Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-03-11
WHOLE NO. 40.

But nnOther argument is pressed, most tallacbIs
in its character. II is asserted that, IN ns much fs
the Territories acquired by the common treas
ure they are the common property Of the whole
Union and, therefore, citizen can lie prsventeh
from moving into them with his slaves. without An
infringement Of the natural rights and privileges
which belong TO him n citizen Of the United
States. But II is admitted. thrt the people Of this
very Territory, when organized State, may eSi
cludo slaves, and in this wey abrdge an asserted
right founded on the eomp on property in the Ter
ritory. Now, If this be done by tie few ,hou-
sand settlers, who constitute the State government
the whole argument founded On the acqdistisn 9f
the Territories by n common treasure seems futile
and oynnescent. rr
But this argument proceeds On an assumption
which cannot stand. 1t nssrhes that Slavery is "a
national institution, and that property in slaves is
recognized By the Constitution Of tho United
States. Nothing can he more false. by The jude[
ment Of the Supreme Court Of the United Statea
and also by the principles Of tie common la%;
Slavery is local municipal institution, which de-
rives its support exclusively ffcm local municipal
laws, and beyond the sphere Of these laws II ccases
to exist, except so far as it may be preFervcd by
the clause for the rendition Of dgitvss from atory
Madison thought il wrong Is admit into the Conf
stitution Che idea that there can he property III
man and rejoice TO believe that no such idea can
be found there. The Constitution rcgn, DIS slaves
always as ''rorscns," with the rights OF PERSONS
never as property VIXEN it is said, thereforey
that every citizen may enter the national domain
with his property, it does not follow by any rule
Of logic Of law, that h6 may carry his slavssy
On the contrary, lie can only carry that property
which is admitted TO lie such Ly tho universal law
Of nature written by Gods own Gnger on the heart
Of man.
Again, The relation Of master and sIa1t is sonnei
times classod with the domestic relations. Now,
while it is nnquostUnally among the powers Of
any State, within its own jurisdiction. TO change
the existing relations OF husband and wife, and to
establish polygany, | presume person would
contend that polyganous husband, resident in
one Of the States would lie entitled to enter the
national Territory with his harcm--his property,
if you peasc--and there claim immunity. Clearly.
when he passes the bounds Of that local jurissrt'
tion, which sanctions poligamy, NE peculiar do
nestle relation would cease anditis pSecisely tho
same with Slavery.
Sir / dismiss these considerations. The pro.
hbition Of Slavery in the Territory of Nebraska
stands on foundations Of adan.aut, upheld by the
carly policy of the Fathers, by constant precedent
and timehonorcd compact 1t is now in your
power to oycrturn it : you may remove the sacred
landmark and open the whole vast domain 10
Slavery. To you is committed this high prerog-
atiyc. Our fathers, on the eve Of the Revolution,
set forth in burning words among their grievances,
that George Ill, I'm order to keen open market
where men should be bought and sold, had pros
ttutcd his negative for suppressing every leeish-
tive attempt to prohibit restrain this execrnble
commerce" Sir, like the English monarch, YOU
may now prostitute your power to this same pur.
-lPese But you canR0t escspe the judgement Of tho
] world, nor the doom tf history.
IL will be in vain, that while doing this thing
you plead, in apology, the principle Of SCI, !,;goroni
Dten which you profess TO recognise in the Terri
tories Sir, this very principle, when truly adj
miniscred, equal rights to all, without dis
tinction of color race, and makes Slavery impos-
sblc, by no rule of Justice and by no subtlety Of
political metaphysics, can the right TO hold afellow-
man in bondage be regarded rs essential to self
government. The inconsistency is too fragrant:
1t is apparent on the bare statement. II is like
saying teo and t,eo make hree. In the name OF
liberty you open the door to Slavery. With pro-
iessions Of Equal Rights on the lips, you tIamplo
on the rights of Human nature. With kiss
upon the brow Of that fair Territory you betrny il
TO wrechedness and shame. Well did the ancient
cxclain, in bitter words, wrung out by bitter cx-
rorence "Oh Liberty! what crimes are done in
I thy nameW
! In vain sir, you will plead, that this measure
proceeds from the North, us has been suggested
! by the Senator from Kentucky Mr.. DIxoS.l
Even il this we've true, il would be no apology.
But, precipatatcd as this bill has been upon the
Senate at a moment Of general calm, and in the alb
sense of any controlling exigency and then hurried
to vote in advance Of the public voice, MS il fear
full Of arrest it cannot be justly called the offspring
Of any popular sentiment. In this respect II dit
iers widely from the Missouri prohibition, which,
after solemn debate extending through twO ses'
sions Of Congress, an ample discussion before tho
people, was adopted Certainly there is, as yet,
no evidence that this measure though supported
| by Northern men, proceeds from that Northern
sentiment which is to be found, strong and fresh,
IN the schools the chutehes' ana homes OF ,ne
people I9"" oMneS Ap aesiLoN5N s,s toS"' I@-iO- @
A eI1dtem quGHdGm spirdm. And could this scheme
be now submitted to the awakened millions whose
souls have been truly rpened under Nornefn SKIES
it would be branded At once win an indignant ana
! undyng condemnation.
But the race OF men, white slaves OF tho
! North," described and despisod by southern
statesman, is not yet extinct there SIR 1t is one
of the melancholy tokens OF the power OF slavery
c under our political system, and especially through
I the operations OF the National Government, that