New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1854-12-09
NUMBER 23e.

think better for their common welfare, the in
dependent powers Of this continent may well
assert the right to be exempt from all annoying
interference On their part. Systematic absti-
distant foreign nations does not conflict with
giving the widest range to our foreign COM
merce. This distinction, SO clearly marked in
history, seems to have been overlooked or disre-'t
gafded by some leading foreign states. Our re-
fusal to be brought within and subjected to
their peculiar system, has, 1 fear, created
Jealous dstrust OF our conduct, and oeeasioned |
on their part occasional acts of disturbing ef
feet upon our foreign relation. 0our present al
titude and @ast course give assurances which |
should not be questioned, that our purposes are |
not aggressive nor threatening to the safety |
and welfare of other nations, Our militrry |
establishment in time of peace is adopted to |
maintain exterior defences and to preserve or
der among the aboriginal tribes within the lin
its of the Union. Our naval forces is intended
rnly for the protection of our citizens abroad,
and of our commerce, difused as it is. over all
the seas of the globe. The Government of the
United States being essentially pacific in policy,
stands prepared to repel invasion by the voiun-
tary service of patriotic people, and provides
no permanent means OF foreign aggression
These considerations should allay all apprehen-
sion, that we are disposed to encroach on the
rights or endaDger the security Of other States.
| Some European powers have regarded With
disauieting concern the territorial expansion Of
| the United States. This rapid growth has re-
suited from the legitimate exercise of sovereign
rights belonging alike to all nations, and by
many literally exercised. Under such circum-
| stances, it could hardly have been expected
| that those among them which have, within a
comparatively recent period, subdued and abb
sorbed ancient kingdoms, planted their stand
ards on every continent, and now possess, or
claim the control Of the islands of every ocean,
as their appropriate domain; would look with
unfriendly sentiments upon the acquisitions OF
this country in every instance honorably OBJ
tanned, or would feel themselves justified in i'm
putting our advancement to spirit of aggres-
sion, or to a passion for political predominance.
= Our foreign commerce has reached magni-
tude and extent nearly equal to thatof the first
maritime power of the earth, and exceeding that
, Of any other. Over this great interest, in
which not only our merchants, but all classes
of citizens at least indirectly, are concerned, i
is the duty of the executive and Legislative
!, branches of the government to exercise a care
full supervision, and adopt proper measures fol
. its protection. The policy which had in view
in regard to this interest, embraces its futur'
as we'll as its present security.
II Long experience has shown, that in general
: when the principal powers Of Europe are en-
gagged in war, the rights of neutral nations ar
endangered This consideration led. in the pro
! gress of the war of our independence, to tn
formation Of the celebrated federacy of arme
9 neutrality, primary object of which was to as
t | sert the doctrines that free ships make ire
goods except in case of articles contraband c
war: q doctrine which, from the very com
mencement of our national being, has been
s cherished idea of the statesmen of this country
, At one period or another, every maritime powe
s has. by some solemn treaty stipulation, recog
q nized that principles and it might have bee
), hoped that it would come to be universally re
ceived and respected as o rule Of lnternationa
e law But the refusal of one power prevente
G this, and in the next great war which ensued
that of the French revolution it failed to be re
n speeted among the belligerent States of Europe
Notwithstanding this, the principle is general
admitted to be sound and salutary one; S
n much so, that at the commencement Of the ex
10 isting war in Europe, Great Britain and Franc
Is announced their purpose to observe it for tn
q present mott however, as recognized interIf
tional law, co operation right, however, of thes
e two powerful maritime nations in the interest
J. neutral rights, appeared to me to afford an o.
casion, inviting and justifyihg. on the part
l. the United States, renewed effort to make Il
:. doctrine in question principle of information
u. law, by means of special conventions hetwes
le the several powers of Europe and America,
d. Accordingly, q proposition, embracing n
ce only the rule, that free ships make free good
except contraband articles, but also the less CO
On tested one, that neutral property, other thi
contraband, though on board enemy's shiI
- shall be exempt from confsoation, has been su
J ) mitted to this Government to those Of Euro
a. and America. 5z.,--
Russia acted promptly in this matter, ant
e. convention, was concluded, between that count
10. and the United States, providing for the ohs'
. vance of the principles announced, not only
" between themselves, but also as between tn
ny and all other nations, which shall enter into i
it, stipulations. None of the other powers have
val vet taken final action on the subject. / am
no aware however, that any objection to the p
- posed stipuiations has been made; but, on
,ne contrary, they are acknowledged to be essent
me to the security of neutral commerce; and
8. only apparent obstacle to their general adopt
Ids is in the possibility thst it may be encumbe]
Ter by inadmissible conditions.
of The King of the Two sicilies has expressed
our minister at Naples his readiness to con,
in our proposition relative to neutral rights, 9
to enter into a convention on that subject
Es' The King of Prussia entirely approves Of
will project of treaty to the same effect, submit
in to him, but proposes an additional article P
cen yiding for the remuneration Of privateeri
Tar, snch an article, for most obvious reasons
ely much desired by nations having naval est
the lishment large in proportion to their fore
has commerce If it we're adopted as an inter
and tional rule, the commerce of q nation haz
ties comparatively small naval force, would
the yery much at the mercy of its enemy, in I
rity Of war with foreign power of decided ne
urn superiority The bare statement eff the co
the ton in which the United States would be pls
md after having surrendered the right to resor
5, it privateers, in the event Of war with belli
Lnts, ent of naval supremacy, will show that this
the ernment could never listen to such prol
nple tion. The navy of the first maritime powe
d OF Europe is at least ten times as large as tha
care the United States. The foreign commere
the two countries is nearly equal, and a
by equally exposed to hostile depredations. In
oun- between that power and the United states,s
IS of out resort on our part to our mercantile ma
As the means of our enemy to infiiet injury
with our commerce would be tenfold greater
Ehich ours to retalate We could not extricate
that country from this unequal condition, with
5 the an enemy, unless we at once departed iron
ends, present peaceful policy, and became q |
lition naval power Nor would this country be
They ter situated in war with one of the secon
Ami naval powers. Though the naval dsp
rocal would be less, the greater extent, and NOR
IN of posed condition of our widespread comm
and would give any of them like advantage
ear us.
endly The proposition to enter into engagemei
forego resort to privateers, in case the Co
early should be forced to enter into war with
g all naval power is not entitled to more fave
ted 1t consideration than would be propositit