Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1854-02-11
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
BUSINESS IN CONGRESS.

aIsIp compromising nearly one-third of the usual
IRraEEan of First Session, We may now pause for
a mouaent to cast glance back upon what it has
rBIue, and forward to what it promises in future
Less than dozen acts, of comparatively little signi-
.znce, comprise the whole body of legislation to the
prcseut day. A vast deal of business has been re-
ylstered the calendars of both Houses, and much
crher of equal Importance with any that has been
exported upon is still before the committees of both
Houses We do not know, however, that in this
1pPareatly dilatory action any inference should be
drawn against the present Congress; for in this
pxricflar il has not fallen behind its recent prede
-rssnrS- The disposition of both Houses, it will
Dc allowed by all calm observers quite favora-
die 10 intelligent and dispassionae discharge of
tzier duty Of any Congress of the last fifteen
senfy years, and until within few days past there
las been reason to anticipate any thing like IN
illy excited discussions of the questions to be
5nsagAt before them
HIRING Published the proceedings from day to
day II needless for to particularize to dwell
upon even the leading measures already before Con-
zass- An exception to this remark ought perhaps
as be made of the bill for establishing Territorial
fasavgznments in the country designated as the Ne
arasEa Territory. To the establishment of regu-
Ar Gseyernment vast territory which has at
prrsent Government, except such as is generally
zppIIeable to all the country still in possession of
Ide Indians, there would be no objection, or none
GS speak of, it not for important principle,
nsc necessarily connected with the question: which
ams hoen incidentally brought into debate in the
Senate The circumstance to which we refer is, of
ssaurse, the feature proposed BY the Committee on
TERRITORIES of that body, upon unlucky after
ascsEght, to repeal the Missouri Compromise, and to
iuGrudnce in lieu of it provision extending the
CONSTITUTION and all the Laws of the United States
aver the Territories except as follows:
~ Except the eighth section of the act preparatory
8 Ea the admission of Missouri into the Union, ap-
Sgroved March g. 1920, which was superseded by
aae principles Of the legislation of 1885, common
Ey called the compromise measures and is declared
6 imperative"
The committee here in fact propose what an
aanoEable Senator from Missouri at the last session
AT Csngress, expressed his belief that there was no
Yrnspect nor any hope of, to wit, repeal of the
Missouri Compromise.
We shall not now enter into consideration of the
IN question, which supposed by many of our
contemporaries to have influenced the introduction
sf this proposition at this time into the halls of
Gangress. Whatever considerations may have JUS
fed Che measure in the minds of its authors it is
uax possible that they could, if we were made fully
s&zns of them, be such as to obviate the decisive
a,oas that we have to this part of the bill of the
Ssann7ittee. '... ..'. ... ss.
Ffr fundamental objection to this proposition
which must strike every mind-the mere sugges-
taz of which, indeed, is enough to starte the true
Er1snds Of the Constitution in every quarter of the
GaIan--is that it proposes, without circumlocution
tsas abrogation of CONTACT hardly less formal
sstau that of the Constitution itself and which can
8Erdly be deemed of less high obligation than that
INSTRUMENT. And this notification of solemn
smSsaant between the United States and the State
1f Missoar--between the South and the North-is
prgyased On the ground that this compact was
assaperseded" and rendered "noperative" by the
szanu7promises" of 1850!
Ykere is no one in the wide circle of our readers
wha can hold with more pertinacity than we do to
sza. policy as well as to the durability of the Com
gEausise of 1850 But no one, we should think,
vruA seriously pretend that it is of higher oblga-
aEuy IN any part of it, than the compact which is
as1Eaiy known as the Missouri Compromise.
Vie bare recurrence to the circumstances under
WHICH the Missouri Compromise ratified will
sSa8 with how much greater solemnity the termi-
auticn Of that alarming controversy was attended.
TiG discussion and the excitement of the Missouri
question continued during the terms of two Con-
rssea, and during of course equal space of time
an ths now State of Missouri. The crisis of 1850,
IN The contrary, broke out on sudden upon the
1peaing of the Congress Of 1S49-50, and for time
ind certainly threatening aspect. But, after all,
tho Nashville Convention, the product of that ex-
siSsnent, was but the creature of an hour Within
a. vry few months, mainly by the exertion of q
sHErit OF pure patriotism, animating few distin-
gafsiaed individuals on both sides Of certain geo
EzThical line, and the good fortune of the nation
In It's having then at its helm wise and upright
Ghosf Magistrate, the question was amcaby settled
40 shc nearly universal satisfaction of all good et
zEEHs. OF the leaders in this great scheme Of con-
Asalan, without citing the names of the living the
IrG1on yet the decease Of two great states
mon, CLAY and WEBSTER, the termination of whose
sSartaIy career, it hardly be doubted, was has
anned by their almost more than mortal efforts to
cring about that suspicious result