Washington sentinel., 1854-03-01

race within It's present limits Is it that you
think that If you were to disperse them more
you would have more negroes, and the same
relative proportion of blacks to whites in more
OF the States? Why, our statistics already
show, that, so far as that is concerned, it is
merely question Of more slaves east of the
Mississippi and fewer west or fewer east and
more west The census of 1910 proved that
the ratio of the black to the white population
IN the slave States, as compared with the ratio
between the same elements in 1880, had at
] that time been diminished. The census Of
| 1850 shows a still further diminution in that
ratio In 1910 the slaves were to the whites
| in the slave States as to l.S5; but in 1850
they stand in those States as TO 1893, show
ing still further relative increase of the white
race. Suppose then, that the negro race could
| be scattered over larger surface, would it not
still further diminish the ratio Of the black to
the white race in the slave States and Terri
| tories, so as to soften and mitigate the inten-
| sity of sectional differences?
Can the north be afraid that the white race
Will lose its preponderance in this Union, or
that the non-slaveholding States will lose their
relative superiority over the slaveholding States
in point of political power? Why, that ques-
tion of the preponderance of the white race was
settled when the law was passed forbidding the
foreign slave-trade, so as to shut out black i'm
migration, while all possible facilities and en-
couragement were given to emigrants of the
white race. We find that the white race stands
now to the black in the proportion of l9, ,573
to 3,204, ,34T. We find that at each successive
census from 1890, the white race has increased,
and the black race has diminished its ratio
We find that while at three per cent. per annum
the black race is increasing at the annual rate
of about 100000, the white is receiving an an
nual accession of nearly 100000 from foreign
emigrants alone, besides the annual natural in
crease Of about 100000 more The annual
increase of the white race, as compared with
that Of the black, is nearly as nine to one.
Surely, then, there can be no ground for fear
that the white race will lose its preponderance
or that non-slavehoding viii lose their relative
political superiority over the slaveholding
States.
1t is not now as it was when the ordinance
of 1887 was adopted At that time it was
much more doubtful question. The blacks
then constituted larger proportion of the
whole population it was a much larger ele-
ment than it now is. At that time there was
every motive of interest to bring them here
because the slave-trade was going on quite ex
| tensivey, and there was not the same encour.
agement for the white man to immigrate as
now exists. Then it was, perhaps, question
| tul question in 1920 than it now is; for the
great tide of Immigration was not even then
setting in as it is now But now there cannot
be the least particle of doubt as to the certainty
that the non-slaveholding States will retain
their superiority in point of political power.
1t may be asked, if believe that the passage
of this bill is of no practical Importance SO far
as new slave States are concerned, then why
do support it SO warmly? Isupport it for its
moral and political consequences-as measure
of peace. desire to remove this great cause
of disturbance and anxiety from our midst.
wish to give greater efficiency to our govern
ment to extend the jurisdiction of the Consti-
futon over the subject of slavery as well as |
over all others, seeing that it has given us peace
and prosperity whenever we have adhered to |
and applied it.
Take the provisions of that instrument, and
you will find that almost all of them may be
resolved into two great objects or purposes the
one is, that all the prizes of life, whether Of
honor or profit, SO far as the legislation of this
country is concerned, shall be thrown open to
the free and equal competition Of every indi-
vidual the other is, that ALT the prizes Of social
exertion shall be thrown open to the free and
equal competition Of all the States of this con-
federacy. DO this, and you stimulate human
energy to the highest possible pitch of activity;
regulate the motive power by provisions which
prevent each in the exercise of its own rights |
from encroaching upon the equal rights of an
other, and you have accomplished all that gov
ernment can accomplish in order to promote
the welfare of the people, or to develop their
moral and material resources. 1t is owing to |
the operation of these great principles that our
progress is such as to have become marvel in |
the eyes Of mankind. They constitute all that |
gives peculiar character to the great Amer |
can experiment in tree government. is under |
their silent operation that the machinery of so
ciety seems to have moved upon sefactng and |
selfadjusting principles. Day by day, invisible
hands weave new bonds of amity and interest
to bind the States more closely together. I'm
seen forces are moving the great circle Of
American production, which, in performing its
grand round, presents itself in turn to every
quarter of our horizon, bestowing upon each
all the varied fruits of human genius, and all
the treasures of nature and of art. Does the
machinery jar in its motion? Some rash hand
has touched a spring. Does it oscillate about
the centre? Some presumptuous machinist
has undertaken to regulate its motions. Hands
off and again it is in action with all the GER
tainty and precision of motions which are regu-
lated by natural laws. If they have accom-
plished these results when applied to all other
subjects, why should we be afraid to apply the
same principles to the question of slavery
If they have given US peace, prosperity and
progress whenever we have trusted them, why
should we shrink from their application to this
subject, as well as to all others? The law Of
selfdevelopment is the great rule of our poiti.
cal system. 1t has been the means, under
Providence, of our rapid growth and precocous
strength. Why, then, apply it with doubling
faith, or by halfway measures? Why not open
wide the door to all our State organizations,
whatever may be their institutions, to free and
an equal competition for all--the means Of
growth and settlement, and through every road
Of progress, for all the great prizes Of social
exertion? 1t is contest in which the VIII le
confederaoy must be benefited, no matter who
may be the winner. Let, then, the race be TO
The swift, and the battle to the strong.
Mr. President. is il not time thnt we were