Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-06-19
SPEECH OF WILLIAM H. SEWARD
PRESIDENTS VETO OF THE LAND BILL
FOR THE INSANE.
In Senate efthe United States, June 10, 1854.

In Senate Of the United States, June l9, 1854.
Congress has passed bill by which ten mil
lions of acres of the public domain granted to
the several States with unquestioned equality, on
condition that they shall accept the same, and
sell the lands at not less than dollar per acre,
and safely invest the gross proceeds, and forever
apply the interest thereon to the maintenance of
their INDECENT insane inhabitants. This bill is a
contribution made from a peculiar national re-
source, at time when the Treasury is overflow
ing, to the States. 1t is made at the suggestion,
and it is not stating the too strongly to say,
through the unaided, unpaid, and purely dsinter-
ested influence of an American woman, who,
while all other members of society have been
seeking how to advance their own fortunes and
happiness, the prosperity and greatness of their
country, has consecrated her life to the relief of
the most ptiable form I'M which the Divine Ruler
aficts our common humanity.
The purpose of the bill has commended il to
our warmest and most active sympathies. Not a
voice has censured it, in either House of Con-
gress.
IL is the one only purpose of legislation sufii-
GENTLY great 10 arrest attention. that has met with
universal appreciation throughout the country,
during the present session. 1t seems as if some
sad fatality attends our public action, when this
measure is singled out from among all others, to
be baffied and defeated by an Executive Veto
Such however, is the fact. The bill has been
returned by the President with objections which
il is now our constitutional duty TO consider.
| shall confne myself to the consideration Of
these objections alone, and shall not look back
ward to objections made in previous discussions
here nor dwell upon any that have been raised
since the veto message was received, that are not
contained in that document. Five years Of Con-
gressional discussion have exhausted the subject,
so far ms all other objections, except those of the
President, are concerned.
In considering the Presidents message, we are
struck with the fact that Il Is desultory, illogical
and confused. While commencing the purpose
Of the BILL the President denies the expediency of
the measure and denies also the power of Con-
gress To adopt IL. IL is impossible, however, to
separate the argument directed against the expe-
diency of the measure from the argument directed
against the power. So the argument against the
expediency rests chiefly on an assumption that
the measure is usurpation Of power, while the
argument against the power reposes chiefly on the
inexpediency of its exercise.
This criticism is important, because the confu-
sion have described impars the force Of the ar
gument, and because, moreover Congress may
well confde in their own conclusions as to the
crpediency Of measure, while they are bound 10
pay extraordinary respect TO Executive sugges-
tons impugning its constitutionality. do not
cism. Every Senator who has discussed the
message, on either side, has betrayed, ! think, an
embarrassment resulting from it.
In the second place, the message seems to me,
] do not say disingenuous, but singularly unfair
and unjust in the statement of the question.
The bill confines itself to single purpose, viz:
that Of aiding the States in maintaining one pc
culiar class Of destitute persons, by appropri-
alton of equal and just proportions of the pub
al
sources of public wealth out of view, and abb
staining altogether from interference with the
States in the performance Of that one duty
But the President is not content to state the
question thus. He approaches IL by nm induce
ton. 1t cannot be questioned" he says, that
{ If Congress have power TO make provision for
the INDECENT insane without the limits of this Dis
trict il has the same power to provide for the
INDECENT who not insane, and thus to transfer
q TO the Federal Government the charge of all the
poor in all the States" After application of
this proposition, and without argument, the
President arrives at the statement of the question
before him. and he announces IL in these words !:
g The question presented, therefore, clearly Is
tupon the constitutionalty and propriety OF the
Federal Government assuming 10 enter into
novel and vast field Of legislation, namely, that
of proyidinV for the care and support OF all
those among the people Of the United States
who by any form Of calamity become BIT objects
of public philanthropy"
You need only place this statement OF the case
by the side Of the Presidents own statement OF
the provisions of the bill, to enable you to see
that il is fiagrantly erroneous and unjust. But |
will illustrate it directly Congress does, in I'M
questioned conformity with the Constitution,
exercise some powers in the States which are
concurrent with similar powers enjoyed by the
States themselves. Thus Congress establishes
here and there, throughout the States, hospitals
for sick and disabled seamen. Is that equivalent
to assuming the support and care Of all the poor