Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-08-11

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redemption which have Just stated. A policy
SO liberal towards large though poor class,
not less honest and patriotic than the rest of
the community, could not fail to have happy
effect, not only in reference to them, but in
more enlarged view."
10 these opinions of Mr.. Calhoun we will
add an extract from a speech of John Ran
dolph in the Senate of the United States, in
March, 1926. ~ wish,' said Mr. Randolph,
" that every new State had all the lands within
the State; that within the shape of receiver
ship and other ways, these States might not be
brought under the influence of these ten miles
square. In other words, wish that all the
patronage of the land Office was in the hands
OF the individual States and not in the hands
OF the general government. | am the friend of
State rights, and will cut down the patronage
of the general government, which has increased,
is increasing, and must be diminished or we,
the States, shall be not only shorn of our
beams,' sir but abolished Quite"
In 1928, in the Senate, Mr.. Litteton Waller
Tazewell, the most scrupulous stickler for strict
construction and State rights, said "That he
was pleased with the plan of the gentleman
from Missouri, but thought it ought to extend
further. He would wish to have the arrange.
ment something like this While the lands are
at the highest minimum, one dollar, allow the
actual settlers to have the presumption right at
seventy-hve cents; when they are at seventy
five cents, allow actual settlers to enter them at
fifty cents and so on down to the lowest. This
he thought, would be productive of good eff
feet, as it would be continual encouragement
to actual settlers, and give them an advantage
over other purchasers"
From these citations of authority, it is seen
that the object and principles of Mr. Hunters
Land bill have the sanction of the most emf
nent and weighty names of the school of State
right politicians. Mr. Calhoun said: "The
disease lies in ownership and administration,
and nothing short of parting with both can
reach it. Part with them, and you will at once
take away one-third Of the business Of Congress;
shorten its sessions in the same proportion,
with corresponding saving of expense; lop
of a large and most dangerous portion of the
patronage OF the government; arrest these angry
and ngitating discussions which do SO much to
ALLEVIATE the good feelings of the different por-
tons of the Union, and disturb the general
course of legislation, and endanger ultimately
the loss Of the public domain. Retain them, and
they must continue, almost without mitigation,
apply what paliatives you may" From these
suggestions, and with this view, Mr.. Hunter
constructed his scheme for the final disposition
of the public lands His plan is thorough and
complete. Still, he does notprofess toregard itas
perfect in all its details, nor as exempt from
wellgrounded criticism. 1t does not realize
his own conceptions Of excellence. If he had
to frame bill to please himself only, it would
be different in some respects from that now
under consideration. But, his object was not
to attain standard Of imaginary perfection,
and he had to consult other opinions and
feelings than his own. lie was striving to
avert an inevitable evil, and he had in the Ian
guage Of Calhoun, "to accommodate himself
to circumstances" to mitigate evils he could
not overcome, and to lessen those he could not
prevent. Instead of striving after an unat-
tainable good, the true statesman is content to
do the best he can. The virtue of the younger
Cato is proper theme for school-boy decla-
nation, and is just the thing to inspire the
rhodomontade ofAddison; but Ciceroreproached
the impracticable dogmatist with being fit only
for the republic of Plato. The world has as
little use for ascetics in politics as for ascetcs
in religion. If q man traces an imaginary line
and resolves to follow it out without regard to
circumstances, hewill soon find himself at q dead
STOP We want no better Cato than Calhoun, and
he did notpretend to adhere infexibly to imprac-
tieable notions of right and expediency. With
the welfare of the country, the great end for
which he labored. He did not hesitate to &C.
commodate himself to circumstances, and to
sacrifice less for a greater object. He knew
that absolute perfection was not attainable in
in this world, and he did not lavish his powers
on vain and impracticable object He was
content to serve his country in the best pos
sible manner, and with the greatest possible
effect-not pursuing chimera, but striving
after a substantial and practical result.
Mr.. Hunter is statesman Of the same school,
and his public course is directed by the ex-
ample Of the illustrious Calhoun. That inhexi-
bic adherence to essential principle, combined
with a practical cast Of mind-that reverence
for the Constitution, that devotion to the rights
and dignity of the States, and that high sense
Of personal honor, which distinguished Mr..
Calhoun from all the public men of his day,
are conspicuously illustrated in the character
and career of Senator Hunter. The sneers
and the hippant censure Of the ignorant, will
no more affect the authority and the we'll earned
reputation of the last, than of the first of these
eminent and respected statesmen of the south.
CToNE QUARRY.-Ia am prepared to fur.