Indiana American. [volume] (Brookville, Ind.) 1833-1861, 1854-05-19


ed into existence in the hot incubation
of Presidential canvass, and revolt
ing to the beholders when first
presented. Well do | remember the
{ day when il was first shown in the
Senate. Mark Antony did not better
remember the day when Cesar FIRST
|. put on that mantle through which he
was afterwards pierced through with
three-and-twenty "enyious stabs." Ii
was in the Senate in l848, and was
received as nonsense--as the essence
, of nonsense-as the quintessence ol
nonsense--as the five times dlstilled d
essence Of political nonsensicality =
Why. sir. The Territory itself is the
property ofthe States, and they do
what they please with it-permit il. tc
be settled or not, as they please; cut II
up by lines, as they please; sell it, OF
give it away, as they please; chase
white people from it,.as they please.
After this farrago--this la.podrida--
comes little stump speech, injected
into the belly Of the bill, and which
must have a prodigious effect when
: recited in the prairies, and out towards
the frontiers, and up towards the heads
of the creeks. l will read it, and
hope without fatiguing the House; for
It's both brief and beautiful, and runs
thus:
at being the true intent and mean
ing OF this act, not TO legislate slavery
into any State or Territory. nor to
exclude it therefrom; but to leave the
people thereof perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic institutions
in their own way, subject only to the
Constitution Of the United States. "
This is the speech, and pretty lit
tic thing itself, and very proper to be
spoken from stump in the prairie
Ii has intent, and true intent; which
is neither to legislate slavery into or
out of any State or Territory. Then
why legislate at all? Why is all this
disturbance, if no effect is produced,
and things to remain just as they were?
Let well enough alone, was the old
doctrine; to make well enough still
better, is the doctrine of progress; and
that in spite of the Italian epitaph,
which says: II was well, and world
be better; took physic, aud here am. !"
But the states must be greatly de-
lighted at the politeness and forbear.
ance Of this bill. 1t puts States and
Territories upon precise equality with
respect to the power of Congress over
them. Congress does not mean to
put slavery in or out OF any State or
Territory. To all that polite abnega-
n vsss-sas is-vv ~ say that, in rospoot 81
the States, it is the supererogation Of
! modesty humility, as Congress hap
pens to have no power to put slavery
in them, or out OF them; and in res
pect of the Territories. il is an abdica-
ton of constitutional power and
duty; it being the right of Congress
to legislate upon slavery in the terrific
ries, and its duty 10 do so when there
is occasion for it-as in 1887 and 1920.
/ object to this shilly-shally-willy-
wonty-don'ty canty style Of legisla-
ton. 1t is not legislative. It's not
parliamentary. Its not manly. IL
is not womanly. No woman would
talk that way. No shiily-shally in a
woman Nothing female gender
was ever born young enough, or lived
long enough, to get befogged in such
a quandary as this. 1t is one thing
Tor the other with them, and what they
say. they stick to. No breaking bar
gains with them. But the end of this
speech is the best of the whole. Diff
ferent from good milk, in which the
cream rises to the top, it here settles to
the bottom, and is in these words:
leave il to the people thereof that is
to say, of the States and of the Terrific
ries, to regulate slavery for themselves
as they please. only subject to the
Constitution of the United States" :"
Certainly this is a new subjeciion for
the States. Heretofore they have
been free to regulate slavery for them
selves--admit il or reject It; and that
not by virtue of any grant of power in
the Constitution, but by virtue OF an
unsurrendered part oftheir old sover-
eighty. 1t is also new of the Terrific
ries. Heretofore they have been held
10 be wards OF Congress, and entitled
to nothing under the Constitution but
that which Congress extended 10
them. But this clause is not acciden-
tally here; it is to keep up the dogma
OF the Constitution in Territories,
but only there in relation to slavery,
aud that for lis admission--not rejec.
ton.
Three dogmas now in2ict the land
videiieet: squatter sovereignty, non-in-
tervention. and no power in Congress
to legislate upon slavery in Territories
And this bill asserts the whole three,
and beautifully illustrates the whole
three, by knocking each one on the
head with the other. and trampline
each under foot in its turn. Sir, tht
bill does deny squatter sovereignty
J and it does intervene, and it does leg
, islate upon slavery in Territories; anc
' for the proof of that, see the bill; anS
) see it, us the lawyers say, passlm;tha
is TO say, here, and there, and every
/? where. 1t is bill of assumptions anG
y contradictions--assuming what is un-
: founded, ana contradicting what !
5 assumes, and balancing every aifirma
S ton by negation. 1t is a see-say
Y but not the innocent see-saw whicl
i children play on a plank stuck through
c fence; but the up-and-down gam
o of politicians, played at the expense Q
5 the peace and harmony of the Union
Q and to the sacrifice of all business il
q Congress. 1t is an amphibologira