Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-12-12


an entirely new order of things, based on solid
guarantees, in the relations of Russia with the
Porte, in the Principalities, in the navigation
OF the Danube and upon the Black Sea, we
should undoubtedly hail with satisfaction
change in the policy of Russia calculated TO
lead to the Termination Of this sanguinary con-
test. M
The tenor of the four propositions contained
In M. Drouyn de rHuys's note of the 9th of
August was necessarily indefinite; for, although
they established the leading principles for
which the Western Powers arecontending, they
did not define the application of those princi-
pies. That, it was felt, could only be done by
the practical results of the war. The condi-
tons are therefore open TO great latitude Of i'm
depreciation on both sides, and, moreover, it
was expressly provided by France and England,
and by Austria herself, that they were in no re-
spect to be taken as bar to any further claims
or stipulations arising out Of the progress of
hostllirles. They contained, in fact, the 1aini-
mum OF concession, without which no negotia-
ton could be opened but they left wide mar
gln Tor the circumstances and considerations
which could not fail to arise in the present
agitated condition of the East-of Europe.
In expressing her readiness to accept these
terms as the basis of negotiation, Russia gives
no hrm or precise guarantees to the other DOW
ers, for every thing depends on the meaning
she consents to affix to these propositions.
The world has not yet forgotten one lnemora-
bic Instance In the course Of these negotiations,
IN which Russia announced her acceptance of
the terms prescribed by the Vienna note; but,
as was afterwards shown by dispatch ad-
dressed to one of her own diplomatic agents,
accepting that note in sense hardly differing
hc ptfxsx,o 81 De- IL
koff himself and with such reservations and
perverted constructions of its meaning as led
TO its entire rejection by the very persons who
had framed the documents. =. ~
But we have not the slightest reason to be-
lieve that any such disposition exists on the
part OF the Russian government, and the only
OBJECT that we can discover in such commu.
nication, if it has been made, is TO afford fresh
materials for that logomachy in which the eau
sists of Germany delight, and to paralyze as
long as possible the military action ofthe court
Of Vienna. This hypothetical acceptance Of
the four points has for some time past been re-
garded and described by the small fry of Ger
man diplomatists as the conting ency which was
70 limit the independence and repress the acti-
witty OF the leading powers.
Great use has already been made of this
man9uyre by the agents of Russia, who pro-
Tess to De acting in the name of two or three
OF the minor German courts, and we are by no
means surprised to find that the Russian gov
eminent Is now endeavoring to avail itself of
the trap it has laid. One ofthe Questions which
has been put in various forms to Austria by the
| other German States caballing against her was
whether, in the event of Russia's accepting the
four points, she would bind herself to abstain
from hostilities, and even throw her weight
| against the Western Powers. The cabinet of
vienna positively refused to contract any such
engagement the effect Of which must have been
70 tie her down to the system of neutrality BY
| the mere acceptance of certain general propo-
sitions by Russia.
If therefore, it be said that Russia is pre-
pared to accept the four points contained in the
note of the 9Th of August, we may fairly REQUIRE
tobetoldin clear and accurate language whether
| she accepts the abrogation of her former
treaties with the Porte, the establishment of
joint protectorate in the Principalities instead
OF her former separate convention, the bona fde
opening of the Danube, and the revision Of the
convention OF l84l, with a view to the limita-
ton OF her maritime power in which diploma
tists are not unfrequently wont to hide their
real meaning is only q screen for equivocation,
and expressions on which the peace Of man.
kind may hereafter depend cannot be too clear
and Peremptory.
Thealleged acceptance of these propositions
by Russia Is, Of course, not addressed either d.
rectly or indirectly to the Western States. but
only TO Austria, by whom alone they were
originally communicated TO st. Petersburg.
Whatever may be the value Of such a declara.
tioH, it is impossible to doubt that its principal
IT not its sole object is to prolong that state of
neutrality which has thus far secured to Russia
all she could hope to obtain from the German
Powers, and, if possible, to divest that neutral
ity of the armed and meDacing character it has
assumed on the side of Austria. Like the eyac-
uation of the Principalities three months ago.
this apparent concession is no doubt made by
Russia to counteract the tendency of the Court
OF Vienna 10 nearer connection with the
Western Powers and it may serve at least to
bring the sincerity of the Austrian Government
/ to the test
We can foresee no prospect of peace until
the fortune of war has decided whether the in
hnence of Russia or that of England and
France is hereafter to preponderate in the
affairs of the East and Of Europe. That is a
dispute tchich negotiation sciu not terminate.
especially at moment when the contest is
raging with the utmost earnestness against the
stronghold of Russian power; and the fate of
the allied armies before Sebastopol is the event
which will determine the course Of negotiation.
There Is no road TO peace BAT by pictory.