The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-08-17

] mat, NLiSH Was pIOIbplSu W 1ho
landing of mighty enemy, or by any other
necessity-then, | confess, it would have
been proper to rebuke me for resisting
necessity; and proper to put me to shame
by pointing me to the faithful editor and
physician, who yield prompt obedience
TO the necessities, which come upon
them.
denied, that the three O'Clock appoint
ment would have been necessity. ms
denial is abundantly justified by the iact,
that there is nothing in the Nebraska Dill
to make the taking of the vote on 1t ne
cessary, at any time; and by the further
! fact that if there is, there, nevertheless,
remained months before the close OF the
session, and abundant opportunity Tor the
transaction of all the possible business oil
| Congress by daylight.
| might dwell on many objections to CIV
| ing my countenance to this three O'Clock
| appointment. | will detain you with only
few of them; and with but glances at
these. 1st. Some members of Congress
are, either from age or other causes, too
feeble to be compelled, unless in case Of
absolute necessity, to leave their beds, at
such an unusual hour for leaving them.
I'd. At this sleepy hour, few persons are
| in a state for the wise and safe transaction
of important business. Sd. As the friend
of temperance, both my lips and example
shall ever testify against any nlght-sesslon
of Congress, that IS not called for by the
clearest necessity. What If the majority
had appointed the taking Of the vote on
the Nebraska question, in dramshOp
Would you have had me present? | trust
not. But are you, yet, to learn, that the
scenes of 4 night-session of Congress do
not, always, differ, in all respects, from
the scenes of a dramshop? | was present,
a part OF the night-sessIOn, III which the
final vote on the Nebraska bill was taken
and | was well convinced, that Congress
should avoid all unnecessary nlght-ses-
sions, until Congress loves temperance
more, and rum less. Never did | witness
more gross drunkenness, than witnessed
on that occasion. | had to remain until
eleven o'clock-for had to remain, until
| could record my vote against the pro-sla-
very bill. After that, | hurried away, full
of shame and sorrow.
1t SO happened, that Lord Elgin, the
Governor Of Canada, sat by my side, for
an hour or more, during that evening of
sad recolections. The drunkenness was
perceived by him, as well as by myself l
might rather say, it glared upon his obser-
vation, as well as upon my own. 1t was,
certainly, very polite and kind in him to
tell me, as he did, in the course Of our
conversation respecting this disgraceful
scene, that he had Witnessed shameful dis
order in the British Parliament. Neverthc-
less, his politeness and kindness did not
relieve me of my deep modification.
But, | shall perhaps, be told, that were
it, once, understood, that the friends Of
temperance, and deCcncy, and good hours,
refuse to appear in Congress, the latter part
of the night; advantage would be taken of
the refusal, and that part of the night
would be chosen for mischievous and
wicked legislation. This supposeS two
things, however, neither Of which, trust,
is suppOsable. 1t supposes, 1st, that
majority Of the members Of Congress
would be guilty Of such an outrage and,
ID, that the people would be patient under
it. Had the Nebraska bill been passed by
calling us from our beds at three o'clock,
the people would have seen, in this dis
graceful fact, another and a strong reason
for condcmning this bill and its supporters.
/ proceed TO notice another, and, so far
as | know, the only other, passage in my
Congressional history, that has provoked
the public censure. | spoke in favor of
anncxing Cuba to the United States -
and this, too, even though the slavery of
that island were not previously abolished
For having so spoken, | have seen myself
held up in the newspapers as a fH6uSter
But | had supposed the fHbuSter to be
one, who would get Cuba either by yio-
lence or by money: and, in the speech
referred to, | expressly discarded both
these means. The union between Cuba
and the United States, which approved,
Is peaceful, and without purchase. 1t is
to take place, on the sole condition of the
choice of the two partes-the people of
Cuba and the people OF the United States.
Their choice Of the union authorizes the
union: and, that too, even though all
other peoples, Spain herself included, for
bid it. Indeed, it was only to illustrate
the leading doctrine Of that part of my
| spcech-the doctrine, that peoples may
unite and divide, as themselves, not as
others, please-that made my reference
to Cuba.
But whom do | mean by the people of
Cuba? The public suppose, that | of
| course, mean little else than the handful
Of shareholders, aristocrats, and tyrants,
upon that island. But, do not consent
to be concluded by their suppostion. do
not consent to wear their spectacles, nor
to be measured by their measuring-line
nor to be interpreted by their laws of in
depreciation.
1t is now more than dozen years, since
| stood up to read, in very large assem-
bly,, my Address to the Slaves of the
| United States" This Address acknowl-
edges slaves to be of the people, and OF
equal rights with any other portion of the
people; and, add, that it, therefore, made
me more enemies than any other paper |
had ever written. | stop not now to JUS
tify anything in thst paper. All my reason
for referring to II is, to say, that, whether
its doctrines are true or false, they should
at least, serve to shield me from the impu-
tation of ignoring slaves, when | speak oil
the people. Whomsoever others mean
when they speak of the people of Cuba,
mean, when | speak of them, the black, as
we'll as the whi,e-the bond, as well as
the free. If the poor, outraged slaves o.
that island prefer to be identified with the
institutions, fortunes, and prospects, o.
our country, such preference should be
allowed to weigh as much, as the like
preference of any other equal portion o
her people. To say, that their poor
poor, dumb mouths " are to be unheeded