Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1854-12-08
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
Ftiio,e Citizens Of The Senate


calamities Of war, our domestic prosperity
has not been entirely uninterrupted. The
crops IN portions Of the country have been
nearly cut off. Disease has prevailed 10 a
greater extent than usual, and the sacrifice
Of human life, through casualties by sea and
land, is without parallel. But the pesti-
lence has swept by, and restored salubrity
invites the absent to their homes, and the
return of business to its ordinary channels.
IL the earth has rewarded the labor of the
husbandman less bountiiully than in preced-
ing seasons. it has left HIM with abundance
for domestic wants, and large surplus for
expectation. In the present, therefore, as IN
the past, we find ample grounds for reverent
thankfulness to the God of Grace and
Providence for His protecting care and mer-
ciful dealings with us as a people.
Although our attention has been ares ed
by painful interest in passing events, yet our
country feels no more than the slight vlbra
tons of the commissions which have shaken
Europe. As individuals, we cannot repress
sympathy with human suffering, nor regret
for the causes which produce it, AS ma
ton, we are reminded that whatever inter-
rupts the peace, or checks the prosperity Of
any part OF chrstendom, tends more or less
to involve our own. The condition of states
lie not unlike that Of individuals. They are
mutually dependant upon each other. Ami
cable relations between them, and reciprocal
good will, are essential for the promotion of
whatever is desirable in their moral, social,
and political condition. Hence, 1t has been
my earnest endeavor to maintain peace and
friendly intercourse with all nations.
The wise theory Of this government, so
early adopted and steadily pursued, OF avoid
ing all entanging alliances, has hitherto OK
empted il from many complications, in which
it would otherwise have become involved
No,wiihsta udibg this our clearly defined and
we'll Sustained course Of action, and our
geographical position so remote from Eu
rope, increasing disposition has been mani
tested by some Of its governments TO super
wise, and, in certain respects, to direct our
foreign policy. Ia plans for adjusting the
balance of power among themselves, they
have assumed 10 take us into account, and
would consirain us to conform our conduct
TO their views One or another Of the powers
of Europe has, from time to time, undertaken
to enforce arbitrary regulations contrary IN
many respects to established principles of
international law. That law, the United
States have, in their foreign intercourse,
uniformly respected and observed, and
they cannot recognize any such lnterpoa-
tons therein, as the temporary interests of
others may suggest They do not ADM.
that the sovereigns of one continent. or OF n
particular community of States,can legisate
for all others.
Leaving the transatlantic nations to adjust
their political system, in tn, way they may
think best for their common welfare, the in
dependent powers Of this continent may well
assert the right to be exempt from all annoy
ing Interference on their part. Systematlcal
abstinence from intimate political connection
with distant foreign nations, does not conflict
with giving the widest range to our foreign
commerce. This distinction so clearly
marked in history, seems to have been over
looked, or disregnrded, by some leading for
eign states. Our refusal to be brought
within, and subjected to their peculiar
system, has, fear, created jealous distrust
Of our conduct, and induced on their part,
occasional acts of disturbing effect upon our
foreign relations. Our present attitude and
past course give assurances, which should
not be questioned, that our purposes are not
aggressive, nor threatening TO the safety and
welfare of other nations. Our military es-
Enlistment, in time of peace, is adapted to
maintain exterior defences, and to preserve
order among the aboriginal tribes within the
limits Of the Union. Our naval force is IN
tended only for the protection ofour citizens
abroad, and of our commerce, dilfused as II
is, over all the seas of the globe. The gov
ernment of the United States, being essen.
TALLY pacific IN policy, stands prepared to
repel INVASION by the voluntary service of a
patriotic people, and provides no permanent
means offoreign aggression. These consid
-, al oil hat
we are disposed to encroach on the rights, OF
endanger the security of other states.
Some European powers have regarded
with dlsquietlng concern, the territorla
expansion of the United States This rapiC
growth has resulted from the legitimate ex
ercse Of sovereign rights. belonging alike Il
all nations and by many Literally exercised
Under such circumstances, it could hardly
have been expected that those among them
which have within comparatively recen
period, subdued and absorbed ancient king
doms, planted their standards on ever
continent, and now possess, or claim tn
control OF the islands Of every ocean Us thci
appropriate domain, would look with un
friendly sentiments upon the acquisitions O
TINS country, IN every Instance HONORABLE,
obtained, or would feel themselves usiliie
IN iDputing our advancement 10 Il spirit 9
aggression or to passion for political pre-
dominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached
magnitude and extent nearly equal To that q
the first maritime power Of the earth an
exceeding that of any other Over TIN
great interest, IN which not only our merc
ants, but all classes of citizens, at least II
directly, are concerned, it is the duty of tn
executive and legislative branches of IN
government 10 exercise a careful supervisor
and adopt proper measures for its protection
The policy which | have had in view, i
regard to this interest, embraces its future a
well as its present security.
Long experience has shown that, in gen
eral, when the principal powers of Europ
are engaged 10 war, the rights of neutral ma
tons are endangered. This consideration
led, IN the progress Of the war of indepen
dence, to the formation of the celebrate
confederacy of armed neutrality, prImar
object of which was, to assert the doctrine
that free ships make free goods, except II
the case Of articles contrtband of war; doc
uine which, from the very commencement o
our national being has been cherished lde
OF the statesmen of our country. At on
period or another, every maritime power has
by solemn treaty stipulation, recognized tina
principle; and it might have been hope
that II would come To be universally receye
and respected as a rule Of international law
Bot the refusal Of one power prevented this
and in the next great war which ensued, tina
ofthe French revolulion,t failed to be respec
ted among the belligerent states of Europe
Notwithstanding this, the principle
generally admitted TO be a sound and saluta
ny one 80 much SO, that, at the commence
ment Of the existing war in Europe, Greu
Britain and France announced their purpos
TO observe II for the present not, however,a
recognized international right, but as
mere Concession for the time being. Tn
cooperation, however, of these two powerful
maritime nations in the interest of neutra
rights, Appeared 20 me 10 alfnrd an occasion