Carroll free press. [volume] (Carrollton [Ohio]) 1834-1861, 1854-04-13
poIitifaI.
THE PRESENT CRISIS

are so closely connected and 50 intimately
blended sometimes that it s difficult 70 make
the distinction plain BY which the one is sepa-
rated from The other With merely party poll
tics we have nothing to do, except as they en-
brace the moral or religious. There is also a
set Of party politicians who have little seruples
as 10 what their measures are, in regard TO
morals or religious principles, provided they
can carry out their political schemes. Sneh
are loud and long in their denuneiatiOns Of re-
ligOus men, especially Of religious editors, il
the sound principles Of truth and right are
brought TO bear against their political plans
If they we're TO murder, rob, or lie, no reli-
gious man or paper must speak word, pro
vided these time servers can call their deeds
by some political name or measure. But We
do not acknowledge such he'esies as these,
whether they are called moral or political, but
We will proceed TO maintain great moral prin-
ciPles, unmindful Of these political preachers.
In our news department We have given a
pretty full account Of the passing events in re-
gard to the Nebraska bill now pending before
the house Of representatives in Congress The
present position of this measure involves great
moral and religious principles, with which we,
as editor, have to do and their being involved
in party politics is not our fault, and we must
not slur them because the political preachers
nave exchanged the forum and their stumps for
the Christian pulpits We are not to be intimi-
dated or turned from great moral principles
and duties, involving the best interests Of our
country, on account Of the outcry Of partisan
demagogues, who have not learned the first
principles Of good morals. or if they know them,
they find it convenient to disregard them
What, then, is the moral charActer of this Ne
braska bill, or what great elements of duty and
practice are contained in it, either in regard to
moral conduct or political moral action, which
are one and the same. We will present few
of the leading elements in this bill, involving
moral wrong.
In the first place, It is purely pro slavery
measure, and, therefore, possess all the moral
evils inherent in the system of slavery. And
these are neither few nor small, and nothing
less because they may be sanctioned by the
strong arm of the civil law. Whether the free
person is enslaved by the strong arm of the
slave catcher or by the decision of law, the
act is the same and the wrong is the same.
A free person is deprived of freedom in either
case. Hence, this bill is chargeable with all
the moral wrong combined in the system of
slavery, which it endeavofs to sanction, con-
tinue, and extend.
The bill is intended to establish slavery
throughout all the vast region covered by the
bill 1t infracts good morals, by placing free
dom and oppression, right and wrong, Oh equal
terms, and proclaims that freedom and oppres-
SION are looked upon morally with equal favor
by the people of the United States. No NOR
al or social principle is more clear than that
every man has right to himself. This the
bill contravenes by consinging The country to
slavery.
The bill is at variance with the great moral,
Bible truth at the foundation of our political
system and on which it is built, as expressed
in the Declaration Of Independence : eve
hold these truths to be self-eVident, that all
men are created equal; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain inalit nable rights;
that among these are life, liberty, and the pur-
suit of happiness" 1t was for this great NOR
al and political principle that the fathers of the
Revolution contended. These sediments were
fully recognized by the act of 1887. which
declared all the territory then owned by the
states to be free forever, And when the Con-
stituttlon was adopted, this moral principle
was further recognized, as its object was to
establish justice" and "secure the blessings
of liberty" The recognition of this principle
as the great object of the Union gave consid-
Grafton to the Government If this moral
principle be abandoned, the United States are
placed on a level with despotic governments Of
the earth. In short, the bill now before Con-
gress is a revolutionary one. subversive of the
moral foundation on which the Government is
based And this is, matter which greatly
concerns The conscience of all Christian men.
The bill makes the Government to say that
men are not endowed with the rights swarde,1
| to them in the Declaration of Independence,
but to extend slavery over all our domain, and
transmit it and all its moral evils to our chill
dren.
| Besides, this evil measure is only one of q
series Of similar ones that must follow in its
train. The object Of the bill seems to be tc
secure to the pro-slavery power a ,preponder
ance of influence. The purchase of Louisiana
made without constitutional suthority, furnish
es an illustration Of the evil Of violating prin
ciple for the sake Of an immediate advantage
The Missouri Compromise came next; afte
this came the annexation of Texas. Mex