The Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, Ohio) 1853-1861, 1854-04-15
4t4
Slavery not a Domestic Institution.

ed beyond the limits of the State which
adopts it, it would be strictly " domestic
institution A State or territory NAV pre-
fer the civil to the common law; but that
would constitute no ground of quarrel or
interference on the part OF neighboring
state which does not. So, one state may
think its interests require banking institu-
tons or system of internal improvements !;
but as these can affect a sister state only in
an indirect way, it can have no right to pro-
test against them, or to attempt in any way
to overturn them. American slavery would
be Of that class were it not for that clause
III the constitution which makes five slaves
equal, so far as the general government is
concerned, to three free men.
This clause takes American slavery out of
the list of domestic institutions and places
it among the political institutions of this
country, which, in their growth or decay,
affect every citizen. Slavery in Virginia
would be domestic institution with which
no citizen of Massachusetts, would have any
thing to do, did it not so happen that Vir-
ginia, with 949,l33 free inha bitants, has
thirteen representatives in Congress, while
Massachusetts,, with free population of
45,38l greater. has only eleUen representa-
tives How does it happen then, that the
free men of Massachusetts are thus Out-voted
IN the House of Representatives? Simply
because Virginia has a population of 49,
528 slaves. Is slavery in Virginia then
"a domestic institution, concerning which
the freeman of Massachusetts, has no right
TO think, speak and act? Certainly not
it is political institution and the Mas
sachusetts man has therefore just as much
right to strive to circumscribe it, diminish
ho1i cb bo hoe tn dol
the contrary.
Alabama has free population of 428,779
souls, and New Jersey has 489, 1873 yet Al
ALBANIA has seuen representatives in Congress,
while New Jersey with 10000 more freemen,
has only fiue. Here we find the 342, 1892
slaves of Alabama not only sufficient to
balance the $4,000 free men of New Jersey,
but to give her two representatives beside. |
In Georgia there are 524, Sol free people, and
in Connecticut and Rhode Island there are
5l8, 1887; but though the free population is
nearly equal, Georgia has two more repre-
sentatives than both these States--because
she happens to have 38l ,682 slaves. Missis-
slppi and Louisiana together have free pop
ulation of 569, ,60l, and nine representatives |
while Illinois, with a free population of
85l ,470, that is 28l ,769, more than theirs, has
only nine representatives, because, forsooth,
she has rot half million slaves as Missis-
sippi and Louisiana nave. Texas has l54,-
43l free people, and two representatives
while Iowa with 1872 22l4, has only two
but the latter has not 1915 slaves, who, in
Texas, are just equal to 37,763 freemen in
Iowa. Wisconsin has free population of
302.3 .329, almost double the free population
of Texas, yet the latter has two representa-
tives and the former three. But Louisiana,
with only 1858 free inhabitants, almost
$4,000 less than Wisconsin, has four!
In all the free States there is population
Of l3,434 ,799, which is represented in the
House of Representatives by l43 members. !
The slave states have similar population,
Il triae more than one half as large, and yet,
instead of having only II representatives.,
the half of the number sent from the North, !
it has 80, or l9 more! These ninteen repre-
sentatives are not the representatives of six
millions of free men in the south, but of the
three millions Of slaves.
Can slavery be domestic institution then
when it has nineteen voices to speak for it
on the floor of Congress? Is it not rather
political institution in which every citizen
of the country, whether he be from the
North or South is directly interested? Blot
ont that clause of the Constitution which
gives to five ignorant and brutal slaves of /
Texas, the political weight and importance