Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-17

poununcrp VI the position asnhiieu ny tno ceH-
tinel, we shall close this article by quoting
freely from debate which sprung up on the
subject Of the slave trade, in the first Congress
under the Constitution.
The tariff bill having been reported in the
House, in May, 1889, Mr.. Parker, Of Virginia
moved to insert a clause imposing duty OF ten
dollars ON every slave imported He was sorry
that Congress had not the power to stop the
importation altogether. liz was contrary to
revolutionary principles, and ought not to be
permitted" Smith, of South Carolina, with
characteristic jealousy Of Federal interposl-
ton, opposed the motion Sherman, Of Con-
necticut, favored the object of the motion, but
did not think it fit subject to be embraced in
the bill. He could not reconcile himself TO
the insertion Of human beings, asa subject Of
impost, among goods Dares, and merchandise
He hoped the motion would be Withdrawn for
the present and taken up afterwards as an in
dependent subject.
jackson, Of Georgia, opposed the motion,
charged Virginia with selfshness in her labors
to suppress the slave trade hoped the gentle
man would withdraw his motion, and that
should it be brought forward again, "it might
comprehend the white slaves las well as the
black imported from oil the jails of Europe"
Parker persisted in his motion. He hoped
Congress would do all in their power to restore
to human nature as inherent privileges to
wipe of, If possible, the stigma under which
America labored; to do away the Inconsistency
Of our principles, justly charged upon us; and
to show, by our actions, the pure benefcence Of
The doctrines held out 10 the aOorld in our Dec
iaration Of Independence"
Ames, Of Mas ,achusetts, adetested Slavery
from his soul; but he had some doubts whether
imposing duty on their Importation would
not have an appearance Of counter ancing the
practice
At this juncture, Mr. Madison, who had
taken leading part in the construction of the
Constitution, came to the support Of the motion
Of his colleague in powerful speech. Read
some extracts from it, and say whether the
illustrious Virginia statesman, fair repre-
~
Republic" regarded Slaves or Slavery as the
Sentinel and its associates nov do, or, rather,
whether his views do not confirm those pre-
scnted in the Era.
The confounding men with merchandise"
he said, might be easily avoided, by altering the
title of the bill it was in fact the very object
Of the motion, to prevent men, so far as the
power of Congress ertended, from being con-
founded with merchandise. The clause in the
Constitution allowing tax to be imposed,
though the traffic could not be prohibited for
twnnty years. was inserted he believed, for the
pery purpose Of enabling Congress to givs some
testimony of tie sense Of america toifh respect
to the african trade.
aBy expressing national disapprobation Of
the trade, it is to be hoped we may destroy ii,
and so save ourselves from rsproaehes and our
posterity from The imbeeihty ever attendent on a
country filled soitb slaues.
"This was as much the interest Of South
Carolina and Georgia as any other States.
Every addition they received to their number
v
them less capable Of selfdefence. In case of
hostilties with foreign nations, their slave pop
ulation would be means not Of repelling, but
inviting attack. 1t was the duty Of the Gen.
eral Government to protect every part Of the
Union against dangers, as well internal as
external
Everything, therefore that tended to in
crease this danger, though il might be a local
affair, yet if it involved national expense or
safety, became Of concern to every part Of the
Union, and proper subject for the considcra
ton Of those charged with tho general admin
istration Of the Government
Bland, Of Virginia, was no less decided in his
support Of the motion.
Burke suggested that il not particularly
named, slaves would still fall under the general
five per cent nd valorem duty on all unenume-
rated articles
Madison replied, that no collector Of the
customs would presume 10 apply the terms
goods, wares, and merchandise, to persons; and
in this he was supported by Sherman, who de-
MED that persons were recognised anywhere
in the Constitution as property. He thought
that the clause in the Constitution on which
the present motion was founded applied as
much to other persons as to slaves, and that
there were other persons TO whom il ought to
be applied, as convicts, for instance; but the
whole subject ought TO be taken up by itself
Finally, upon Madison's suggestion, Parker
consented to withdraw his motion, with the un.
derstanding that q separate bill should be
brought inO
In the face Of such authority as this, the Pro
Slavery men in our day talk fiippantly Of
slaves being regarded as property as amsr-
ehond'ss," as chattels,D by the Consultation ;
and the Sentinel coolly declares that aour fore
fathers" "gave their sanction to widen the
basis Of Slavery by extending the period Of the
slave trade, and made diligent use Of that ex-
tension Of time to reap q rich harvest" when,
as matter Of fact all the States but Georgia
had prohibited the trade in 1889, and all the
States without exception, in 1898.