Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-03-21

sthis House, which excluded their kindred Of th
south from the very territorJ which had BEEF
purchased with their blood
Nor, sir, is this all ; for, in violation Of th
| spirit and letter of the compromise which au
thorized the admission Of Missouri as State
within one year from its date this House re
fused her admission, because her people hac
by their State constitution excluded free he
groes from her borders. The freesoilers hav,
presumed to legslate upon slavery within Thu
District; have endeavored to fix their doctrines
npon forts and public grounds in every quarter
OF the country; and have dared to let the pollu
ton of their thoughts rest upon the grave O
Washington, shielded though it be by the soy
ereignty of Virginia
| submit, sir, that | have shown an entire
failure Of consideration. All this, and much
more besides, which will be made appear from
the records of the country by others who S'il
follow me, and the bond unimpeached by the
South.
But, sir, we are told that this is no violation
of the contract; for although the act of 1920
prohibits slavery north Of the line, yet it leaves
the question open south of the line. Sir,
will not argue proposition so perhdiously
monstrous. It is enough, if anything be want
ing to satisfy any honest man of the utter folly
of compromise; and admonishes us to blot out
that which is a falsehood upon our statutes.
The authority of Mr.. MOI roe, and the south.
ern members of his cabinet, Mr. Calhoun, Mr..
Writ, and Mr.. Crawford, is given for the con-
stitutionaGty of the Missouri comprimise. Mr..
Calhoun always denied that the compromise
had the authority of his sanction. In his speech
in the Senate of 9th June. lS4S, he said ex-
nra hot rr;n al tbar,, >tac
and opposed almost unanimously by the South,
but yet acquiesced in by us from the love for
the Union" 1t may be that the President, as
well as Mr.. Writ and Mr.. Crawford, acquiesced
from the same motive.
But again we are told that the south has had
the full enjoyment of the benefits of the com
promise, for that under it four slave States have
been admitted into the Union, while the free
States have but Iowa. To this it is sufficient
to reply, that out Of the northwest Territory
(once the property of slave State) four free
States had been carved out, and their admission
into the Union secured a preponderance of po-
litical power to the non-slaveholding States in
this House. Wisconsin has since been added;
and, in violation of the ordinance of 1887,
which restricted the number of States to be
created out of the northwest Territory to fire
and no more, part of this territory has been
thrown with Minnesota, which will result in
securing to the free States the political power
OF six States, one more than was stipulated in
the ordinance
Mr. Chairman, the end of the whole matter
is, the question admits of no compromise. The
men of the north regard it moral, social,
and political evil. We regard it moral, so
cial, and political good. If both are sincere,
land | believe that thousands are, who, ignor-
ant of the character of the negro and the work.
ings of the system, judge of the institution by
false standards and prejudiced sympathies,)
then no compromise should be tolerated.
There is no middle ground between right and
wrong, and those of US who desire to perpetu-
ate this government, whether from the north or
south, have no alternative but to take this ques.
ton of slavery back to where it was left by the
Constitution.
Here we will find authority to sustain us
against assaults from every quarter. Here we
find authority for the equal rights of the States,
and here authority for the citizens of any State
removing with his property Of any description
into the territory Of the United States.
We are not asked to legislate slavery into
Nebraska and Kansas, but to carry out a good
old republican principle, that the people shall
decide for themselves the character of their
government, and be left in a free
condition to elect for themselves, when they
multiply into States, slavery or no slavery.
The bill is in entire consonance with our re-
publican theory, but recurrence to the true
doctrines Of the Constitution. 1t pursues the
same line Of policy which obtained in regard
to Utah, which lies north of $50 30, and in
reference to New Mexico, nearly all Of which
lies south of that line, and in reference to both
Of which the question at issue was left exclu-,
sively to the judgment Of their own people. "
1t is policy, utterly irreconcilable with the
provisions of the Missouri compromise, incon-
sisent with its spirit and letter, and in its effect,
nulliies and obliteratesit
! next approach the argument urged in OPP
position to the bill; that the admission OF slaves
will operate to the exclusion of foreign immi-
grants; and quote as my text the following
of remarkable manifesto, which
invokes the oat,oard pressure of hired letter
writer's, and the conductors of newspapers in
the German and other foreign languages" upon
the action Of Congress:
" From the rich lands of this large Territory,
patriotic statesmen have anticipated that free,
and enlightened population will ex-
tract abundant treasures ofindividual and public
wealth. There il has been expected freedom
loving emigrants from Europe, and energetic and
intelligent laborers from our own land, will find
homes Of comfort and fields of useful enterprise.
If this bill shall become law, all such expectation
will turn to grievous disappointment. The blight
Of slavery will cover the land. The homestead
law. should Congress enact one, will be worthless
there. Frcemea, unless pressed By hard and cruel
necessity, ,cK nor and should not work beside
slares"
do not say that such would be the effect,
but if any earthly consideration could induce
me to cast my vote in favor of inAicting the
Wilmot proviso upon territorial bill, it would
be the consideration that unnaturalized for.
eigners should be excluded as well as slaves.
| revere, with patriotic gratitude, the memo
ries Of those illustrious characters who never
became American citizens, but whose names
are part of the history of American liberty.
l appreciate the worth of hundreds of merito-
rious citizens who first saw the light of day in
foreign climes, and cherish for them all those
elevated sentiments WHICH are awakened by the
word count,yman. rejoice in the equality of
their social and legal rights, and am not jeal-
Gus of their political advancement. And yet,
sir, SO firm is my conviction that the liberties
and institutions of our country are in greater