The Belmont chronicle, and farmers, mechanics and manufacturers advocate. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1848-1855, 1854-02-24


their own Representatives. and friends hat
gone into this negro movement, when th'
fact turns out TO be that II was not signe'
by a single Wing or Democratic membc
from Ohio. .0.
Now, I ask the friends and the.opponent
Of this measure to look ut IL as IL is. Il
not the question involved the simple one
whether the people Of the Territories shal
be allowed to do as they please upon tn,
question OF slavery, subject only TO the lim
tations Of the Constitution! That 10 oil the
bill provides; and il does SO in clear, ex2li
cit, and unequivocal terms. know there
are some men, Wings and Democrats, who
not willing to repudiote the Baltimore plat
form Of their own party, would be willing e
vote Tor this principle, provided they could
do SO 10 such equivocal terms that they could
deny that il means what Il was intended to
mean in certain localities. l do not wish
to deal in any equivocal language. II the
principle is right, let 1t be ovowed and mair-
tained. Ift is wrong, let II be repudiated
Let oil this quibbliug about the Missouri
compromise, about the territory acquired
from France, about the act Of 1920, be cas-,
behind you; for the simple question Is, will
you allow the people to legis'ate for them.
selves upon the subject Of slavery! Why
should you not!
When you propose to give them terri
torisl government 90 you not acknowledge
that they ought to be erected into political
organization; aud when you give them Le-
gislature do you not acknowledge that they
are capable Of self-governmeat! Having
maee that ackno gedgmeRt, why should
you not allow them to exercise the rights
OF legislation. Oh, these A boli,,nnists coy
they are entirely willing to concede oil this,
with one exception. They say they are
willing to trust the Territorial Legislature,
urdes the limitations Of the Constitution,
to leeislate upon the rights Of inherita ance,
to iegislate in regard to religion, educa-
ton, and morals, 10 legislate in regard to
the relations of husband aud wife, of par
ent and child, Of guardian and ward. upon
everything pertaining to the dearest rights
and interests Of white men, but they are not
willing TO trust them to legslate in regard
to few miserable negroes. That is their
single exception. They acknowledge that
the people of the Territories are capable Of
deciding for themselves concerning white
men, but not in relation TO negroes. The
real gist of the matter is this: Does it re-
qure any higher degree Of civilization, aud
Intelligence, and learning, and sagacity, to
legslate for negroes than for white men!--
II it does, we ought to adopt the abolition
doctrine, and 90 with them against this bill.
II it does not-fwe are willing to trust the
people with the great, sacred, fundamental
right of prescribing their own institutions,
consistent with the Constitution of the
country, we must vote for this bill as repor-
ted by the Committee on Territories. That
is the only question involved in the bill.
hope have been able to strip it of all the
Misrepresentation, to wipe away all Of that
mist and obscuri.y with which it has been
surrounded by this Abolition address.
have now said all have to say upon the
present occasion. For all, except the first
ten minutes of these remarks, the Abolition
confederates are responsible. My object
III the first place. was only to explain the
provisions of the bill, so thai they might be
distinctly understood was willing TO al
low it's assailants to attack It as much as
they pleased, reserving to myself the right,
when the time should approach for taking
the vote, to answer, in IL concluding speech,
all the arguments which might be urged
against it. still reserve-what | believe
common courte,y and parliamentary usage
awards to the chairman of committee and
the author of bill-the right Of summing
up, after all shull have been said which has
to be said against this measure.
hope the compact which was made on
last Tuesday, at the suggestion OF these Alb
ultionis,s, when the bill was proposed to be
taken up, will be observed. 1t was that
the bill, when taken up to-day, should con.
:inue to be considered from day to day until
6uaily disposed of. hope they yill not re.
pudate and violate that compact as they
have the Missouri compromise and all 9th.
ets which have been entered into. hope,
therefore, that we may press the bill to a
vote; but not by depriving persons Of an op
portunity of speaking
an in favor of giving every enemy ol
the bill the NEST ample time. Let us hear
them all patiently, and then take the vote
and pass the bill. We who are in favor Of
it know that the principle on which it is ba.
sed is right. Why then should we crafty
the Abolition party in their effort to get uf
another political tornado of fanaticism, and
put the country again in peril, merely fol
the purpose of electing few agitatofs tc
the Congress of the United States?
We intend to stand by the principle oI
the compromise measures OF lS50-tha'
principle which lost the Presidency to the
Senator from MichigaR Mr.. CAss] in
Is4s, but which trIumphed in 1850, although
he had been a martyr in the cause-tha'
principle TO which the Democracy are pledg
ed, not merely by the Baltimore platform
but by higher and more solemn obliga
ton, to which they are pledged by the lov'
and affection which they have for that grea
Fundamental principle OF Democracy ant
free institutions which lies at the basis o
our creed, and gives every political commu
, nity the right to govern itself in obedienC
IN the Constitution of the country