Grant County herald. [volume] (Lancaster, Wis.) 1850-1968, 1854-12-18

braces its future as well as its present Sc
curity.
Long experience has shown that. in oen-
eral' when the principal powers of Europe
are engaged in war, the rights of neutral
nations are endangered. This considera
ton led, IN the progress of the war of our
independence, to the formation of the cele-
brated confederacy of armed neutrality. a
primary object of which was to assert the
doctrine, that free ships make free goods,
| except IN the case Of articles contraband Of
war; a doctrine which, from the very COM
mencement OF our national being, has been
a cherished idea Of the statesmen of this
country. At one period or another, every
maritime power has, by solemn treaty sti-
pulatlon,- recognized that principle; and it
might have been hoped that it would come
to be universally received aud respected as
rule OF international law. But the refu-
sal OF one power prevented this and in the
next great war that ensued, that of the
French Revolution it failed to be respected
among the belligerent states Of Europe
Notwithstanding this, the principle is gen
orally admitted to be a sound and saluta-
ry one; so much so that at the commence
ment Of the existing war in Europe. Great
Britain and France announced their pur-
pose to observe it for the present; not how
ever, as recognized International right,
but as mere concession for the time be-
ing. The cooperation, however, of these
two powerful maritime nations in the inte-
rests Of neutral rights, appeared to me to
afford an occasion, inviting and iustifying,
on the part of the United States, a renew
ed effort to make the doctrine in question
a principle Of international law, by means
OF special conventions between the several
powers Of Europe and America Accor-
DINGHY proposition, embracing not only
the rule, that free ships make free goods,
except contraband, though on board enc
my's ships, shall be exempt from confsca-
ton, has been submitted by this govern
ment to those of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in. this matter,
| and a convention was concluded between
that country and the United States, provi-
ding for the observance Of the principles
announced, not only as between themselves,
but also as between them and all other ma
| tions, which shall enter into like stipula-
tons. None Of the other powers have as
yet taken final action on the subject. I
am not aware, however, that any objec-
ton to the proposed tipulations has been
made; but, on the contrary, they are ac-
knowledged to be essential to the security
of neutral commerce; and the only appa-
rent obstacle to their general adoption is
In the P0eelNii*y-, that Il NAV he encum-
bered by inadmissable conditions.
The King of the Two Sicilies has ex-
pressed to our Minister at Naples, his rea-
diness to concur in our proposition relative
to neutral rights, aud to enter into con-
yention on that subject.
The King of Prussia entirely approves
of the project of a treaty to the same effect,
submitted to him, but proposes an addi-
tional article providing for the remuneration
of privateering. Such an article, for the
most obvious reasons, is much desired by
nations having naval establishments large
in proportion to their foreign commerce
IF it were adopted as an international rule
the commerce of nation having compare
lively small naval force, would be very
much at the mercy of its enemy, IN case o.
war with a power Of decided naval superb
oritv. The bare statement Of the condition
in which the United States would be pla
ced, after having surrendered the right K
resort to priyateers, in the event of wa
with beligerent of naval supremacy, vii
show that this government could never lis
ten to such a proposition. The navy o
the first maritime power in Europe is a
least ten times as large as that of the U
nited States. The foreign commerce o
the two countries is nearly equal, and q
bout equally exposed to hostile depreda
, tions. In war between that power ant
the United States, without resort on oul
+ part to our mercantile marine, the means
f of our enemy to infiict injury upon on
t commerce wonld be tenfold greater thai
: ours to retaliate. We could not extricat
: our country from this unequal condition
+ with such an enemy, unless we at once de
i parted from our present peaceful policy
: and became a great naval power. No
t would this country be better situated /
> war with one of the secondary naval pow
) ers. Though the naval disparity would b
d less, the greater extent and more expose
e condition of our wide spread commerce
r would give any of them q like advantag
over us.
p The proposition to enter into arrange
IA ments to forego resort to privateers, In ca;
of this country should be forced into war wit
a great naval power, is not entitled to moi
ID favorable consideration than would be
X proposition to agree not to accept the Sc
d vices of volunteers for operation on land
x When the honor or the rights of our coul
re try require it to assume a hostile attltud
r it confidently relies upon the patriotism
Id its citizens not ordinarily devoted to tt
a. military profession to augment the arm
a. and navy, so as to make them fully ad
ID quate to the emergency which calls the
DIS into action. The proposal to surrend
or the right to employ privateers is professe
O. " founded upon the principle, that priva
Id property of unoffending non-combatant
40 though enemies, should be exempt fro
n the ravages of war; but the proposed gu
el render goes but little way in carrying Q
d that principle, which equally requires tn