Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1854-05-13

But Mr. President the argu nent of the veto message
does convince that this any Of these measures
are in violation of the Constt alton This is the wrong
bill to take for the sacrifice IT, sacrifice is to be made
as commemorative of AN of reform in your
great land system You will allow to say that
It stands in commendable with any Of other
land bills as act Of univ ersa benefcence and of i'm
partial Justice. Nor has the message satisfied that
the legislation of the last Fly years. in besowng the aid
of the Government, some Dimes in money sometimes in
lands and sometimes by other means not only local
improvements aud upon educational objects but upon OBJ
ects of benevoence and chartyupon eleemosynary OBJ
ects if you please so to call themhas been without the
sanction Of the Constitution. Unjust be allowed to think
si that james Madison had knowledge Of the Const
tuition what powers it conferred Congress- its restrc
tons and limitations, and that he knew tolerably well
what he about when he signed the fifty thousand dol
lar appropriation bill for Venezuela am inclined to
think still that James Monroe and John Quincy Adams
had at least looked into the Constitution and learned
something of the powers and duties imposed upon Con-
gres when they signed the bills granting townships Of
public lands for the benefit of asyums for the deaf and
dumb to Connecticut and Kentucky. l shall venture
still to presume that the early Presidents the old
fogies who had hand in getting the Constitu-
tion understood its import and reliable inter
prefers of that instrument present honored Chief
Magistrate Now ask again. what objection is stated
in that message to this bill which dses not apply with
equal force, and with greater force, to the bills of
like character which they approved? have not been
able to 1t is trte observation that is easier
raise objections than it is to them. And it
not altogether insignificant remark heard that
1T very fortunate some people that We nau
Constitution, as otherwise they would not know what
objections to make" If the remark is susceptible Of
personal application Ileave to the dscernment Of others
to make it.
Mr. President, if there is any ground Of complaint on
account Of past policy in reference to the public
lands it is that it has been partial to of the States
that grants of lands have been almost exclusively cnn
ed the States that the old States have been almost
entirely overlooked. have complaint to make that
the States have received too much but may be PER-
mtted to insist that the old States be allowed to in
and share very small portion with them. cannot
rain frem remarkng here that it unfortunate, if
not singular and strange indeed that the denial of con-
stitutona authority should be sprung upon bill which
does small of justice to those States which have
not hitherto shared directly in the benefits Of theands
which conceded to be the common property of oil the
States and of ell the people This bill is bad selection
for the Veto
Sir if the President would arrest or reform what many
regard as wild and exravagant system Of legislation in
reference to the public lands he strike Mt some diff
feren measure from this If he would be sustained by
the public senment Of the country let him strike with
bold hand and with fearless independence ut the
sures Of glutted and lorty SPECTATORS, who like the
harpes of ancient fable, gather in clouds about your
Capitol and beset pathway at every step with their
concerted schemes of public plunder let him strike at
these, at the pampered and obbers and
land monopolists, who would gamble upon your public
domain and fatten upon the drippngs Of unclean egs
aton let him strike at these rather than at the poor
the helpless the wretched insane Of the country, whom
1t IS the object Of this little bill to help and to
great deal about tn limited powers Of this Federal Gov
ernmen and Of tie reserved powers of the State Govern
ments-of the danger of enlargng the one, and of
croacning upon The other-of the beauty and harmony
OF the SYSTEM provided each department be kept within
It's own proper sphere Of action great deal about
the injustice of casting burdens upon portion Of
the people for the benefit of the other and oil that sort
or learned tEadde though it had bearing upon
this question, though somebody had denied the
truth OF these common and threadworn axioms. am
not aware that any body proposes just to enlarge
the delegated powers of the Federal Government,
encroaeh upon the reserved of the State Govern
ments And, surely this bill, far from imposing any
burthens upon portion of the people for the benefit
OF another is the only land bill passed by Congress which
etectuay ex tends its bsnes alike ALL and relieves
the burhens Of all alike, by equitable and general
distribution.
The power to dispose Of the public lands is given to
Congress by the express terms of the Constitution It's
language Is The Congress shall have power dispose
q and make oil ncedfu rules and regulations respecting
the territory or other property belonging to the United
States" This language is clear and unmistakable 50
that no man outside Of lunatic asylum need misntcr-
pref it. gives full power to Congress to dispose Of
the territory or other property belonging to the United
states, as, IN the exercise of sound discretion and
with due regard to the public interest," it may think
pest Inc power is general and not limited in dispong
" @ territory or public la nds particular States for
Parucuiaf purposes. No general and comprehen-
ooua have been employed The terms as
uosou'e ahu unquahhed they unequvocal They
give the same the disposition of the territory
as OF the other property elonging to the United States
anu recognise the terrto as proper belonging to the
United States Under tn is grant OF power Congress may
dispose of the public Ian Is il such manner and fer such
purpose ana IN such qua ntties for such pecuniary
ueraoh OF or any &C nsideraon of public benefit as
noy ueen proper hen, repeat once more that the
OF tne PUBIC Ia nds by Congress is not question
OF out solely question Of policy of proprety, of
public utility to tn, manner of their disposal The
Constitution does undertake to prescribe the mode
the object the ktent or the consideration Of your
grants OF the public lie ds that is all left with Congress,
70 Wn 10 IS committee the right Of disposal.
inns is sufficient to the objection sug-
gesea III the mcssae that Congress has power to
OF money for elsemosynary charitable pur
poses tha congress cannot be made the almoner Of the
Government bounty or the dsnenser of nuhlio charities
VI congress has this power it is insisted that it ought
not 70 oe exercised for such precedent
would oe dangeror that the example would be conta-
sous; .nat you give to object you must give to
other you give to the INDECENT insane you must give
70 the poor anu ie needy generally and that appica
lions wiz mutp iy and be pressed upon Congress for all
manner OF ooes and purposes But sir, it ought not
be forgotten hat these applications ALWAYS have been
and always viii be made Not n few of them have re-
ceived the favo of CONGRESS- The cases have named
are examples this sort The objection however is
based upon the ASSUMPTION that mon whom the
CONSTITUTION nfers the jurisdiction will not properly
between meritorieus applications and those
"hch are INV orthy OF favor Ergo Congress has not the
power ms is all there is of this objection. Congress
may misJude D. and doubtless often does in relation
the OBJECT OF Its bounty but what other safer deposit
tory TINS power can you name II Congress is less
capable OF discriminating properly than the President
woud nave been for instance the only be given
ls that the trainers Of the Constitution made mistake
conierng npon this powerthe power of disposng of