Daily national era., 1854-04-11
THE DIFFERENCE-TWO MILLIONS AND FIT
TEEN MILLIONS.
Senate, Monday April 10, 1854.

ing that the word Slavery wherever it occurs
in the Nebraska bill, be stricken out.
Of one hundred and fifty citizens Of Wash
ington county, New York, for the prohibition
of Slavery n all Territories, especially Me-
braska; the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act
Of 1850: the prohibition Of the inter-slave
trade, and the abolition of Slavery in the Dis
trict Of Columbia.
Ofcitizens Of Haverstraw, New York, against
the abrogation Of the Missouri Compromise
Of two hundred and eight mon and women
of northern New Hampshire, to the same eff
feet
or forty five ministers of the Gospel, Of Roch-
ester, New York, to the same effect.
OF 672 citizens of Detroit, Michigan;
OF the church and congregation of the Con-
gregational Church at Lebanon New York;
OF citizens Of Charleston, New York;
OF three hundred avd fifty citizens of Mag
ara county, New York;
Of sixty citizens of Grand Rapids, Miehi-
gan--all against the Nebraska bill
Mr.. Everett presented the resolutions adopt.
ed by the town Of Hampstead, Massachusetts,,
against the Nebraska bill.
Mr. Foot presented the resolutions adopted
by the town of flandolph, Vermont, against the
passage Of the same bill. II
Eatrat from the Proceedings Of The Senate.
This record is q specimen of what takes place
every day. The free States petition; the slave
States arc silent SO it was in 1S48 and 1880
Memorials against Slavery poured in from the
former; from tho latter was heard an occa-
sional protest against the Wilmot Proviso.
Why this difference? Is it because the Peo-
pie of the slaveholding States are less inter-
ested in the question Of Slavery extension, than
those of the non-saveholding! Are their views
less decideda Are they more Indifferent to
the policy Of their Representatives in Congress ?
Far from it. Why then SO silent while the
People Of the free States are forever petition
ing, memorializing, demonstrating protesting ?
Because the latter are misrepresented in Con-
gress; the former, olDays represented.
Shareholders, as General Cass estimated from
data furnished by the census, constitute a dis
tinct class of three hundred thousand Allow
ing to each family, or dependents to the
number of FIVE white persons, we have eighteen
hundred thousand people interested in the sys-
tenn of Slavery. Let us concede that the num-
Der is two millions, or one third OF the whole
free population of the slave States It is this
class that constitute the People of the South !;
that control its Press and the Pulpit, its eccle-
siastical and political organizations. Public
opinion is determined by them. They decide
elections; they dictate laws and prescribe the
mode of administration. Who are the Rep
resentatives and Senators in Congress from the
South-non-s shareholders, agents Of the four
millions Of free people in the South, who own
no slavesa With here and there an exception,
all Shareholders, representing the ono-third
class, that has monopolized all political power
in the slaveholding States.
Who then are to send up petitions from tho
South, in regard TO Slavery Not the four
millions Of non.slaveholders, for they are vir-
tually shut out from political life, except the
privilege Of voting for such candidates as the
Ruling Class may dictate TO them, And why
should any member or adherent Of this class
petition Why should Power bog Of itself TO
take care cf its own prerogatives, protest
against its own actsi Classes, 0ligarchies,
Aristocracies, protect themselves watch over
and provide for their own interests Whenever
question arises involving tho welfare Of the
Slaveholding Class the two millions in the
South interested in il need give themselves no
uneGsness The Senators and Representa-
tives whom they have sent to Congress under.
stand what Is to bc done, and do il, without
suggestion or petition. With them, NJ with
their constituents tho interests of their class
are paramount and they never betray their
trust.
How different the state Of things in tho free
States As a general rule, Questions Of Sla-
very are thrust out Of their politics. In one
place, member is chosen because he will fa-
vor some railroad scheme Of plonder; in an
other, to secure the interest Of some steamboat
monopoly commercial reasons dictate the se-
lection of this man that ono will work for the
manufacturer; Rum is prevalent in one case !;
the Maine Law in another; while paramount
to every other consideration, is loyalty to the
Wing or Democratic Party, the organization Of
zach being pervaded by subservience to Com
promise and Nationality as defined by the Slave
Power.
Thus New Hampshire, after having year
after year passed resolves in favor of the policy
Of Slavery restriction by Congressional legisls-
ton, elects two Senators, on the strength Of
their devotion to the Democratic Party with
tho slightest reference to.thcir Principles on
tho subject Of Slavery, and their most signal actf
are, speeches and votes against that policy So
the free States Of Connecticut, New Jersey, Penn
tylvania, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa
protesting to be unfriendly 70 Slavery, and op-
posed TO its extension, send Senators to Con
grcss who, on every question involving the inter
ests cfthe SIaveholding Class, no matter how in
compatible with the views and interests Of their