The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-02-16


unfavorably upon the interests OF the Indians.
I His hostility to the Central Route for the Pa
cific Railroad, the prospect of which may be
improyed bythe organization of Nebraska, may
have more to do with his course; and, we have
no doubt, he is quite willing that the North
should feel obliged to him for the fact of his
opposison, whatever may be the real motive.
Were the North true to itself at this crisis it
would find honorable men in the South coming
I out openly against the repeal of the Compro-
mise of 1920. It's own disloyalty leaves such
men no ground to stand upon. Two Southern
Senators were conversing, few days ago, on
J-sAis scheme Both agreed that it was wrong
but one was particularly anxious to persuade
the other to take open ground in the Senate
with him against it. At last, the Senator ap-
pealed 10 exclaimed, Sir, achsre is your North 2
This scheme is proposed by Committee, of
ltt-o,.;el, the majority are Northern men-advo-
!, .c..1td by its chairman, o Northern man-urged
by the PRESIDENT, Northern man. If we OPP
pose it, who're IL the North to sustain us And
we know that in the South we shall be DOOM
edD
/ Aye---and let The question cause the cheek
of every Norsl4ern man to tingle with shame
Q. %epsa4 Where u your North?"
J RrS.tfAo to ths HAuse, taere may be more
/ ground for encouragement bat as at present
advised ne cannot rely upon it. The tacti-
clans of the Senate have adroitly stricken from
the Bel the portion providing for appropria-
| tons, so that should it reach the House, it may
not be necessary to refer it to the Committee
of the Whole on the state of the Union. The
! foor may be given to daring manager, and
the screw of the previous question be at once
applied.
! 1t was rumOred at one time that the Demo-
| cratic members from Ohio, and also from New
York, had agreed to oppose the scheme.
Whether this were true or not, we do not be-
lieve that at present they have any common
understanding "Give us the Bill of last ses-
son," said one to Democratic member from
Ohio Wilmot Proviso man in 1s4s and 1850.
"Of course" was the answer; "that would
suit me; but am not prepared to say that l
will not go for different bill !"
Chow many of the 'Softs' can be depend
ed upon? J" was question put to New York
member. Three, certainlyj but as for the
rest y - One of them was heard to remark
that he knew it would be political death for
him to vote for repeal, but he had made up his
mind, and would 60 it."
Looking beyond Congress, what do we see /?
Democratic editors, two years ago flaming in
their denunciatiOns of Slavery, now either
dumb, or sneering at the abolition confede-
rates for trying to frighten the people with
scarecrows Oh, Executive patronage is al
mighty with men of a certain character. One
of these was bought with an Office, valued at
50, 900 year. another for one estimated at
$500. The price Of these slaves ranges from
two hundred and fifty dollars up to twenty five
hundred; and from mail agency to foreign
mission.
We write with mingled feelings of bitterness
and shame: Would to God there was no rea-
son for it, Men of the so-called Free States,
behold the fruit of your no-agitation, your
peace and harmony, your healing Compro-
misses. and your Baltimore fnalties!
! THE TACTICS IN THE SENATE.
1t is now certain that the People are not to
be consulted on the proposed repeal Of the Mis-
souri, Compromise They have scquiesced in
that measure for thirty-three years-they have
regarded it as an unalterable law-but Mr..
Douglas and his associates, controlling ma
jority of the Senate, without suggestion from
any quarter, coolly propose to abrogate this
Law, without waiting to see whether the People
will consent to it, or not. In the Senate, yes
terday, that gentleman intimated his purpose
to ask vote on the Bill to-day should no
Senator be prepared to speak the intention is
to force it through this week, although it is
well understood that the People generally have
not had time even to comprehend the measure.
They evidently are not dreaming that such an
affront against Popular Sovereignty even can
be meditated by men calling themselves Demo-
Gratis; for we observe that in one of the States
a State Convention, to protest against it, is ad
vertised to meet on the 9Th Of this month
| Not only do the managers disregard the
People; they show no respect for the rights of
their fellow members or for Legislative usages.
Other measures are fairly submitted to the
consideration of the Senate. Objections from
| any quarter are entertained; amendments from
! individual members, no matter how limited
their general influence, are tried upon their
merits 4 and the Bill is thus mstured by the
joint eff brts of all. But this great measure, on
which, as no opportunity has been allowed to
the People to speak, there is the more reason
why all their representatives should be fully
heard, j. made an exception The Senate is
not to be suffered to deliberate and act upon it
as upon other measures Caucus, controlled
by few men, originates the Bill-Caucus
amends the Bill-Caucus determines that no
alterations shall be made in the Bill, on mo-
ti9ns Of its pponents-Caucus decides when
the Bill shall pass. A Power outside of the
Senate controls the Senate, and as effectually
depfives the minority of any part in the work
of legislation, as if the members of that mi
nority were not representatives of Sovereign
States.
After the delivery of the speech of MIR
Chase, il became obvious that the averment in
the III section of the Bill-that the 'fMis-
souri, Compromise was superseded by the prin-
eip!es d the legislation of 1850 could not
stand 1t was too glaring an untruth to be
voted, even by the friends of the measure.
Mr.. Chase accordingly moved to strike it out;
| but in pursuance Of caucus arrangement, he
was soon taught that no matter whether the
friends of the Bill favored the object OF not, no
suggestions would be entertained either from
him or those concurring with him. Several