The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-08-17


ing an abolitionist, / 90 for it, 1t is be-
cause | am an abolitionist, more than
because / am anything else, that / desire
this blending.
With the slaves Of no part of the world
have / sympathized more deeply than with
the slaves of Cuba-for theirs is the cru
ellest and most brutifying of all the types
of bondage. Practically, American sla-
very is not so bad as Spanish; though, in
theory, it is more absolute and abomina-
BILE than any other. Happily for its VIC
tins, American slavery encounters, and is
modified by, CHER civilization than that,
which pervades the dominions Of Spain,
and rejoices in bull-fghts. AS an abo-
itionist then, and as one, who feels pity
for every slave, should be glad to see the
condition Of the slaves of Cuba bettercd
by the substitution of American usages
and American influences for Spanish usa-
ges and Spanish influences. And who
knows but American laws, in regard to
slavery, will, ere long, be rightly inter-
preted?" The hope, (though not strong,)
that they may be, and the fact, that thereby
American slavery would be " short-liVed, .
did somewhat encourage me, as the reader
of the speech in question has seen, " TO
risk the subsection of Cuban slavery to a
common fate with our own"
Again, as an abolitionlst, l desire the
annexation of Cuba to our country, be-
cause that would end the connection of
Cuba with the African slave trade and
would also, go far to end that trade,
everywhere. l do not forget the charge,
that American shareholders are in favor of
re-opening that trade with this country.
But, | know, that the charge is NONSENSE
cal. Not only does their interest forbid
it: but do them no more than justice
when say, that their civilization torbids
it. They have outgrown the barbarism of
the African slave trade. May they speed
lily outgrow other barbarisms, which fall
but little short of it!
l said, that, for having made the speech
referred to- mean my speech on the
Mexican Treaty-the newspapers have
called me filibuster." They have call
ed me pro-slavery also. But if to be
in favor Of annexing Cuba to our nation
makes me pro-slavcry," then l have
been pro-slavery " for years, as those of
you know, who, for years, have heard me
speak in favor Of it. | readily admit, that
if | stood on the platform, occupied by
many anti-slavery men, and mad creed
made up of nothing else than mo more
slave territory" l should deserve to be
stigmatized as pro-slavery" for consent
ing to have Cuba come with her slavery
into our nation-for then, according to
my own creed, should be " pro-slavery."
But, thank God, that he has not left me
to take my stand on that narrow platform,
nor on any other like it. My anti-slavery
creed recognises no law, anywhere, for
the highest possible crime against the in
terests, and rights, and nature of man. In
other words, know no law for the slave
ny, which exists in any of the present, or
which shall exist, in any Of the future, ter
ritory Of this nation-no law for the en-
Slavement of any one, either III Cuba or
America. | care not what Statute books,
or even Constitutions, may say to the con-
trary. To every man, who has soul IN
him-to every man, that is a man-truth
and honesty are infinitely more authorita-
tive than Statute books and Constitu-
tons and, by all, that is precious in
truth and honesty, | will never enforce as
law, nor even know as law, against anoth-
er, that which, if applied to myself, all,
that is within me, would scorn and scout
as law.
The apprehension, that American sla-
very would be made strong and enduring
by the accession Of Cuban slavery, is
not well founded. Such a new element
in our slavery might, for various reasons,
contribute very effectively to work the ruin
of the whole. But, however this may be,
who, that desires the overthrow of Ameri-
can slavery, does not rejoice, that France
and England and other nations have, in
our day, rid themselves of slavery, and
arrayed their influence, if not designedIy,
nevertheless none the less efFectually,
against American slavery? And who of
them should not rejoice to see Spain also
quit the pro-slavery party-the party Of
pro slavery nations-to join the anti sla-
very party, and the party Of anti-slavery ma
tons? But to rid her Of Cuba is thus to
change her relations and influence. Let
all the other nations Of the earth shake
themselves of slavery--even though it be
into the lap of America. For were the
whole of the foul thing gathered there, no
sympathy with it could be found elsewhere
and, hence, its years would be few.
trust, that in the light of what have
said, the injustice of calling me "pro-
slavery" will be apparent. Whilst he
is " pro-slavery," who would extend sla-
very over lands, where it does not exist, il
does not follow, that he is pro-slavery, y
either in the aims, or in the effect, Of his
policy, who would collect more of exist
ing slavery under the same Government
The wish of Caligula, that all the nccks
of the Romans were brought into one
neck, that so he might have the pleasure
Of decapitating his subjects at a single
blow, was certainly not a very amiable
wish. But we would all excuse the wish
to have all the necks Of slavery brought
into one neck, if that would facilitate the
killing of the monster.
With this question Of the annexation o
Cuba our patriotism has much to do, anC
in both directions. Under its promptings
there are many, who would add to the
honor of our country, by adding to hel
territory; and, under It's promptngs, there
are quite as many, who are unwilling tC
add to her dishonor, by adding to her sIa
very. But neither i'll the one case, nor il
the other, arc the promptings of patriotism
to be trusted. For patriotism is not vir
tue, but vice. Least Of all, is it a chris
tan grace. In all that compound of al
| fectiOns and interests, called patriotism
there is not one element, which find.
sanction in the lips or life of Jesus Christ
Admit, if you please, that patriotism doe:
not exhibit the most revolving forms o