Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-01-09
WASHINGTON, d. C.
MONDAY, JANUARY ., 1854.
STATE OF EUROPE- NAVAL POWER OF THE
UNITED STATES


A Telegraphic despatch in our last paper
stated that private letters received in New YORK
from Liverpool, announced that war had been
declared by England and France against Rus
sa Whether the intelligence by the next ar
rival shall confirm this report or not we GER
tainly shall not be surprised to see all Europe,
ere long, involved in . general war. What
will be the bearings Of such On event upon the
relations and interests Of this country!
In the protracted and fearful conflicts grow
ing out Of the French Revolution, it required
all the wisdom, address, and steadfastness OF
our greatest statesmen to preserve . neutral
attitude towards the contending Powers The
passions and antipathies Of our own People,
the intrignos Of Foreign Governments, and their
gross violations of our maritime rights, made
il q most difficult and delicate task to maintain
such position And yet neutrality was clear
" our duty Justiiablc as was the French
Revolution in the beginning there was nothing
in the wars that followed which could justly en-
list the sympathies Of this country with either
Of the great contending parties. It was then
no moro struggle for existence on the part Of
France, than for tho liberty Of Europe on the
part Of England. Both Powers were inflamed
by the worst passions, and conducted the con-
test recklessly, unscrupulously, and in utter
disregard Of the rights of nations.
While our position enabled us to reap q rich
harvest from the carrying trade, our weakness,
and want Of any Naval Force, exposed us to
the most fragrant outrages. Oar ships were
plundered and confscated our flag was vio-
lated; our seamen were impressed; the nation
was insnlted BY the armed vessels Of England
entering our harbors and committing petty
acts Of depreciation.
Daring all this time, the idea Of building
Navy was Indignantly secuted by the Demo-
cratic Party and by the South. 1t was regard
ed as one Of tho most mischievoas of all Fed
eral notions Thomas Jefferson regarded it
with peculiar aversion, rs repugnant to Demo-
cratic Institutions. He and his Southern COM
patriots preferred retiring from the ocean alto
gether, to building up navy to protect COM
merce Rather than go to war to defend
maritime rights let every ship that sails from
our shores be sunk! exclaimed a forvent
orator from the Plantation region; and this
school of statesmen prevailed. Here and there
was Struggling vessel of war, which was ad-
monished to run for shelter whenever the Brit
ish we're about but navy was not to be
tolerated Commerce was to be its own pro-
tection. If violated, non-importation acts and
embargoes would bring the trespassers to terms
As for guarding the coast, gun-boats would
perform that service. So jefferson reasoned
and acted carrying on commercial war, ut
the expense Of commerce; economizing and
paying of the debt Of the country, but leav-
ing it without defence, while, by habitual sub
mission TO fragrant insult and wrong, he in
vited aggression, and by embargoes and non
importation acts, only aggravated the hostile
feelings already existing Daring his entire
administration and that Of Madison up to the
Declaration of War, in 1912, this anti-naval
policy prevailed TO such an extent indeed, that
only few months before tho breaking out Of
the war, the Democratic majority in Congress
refused to vote even the petty sum Of $500, 600
20 refit two or three frigates; and Immediately
after war was declared, it was seriously pro-
posed in Washington, TO retain Mt home the
five frigates, two sloops, and five brigs-ofwar,
our only naval force, in apprehension Of their
capture should they venture 10 put TO sea!
We never read this chapter in our history,
without a feeling Of deep humiliation. If in
stead Of paper protests for q dozen years,
war Of embargoes, and the farce Of gnn-boats,
We had built, in the beginning Of troubles an
efficient navy, and put it in active service as
sea police, 10 watch over our ships and sailors
il would have done infinitely moro to prevent
war, than all the long suffering and long wind
ed memorials Of Madison and jefferson. We
did not want a navy for purposes OF war, but
fer police purposes England and France saw
that We bad none; our commerce was tempt
ing prize; the nasal necessities OF England
we're urgent American ships could be violated
with IMMUNITY American scamen impressed
without danger, and so We were plucked by
both Powers, till absolutely driven by despe-
ration, nc last, 10 resort to arms A moderate
but active and efficient naval force would have
probably prevented that accumulation cf
wrongs which finally provoked this calamitous
event
Has History no lesson for MS? As we said
in the beginning Of this article, the indications
foreshadow a general war in Europe. What
may be is varying phases, no one can predict
At 6rst, struggle between the Western ma
tions and the overshadowing Despotism Of tho
East Revolution may burst forth at any mo-
mcnt, and substitute war Of Principles for
war Of Rival Interests, in which tho Parties
now allied may be divided, and the Parties
now antagonistio may be united Meantime
our flag would float on every sea, our ships be
freighted with the products Of all clmes
Questions like those which sprung up between
France and England in tho beginning Of this