Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1854-05-13

tues Of domestic fe as high spirited and brave
teous in their intercourse with Others as Intelligent
discern their just rights and quick to resent aggres
sons as truly devoted to the great principles Of civil
religious liberty respectful Of the Constitution and the
duties it imposes; exempt from crime and in
ring to the past point to as signal services
dered by fathers to the country, both in the camp
and in the council and as efficient aid rendered to the
cause of freedom illustrate the history of any State
community that forms part of our Confederacy. And
if we exempt from that unfortunate antagonism be-
tween labor and capital which elsewhere dsturbs the
cal system, begetting Fourierism Socialism, Antren
ISM and other organized associations against established
ORDER escape the influx of the conycts elons and
ignorant masses of foreign Countries IL less
crimes if not liable to be ebowed in the streets
and crowded in public conveyances by mpuden and
unsayory blacks and doomed to witness the repugnan
amagamation of discordant classes if do not suffer
the social disgrace Of the presence in midst Of orga
nsed bodies devoted to the spoaton Of the property
the Inhabitants of sister States If spared the
modification Of seeing Legislatures under the same
malgn influence lend their energies to the same bad
poses, and our Executives and Judges partake OF their
fault if with us the law prevails and armed mobs are
oerased to resist its behests and shed the blood Of
the persons appointed carry them into execution and
sensibtes not shocked by public celebrations
OF the anniversary Of their occurrence if ormonsm and
Atheism unknown to if Ministers of the Cos
pei dragge their robes in the dirty pool of party
ltics and Bishops be accused of and disciplined
for henous Offences may be excused when we pause
agree to surrender the institutions under which we
have long lived in exchange for others under which
witness these shocking results.
We wage upon the institutions Of other States
seek by undue to impress their people with
notions but claiming the right to regulate our do
nestle affairs according to will, we freely accord
the same liberty to others
If we view them separate communities, independent
of each other sovereign States, it is hardly possible
that the system of aggression in by the Northern
States could continue without endangering peaceful
relations for according to the ~esettled laws of ma
TONS they would afford just caAse of war aud that our
hands not already mbued in each others blood is to
be attributed under Heaven TO the Constitution that
unites people Now what we ask and what we
mean insist upon is THAI the covenants Of that Cons
tuition shall be fairly observed that its great trusts shall
be administered in the true spirit OF their creation and
just rights respected Coming together under cir
cumstances Of perfect equality in the full enjoyment OF
cdr peculiar institutions agreed upon the articles of
union and submitted ourselves to the authority of the
Government. Heretofore in the undoubted posses
sion of the ampest for its preservation and
pery we freely surrendered them in the confidence that
they would be honestly exercised for advantage
and when representatives meet those of the other
States in the National Legislature claim that do
nestle policy shall be respected and whatever relief Con-
gresslona or Executive power afford shall be extend
ed to its exgences To deny this is to violate the
tract of union to dsavow the Constitution to repudate
its trusts to neglect duties and before God and
man, to justify those to whose prejudice these things
done in holding the obligation Of the compact at end
forever. ..
If the people Of the other States really deem arshly
OF slavery and think the sinfuness of the system
taches to themselves to make fair administration of
the Constitution rreconceable with their consciences,
let them, just men, abandon the association, and
render to their preudces the benefits they derive from
it. Let them not practice the isustce of enjoying what
is beneficial under it and repudating what is dstasteful
Ii they cannot do justice to the STAKEHOLDER they
fit to associate with him if they cannot respect the in
situations Of his State they ought to discover their
nexion with it..
But these ideas altogether novel they the fruits
of the cenous progress of the prurent philosophers of
the present age having their origin their sentiments
chiefly In the mongre nature of the population gathered
In the free States They were certainly unknown to
fathers Opposing opinions on this subject it is true,
they held, but they powerless to prevail their
of right When the guns of Lexington reverberaed
among their hills when naughty foe held the fair city
OF Boston under foot and long line Of coast open
70 the marauder and slave State gave Washington to
their armies and stout hearts to fill up their ernbated
ranks In that hour of need no false notions Of phan
thropy, no sanctimonious repugnance to the sin of
slavery moved the descendants of the Pilgrims reject
the preferred aid but under the lead Of the great cap
tan side by side with his bold followers in the trenches
and on the battlefield, with united strength through
seven long of toll and danger they struggled on to
the consammaon Of that great event by which the bless
ngs OF liberty were secured to the country And in the
progress of hat struggle when to be contri-
bued to the armies and pecuniary means support the
war, they had nj hesitation In demanding that ratio
of apportonment to the Southern States should be
that very property made to supply its share to the
of the Revolution Under the articles of confedera
ton it continued to be looked source of revenue
and finally in the Constitution it made not only
of the elements which representation was based but
also of that direct taxation which the Federal Legislature
was empowered to assess. s
At the time of the Revolution the system of slavery
was for the most part confined to Maryland, Virginia.
and the Carolinas Had it continued thenceforward con-
fined to those limits it is impossible to imagine how de-
porable at this day would be the condition of those
States. Pen up within the circumscrbed space and in
creasing at an enormous rate the slave population would
in great degree have possessed the country and like
their fellows Of the British West Indies be now fast
lapsng into the barbarsm from which their progenitors
were rescued To it is possible this state OF things
would not be Objectionable the Abolition associates of
Frederick Douglass and his blacks might look approvngy
such appropriation of this fair territory and re-
oce in the opportunity to crafty taste for that species
OF fellowship but it would be far otherwise with every
rght-minded American. Fortunately this danger was
avoided by the purchase of Louisiana for in the States
formed out of that territory ample has been afford
ed for the expansion Of the slave population whereby
the old States relieved of its redundancy and at
same time an impulse given to the production of our
great staples that has pressed forward with unexam
pied speed into the very front ranks Of the great nations
of the earth.
Congress did not hggle about the acquisition because
Of any cky sentmenaty the subject Of slavery and
the snfuness Of extending it. Its value was SEEN and
the opportunity readily embraced to obtain it. &c. too
recently in the of Texas 1t is too late there
FORE to deny to the General Government any completely
with the system Of slavery 1t is parcel Of nsttu-
tons it formed Of the main pillars on which the
great fabric rests and every executive judicial and e-
gslave functonary known to the Constitution and laws
derives from it in part the power which he exercises The
very Aboonsts who pirate in Congress about the sin Of
slavery and SIMULTANEOUSLY turn up the whites Of their