Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-07-08
DAILY NATIONAL ERA.

would divide, would be more intelligent, useful
and happy, than if they had never constituted
| one nation
Let Cuba come to MS, If she wishes to come
She belongs to us, by force OF her geographical
| position. Let her come even If she shall not
| previously abolish her slavery. | am willing Il
risk the subsection Of her slavery TO a common
| fate with our own. Slavery must be short-lived
thing in this land. Under our laws, rightly inter
| preted and under the various mighty influences
at work for liberty in this land, slavery is TO
| TO speedy termination God grant, that it may
be'a peaceful one!
| would not force Cuba into our nation, noi
| pay $25000O,000 for her, nor 100000, 000--no
nor even 500 100000. But when she wishes ia
come, would have her come; and that | may
be more clearly understood on this point | add
| that ! would not have her wait, always, for the
consent Of the Spanish Government Now,if this
| is fiiJasterism, then all | have to say is "make
the most OF it'll" [Great laughter.
| | do not subscribe to the doctrine, that the
people are the slaves and property of their Gov
ernment believe, that Government is for the
use of the people, and not the people for the use
of Government. Moreover, do not acknowledge,
that any nation, or province, or people, is amcna-
BILE TO any other human Government than that,
which they have themselves chosen.
But, to return from my fiibustering [laughter1
money to Mexico, in exchange for what we get
from her. Is the sum no greater than it should
be? Then, | must cheerfnlly vote it. Nay, it
| may be even much greater than it should be- and
my obligation TO vote it remain unbroken. For,
| must not, for any slight cause disobey the law
" the supreme law OF the land" But if | believe
the sum TO be several times greater than it should
be, then it is better, that disobey than obey the
law. ] do thus believe; and, therefore, elect
to disobey the law. refuse to vote the required
sum. ! am conscious of my responsibilities for
the refusal. confess myself TO be a law breaker
and ! appeal to common sense and the public
conscience for my justification. Start not ut my
admission, that am a law-breakcr Even you,
who believe with me, that this treaty is a law,
would consent to break it on the same principle,
that do. That is, you would consent to break
it, if you thought, rs think, that the sum de-
manded by the treaty is several times as great, as
it should be.
The truth is, that our statesmen have, under
the influence OF the vast resources of nation,
and of the overlooking Treasury, which is the
consequence of our tariff system become mad on
the subject of figures. With them millions are
but little more than thousands. Were our Treas
ury well nigh empty as it always should be; and
were our statesmen to study the value of money,
in the light of the tolls of the poor, who it,
these statesmen would not make so light of inn
mense sums as they now do.
Ten millions for what this treaty gives us! In
my esteem it is not only very excessive, but an
outrageously excessive remuneration. do not
say, that would not vote five millions. Perhaps,
| would but not because ] would believe five
millions to be no more than reasonable sum.
1t would in my judgment, be much too large a
sum.
Mr.. .WASHBURN, of Maine, (interrupting.) II
I nd fha ha al a
short time since that he considered this House
under absolute, unquestionable obligation to vote
this money. Or he stated, rather, that the treaty
perfect in its obligation, without the action
of this House. that it was the law of the land
absolute and complete in its obligation. But
understand the gentleman to say, now, that he
will exercise his discretion, and that he will not
vote the ten millions. Also, that he will not call
for the information, because the President is not
bound to give any information in relation TO the
treaty. | ask him whether, ii he should call upon
| the President for the information necessary to
enlighten him upon the subject, in this exercise
| of his discretion, which he now claims the right
to use, he might not see therein, reasons why he
should not vote for the ten millions2
Mr. SMITH | need no such enlightenment
| II has been ntimated, that corruption attends
the treaty. | know not, and, for present purpo-
ses, care not, whether this is so. The question
of corruption is not before us, and for what else
could wish to see "the papers2" The actual
provisions of the treaty constitute ALL that is le-
ultimately before MS and the only question for
us TO decide in governing our votes this occa-
sion, is whether $40, 100000 is not so excessive
ly large a sum, that we had better disobey the
treaty, and break supreme law Of the land, 2
than vote it. As have already said, think il
our duty TO break the law or, TO use the less
startling phrase Of the day, to render the law, al
this ten million point, imperative and void "
Laughter.
Happily | shall not need TO regard as crimi-
nails, those, whose votes, on this OCCASION shall
differ from my own. The difference between US
may be but an honest difference Of judgment.
Happily, too, il is only money, that we lose by
voting too large sum 10 Mexico. Whereas,
should there be war between us and her, in con-
sequence of leaving unsettled what this treaty
settles the loss to both nations would be infinite
" greater than loss of money. had rather
we should make an absolute gin Of ten millions
TO Mexico than that we should FIRE one gun at
her--and even, too, If that one gun should hit
nobody.