The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-03-30

The War IN k1ur04c-FosSts0m ~ t1s Un1Vou
Seases.
The news by the steamers changes nothing in
the aspect of affairs in Europe. The Baltic feet
sailed, as announced, on the 18th and fresh
statement Of the Cars position had appeared
in the Journal de st. Petersburg. So far as
we are concerned, the most in eresting item of
the news is the renewed interest with which
position in relation to the contest in the East.
This is new part for US to play. Formerly,
our existence was ignored by the great Euro
pean nations: the belligerents of olden time
cared nothing for the United States. Our
growth from five 70 thirty millions of people,
our empire over an immense continent, and our
maritime power which, though small at present,
is capable Of almost boundless extension, are
now rendering our opini n matter of earnest
solicitude to the actors in the Eastern drama.
If We are to believe the correspondents Of the
American press and our own informants, no
thing is nearer tothe heart of the British minis
try than their desire for our sympathy in their
present undertaking. The London journals
have already disclosed their feelings on the
transparent accompany every allusion that is
made in their columns to the United States.
Hitherto the motives and causes Of the East
ern war have been but specifically discussed
in this country. Neither the press nor Con-
gress have paid any closer attention to its
merits than is usually awarded to foreign
events. Naturally enough, at first blush, as
tha clyu IL q tba
batants, our sympathies were won to their side;
just as spectators Of combat between two
schoolboys feel inclined to take part with the
younger and least muscular of the two. Now,
however, that the war ceases to be one between
Russia and Turkey al0ne-that the protection
of the Greek Christians in Turkey, and the pos
session Of the keys of the Holy Sepulchre are
no longer the questions at issue-that the con-
fict has become mighty struggle, dividing
Europe into two camps, and involving princi-
Piles of the vastest Importance and magnitude;
it is quite time that the people of the United
States should begin to think sobcrlv on the
matter, and form an opinion b Itch they will
be prepared to stand. FoI L cau hardly be
hoped that the great con1ict now commencing
can be terminated without involving our in
terests directly or indirectly on one side or the
other A crisis has now been reached when it
behooves us to examine the quarrel in its proper
bearings and to place cur feelings under the
control of our reason.
The last great European war, which grew out
of the French revolution Of 1892, ultimately in
volved certain maritime interests of the United
States, AID compelled our government to de-
clare war against Great Britain. 1t will be
recollected by every one that among the most
conspicuous of the measures that were adopted
by the belligerents of that day were the famous
Milan and Berlin DEGREES, and the British Orders
in Council by which they were met At that
time, the maritime power of France was COM
paratively insignificant; and so far as that
but slightly. But the British navy was para
mount in every sea; and in the execution Of
the Orders in Council inflicted almost as severe
an injury on our maritime interests as on those
of the nations with which England was actually
waging war. Old dogmas Of obsolete jurispru-
dence, relative 10 the impressment of British
seamen serving on board foreign vessels, and to
the right on the part of Great Britain to make
prize of neutral vessels carrying goods to or
from belligerent port, induced England to
commit acts which we very properly deemed
an Infringement of our rights We took the
ground that free ships make free goods; that
our flag must be respected, and our vessels
must not be searched. These positions were
denied by Great Britain, and the war conse-
ana ic To ha tfo1 4
it ended without settling the controversy on
leading to any compromise of the points in
dispute.
Knowing the peculiar sensitiveness with
which the American people regard anything
like an outrage upon the national flag, we have
looked we confess with some degree of ankle
ty, for some exposition Of the principle on
which Great Britain and France intend to deal
with neutral vessels during the coming strug-
gle. And it is with singular regret that we
learn by our recent advices that the British
government has officially declared that bellige-
rent property in neutral vessels shall be con-
sidered lawful prize. Such was the emphatic
declaration of Lord Clarendon in his instruc-
tons to the British Consul at Riga; and, though
the madness of such course was clearly point
ed out by Mr.. Gibson in the House of Commons
on the 18th, we see no evidence of any inten-
ton on the part of the British government to
withdraw that statement, or modify the inten-
ton it published.
1t is hardly necessary for us to observe that
in the event Of Great Britain again pursuing
the policy which led to the war of 1912 we
should have no other alternative but to resort
to the means we then exerted to protect our
rights. The United States cannot, under any
circumstances, permit any foreign power to
exercise the right of search upon American yes
sells; nor can we submit to the seizure of our
ships engaged in lawful commerce., without re-