Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-04-16

uonesuc institutions, not repugnant 10 the Con-
stitution of the United States, as they might
believe to be best adapted to their circumstan-
ces and conditions principle which, from the
| earliest period of the government, has been
cherished and sustained by the south one in
timately allied to the doctrines of our own rev.
olutionary struggle one necessarily resulting
| from the jealous limitations of our federal sys-
TEN, and more important in its practical re-
suits upou the peace and harmony Of this coun-
| try. than any which has received the assent Of
Congress since the foundation of our republic
| Sir, it is of infinitely less importance to the
north or south whether slavery, if left to its
own intrinsic vigor or debility, shall extend
north or reccde south Of Ihe thirty-sixth paral-
lei of latitude, than it is important to both that
this disturbing element of our national repose
shall he now and forever withdrawn from the
halls of Congress. 1t is HERE, upon this the
atre, mingled with the rivalries OF faction, and
with the contests of sectional cupidity and am
bition, that the subject Of slavery can ever as
sumo form dangerous to the peace and stabil-
ity Of the Union; and it is alone by q firm ad-
herence to the principles of non-intervention,
embodied in the legislation of 1850, that we
can be assured Of our future safety and repose.
| Mr.. Chairman, ] can see no sufficient or adj
equate cause for the excitement which has
sprungupinthe northin relation to this measure.
| The public mind ofthat section of the Union has
been abused, shamefully abused, by aperversion
Of the true issue involved in this bill. 1t is not
a question of slavery or no slavery in these Ter
ritories. Congressional legislation, with all its
agitations and excitements, has never yet, in
the progress of our history, practically made or
unmade one foot of slave territory. The true
| inquiry here is one of constitutional power,
one that relates to the character of our federal
system and it is whether Congress has been
clothed with the discretion of determining the
existence and limits of slavery in the Terrific
ries of the United States. Gentlemen may re-
gard slavery as an evil such they may regard
it in the States. But does that justify the in
reference Of this government? Is it not one
of those evils, if such it is to be regarded, which
the Constitution has wisely left to different
and far more appropriate tribunal?
There are few gentlemen, / apprehend, in
this hall who will not, after the bitter and pro
racted experience of the last thirty years, con-
cede that the assumption by Congress of any
jurisdiction over the subject of slavery, except
where that jurisdiction has for wise purposes
been enjoined as an express duty by the Con-
| stitution, has been more fruitful source OF
evil than any which has occurred in the history
Of the government. This unhappy state Of
things has resulted, not merely from the just
sensibility of the south at the reckless agta-
ton of question so intimately interviewer
with its domestic peace and happiness, but
from that jealousy which her position constrains
her to watch every unauthorized assumption
| of power calculated to disturb the equilibrium
| of the Constitution. The South, as every re-
lcctng man in this house knows, must always
be the principal sufferer from any disturbance
of the Just balance of our system. This pro
position is selfevident, and requires no expla
J nation. She feels, and has ever felt, that tht
Constitution, administered in the spirit in which
/, it came from the hands Of its illustrious au
, thors is.the parent Of peace, of tranquility
and of perpetual union. As such, she ha'
istered it has not, upon this whole continent
body of more loyal and enthusiastic sup
porters. But, to every attempt to enlarge its
powers beyond the fair intent of the instru-
| ment, to interpolate new grants by construc-
ton, or pervert its spirit she has been and ever
must be, a stern and unyielding opponent.
Her patriotism and her safety alike impel her
to that position; for in every such act, she
cannot but see the gradual and stealthy ap.
proaches of vast central despotism, of abso-
lutte and unlimited powers, under whose bale
full shadow the sovereignty and independence
of the States must dwindle into insignifcance
and with them as certainly perish the Liberties
and institutions of the people, which they were
ordained to protect. If such has been hel
uniform course, even when temporary advan
tage may have invited her to an opposite opin
ion, it may well be imagined what her course
must be upon question like that now under
consideration, when powers in themselves
doubtful powers, derived from implication II
the third or fourth descent from the first stock
denied by some Of the most illustrious authors
Of that instrument, have been brought int
active exercise, for the pupose of making un
{ just and injurious discr limitations between th'
two great sections of the confederacy, and 0
holding up her cherished social institutions a
subjects OF congressional interdict and of ma
tional reproach.
Sir, it is not difficult to see that the inevita
BILE consequences of all such legislation mus
be excitement, heartburning, discord, strife
and ultimate separation. Since 1920, the fire.
of agitation have been almost annually kindlet
: by the measures proposed, and by the discus
sions which have occurred in this Hall and il
the adjacent chamber of the Capitol, upon tht
! subject of slavery. Sectional apimosities have
been engendered. Important schemes Of ma
tonal policy have been embarrassed, stimu
lated, hastened, modified and frustrated b,
this absorbing element of agitation. The ordi
nary business Of Congress has been neglected
and the Union, at times, brought to the verg
OF overthrow and dissolution. 1t has been, in
Decd q box of Pandora, which has never beel
opened without difusing its multiplied evil
over the land. Sir, submit, has not ever
patriot felt that some erpedient was indispenss
BILE to avert this fearful agitation, and to relev
the country from this seemingly never-endin
J experiment upon the strength and durability
our system? And can any man account f
t the extraordinary favor with which the adjus
! ment of 1850 was hailed by all parties and /
all sections Of this confederacy, except in Il
belief that the true solution of all these nations
! difficulties was to be found in those sound an
4 conservative principles Of congressional mol
q Intervention which marked the legislation {
4 the early fathers Of the republic, and which ar
e embraced in those enactments? In that IS
q be found, mainly, the secret of its great an
0 widespread popularity. 1t was that whie
il caused it to triumph in the north against
s the prejudices growing out of the provisions
it the fugitive slave law and which has caused