The Lancaster ledger. [volume] (Lancaster, S.C.) 1852-1905, 1854-12-13
S2 PER ANNUM.

" e'ery oceau, as tnelr appropriate do
main--would look with unfriendly senti
ments upon the acquisitions of this coun
try, III every instance honorably obtained
or would feel themselves justified In i'm
putting our advancement 10 spirit of ap
gresslon, or to passion for political pre-
dominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached 6
magnitude and extent nearly equal tc
that of the first maritime power of the
earth, and exceeding that of any other
Over this great interest, in which not only
our merchants, but all classes of citizens
at least indirectly, concern,d, il is the
duty OF the executive and legislative
branches of the government to exercise a
careful supervision, and adopt proper
measures for its protection, The policy
which have had in view, in regard to
this interest, embraces its future as well
rs It's present security.
Long experience has shown that, in
general, when the principal power. of Eu-
rope are engaged in war, the rights of
neutral nations are endangered. This
consideration led, in the progress of the
war Of our independence, to the forms-
ton Of the celebrated confederacy OF arm
ed neutrality, a primary object of which
Was, to assert the doctrine, that free ships
make free goods, except in case of articles
contraband Of war; a doctrine which.
from the very commencement of our ma.
tIonal being, has been cherished idea of
the statesmen Of this country. At one
period or another, every maritime power
has, by some solemn treaty stipulation, re-
cogn;sed that principle; and il might
have been hoped that it would me to
be universally received and respected AS
a rule OF International law. But tho re-
fusal of one power prevented this, and in
the next great war which ensued, that of
tue French revolution, it failed to be re-
sPected among the belligerent States of
Europe. Notwithstanding this, the prin.
ciplc is generally admitted to be sound
and saiutary one /; so much so, that, at
the commencement of the existing war in
Europe, Great Britain aud France an.
nounced their purpose to observe it for
the present; not, however, as a recognised
International right, but as mere conces-
sion for the time being. The co.opera.
tion, however, of these two powerful mari
time nations in the interest of neutral
rights, appeared to me to afford an occa-
sion, inviting and justifying, on the part
Ut the United States, n renewed effort to
make the doctrines in question principle
OF International law, by means Of special
conventions between the several powers
Of Europe and America. Accordingly,
proposition, embracing not only the rule,
That Tree ships make free goo,ls, except
contaband articles, but also the less con
tested one, that neutral property, other
than con,raband, though on board ene-
my's ships, shall be exempt from confisca
tion, has been submitted by this govern.
ment " those Of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter,
and convention was CONCLUDED, between
that country AMI the United States. pro-
viding for the observance Of the princi-
pies announced, not only as between
themselves, but also as between theiI
and all other nations, which shall enter
into like slipulstions. None of the other
powers have MS yet taken inal action on
the subject. | am not aware, however,
that any objection to the proposed stipu-
lations has been made {; but, on the con-
trary, they are acknowledged to be es.
sential To the security of neutral cJin.
merce AMI the only apparent obstacle
to their general adoption is in the posi-
biity that il may be encountered 10y in
admissible conditions.
The King OF the Two Sicilies has ex-
pressed to our minister at Naples his
readiness TO concar in our proposition
relative TO neutral rights, and TO enter
into convention on that subject.
The King of Prussia entirely proves
Of the project Of treaty TO the same ef-
feet, submitted to him, but proposes an
additional article providing for the renun-
cia'ion Of privateering. Slch an article,
for moot obvious reasons, is much de-
sired by nations having naval establish.
melits, large ia proportion TO their oreigh
comm rce. Ii il were adopted ss an in.
teriational rule, the commerce Of a ma
ton having comparatively small naval
fJrce, would be very much ut the mercy
OF It's enemy, in case OF war with pow
er Of decided naval superiority. The bare
statement of the condition IN which the
United States would be placed, after hay-
ing surrender the right 10 resort TO priva-
teers, in the event OK war with be!lige-
rent OF naval supremacy, will show that
this government could never listen TO such
q proposition. The navy Of the frat
maritime power in Europeis at least ten
times rs large as that Of the UniteL
States. The foreign commerce Of tbe
two couHtries is nearly equal, and about
equally exposed TO hostile depreda,ions.
Ia war between that power and the Uni
ted States. without resort on our part 20
our mercantile marine, the ,nsans Of uur
enemy 70 iniiict injury npon our com
inercs would be tentold greater than ours
70 retsliase. We could not extricate our
country from this unequal conditions, with
sovh an enemy, unless We At once depaf-
ted from our present peaceful policy, and
became q greatnaval power. Nor would
this country be Better situated IN war with
one Of the secondary naval powers. Tho
thu naval Disparity would BE- les, the