Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1854-05-01
GBe 9ailpY SPY.
MONDAY, MAY /, 1854.
S p E f. @ II
OF
HON. THOMAS II. BENTON,
OF MISSOURI,
In Opposition to the Nebraska Bill,
IN The House Of Representatives, Friday,
april 25th, 1854.
From the Washington Globe.

| From the Washington Globe.
If any bill to impair the Missouri Compro-
/ mise line Of 1920 had been brought into this
| House by member from slave State, or I'M
der the administration of President elected
| from slave State, should have deemed it
| my duty to have met it at the threshold, and
! to have made the motion which the parliament
tary law prescribes for the repulse of subjects
| which are not fit to be considered: l should
have moved its rejection at the first reading.
| But the bill before us, for the two may be con-
sidered as one, does not come from that quar-
ter. 1t comes from free State, and under
! the administration of President elected from
| free State; and under that aspect OF its ORR
| GIN 1 deemed it right to watt and hear what
| the members Of the free States had to say to
| it. 1t was a proposition from their own ranks,
to give up their half of the slavery compro-
mise of 1920; and if they chose to do so, l did
not see how southern members could refuse to
! accept it. 1t was free State question; and
the members from the free States were the ma
| jority, and could do as they pleased. So |
| stood aloof, waiting to see their lead, but with
| out the slightest intention of being governed
| by it. l had my own convictions Of right
and duty, and meant to act upon them. l
| had come into political life upon that compro-
| mise. had stood upon it above thirty years,
and intended to stand upon it to the end
solitary and alone, if need be; but preferring
| company to solitude, and not doubling for an
| instant what the result was to be.
| l have said that this bill comes into Con-
| gress under the administration of a free State
| President; but do not mean to say, or insin-
uate by that remark, that the President favors
| the bill. know nothing Of his disposition
| towards it; and if 1 did, should not disclose
| it here. 1t would be unparliamentary, and
breach of the privileges Of this House to do
SO. The Presidents opinions can only be
made known to us by himself in a message
in writing. In that way it is his right, and
| often his duty, to communicate with us. And
| in that way there is no room for mistake in
| citing his opinions no room for an unanthor-
lied use of his nane no room for the impu-
tation of contradictory opinions to him; and
in that way he becomes responsible to the Am
! erican people for the opinions he may deliver.
| All other modes of communication are forbid
| TO him, as tending to an undue and unconst-
| tutional interference with the freedom of leg
| islation. 1t is not bribery alone attempted
| upon member which constitutes breach of
| the privileges of this House. 1t is any attempt
| to operate upon members vote by any con-
sideration of hope or fear, favor or affection,
prospect of reward, or dread of punishment.
| This is parliamentary law, as old as English
| Parhaments, constantly maintained by the
British House of Commons, and lately declar-
| ed in a most signal manner. 1t was during
the reign of our old master, George the
| Third, and in the famous case of Mr.. Fox's
East India Bill A report was spread in Par
lament by one of the lords of the bed cham
Der, that the King was opposed to the bill;
that he wished it defeated; and had SAID that
he would consider any member his enemy
who should vote for it. The House of Com
mons took fire at this report, and Immediate
ly resolved:
Z" That to report any opinion, or pretended
opinion of his Majesty, upon any bill depend
ing in either House of Parliament, is high
crime and misdemeanor, derogatory to the hon.
or of the crown, breach of the fundamental
| privileges of Parliament, and subversive of the
| Constitution of the country"
This resolve was adopted in a full House by
majority of seyenty-three votes; and was
only declaratory of existing parliamentary
law-such as it had existed from the time that
English counties and boroughs first sent
knights of the shire and burgesses to repre-
sent them in the Parliament House. 1t is old
English parliamentary law, and is so recorded
by Hatsell and all the writers on that law. 1t
is also American law, as old as our Congress;
and, as such, recorded in Jeferson's Manual.
1t is honest law; and as sush existent in ev
cry honest heart. Sir, the President of the
in written messages, and no one can report
his opinions to influence the conduct of mem
bers upon bill, without becoming obnoxious
to the censure which the British House of
Commons pronounced upon the lord Of the
bed chamber, in the case of the King aud the
Fox East India bill.
Nor can the Presidents Secretaries-his
head clerks, as Mr.. Randolph used to call
them-send us their opinion on any subject
of legislation depending before us. They can
only report, and that in writing, on the sub
jeets referred to them by law or by a vote of
the Houses. intervention is their duty
in relation to our legislation; and if they at
tempt to intervene in any Of our business, l
must be allowed, for one, to repulse the at
tempt, and to express for it no higher degree
Of respect than that Mr.. Burke expressed for
the opinions of British Lord Chancellor, de-
livered to the House of Commons, in case in
which he had no concern. Sir, suppose l
can be allowed to repeat on this floor any de-
gree of comparison, or figure of speech, which
Mr.. Burke could use on the floor of the Brit
ish House of Commons. He was a classic
speaker, and, besides that, author of a treatise
on the Sublime and Beautiful; though l do
not consider the particular figure which have
to repeat, although just and picturesque in
itself, to be perfect illustration of either
branch of his admired treatise 1t was in ref
erence to Lord Thurlow, who had interviewed
in some legislative business, contrary to the
orators sense of right and decency. Mr..
Burke repulsed the intrusive opinion, and de-
clared that he did not care three jumps of a
louise for it. Sir, say the same OF any opin-
ion which may be reported here from our Sec
retarles on any bill depending before us, and
that in any form in which it may come from
them-whether as unit, or as integers.
Still less do Iadmit the right of Intervention
in our legislative duties in another class of
Intermediates, and who might not be able to
meddleat all with our business, were it not
for the ministration of our bounty. l speak
of the public printers, who get their daily
bread, (and that buttered on both sides,) by
our daily printing; and who require the dem
ocratic members of this House, under the In
slant penalty of political damnation, to give
their adhesion to every bill which they call
| administration; and that in every change it
may undergo although more changeable than
the moon. For that class of Intermediates /
have no parliamentary law to administer, nor
any quotations from Burke to apply-nothing
but little fable to read, the value of which,
as in all good fables, lies in its moral. 1t is in
! French, and entitled, +" L ane ct son nsaitre,
| which, being done into English, signifies,
/ :: The uss and his master, and runs thus:
can ass took it into his head to scare his
master, and put on lions skin, and went
and stood in the path. And when he saw his
master coming, he commenced roaring, as he
thought, but he only brayed, and the master
| Euavv WAC his 90 he xvQnf I'M n him