The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-11-17

fairly and openly marsh alled before the public:
70 that every American may have chance OF
deciding according to the best Of his Judgment
who is the fttest man to rule the country. With
caution, prudence and skill, the native party
are sure Of brilliant and successful career.
They can carry all the local elections nexty year;
and with the aid Of the thousands Of democrats
whom Pierces administration has Disguised
with the old democratic party, and who are
now looking round for Q new platform and new
principles, they can as certainly elect Presi-
dent in 1856. Nor need their mission end here.
With prudent management, they may hold
power for many years to come, on the basis OF
devotion to American interests and hostility to
the corruption and trickery Of the old parties.
It rests with the chiefs of the Know Nothings
to secure for their party this glorious career.
Calmly examined, there is nothing whatever
in the native creed that wears narrow or Sec
tartan character nothing Of which liberal
large.hearted man need feel ashamed. For
nearly half century after the adoption Of the
constitution, foreigners were welcomed to our
shores: we gave them work, land, food and
clothing, and only asked Of them in return that
they should conform to our laws and help ad-
vance the country. For nearly thirty years
after the enactment of our present naturaliza-
ton law, we chsertully granted them, after a
residence of five years, political privileges
scarcely inferior to our own. Though many
Of them had not in that period OF
time either learnt our language or be-
come familiar with our institutions, and
though hardly any had possessed political
rights in their own country, we raised them to
an equality with ourselves in the government,
and shared with them the sovereign power.
1t was perilous experiment to make ; but we
risked it, relying on the good behavior and
common sense of the strangers, and expecting
that, in return for so great Q boon, they would
strain every nerve to evince their gratitude
and good citizenship. For some thirty years,
as was said, the arrangement lasted on this
footing without complaints on either side. The
Irish and Germans forbore to render themselves
conspicuous by riotous or disordsrly conduct;
and so far as they could amalgamated with their
native.born neighbors. But a change was at
band. An intriguing politician, now United
States Senator, the Hon. William II. Seward,
seeking to raise himself to power by the favor
Of local and sectional agitations, bethought
himself Of using the foreigners, and marshall
ling them in separate cliques distinguished by
their original and cast Off nationalities. He it
was who first seduced Archbishop Hughes from
his pulpit and his altar and persuaded him to
address an Irish meeting at Carroll Hall, sur
n1n1 hu rv-ohC
the line between Irishmen and Americans. A
large portion Of the former, it is true, resisted
the insidious advice of the political intriguer
aud steadfastly refused to identify themselves
with the erection Of special Irish party. But
others led away by the prospect of inordiuate
influence, jumped at the idea Of belonging
to two nations at once, and preserv-
ing all the prejudices, the habits and
the names Of Irishmen while they enjoyed all
the rights Of Americans They liked being
courted specially as Arishmen for their vote
q having never dreamt of the smallest politi-
cal rights at home, relished the notion of max
ing free American citizens cringe before them
and humbly solicit their support. From the
day the Irish were thus organized as o separate
race in America, voting on principles of their
own, and having apparently no principles or
feelings in common with the American masses
"a native reaction was inevitable. Seward saw
it not, as he went to mass, and encouraged the
formation of Irish societies and German bunds:
nor did his imitators, who, seeing his success,
used the same efforts in other States to invest
the foreigners with q fictitious Importance and
array them in antagonism to the natives, sus.
pect that revulsion was at hand which would
utterly overwhelm them.
II soon began, however. Twenty years ago
the native American feeling was taking deep
root in the country. The American blood
boiled at the lying compliments which were
paid and the fulsome adulation offered by poll
ticians and newspapers to the foreign voters
not the less fercely when it was seen that such
traitors as Mr.. Seward were the especial favor
ties of the foreigners, and that, whenever such
thing was possible, the Irish and German vote
was cast in opposition to that of the Ameri-
can masses. For some time the feeling
smouldered in mems hearts but at last it
burst forth, and the consequence was fright
full riots, destruction of churches and
other property, and wide-opened proscrip-
ton of foreigners. The punishment, though
merely local and partial, was severe: but acct
dental causes prevented further development
of the feeling ct the time. 1t was reserved for
Mr.. Pierce to galvanize the old native feeling
into new life by his desperate disregard Of his
duty to his countrymen, and his reckless ap-
pointment Of incapable worthless foreigners to
Office. He has done the work well. First disgust
ing democrats with the democratic partyto which
he owed his elevation, and thus providing the
new party with splendid batch of available
recruits he has carried out the design to admit
Iation by sending such men AZ Belmont, Soule
snd Owen to Europe, and providing the United
States with representatives who neither repre-
sent the people nor the spirit, nor the character