Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1854-12-15
pRESlDENT'S MESSAGE



tiles of war, our domestic prosperity has not
! been entirely uninterrupted. The crops, IN
portions OF the country, have been nearly cut
off. Disease has prevailed to IL greater ex-
/ tent than usual, and the sicrihce oi human
, life. through casualties by sea and land 10
without a parallel. But the pestilcncc has
| swept by, and restored salu brity invites the
absent to their hcfirs, aud the return Of bu-
| stress to it's ordinary channels. IF the earth
has rewarded the labor of the husbandnan
less bountiiully than i'll preceding seasons, it
has left him with abundance for domestic
wants, and largo surplus for expectation.
In the present, therefore, as IN the past We
find ample grounds for ruscrent thankiulncss
to the God of Grace and Providence, for His
protecting care and mciciful dealings with us
AS q people.
Although our attention has been arrested
, by painful interest i'll passing events, yet our
country feels no more than the slight vihra-
tions of the commissions which have shaken
Europe. As individuals, We cannot repress
sympathy with human suffering nor regret
for the causes which produce it. AS nation
we nre reminded that whatever interrupts
the peace, or checks the prosperity, of any
part Of Christcndom, tends, more or less, to
involve our own. The condition of states is
not unlike that of individuals. They are mu-
tually dependent upon each other. AMIGA
bic relations between them, and reciprocal
good will, are essential for the promotion of
whatever is desirable in their moral, social
and political condition. Hence, it has been
my earnest cndcavor to maintain peace and
friendly intercourse with all nations.
The wise theory OF this government, SO
early adopted aud steadily pursued, ofayoid-
ing all cntangling alliances. has hitherto cx-
cmrtcd it from many complications, in which
II l
Notwithstanding this our clearly defined and
wcllsustaincd course of action, and our geo
graphical position remote from Europe,
increasing disposition has been manifested g.
by some Of its governments, to supervise,
. and. in certain respects to direct, our foreign
policy. In plans for ad lusting the balance of
power among themselves, they have assumed
to take uS into account, and would constrain
MS to conform our conduct to their views. -
Ono or another Of the powers of Europe has,
from time to time undertaken to enforce ar
htrary regulations, contrary in many res
poets to established principles OF intcrnation-
al law. That law, the United States have, in
their foreign intercourse, uniformly respect
ed and observed, and they cannot recognize
any snch interpretations therein, rs the tenn
porary interests of others may suggest. They
do not admit that the sovcreigns of one conti
ncnt, or Of particular community Of states
can lcSislate for all others.
( Leaving the transatlantic nations to ad Just
their political system, III the way they may
think best Tor their common welfare, the in.
dependent powers of this continent may we'll
assert the right to be exempt from all annoy
ing interference on their part Systematic
abstinence from intimate political connexion
with distant foreign nations, does not conflict
with giving the widest range to our foreign
commerce. This distinction, so clearly mark
cd in history, seems to have been overlooked g,
or disrcgarded,hy some leading foreign states.
Our refusal to be- brought within, and sub
iected to, their peculiar system. has, | fear,
created Jealous distru-t of our conduct, and
induced on their part, occasional acts of dis
| turbng effect upon our foreign rclutions -
/ Our present attitude and past course give AZ
/ suranccs. which should not be questioned
that our purposes arc not aggressive, nor
threatening to the safety and welfare of other
nations. Our military establishment, in time
Of peace, Is adapted to maintain exterior de-
fences, and tu preserve order among the abo-
rrsinal tribes within the limits Of the Union
Our naval force is intended only for the pro
lection Of our citizens abroad, and of our
commerce., difused, it is, over all the seas
of the globe. The government of the United
states, Icing essentially pacific in policy,
stands prepared to repel invasion by the vol
untary service OF patriotic people, and pro-
vidcs no permanent means Of foreign aggrcs-
sion, These considerations should allay all
apprchensions, that we are disposed to en-
croach ON the tights, or cndangcr the securi-
ty, Of other states,
AMERICAN EXPANSION.
Some European powers have regarded. with
diSqueting concern. the territorial expansion
Of the United States. This rapid growth has
t,1 E,,,,,, ln, "a, -
reign rights, belonging alike to all nations
and by many literally exercised. Under such
circumstances, it could hardly be expected
that those among them, which have, within
II comparatively recent period, subdued and
absorbed ancient kingdoms, planted their
standards on every continent, and now BOSS
csS, or claim the control of, the islands o
every ocean as their appropriate domain
would look with unfricndly sentiments upon
the acquisitions Of this country, in every in
stance honorahy obtained, or would feel
themselves justified in imputing our advance
ment to spirit of aggression or to a passion
ior political predominancc.
Our foreign commerce has reached a mag
nituic and extent nearly equal to lat of the
first maritime power OF the earth, and exec
ding that Of any other. Over this great in
forest, in which not only our merchants, bat
ull classes of citizens at least indirectly, ar,
concerned, it is the duty of the executive ant
legislative branches of the Cover nmcnt to cx
crclsa careful supervision. and adopt proper
measures for its protection. The policy whicl
| have had in view, in regard to this Intcres
"mirac"s its future as well rs its present se
cunty.
NLUTRAL RIGHTS.
Long experience has shown that in rene
raj, when the principal powers OF Europe ar,
tIt,.T I+.l,t Il
are endangered. This consideration led, il
progress Of the War of our Independence, t
the formation OF the celebrated cOnederacv .
"rncd neutrality, IA primary object OF whicI
wds, t1 assert the doctrine, that free ship
make free goods, except in the case Of arti
cles contrahand of war-a doctrine which
from the very commencement of our natiuni
being, hd- been cherished idea of the states
men OF this country. At ono period or an
other, every maritime power has, by SOM
solemn treaty stipulation, recognized tina
prlnclple-aud it might have been hoped tha
1t would come TO bo universally received an,
respected DIS rule Of International law. Bu
the refusal of ono power prevented this, an,
III the next great war which cnsued that .
the tronch Revolution, II failed to be resrec
ted among the bclI;orent states Of Europe
totWlthstIndlnc tins the principle is genor
ally admitted to bo a sound and etlutary one
~ much 50, that, At tho commencement of tn
oGisting war in Europe, Great Britain an
France announced their purpose TO observe i
tor the present, not, however, as a recogni
ed international right, but 10 Il more concee
sion for the timo being. The cooperation
ho'9eyer, of these two powerful nations il
tho Interest OF neutral rights, appeared b m
To atIrd all occasion, inviting and justifyin
on the part of the Lnited State, a rencwe
q, I effort II make the uOCtrine in nu,atin,,
principle of international law, by means ,
special cOny yentions between tho several pow
ers of Europe and America. Accordingly,
rolosition, embracing not only the rule ,th,
'rcs ships make free gool-, except contr.
band articles, but also the less contested on,
,nat neutral property, other than contrabal,
though ON board cnrmy's ships, shall he 81