The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-11-14

Cur Foreign Ministers-M. soule.
TIE clio er we vi wte recent ,ccurr6nces
which have t,ken place Europe. and in which
cur minister t Madrid has borne SO consiicu-
GUS part, the more imminent appears The
prospect o. trouble for this country. There
are very many reasons for supposiDg that the
stsp taken by the Emperor Sapoleon, in ex-
cludins NJ. Soule from France, Was fully pre-.
Deditated; and, Notwithstanding the intima
tons we Lave received, we canGot conceive by
what process Of r asoning this unprecedented
treatment OF an accredited minister plenipotea-
tiary can be softened down into mere psrsoa-
al insult The facts, it il true, are not yet fol-
ly before u.s. and it is just possible that iursher
information OH the subject may furnish some
opportunity for drawing a distinction be-
tween M. Soule, the man. and the u. $. minister
to Ma0rid. But we dare not entertain a san
guine hope of such turn in the affair. As il
stands at present, we cannot bat regard NJ.
Soole's expulsion from the soil OF friendly
Power as q national aff.ont, which we are bound
as a nation to resent. Even if it should appear
that the act of the Emperor of the French was
not intended to wouni our national pride, the
fact will not be the less glaring that one Of our
ambassadors has been treated by friendly
Power with the same contumeiy as an outlaw,
OF convict: and it will need very strong rea-
sons to convince the American people that it is
either wise or polite or honorable to tolerate
representative, whatever personal provoca-
ton he may have given. On the other
hand, we can easily conceive such tenn
per in the French Emperor, as would
preclude the possibility Of apologies or retrac-
tation on his part. From his point Of view, NJ.
Soule is nothing more than a prescribed French
man who fed his country to escape q political
prosecution some years ago; and whose subse-
quent notoriety has been wholly due to displays
Of violent, lawless, revolutionary spirit He
has perhaps read his flibustero speeches in the
United States Senate on the subject Of Cuba;
and must be quite familiar with the not very
cre0itable quarrels in which he involved him
self with the Emperor's brother-in-law and his
envoy at Madrid. Napoleon no doubt believes
as every Spaniard seems to do, that NJ Soule,
under cover Of his diplomatic character, 70
mented rebellion and disturbance in the king
dom to which he was sent, thus rendering him
self an absolute nuisance to the government:
and may have likewise lent ready ear to the
stories Of M. Sonle's correspondence with the
leaders and connivance at the plots of the baud
Of revolutionary agitators who are constantly
mcnacing the Imperial throne. These stories
may be false, but NJ Soule's character aud an
tecedents invest them with so strong an air CT
probability, that we cannot reasonably COM
plain Of their being credited at the TUT cries.
Under these circumstances, and just after the
pubhest,sn Of revolutionary manifesto by
aosth3 American, N. Soule presents himself
Tor the second time at the French frontier, AMI
is refused admittance. Only short while be-
fore, he had been suffered to traverse France
from south to north, and had remained some
time at Paris; but now, things are changed,
rumors ore abroad of his sympathy with the
French socialists HE ola "A--.us' unu " IS
- .ouvcnIent for the government that he
should enter France. We can we'll i'm
agine the Emperor of the French, review
ing all these circumstances, and replying
to our government that he had a right to ex-
cudc dangerous persons from his dominions,
that he chose to consider NJ. Souls dangerous,
and that however painful to our pride, he must
claim the right Of forming such opinions with
regard to all individuals at all times. What
bad been outraged, and that if the Emperor
chose to consider M. Scule dangerous to-day,
he might include all Americans in the same
category tomorrow, and so terminate all inter-
course between the two countries? This would
not help an amicable settlement of the difficulty;
yet, what more conciliatory ground could we
takeg
In fact, it is probable that before this the
matter has been decided by the joint action of
Mr.. Mason and Mr., Buchanan. and we have no
choice left There is every reason for be
lieving that at the moment we write, our diplo.
matte relations with France are broken of, at
least ON one side and a dispute has commenced,
Of which II Is impossible to see the end, and of
which we can predict nothing with certainty
except that II will be costly and irksome to
this country and possibly fraught with vast
peril and injury TO our most important interests.
The deeper we are plunged into the quarrel, the
more impossible does it become for US to recede;
and In the present condition Of European
Affairs, there II less likelihood than ever that
20 stubborn man ss the Emperor of the French
viii directly disavow one of his own acts to
give Satisfaction to Power whose strength he
docs not fear, and whose sympathies he has
bad many grounds for suspecting are not with
him In the pending war.
Into such strait are we forced by the folly
and imbccility Of the Pierce Cabinet in select
Ing fuch men as NJ Soule TO represent the
United States abroad. At time when this
country should be exercising large share of
moral influence In Europe, and the soundness of
our political course should be giving practical
comfort 10 the lovers Of freedom throughout