Washington sentinel., 1854-02-28

10 take them TO the public domain situated in any
of the States The public lands in the territories
were no more the property Of the United States
than were those situated in Ohio or any other
State. If TO do was constitutional right, the
laws and constitution Of Ohio were Of no avail
against that right, and could not set it aside.
He said that SO far as congressional action was
concerned, the territory acquired from Mexico
was with respect to slavery exactly in the same
condition that il was when acquired The exclu-
sion of ii in California was not the act of Con-
gress it was the act of the people settled there,
who in the exercise of their right 10 exercise
political power to regulate their own domestic
concerns, had disposed Of it in their own way.
Slavery all other property. The northern
man could not carry his farm to California, nor
his corporate franchises. nor many of the nearest
and dearest attachments of life. The southern
man could not carry his slaves there. To remove,
he would have 10 do as all others had, to change
his property into money and thus go. When there,
the southern and northern man were on an equal
ity TO do and have all things that were allowed
other citizens in that State.
He read some statistics of the census TO show
that actual number Of shareholders in the United
States did not exceed $4,000, and the total num-
ber Of persons including families interested in the
possession of slaves, did not exceed two millions.
All the rest of the southern people could remove
to the Territories with no inconveniences other
than those common TO the citizens of the north.
He regarded slavery as an evil, but thought il
manage for themselves. But the south was over
sensitive. II demanded too much at times from
northern men. He did not vote for the fugitive
slave law. He voted against the abuse of the ha-
beaS coypus, and against the trial by Jury at the
north But he had voted for securing to the slave,
upon his return TO the country whence he fed, the
right ofjury trial for his freedom if he asked for it,
This the south had refused and he did not, there
fore vote for the bill. H
He believed the Missouri compromise uncon-
stifrfiOnal buf VOuld ha 10 la6
il stand undisturbed Hit was to be touched, he
would rather vote for bill declaring il repealed
because il was unconstitutional. As he could not
get that, he would take the next best thing he
could get
The doctrine Of congressional non-interven enton,
which he had long avowed and sustained, was
| once derided at the south and hooted at by Mr..
Calhoun. It was now adopted as the shield of the
south.
Mr. C. continued his remarks till late hour in
| support Of his former views. In conclusion, he
said he would vote for the BILL and, though he
would not offer any amendments himself he would
vote for giving the people authority to select
their own officers. F
Mr. COOPER followed in opposition to the
measure. He considered il one fraught with evil
to the country; as awakening again the excite
ments and agitations quelled by the compromise
of 1850. He saw no reason for its adoption. 1t
was not demanded by any public necessity. He
sustained the Missouri compromise as sacred
Of 1920 and was unwilling TO disturb it.
Mr.. BRODHEAD asked his colleague why il
was that, if he regarded the Missouri compromise
so wise and just, he had in 1850 voted for the
Wilmot proviso and against the extension of the
Missouri line to the new Territories?
Mr.. COOPER replied. that he had voted for the
Wimot proviso under instructions from the legis-
lature OF his State and against the extension of
the Missouri line. because it was agreed in the
committee Of thirteen TO vote for their bills as re-
ported; and also because those who in 1920
adopted that line, never contemplated a further
acquisition of territory, and therefore did not in
tend that that line should be extended
He continued his remarks in opposition TO the
bill.
Mr. BRODHEAD said that six years ago he
had~advocated the principles of this bill. He re-
gretied the difference between him and his col
league. and had hoped that his colleague would
have been the one northern whig who would vote
with his southern brethren.
The Senate then, at five o'clock, adjourned.