The Union and eastern journal. [volume] (Biddeford [Me.]) 1854-1858, 1854-05-12
VOL. X--NO. 10.

| 1920 and 1880 Gan they not stand To-
geiher, And il not, why knock the one
down that is already down! II is now four
years since this inability 10 stand together
took effect; and how do the two SETS FOL
measures make out together at the end OF
this time Perfectly well. They are both
on their feei-stanjing bolt uprighl-and
will stand so forever, unless Congress
knocks one or the other OF them down.
This Is fact, known to every body, and ad.
mil,ed by the bill itself; for II The frs, is in.
consistent with The second, and unable 10
stand, why all this troubled 10 put il down
Why trip up the heels ofthe man already
fla, on his back OH The ground! Then comes
another reason-that this compromise OF
1920 is imperative and void. II so, those
who are against its operation should be con.
tent. il is in the very condition they wish it
useless, powerless, inactive, dead-and no
bar 10 the progress Of slavery 10 the
North. Void is vacant, empty, nothing oi
il. Now, iflhe line Of SO deg. 30. min. is
imperative and void, il is In the condition
Of fence pulled down, and the rails car
ried away, and the field lcit open for The
stock 10 enter. But the ience Is no,
pulled down yet. The line is not yet in.
operative and void. II is an existing sub.
siantve line, alive and operating; and op.
Grating effeciually TO bar the progress Of
slavery TO the North and will so continue
TO operate until Congress shall stop its op.
Grafton.
Then comes The final reason, that there
never was any such line in The world-that
il was unconstitutional and void-iha, il had
no existence from the beginning and that il
must not be repealed by direct aci, for that
would be TO acknowledge its previous exis-
.ence, and 10 nullify the constitutional agree.
meni; aud what is more terrible, involve
the.au!hors Of the doctrine In an inconsisten.
cy Of their own and thereby make them.
selves imperative and void. And this L.
the analysis Of the reason for The Nebraska
Bill-that part Of !: which is 10 get rid oflhe
Compromise Of 1920; untrue, contradictory,
suicidal and preposterous. And why such
a farago Of nulliiies, incongrui,ies, and in
consisiencies
Purely and simply 10 throw upon others
upon the Congress Of 1850 and the inno-
cent consti,uiion-ihe blame Of what the
bill itself is doing; the blame Of destroying
the compromise Of 1920 and with il, de.
stroying all confidence between the North
and The South, and araying one half of the
Union agains, the other in deadly hostility
II is 10 be able 10 throw blame upon the
inoceni that this farrago is served up 10 us.
TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY, NONSENSE.
And what is all this ho,ch.potch for! II
is TO establish principle, they say-,he
principle Of On.inierveniion-of squatier
sovereignty. Sir, there is no such princi.
pie. The territories are The children ol
States. They are minors, under twenty.
one years Of age and il is the business ol
the States, through their delegations in
Congress, 10 take care Of these minors un.
Ill they are OF age-uniil they are ripe fol
state government-then give them thai
government, and admi, them 10 IN equality
with their fathers. That is the law and the
sense Of the case and has been SO acknowl
edged, since the first ordinance in 1884, by
all authorities, federal and state, legislative,
judicial and executive.
The states in Congress are the guardians
Of the territories; and are bound 10 exer.
else the guardianship; and cannot abdica,e
il without breach OF trust and derelec.
lion Of duty. Territorial sovereignty Is O
monstrosiiy, born OF tiinidity and ambition,
haiched into existence in the hot incuba.
,ion of a presidential canvass, and revollng
10 the holders when first presenied.-Well
do remember that day when il was first
shown in the Senate. Mark Antony did no,
better remember the day when Cesar first
put on that mantle through which he was
afterwards pierced with Internationally
"envious stabs." II was in the Senate in
18i8, and was received MS nonsense-as
the essence of nonsense-the quiniessence
Of nonsense-as the FIVE times distilled es
sence OF political nonsenscaliiy. --
THE STUMP SPEECH IN THE BILL.
Why, sir, the territory itself is the prop.
erty Of The states, and they do what they
please with i,-permit il 10 be settled OF
not, as they please; Gu, il up BY lines, III
they please; sell il, or give il away, q,
they please; chase white people from Il. a,
they please. After this farrago-,his ola.
pod-rida-comes little stump speech, in
ected in the belly Of the bill, and which
must have prodigious effect when reciet
in prairies and out towards the frontiers, am
up towards the heads Of the creeks. Laugh
ter and sensation. Twill read t,and hope
without faiiguiug the House, for il is both
brief and beautiful, II runs thus owl l
/" 1t being the intent and meaning OF this
act mol 10 legislaie slavery into any State OF
Territory, nor 10 exclude il therefiom bu,
10 leave The people thereof perfectly free
10 form and regulate their domestic ins iitu-
iions in their own way, subject only; 10 the
constitution Of Tho United States. N I..l %
This 10 tho speech, and o pretty little
thing itself, and very proper to be spoken
from stump in the prairie. thas intent,
and a true intent; which Is neither to leg.
islate slavery into or out Of state or terri.
tory. Then why lcgisate at all! Why oil
this disturbances ifn effect isproduccd, and
things to remain just rs they were! Le,
we'll enough alone, wns the old doctrine
to make we'll enough still better, In tho doc.
trine Of progress and that in spite Of the
Italian epitaph, which says: (" / was well,
and would be bcttor; took physic, and here
| am" Bot tho states must be greatly do.
lighted at the politeness and forbearancc o
this bill. IL puts states and territories upon
precise equality with respect to tho power
Of Congress over them. Congress docs no,
mean to pui slavery in or out Of any STATE
or territory. TO all that polite abnegation
] hayo to say that, in respect Of tho states
1t is tho supcrcrogation Of modcsty and hu
mility, as Congress happens TO have no pow
er 10 put slavery Ia them, or. out Of them
and in respect Of the territories, Il Is an ab
dication Of constitutional powor and duty
1t being the right Of Congress to legislat.
upon slavery in the territories, and its duty
to do 90 when tbere Is occasion for it--as IL
q 1887 and 1920. a. ION a.t ,aI .a,.
i / object to this shilly lly--willy.won'ty