Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-02-19

H. had given % vivid pictus a the
: AL e.r..s,..are. ard aeeumpanisnsnts Of
! vS.s 4. u,,rr ,rreconcilahilisy ~ith the
! | pv{I.. "a gsh,i.s;ani,y. that everybody who
} | ~. ,oew was deeply struck wsth the fcr.
v,k,.snee ana ,mrassionea giety u The right
reid authny n 4 snia that some time
! ATARI. aar;nv N. prosecution II q foEsign
wa,e MAD ! ssrong speech IN the British
Pa6ent n hsor ~ the var, ana IN supper,
of ministry Who wrre carrying a ca. As
Ne is.vi.y n. house, same nohia lord fell 4
alodde ~ him. aud said : Amer reading
yoasra.hip's very animahrd and stirring pc
tnrd DE horroFs II var. | Vas little sur /
pris, a. hear ,oar lor,lships speech to-day, /
continv a 10 What you have SAID N yosF \
poed sOh.- aid Ne. nv lord, NV poem I
was 4 written Ior rats war Laaghtes. "
saenlso me shai this IL Just exartig the same /.
answ. which the honorable senai0 rom
Ohios;yes 10 rs. lie says; AObserye yoar
plighh faith hold yourselves boand ~ the
barga; adhere % The Missouri eomprosnise."
We 4 him, in reply '.will yea adhere 10
ig- loh,T he answers, "my position, my o..
gumss. my urgency, were No, intended for this
side o<he ease. bat for the other.
Sirl have now shown that, from the hme !
have IA a seat in Congress. in common with
my soihern friends generally, ] have enhea'
vored obtain recognition and PcrPesuaiion
of the principles which we're involved N the
compnmise Of 1899. We have signally tailed.
Whether we thought the rule lad down ~as
just on unjust, favorable or nnfasorable' how
ever much or however little We thought y
might have eptrenched on what We might have
copsilepA liberal or fair in our northern hreis-
Nn, n out. and We were nj all uincs ft-Ss.-ls
earrseo 49, With IL Now, after il has been al.
terly repLaiaied, after totally different system
| Of legislation has been adopted, in defiance Of
our votes and Cur Inconsistencies, J think u IL
| little unreasonable and a little absurd. that
| gentlemen should dall upon us TO respect q
compromise which they themselves have de.
stroyed-destroyed just as eiiectually, though
not as directly, as 1 they had applied their op.
| position TO the specific case TO which the Mis-
souri, compromise line was applied. They have
destroyed the principle on which the legislation
was based, as demonstrated by the circum.
stances Of the tims and the subsequent recog.
milton in the annexation Of Texas. They have
refused to carry cut the contract in is spirit
and fair meaning They seek to maintain
whatever Of il is beneficial to themselves, and
to disregard all the residue.
Mr.. President, believing, as / do, that the
| proposition contapedin the words of the amend
ment which has been incorporated into the bill
is true, that the form of Legislation is appropri.
ate, what is there that calls upon me TO vote
| against it, or against bill containing il?
have shown, think, that there is no principle
Of plighted faith that in the least binds u.s. The
legislation now proposed is, in my Judgment,
right. 1t is what l have always desired, If il
could have been freely obtained.
My position, as you, Mr.. President, are
| aware, has never been an extreme one upon
this subject. ! was always content with the
Missouri compromise line; always anxious for
it; always voted for it; but my own individual
opinion upon the subject always was that the
principles adopted in 1850 are the true princi.
pies. What are they? They are announced
in the amendment which has been adopted.
We have among us q population Of three
millions of slaves. Nothing is more idle than
for gentleman to trouble themselves with an
investigation into the propriety of those slaves
being here, into the rectitude and lawfnlness
of keeping them in the condition of slavery, or
into the misfortune or calamity which may re-
suit from retaining them in slavery. We are
dealing with fact They are here. They are
slaves. They cannot remain here except as
slaves. Everybody knows that. They cannot,
| by any operation of mans wit, be put into any
situation in our country which will not be vast
ly more injurious to them, physically and NOR
ally, than the Identical state and condition
which they now occupy. They cannot be sent
away. Where are your means to come from tc
make an exodus across the ocean of three mil
lions of slaves-to buy them, and to remove
them? And if you could buy them, and re
move them, permit me to say that more cruel
act of tyranny and oppression could not be per
/ H. &c A
proportion of them would reject with horror
the idea of being transported to those barbar
| GUS and foreign climes of Africa, for which
though their fathers came from them, they
cherish no feeling of attachment; for this il
their country, as well as ours. You cannot re
| move them; they are obliged to remain here
and they are obliged to be slaves. That j.
clear
| Now, sir, can anything be more evident than
that the true course, for people situated in this
way, is not to aggravate the incidental evils Of
such a condition by exasperating inquiries
charges, and counter-charges? The people Of
every portion of the United States should NEE,
| this question as involving common interest
and so far as there is calamity, common ca
lamity.
| What, then, are you going to doy Is it no,
obvious that the true policy, as well as the true
| christian philanthropy involved in this matter
is to allow this population 10 diffuse itself in
such portions Of the Territories as from climate
and soil are adapted to slave cultivation? You
can have no injurious competition with your
free labor Slave labor will not be profitable
and largely employed anywhere, except upon
the grand staples Of the south-tobacco, cotton,
sugar, and rice. Will white men make these
products for expectation? They will not viii
your northern people compete with southern
slaves for the privilege of making rice, and su.
gar, and cotton, and tobacco? No, sir. Where
that cultivation ceases, rely upon it, slave pop
ulation is not going to spread itself We shall
have no conflict, no embarrassment from the
meeting of two tides of laborers from the north
and south; for the kind of soil and climate
which suits us and our slave cultivation does
not suit yours Who is injured by it? Not the
slave. Nothing is more beneficial for him thar
to allow the population Of which he forms q
portion to spread ITSELF to give it room. You
promote his comfort, you improve his health
you diminish his hardships. Ifyou surround Q
population situated like ours with Chinese
wall or barrier beyond which it cannot spread
itself, if yon compress it, what do yon dol
| Wbv Won exr,ose the master to serious incon