The Athens post. [volume] (Athens, Tenn.) 1848-1917, 1854-12-15

men of this country.
At one period or another, every maritime
power has, by some solemn treaty stipulation
recognized that principle; and it might have
been hoped that it would come to be univer
sally received and respected as a rule of inter.
national law. But the refusal of one power
prevented this, and in the next great wal
which ensued, that of the French revolution
it failed to be respected among the beliger.
ent states of Europe. Notwithstanding this
the principle is generally admitted to be q
sound and salutary one; so much so, that, al
the commencement of the existing war in
Europe, Great Britain and France announced
their purpose to observe it for the present
not, however, as a recognized international
right, but as a mere concession for the time
being. The cooperation, however, of these
two powerful maritime nations in the interest
of neutral rights, appeared to me TO afford an
occasion, inviting and justiiying, on the part
of the United States, a renewed effort to
make the doctrine in question principle OF
| international law, by means of special con.
ventions between the several powers of Flu.
rope and America. Accordingly, a PROPOSE
ton, embracing not only the rule, that free
ships make free goods, except contraband ar.
ticles, but also less contested one, that neu-
trail property, other than contraband, though
on board encmys ships, shall be exempt from
confscation, has been submitted by this gov
ernment to those of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and
n convention was concluded, between that
country and the United States, providing for
the observance of the principles announced,
not only rs between themselves, but also as
between them and all other nations, which
shall enter into like stipulations. None of
the other powers have rs yet taken final ac-
tion on the subject. | am not aware, howev-
er, that any objection to the proposed stpu-
lations has been made; but, on the contrary,
they are acknowledged to be essential to the
security of neutral commerce; and the only
apparent obstacle to their general adoption is
in the possibility that it may he encumbered
by inadmissable conditions.
The King Of the Two Sicilies has express
ed to our minister at Naples his readiness to
concur in our proposition relative to neutral
rights, and to enter into convention on that
subject
The King of Prussia entirely approves of
the project of treaty to the same effect, sub
mitted to him, but proposes an additional ar-
ticle providing for the remuneration of priva-
teering. Such an article, for most obvious
reasons, is much desired by nations having
naval establishments, large in proportion to
their foreign commerce. If it were adopted
as an international rule, the commerce of n
nation having comparatively a small naval
force, would be very much at the mercy of its
enemy, in case of war with power of decid-
ed naval superiority. The bare statement of
the condition in which the United States
would be placed, after having surrendered the
right to resort TO prvateers, in the event of
war with bellgerent Of naval supremacy,
will show that this government could never
listen to such proposition. The navy of the
first maritime power in Europe is at least ten
times as large as that of the United States.
The foreign commerce of the two countries
is nearly equal, and about equally exposed to
hostile depredations. In war between that
power and the United States without resort
on our part to our mercantile marine, the
means Of our enemy to nflict injury upon our
commerce would be ten fold greater than
ours to retaliate. We could not extricate our
country from this unequal condition, with
such an enemy, unless we at once departed
from our present peaceful policy, and became
n great naval power
Nor would this country be better situated
in war with one of the secondary naval pow
ers. Though the naval disparity would be
less, the greater extent, and more exposed
condition of our widespread commerce,
would give any of them a like advantage
over us.
The proposition TO enter into engagements
fo ,t 30 =. l. e
country should be forced into war with n
great naval power is not entitled to more fa-
vorable consideration than would be a propo-
sition, to agree not to accept the services of
volunteers for operations on land. When the
honor or the rights of our country require il
to assume hostile attitude, it confidently
relies upon the patriotism of its citizens, not
ordinarily devoted to the military profession,
to augment the army and the navy, so as to
make them fully adequate to the emergency
which calls them into action. The proposal
to surrender the right to employ priyateers is
professedly founded upon the principle, that
private property of unoflending non.combat.
ants, though enemies, should be exempt from
the ravages of war; but the proposed surren-
DER goes but little way in carrying out that
principle, which equally requires that such
private property should not be seized or mo-
Tested by national ships of war. Should The
leading powers of Europe concur in propos.
ing, as rule of international law, to exempt
private property, upon the ocenn, from seizure
by public armed cruizers as we'll as by priva-
teers, the United States will readily meet
them upon that broad ground
Since the adjournment of Congress- the
rotiH.atiopa Of ha hag ha ITnitaI
States and Great Britain, relative to coast
fisheries, and to reciprocal trade with the
British North American Provinces, have been
exchanged, and some of its anticipated ad-
vantages are already enjoyed by us, although
its full execution was to abide certain acts of
Legislation not yet fully performed. So soon
as 1t was ratified, Great Britain opened to our
commerce the free navigation of the st. Law
renee, and to our fishermen unmoested nc
cess to the shores and bays, from which they
had been preclously Y excluded on the coasts of
her North American provinces; in return for
which, she asked for the introduction, free of
duty, into the ports of the United States, of
the fish caught on the same coast by British
fishermen. This being the compensation,
stipulated by the treaty, for privileges of the
highest Importance and value to the United
States, which were thus voluntarily yielded
before it became effective, the request seemed
TO me to be reasonable one; but il could not
be aeceded to, from want of authority to sus-
pend our laws imposing duties upon all for
elgn fish. In the meantime the Treasury
Department issued a regulation for ascertain
ing the duties paid or secured by bonds on
fish caught on the coasts of the British pro-
vinccs and brought to our markets by British