The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-07-04
mr.. Brady on the Nebraska Quession.
NEW YORK, June 20, 1864.

mr. Brady on the Nobraska QueS'ion.
NEW YORK, June 20, 1864.
Hon. RuFUs w. PEoKHAM:-
MY DEAR SIE-You judged correctly q, to m,
opinion about the Nebraska bill, recently forcet
through Congress by means which, however credita
bio to the ingenuity, ON never redoand to the no
nor OF those who employed them. I consider that
measure wrong in principle and mischisvous in po
! hcy-s wsnton and wicked reputation Of compro
mises which the North was bound by evcry obHga
tl"n or honor to mo nian. II must result IN repro
ducng asgry and dangerous agitationsf the slavery
question, under aspects calculated to deprive our
brethren at the SoutA Of many friends who have
heretofore stood by them, and DESIRED to do so al
ways. hsve neither the wish nor the right to i'm.
pugr the motives of many who voted for the mea.
sure, but cannot reject the ample and conclusive
evidence that Il is the joint product Of proHigate
administration and an ambitious intnguer; that it
was conceived with unworthy motives, and will be
used for uDhalowed objects. Nor can l feel any
satisfactory justification for such intelligent North
ern members as aided in thrasting this bill upon the
country, though IL had not been solicited by the
South. Whether the people will prove in this res
pect to be more discrminat ting, more charitable
than L. will soon be made known.
AS one of the people feel great pleasure in com
mendDg those VINO ted themselves to de seat this
Nebraska bill; andfor the part that you and Messrs
Maurice, Wheeler, Peck and Oliver took in opposing
IT., l return my thanks as u democrat and MIN.
| was in Europe when this scheme wa set on
foot. did not retUTn until its success ws iuevi.
table. There was Do occasion when could exert
result. ! deeply regret that 1t did not receive the
eXprt ssed opposition 0f those true democrats with
whom you and have been identified since the 5y.
racuse Convention Of lS47. l wish they had re-
20 hn nkn1s
country, as all Of US unconsciouslv did, when we
aided to elect Franklin Pierce. That is enough of
injury to our country and our principles for Que
century at least | supposed that our portion OF
the party had maintained the cause of the South,
and strongly labored to its citizens the fullest
enjoyment of all their constitutional rights. Such
were my desire. and aim. adhere to them still.
My principles remain as they were in l847, and
cannot snd viii not be led or dviven from the de-
mocratic party. though refuse to adopt the new
dogmas OF tricksters, manosurving for the Pres
dency. We stood by the South, and had every
right to expect that the South would stand by US
Its representatives in Congress have not done So
and, besides incurring the malignant enmty of the
administration-an event which no honorable man
should regret-xe have been visited with the cold
ness or the opposition Of Southern men, in support
Of whose interests we gave up all hope Of the re
wards of political trinn phs, and encountered the
worst results and prosecutions of political warfare
however, make us swerve from the path we chose.
We will adhere to the duty we assumed. But hope
that none Of us will give the slightest sanction TO
any device Tor extending slavery Or permit the least
| 1t must have surprised you, as it did me, to'ind
the men whom had to battle against in this State
from l647 to 1858, suddenly changed by the magic
alchemy of Presidential patronage into violent ad-
vocates of greater concessions to the South than it
ever could did claim and to observe, that BY the
most unexpected advent Of delusve and transitory
political millennium, these pretended converts and
some democrats whom you and had always acted
with, have become rivals In ignobe eagerness to- ap
plaud the individual to whom the paternity of the
Nebraska scheme is generally attributed. Some of
these gentlemen insist that to be received into full
communion with them we must adopt the new arti-
Gle Of their faith. If they be sincere in this and
persist in this exaction, for one will take the ear
liest opportunity to sever all political connection
ments and purposes of the true democracy; but
| even If the contrary were the case, could not
! change my deliberate conviction that it was unne
cessary, unwise, and utterly wrong on the part of
| of compromises which our national conventions
have SO often distinctly approved, and which not
| only Mr. Pierce but Mr.. Douglas-the competitors
for the profit Of now abroeating them-so recently
| and strongly promised to maintain.
Twill not consider now whether the Missouri COM
| promise was or was not unconstitutional, rs an at
tempt by one Congress to prohibit or prevent egis
lation by its successors Men Of great intelligence
| hold opposite opinions on this point. The admis.
sion OF State into our confederacy though effected
by legislative means, is not purely legislative act
| but has the characteristics Of q contract viii III
should be sacredly observed. My views on this and
the other questions arising out Of the Nebraska BILL
will be given<at large when have an opportunity,
| which much coyet, to address our fellow demo
Gratis in public. 1t il enough that the Missouri COM
promise had Ito use the language of Mr.. Douglas
in ls4o can origin akin to that Of the Constitution
of the United States conceived in the spirit of
fraterna affection, and calculated to forever
the danger which seemed to threaten, at some dis.
tant day. to sever the social bond of union. All the
| nj hat do N
indicate that this compromise had become canonized
in the hearts Of the American people, as a sacred
thing which no ruthless hand would ever be reckless
| enough to disturb
For this measure of repose, to which the pub
lie faith was pledged, the South received con-
sideraton which it yet enjoys. The duty Of keeping
that pledge has been admitted and observed by the
ablcst statesmen from all parts of the Union, who
even those who thought that the constitutional
power existed to anDul the compromise, believed,
and acted on the belief that it should never be
cised, except under the pressure of an imperious
necessity, compelling the strict exacton of extreme
right. No man pretend that any such necessity
has arisen. No pretext can be assigned for now
ganizng these Territories which are almost exclu-
sively occupied by the red men, except obtaining
political capital or bestowng executive patronage.
How deplorablc 1t is that such motives should Sc
duce the North from its honor tempt the acquisi
tiveness Of the South! Would that all the members of
the House bad been Influenced by impulses equal in
dignity to those which marked the noble conduct
of Mr.. Hunt, of Louisiana. l am very sorry that
contrary feeling controlled the Senate. II could
net have been thus if some Of the illustrious men
who once sgayed that body remained to guide it's
actionf there had been spared of its former great
minds even one to whose stature the designation OF
giant might be applied, without intending or ex-
| citing derision.
| II would be tedious to set forth in letter the
| many reasons why, If had been member of Con-
gress, would have deemed ii my duty to labor and
| vote against the Nebraska bill. would have done
SO With the fullest assurance that was represent
ing the real sentiments Of fellow-ctizens in this
city and State; and almost envy you and those
with whom You were associated in opposition to the
measure the gratefulapprobation which your course
VIII surely secure for you amongst the masses Of
the true democracy.
regard the contamination OF this Nebraska plot
as another of the contrivanccs 40 numerous in the
machinery of President. making. May ii happen,
as in former instances, that the engine designed TO
injure others may destroy only its inventor