Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-02-22

Il pau, pIcSlllCs ny tAtcullVe auIlOrllY. my
was it done? Why could not the administra-
ton refrain from medding in the election of q
sovereign State? Alasl who would have
thought that the rights of the States would be
! thus outraged?
But not only was the Union to be preserved
invioate, and the rights of the States held sa-
cred, but every citizen was to walk forth free
and untrammelled in all the majesty of free
dom. How was this pledge fulfilled? Why,
| sir they appointed Greene c. Bronson collector
Of New York, without his solicitation, and be-
cause he would not submit to the arrogant die
tation of those who were seeking to lower him
in the estimation of all honest men, he was
| dismissed; but not until he had left on record
correspondence as imperishabe as it is en-
nobing; that reflects credit upon his head and
| heart that adds to the sum total OF our coun-
try's honor, while il administers a scdthing re-
| Duke to a cabinet despotism that seeks to make
tools out Of men who are infinitely their supe-
riors. Great applause.
Again, sir. During the last election in New
| York, how were the citizens in the employ of
the government treated? Were they left free
and untrammelled? No, sir. They were
made-that's the word, made-to contribute
funds to support the '.freesoil ticket" and in
case of refusal, were threatened with dismis-
sal. Many Of these employees had large fam
lilies, and not liking the cheerless prospect of
being unprovded through the coming winter.
were forced to yield. Others refused, and would
not give. They are still in office, but expect
to be removed, now that the confirmation of
Mr.. Red6eld has been effected. Is this protec-
ton to citizens in the just exercise of opinions?
| Are men, previous to taking position under the
government, to forego all right of thought or
expression? If SO, then democracy is only
another name for slavery-slavery the most
! abject and intoerabe.
! Now, sir, am not only speaking to mem
bers Of this House, am speaking to the peo-
pie of the country | know not whether the
committee will agree with me in what ! have
said, but kno,c the people do, because they
| have experienced the crushing hand Of the
administration in the manner to which / have
alluded. They know that the doctrines pro.
mulgated in the inaugural have been discard
ed; they know the promise has only been kept
to the ear, and they are now asking: WIZ has
the plighted faith been violated? Why has
the President coalesced with freesoilers?
Why has the sovereignty of the States been
invaded? Why have citizens been tram
melted in the just exercise of their rights?
| Why were the compromise measures repud-
ated and their friends tauntingly told that
they never had the strength to elect Pres
dent?' Sir, | do not believe the Baltimore
platform was a swindle. The people do not
believe it. There was no acquiescence; it
was an unconditional approval Everywhere
throughout the land the people are rising up
and declaring the assertion false, that General
Pierce was not elected solely on the strength
4 Of the compromises. We were not cheated !;
we were not swindled. General Pierce was not
whirled into power upon delusion; it was a
living, breathing, soul-stirring reality. The
j Constitution and its compromises was the bat
tle.cry; the Constitution and its compromises
was the stake: the Constitution and its com
promises was the consummation of the most
overwhelming victory in the annals of politics
Sir, the "hards" of New York claim that vic
tory as theirs; they claim it as the original and
steadfast friends of those measures; they claim
it as men who have done their whole duty
to their country; they claim it as the men who,
in all time to come, will do their duty to the
| whole country
| Sir, one word in conclusion. | was aston
ished to hear the gentleman from Virginia
| (Mr. SMITH) apply a test to the "hards" Of
| New Gork-a test of their democracy. Sir,
they need no testing. When the Constitution
was in danger, they stood by it; and if it is
/ hDOub W NC SuudHPtTeu dpdiuJ tHcy VIII oluHu
by it. He asks what is it the New York hards
want, if it is not the sympathy of the once chiv-
alrous south? Let me tell him they despise
sympathy; they want acts. They want the
south to be true to the Constitution and State
rights in the north as well as in the south, and
not to be blinded with Office and Executive
promises, so that they seemingly forget that
there is Constitution, and that there is prin-
ciple left called State rights. They want them
to have honor enough left not to deliberately
stifie investigation into the acts of time-serv-
ing Executive, who has proved recreant to the
great principles upon which he was carried in
to power. Great and prolonged sensation.
True, sir the hards have been Knocked at and
spit upon by the administration they have
been denounced as disorganizers and mischief:
makers; they have been called pace-hunters.
The Executive has endeavored to drive us out.
side the pale of the party all that envy or
malice combined could heap upon us has been
our portion; and yet they are now begging
BEGGING the hards on this floor for their votes
to aid in the passage of the Nebraska BILL
Where are their dllies, the freesoilers2 Echo
answers, where? Certainly they will not de-
sert the administration in this, its hour of dire
extremity. Great sensation
Sir. there is a story told somewhere of dis
tinguished British officer, who, during the rev.
olution, paid visit to lady in Charleston.
They were walking in the garden, when the
officer called her attention to beautiful flower,
at the same time asking: "What is it called ?"
She replied lit is called the rebel hower!'
"And why?', said he Because" was the an
swer "the more it is trodden on, the more it
fourishes," Now, sir, there may be moral in
this, when applied to the "crushing-out" policy
of the administration