Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-12-14
From the Detroit Free Press.
ADDRESS OF
q EN- ERAL GAS S,
To the Democracy OF Detroit.

~ II ~ II III n ~ "A -
To the Democracy Of Detroit.
DELIVERED AT THE CRY HALL, Nov. A. 1854
In pursuance Of our promise, we subloin the
remarks OF General CAss, made at the City Hall,
10 this city, on Saturday evening the 9TH instant,
IN answer 10 the recent attacks upon his views
and position in the Richmond (Virginia) Enquirer.
Upon the above occasion, as upon other occa-
slons during the recent political campaign, Gen.
CAss went into full consideration of the Nebras-
ka-Kansas bill, giving the principles involved in
them his full concurrence. But this report con-
tains only those portions OF his speech which re-
late more Immediately TO the censures OF the En-
qnirer.
Besides considering the subject very fully, and
endeavoring among other things, 10 show that the
northern and western democracy should stand up
for the constitutional rights of the South and
should resist that dangerous spirit which is abroad,
and which threatens the most disastrous conse-
quences, Gen. CAss said:
That there is natural feeling in the human
breast against the existence of slavery | do not
question. Mr. jefferson called il 'svirluous feel
ing IL originates undoubtedly in virtuous mo-
tives, as do all emotions caused by misfortune
through the world. We should take care that
Their indulgence works no injustice to the posi-
lion or views OF Others As American citizens
you have nothing 10 do with the question of slave
ry OUT OF your own State, except to carry into
effect the provisions of the constitution for the
observe Its stipuatons respecting the principles
OF taxation and representation connected with
that institution. Here your duty is exhausted,
and You must not mistake your objections TO
slavery for right 10 interfere with it, Your SEN
tments upon the abstract question, upon any
other abstract question of good or ofevil, give
no Just cause Of offence while expressed with be-
coming moderation. But you must not assume
these sentiments as the measure of your rights
or your obligations. The question for an honest
IN xUh he n ito
functions as citizen, is moi whether he regrets
The existence OF slavery, but what right he has TO
touch 1t. His feelings and his convictions may
Justify the former the constitution alone can
justify the latter.
A short time since made some remarks before
the democratic State convention, in this
hail. explanatory Of my views and course in rela-
lion 10 the Nebraska and Kansas bills. Entrusted
with portion of the Legislative power of the
State in the general government, / appeared be
fore respectable body of my constituents to rem
der an account ofmy stewardship. An effort was
everywhere making and everywhere il had been
more or less successful TO produce the impression
that all those who supported these bills in Con-
gress We're pro-slavery men, TO use cant phrase
oil the day, and thai their advocacy OF these
measures was conclusive evidence OF their alena-
ton from the principles Of freedom and OF their
devotion 10 those Of slavery. | chose TO put my
self right upon this point, and, while maintaining
the just power of other portions Of the Union TO
pleased, TO express my belief that slavery was a
misfortune for any country. choose 10 have ia
distinctly understood that il was not the institution
itself was defending, but the political rights OF
other sections of the country under the constitu-
ton. Certainly could do little Justice 10 myself
little benefit 10 constitutional principle which is
dear 10 me, by endeavoring 10 conceal these senti-
ments and placing myself in false position
before my own constituents who had pronounced
Acknowledgement upon the condition of slavery by
s.xN from he nd Co.
with these views, stated that considered slavery
a social and political evil--a misfortune for any
country. And this is the substance of what
then said as il is the substance of what had said
before, here. and in the Senate and elsewhere, at
home and abroad. was reported 10 have added
that slavery was also moral evil did not say
SO. do not think so, under the circumstances in
which il exists in the Southern States. Such an
assertion would have been inconsistent with a
main position assumed-ihai the present istabi-
tants OF those States were not responsible for the
introduction of slavery, nor did see how il was
possible for them to abolish il.
For the expression Of these views have been
arraigned by the Richmond Enquirer in terms not
less arrogant than viruent First denounced and
then renowned, have been finally expelled from
the democratic party by its decree of excommu-
nication. But as am not in the habit Of submit
ting TO assumption nor presumption, | shall
NOT submit 10 both, even when united in the col
umns of that once justly and hghly-esteemed
journal How ARE THE MIGHTY FALLEN!
As well as can anaiyze the objurgaiions of The
Enquirer its editor or lis ex-caIhedra writer
seems not only TO make il cause of offence thai
/ have entertained and expressed these senl-
menis respecting slavery, but that have done so
al this time, as though this was the first time
had done il. Why have thought il proper re-
Gently again 10 explain my views i have Just
stated, and IL never occurred 10 me that any rea
eonable or dispassonate man, North or South,
would object 10 30 reasonable measure, and, in
deed have yet 10 learn that any such man has
SO objected Ii is not the first if indeed il is the
twentieth time, have found il necessary 10 sepa.
rate the defense Of constitutional rights from the
defense OF slavery, and editor is fit for his posi-.
tion who deems my sentiments upon this subject
worth commentary, and who censures my course
without ascertainIng what IL has been, or, having
ascertaIned u, chooses 10 misrepresent IL. My
opinion that slavery is evil has been spread be-
fore the country time and again, and more than
once under circumstances 10 gain for il very gen
ersl attention. In lSi2, in the pamphlet I pub
lished IN Paris, exposing the consequences and
injustice Of the quintuple treaty, said
eve are no stakeholder never have been we never
shall be- We depreeae lie existence In principle pray
for its abolition everywhere where that be effected
justly, peaceably, and wisely
In letter 10 Mr.. Nicholson, in December, 1S47,
/ said
Southern states and wish they had been free from it,
PRODUCTION"
These views were known 10 every southern
politician before the Baltimore Convention OF 1S4s
On the 9Th Of February, 1850, remarked in the
Senate:
Unfortunately, ir every who does not believe
that slavery IL the best condition Of human society and
that community pro-pered Il might have done
without IT, H. apt be considered by the South
northern fanatic regardless alike Of their rights the
compromises ~ the Constitution.
Now sir do not believe this and consderatio on
earth induce 70 say 3D. believe that sayery 10
great misfortune for country But the existing insti
tuition have neither the power nor the disposon ~
touch"
And I said in the Senate, in February, 1854:
''siavpry In my opinion. have said than once
before ia the Senate and have doubt unaoceptaby
many, IL great civil, socsl. and political evil"
SO much for my sentiments and for their public
avowal. j have never sought to conceal them.
and no man, be he writer or reader, has any moral
right to say that have deceived The North or the
South, or 10 attribute their reafrmaiion at this
time TO any unworthy motive.
Bot since when has IL become offence against
the South to express these views OF the condition
and the consequences of slavery The preten-
sion is Of very recent origin, and, like many other
pretensions what il lacks in ags and Justice is 10
be supplied by denunciation. General Washing
ton said that al was among bis FIRST wishes TO see