The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-06-11

view TO secure the right TO such interment. The
oS coar ~ funasS ~ %oh motxs But
the Senator tells that the ceremony Of recantaon
performed in extremis, and that the dying man,
by this nominal change Of faith secured for his body
terry. From all which statement by Gen. Cass, the
obvious inference is that the poor man either be-
came sincerely Catholic, which he had right to
do, or died hypocrite traitor to his conscience
and his God, thereby sacrificing his soul for sake OF
grave. -,
more unfortunate in his aluson to some distinguished
parsonage in Spain supposed to be woman, not
ring to his language, since he himself avows In
the exordium Of his reference, that it is pain
fully disgusting" In this Gen. Cass was not mis-
even on this painfully disgusting subject, no man
would dispute his testimony. But he speaks on the
authority of the London Times. The editor of that
paper, however, instead OF giving utterance from
human tongue to this assault upon woman, allowed
it to pass into universal circulation from the eaden
liDs Of his iron hearted Journal Nor could he have
imagined that any man, especially a., American
Senator, would repeat what he had published, ex-
cept under the pressure of some grave necessity
curing that for ends Of public justice the depravity
public as possible. Such weighty reasons Gen. Cass
must, no doubt, have had but he has made no allu.
sion TO them.
The first person whose acquaintance made on
this earth, was a woman. Her pretensions were
humble, but to me she was great lady-nay, o very
queen and empress. She was more she was my
earliest friend, my visible, palpable guardian angel.
II she smiled approval on me, it was as ray from
Paradise shed on my heart. If she frowned disap
proval, it seemed like partial OF total eclipse
OF the sun. Gratitude for all her kindness to me,
%e to snsr ny humble ps and
of her sex, who has not had the benefit of trial or
sefdefence For this reason as well as for Others,
which it is not necessary that ] should adduce
take the liberty Ofsayng that for one, do not be-
eve the accusations of the London Times. That
paper is the most powerful organ in the world OF its
own kind, either to destroy or build up any charac.
ter any cause, whether public or private. II God
should ever permit the noble, but 0ftentimes per-
verted capacities of the human intellect to elevate
wrong cause to perfect equality with right
cause; an unjust cause to perfect level with
just one; false cause to an equality with true one;
such the immense resources within its reach for
procuring, in regard to all causes, the very kind OF
information from abroad which it desires, and such
its gigantic powers in manipulating ar can use the
term) this terrible Ang0-Saxon tongue OF ours that
the feat of destroying in the minds OF its readers
all distinction between right and wrong would be
accomplished by the London Times. | do not say
that it is more disposed to embrace wrong cause
instead of right than any Of its contemporaries:
only suggest that its powers of maintaining wrong
cause are greater than theirs, and the temptations
to do SO will be graduated according to the scale of
its powers
1t has been my pleasant duty when in Europe, at
different times within the last fourteen fifteen
years. defend, according to my feeble ability, not
only our American institutions but also individual
statesmen, against the testimony of the London
Times. In its issue Of February 4 1912, it charges
of the latter with "audacous unfarness of argu
ment"-it charges that " to attempt to fight under
false colors to pervert and misrepresent with kind
of bowling and scraping appearance of candor, is a
CHARACTERISTIC OF his composition" 1t sneers at his
designating itself as "hgh authority"-it does
mot know whether most to admire at the audacity
of his Misrepresentation or at the admirable cool
ness, the innocent, gentlemany superiority with
which he carries off," In its issue Of January 9th,
1916, it describes the same American statesman and
his supporters as "the noisy demagogues of fac
tion"-t hopes that "the republic Of America is not
sunk low as to be driven into hostiltes by such
men as he" In its issue of February lS, 1886 allu
sion is made to the same American statesman,
though his name is not mentioned, as zone who pan
ders to a sanguinary passion"
Now this American statesman is no other than
General Cass. And this is the testimony of his
chosen witness against some unprotected female re-
siding beyond the Pyrenees. Ii the authority is
good against her, who reject it as against the
Senator from Michigan? beg leave to reject it in
dgnantly against both or either but as affects
General Cass he has cut himself of from the privi
lege Of rejecting by having endorsed in the Senate Of
til. United States the testimony OF chosen witness,
who has described his character in terms 30 little
fatteIing.
The portions Of General Cass's speech with which
WILT ther their names be Puflendorf or Natte. In
them there is confusion of IDEAS although vattel
complains of such confusion ms being oge OF the dill
cultes against which jurists and publicists have to
contend. Besides this, could hardly desire better
argumen: s to refute General Cass than he himself
has had the patience and industry to produce lftme
permitted, should enjoy pleasant recreation
the privilege of Analysing the speech of the distin
guished Senator. / think it would be no difficult
task by means of critical distribution or rather
classification of his arguments pro- and to prove
tl..kf I'M, tod aft pvav
which he had taken in hand, are the whole
equally balanced, that If each could be logically
ranged, under its own appropriate head and either
set off, according to its own weight and measure
against its opposite the several positions Of this
great production would be found mutually effec-
tive in their destruction Of each other that posi-
tive result would remain, except that General Cass
is, what everybody knows, statesman Of great be-
nevolence, having great respect for the american
people, especially the majority.
The Senator from Michigan maintains the suprem-
acy Of individual conscience but he nullies that
premacy according TO his definition Of conscience by
limiting the right to follow its dictates and subjectng
that right to the prohibition of law human or divine
Now ii the conscience of the individual is supreme
and the law Of the land of any country is supreme
also, which supremacy shall give way to the other!
These are the premises laid down by General Cass,
but unfortunately he has left the conclusions to be
drawn from them respectively to destroy or annhi-
late each other His idea Of conscience "a not that it
is superior and indestructibe, independent moral
faculty in the human soul enabling every man to dis
tingush and choose between what seems to him good
and evil but that conscience gives right TO the ndi
vidual to act out or manifest in words or deeds
its interior dictates. On the other hand, he arms
the civil authorities of all countries with the ac-
knowledged right to control outward actions; that
by c0nfounding outward actions with conscience it.
SELF he betrays and bands over that sacred rrs;ac
pie to be judged of and controlled BY magistrates
and civil governments. His first ebuliition in favor
O. conscience is the proclamation that his purpose
is mot merely to protect Catholic in Protestant
country Protestant in Catholic country, a jew
in q Christian country, but American in all
countries" General Cass processes to speak and
cpe. Principle is neither Catholic nor Protest ant
nor Jewish nor Christian--at least in the sense in
which it has been employed by him. Principle, if
any thing, is universal. And since General Cass has
attributed to what he calls an American, something
| like special prerogative, he ought TO show some
| grounds why an American, here classified under the
head of religious denominations, shonld have any
special or exceptional preference. Four religious
! dt nominations are mentioned namely: Catholic