Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-01-06

"
be relieved partially from the heavy pressure
Of business, attending the renewal of our large
Weekly list, and then we shall devote more
attention to the Daily.
NEBRASKA AGITATION THE WHOLE CUES
TI0N RE-OPENED.
When we said, yesterday, that the Proyiso
Of the Missouri act Of 1920 virtually divided
the Louisiana Territory into two 'parts-th
one below SO deg. 80 min. being secured for
slape labor, the one above SO deg 80 min. to
free iabor--we did not mean to admit that the
provision itself secured the existence of Slavery
anywhere. II did no such thing but Slavery
existed below SO deg 80 min. as fact, and
Congress, forbearing to legslate for its exclu-
sion thence, while it did Danish it expressly
from above that parallel of latitude, tacitly
and wrongfnlly sanctioned it below
With this explanation, we resume the con-
sideration Of the subject Of Territorial Govern
ment for Nebraska
While the Wing and Democratic Parties
stand committed, through the declarations Of
their National Conventions, to resist the agita-
ton of the Slavery Question, a report has been
made in the Senate, which formally rc-opens
the whole Question, and brings up again for
discussion the issues Of 1850 We refer to tho
report of Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on
Territories, recommending the organization Of
| Nebraska
We were told in 1850, that there was not
one foot Of soil belonging to the United States,
the condition Of which, as it respects Freedom
and Slavery, was not fixed by law No one
yentured to contradict this assertion of Daniel
| Webster so far as the old territory belonging
to the United States north Of SO deg. 30 min.
was concerned. Southern men admitted the
fact, and reasoned upon it. Mr.. Calhoun in
portraying the power Of the free States, uni
formly spoke not only Of all that Territory, but
also of Oregon, as Free Soil, and the nursery
of future non -slaveholding States He knew
that Law had recognised its exemption from
Slavery and solemnly secured it; for he was a
member of the Cabinet under whose express
sanction Mr. Monroe signed the bill containing
the Anti-Slavery Provis,. Before committing
himself, Mr. Monroe submitted two questions
to his Cabinet: Had Congress the constitu-
tional power to prohibit Slavery in a Territory?
Was the term forever" in the prohibitive
clause of the Missouri bill, to be understood as
referring only to the territorial condition Of the
district to which it related, or was it an at
tempt to extend the prohibition Of Slavery to
such States as might be erected therefrom?
@On the first question, all the Cabinet de-
clared themselves in the affirmative, though
neither Calhoun Crawford, nor Writ could
see any express authority, and though Writ
himself was strong against implied powers
As to the second question, Adams thought that
the term forever must be understood to mean
forever, and that the prohibition, instead Of
ceasing with the territorial condition of the
district would extend to any States that might
at any time be erected out Of it. The others
including Thompson, Of New-York, placed in
the Navy Department about year before, as
successor to Crowninshield, and, as we'll as
Baldwin, elevated at the first opportunity to
the bench Of the Supreme Federal Court-were
all of opinion that this forever was only
territorial forever, not interfering with the
right of any State that might at any time be
organized within the district referred to,
to establish or prohibit Slavery. But to
prevent this delicate point being mooted,
and to give TO the opinion Of the Cabinet an
appearance Of unanimity, the second question
was modified, at Calhouns suggestion, into the
nero inquiry Was the proviso, as it stood in
the bill, constitutional or not? To this, not
withstandng the fundamental difference above
pointed out, they could all say yes. They all
did say 30 in writing and no more; and on the
strength of these deceptively unanimous opin-
ions, ordered to be deposited in the archives Of
State, whence they have since disappeared
Monroe put his name to the two billsn*
This restrictive clause, exempting all Of Lou
isiana Territory north Of 36 deg. 80 min. from
the curse Of Slavery, has been held to be in
force ever since. No attempt has been made
to repeal it; but an effort was made, pending
the questions Of Territorial Government for Ore
gon, New Mexico, and California, in 1s4s-'4e-
80, to extend the restrictive line TO the Pacific.
A motion Of this kind was made in the House
by Judge Douglass, and sustained by those
members, North and South, who were opposed
to the WiImot Proviso Did they believe they
were voting for tho extension Of line which
was unconstitutional, null and void
We repeat, nobody dreamed that there
could be any question whether the territory
north Of SO deg. 80 min. was exempt from Sla-
very. The Observation-Disclosures OF the country
have always congratulated themselves on this
exemption. II any fact seems settled in our
political system, it was the fact that all that
broad territory was consecrated forever 10
Freedom-the homo OF Free Labor and Free
Laborers
Resting in this conviction tho Anti Slavery
men raised no question about Slavery last win
ter, when the Nebraska Territorial Bill was
acted upon in the House. Not word was
said about the Wllmot Pfov.so They did no,
agitate; the organization Of Nebraska was sc
clearly right, it's exemption from Slavery was