Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-04-25
Mr.. BENTON ON THE NEBRAsKA BILL.
SPEECH or MR.. BENTOl

SPEECH UF NIX. BENIUN,
Delivered in Commute offhe While Of The House
Of Representatives., Aprl 25, 1854.
Mr.. BENTON. If any bill to impair the
Missouri Compromise line Of 800 had been
brought into this House by member from a
slave State, or under the Administration Of q
President elected from a slave State, should
have deemed it my duty to have met it ut the
threshold, and to have made the motion which
the parliamentary law prcscribcs for the re
pulse of subjects which are not fit to be con-
sidcrcd: should have moved its rejection at the
first reading But the bill before us, for the
two may be considered AZ one, does not come
from that quarter Ii comes from q free Stale,
and under the Administration Of President
elected from a free State; and under that as
pect of its origin, deemed it right to wait
and hear what the members of the free States
had to say to it. IL was a proposition from
their own ranks, to give up their half Of tho
slavery Compromise Of 1920 and if they chose
to do so, | did not see how Southern members
could refuse to accept it. 1t was free State
question; and the members from the free States
were the majority, and could do as they pleas
ed So stood aloof, waiting to see their lead,
but without tho slightest intention OF being
governed by it. ! had my own convictions Of
right and duty, and meant to act upon them.
had come into political life upon that Com
promise. had stood upon it above thirty
years, and intended TO stand upon it to the
end--solitary and alone, il need be; but pre-
ierring company to solitude, and not doubling
for An instant what the result was to be.
/ have said that this bill comes into Congress
under the Administration of a free State fresi
dent; but do not mean to say, or insinuate
by that remark, that the President fayors the
BILL know nothing Of his disposition towards
it; and if did, should not disclose it here.
1t would be supplementary, and q breach Of
the privileges Of this House to do 80 The Pres
idenRs opinions can only be made known to
US by himself in a message in writing. In
that way it is his right and often his duty, to
communicate with us. And in that way there
is no room for mistake in citing his opinions; no
room for an unauthorized use OF his name no
room for the imputation Of contradictory opin-
ions to him; and in that way he becomes re-
sponsible to the American people for the opin-
ions he may deliver. All other modes Of com
mnnication are forbid to him, as tending to an
undue and unconstitutional interference with
the freedom Of legislation. 1t is not bribery
alone attempted upon member which con-
stitutes breach Of the privileges Of this House.
vote by any consideration Of hope or fear, favor
or affection, prospect of reward or dread OF
punishment This is parliamentary law, as
old as English Parliaments, constantly main
tanned by the British House of Commons and
lately declared in a most signal manner. 1t
was during the reign of our old master, George
the Third, and in the famous case of Mr. Fox's
East India bill. A report was spread in Par
lament by one of the lords Of the bed cham
Der, that the King was opposed to the bill ;
that he wished it defeated; and had said that
he would consider any member his enemy who
should vote for it. The House of Commons
took fire at this report and Immediately re-
solved
aThat to report any opinion, or pretended
opinion, of his Majesty, upon any bill depend
ing in either House of Parliament, is a high
crime and mifdemeanor, derogatory to the
honor Of the Crown, a breach Of the fundamen-
tai privileges of Parliament, and subversivc of
the Constitution Of the country
This resolve was adopted in full House, by
a majority of seventy three votes, and was only
declaratory of existing Parliamentary law
such as it had existed from the time that Eng
fish counties and boroughs first sent knights of
the shire and burgesses to represent them in
the Parliament House. IL is old English Par
hamentary law, and is 80 recorded by Hatsell,
and all the writers on that law 1t is also
American law as old as our Congress; and as
such recorded in Jefferson's Manual. 1t is
honest law; and, as snch, existent in every hon.
est heart Sir, the President Of the United
States can send us no opinions, except in writ
ten messages, and no one can report his opin-
ions to influence the conduct of members upon
a bill, without becoming obnoxious to the CEN
sure which the British House Of Commons pro-
nounced upon the lord of the bed chamber, in
the case Of the King and the Fox East India
bill
Nor can the Presidents Secretaries--his head
clerks, as Mr. Randolph used to call them--send
us their opinions on any subject of Legislation
depending before US They can only report,
and that in writing on the subjects referred to
them by law or by a vote of the Houses. Non
intervention is their duty in relation to our
legislation and il they attempt to intervene in
any of our business, must be allowed, for one,
to repulse the attempt, and TO express for it no
higher degree of respect than that Mr. Burke
expressed for the opinions of British Lord
Chancellor, delivered to the House of Commons,
in case in which he had no concern Sir, |
suppose can be allowed to repeat on this floor
any degree Of comparison or figure Of speech
which Mr. Burke could use on the floor Of the
British House of Commons. He was classic
speaker. and, besides that, author Of treatise
on the Sublime and Beautiful; though | do not
consider the particular figure which have to
repeat, although just and picturesque in itself,
to be perfect illustration of either branch Of
hs admired treatise. IL was in reference to
Lord Thurlow, who had interviewed in some
Legislative business, contrary TO tho orators
sense Of right and deccncy. Mr. Burke 70.
pulsed the intrusive opinion, and declared that
he did not care three jumps Of q louse for it.
Sir, say the same Of any opinion which may
be reported here from our Secretaries, on any
bill depending before Us, and that in any form
in which il may como from thcm--whether MS
a unit or as integers.
Still less do admit the right Of intervention
in our legislative duties in another class Of in
termeddlers, and who might not be able to
meddIc at all with our business, were il not for
the ministration Of our bounty. speak Of the