Weekly North Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1850-1858, 1854-12-06
THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY.

was settled by the compromise of 1850 That thought
was mistaken one or if not it was settled but for
q time Opposition to the just rights Of the slave
holding States has increased rather than diminished;
and the masses Of the free States thorough
iy united now than at any former period in their de-
termination to exclude slavery from the territories
to prevent the admission of slavehodng States into
the Union, and to repeal essentially modify the
fugitiveslave law. The enemies of the South in the
present Congress effect none of these results,
because they are, in the first place, not powerful
enough to do SO, and because, secondly, any law of
the kind referred to would meet the Executive veto
but the next House Of Representatives will be under
the control Of these men, and upon that body will
devolve the election of President in case the peo-
pie should fail to choose one in 1856 The House
may couple with the appropriation bill for the sup
port of government, clauses repeating the fugitive
slave law and the Nebraska act and the majority
may insist to the last extremity upon such BILL It
will then be left with the Senate to decide whether
such a bill shall pass, or whether the government
shall be arrested in its course; and if the Senate
should give way and allow the bill to become law
the great responsibility of deciding would be thrown
upon the President We believe that both the SEN
ate and the President would be found equal to the
momentous crisis; but every must foresee the
calamitous consequences that must flow from such
course on the part Of the House. Yet the evil
would be augmented il such body were required
to elect President. Mr. Seward if he should re-
ceive, as it is now likely he WILL enough votes to
carry, his name to the House, would most probably
be chosen or if not some other candidate the rep
resentative of the freesolers and abotoniss would
be elected. In that event, with the House and the
President committed against the rights of the South
the Senate could not long hold out. 1t might-t
would make determined and glorious effort to
preserve the Union, but fear it would fail.
Fortunately for the South, fcrt,nately for the
Union of the States and for the best hopes of man,
the people of the slaveholding States of all parties
are at length perceivisg the imperative necessity
which exists of uniting in defence of their rights
1t has been suggested that it would be well if the
present Legislature of North Carolina would give
uterance to the views of the people of the State on
this question. Heretofore, division has existed in
that body on the question-party feeling has been
brought to bear upon it. and thus the voice of the
State has been weakened and deprived of the effect
it might otherwise have had on the people of the
free States The time for appealing to the sense of
justice of the dominant majorities in many of the
Northern States has passed by. These majorltles
are deaf to all such appeals Resolutions embody-
ing abstract prncpesn in relation to the theory of the
federal system and the rights of the States cannot
be productive, it seems to us, of much good; what
should say now if We speak at ALL should be brief
pointed practical, and uttered with soemnity beft
ting the occasion and the great results involved We
do not doubt that Resolution, or Resolutions Of
this character could be passed unanimously through
both Houses of the General Assembly; and the ef
feet of such action might strengthen the Union and
give additional force to the of right and JUS
tice.
We do not wish to be understood, however, as
urging upon our friends any particular course on
the subject We deprecate a renewal of the discus
sion on slavery among ourselves; if cannot agree
as to things Indifferent touching the question, We
can all unite in the main in defending vital in
terests and rights