Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1854-12-21

\ hRb AtHl tAAO ~ httOo fOSNoOS Aia ~
their foreign intercourse, uniforml
! respected and observed, and the
l cannot recognize any such interpol'
tions therein, as the temporary inte
ests Of others may suggest. The
do not admit, that the sovereigns {
one continent, or of a particular CON
munity of states, can legislate for a
others.
Leaving the transatlantic nation
to adjust their political system, in th
way they may think best for thei
common welfare, the independen
powers of this continent may vel
assert the right to be exempt from
all annoying interference on thei
part. Systematic abstinence from
intimate political connexion with dis
tant foreign nations does not conflict
with giving the widest range to our
foreign commerce. This distinction
SO clearly marked in history, seems
to have been overlooked, or disre-
garded, by some leading foreign
States. Our refusal to be brought
within, and subjected to, their pecu-
liar system, has, fear, cSated a
jealous distrust of our conduct, and
induced, on their part, occasional acts
of disturbing effect upon our foreign
relations. Our present attitude and
past course give assurances, which
shcllh not be questioned, that our
purpd dses are not aggressive, nor
threat atening to the safety and welfare
of other nations. Our military es-
adjustment, in time of peace, is a.
dapted to maintain exterior defences,
and to preserve order among the alb
original tribes within the limits of the
Union. Our naval force is intended
only for the protection of our citi-
zens abroad, and of our commerce,
diffused, as it is, over all the seas Of
the globe. The government of the
United States, being essentially pa
cifc in policy, stands prepared to re-
pei invasion by the voluntary service
of patriotic people, and provides no
permanent means Of foreign aggres-
sion. These considerations should
allay all apprehension, that we are
disposed to eneroseh on the rights,
or endanger the security OF other
States.
Some European powers have re-
garded, with disquieting concern, the
territorial expansion Of the United
States. This rapid growth has re-
suited from the legitimate exercise
Of sovereign rights, belonging alike
to all nations. and by many literally
exercised. Under such circum stan
ces, it could hardly have been expect
ed that those amoag them, which
have, within a comparatively recent
period, subdued and absorbed ancient
ms, planted their standards on
every continent, aud now possess, or
claim the control of, the islands of
every ocean as their appropriate do
main, would look with unfriendly
sentime ents upon the acquisitions of
this country, in every instance hon
orably obtained, or would feel them
selves justified in imputing our ad-
to state of aggression
Or to a passion for political predom-
nance.
Our foreign commerce has reached
4 magnitude and extent nearly equal
10 that of the first maritime power !
IF the earth, and exceeding that of
my other. Over this great interest,
n which not only our merchants, but
Ill classes of citizens at least Indirect
y, are concerned, it is the duty of
he executive and Legislative branch
IS of the government to exercise a
careful supervision, and adopt proper
measures for It's protection. The
policy which ] have had in view, in
'egard to this interest, embraces its
Iuture as well as its present security.
Long experience has shown that,
n general, when the principal powers
# Europe are engaged in war, the
lights Of neutral nations are endan'
,ereG. This consideration led in the
,rogress of the war of our independ-
nee, to the formation Of the celebra- I
ed confederacy of armed neutrality,
primary object of which was, to as
ert the doctrine, that free ships make
rec goods, except in the case OF ar
icles contraband Of war; doctrine
ghich, from the very commencement