The miners' express. (Dubuque, Iowa) 1849-1854, 1854-05-31
TO THE ANAMOSA NEWS.
c l.. T. ii. BESToN's SPEECH.

unttf, IN MS IneuOrabe speech on the NtDraS-
IA and karsas Bill; the very Bill, that Col5
Benton OF Missouri delivered his sentiments
sainst in the House of Representatives, which
reech from your remarks in your paper of the
hat is any thing but Justice TO the democratic
'arty, or to the position occupied by Col
Benton towards thlt parry, in his opposition to
he administration well as to the former priIl-
,Iplt s entertained aud promulgated by this same
Col. Benton; and which gave him his hold, in
lays gone by, upon the masses Of the demo-
cratic republican party of The country.
You say, that at is the GROWING speech Of
The session and the crownlng effort OF his life.
Never was subject so dissected and laid bare
ka swindle. As a sample of the powerful et-
fort of the Missouri Senator, we here insert
short extract of his beautiful as well chaste ex-
pressions. Col. Benton says:
:" Ii is a sea-saw bill but not the innocent
sea.saw which children play on plank stuck
through fence; but the up and down OF poll
tcians.'
Again, in continuation he says
alt is juggle worthy of the trick of one egg
under three hats at the same time, and under
neither at any time
Mr.. Editor, you again remark, that f" Benton
has knocked The wind out of it, and all the
vitality which they can infuse into it, won't
keep it from sinking" This appreciation OF
Col. Benton's speech, we all must admit, is not
expressed in as savory language, as we could
wish, yet, the following excerpt from Col.
Benton himself we considers just and apprc.
pirate answer to your remarks-he says that the
Bill was
Received as nonsense, as the essence OF
nonsense, as the qulntessence of nonsense, as
the five times distilled essence of political nom
sensicalty."
There now, Mr. Editor, you have the opini
on of Col. Benton, as to the receipt of the
Nebraska Bill. or of his speech, will not
determine to decide. Again, you make another
sweeping term of appreciation of the speech
Col. Benton, and by inuendo dare the demo-f
cratic press to publish the same. You are fully
aware, Mr.. Editor, that democratic editors are
not bound to publish the speeches of their free
soil opponents. Although their liberality has
always been proverbal for extending facilities
TO their whig and free-soil opponents, yet it
cannot be expected, as in the case of Col.
Benton, that the press of your noble democratic
State will so far forget their duty to their party
friends, as to spread sentiments, now perverted
from his once proud position, before their read
ers, in preference to the wholesome repub-
lican principles that emnate from our own
democratic friends in Congress. But you
say, "We want no better evidence of what
the friends of this measure expect and tear
from this speech, than the fact they are afraid
to publish it and let the people read for them
selves" Action in Congress on this measure
has been expressed in terms that must be cheer
ing, else your readers, Mr.. Editor, would not
have been regarded with the modesy of the
expression you use yourself. Col. Benton, in
his usual onglomeration, says,
"a motion in Congress--a silent, secret,
limping, haltlng, creeping, squirting. impish
motion--conceiyed in the dark, midwifed in a
committee room, and sprung upon Congress
and the country in the style in which Guy
Fawkes intended to blow up the Parlamen,
House, with his five hdndred barrels OF gua-
powder hid in the cellar under the wood
You can readily see, as you have published
| the speech of Col. Benton that have not mis- :
quoted this language, as delivered by him in
the House of Representatives on the 25th April
1854, But, | intend to go further, Mr.. Editor
and show you, that the speech lately delivered
by Col. Benton, who spoke for the democratic
masses in 1880, so and 90. Ii time would
permit me to search the record, could fill your
paper with refuta,ions, innumerabe, which
would make manifest TO your readers, that the
Col. Benton of 81, is not the Col. Benton oil
1920 and up to 1852; but to the record, as far
as the lights are before me. La his celebrated
speech, delivered in the Senate IN 1880, in ref
| erence to the Missouri difficulty of the State
following pointed language
{" come now to the admission Of Missouri
but do not mean TO dwell upon it. The event is
too Mt, the facts connected with it too noori-
Gus, to require proof, or even to admit of recit
| al here. The struggle upon that question divid-
ed itself into two parts the first. TO prevent
to secure the entrance of the free blacks and
mulattoes into teach part of the struggle,
| dividing the Union into two parts, the Potomac
and the Ohio the dividing line, with slight ex
| ceptions; the South IN favor of the rights of
| Missouri; the North against them La the ranks
of the latter were seen all the survivors Of the
| ancient advocates for the surrender of the Mis-
| sissippi: all the survivors Of those in the Con-
gress of the Confederation opposed to the pro
| lection of the West; all the opponents to the
acquisition of Louisiana; all the power of the
federal party; and all the gentlemen of the
Northeast who are now paying their addresses
to the West. The contest, upon its face, was
question of slavery, and the rights of free
question of political power, and so declared upon
this floor by MIR. KING, of New York"
This extract MIR. Editor, is somewhat differ
ent in sentiment, tone, and manner from the
speech that your readers have been Toasted with
OF late. Again in the same speech, he says, on
the subject of non intervention
Yes, sir, slavery as it is, and as it exists
among us, would have fewer advocates if those
who have nothing to do with them would let il
alone. But they will not let it alone. A geo.
graphical party, and chiefly a political caste,
are necessarily at work upon this subject. Their
operations pervade the States. intrude into this
chamber. display themselves in innumerable
forms and the thickening of the signs announces
the forthcoming of some extrao binary move.
ment. Sir, | regard with admiration-that is
to say, with wonder-the sublime morality of
those who cannot bear the abstract con,empla.
ton of slavery al the distance Of five hundred
or thousand miles off IL is entirely above
that is to say it affects vast superiority over
the morality OF the primitive Christians, the
Apostles of Christ, and Christ himself
This extract is again met in unison with his
present Partially for the abolition disorganzers
of the House and the country. How different
the above sentiment TO his present attitude be.
fore the country. Butagain in 1880 he said:
"Chris. and the Apostles appeared in a pro.
vince of the Roman empire, when that empire
was called the Roman world, and the world
was filed with slaves. Forty millions was the
estimated number, being one fourth of the
whole population. A freed man, one who had
himself been slave, died the possessor of four
thousand-such were the numbers The RIGHT
of the owners Of this multitude of human be
lngs that of life and death, without proiec
fion from law or MITIGATION from nubI;c cont;