Washington sentinel., 1855-01-07

dimmed and distinguished by the smoke Of
battle.
Sir, our neighbor, Mexico, has had war
enough in the last fifty years to have made her
people the freest on earth, and yet, though
many tyrannical Governments have been put
down there, the cause of civil liberty has not
advanced. Nor has it in the South American
States; nor in the world generally, during hos
Tile struggles. What mean to say is, not that
war may not be sometimes necessary to pro-
tect liberty, but l affirm that liberty does not
usually spring out Of war; that where you
have one case of that kind, / can point to
hundred OF contrary tendency. Looking,
therefore, simply to the interest Of the masses
OF Earope, | would rather have peace than
war. In peace you have the railroad and tele-
graph and the newspaper Every newspaper,
and letter, and message is an atom on the side
OF Liberty. You will find that as men become
wealthier they are more intelligent and more
tenacious of their political and personal rights.
These views, Mr. Chairman, accord with our
own political system. We have the smallest
Army and Navy of any of the great nations,
and our policy has been that of peace, in the
main, from the days of Washington. There
are. too, passages in our own history, which
render it imperative that we should make the
movement which have indicated. It is well
known that during our revolutionary struggle,
France interfered on our side, and ultimately
became our ally, and aided us until the end Of
the struggle. But for that Intervention it is
highly probable that this assembly would not
exist to-day. And, sir while alluding to this,
Ind myself unexpectedly in the presence OF
one who calls up recoections; cannot see,
AZ TINS moment, without emotions, the gentle
nas who was sng nsat k@ At
A VOICE. "Who is it2'
1t is, (said MIR. CLINGMAN, continuing,) he
whose grandsire is pictured on that tapestry,
(pointing to the fulflength portrait of the Mar
gus de Lafayette, on the left Of the Speaker !
When we remember the past, made vivid by
the sight Of that picture and this living repre-
sentative, is there one who can doubt but that
we owe deep debt of gratitude to France.
While would not pretend that we ought un-
der the circumstances, to take part, by force,
on her side, | nevertheless maintain that we
are under the highest obligations to do every-
thing consistently with our own interest, to re-
lieve France from danger or difficulty.
At a later period in our history, when we
were at war with England, in 1912, Russia
rendered her mediation. That mediation was
in the language of Mr.. Monroe, the Secretary
Of State, willingly accepted by our Govern
ment. Great Britain declined it, but subse.
quently, and after she had triumphed over her
great adversary in Europe, and was prepared
to turn all her forces against the United States,
and thus give the war much more serious
and formidable character, it is well known that
the interference of Alexander of Russia con-
tributed, in powerful manner, towards the
paciiication which took place. Russia, too, it
appears, then, has strong claims to any good
offices we can render her.
Still later in our progress as q nation, there
is an incident, and precedent more striking
and conclusive in its character. In 1885, when
this Government, under the administration of
General Jackson, was in imminent danger of
being involved in war with France, Great Brit.
ain rendered her mediation. 1t was accepted,
both by us and by the King of France, and a
pacifcatlon between the two Governments was
the result Upon this point, i cannot do better
than to read few sentences from the work of
the distinguished gentleman from Missouri,
Mr.. BENTON. After alluding to the state of
things which then existed-the exhaustion of
negotiations, and the preparatory armaments
on both sides, he refers to the fact that General
jackson sent in a message to Congress, an
nouncing his acceptance Of the mediation, and
uses the following language:
ain communicating the offer of the British me-
diaton the President expressed his high apprecia-
tion Of tho elevated and Jisintrrested motives vf
that offer The motives were, in fact, both
elevated and disinterested and presents one of
those noble spectacles in the conduct of nations
on which history loves 10 dwell. France and the
United States had fought together against Great
Britain. And now Great Britain steps between
France and the Unied States 10 prevent them
from fighting each oher. George the Third re.
ceived the combined attacks of French and
Americans; his son, William the Fourth, inter-
poses 10 prevent tteir arms from being turned
against each other 1t was a noble Intervention,
aud just return .ior the good work Of the
Emperor Alexander in offering his mediation
between the United States and Great Britain
good works these peace mediations, end as
nearly divine as humanity can reach worthy of
all praises OF long remembrance, and continual
imitation the more so in this Of the British
mediation when the event to be prevented would
have been so faurable 10 British interests-would
have thrown the commerce OF the Uuited States
and of France into her hands, and enriched her al
the expense OF both Happily the progress of the
ege which, in cultivating good will among nations
eevates great Powers about all selfshness, and
permits no unfrierdly recollection-no selfish
calculation-to balk the impulsons OF noble
philanthropy"
These, Mr.. Chairman, are Just and noble
sentiments in themselves, and concisely and
handsomely expressed. Andrew Jackson, then
at the head of our Government, was not man
likely to succumb TO an adversary or TO admit
improper interference from foreign quarter.
Nor did any man in these halls, or in the coun.
try, censure his acceptance of the mediation
Every one knew that that iron ,ciu, before
which the veteran columns Of England were
broken TO pieces at New Orleans, would have
been not less strikingly exhibited in defense of
any right that could claim the protection Of
our flag.
1t thus appears that each one of these three
great powers has, in periods of trial or danger
to u.s. interfered for our relief; and shall we
not reciprocate their good Offices? Shall we
be always ready to receive benefits, and never
TO return them? Shall we fold our arms, and
coolly look on, while our former friends are
struggling in the midst of perils? Above all,
shall we refuse to act because we hope TO take
benefits from their misfortunes? Is great
Government like ours to occupy the position Of
the wrecker, who stands upon the sea-beach
during the storm, praying that navies may be
stranded, that he may seize upon the floating
fragments7 Shall we initiate the kite and the
vulture that follow armies TO prey upon the