The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-03-02

| few persons, nor to few States. A pub.
| lie meeting, at Trenton, in New Jersey
was followed by others in New York and
Philadelphia, and finally at, Worcester
Salem, and. Boston, where committees
were organized to rally the country. The
citizens of Baltimore, convened at the
courthouse, with the Mayor in the chair
resolved that the future admission of slaves
into the States hereafter formed west of the
Mississippi, ought to be prohibited by
Congress. Villages, towns, and cities, by
memorial, petition, and prayer, called upon
Congress to maintain the great principle
of the prohibition of Slavery. The same
/ principle was also commended by the reso-
lutions of State Legislatures and Pennsyl.
vania, inspired by the teachings of Frank
lin and the convictions of the respectable
denomination of Friends, unanimously
asserted at once the right and the duty Of
Congress to prohibit Slavery west of the
Mississippi, and solemnly appealed to her
sister States "to refuse to covenant with
crime" New Jersey and Delaware fol-
lowed, both also unanimously. Ohio as
serted the same principle; SO did also In
diana. The latter State, not content with
providing for the future, severely GEN.
sured one of its Senators, for his vote to
organize Arkansas without the prohibition
of Slavery. The resolutions of New York
were reinforced by the recommendation OF
DE Writ CLINTON.
| Amidst these excitements, Congress,
came together in December, 1919, taking
| possession of these Halls of the Capitol
for the first time since their desolation by
the British. On the day after the receipt
of the Presidents Message, two several
committees of the House were consti-
tuted, one to consider the application of
Maine, and the other of Missouri, to enter
the Union as separate and independent
States. With only the delay of single
day, the bill for the admission of Missouri
was reported to the House without the re-
striction of Slavery; but, as if shrinking
from the immediate discussion of the great
question it involved, afterwards, Oh the
motion of Mr.. MERCER, Of Virginia, its
consideration was postponed for several
weeks; all which, be it observed, is in
open contrast with the manner in which
the present discussion has been precipi-
tated upon Congress. Meanwhile, the
Maine bill, when reported to the House,
was promptly acted upon, and sent to the
| Senate.
In the interval between the report OF
the Missouri bill and it's consideration by
the House, committee was constituted,
on motion of Mr.. TAYLOR, of New York
to inquire into the expediency Of pro-
| tbo .fC into
the Territories west of the Mississippi
This committee, at the end of fortnight
was discharged irons further consideration
of the subject, which, it was understood
would enter into the postponed debate
on the Missouri bill. This early effort to
interdict Slavery in the Territories by a
special law is worthy of notice, on account
Of some of the expressions of opinion
which it drew forth. In the course of his
remarks, Mr.. Taylor declared, that
He presumed there were no members, he
knew of none, who doubted the constitutional
power of Congress to impose such restriction
on the Territories"
A generous voice from Virginia recog-
Missed at once the right and duty of Con
gress. This was from Charles Fenton
Mercer, who declared that
When the question proposed should come
fairly before the House, he should support the
proposition. He should record his vote against
suffering the dark cloud of inhurnanty, which
now darkened his country, from rolling on be
yond the peaceful shores of the Mississippi"
AT length, on the Goth January, 1890
the House resolved itself into Committee
of the Whole on the Missouri Bill, and
proceeded with its discussion, day by
day, till the 28th of February, when it was
reported back with amendments. But
meanwhile the same question was present
ed to the Senate, where a conclusion was
reached earlier than in the House. A clause
for the admission of Missouri was moved by
way of tack to the Maine bill To this an
amendment was moved by Mr.. Roberts, Of
Pennsylvania, prohibiting the further intro,
duction Of Slavery into the State, which,
after fortnight's debate, was defeated by
27 nays to Is yeas.
The debate in the Senate was of unusual
interest and splendor. 1t was especially
Illustrated by an effort of transcenden'
power from that great lawyer and orator
William Pinkney. Recently returned from
a succession of missions to foreign courts
and at this time the acknowledged chief OF
the American bar, particularly skilled in
questions Of constitutional law, his course
as Senator from Maryland was calcula-
ted to produce profound impression. In
a speech which drew to this chamber an
admiring throng for two days, and which
at the time was fondly compared with
Ii
he first authoritatively proposed and de-
veloped the Missouri Compromise. His
mastery effort was mainly directed agains,
the restriction upon Missouri, but it began
and ended with the idea of compromise
Notwithstanding" he says, occasional
appearances Of rather an unfavorable de-
scription, | have. long since persuaded my
self that the Missouri question, as 1t Is cali
ed might be laid to rest, with innocence
and safety, by some concihatory Compro-
mise at least, by which, as is our duty, we
might reconcile the extremes of conflict
ing views and feelings, without any sacri-
fee of constitutional principles" And he
closed with the hope that the restriction
on Missouri would not be pressed, but that
the whole question "might be disposed Of
in manner satisfactory to all, By a pros.
pective prohibition of Slavery u, the Terri
tory to the north and aoest Of Missouri"
This authoritative proposition of Com
promise, from the most powerful advocate
of the unconditional admission of Nilsson
ri, was made in the Senate on the 21st OF
January. From various indications, il
seems to have found prompt favor in that
body. Finally, on the 18th Of February,
the union Of Maine and Missouri in one