Bradford reporter. [volume] (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, 1854-12-09


ments upon the ACQUISITIONS OF this country, in
cry instance honoraby obtained, or would feel
themselves justified in imPutinS our advancement
to spirit of aggression or to passion for political
predominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached magnitude
and extent nearly equal to III at of the first maritime
power OF the EARTH and exceeding that of any other
Over this great interest, in which only
chants but all classes of citizens least indirectly
are concerned, it is the duty Of the executive and
legislative branches Of the Government to exercise
careful supervision, and adopt proper measures
for its protection. The policy which have had in
view, IN regard to this interest, embraces lis future
as well as It's present security.
NEUTRAL RIGHTS.
Long experience has shown that, in general,
when the principal powers of Europe are engaged
in war, the rights of neutral nations endangered.
This consideration led in the progress Of the War
Independence, TO the formation Of the ce,ebrat,
cd conlederacy of armed neutraUty-a primary oh.
ject of which to the doctrine that free
ships make free goods, except in the case Of articles
contra band of war-a doctrae which, from he very
commencement our national heing, has been a cher
ished idea of the statesmen Of this country. At one
period another. every maritime power has, by
| some solemn treaty stipulation, recognized that
principle !; and ii might have been hoped that ii
would come to be universally received and respect.
ed as rule oil International law. But the refusal
| of one power prevents this, and in the next great
! war which ensued, that of the French Revolution, it
failed to be respected among the bell!gerent States
| OF Europe. Notwithstanding this, the principle is
generally admitted TO he sound and salutaIy one :;
| so much so, that, al the commencement Of the
lsEg war IN Europe, Great Britain and France an
nounced their purpose observe il fer the present
not, however, a recognized International right
but as a mele concession for the time being. The
cooperation, however, of these two powerful mari
time nations in the interest of neutral ri ghS, appear
| ed ID m 10 n nd H.
| flying, on the part Of the United SialeS, renewed
effort, TO make the doctrine in question principle
of international law, by means of special conven-
tions between the several Powers of Europe and
America. Accordingy,a proposition, embracing
not only the rule, that free ships make free goods
except contraband articles, but also the less contest
ed one that neutral property, Other than contraband
though on board enemy'S ships, shall be exempt
from coniscation, has been submitted by this Gov
eminent to those Of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and Con-
vcnton was concluded, between that country and
the United States providing for the observance of
principles announced, not only as between them.
selves, but also as between them and all other ma
tions, hich shall enter into like stpuations. None
of the other powers have yet taken final action on
the subject am not aware, however that any OBJ
jeclon to the proposed stipuations has been made;
but on the contrary, they acknowledged TO be
essential TO the security of neutral commerce; and
the only apparent obstacle to their general adoption
Is in the possibility that it may be encountered by
inadmISsible conditions,
The King of the Two SiciIies has expressed to
our Minister at Naples his readiness to concur in
our proposition relative 10 neutral rights and to en-
ter into Convention on the subject
The King of Prussia entirely approves of the pro-
ect OF treaty 10 the same effect, submitted 10 him
but proposes additional article providing for the
| renuncIation of prIvateering- Such article for
most obvious reasons, is much desired by nations
having naval establishments, large in proportion TO
their foreign Ifitwete ad pied as an in
! ternationaI rule, the commerce of nalion having
comparatively small naval force, would be very
! much at the mercy OF its enemy, in case of war
! with power of decided naval superiority. The
bare sta cement of the condition in which the United
States would be placed, after having surrendered
the right to to privareers in the event of war
with beIlgerent Of naval supremacy, will show
that this Government bould never listen to such a
proposition. The navy of the first maritime power
in Europe is at least ten times large that ofthe
United States. The f,regn commerce Of the two
countries is nearly equal, and about equally expos
ed to hostile depredatiOnS. In war between that
power and the UEited States without resort on our
part to our mercantile marine the of our en-
emy 10 lDtlict injury upon our commerce would be
tenfold greater 10 realiate. We could not exr
trIcate cOuntTy,from this unequal condition with
such al enemy, unless We at once depart from our
present peaceful policy, and became a great naval
power. Nor would this country be better situated
in war with one of the secondary naval powers
Though the naval disparity would be less, the great
er extent and more exposed condition of our wide
spread commerce would give any ofthem like adj
vantage over us.
PRIvATEEaS.
| The proposition to enter into engagements to
| torego resort to prIvaeers, in this country
should be forced into with great naval power
is not entitled to more favorable consideration than
would be proposition to agree not TO accent the
services OF volunteers for operations on land. When
the honor Of the rights our country reqpire il to as
sumo hostile attitude, it con lenIy relies upon the
patriotism ofits citizenS, not ordinarily devoted to
the military profession, to augment the a-mv and
the navy, SO as TO make them fully adequate to the
emergency which calls Them into action. The pro.
posal to surrender the right to employ prvateerS is
professedly founded upon the principle the private
! property Of unofending noncombatants, though
enemies, should be exempt from the ravages of war
but the proposed surrender goes but little way in
carrying out that principle, which equally requires
that such private property sh uid be seized or
molested by national ships-of-war. Should the
leading powers of Europe concur in proposing as
rule Of international law to exempt private proper
ty, upon the ocean, from seizure by public armed
cruisers as well by prvateers, the United States
will readily meet them upon that broad ground.
THE RECIPROCITY TREATY.
Since the adjournment Of Congress, the ratifca.
ltoiS vi the tiediF tne tnileu STATES and
Great Britain relative to coast fisheries and to re.
cproca trade with the British North American
Provinces, have been exchanged, and some of its
anticipated advantages already enjoyed by u.s.
although It's full execution 20 abide certain acts
of legislation notyet fully performed So soon as
it was ratified, Great Britain opened to our com.
merce the free navigation Of the river st. Lawrence,
and TO fishermen unmoles.ed access 10 the
shores and bays, from which they had been prev-
ously excluded, the costs of her North American
provinces in return for which she asked for the in,
PRODUCTION free ofduty, into parts of United States
OF fish caught on the same coast by British fisher
men. This being the compensation, stipulated in
the treaty, for privileges of the highest importance
and value to United States, which were thus vol
UNFAIRLY yielded before it became effective, the re-
quest seemed to me to be reasonable one; but il
could not be acceded to- from want of authority TO
suspend our laws imposing duties upon all foreign
fish. In The meantime The Treasury Dannrtrnnn.