Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1854-12-14

it might have been hoped that it would come
10 be universally received and respected as
S rule Of international law. But the refu-
sal Of one power prevented this, and in the |
next great war which ensued, that of the |
French Revolution, 1t failed TO be respected
among the belligerent States of Europe
Notwithstanding this, the principal is gen.
orally admitted TO be sound and sautary
one; so much so, that at the commencement
OF the existing war In Europe, Great Brit
ain and France announced their purpose TO
observe it for the present; not, however, as
a recognised international right, but as II
mere concession for the time being.
The cooperation, however, o! these two
powerful maraiime nations in the interest Of
neutral rights, appeared TO me to afford an
occasion, inviting and justiiying, on the part
part ol the United States, renewed effort to
make the doctrine in question principal of
international law, by means Of special con-
ventious between the several powers Of Eu-
rope and America, Accordingly, ropo-
sition, embracing not only the rule that free
ships make free goods, except contraband
ar cles, but also the less contested one, that
neutral property, other than eontraband,
though on board enemy's ships, shall be ex-
empt from confscation, has been submitted
by this government to those Of Europe and
America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and
II convention was concluded between that
country and the United States. providing for
the observance Of the principles announced
not only rs among themselves but also as be-
tween them ard all other nations which shall
ehter into like stipulations. None Of the
other powers have as yet taken final action
on the subject. am not aware, however,
that any objection 10 the proposed s,ipua-
| lions has been made; but, on the contrary,
! they are acknowledged TO be essential to the
security of the Neutral commerce; and the
| only apparent obstacle to their general adop-
| ton is i'll The possibility, that II may be en-
! numbered hy inadmiSsibe conditions.
The King Of the Two Societies has OK
pressed to our Minister a, Naples. his read
inrss to concur in our proposition relative &c
ton on that subject.
! The King OF Prussia entirely approves Of
| the pr, jcct OF treaty to the same effect, sub
mitIed to him, hut proposes an additional ar
tIcle providing for the remuneration Of priva-
| tecring. Such ali article, for most ob> lous
reasons, is much desired by nations having
naval establishments. large in proportion to
! their foreign commerce. Hit were adopted
rs an international rule. the commerce of a
nation having comparatively a small naval
force, would be very much at the mercy Of
its enemy, in case OF war with power of
decided naval superiority. The bare state
ment of the condition in which the United
States would be placed, after having surren-
dered the right 10 resort to privateers, in
the event OF war with belligerent Of naval
supremacy, will show that this Government
could never listento such proposition. The
navy of the first maritime power in Europe
is at least ten times as large as that OF the
United States. The foreign commerce Of
the two countries is nearly equal and about
equally exposed to her hostile depredations
In war between that power and the United
States, without resort on orr part to our mer-
camille marine, the means of our enemy TO
intllct injury upon our commerce would be
tenfnd greater than ours 10 retallate. We
could not eXtrIcate our country from this
unequal condi ion, with such an enemy, I'M
less we at once departed from our present
peaceful policy, and became great naval
power. Nor would this country be better
situated in war with one of :he secondary
naval powers. Though the naval dis parity
would be less the greater extent and more
exposed condition Of onr widespread COM
merce, would give any OF them like advan-
tage over us.
The proposition 10 enter into engagements
TO torego resort t. privateers, in case this
country should be forced into war with Il
great naval power, is not entitled 10 more
favorable consideration than would be II pro-
position TO agree not To accept the services
o. volunteers for operations on land. When
the honor or the rights Of our country re-
quire il TO assume hostile attitude, it con-
flcntly relies upon the patriotism 81 its cit
liens. not ordinarily devoted To the military
profession, 10 augment the army and the
navy, so as 10 make them fully adequate TO
the emergency which calls them into action.
The proposal to surrender the right TO en-
ploy privateers is protessedly founded upon
the principle that private property OF unof-
Tending uon-comba'ants, though enemies,
should be exempt from the ravages Of war;
but the proposed surrender goes but little
way in carrying ont that principle, which
equally requires that such private property
should not be seized or molested by national
, ships Of war. Should the leading power Of
Europe concur in proposing, as a rule of in
ternational law, 10 exempt private property
upon the ocean from seizure by public arm.
Ell cruisers, as well as by prlvateers, the
United States will readily meet them upon
the broad ground.
Since the adjournment of Congress, the
: notifications OF the treaty between the Uni
ted States and Great Britain. relative ia
:. coast fisheries, and to reciprocal trade with
the British North American provinces have
been exchanged, and some Of its anticipated
!. advantages are already enjoyed by rs, al
though its full execution was to abide Ger
tain acts Of Legislation not yet fully perform
ed. So soon a" it was ratified, Great Bri.
: tain opened To orr commerce the free navi.
2 Cation of the river ST. Lawrence, and 10 oul
fishermen unnoleSeh access to he shore.