The Middlebury register. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1850-1882, 1854-02-22
CONGRESS.
WAsutNGToN. Friday Fob

private calendar was taken up and acted
on.
Mr.. Seward then commenced his
speech on the Nebraska bill.
Mr. Seward commenced by tracing
the early policy of the United States.
relative to slavery in the original States
and Territories, and showing how they
only permitted the evil where it had
already existed, but wherever it was
practicable, prevented its introduction
on soil already free and this policy en-.
countcrcd difficulties when it came TO be
applied to territories subsequently pur-
chased.
Mr.. Seward then referred to the diff.
culties attending the admission of Mis-.
souri, into the Union, which were finally
limited by the compact between the
Slave and the Free States, called the
Compromise. That was a great nation.
al transaction. the first of a class of
transactions which have since come to
be thoroughly defined and we'll under.
stood, and marked by peculiar circum.
stances and features.
He then traced the leading features
of the Compromise of 1920. and referred
to the pending question as one of a SINH
lar nature, and tr~anscendent Importance.
1t involved an issue of public faith and
national morality and honor. During
the agitation of the Missouri Compro.
mise, Slavery and Freedom we're active
antagonists, seeking for ascendency in
the Union. That contest has only been
protracted, not decided. The question
of aehering to or abrogatipg that Com
promise was no unmeaning issue, and no
contest Of mere blind opposition.
Mr.. s. here drew a parallel between
the future condition of the territory as
it would be developed under the %institu-
tions of slavery, and hat which would
be its destiny if in the exclusive occupa.
tion of frecmen, abiding at the close to
the possible secession at some future
period of the slaveholding States. This
last condition was one against which a
statesman, when engaged in giving q
Constitution so situated, must not shut
his eyes. The Union was safe now, and
would be safe, so long as an impartial
political equality shall constitute its ba.
sis but if evor the slaveholding States
should multiply themselves so that they
could alone constitute a commercial re.
public, from that day, they would con.
sent to no union which they could not
rule, and that rule would be- hard for
the non-Slaveholding States to bear.
But | shall not, said he, in conclusion.
abatc ono jot of heart or hope in main.
tanning a just equilibrium of non.slavc.
holding States, even if this illstarred
measure shall be adopted the non
slaveholding States are teeming with an
increase of freemcn educated, vigorous.
enlightened, cnterprising freemen such
freeinen as neither England nor Rome.
not even Athens ever reared. Half a
million of freemen from Europe annual
", augment that increase and ten years
hence, half a million. twenty years hence,
a million from Asia will augment it
still more.
You may obstruct. and SO turn the
direction of those peaceful armies away
from Nebraska. So long as you shall
leave them to roam on hill and prairie,
by river side or in the mountain fast.
nesses, they will dispose of themselves,
peacefully and lawfully. in the places
you shall have left open for them ; and
there they will erect new States upon
free soil, to be forever maintained and
defended by free arms, and ag~grandized
by free labor. American slavery, l
know, is a large and ever flowing spring.
but it cannot pour forth its blackened
tide in volumes like that | have describ-
ed. If you are wise. these tides of free
men and Of slaves will never voluntarily
commingle but if, nevertheless, through
your " erroneous policy, their repul-
sive currents must be directed against
each other, so that they needs must
meet, then it is easy to see, in that case,
which will overcome the resistance of
the other, and which of them, thus over
powered, will roll back to drown the
! sources which sent it forth.
"Man proposes, and God disposes "
You may legislate, and abrogate, and alb
ncgate as you will, but there is a supe
rior power that overrules all your refu-
sails to act and firmly hope and trust,
overrules them to the advancement of
the greatness and glory of our country !;
that overrules. | know. not only all your
actions. and all your r%efusals to act, and
will lead to the perhaps distant but in>
evitablc result of the equal and %univer-
sal liberty of all men.
Mr.. Seward was listened to with pro-
found attention, and in parts of his
speech he was upplauded by persons in
the galleries. After be had closed,
Mr.. Petit got the floor and said he
would speak on Monday,
Mr.. Sumner announced his intention
of speaking on the subject on Tuesday.
The Senate then adjourned until Mon
day.
House OF REPREsENTATlvEs.-The
resolutions of the New York Legislature
against the Nebraska bill were present.
ed by Mr.. Dean, and ordered to be print
ed.
The House went into Committee on
the Homestead bill.
Mr.. Stephens, Of Ga, spoke in favor
of the Nebraska bill, mainly in reply to
Mr., Meacham.
Mr.. Campbell replied to Mr.. Stephens,
and was followed by Mr.. Kerr in de-
fence of the Nebraska bill, and Mr..
Gliding in opposition, when the Com
mitteo rose, and the House adjourned