Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-03-25

chat the whole policy Of the Government should be
ogulated to strengthen, to extend and to perpotu-
| ,te her. Compare the tone of public opinion in
1889 with that of the present day. Take, for in
stance, George Washington. When his slave es.
capped to New Hampshire, he said that he did not
wish her to be reclaimed, ifsuch reclamation would
excite the indignation the high feeling of the
community Of New Hampshire (cheers). Now,
where did that man come from who stood upon the
steps of the Revere House, at Boston, within the
last four years, and recommended Massachusetts
to smother her prejudices2 Why, he came from
one OF those New Hampshire cottages whose pre-
Ijudccs the Father Of his Country respected. Lei
us trace the course of that man he goes about
the country and undertakes to stir up the publ,
opinion of the community in the midst of which
he dwes what was the course ofWcbster? WHY
Ihe went to Pennsylvania and said "NIners of Penn
sylyanin, support the Compromise p "WhyPi
III you do not, there will be no tariff. and coal
Will he half dollar less per ton" lie went to
Cape Cod, and said to the fishermen "Support
the Compromise; for if you do not coasters cannot
iioat in safety upon the banks of Newfoundland" !"
lie went to Lowell and Lawrence, and to manu-
iacturers Of Essex, and said Support the Com
promise, for IL you do not, cotton will be half a
cent less yard" He went to the lumberman of
Maine and to the farmers of New York, with this
same breads and butter argument--this same ap-
peal to the pocket--as if they know no higher.
was this the tone of the Revolution Here is n
comparison between two distant epochs--tle epoch
OF Washington and the epoch of Webster. have
not taken common men but leading men,
! Let me take another instance. We have had II
great man come among us--at least so they say
from the tyranny Of the Old World. lie came to
us from Australia, and had abored for liberty.
When man enters the presence of q sovereign
prince in the East the first thing he does is to lay
his presents upon his footstool, and So when man
comes into the presence of great nation he usu-
ally lays upon its footstoo n present Of the most
acceptable expression that he can make Of his
sentiments and his respect. He endeayors to
shape his ideas to please what he may consider
the character of the people among whom he comes.
| Well, blush to say that the great man to whom |
alludc, following the course of all the other great
men who have recently visited this countryside
very first thing he does is to make known to the
Democratic party that he has no prejudice against
Slayery-on the whole he would like to be a slave.
holder. All the other great men who visited us
with this exception, have kept silence upon the
subject of Slavery. That was the compliment that
knssuth paid us; for he said nothing about it..
1 What Is the compliment that Mitchell pays us +?
why says he, great American people, know
you all by these presents, that so far from having
any narrow-minded ideas to the dcspotic in-
stitution of Slavery, should like to be a slave
holder myself (cheers). Never mention a halter
in the presence Of n man whose brother was hang
cd (cheers and laughter) This is scotch PROV
/ erb. Never touch upon subject that you think
sensitive and guilty sinner cannot bear (appause)
What a compliment these foreigners pay us. What
u glass 1t is in which we ourselves The very
readicst way in which foreigner thinks ho can
gain the good opinion of the American people is to
put his hand upon his mouth and his mouth in
the dust and make obeisance to the Slave Power.
Surely, abroad, whether rightfully or wronglnlly,
,.h3ey lhink we are Slayery-loving people. John
Mitchell, patriot and Protestant, comes to this
country, in 1858, and makes himself agreeable to
the American people by protesting his willingness
/ to become STAKEHOLDER (appause). Tom Paine,
the nhdel, whose name lis the Ultima Thule, the
absolute jumpingof place Of all contempt with the
American clergy, came here in Revolutionary days
and what did he do to propitiate the American
sentiment of l77G? Why, he joined an Abolition
Society with John Jay, Benjamin Rush, and 9TH
ers Note you the difference between the public
opinion Of 1853 Am mistaken in this? Perhaps
foreigners are, but at least, this is what they
think Of us. This is how wo appear to the world.
| Well, again: At the time Of the Revolution, there
was an old Dr. Spring, who was Congregational
and an orthodox clergymen in an old, leading, and
rich Church, at Newburyport. Well, his prayer
every Sunday was, "Oh Lord overturn, overturn,
oyerturn, and oycrturn, until he whose right it is
shall reign" and the old divine cared not whether
: Despotlsm be domestic or foreign, but he prayed,
Sunday after Sunday, that the Lord would do what
was right in the premises. WE'LL there's DR. Spring
preaching now loud applause and laughter). And
he ministers to u rich, respectable, and populous
Church. am told, in one of the great cities Of this
bhiohi "uu nc udTe ilOt pray tue LOfu 10 over
turn anything, for fear that he should, by some
mistake, ovcrturn the system of Domestic Slavery
(cheers and laughter). Whata change in the pub
lie opinion OF this twenty millions of people You
know, as well as do that the time was when the
profession of an Anti-Slayery sentiment did man
no harm. You know that Jefferson has left us up
on record some of the noblest and most eloquent
testimony against the system to which his life and
practice adhered. Nov, if Thomas jefferson
existed to-day, and the Herald could print what he
has left upon record, he could not be appointed
TO postoffce in the thirty-one States. lie could
not be elected to Congress in any district, except
a very few exceptional ones, in these whole thirty
one States. Patrick Henry said, 1t is q debt
that we owe to the purity of our religion, TO let
everybody understand that whatever may be the
sin of our practice, we are perfectly aware that il
does not sanction Slavery; and yet out of the 40
900 pulpits there are $4,000 Of them, to say the
least that preach the doctrine that the Old and the
New Testament does sanction Slavery Our own
distinguished Senator from Massachusetts,, who
has spoken so nobly upon this Nebraska bill dc
not mean Of course, that icicle, Mr.. Eyerett--but
| mean that human being, Charles Sumner loud
cheers )-eyen he, when he once made, as you will
all approve his exceedingly courteous, moderate
respectful protest, political and otherwise, against
the system of Slavery has found as n professiona
man, his whole legal practice swept from beneath
him and that is the ostracism of the middle of the
Nineteenth Century upon the subject Of Slavery al
the present moment
Now it is time, before go further-for hav,
not, as you know, so very large time to occupy
tonight, you will be content with the instances
have given you for do not know that any mar
will say that exaggorate the deterioration of pub
lie sentement, for every man will acknowledge tina
we have gone down from the Washingtons, anC
Jehersons, and Madisons, of the Revolution, t
Franklin Pierce and Caleb Cushing loud cheers
and langhterl, and we cannot go lower (reneweC
J laughter and applause) )-allow me- say, before
go further, to make use Of these facts in this way
want TO ask what has produced this sdeterioration
Why have we gone back? Why has this question
alone been an exception to the whole tendency O
the age? Allow me to come briefly to the answer
ofthe question, as time passes. The answer whicl
the radical Garrsonian Abolitonists make is this
! 1t is the Compromise--the constant spirit Of Com
J promise with which this question has been deal
with by Church and State and by indiyiduals ant
parties on all occasions. Il is simply because