The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1854-09-01

Indeed we should never allow ourselves to fear
the consequences Of trusting any question of po-
litics or morals with the people, whether they
be residents of State or territory. This mode of
adjustment rests on great principles, which in
their application viii be co-extensiye with all
the territory we now have or ever can have,
and which are as enduring as the race of man.
Il is principle in beautiful harmony with our
republican institutions-the principle of self
government-the basis OF our entire system. 1t
was for this doctrine that our forefathers peril
led their lives, their fortunes and their sacred
honor in the Declaration OF Independence
they srugg led and bled, and left their bones to
bleach on the battle fields of the Revolution. 1t
was for this principle of self-government, that
that they invoked the interposiiion Of heaven
and accepted the preferred aid of the generous
stranger. For seven long years did they labor
to impress upon Lord North and George III, the
virtue and power Of this great fundamental
truth in the science of government. The at
tempt of that monarch ssto bind the Colonies in
all things whatsoever" and to impose taxes with
out representation, gave this principle growth
and yigoF, and cost him armies and an empire.
Since that day to the present time It has been
gaining strength in all civilized countries. Amer
clan experience has fully solved and settled the
problem of mans ability for self-government.
Where can BE- found the instance in which gov
ernmental affairs have been submitted to, or in
trusted with the people, that the results have
not been salutary? Who will then at this day
doubt The fitness of the American people
TO dispose of anv question of governmental
policy found within the limits of the Con-
stitution Who will contend for the absurd
idea, that man loses his capacity for self-gov
ernment bv emgratlng from a State 10 a terri
tory Who vii! say that man residing in
Massachusetts, should, through his representa-
tives in Congress, be permitted to adopt and
regulate institutions of local government for
his fellow man in Utah, New Mexico, Mime
sofa, Nebraska or Kansas VIII our Whig or
Abolition friends agree that when they shall
have emgrated to any ofthese territories, their
Democratic fellow-citzens whom they leave
behind, shall decide for them what kind of To-
cal institutions they shall have ?-that their
judgement and not that of the ernigfants them
selves shall control as to the institution Of
Slavery? Or who will contend that the people
will be careless OF their own true interests =
that their government will be feeble or injudi-
cious Whoever saws these things doubts all
the principles of our republican institutions, and
/ teachings of the sages Oft the revolution.
| We have already ntimatpd. that we will not
discuss the abstract and somewhat difficult
! questions of Congressional power, which have
grown out OF the slavery controversy in the
/ Halls of the National Legislature. We care
not to decide, where so manv eminent men have
differed, whether Congress has the power to es-
tablish or abolish the institution in the territor
les. Be that as It NAV, we assert that IT was
wise in 1850, as in 1854, to refer the whole
question TO the sovereign will ofthe people, to
be settled through the action OF the local gov
ernments, as all other questions of domestic poll
cv are settled. The right Of property, the re-
lations between husband and wife, parent and
| child, guardian and ward, are so conided, and
we can conceive none more sacred and impor-
tant in the social state; and we see OF no good
reason Why the question Of domestic slavery,
/ the relation of master and servant, should alone
be withheld from the action Of the people.
IT must not BE- forgotten, that we have not
/ the creation of circumstances for ourselves, but
that we must deal with existing facts The
same difficulty occurred in the early history OF
thp country We had the institution Of slave
rv entailed upon us, and the only matter of en-
quirv has long been, how it was to be- managed
to the greatest advantage OF both The white and
black races. The latter number several mil
lions, and We are forced to the dilemma Of re-
tanning a large portion of them in bond
are, or make them our companions and equals
and permit them to share the honorS ofthe STATE
and ntprmarrv with our daughters and friends
In the forcibIe language Of Mr.. jefferson, owe
have the wolf oy the ears: and We can neithel
hold him nor safely let him 60"
And vet much has been done in a legal ant
constitutional way for the amelioraton of th
unfortunate race Of people. The men of tht
revolution had TO deal with the institution o
slavery as they found it, and they acted inthC
; formation Of the government. When these
States were colonies of Great Britain every on
was slave-holding province. AT the tins
the Constitution was framed, twelve out oil tht
: thirteen were save-holdng States. Six of th'
original thirteen have now become free, not by
,. abolition agitation in Congress, but by the ac
ton of the people of the several States in thei
sovereign capacity at home.
This leaving the question to the people wa
first adopted by Congress in 1880, and was in
tended TO be general in IFS application TO alter
ritories thereafter to BE- organIzed-that it wa
to be fnaity as to the principle to be lnvok
], ed, but not fnalty as its application-to
: that would imply that no more territories wer
to be organized. This position is sustained b.
the fact, that in forming the boundaries OF Gtal
and New Mexico, no respect seems to haV
: been paid to the act 1920, fixing what is term
ed the Missouri line, nor the act OF 1919 ex
d tending that line to the Rio Del Norte. Th
a larger poson OF territory included IN the act
t of organization was taken from the Mexican &C
S QUESTION, but they include also portion OF tn
i Texas territory north of 36 deg. 80 min. and