Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1854-12-12

hands of the fanatics-such act will meet my do
cided appreciation. Such waters could not dow
from polluted fountain such fruit could not grow
ON a tree which has no good In 10; therefore !
shall judge them as | Judge others, by tho good
or evil they do the country.
But am told that the States have the right, and
do exercise il, of determining the qualifications Of
voters. am apprized of that ond my answer Is,
that the States having conferred ON Congress the
power Of passing uniform laws OF naturalization,
should, in all good faith TO the general govern
ment and each to the Others, conform the qualnca-
cation of voters to the laws of naturalization Many
of the States have done So while others have not
vet such change in public opinion has been man
Tested recently as to Justify the belief that ALL or
nearly all the States win conform 10 the principle
of this bill, OF something approximating to it, /
am not tenacious about the time--twenty -0ne
years named this period because thought 1t the
proper one; and, 30 far as have heard an express
aon of opinion it is the favote II the bill should
not pass this session, 1t Is presented in legsla
tive form, and can be transferred to the people If
they desire it, they can elect Representatives to
pass or reject the proposition II is precaution-
AIRY, or conservative political measure If il sue
ceeds, no inhabitant of the United States, at the
time Of its passage-whether native born or for
eignercan be injured by 1t, for it is ms much for
the benefit of one class as the other IL il should
fail, but little injury will be likely to accrue to us
should there be an alarm at this proposition? No
man in the United States can complain that injus-
tce is done to him or his. If any person has more
soicitude for the welfare of the subjects of other
governments than the citizens Of this, he differs
from me.
The patriots of the Revolution, who framed the
Constitution, and who fought side by side with the
noble foreigners in that immortal struggle, believed
Some restriction on the rights Of citizenship to
n iaua no and thnra cnnfar m
gress the power Of passing uniform naturalization
laws ndprovided expressly that no other than natu
raj born citizens should hold the Offices Of President
and Vice President of the United States. No hearts
ever beat with liveler or warmer sentiments Of
gratitude than theirs yet they loved their country
and the institutions they founded better than all
other things. fl owned more land than is necess
sary for my son, might divide the surplus with
my poor neighbors; but as have not, / shall GER
tainly leave what have to him, and let others take
care of themselves. So, ii we had more territory.
than our descendants would probably require with
in reasonable time, this measure would not be
important in the point of view in which am now
treating it. / have taken period which may be
said to be too remote that sufficient for the day is
the evil thereof" This Isl Divine rule and of course
proper in its place, but does not hold good in re-
gard to laws for the government Of man, nor pro-
yiding for the rights and safety of our successors
Suppose our ancestors had acted upon that
motto, would the Revolution which severed the
ties that bound this this country to the govern
ment of Great Britain have taken placer If Those
patriots and immortal statesmen had only looked
to the benefits accrung to themselves, and not to
their posterity, would the short time they could
have expected to enjoy the blessings Of liberty been
an adequate compensation for the treasure that
was spent, the snfferings endured, and the blood
that was shed to obtain independence No sir;
for the benefit of posterity, the land baptized
with the purest blood that ever was shed upon the
altar of liberty If they had consulted the inter-
ests of themselves Alone and the wishes of their
friends in the Old World, liberty rational liberty,
as enjoyed by us at this day, would never have
been known. Then if We neglect Legislation pro-
per and necessary for the protection Of those who
shall come after us--both as to country and laws
are we not recreant to the high trust reposed in
US? Mr.. Jefferson said:
"Civil government being the sole object Of forming
societies, its administration must be conducted by
common consent Every species of government has
its specific principles Ours, perhaps, more pecu
liar than those of any other in the universe II is
composition Of the freest principles Of the English
Constitution, with others derived from natural right
and natural reason. To these nothing can be more
opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies.
Yet, from SUCH 10 expect the greatest number
Of emigrants They will bring with them the princi-
Piles of the governments they leave imbibed in their
carly youth; or if able to throw them off, 1t will be
in exchange for an unbounded RIGHTEOUSNESS passing
is usual from extreme TO another II would
be miracle were they 10 stop precisely at the point
Of temperate liberty. These principles, with their
language, they will transmit to their children In
proportion to their numbers they will share with us
the legislation. They will infuse into it their spirit
warp and bias its directions and render it heteroge
ncous, incoherent, distracted mass.
81 may appeal TO experience for verification Of
these conjectures But, if they be not certain In
event. are they not possible they not probablef
Is il not safer TO wait with patience for the attainment
Of any degree of population desired or expectedS
May not our government be more homogeneous, more
peaceable more durable"
When Mr. Jefferson thus wrote we were
feeble nation, now we are strong and powerful and
his arguments have more force from the lights Of
experience. In 1900 the foreign arrivals were
seven thousand, now over four hundred thousand
per annum. Suppose we estimate the increase Of
immig1 ston for the next fifty years in the ratio Of
the past fifty, and add their natural increase Why,
sir, II would be worse than the locusts of Egypt.
We would have to give place to them as the abo-
rhymes have to us. We know that the character
Of the immigrants has greatly changed. In 1902,
the date of the present law they were noble
Some Of this class yet come, but we know that
many of the present arrivals from jails and
houses of correction--in word, the refuse Of Eu-
rope. In 1909 we had no foreign paupers, in 1850
we had thirteen thousand four hundred and thirty
seven. This is conclusive evidence Of the differ
ence in past immigrants. suppose il is the OPP
pressions Of European governments which is pour
ing upon our shores such numbers Of psupers.
Well, sir, j sympathze with the poor and unfortu-
nate in every country, but native American
enough 10 prefer that the tyranncal governments
which produce these paupers should take care Of
them, and believing, do, that the facility with
which they become citizens serves as great slim
uant 10 immigration, desire to see 1t changed.
But, sir, there is another point Of view In which
consider this an important question. If the for
eign vote shall at any time be strong enough to
have a controlling influence in our elections, it
win greatly impair the confidence of our people in
the stability of the government. The basis of our
political ed6ce may be said to be the virtue and
intelligence Of the people, and the strongest Iga-
lures that bind and hold II together the conf.
deRce and affections of the people. Destroy them,
and It crumbles and falls to the earth, and buries
in It's ruins the liberties Of the most favored people
in the world. / ask, what is better calculated to
destroy the confidence Of the country in our gov
eminent than admitting to the ballot-box the inn
mense number of uniformed foreigners now
crowding our shoresf