Washington sentinel., 1854-03-04
NEBRASKA AND KANSAS.
SPEECH or HON. JOHN PETIT
In the Senate, February 20.


lowering one, and it may well be supposed that
my mind and my spirits partake somewhat of
the condition Of the elements without; but, sir,
as am nota man of passions or of preludices,
but yield willing obedience to the dictates OF
reason and Justice, enlightened, as believe, by
q sound and unbiased Judgment; as live not
for glory, in the French acceptation of the
term, nor the misguided huzzas Of the popu.
lace, but am an obsequous slave to the stern
mandates of duty, shall proceed, disregarding
the weather without.
Sir, it becomes me- then, to inquire what are
my duties-not my preudices or my passions
upon this subject? What are my duties TO.
wards my fellowcitizens towards my equals,
towards the States collectively, and the States
and people individually?
Nv duty, as conceive, is, first, towards the
States collectively and the States individually,
to endeavor to preserve that harmony which
the machinery of the respective governments
was designed to secure to them, SO that there
shall be no clashing, no jarring, no warring;
so that no discord may be found in their har-
monious circle Towards my fellow citizens,
and the citizens of the country individually, it
is plainly my duty to place, rs nearly as may
be, all those who are constituent parts of the
State or government, upon an equal political
basis, with equal political rights so rs to di-
vide with them, or share with them an equality
of right in all our property territorial or other
wise, and in all the protection, and all the ad-
vantages OF the government. Upon these prin,
ciples my votes have been, and shall be, gov
erned upon this bill.
Mr.. President, have already said enough to
satisfy senators, if any doubt existed before,
as to how shall vote upon the question pend
ing before the Senate | need not go further
to satisfy the Senate what my judgment and
conclusions arc but shall beg the indulgence
of the Senate to discuss the question, in its va
rious forms, at considerable length shall be
driven, in the course of my remarks, into
consideration and review of sentiments which
have been uttered heretofore in this body,
which would gladly avoid, but that believe
duty to myself requires me to refer to them.
Mr.. President, so far as the form of this bill
IS concerned, need waste but little or no time
upon it. Suffice il to say, that it is in the
form which has been adopted since the founda-
ton of the government, with little exception,
and little variation, for the organization of our
Territories. There is one provision, to be sure,
and only one, as it seems to me. which meets
with any serious objection here or will encoun-
ter any serious difficulty in the other end OF the
Capitol That is the one which repeals ,the
Missouri compromise, for grant that it does
so or, in other words, repeals the eighth sec
ton Of the act approved March 9th, 1920, au-
thorizing the people Of Missouri Territory to
hold convention, and form State consttu-
ton, preparatory to her admission into the
Union.
There is one provision in this bill, however,
which, in order that the bill may harmonic
with provisions already adopted upon that sub
iect ii would seem to me, ought to be stricken
ont. Il will be recollected that the people are
expressly authorized to legislate upon all sub
ject whatever, slavery included. They may
eitherestablish or abolish it, at their pleasure
and at their will, ifthe Constitution ofthe United
States allows it. Such is my understanding Of
it, and such is my desire that it should be.
But to make the question palmer and clearer
and to rid it of all difficulties, will suggest, if
do not move, the striking out ofthe following
provision in the sixth section:
"That all laws passed by the assembly, and ap-
proved by the governor, shall be submitted 10 the
Congress of the United States. and if disapproved,
shall be null, and of none effect
Nv desire is to authorize the people of the
Territory to legislate upon all legitimate sub
iects oflegislation, without let or hnderance by
this government. Sir, admit that the strik-
ing out Of that provision, or a clause, saying,
in the most positive terms, that Congress sub
mits all questions to them, without an appeal
to this government, will not prevent such an
appeal, nor prevent our taking cognizance of
IL; for we cannot stultfy ourselves; we cannot
throw off from ourselves that power which is
necessarily, inherently, and constitutonally
vested in us. Yet we can show, by striking
out this clause, what our intention is; and if
our intention shall govern those who follow us,
we shall be in more harmonious condition.
So much for the form of the bill.
Mr.. President, proceed briefly to the con-
sideration of the justice and the propriety Of
this measure. First, as to the justice of the
measure. What does it propose? 1t says to
us all that our common country, the United
States, or the people of the United States, if
sou will, have large unoccupied, or partially
occnpied territory, to which it is proposed to
give an organic law, and TO establish the prin.
ciples and rules of civilization there that the
north and the south, the east and the west, the
middle and the extremes alike, have an inter
est in this common property and common do
main. What, then, ask you, is Justice in this
case? How shall justice be applied in the
government and the administration of this
this property? Shall it be appropriated to one
section or to the other exclusively Shall you
say that the north with her institutions may 90
there, and that the south and her institutions
positions, and say that the south may go
there with her institutions, and the north
she'll not go there z Sir, 50 far as regards
the States themselves and the men, consider
cred as citizens Of the respective States, pro-
test that there is no justice, no equality, in de-
priving each from going there with the rights
that all have; and protest against the princi.
pie that all may not 90 there with the rights
that any have.
But how does it apply to the citizen after
ne gets there :? What does justice say then !?
Does it rot say that he shall have the right to
determine what his municipal institutions
shall be2 You authorize him to epislate up.
on ell the rights ofwhite men you say that the
rights Of life, liberty, and ofproperty the marital
relation, the relation of master and servant, or
of master and apprentice if you viii, are not
TOO sacred for them tolegislate upon as regard:
whites; but you say that the rights Of the
black man are too sacred to be entrusted Il
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