Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1854-05-04
MIR. BENTON ON THE NEBRASKA BILL.
SPEECH OF MR.. BENTON,
DELIVERED in Committee Of The Whole Of the
Houseof Representatives., April 25, 1854.

into this House by member from slave State,
or under the Administration of President cleo
ted from slave State, | should have deemed il
nv duty to have met il at the threshold, and 10
have made the motion which the parliamentary
law prescribes for the repulse of subjects which
are not fit to be considered should have moved
lis rejection at the first reading. But the bill
before Us, for the two may be considered as one,
does not come from that quarter 1t comes from
a free State, and under the Administration Of a
President elected from free State and under
that aspect of its origin, | deemed it right to
wait, and hear what the members from The free
States had to say to it IL was proposition from
their own ranks to give up their half of the slave
nv Compromise of 1920; and if they chose to do
so. did not see how Southern members could
refuse to accept it. 1t vas free State question
and the members from the free Sta'es were the
majority, and could do as they pleased. So
stood aloef, waiting to see their lead but without
the slightest intention of being governed by 1t.
had my own convictions of right and duty, and
meant to act upon them had come into poltl-
cal life upon that Compromise. had stood upon
it above thirty years, and intended to stand upon
it to the end--soitary and alone, if need be but
preferring company to solitude. and not doubt
ing for an instant what the result was to be.
| have said that this bill comes into Congress
under the administration of free State President
but do not mean to say, or intimate, by that re-
mark, that the President favors the bill. know
nothing Of his disposition towards it; and If Ibid
| should not disclose it here. 1t would be unpar'
liamentary and breach ofprivileges ofthis House
to do so. The Presidents opinions can only be
made known to us by himself, in message IN
writing. In that way itis his right, and often his
| duty, to communicate with US And In that way
there is no room for mistake in citing his opinions
| no room for an unauthorized use of his name; nc
room for the imputation of contradictory opinions
/ of him; and n.that way he becomes responsible
to the American people for the opinions he may
deliver All other modes of communication are
forbid to him as tending to an undue and nncon-
stitutiona interference with the freedom OF legis
aton 1t is not bribery alone attempted upon "a
member which constitutes breach of the priv
leges of this House II is any attempt to operate
upon members vote by any consideratlod OF
hope or fear, favor or affection, prospect of re-
ward or dread of punishment. This is parlia-
mentary law. as old as English Parliaments. con
stantly maintained by the British House of Com
mons, and lately declared in most signal man
ner. 1t was during the reign of our Old master
George the Third, and in the famous case of Mr.
Fox's East India bill A report was spread in
Parliament by one Of the lords Of the bed cham
Der, that he King was opposed to the bill; that
he wishedit defeated and had said that he would
consider any member his enemy who should vote
for it. The House of Commons took fire at this
report, and Immediately resolved;
"That to report any opinion or pretended opinion Of his
Noi in
ment high crime and misdeeansr, derogaory to the
honor of the Crown breach of the fundamental privileges
Of Parliament and sbversiye Of the Constitution Of the
country"
This resolve was adopted in full House, by
a ma jority Of seventy thrse votes, and was only
decaratory of existing parliamentary law--such
as it had existed frum the time that Englis
counties and boroughs first knights OF the shire
and burgesses to represent them in the Parlia-
ment House. 1t is old English Parliamentary
law, and is so recorded by ta,sell and all the
writer's on that law. 1t is also American law
as cd as our Congress and as such recorded Ill
Jefferson Manual 1t is honest law and, as
such, existent in every honest heart Sir, the
President of the United States can send us nc
opinions, except in written messages, and no one
can re- port hi opinions to influence the conduct
of members npon bill, without becoming obnox
ious to the censnre which the British House OF
Commons pronounced upon the lord of the bee
cha alber, in the case of the King and the Foa
East India bill.
| Mr. can the Presidents Secretares--his heat
clerks as Mr. Randolph used to caltthem-sent
us .ir opinions on any subject oflegslation de
pending before us. They can only report, .ant
that in writing, on.the subjects etered to en-
by law or by vote of the Houses Nonlnles
vention is their duty in relation TO ourltg isIation
and if they attempt TO intervene in any of on
| business, must be allowed, for one, to repu S,
the attempt, and to eXpr IS for it no higher de
gree of respect than that Mr.. Burke expressed
| for the the opinio of British Lord Chancellor
delivered TO the House of ommobs, in a case il
which he had no concern Sir, ] suppose / cal
be allowed to repeat Oh this flour any degree o
comparison or figure of speech which Mr.. Burk
could use on the floor of the British Hous
of Commons He was classic speaker, and
besides that, author of treatise Oh the Sublim
and Beautiful; though do not consider the par
tlcular figure which have to repeat, althoug
just and picturesque in itself, to be perfect il
lustration Of either branch Of his admired treat
ise 1t was in reference to Lord Thurlow, VIII
had interviewed in some Legislative business, con
trary to the orators sense of right and decency
Mr. Burke rFpulsed the intrusive opinion, and de
clared that he did not care three jumps of lous
for it. Sir, say the same of any opinion whic
may be reported here from our Secretaries, o
any bill depending before us, and that in an
form in which i, may come from them-whethe
as a unit or as integers.
Still less do admit the right of interventio
in our Legislative duties in another class of intel
meddlers, and who might not be able to meddI
at all with our business, were it not for the mir
istraton of,our bounty. speak of the publ
printers, who get their dail y bread (and that bu
tered on both sdes) by our daily printing, an
who require the Democratic members of tn
House, under the instant penalty of polite;
damnation. to give in their adhesion to every bi
which they call Administration and that in ever
change it MAY undergo, although more chang,
able than the moon For that class of intermet
dlers, have no Parliamentary lawto administe
nor any quotation lreln Burke to apply-nothin
but little fable to read ; the value of which,
ia all good fables, lies in its moral. 1t is
French, and entitled, "L'qne a son maitre;
which, being done INTO English, signifies g III
ass and has master, y and runs thus:
can ass took into his head to scare his MASTER and
on lions skin, and went and stood in the path And wht
he his master coming, he commenced roaring. as
thought; but he only bayed and the master knew it was
ass he up him with culgel and beat him
70 deyth."
That is the end of the fable, and the moral
it is, :" caution TO ali asses to tHke care no
they undertake to scare their masters
Mr. Chairman, this House will have fallen f;
below it's constitutional mission if it suffers itse
to be governed by authority, OR dragooned by i
own hirelings. ] am man of no bargains. b.
act openly with any man that acts for the publ
good; and in this spirit, Offer the right hand
Pc itlca friendship 10 every member of this bod
that will stand togelherto vindicate its privilege
protect its responsibility, and maintain ii in Il
high place fo' which it as intended-the mast
branch of the American Government.
| bo bor =.