Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-04-15
From the American jubilee.
e NoNExTENsIoN," OR "LoCALIzINt
SLAVERY"

siapery" or restricting it within its present limits
by refusing admission to any new slave states ana
prohibiting it's Introduction into oil new territories
where il is not already established.
| The measures proposed arc in themselves unob-
jectionablc and obligatory, SO far as they 60. We
arc bound to refuse the admission of any new slave
States; and we are bound to prohibit the introduce
tion Of slavery into any of the new territories
Thus far, il may be presumed, the friends OF ND
crty in America are all Of one mind. The simple
proposal Of these measures, as being among tue
things that ought TO be done, whenever tho appro-
pirate opportunities present themselves, would
never divide the friends of freedom, or give occa-
sion to a moments debate among them.
But the case is changed whenever these meas.
ures are so urged to imply any strong degree OF
confidence in the feasibility Of obtaining their
adoption by Congress, so long as it is understood
that this is all nearly all that the friends OF lib
erty desire to have done on the subject OF slavery
Especially is it changed when these measures arc
actually proposed and urged being almost the
only feasible and practical ones, in the field OF
political action--when they are brought forward
as substitutes for direct political action against
slavery where it already exists-when 1t Is assuni-
ed that in the absence of any such action, the
measure of non-extension can not only be carried
in legislaiion but enforced in practice and that
such "non-cxtension" will kill slavery in the
States that already exist, that this is, emphat-
ically, the true method Of political action against
! slavery.
This ground has been extensively taken by the
friends Of liberty, and for few years past 1t has
been the basis Of nearly all our political action
against slavery. We have been told that when
this object was accomplished, the Federal Govern
ment divorced" from any direct support Of sla-
very, freedom made national and slavery "sec-
tional," the evil would soon die out Of itself In
! proof of this, we have been reminded of the un
prottableness Of slave labor--thc impossibihty OF
sustaining it in the older States without new soil
uneShausted by slave labor, new markets Tor slave
breeders, and new plantations for slave consumers
we have been reminded that no save-planting
State ever supports itself without throwing upor
other communities the burden OF its periodical
bankruptcies; and il has been strangely taken 10
granted that IL slavery could only be confined T.
It's present limits, these crushing burdens would
I of course, be confined to the slave States ant
) compel them to abolish the whole system. w
lately listened to an eloquent lecture i'll whicl
this ground was regarded mpregnable.
These delicious dreams Of nOn-excnsion and 1T
, benefits are broken upon by the Nebraska bill a'
: by clap of thunder out Of clear sky. We rul
our eyes, and on turning to the nations history
we find ourselves at the close Of chapter of sixty
: six years. wherein "non-cxtension" has been the
creed Of the friends Of freedom-"NoN EXTENSION
the Plus ultra with few exceptionsl OF their de-
mands, while EXTENSION has been steadily gaining
ground upon us, until our consent to leave slave
territory undsturbed is construed into scrvility
tnnt will allow own free territory TO be ensay-
! ed. so much comes OF ixty-six years of cxperi-
mont with "nOn-extension."
Has history any significance or mcanngP Can
people be persuaded to learn any thing by their
own fruitcss expermentsY
i The crisis invites a searching scrutiny. We
must fall back upon first principles; for 1t Is al
ways in accordance with these that God governs
the world. These natures immutnble laws,
and whoever puts forh his activities in iUrgetiul
ness or in disloyalty to them, only rcNps disap-
pointment for his labor. In order to be "praciicaE
men, any where, in politics and in steam engnery
we must abide strictly by the laws We are laborlng
under, or defeat will bo as certain os the sun
setting
Let us note down few obvious particulars.
j l. "Non.extension" thus defined and pursued
non-erteRsion" as n substitute for abolition, or as
the main means Of procuring ii, is of tho nature
of q MORAL COMPROMISE, and oil moral compromises
are MORAL DERELICTIoNs.
i .. Such "non-extension" thus defined and
thus pursued is n compromise with slavery, mas
much ms it taoity consents to the existence of sa-
very for the time being in one part OF the country
on The condition that it shall not be permitted to
enter another part Of the country. II IS compro-
|, mise with slavery, because it virtually assens to
its existence al present, the condition that u
course shall be pursued which, it is believed, VIII
do away slavery IN future.
8. Moral compromises arc displeasing to God,
and forfeit his appreciation and favor: Ana Win
out his appreciation and favor the friends OF hb-
erty can have no rational or scrptural hope OF
: success.
j. a. Moral compromises weaken those who make
them, making them like Samson shorn Of his
locks And no political expedients, however pro-
ductive can compensate for the loss OF moral pow
Y er Success in good cause depends upon faith
: and faith depends upon the possession and tn,
{ consciousness of moral power The friends Of lib
II erty have had little moral power, and consequent,
have had little faith, while they have substituted
- the issue of mere "non-extension" for that o
IS "aboliuon."
o s. Moral compromises by diminishing mora
v powcr in the friends of reform and liberty, dlmll
< ish the confidence of the community in their di
l. interestedness and integrity. Thus they impa
10 their influence upon those around them. by pra
G. tically treating the slave question as n questo
ie that may be compromised, they learn others
l. treat it as a question to be compromlsea-tn
ID prepare themselves, unconsciousy for still iurth'
in and greater compromises. In this way, many WI
RS exchanged the issue of abolition for that OF me-
10 non-ertension, have next relnquished the latte
C, and then gone oter to the side OF slavery IRON
e. inent leaders of the change from abolition 10 mel
c, non-extension are found among the number
er these The fatal step of such mem, like that
the inebriao, was the first of the series Ihoug
all moderate drinkers do not become druhKaru
they all promote drunkenness.
h. 6. When the opponents OF liberty detect y
- friends making moral compromises, they lhie
~ from their own experience in travelling the sam
~ roadl that they will soon be prepared TO MAKE more
"a They are thus emboldened make advances an an
aggressions that astonish even themselves. ~
halls of Congress and the nation have been COZ
IN vuised with Struggles that never would have bee
es heard of-never atempted-if the friends Of libe!t
rs had never made any compromises Tho FusltN
Slave iIl-Nebraska--it is sufficient to menuo
he these. !,
d. l. It is weak policy as it is bad ethics Tor u
he friends of God and humanity to make moral con
es promises The verest jockey has the shrewdne,
at to set his price high enough 70 afford to fall wit.
or our ircurring bankruptcy. Less wise IN their ge
Grafton, tho friends of liberty set their price deto
the lowest point of solyency, though they can n
i. hut oxpect that the compromise in Congress vi
"' fail below their demands By demanding dooiif''
they might have obtained lat least upon, .pape
ia .n6n,ertension." But by demanding nothing !!
III yond non extension, they have only got tho
braska bill