Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1854-06-02


yond mere personal considerations, he voted
for men whose election was TO deepen and ex-
tend the influence OF those few sentiments.
That being secured, all matters of less &C.
count might be left to come along as time
and circumstance should effect. So it was
then and so It always will be.
National parties are never controlled BY
long formulas of doctrine. Neither are they
made to order. The sentiments on which thew
rest, must some how have taken strong hold
on multitude throughout the nation, before
the party can exist. OF the questions of
public policy embraced by these sentiments,
some are as long lived as government itself.
Others undergo gradual changes a, the ex-
terror relations or interior condition of the
nation 10 altered. Tho history Of political
parties in our country is full Of proofs oftbs.
The original principles of a party may have
undergone complete change. and yet it.
name may be retained, and continue to exert
powerful influence over men. minds
This is strikingly seen in what for many
years has been called the Democratic party
| The name is of itselfa profession ofregard for
| popular rights,-of an obedience to the will
of the many instead Of the will of the few.
But whatever there was Of that in it IN
former times has wasted clean away, in
these latter days. No party was ever seen
in this country before, in which the party
leaders showed so supreme contempt for the
opinions or the welfare of the masses.--in
which the individual members were reopired
to yield such absolute and unquestioninr
ooedlence tc the commands Of their party
lords, as is seen in that No other national
party in this free country, was ever so effec-
tually used by mere sectional one (for the
slaveholding power is nothing else) and made
to trample on the very principle. which are
claimed to be the foundation of its party cx-
stence.
The resistance Of the Wings In the Free
States to the great addition to the slave power
by the annexation Of Texas, and to this last
most atrocious act Of all for it's benefit, is
written down in history. So too lie the effect
ual aid which the same despotic system re-
ceived in both cases from the Democratic Ad-
n,inistrdt,ons, and their obedient members
from the Free States in Congress- Shall not
the Wings of the Free States pledge them
selves to rest not in their efforts to save Ne
braska and Kan1as from the danger to which
they are exposed, and call upon all honest
lovers Of the rights Of the Free States, of the
sanctity of Matt onel obligations, of that Free
dom which in l776, our fathers claimed to be
the birthright of man by the gift of God, to
join them in the effort The Vermont Wings
will do this at any rate, if we know them.
But that Baltimore platform and the COM
promises Of 1857
In the first place it is to be remembered
that there is not a particle Of similarity be-
tween the case of the Missouri Compromise,
and that of the laws 80 often spoken of as the
Compromise Acts Of 1850. The first was in.
deed compromise act. The provision of
the 9Th section was a fundamental one, set
thing the foundation Of State pope- (saying
nothing OF the question Of individual liberty
for ever A vast consideration was paid for
it, now held by the slave power. and which
was the germ of all its subsequent growth,
and 1t can not be got back save by reuolu-
ton. The acts of 1850 were separate acts car
ried through Congress by log rolling process
much as contending Bank charters and Rail-
road acts are carried through our Legislature
The friends of one said give u. our act and
we will give you yours. Give us California
as Free State (the slave powor fought
II 10
of Texas as you like, and pay her SO, OOO,-
OOO New Mexico and Utah ought to be
placed under some responsible form of Go.
vernment, say one set, Well, we Il agree to
that says the other if you will let them choose
for themselves, when they become States,
whether they will allow slavery or not
They are great way off, was the reply, and
we see no likelihood of their admitting sla-
very, and we will yield it.
We said then, that concession ought NOT 10
hare been made, and ue say so now. There
was dough where there ought to have been
flint.
You make terrible clarnor, was then said.
about our slave markets in the District of
Columbia-yet you manage to prevent our
recovering our fugitive slaves which the Con-
'htut'on says We have Alright to do. Now we
will give up the slave pens if you will give
US an efectual law to recover our runaways
Of those acts, 50 passed, the only one which
has made any special stir throughout the
Union is the Fugitive Slave law. Hurriedly
drawn up,-its provisions left as the ultra
Shareholders made them,-it was passed in
hurry with the other acts,-a disgrace to
the nineteeth century, and in its execution
the feelings of the inha bitants of the Free |
States, are outraged more than by anv act |
ever before passed, 10 cap the climax of
absurdity, a few score of political leaders
said this iOas the end of oil trouble, and should
be the end of oil talk about Slavery in the alb
stract or Slavery in the concrete and from
that day to this the talk has gone on with
more yehemence than ever before President
Pierce announced in his opening speech that
he should tolerate no disturbance of the poll
teal elements by any agitation of the Slavery
Question. Yet he was hardly warm in his
seat before he made over to the Slave holding
power all the influence he could control.
We have seen the result.
II there were reasons why, lat least for a
time, till it might be seen what use would be
made iD any in the free States should hold
their peace on the subject of the Fugitive
Slave law of 1850. there are no reasons
now. Every lover of freedom should denounce
it, and should strive for its repeal. The
whole spirit OF it is as cowardy as it is tyran-
meal, No such law was ever dreamed of nv
the men who made, or agreed to, the clause
in the Constitution on which it is said to rest.
As it is, the law is worse than Shylock's
bond, and in their demands under it. the