The Jeffersonian. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1853-1911, 1854-12-14
danger the security, of other States.

| Will uISHulcliuS SOuCelu, lue tcEEltOTid
expansion of the United States. This
rapid growth has resulted from the legit
innate exercise of sovereign rights, belong
ing alike to all nations, and by many lib.
orally exercised. Under such circum.
stances, it could hardly have been ex.
pected that those among them, which have
within a comparatively recent period, SUBJ
dued and absorbed ancient Kingdoms,
| planted their standards on every conti-
nent, and now possess, or claim the con-
troll of, the islands of every ocean as their
appropriate domain, would look with un-
friendly sentiments upon the acquisitions
of this country, in every instance honora-
bly, obtained, or would feel themselves
| justified in imputing our advancement to
spirit Of aggression or to passion for
political predominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached a
magnitude and extent nearly equal to
that of the first maritime power Of the
earth, and exceeding that of any other
Over this great interest, in which not on
ly our merchants, but all classes of citi-
zens at least indirectly, are concerned, it
is the duty of the executive and legisla-
tave branches of the government to exer-
else a careful supervision, and adopt
proper measures for its protection. The
policy which have had in view, in re-
gard to this interest, embraces its future
as well as its present security.
Long experience has shown that, in
general, when the poincipal Powers of
Europe are engaged in war, the rights of
neutra! nations are endangered. This
consideration led, in the progress of the
war of our independence, to the forma-
ton of the celebrated confederacy of
armed neutaility, primary object of
which was. to assert the doctrine, that
free ships make free goods, except in the
case of articles contraband of war: doc
trine which, from the very commence
ment of our national being, has been a
cherished idea OF the statesmen of this
cnuntry. At one period or another, eve
~ maritime Power has, By some solemn
treaty stipulation, recognized that princi-
pie; and it might have been hoped that
it wonld come to be universally received
aud respected as 2 rule of international
law. But the refusal of one power pre-
vented this, and in the next great war
which ensued, that Of the French revolu-
ton, it failed to be respected among the
billigereut States of Europe. NotwitE-
standing this, the principle is generally
admitted to be a sound aud salutary one;
so much so, that, at the commencement Of
the existing war in Europe, Great Britain
and France announced their purpose to
observe it for the present; not, hewever,
as recognized international night, but as
mere concession for the time being
The cooperation, however, Of these two
powerful maritime nations in the interest
of neutral rights, appeared TO me to af-
ford an occasion, inviting and justifying,
on the part of the United States, for
renewed effort to make the doctrine in
question principle of international Law,
by means of special conventions between
the several Powers of Europe and Amer
lea. Accordingly, proposition, embrac.
ing not only the rule, that free ships make
free goods, except contraoand articles,
but also the less contested one, that neu-
tral property, other than contrabaud. tho
on board enemies ships, shall be exempt
from confscatioD, has been submitted by
this Government TO those of Europe aud
America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter,
and convention was concluded between
that country and the United States, pro-
viding for the observance of the princi-
pies, announced, not only as between
themselves, but also as between them and
all other nations, which shall enter into
like stipulations. None of the other pow
ers have as yet taken fnal action on the
subject. am now aware, however, that
any objection to the proposed stipulatiOns
has been made; but, on the contrary, they
are Acknowledged to be essential to the
security of neutral commerce; and the
only apparent obstacle to their general
adoption is in the possibility, that it may
be encumbered by inadmisSible condi-
tions.
The King of the Two Sicilies has ex.
pressed to our Minister at Naples bis
readiness to concur in our proposition rel
ative to neutral rights, and to enter into
a convention or that subject.
The King of Prussia entirely approves
of the project of treaty to the same ef-
feet. submitted to him, but proposes an
additional artiiciiv Psoyidips for the re-
nunciation of privateering. Such an ar
ticle, for most obvious reasons, is much
desired by nations having naval establish
ments, large in proportion to their foreign
commerc. If it were adopted as an in
ternational rule, the cummeree of ma
ton having comparatively a small naval
force, would be very much at the mercy
OF its enemy, in case of war with Power
of decided naval superiority. The bare
statement of the condition in which the
United States would be placed, after bav-
inc surrendered the right to resort to pri-
vateers, in the event of war with bellIg-
Grant of naval supremacy, will show that
this Government could never listen to
such a proposition. The navy OF the first
lAe -