Lynchburg daily Virginian. [volume] (Lynchburg [Va.]) 1852-1861, 1854-06-13
Senator Douglas and the Nebraska Bill.

York On Tuesday evening. and n grand display
of banners and lanterns took place. The win
dows Of he ST. Nicholas Hotel were filed will
spectators. The members of the Empire Club
carrying piece of ordnance. marched up to the
discharge. Mr.. Douglas responded to the cal
in substance as follows -
Much has been said about the Nebraska bill
much has been said in denunciation of it but il
so happens that the denunciaton has generally
proceeded from those who do not understand it,
OF vhc we're determined not to understand it,
The simple principle involved ia that question
was that the people of the territories of the t. ;.
shall be allowed TO decide for themselves what
kind of laws they would have. that they would
be allowed the same right which is granted to all
the states in the Union. tCheers.) This is not
a new principle in this government IL is as old
as self-goyemment it was the vndcation OF It
that caused the separation of this country from
Great Britain il Is the great principle upon
which The constitution of the United States was
founded and which is included in the bill Of
rights of every state in this confederacy.
Is II not most extraordinary TINT at this day
and in this country men should rise up in de-
nunciatien Of this great principle, without which
free government cannot exist II is no excuse
TO say that the people, If left 10 themselves, will
pass Dad laWs--1 tney 90, tue consequence w
those bad laws must fall upon their own heads
You are allowed to make whatever laws in New
York You please, and il we in Illinois don't like
them. all we have to do is to keep away from
their jurisdiction and operation. In Illinois we
establish Just such institutions suit as. and II
you like them come and dwell with but II
you disapproye Cd them stay away The Ne
braska bill proposed TO carry this principle into
all the territories of the L. s., and are not the
people of the territory capable of deciding Tor
themselves as those of other states J II you
here in n. Y. are competent to decide the slavery
question, will you be less competent when you
have seen Nebraska, and moved into 1t Is 1t
probable that emigrants from the old states viii
lose any of their virtue and patriotism while
wandering by the waysidel l. il notprobable that
when they have arrived at their new home they
will take rs much interest in deciding this ones
dion right ms those who have never been there
As | before said, this is the principle upon
which the Nebraska bill rests il is the great car
dnal principle of the democratic party. II IL
the only one upon which that party can stand
united and become irresistible. and If the wing
party wish to rival at all. they must adopt the
same principle nsthe basis of their organization.
Myfellow citizens, IL is somewhat curious that
the enemies of the Nebraska bill. while resisting
the principle upon which iii founded strive by
every artihce to conoealit from view. Hence
they argue that the Missouri compromise should
not have been repealed, and that the bill did not
curry out the principles of sell government"
Here Mr. Douglas went into brief historical
sketch of the Missouri compromise, and proceed
ed as follows:
"When these territories become states, they
shall come into the Union with or without sla-
very, as they may think proper. Hence every
man who maintains the Missouri compromise is
"a. fbo al he
people to decide the question for themselves
The great principle of the sovereignty of the peo-
pie underlies the Nebraska bill as well as every
other territorial bill that has been enacted by
Congress- There is an elective assembly, aud
every officer except the governor and secretary
is an elective officer. All the laws for the regua-
ton of the territory originated III the assem-
bly,. Then il seems that the great issue in this
matter is upon the question as 10 whether or not
the people of Nebraska shall be allowed to settle
the question of slavery or slavery for them
selves. The abolitionists will tell you that sla-
very is a great moral wrong, and that the people
should not have the privilege of settling il ior
themselves. Now, we all acknowledge that muir
der is great moral wrong, but In no territorial
bill has the punshmentfor murder ever been de.
fined. (Cries of good and cheers.) Congress
has never defined for any state or territory the
proper punishment for any crime That is a
matter over which the people alone have juris
dietion.''
These remarks Of Senator Douglas have a
squirting towards 'squatter sovereignty that we
do not like. If by the reference to the elective
assembly is meant that the power to interdict or
authorize slavery resides with that hody-itself
the creature of Congress, and all of its acts sub
ject to the supervision of Congress, il must be
confessed that Senator d., in securing the pas
sage of thatb has done nothing for which the
South can thank him. Slavery being an institu-
ton inherent in society, the natural and normal
lot of portion of the human race, as history
.attests. the prohibition of it must necessarily be
act of supreme and perfect sovereignty, not TO
be attempted by n people until they have ac-
quired the civil maturity and strength, which
;givethem that sovereignty. A.territoral legis-
1ature, deriving its powers partly from Congress
and partly from the people, and incapable of final
legislation, can in no just sense be considered SOW
ereign in itself, the representative ola sovereign
constituency. tits not competent therefore to the
performance of an act of severegnty--sueh at
the establishment of fundamental condition %
society. H.caunot trench upon the sovereignty
of the future state by imposing restrictions ane
regulations upon it. The only body invested
with authority TO permit or forbid slavery is the
convention, properly chosen at the proper time
to frame constitution for the State This is the
Southern doctrine, and we have no doubt Of it,
soundness. If Senator Douglas should hold diff
ferently he will cut himself off from the conf
dence of the slaveholding states, Gen. Cass die
when he interpreted the Nicholson letter. squat
ter sovereignty as as odious to the true friends
of the South as the Wilmot Proviso. We trus
our apprehensions may be grouIdless, and tina