Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-12-14

have moi had an opportunity to examine the
debates IN the Virginia legislature, but Mr.. Web
ster thus alluded 10 them in the Senate in March,
1850:
Let every man, said he, who doubts Of that, re-
cur 10 the debates in the Virginia house OF dele
gates IN 1872, and see with what freedom a pro-
position made by Mr. Randolph for the gradual
abolition OF slavery was discussed in that body.
Every one spoke of slavery as he thought. Very
lgnomlnous and disparaging names were applied
10 H. lie particularly mentions Mr.. Randolph
and Governor Mcdowell among those who
thus expressed themselves openly and sent their
remarks 10 the press.
1.-THE South has changed its views of this great
question, the North has not, nor is the mistaken
adhesion Of northern men 10 their original convic-
tons just subject of complaint any more than
The expression of them in proper terms OF for
bearance and moderation.
Subsequently, the writer in the Enquirer, yield
ing 10 The sober second thought or, in other words,
10 the wiser persuasions of his own Judgment, or
10 those of others, probably 10 the latter, kindly
permits northern man TO have his own private
opinion upon this NATTER provided he simply toll
crates the institution OF savery-and this, he adds
General Cass refuses 10 concede US. He might
be so averse TO slavery, and we would not COM
| plain, if he would rigidy abstain from abusing
u.s.
Once before, and only once, | heard this doctrine
OF the promissory right of northern men 10 think
| upon this subject, provided they shut up their
thoughts in their own breasts. The position of a
pubic man in the North requires the free express
sion TO his constituents of his views respecting
slavery, as well for his own sake for the sake
of his usefulness 10 the cause OF the Constitution.
To rail at slavery is one thing, and very foolish
| and unjust thing. To submit 10 the tribunal OF
public opinion in his own State his views upon the
abstract question, while defending the right ofthe
South 10 adjust il practically for themselves, is
another and quite different thing, and nothing
| but the very extremity of intolerance could con-
a dely led in heir pasi-
| ton, and so different in their nature.
Upon this question of the right of opinion, and
of the duty Withholding the expression of it,
said in the Senate in February last:
"Truth permanently injured by free inquiry
You cannot control investigation and you must take It.
with its abuses for the blessings it brings with It.
highly respectable and respected member Of the House
OF said upon this subject time since
You consider sayerya great evil. Very WELL think
but keep your thoughts to yourselves am sure, sir
this honorable member must have sentiment
while feeling strongly the asperions upon the South
frequent in the North for he knows, well many one
the mpossiby of prescribing the right of speech,
combining the thoughts of to his own bosom. You
might just well undertake stop the tide of the
as to stop tide Of human opinion and though both Of
these mighty agents in their resess march, are felt
evil well for good yet their healthfu action
ntely better than would be their agnant quetude
speaker did he had perfect right without regard
to this propostionhe examined the whole subject in the
ha Of the nation and OF could not expect that his
precept and not his practice would be followed by others
So much for this claim ofocclusion, this demand
that every northern man shall place his hand upon
| his mouth, and his mouth IN the dust, whenever
| the word slavery is sounded in his ears by its
| friends or IFS foes. And now for The assertion Of
| the Richmond Enquirer, that / had transgressed
the limits of Legitimate investigation by my assaults
/ upon slavery. very few words will dispose OF
this charge 10 the perfect satisfaction of every
| but Of him WHO made il. | shall not commit the
| folly of expecting his recantation. He who does
an injury, when the injustice is exposed, thence.
forth TOO often considers himself the injured
| party.
have never uttered one reproschful word on
| the subject of slavery. Not one. II is a course
| of discussion which suits neither my taste, nv
| habits, nor my age. And least of all am likely
10 adopt il when one of the gravest constitutional
| subjects that be presented 10 the American
/ people is brought forward for consideration.
have never, like the members of the Virginia le-
| gslature, applied ignominious or disparag in p
names TO it; and Tdefy the writer of this article,
| or anybody else TO find in all my remarks single
assertion 81 even epithet, that the most jealous
friend Of the institution can justly censure In my
| Nicholson letter, speaking of slavery, said
There it is, and not by the act of the present
generation, and we must deawith il as great prac-
| teal question, involving the most momentous
consequences. We have neither the right nor the
| power 10 touch il where il exists; and if we had
both, their exercise by any means heretofore sug-
/ gested might lead 10 results which no wise man
would willingly encounter, and which nojust man
could contemplate without anxiety"
In the Senate / said, in $780, that
Slavery is existing institution in the South for
which ne living man Is responsible. 1t isnerwovenpto
the very texture Of society Between three and four mil
lions Of people differing race and color from the
dominant CASTE held in bondage have seen 9ood
deal Of slavery, and believe its evils much magnhed
treated with as much Kindness and consideration ~ are
compatible with the relative condition OF bond and free
and certainly as well as they would be treated North
IL had slaves there do not myself how sucb !,
mass Of human beings be set free Emancipaton nm
less the work, may say, Of would equally destroy
about. do not that can It's question which
concerns the Southern States alone They have every
motive to deal with II Justly and wisely every inter
ference from abroad but adds the dcuty of the pos
ton, and creates natural reaction in every southern
| mind"
"we give them however, (opinion and discussion
right direction, and that should be the effort OF eyery
true American IN the States whose feel
this strange hallucinson He should stand ND for The
rights Of the South by standing up for the obligations Of
which seeks through blood and Gre the of
Of beings who may become free in Gods good time and
when he has prepared them for ithow know not-but
Who made free Tomorrow would least those OF them
who survived the struggle become the miserable and
| ab3ect population on the face Of the globe"
ITO touch It slavery by the general ou.d
be 10 shake TO lie conversions whole political edce
ventages its friends claim for IT, the evils lis
mics deplore. Believing II misfortune for any couptrv
regret establishment; but looking upon Il A. an
ttlng condition, confess that though II nav
come TO an end-and hope may peacefully and
see no way in which this can be effected but by leaving
10 those most interested In H. and process thew
find bestto adopt Any external interfersnce would
only aggrayate the evils and the dangers and this our
perience already shown 20 the frightf nictpras
which have been drawn, Of cruelty side and en- Fer
ing and wrecheness the other they are gross
ratoDs by whatever modern Guver fabricated whether
man ron9HiHded woman originating In ignorance or
msleyolenee and mnsterng TO the worst Of passions both
| at home and abroad =
Certainly objects OF confederation are eyervvbere N
be found even In the most prosperous communfes Mis
fortune wheher produced BY ourselves by the CHANCES
Of life, inseparabe from human society Ard there IL
i who cannot look around him and find objects
enough upon which 20 exhaust hts benevolence whether
It's contributions confined 10 pulling tatv az
extended substantial offerings the relief Of distress
have patience with that costiye charity which nerects
the misery OF is neghborbood because that the
aid Of the purse, and seeks subjects for noisy phanropy
beyond ts reach, because words not wealth. ana
professions are cheaper than cash.
These are the sentiments which have always
felt, and which have always expressed in the
Senate, popular assemblsges, and in private con.
versatioD, whenever this subject was under dis.
cussion. And call upon the ERgHirer 10 redeem
itself from the obloquy which failure would cast
upon il, 10 point out single instance in which
/ have assaulted the Institution, OF stimulated
the fapaticsm OF the abolitionists by joining in
their denunciaiions Of slavery
But let my views be sought In the aeknow.
lodged versions OF my speeches, and not in brief
49, "A.