The daily union., 1854-10-15

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THE FUSIONlSTS ON POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY.
The doctrine respect popular sovereignty asserted
and maintained by the Seward party at their late fusion
conventions in the free States is nothing nor less
than the revival of federalism under The
chief organ of that party the New York Tribune
and argues the doctrine follows:
The Saratoga convention very distinctly affirmed that
the popular sovereignty which right shall decide the
question Of freedom slavery in the domain
waered by the tributaries of the Missouri is not that of the
first few thousands few hundreds few of pioneers
who may see squat that domain portion of
but the whole American people, who the OF its
SOIL the primary civilized arbers of its destiny, and Of
whose children and grandchildren it is destined to be the
home while time shall endure Is not this manifestiy the
true doctrine? We people, and the Territories
Territories. They by the blood treas
of the whole country freely poured ont for their acqu
ton. Their value simply propertyas wild lands-would
be immensely deprecated by the establishment of slavery
thereon The character of the whole American people
eyes the civilized and Christian world by such
desecraoD Their fitness for the home of free aborcrs
would be destroyed by W no, then, pjauBlDly
that the whole American people ought not to be heard the
question of slavery slavery in Kansas and Nebraska
This statement of the doctrine is explicit and full 1t
assumes however, the main point involved in the issue
that Congress has the constitutional pocsr to decide te
ntous question Of freedom slauey the Territories
Having made this unauthorized assumption the Tribune
its argument assertions which will be earnestly
conrovered in entire section of the Unionsuch
that the value of the lands would be deprecated by the
establishment of slavery thereon that the character of the
whole American people would suffer in the eyes of the civ
ze6 world and that the fitness of the Territories for the
BONES Of free aborers would be destroyed by it. These
are considerations which will be viewed in different lights
according the different laudes from which they
observed. But they considerations not legitimate to
be regarded until the right of Congress to egislae the
question is established Even then the argument might be
successfully made that the inhabitants of the Territories
primarily concerned in the character Of their own local
and domestic institutions and therefore ought to bave
potential voice in deciding questions which to affect
the homes Of themselves their children and grand-chil
dren, as long time shall endure
1T viii be seen at that the doctrine assert
el by the Sewardites is the same as that on which
the Wilmot proviso was so pertinaciously pressed
upon Congress Ii is not only the Wimotproviso
principle revived but iss revival is sustained by the
same line of argument Sbieh its advocates relied
for its support The reasoning of General Cass upon the
constitutional power of Congress egate upon the sub
ect of slavery the Territories is applicable with all its
power to the issue presented the present time That
reasoning has been answered. and stands the
proudest monument of the gigantic intellect and of the
dsnterested patriotism of its author It denied to Con-
gress the right under the constitution prohibit estab
sh slavery the Territories. The Compromise of 1880
had for its basis that great democratic principle which
limits Congress TO the exercise of its delegated powers
The opponents this principle and the advocates of the
doctrine of the Sewardes claim for Congress power
where found 10 the constitution and therefore distinctly
identify themselves with ,he federalism of other days.
But if the power exists il Congress decide the
nentous question freedom slavery the Tribune in
advertently makes concession which shows that the de-
csion ought justice and fairness to be left the people
who inhabit the Territories The concession is this "We
are one people the Territories Territories
They blythe blood e whoe country freely pour
ed out for their acquisition The blood ad of the
southern freely poured out that Of the north
ern man. Why then, the southern asks should Con-
gress say that shall freely enjoy the property
acquired by our joint blood the northern
man The very strongest argument for the popular
eregnty of the Nebraska bill is furnished by the concession
that southern and northern alike aud equally
entitled the acquisitions made by their joint blood or
If Congress prohibits the existence Of slavery
the prohibition is a direct denial of conceded right
all who slaves, and yet the constitution
distinctly recognises the ownership of slaves legal
and valid To enable every joint of the Ter
ritories enjoy the right conceded to him by the Tr-
bune plan reasonable just and equitable could
be devised that which procaims to the whole people
that Congress will neither attempt legisate slavery into
out of the Territories but leave every free go
there not with the express understanding that when
she settlers from all the States shall meet there they shall
determine their local condition themselves Every man
in the Union has interest in Territories as property
and according this plan every the privilege of
going there unobstruced and uhrepeed by any
sonal prohibitions limitations II it the interest of
the country that sectional strife and agitation shall be per-
petuaed the doctrine of the Sewardes the sure plan TO
accomplish that end but if the harmony and fraternity
of the oouiederacy is its real interest then the doctrine of
popular sovereignty, asserted in the Nebraska bill is
clearly right
IyS,rr rnNr