The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-03-02
-----lhe tree OF NE,
High eminent, blooming ambrosial fruit
Of vegetable gold

1t is with regard to this territory, that you
are now called to exercise the grandest function
Of the lawgivcr, by establishing those rules of
pOity which viii determine its future charac-
ter. As the twig is bent the tree inclines; and
the influences impressed upon the early DAYS of
an empire-lke those upon chiid-are of in
conceivable Importance to its future veal or Woe.
The bill now before u.s. proposes to organize
aud equip two new territorial establishments,
with governors, secretaries, Legislative councils,
legislators Judges, marshals, and the whole
machinery of civil society. Such measure,
at any time, would deserve the most careful
attention. But, at the present moment it
justly excites peculiar interest, from the effort
mate-on pretences unsustained by facts-in
violation Of solemn covenant and of the early
principles Of our fIthers-to open this immense
region to Slavery
According to existing law, this Territory is
now guarded against Slavery by positive
prohibition. embodied in the Act of Congress,
approved March 9th, 1920, preparatory to the
admission Of Missouri into the Union as a
s.rter State and in the following explicit
words:
SEC. ;. Be n further enacted, That in all that
erftGry cct ~ France TO the United States, uHder
ne qys 0f Louisiana which lies north of thirty
degrees and thirty minutes Of north latitude, not in
eaied within the limits of the State contemplated by
this act, SLAVERY AND INVOLUNTARY SERvITUDE,
otherwise than the punishment of crimes. SHALL
BY, AND IS HEREBY, FOREVER PROHIBITED"
1t is now proposed to set aside this prohi-
bition; bat there seems to be singular indie
cision as to the way in which the deed shall be
done. From the time of its first introduction
IN the report Ct the Committee on Territories
the proposition hss assumed different shapes
and 1t promises to assume as many as Proteus
now, one thing in form, and now, another
now like river, and then like flame; but
IN every form and shape, identical in sub
stance; with but one end and aim-its be-all
and end-all-the overthrow of the Prohibition
OF Slavery.
AT first, it proposed simply to declare, that
the States formed out of this Territory should
be admitted into the Union with or without
NlaverY," and did not directly assume to touch
thus prohibition. For some reason this was
not satisfactory, and then it was precipitately
proposed to declare that the prohibition in
the Missouri act was superseded by the prin
clpes of the legislation of 1850, commonly
called the Compromise Measures, and is hereby
declared imperative" But this would not do
sld it is now proposed to declare that the
Prohibition, "being inconsistent with the prin
c pies of non. intervention, by Congress, with
Nayery in the States and Territories, as recoc
nised By the legislation of 1880, commonly
called the Compromise Measures, is hereby
declared imperative and void"
All this is to be done on pretences founded
upon the Slavery enactments of 1880; seek
ing. with mingled audacity and cunning "b,
nolrecaOn to find direction out" Now, SIT
am not here to speak in behalf OF thos
measures, or to lean in any way upon thei
support. Relating to different subjectmatters
contained in different acts, which prevailed
successfully, at different times and by differen
FOtes-some persons voting for one measure
nu some voting for another, and very few
ping for all, they cannot be regarded as |
put embodying conditions of compact, or com
fomlse, If you please adopted equally by al
trues and therefore, obligatory on all par
fs. But since this broken series of measures
ts been adduced as an apology for the propo
non now before us desire to say, that, sucf
they are, they cannot, by any effort Of in
Fpretahon, by any distorsing wand of power
any perverse alchemy, be transmitted int
repea! of that original prohibition of Sla
Ey.
"a this head there are several points Il
tlch would merely call attention, and thel
is on. First: The Slavery enactments o
% did not pretend, in terms, to touch, mucl
p to change, the condition of the Louisiana
frrltory, which was already fixed by Con
fesslonal enactment bat simply acted upol
'neWly-acquired Territories the condition @
which was not already fixed by Congressiona
enactment The two transactions related {
inherent sublect-matters Secondly: The enact
mens do not directly touch the subject O
Slavery, during the territorial existence G
Utah and New Mexico; but they provide pros
pectively, that, when admitted az States, the