Lewisburg chronicle. [volume] (Lewisburg, Pa.) 1850-1859, 1854-05-05
BentOn's Nebraska Speech
H. r. WASHINGTON, April Q

DShtVA - ANSUA uOAASS sOPNSSAl
H. R. WASHINGTON, April 25.
If any bill to impair the Missouri com.
promise line of 1920 had been brought
into this House by''a member from slave
State, or under the administration of a
President elected from q slave State,
should have deemed it my duty to have
met it at the threshold, and to have made
the motion which the parliamentary law
prescribes for the repulse of subjects which
are not fit to be considered l should have
moved its rejection at the first reading.
But the bill before us-for the two may
be considered as onc-does not come from
that quarter. 1t comes from a free State,
and under the administration of Presi-
dent elected from free State and under
that aspect Of its origin, deem it right to
wait, and hear what the members of the
free States had TO say to it. 1t was a
proposition from their own ranks, to give
up their half of the slavery compromise
of 1870; and if they chose to do so, did
not see how southern members could refuse
to accept it. Itwas free State question; !;
aud the members from the free States were
the majority, and could do as they pleased.
So stood aloof, waiting to see their lead,
but without the slightest intention of be-
ing governed by it. Ihad my own convic-
tions of right and duty, and meant to act
upon them. l had come into political life
upon that compromise. had stood upon
it above thirty years, and intended to stand
upon it to the end-solitary and alone, if
need be but preferring company to soil
tude, and not doubling for an instant what
the result was to be.
have said that this bill comes into
Congress under the administration Of a
free State President; but l do not mean
to say, or insinuate by that remark, that
the President favors the bill. l know
nothing Of his disposition towards it; and
if did, should not disclose it here. 1t
would be unparliamcntary, and breach
of the privileges of this House to do SO.
The Presidents opinions can only be made
known to US by himself, in message in
writing. In tha. way it is his right, and
often his duty, to communicate with US.
And in that way there is no room for mis-
take in citing his opinions; no room for
an unauthorized use of his name no room
for the imputation Of contradictory opin-
ions to him; and in that way he becomes
responsible to the American people for the
opinions he may deliver. All other modes
of communication are forbid to him, as
tending to an undue and unconstitutional
interference with the freedom of legisla-
ton. 1t is not bribery alone attempted
upon member which constitutes breach
of the privileges of this Honse. 1t is any
attempt to operate upon members vote
by any consideration Of hope or fear, favor
or affection, prospect of reward, or dread
of punishment. This is parliamentary
law, as old as English Par!iaments, con-
stantly maintained by the British House
of Commons, and lately declared in most
signal manner. 1t was during the reign
cf our old master, George the Third, and
in the famous case of Mr.. Fox's East India
bill. A report was spread in Parliament
by one of the lords of the bed chamber,
that the King was opposed to the bill; that
be wished it defeated; and had said that
he would consider any member his enemy
who should vote for it. The House of
Commons took fire at this report, and i'm
mediately resolved:
"Tbat to report any opinion. or preten-
den opinion of his Majesty, upon any bill
depending in either House Of Parliament,
is high crime and misdemeanor, deroga-
tory to the honor Ct the crown, breach
of the fundamental privileges Of Parlia-
men., and subversiye Of the Constitution
Of the country" -sss-
This resolve was adopted in . full House
by a majority Of sesenty.thrce votes and
vas only dsclarasory Of existing parlias
meDsary lsw-such q it had existed from