Washington telegraph., 1854-12-27


aggression or to passion for political pre-
dominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached a
magnitude and extent equal to that of the
first maratime power of the earth, and ex.
ceeding that of any other. Over this grea,
interest, in which not only our merchants
but all classes of citizens at least indirectly,
are concerned, it is the duty of the execu-
tive and legislative branches of the govern
ment to exercise careful supervision, and
adopt proper measures for its protection
The policy which have had in view, in re-
gard to this interest, embraces its future as
we'll as its present security.
Long experience has shown that. in gen.
eral, when the principal powers of Europe
are engaged in war, that rights of neutral
nations are endangered. This considera-
tlon led. in the progress of the war of inde-
pendence, to the formation of the celebrated
confederacy of armed neutrality a primary
object of which was to assert the doctrine
that free ships make free goods, except in
articles contraband Of war; doctrine which,
from the very commencement of our nation
al being. has been cherished idea of the
statesmen of this country. At one time or
another. every maratme power has, by some
solemn treaty stipulation, recognised that
principle; and it might have been hoped
that it would come to be universally receiv-
ed and respected as 4 rude of international
law. But the refusal of one power pre-
vented this. and the next great war which
ensued. that of the French revolution. it
failed TO De respected among the beligerent
States Of Europe. Notwithstanding this,
the principle is generally admitted to be a
sound and salutary one so much so that,
at the commencement of the existing war
in Europe. Great Britain and France an
nounced their purpose to observe it for the
present; not, however, as a recognized in
ternatlOnai right. but as mere concession
for the time being. The cooperation, how
ever, Of these powerful and maritime na-
tlons in the interest of neutral rights. an
peared to me to afford an occasion, inviting
and juStiFying on the part Of the United
States, renewed effort to make the doc
trlne IN question principle of information
al law, by means OF special conventions be-
tween the several powers of Europe and
America. Accordingly. proposition, en-
bracing the rule that fee ships make free
goods, except contraband articles, but also
tie less contested one. that neutraf proper.
ty. other than coniraband, though on board
enemy's ships. shall be exempt from confs-
cation has been sumtted by this govern.
inent to those Of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and
a convention was concluded between that
country and the United States providing
for the observance of the principles announc
ed. not only as between them and al! other
nations which shall enter into like stipula.
tions. None of the other powers have as
yet taken final action on the subject. am
not aware, however, that any objection to
the proposed stipulations has been made, but
on the contrary. they are acknowledged TO
be essential to the security of neutral COM
meree and. the only apparent obstacle to
their general adoption is in the possibility
that it may be encountered by inadmissible
| conditions
The King of the Two Sicilies has ex.
pressed to our Minister at Naples his readi-
ness to concur in our proposition relative to
neutral rights and to enter into convention
on that subject.
The King of Prussia entirely approves of
the project of a treaty to the same effect
submitted to him, but proposes an addition
al article providing for the remuneration of
privateering. Such an article, for most OBJ
vious reasons, Is much desired BY nations
having naval establishments large in pro-
portion to their forei on commerce. If it
were adopted as an international rule. the
commerce of nation having comparatively
small naval force, would be very much at
the mercy Of Its enemy. in case of war with
a power of decided naval superiority. The
bare statement Of the condition in which
the United States would be placed, after
having surrendered the right to resort to
prlvateers, in the event of war with bel.
/ hgerent of naval supremacy, will show that
this government could never listen to sucb
a proposition. The navy of the first mara
time power in Europe is at least ten times
as large as that of the United States. The for
eign commerce Of the two countries is near.
ly equal and equally exposed to hostile de-
predations. In a war between that power
and the United States without resort on our
part to our mercantile marine, the means
of our enemy to inhict injury upon our
commerce would be tenfoid greater than
ours to retaliate. We could not extricate
our country from this unequal condition,
with such an enemy. unless we at once de-
parted from our present peaceful policy. and
become great naval power Nor would
this country be better situated. in war with
one of the secondary naval powers. Though
the naval disparity would be less. the great
er extent, and more exposed condition of
our widespread commerce. would give any
Of them a like advantage over US.
The proposition to enter into engagements
/ to forego resort to privateers in ease tb;s