Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-01-31


But this il not all. II was understood from
the newspapers that resolutions were pending
before the Legislature Of Ohio, proposing TO ex-
press their opinions upon this subject. Ii was
necessary for these confederates TO get up some
exposition OF the question, by which they might
facilitate the passage Of the resolutions through
that Legislature Hence you find that, on the
same morning that this document appears over
the names Of these confederstes in the Adolf
ton organ Of this city, the same document APP
pears in the New York papers--certainly in
the Tribune, Times, and Eveaiag Post--in
which it is stated by authority, that it is "sign-
ed by the Senators and a majority of the Rep.
resentatives from the State Of Ohio--a state
ment which have every reason to believe was
utterly false and known to be 80 at the time
that these conioderates appended it to the ad-
dress. 1t was necessary, III order to carry out
this work Of deception, and to hasten the ac-
ton Of the Ohio Legislature, under a misap-
prehension to state that it was signed, not only
by the Abolition confederates but by the whole
Wing representation, and portion Of the
Democratic representation in the other House,
from the State of Ohio
Mr.. CHASE Mr.. President
Mr.. DOUGLAS. Mr.. President, do not
yield the floor. A Senator who has violated
all the rules of courtesy and propriety, who
| showed consciousness of the character of the
act he was doing by concealing from me all
knowledge of the fact-who came to me with
q smiling face, and the appearance of friend
ship, even after that document had been UTTER
ed-who could get up 10 the Senate and appeal
to my courtesy in order to get time to give the
document a wider circulation before it's infsiny
could be exposed-such Senator has no right
to my courtesy upon this floor.
Mr.. CHASE. Mr.. President, the Senator
misstates the facts-
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr.. President, ! decline
to yield the floor.
Mr.. CHASE. And | shall make my denial
pertinent when the time comes.
The PRESIDENT. Order.
Mr.. DOUGLAS Sir, if the Senator ioes
interpose, in violation of the rules of the Sem
ate, denial of the fact, it may be that snail
be able to nail that denial, as shall the state
ments here which are over his own. signature,
as base falsehood, and prove it by the solemn
legislation Of this country.
Mr.. CHASE. | call the Senator to order
/ The PRESIDENT The Senator from lii
nois is certainly out Of order.
Mr.. DOUGLAS Then will only say that
shall confine myself to this document, and
prove its statements to be false by the lcgisla
ton Of the country. Certainly that is in order.
Mr. CHASE. You cannot do it,
MIR. DOUGLAS The argument of this man.
ifesto is predicated upon the assumption that
the policy Of the fathers Of the Republic was
to prohibit Slavery in all the territory ceded
by the old States to the Union and made Uni.
ted States territory, for the purpose of being
4 organized into new States. ] take issue upon
that statement Such was not the practice in
the early history of tho Government It is true
that in the Territory northwest of the Ohio
river Slavery was prohibited by the Ordinance
of 1887; but it is also true that in the Terri
tory south of the Ohio river, to wit, the Terri
tory OF Tennessee, Slavery was permitted and
protected; and it is also true that in the organ.
ization of the Territory of Mississippi, in 1898
applied to il, with the exception of the sixth
article, which prohibited Slavery.
Then, sir, you find upon the statute books
under Washington and the early Presidents
provisions of law showing that in the south
western Territories the right to hold slaves was
clearly implied or recognised while in the
northwest Territories it was prohibited. The
| only conclusion that can be fairly and honestly
drawn from that legislation il, that il was the
| policy Of the fathers Of the Republic 10 pre-
scribe line Of demarkation between free Ter
1 ritories and slaveholding Territories by q
natural or q geographical line, being sure to
make that line correspond, as near as might
be, to the laws of climate Of production, and
probably Of all those other causes that would
control the institution, and make it either de-
sirabc or undesirable to the People inhabting
the respective Territories.
Sir, wish you to bear in mind, too that this
geographical line, established by the founders
Of the Republic between free Territories and
slave Territories, extended M far westward az
our territory then reached: the object being
to avoid all agitation upon the Slavery ques-
ton by settling that question forever, as far rs
our Territory extended, which was then to the
Mississippi river.
When, in 1903, we acquired from France the
| territory known as Louisiana, il became neces.
sary to legislatc for the protection of the in.
habitants residing therein. ID will be seen. hy
looking into the bill establishing the Territorial
| Government in 1905 for the Territory OF New
Orleans, embracing the same country now
known as the State OF Louisiana, that the Ordi-
nance Of 1887 was expressly extended TO that
| Territory, excepting the sixth section, which
prohibited Slavery. Then that act implied
that the Territory OF New Orleans was to be
q slaveholding Territory, by making that ex-
ception in the law. But sir, when they came
| TO form what was then called the Territory Of
Louisiana, subsequently known az the Terrific.
ry of Missouri, north Of the thirty.third paral-
| lei, they used different language. They did
| not extend the Ordinance Of 1887 TO il at all.
They first provided that il should be governed
by laws made by the Governor and the Judges.
and, when in 1912 Congress gave to that Ter.
ritory, under the name Of the Territory Of Mis-
souri,, Territorial Government the people
were allowed to do as they pleased upon the
subject Of Slavery, subject only to The limita.
tons Of the Constitution CT the United States.
Now what is the inference from that legisla-
ton! That Slavery was, by implication, rec.
ognised south Of the thirty-third parallel; and
north Of that the people were left to exercise
their own judgment and do as they pleased
upon the subject, without any implication for
or against the existence Of the institution.
This continued to be the condition Of the
country in the Missouri Territory up 10 1920,
when the celebrated act which is now called
| the Missouri Compromise act was passcd