Washington sentinel. [volume] (City of Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1856, 1855-07-26


Senator from Tennessee, and late Governor of
the same State, was recently invited to public |
dinner by his fellow citizens of Lawrence County, |
Ten, without distraction of party. In his reply
to the Committee, dated Memphis, July 9th, re-
specially declining the honor he holds the fol-
lowing language;
The time was when the question submitted to
us for decision was, whether the principles and
policy of Andrew jackson or those of Henry Clay
should prevail On this question we differed and
divided In the success of the one or the other,
there was nothing dangerous to public liberty;
nothing that threatened the permanence Of our
institutions then; and on such questions we could
afford to differ-it was contest of opinion, of
policy and principles, and although at different
times each of these great parties had its triumphs
and defeats, still rights, our liberties and the
Union were secure, and the country went on pros
perng and to prosper,
But repeat other and different circumstances
surround us; other necessities are upon us, and
other duties command consideration. He must
have been very casual observer of the signs of
the times, very Indifferent observer Of passing
events, if he has not seen the coming of very
different state of things. When those fierce
political conflicts, which have marked the history
of Tennessee for the past twenty years, existed,
were threatened with immediate danger
from the puny efforts of the enemies Of our rights
and institutions. They were then regarded as a
few blind infatuated fanatics scattered over the
country "like angels visits, few and far between"
they and their efforts exciting scarcely any other
feeling than that of pity and contempt. Then
they and their plans and purposes had no other
support than their feeble numbers and blind nfa-
tuation could supply; but, now growing in num-
bers, strengthened by madness, land our forbear-
anee) supported by law, they present themselves
in bold, arrogant defiance, threatening the dis
truction of our rights; even at the expense of the
Union.
In the past few months we have seen these
enemies ofthe South these revilers of our fathers;
these haters of our institutions; these traitors to
the Constitution; assuming the most defiant atti-
tude, marshalng their forces and boldly proclaim
ing their purpose to exterminate slavery from the
land.
Listen to Mr.. Wilson, the other day at Phila-
delphia, delegate to the American Convention.
Addressing the South and Southern delegates,
he said: "You hare had the past-the future Is
ours" And still later, John P Hale, Senator
elect from New Hampshire; addressing an as
semby at Concord, said: 81 hold our duty to be
this: Forgetful of all past differences-of all
divisions and names, sects and parties-to be
true men, and in the free States to come up in one
solid phalanx and give efficacy and effect to the
sentiments and convictions of our hearts" These
might be regarded as empty gasconade or the
more harmless threatenings of lunacy; but let
us not deceive ourselves. These threats come
not only in form, but they are sustained by the
solemn sanctions of many of the States of this
Union. One after another most if not all of the
non-slaveholding States have, in some form or
other, given their sanction to, and approval Of,
this crusade against slavery. Most if not all of
the free States, repeat, have given aid and com
fort to this infamous movement Some, by the
election of Abolition senators; some, by resolu-
tons denunciatory of Southern institutions
some, by a declared purpose to abrogate laws
passed for the protection of Southern property,
in conformity with the express requirements Of
the Constitution; some, by an open and shame
less notification of laws passed by Congress;
some, by an invasion of the sanctuary of the
Judiciary. Thus, in some form other most
of the free States have recorded their hostility to
us, and Joined these consprators and traitors
against the Constitution and our sacred rights
In crisis like this, what does patriotism and
seltpreservation suggest to the people Of Ten
nessee, and the entire South, An abandonment
Of petty hostilities, burying of ancient feuds
and prejudices, and union of all for the sake of
the Unien--a union of the South for the safety
of the South-a union of all hearts and hands
for the protection Of our rights, the maintenance
of our honor, and the preservation of the Con-
sttution and the Union as il exists under the Con-
stitution. These are high considerations to which
| would invite you, and which seem to me to
merit the respect and attention of every patriot
For the expression of these opinions know
subject myself to the imputaton of being called
an Alarmist--an Agitator-a Sectionalist. Be il
80. If to warn my countrymen of an impending
danger, constitutes an alarmist, am one; if to
denounce the schemes and purposes of band of
traitors and conspirators, as infamous as ever
disgraced any age of the world, makes an agita-
tor, am one; IL to maintain the rights of Ten
nessee, guaranteed by the Constitution, and
resistance to this horde Of vandals, makes Sec
tionalst, am one. The danger that threatens
us is, 10 my mind, manifest, that feel
should be guilty of moral treason if did not
raise my warning voice. II unexpectedly will
be dsregarded: be it sony skirts are clear
To such as may be ready TO denounce me as an
agitator-one seeking to foster sectional iealousies
and prejudices-an enemy to the quiet repose of
the country-to such an one, would propose
one simple and solemn question: In the present
attitude of things, in the present organization of
parties, with their discords and dissentions, are
we not likely to see an open, avowed and sworn
enemy of our institutions elected TO the presidency
in the next electioni ] ask is not such a result
possible--even probable? In my judgment such
a result is not only probable, but unless some
thing should occur not now seen, think il a
matter of fearful certainty. In the present state
of party excitement and party hostilties, is it not
certain that we shall have three, il may be four,
candidates IN the field for the Presidency. No
one doubts that the Democratic party will have
its candidate. II is equally certain that the
American party VIII have theirs; and II Is doubly
certain that the Aboltionists will have theirs
To these may possibly be added Wing candi-
date. That there will be three candidates, as
things now stand, Is absolutely certain. fso,
what will be the inevitable RESULT Can cleo
ton be made by the people' So to suppose il TO
betray a wsnton ignorance Of the strength of
parties, and the means and appliances that will
be brought into requisition by EACH 20 secure its
triumph. With three candidates in the field. ]
hold il to be self-evident that no election can be
made by the people. Ifnot, of course II will de-
yolve on the House Of Representatives to make a
President; and what followsi Does not every
informed man know that majority of the next
House il decidedly anti-slavery--a majority of
them the sworn and deadly enemies Of slavery
With the election in their hands, TO doubt the
result is TO doubt senses. When this shall
happen, then folly and nfatuation will be ms
palpable il will be culpable and fatal.
IL there be anything in these suggestions
think there is--what is the momentons question
that addresses itself TO every patriot every lover
Of his country. The question is, or ought to be,
what can be done to avert a catastrophe so fearful
80 fatal 10 all the hallowed memories Of the
past, and all the bright anticipations of the future