The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-07-13
NIB. EpeiERToN AND n sBRAsKA.

The following letter, from s>enator Chase to
DR.. Paul, of this place. has been handed US for
publication. 1t will be seen that testimony is
borne therein TO the consistency of Mr.. Edger-
toms course upon the Nebraska bill, by one
whom we may safely presume writes knowing
ly, and whose prejudices might, from their reh
alive positions be unfavorabiel to Mr.. Edger-
ton. A vindication from censGre for the par
ticular vote given, which has bsen the subject
of much severe remark In certain Free Soil pa
pers, is here offered Voluntarily:
WASHINGTON, June II, 1854.
My DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 1st inst.
only reached me within the lsE two or three
days l cannot hesitate to rSply frankly to
your inquiries.
have noticed in several of he Ohio papers
the structures to which you ,efer, upon the
course of Messrs. Edgerton, Lib lsley, and other
Representatives from our Stat in relation to
tho Nebraska BILL
The point Of censure seems Il be, that on the
18th of May they voted for Mr.. Richardson's
motion to suspend the rules in order to enable
him to introduce o resolution to close debate
on the bill, and thus, indirectl. contribute to
it's passage.
The grounds urged in justification of that
vote are, LIST: That the majoESty had deter
mined, in case the minority should persist in
availing themselves of Parlian, sntary rules to
delay and defeat the Bill, to ovtsride the rules,
and force the House. at once o q vote and,
I'd, That assurances were given on the part of
the majority that ample opport nifty should be
given for discussion and amend aent under the
FIVE minutes rule, after the close IF the debate at
large, if the minority would al ow Mr.. Rich
ardson's resolution to be adopte l.
The subsequent course of the majority
plainly proves their readiness IS override the
rules, and it seems probable that seven or
eight days time for discussion was secured by
the arrangement. No opportunity, however
was afforded for either discussion or amend
ment under the five minutes rule. The major
ity, by proceeding as harsh as it was unpre-
cedented, forced the final vote, without regard
to any assurances to the contrary
In the light of all the facts, @ne may wish
that the risk CT immediate sub Sersion of the
rules, of q forced close of the dt1ate and of a
prccipitated final vote on the bis had been in
Cured On the 18th; but it reqt ties more wis
dom than | possess to warralH confident
averment that such course VIC i'd have been
unquestionably best
| am satisfied that the GENT emen named
acted in good faith, and never, roughout the
struggle, gave vote designed o aid the re-
peal of the prohibition of 1920. Their action,
especially when it IS considered nat the whole
influence of the Administrator which they
had largely contributed to place n power, was
! exerted in favor of the measure deserves the
praise Of Independence as well q that of fdel-
ity to their respective constituent es.
That have not concurred VITA them in po-
htical action is well known. Arr emily devoted
to Democratic principles, and fi( mly believing
that the aggressions of the slave power cannot
be successfully cOmbated except y a real De-
hose fha ,to1s aoF
Liberty, Equality, and Justice, l lave not been
able to perceive the consistency or propriety
of acquiescence in Anti-Democr8eic Baltimore
Platforms, or of supporting candidates nomi
mated upon them.
But differences in political ser iimcnt or ac-
ton never should induce an aef of injustice
Confident that the charge of secret favor to
the repeal of the Missouri prohib sion is an act
of injustice to those gentlemen, discharge but
O simple duty when | declare thel such is my
conviction.
What course they will take hereafter, | know
not. In my Judgment, the repeas of the Mis-
souri, Prohibition is but an event N the great
struggle between the Aristocratic Slave Power
and the real Democracy of the ctssatry. 1t is
indeed a most significant event for it an
nounces the utter fusility of all compromises
with Slavery. In the sight of the country, and
the world, the Slave Power rene g the war
with Freedom. We must now insT J, not mere
ly on the state before the war, but n complete
indemnity for the past and secu ity for the
future"
Whether these gentlemen see th ) matter as
do or not have not inquired. seek only
to do to them as | would wish, une sr like cir
cumstances, that they should do Il me- by de-
Tending them against censure which my
knowledge of the facts transpiring It the time,
convinces me is unfounded.
Faithfully your friend, S. CHASE.