Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-12-23


eighty, which necessity compelled the new
Emperor of the French to take, as pretext
only, and to serve his own power. Nicholas con-
tended, at that time that in his quality of repre-
sentative of legitimate tradition tradition le-
gitime) he could not acknowledge the right Of
the people to select their own ruler,
The dispositions Of foreign cabinets were, as
it may be inferred from this, far from being
favorable to the Empire. The very sovereigns
who had, at first, hailed the coup d'etat, were
frowning upon its consequences, and England
was still snarling at France. Nicholas, though
apparently better friend to Louis Napoleon
than ever, withdrew from the heading of his
letter the title of fondness which soyereigns are
wont to give to each other, and, instead of COM
mencing by, Monsieur mon Free-Sir, my
Brother-the letter commenced by the pretty
dry substantive of "Sir." In fact, from the mo-
ment the empire was proclaimed, complete
change took place in the conduct of the sove-
reigns of the North towards Louis Napoleon.
Upon word of Russia, her satellites, Austria
and Prussia, entered into a secret agreement,
the object of which was to form coalition,
upon the basis of the treaty of Vienna, 1915.
Active correspondence were kept up between
the three cabinets, and it must be recollected
that, on the 18th Of March, 1852, the three
sovereigns had an interview ON that very sub
ject. Had not England refused to join the CO..
alition at that time nobody can say what would
have been the consequence. The refusal of
England baf1ed their project and destroyed
their plans. The acknowledgement of the new
emperor by Russia, Austria, Prussia, and all
the petty states of Germany was, however, de-
layed over year. 1t was but in 1853 that M.
Kisselef the Russian ambassador, arrived at
Paris with credentials from his sovereign.
This decisive act carried along all the wavering
and reluctant states of Germany, and, after a
great deal of intrigue, on the part ofthe Euro
pean monarchs, and much anxiety on the side
of Louis Napoleon, the Empire was finally ac-
knowledged.
Thus was accomplished the ceremonial for
the establishment of the Napoleon dinasty and
of his chief. AS it may be seen thereby the
family of monarchs had received new Access
sion, and it was well, for the interests of the
people, that such classification took place.
The hesitations of the foreign cabinets deter
mined the French government to decisive act
on the subject of its foreign policy. The task
was entrusted to the late General Saint Ar
maud, then minister Of war, who, in public
speech, presented the views of the French cab
met on that question. We quote an extract Of
that speech as illustrative of the feelings ami
mating the French government two years ago
and of the change which has taken place since
that time:
VIM and ho,o could zoe make pdr ?" said
General Saint Arnaud. We hare not called
single man under our flag. Revolution is not
quite ertinguished in the interior of France.
We are on the best terms aoith Russia our re-
ldtions icith Austria and Prussia hare nerer
been better. as to England, she has enough to
attend TO her oioD affairs and troubles. If zoe
soere going to threaten her zoe ioould render the
greatest service to her government by calling to
her support the broken up, dirided and quarrel
ling parties We DO NOT LIKE HER ENOUGH
to serUe her IN that acay. Var acoald be a fauli
and a JoUy."
Voltaire in his reign of Louis the XIV says
that the principle of monarchies rests entirely
upon ieeting, wavering inconsistent policy.
Had he lived in our day and treated the same
subject, he would not have written otherwise.