Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-11-18

you or any other person holds it: and j should (
feel no promptngs of ambition pride to prove
that it was not at fault in this instance But you
ire far from stopping here. You 60 on to argue
and that indeed is the great aim of your revew)
hat vas guilty of fragrant offence against the
Divine law, in consenting to the union of Cuba
with this country. So fragrant an offence as you
make it-so obvious an offence as you make it-l
could hardly be guilty of, without giving room to .
call IN question my integrity as as an abotionist
and as n Christian.
Now beg you to lay down this letter right here
and after you have divorced yourself from the pub
lie prejudice against my speech, and abandoned
your foregone conclusion that it must be very
wicked one, you will be prepared to read it, care
/ fully and canddly. So read it-and you will then
learn from the speech itself lust what | did say
and you will then hold me responsible for hat and
not ut all for what the newspapers tell you | said
and not at all for your maginations of what said. /
pause till you have SO read the speech.
And now, taking it for granted that you have
obcycd my request and learned what my speech
really docs say about Cuba, you will agree with
me.
/ lst That am not ameuable to the charge of
being fHJatstcr for do not propose to get Gu
ba into the Union, either by whipping her into it,
or by buying her into it.
/ I'd. That so far from my proposing that the Gov
elrments Of the two countries should stipuate for
/ ihc continuance of slavery, did not so much as
propose that these Governments, or any other Gov
ernmcnts, should have aught to do in negotiating
the terms OF the unl0n L treated with contempt
the idea, that the voice of the Cuban Government
is essential in the matter; and | laid down the
doctrine distinctly that, in the dividing of this ma
ton or in the uniting of it with another, the voice
of the Government Of this country is not essen
tial.
Sd. That the only union of Cuba and this coun-
try which proposed, was tho union of the people
! of Cuba with the people of this cOuntry-a union
dictated by the choice of the two peoples, and to
take place, whether Government wiled it or
not.
Surely, YOU ought not to wonder, that
have here spoken lightly of the authority of Gov
ernmcnls. You have for many years known, from
my writings and speeches, that regard these gov
ernments usurpations, and as conspirncies
against human rights rather than Legitimate Civil
Governments. The Government Of this State, so
long it recognizes property in man, or makes
color disqualification for the enjoyment of lights
merits neither the honor nor the aame Of civil Gov
ernmcnt.
Surely, too, you ought not to wonder, that when
| speak of the people, include the onslayed rs
well as the free You were present on the memor-
able OCCASION thirteen years ago, when | reported
my "Address to the slaves" and you, doubtless
recollect that the object of the address is, that
do not TO be Of the people, when they become
$ slaves and that they forfeit none of their rights
by falling under the yoke of slavery. 1t is true,
that you and some other great and good men,
who wero also present. were startled by the bold
V and novel positions of the addreos, as to vote
against IT, But tllat is Il reason why you SnOulu
n remember, rather than why you should forget its
$ doctrines.
= And now my dear friend, is the speech in ques-
c ton the wicked speech which YOU thought it to be
Il when you reviewed it? Is it wicked for the poor
d slaves of Cuba-thc most afflicted and outraged of
5 all slayes-to desire to cast III their lot with our
. slaves? If it Is not, then 1t is not, necessarily
: wicked for frecmer desire ii ior them. Surely
= you will not because portions of them are so un-
l. happy to be reduced to slavery, deny that rco-
! pe may unite with each other. Surely, you will
not deny, will not consent that their caamity-thc
bttcrest of all calamitcs-should not be allowed
to work the forfeiture of their rights. Surely You
o will not consent that the wrongs against them
IS tie heaviest of all wrongS-shal be plead against
s their rights. do not say that it would be exped-
i cn for America and Hungary to enter into an al
lance with each other. But do say that the fact
thar there is oppression in the two countries would
g. not make such an alliance necessarily wicked
l. The alliance may be in spite Of such oppression
l. not in accordance with it, 1t may be to overthrow
n not to sustain-such oppression. If with this
object in view, | should favor such alliance, yon
s. would not denounce me fragrant offender
Il against Heaven. But as well might you denouncc
e me in that case, in the of my tavoring,
le with the like object in view the union of Cuba
It with America. | say, with the like object: and
s, am that you will not impute to ME the oppo
A site object of Strengthening the hands of tho
III iopprcssor.
re The doctrine of your review is, that it is sinfu
u for two nations to become one so long there is
"a slaveholdng in both, or in either Of them. Ad
T. nit that it is so, when the Governments-thc Gov
Is ernments that ordan and uphold the slayery--nc
&c gotate the union. But the union which | justif,
II is to be brought about by the people and In def
IL ance Of their slaveholding Governments. Admit
e too that it is sin for the people to accomplish
'h such union, unless the interests and desires o
~ the slaves are first consulted. But when those in
H. terests and desires call for it land without that
'n would ever protest against it) is the union the
[u sin?
si To deny that two peoples may come together, S
N long as their usurping governments are holdin
w portion of them in slavery, is virtually to hold tn
= unhappy slaves responsible for the deyillsm c
.o such governments. The coming together may b
the only hopeful way for the slaves to escape froI
o, such devilism and gain their liberty. But accor
ing to your theory, that way is forbidden to then
ho So, according to your theory, two peoples ma
of. come together if any Of them are oppressed b
,ve land monopoly, or indeed, if they are the sutec
hly of any other government wrong.
md Strange as it is, it is nevertheless So that, thr
your review, you treat me, not as arguing the rg
ich of peopleS-even the most oppressed, brOke
hat hearted, and desolate among them-to unite the
ga fortunes and make common cause, but as arg
div ing the right of their usurping governments
hat continue their crimes against thor subjects Hem
the you interpret me to hold TO such union OF Cub
ave shall obliSate on the score of good faith an
to consistency, TO refrain, ever after the uniC
ole shall take place, from calling on government
his abolish Cuban slavery. can but wonder that "
the should think me either so ignorant, deprav
oor as to lay myself under such obligation. The w
vas ter in the Free Presbyterian whom you quote,
ber even more outspoken at this point than you ar
al As he views the union, which advocate, my We
an for it would necessarily expose me to the Char
the of cousion with slavery"
vas There is nothing in your review, that moro
OF gret than the part where you leave open to t
but suspicion of hypocrisy. In the speech in quest
anticipated speedy termination of Americ
ere slavery, You intimate that this anticipation is
pre- conflict with my we-known state of mind on Il
us point. | supposed that you were familiar wi
aps my writings and speeches that point as not
. as forget that have for many years. held that Ann
nd lean slavery is short-llved Those writings a
pro- speeches abundantly show, that my desponden