The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-11-09

who would sacrifice than would to relieve from
this heavy reprosch (of slavery any way
The OF that Kind property flor Il is nisnamed
il begat'le which would not cos single thought
In thst way general emancipation and expatrstion
could be elected gradually; and with due saerihce
think might be- But II H. have the wolf by the
ears and neither hold him safely let him CO.
Justice in one scale and selfpreseryaon in the other
heard SIR. Maaisen many years sicce observe in
conversation that sssyery vas . great misioftune
for Virginia
n is well known That sach vas the opinion of Mr..
AODrsr, n I''dge Marshsg, OF Patrick Henry OF
George Nssoa, az OF many Other able and patrosic
yupinisas whose rae constitute part OF the
historical irtssufs OF oai country
IL is portion OF political history that Gen.
Pierce, when IN ire senste. took sp.iiar We've, and
OPEL " av0uod them, calling slavery q social and
politics. e.3i. Go not find that Il IL oval, though
not piiyate agreeaby TO the latest Richmond
ceDoE las provoked the wrath or called forth tie
dent, OF that eve must iniiict appropriate punish.
inept on (hs as on N.Y. hcreti "A opinions and
trsacherous concuct.r "ihe bsttsr part Of valor is
discretion" aud the discretion OF the Enquirer
teaches 1t 10 ayeii contests with power, ard 10 seek
them where there Is none. This is rev chivalry for
Virginia.
Lave rot had On opportunity to examine the
debates upon this subject in the Virginia Legisla
tuTe, bnt Mr.. Webster thus alluded to them Ia the
Senate, in March, 1866
Let every man. he said, who doubts of that, to
the debates in the Virginia House of Delegates in 1882,
and lac win see with what freedom u proposition made
by Mr. Randolph for the gradual abolition of slavery was
discussed in that body Every one spoke OF slavery as
he thought Very ignoninious and disparaging names
applied To it. He particularly mentions Mr.. Ran
doph and Governor Mcdowell as among those who thus
expressed themselves openly and sent their remarks to
The press.
If the South las changed its views of this great
question, the North has not, nor Is the unsh AIKEN
adhesion OF Northern men TO their original convic-
tions just subject of complaint, any more than the
expression OF them in proper terms OF forbsarance
Subsequently the writer in the Enquirer, yield.
ing to the sober second thought Or in other words
to the wiser persuasi0ns Of his own judgment to
mits Northern man to have his own private Union
upon this matter, provided ne simply toerates the
institution OF slavery; and this, he adds,
Gen cass refuses to concede u.s. He might be ever so
ayerse to slavery, and would not complain if he
would rigidly abstain from abusing us.
Once before, ard only once, heard this doctrine
of the pt lnissory right Of Northern men to think
upon this subject, provided they shut up their
thoughts in their own breasts. The position Of
pubic mar ia the North requires the free express
zion to his constituents Of his views respecting
slavery as we'll for his own sake as for the sake Of
his usefulness to the cause OF the constitution. To
rail at slavery Is one thing, and very foolish and
unjust thing. To submit to the tribunal Of publi:
opinion in Ia own State, his views upon the abstract
ques ion while defending the right Of the South to
adjust it prsctl ally for themselves is another and
quite different thing, and nothing but the very
extremity of intolerance could confound subjects 80
widely separate in their position and 80 different
in their ratu,e.
Upon this question Of the right Of opinion and Of
the duty OF Withholding the expression Of it, said
in the Senate in February last
Truth permanently injured by free inquiry.
You cannot control investigation And you must take
IT, even with its abuses for the blessings it brings with
IL. highly respectable and respected member of the
House OF Representatives said upon this subject
time since, ''You consider slavery great evil Very
wel-think but Keep your thoughts to yourselves"
sure, sir this honorable member must have utter
ed this sentiment while feeling strongly the aspersions
upon the South too frequent in the North for he knows
well as any one the impossibity of prescribing the
right OF speech, and of combining the thoughts of
to his own bosom. You might just well undertake
to stop the tide of the stop the tide of human
opinion; and though both of these mighty agents, in
their Iesisiess march, felt for evil well for
good yet their heathful action is infinitely better than
would be their sagnant quetude But the speaker did
as he had full right to do without regard to this pro-
hibitionle examined the whole subject in the hall Of
the nation and Of course could not expect that his pre-
cept and not his practice would be followed by others.
So msch for this chain of occlusion--this demand
thai every Northern wan shall place his hand upon
his mouth snd his mouth in the dust whenever the
word slavery is sounds in his ears by its friends
its ices. And now for the assertion of the Rich
mond Enquirer, that had transgressed the limits
OF legitimate investigation by my assaults upon
shnss he entire ' satisfaction Of one bns Of
him ~h0 mace it. ehall not commit the folly of
exps ctine his recantation. He who does an injury
wien the injustice exposed, thenceo tn too often
considers himself the iDju ed party.
lave never ute &c Oye rprOachful word on the
subject Of slsSery-pot ore. Ii is q course Of dis
cussion sh suits neither my taste, my habits, nor
nv age. And Least Of all am likely to adoDt 1t
when ore Of the eIavsst constitutional subjects
that car be presented to the American people Is
brought for ward TO- consideration. have never,
lie The members Of its Virginia Legislature, ap.
defy the writer of this tice any body else, to
fpd in sl my remarks o single assertion, or even
epths, that the most jealous friend Of the insttu
ton can justly censure. In my Nicholson letter,
speaking Of slavery, | esid =
There is and not by the act of the present genera
ton and must deal with it great practical ques
ton, involving the most momentous consequences We
have neither the right the power touch it where
il exists and If had both their exercise by any
heretofore suggested might lead to results which no
man could contemplate without anxiety.
In the Senate, said In 1850, that
Slavery is an existing institution in the South for
which no living man is responsible. 1t is interviewer
into the very texture Of society. Between three and
four millions of people, differing in and color
the predominant caste held in bondage. have
good deal of slavery and believe its evils much
magnifed and that the slaves generally in Southern
States treated with much kindness and consideYa
ton compatible with the relative condition Of
bond and Tree and certainty as wen as they would DO
treated in the North II we lad slaves there. do not
myself how such ofhman beings be set free.
Emancipation, unless the work may say Of ages, would
equally destroy white and black God in his providence
may bring II about. do not that II is
question which concerns the Southern States alone.
they have every motive to deal with it Justly and wisely
and every interference from abroad but adds the diff
fcuty of the position and creates natural reaction in
every Southern mind. We give them, however,
Opinion and discussion) right direction and that
should be the effort OF every true American in the
slaveholdnv States whose feelings and whose intellect
have not Teen seized captive by this strange Authorization
He Should stand up for the rights of the South by stand
ing up for the obligations of the constitution and expose
that hollow philanthropy Which seeks through blood and
fle the emancipation OF OF beings who may be-
free in Gods good time and when he has prepared
them for it-how know not-but who, ii made free TO-
morrow would at least those of them who survived the
struggle become the most miserable and abject popua
ton ON the face oil the globe
10 touch it slavery by the general government,
would be 10 hake 10 is stone whole political
cd fec Like other human institutions, il has neither
all the advantages 10 friends claim for It. all the evils
its enemies dcilore. Believing il sfortunc for any
country regret its establishment but looking upon il
existing condition, am free to confess that though
i may come to endapd hope II may peacefully and
justly way in which this BE- effected but by
gr.ug 70 those most interested in it, and to the pro.
they may end II best 60 adopt Any external inter
would Cny acgruvae the evils and the dangers
and Z! experience has already shown. As TO tho