plunging the country
into the horrors of civil To up, Mr.. Seward
pretends that by arstocracy privileged
class'-in word, "sLAvERY'-is to he overtmown"
There is to be struggle radical change "equa-
in he this achieved by
an "ouspoken organization, that openly proclaims its
principles" Ike that army Which CfonatceH fed' by
what stretch Of Imagination the baot-box" accom-
psh const tuonally all that the abotonists aim at
| is mere than Mr. Seward affected TO explain. lie
knows that no SURFACES the North affect prac
cay the question Of slavery and that but two ways exist
Of abrogang viz by the action of each slave State
/ by such army Cromwetl led"
What words of Indignation strong enough against
who occupying the high position OF senator OF the
United States and aspiring TO the presidency OF the re-
public res to talk OF struggle carried by organ
ization with armed rebellion principles, and with the
avowed possible end which Mr. Seward expresses the
sentence" THEN THE SHAREHOLDERS THE
sTRUGGLEW Notwithstanding the ambition of the man,
be be blind the fact that the of his eff
forts would be deadly blow to the integrity Of the
Union and that the change he would bring about cannot
be effected without scattering heritage of freedom to
! the winds.
"This was, that time, great and commanding in
in the States of the confederacy. Our own proud
and powerful and free State then an extensive
holder OF domestic slaves Such that PERIOD the
fact with many other of the present free States The in
teres therefore TO be compromised by the CON
venton, ter labors must come to useless termination
They did compromise it; and how
The nature of the institution such as required that
its police should be left Internationally, with the States
where it existed 1t left It's continuance aboi-
ton purely matter of State interest when the police
devoyed upon their local governments and when all
questions Of private property of course questions be-
tween the State and its citizens and were like all other
questions in reference TO all descriptions of property IN all
the States, to be left to the State administrations So far,
therefore, the only duty of the convention was not to inter
ere with the State sovere2nties. Yet there other
considerations connected with this delicate and trouble
subject which could not fail to be pressed upon the
convention and to require their action The laws OF the
slave States recognised the slaves not only as property put
persons far they partook OF the latter charac
ter they necessarily formed ingredient in that basis OF
representation which established upon population
alone without reference to property recognition, too
of the institution in its anomalous FORM in the provisions
of the federal compact matter of vital interest with
the States of the South where slavery existed most broad
y and deeply interviewer with the existing or
ganzaton of society The basis OF federal popular repre-
sentaon and taxation adopted in the constitution IS the
compromise of the convention upon these points; ana 1t
will not fail to be remarked that while the free States may
feel that rule of representation is unavorable to Them
the slave States forget that they pay for any ad-
they receive in the rule OF taxation Inc terms
OF the provision are:
Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned
among the several States which may be included withn
this Union according to their respective numbers which
shall be determined by adding to the whole number OF
free persons including those bound TO service for term OF
years. aud excluding Indians not taxed three-hs OF all
/ other persons.
i single other provision Of the constitution touches
this delicate question: and its justice shall be plainly sub
mit,ed. 1t is in these words:
~ No person held to service labor in one State un-
der the laws thereof escaping into another shall in eonse-
quence of any law regulation therein be discharged
from such service labor but shall be delivered up
claim of the party whom such service labor be
due
That this clause of the constitution applicable to the u-
gye slave is PROFESSIONALLY true be is held to service
in the State under the laws thereof and that II is
applicable the egalybound apprentice and servant
Of the free States equally plain and true Does the fact
that the provision is broad enough to embrace the slave
viiae it, and make wrong its insertion part OF that
sacred instrument? Is it and proper in ITSELF and
ought the friendly relation to exist and be perpetual
among the States of the Union AS applicable the
slave is it not due to the previous provisions which
ognse and tolerate the institution OF slavery and respect
the rights and interests of the saveholdng States Could
the fair faith implied by these provisions be carried out
without this one and they be available in the
spirit of the compact between the States without
faithful observance of this covenant, also
I" Are there any who will blame venerable fathers,
the delegates in the convention Of 1884, for giving their
assent this clause of constitution All the old
thirteen States assened to it, and to all the other
sons and compromises which have been mentioned
nected with the subject Of domestic slavery The people
Of all the States assented TO them and fifty years of inter-
nal peace and abundant prosperity have attesed the wis
dom of the convention the patriotism and devotion of the
States to the federal Union and the intelligence and justice
and inth of the people What American citizen CtN nor
h. Husty