New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1854-10-24
Aspect OF TIE EUROPEAN CRISIS.

Europe are, it seems long gone bye. The treaty
of Westphslia. in 1Gi5, which wound up the
thirty years war in Germany, marks the epoch
when such questions lost their force and dissp-
" sred as a moving cause Of International strife.
The attitude Of the two great powers of western
Europe in the present war against Russia is
strfi ing illustration of this truth. We there see
England, professedly Protestant, allied with
France, professedly Catholic, ("damnably he
"retical" as they mutually are in each others
eyer &C sordiDg 10 the orthodox phraseology Of
both for the purpose of defending Turkey, a
MObhmmedan power, whose destruction they
ought most religiousy to desire, against the sg-
eres.ioDs Of "holy" Russia, power Christian
like tbs mselves: and, though the position of Aus.
| tria and Prussia lie more equivoeal than that OF
England and France, the maintenance Of the
Mu.sulman empire in its integrity against the as
saults of its Christian neighbor of the North is an
object that has been avOwed and guaranteed,
equally with France aud England, by the two
great powers Of Christian Germany. Religious
| considerations are certainly not the influences
that RESTRAIN these from action az 4iust Russia.
To perfectly appreciate this state of tninss We
must call to mind the period of the crdsades,
when western Europe, so late as the thirteenth
century, undertook "holy war" sgainst the
"iufidel" Turks for the possession of the holy
sepulchre. Western Europe now not only acqai-
e.ces in the Mussulman Jurisdiction over the sep
uchre, but goes no far as to laugh at the contests
and riyalries Of the Greek and Latin monks to
obtain undivided possession of shrine once so
much coveted by all Christeudom; and when
Christian Russia steps forward to "protect' the
Christian subjects Of the Porte, western ElrJpe
of to day arrays itself in arms against the Car
to thwart design which it would once lave
deemed highly l4udable and righteous. To drive
the MOslems out Of Europe would once have
reused the zeal Of England and France; to pre-
vent the Turks from being driven out Of Europe
is now The most cherished resolve Of those ma
tons SO broad a gulf stands between Europe
of the ninetet nth and Europe Of the thirteenth
century So fallen away since the latter epoch
is the political influence of religious dogma
We lave carefully watched for any expression
of the purely ecclesiastical view Of the European
crisis, and have only fund one pamphlet by a
CAMBRIDGE d. D., and one North British Reviewer
for England, and the Paris Unietrs for France,
which have dOgmatically represented the defense
of Mohammedan power by ChristendOm as ab-
soutely sinful; and these prOnunciamentos have
remained without an echo in either country.
Whence is this
From the period of the Protestant Reforma-
ton, the upper classes in every European
nation, whether ii remained Catholic or adopt
ed Professionalism, and especially the states
men, legists and diplomstists, began to uafasten
themselves individually from all religious belief
and become free thinkers, so-called. This intel
lectual movement in the higher circles mani
tested itself without reserve in France from the
time Of Louis XIV, resulting in the universal
prediction for what was denomnated Phioso
ply during the eighteenth ceotury But when Vol
taire found residence in France no longer safe,
not because of bis opinions, nor because he had
given oral expression to them, but because he
had communicated them by his writings to the
whole reading public, he bet0ok himself 70 Eng
lard and testified that lie found the salons of nigh
life in London still freer than those OF Piris.
Indeed, the men and women Of the court Of
Charles H., BolingbrOke, the Walpoles, Hume.
GIbbOn and Charles Fox, are names which all
suggest prevalent unbelief in religious dogmas,
and general adhesion to the Philosophy of that
age on the part Of the upper classes, statesmen
and politicians Of England. This may be called,
by way Of distinction, the era Of arstocratic re-
volt against ecclesiastical authority. Comte, in
one short sentence, has characserized this situa-
ton:
"From the opening Of the Revolutionary period in
the 10th century ihis system of hypocrisy has beeu
more and more elaborated in practice, permitting Hs
emancipation Of all minds 81 q certain bcariag the
tacit condition thai they should aid in proractng the
submission of the masses. This was ninently the
policy Of the Jesuits.
This brings us down to the period of the French
Revolution, when the masses, firstly OF France,
and aiterward of all Western Europe, along with
desire for political and social freedom, began to
entertain an ever growing aversion to religious
dogma. The total abolition of Christianity, as
a recognized institution Of State by tue French
Republican Convention of 1893 and since then
the gradual repeal in Western Europe, wherever
the popular voice has had power. of religion.
tests and political and civil disabilities Of the
same character, together with the Italian move.
ment of ls4s, sufficiently announce the we'll
known direction Of the popular mind in Europe.
We are still witnesses Of this epoch, which
may be characterized as the era OF demo
cratic revolt ayains. ecclesiastical authority.
But this very movement among the masses
since the French Revolution bound up as it was
with the movement for social equality, brought
about a violent reaction in favor of church au-
thoriy In high quarters. Nobility and clergy,