Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1854-09-09

calls itself national, according TO the common
acceptance OF the word, which leans upon
slave holding wing, (cheers) or is in combin-
alton with slave holders-can at this time be
true to Massachusetts,. (Great applause.)
And the reason is obvious. The essential ele-
ment of such party, whether declared or
concealed, is Compromise; but our duties re-
quire all constitutional opposition to Slavery
and the Slave Power, without Compromise.
That's it, good, good) 1t is difficult, then,
to see how we can rely upon the Wing party.
To the trle-hearted, magnanimous men
who are ready to place freedom above party,
and their country above politicians, | appeal.
Immense cheering.) Let them leave the old
parties, and blend in an organization, which
without compromise, will maintain the good
cause surely to the end. Here i'll MassaGhu-
sets large majority of the people concur in
sentiment on slavery large majority desire
the overthrow of the slave power. 1t becomes
them not to scatter their votes, but to unite in
one firm, consistent phalanx, (Applause.)
whose triumph shall constitute an epoch of
freedom, not only in this commonwealth, but
through the land. Such an organization is
now presented by this Republican Convention
which according to the resolutions by which
tits convoked, is to CO operate with the friends
of freedom in other States (Gheers.) AS
republicans we go forth to encounter the Oh
garehS OF Slavery. (Great Applause
Through this organization we may most
certainly secure the election of men, who, I'M
seduced and unterrifed, will uphold at Wash
ington the principles of freedom, and who
also here at home, in our own community, by
example, influence and vote, will help to in
vigorate Massachusetts. Indeed, might go
further, and say, that, by no other organiza-
ton can we reasonably hope to obtain such
men, except in rare and exceptional cases.
| Men are but instruments. 1t will not be
| enough merely to choose those who are loyal.
| Other things must be done here at home. In
the first place, all the existing laws for the
protection of human freedom must be rigorous
| ly enforced, applause, and cries Of "good," y
and, since these have been found Inadequate,
new laws for this purpose, within the limits
! OF the Constitution, must be enacted.
Massachusetts certainly might do well in fol-
| lowing Vermont, which, by a special law, has
| placed the Fugitive Slave under the safeguard
| of trial by jury and the writ Of habeas cor
pus. But Legislature, true to freedom, will
not fail in remedies. (Applause.]
| simple prohibition, declaring that no per-
| son, holding the commission Of Massachusetts,
! as a Justice of the Peace, or other magistrate,
! should assume to decide slave case, or to act
as counsel Of any slave hunter, under the pen
| ATTY OF IOIiBltln8 MS COMMISSION, NOulu 20
| far to render the existing Slave Act inopera-
| tive. (Applause1 There are not many, so
| fond of this base work, as to continue III it
when the Commonwealth has thus set upon
it legislative brand.
But besides more rigorous legislation, Pub
lie Opinion must be invoked to step forward
and throw over the fugitive its protecting
panoply. 4 sIave-hunter will then be bye
word and reproach; and all, who volunteer
i'll this yileness, without any positive oblga-
ton of law, will naturally be regarded as a
| part of his pack. daughter and cheers.) A
most successful member OF the Italian police,
Bolza, whose official duties involved his own
personal degradation and the loathing of
| others, has left record of the acute sense
which even such a man retained of his shame.
g absolutely forbid my heirs" says the peni-
tent official, g to allow any mark of whatever
! kind, to be placed over the spot of my burial;
much more any inscription or epitaph. l re-
commend my dearly beloved wife to impress
upon my children the I'M junction, that in So
Letting any employment from the Government
they shall ask for it elsewhere than in the
! erecutSe police, and not, unless under extra
ordinary circumstances to give her consent to
the marriage of any of my daughters with a
member of that service" Thus testifes the
Italian instrument of legal wrong. Let pub
Tic OPINION mere III NldSSdCnuSelIS once put
forth its christian might, and every instrument
of the Fugitive Act will feel kindred shame
CGreat applause.)
But it is sometimes gravely urged that since
the Supreme Court of the United States has
affirmed the constitutionaty of the Fugitive
Act, there only remains to us in all places,
whether in public station or as private citizens
the duty Of absolute submission. Now, with
out stopping to consider thesoundness OF their
judgment, affirming the constitutonality of
this Act, let me say that the Constitution of
the United States, as l understand it, exacts
no such submission. And, in taking the oath
to support the Constitution, l have sworn to
support it as | understand it, and not as other
men understand it. cloud applause. When
it had subsidized it was followed by three rous-
ing cheers for Sumner.)
In adopting this rule, which was first au-
thoritatively enunciated by Andrew Jackson,
when, as President of the United States, in
the face of the decisions Of the Supreme Court
| he asserted the unconsttutionality of the
Bank, L desire to be understood as not acting
hastily. Let me add, that, if i: needed other
authority in its support, it has that also of
John Quincy Adams. (GreAt applause).
And here indulge me with "reminiscences.
1t so happened that, during the last year in
the lifc.of this venerable statesman, while he
was i'll it was my privilege to sit sometimes by
his bedside. On one Of these occasions, L put
the question to him directly, whether in ia
king the oath to support the Constitution, he
assumed any Obligation to return fugitive
slave; to which the cold man eloquent
promptly and earnestly replied that according
to his Interpretation of the Constitution, he
assumed no such obligation, and proceeded to
assign certain reasons therefor; and he then
added in words calculated to produce a pro-