Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-01-02
DAILY NATIONAL ERA.

supplies her lack Of laws.
But may be asked whether | would really
have had Capt Ingraham fire into the Austrian
Ship | answer, that would have had him
set kosxta free, cost what it might. At the
same time admit that there would have been
blame, had il cost single life; and that this
blame would have rested, not upon the Turks
and Austrians only, but upon our own coun-
trymen also This is 80, for the reason, that
neither our own country nor any other country
is 80 fully identified with Justice, in the eyes Of
all the world, s to make its character for justice
an effectual substitute for yiolence--as to make,
in word, its character for justice it's sufficient
power to obtain justice Were our country
proverbia the world over, for wisdom and
goodness our love to God and man known
and read of i'll men--were every nation to
know that, both at homo and abroad, our Gov
eminent acts upon Christian principles-then
no nation would wrong us and no nation would
let us be wronged Then, if one of our people
were kidnapped in q foreign land, as was Kosz-
ia, tho Government of that land would prompt
ly surrender him at our request ltwould pass
upon our title to the individual confdingly and
generously, rather tLan jealousy and scruti-
nously. And even if it entertained much doubt
OF our title, it would nevertheless waive it,
uader the influence Of it, conviction that we
ask nothing which we do not honestly believe
to be our due, and that our character is such,
richly to entitlc US to all that il possibly our
due Having such character, our moral force
would snpersede the application of our physical
force. adphysical force been necdful to effect
the deliverance Of Rosetta, it would have been
needful merely because The American people
and American Government lacked the moral
character, or in other words, the moral force,
adequate to his deliyerance But as have
already intn,ated our nation il no more def
Client in this respect than other nations.
said, that could not bestow unqualified
praise on the Administration for it's part in the
koszta affair. In one or two Of those passages
Of rare rhetorical beauty in his letter to MIR.
Hulsemann, Secretary Marcy insinuates the
despotc character Of Austria Now Twill not
say, that there was impudent hypocrisy in the
insinnation; but will say, that the insinnation
was in bad taste, and that it was bad policy.
A cunning policy would studiously avoid in
our diplomatic correspondence, all illusions to
despotsm and oppression, lest such illusions
might suggest to the reader comparisons be-
tween our country and other countries, that
would be quite unfavorable to us.
admit that Austria is an oppressor. But
is it not equally true, and far more garingly
true, that America is u much greater and
guiltier oppressor? Indeed, compared with
our despotism, which classes millions of men,
women. and children, with cattle, Austrian
despotism is but as the little finger to the loins
Surely, surely, it will never be time for Ameri-
ca to taunt Austria with being an oppressor,
until the influence of American example is snch,
as to shame Austria out Of her oppression,
rather than to Justify and confirm her in it,
In this same letter to the Representative of
Austria, Mr. Marcy presumes to quote, rs one
Of the jnstlhcations of Capt Ingrahams con-
duct, the Divine law, 10 do unto others as are
W0uid hare others do unto us. Now, was it
not the very acme of presumption for the Amer
lean Government to quote this law while it
surpasses every other Government in tramplng
it under foot? Did Mr. Marcy suppose Mr.
Hulsemann to be stone-blindl Did he suppose,
that Mr.. Hulsemann had lived in the city Of
Washington so long, and yet had seen nothing
of the buying and selling Of human beings as
brutes, which is continually going on here I'M
der the eye, and under the authority, of Gov
ernment? Did he suppose, that Mr.. Hnlse.
mann could be ignorant Of the fact that the
American Government il the great slave catch
or for the American slaveholdersa Did he
suppose him to be ignorant Of the fact that
the great American slave trade finds in the
American Government its great patron and
that this trade is carried on, not only under
the general protection, but under the specific
regulations, of Congressi Did he suppose him
to be ignorant of the fact, that many, both at
the North and South, (among whom is the
President himself) claim that American sla-
very is national institution and made such
by the American Constitution? IL isa national
institution. IL not made such by our organic
law, it is nevertheless, made such by the en-
actments OF Congress, the decisions Of the Ju.
dietary and the acquiescence Of the American
People. And did Mr. Marcy suppose Mr..
Hulsemann to be entirely unaware, that the
present Administration surpasscs oil its prode-
cessors in shameless pledges and devotion %
the Slave Power? Certainly, Mr.. Marcy fell
into great mistake, in presuming Mr.. Hulse.
mann To be in total darkness ON oil these points.
If indeed, a mistake, it is very ludlorous one.
Ii but an affectaton, il is too wicked to be ln-
dicrous.
referred, moment since, to some Of the
evidences Of the nationality of American Sla-
very. L. sometimes, suits the shareholders 70
claim, that their Slavery is an exclusively State
concern; and that the North has, therefore,
nothing to do with it. But as we'll may you
when urging man uphill with heavy load
upon his back, and with your lash also upon his
back, tell him, that he has nothing to do either
with the load or the lash. The poor North
has much to do with Slavery. II staggers IN
der its load and smarts under its lash.
But must do Secretary Marcy and the AID
ministration justice. What have said, were
to stop here, would convey the idea, that in
/ his letter to Mr.. Hulsemann, the Secretary in
cuicates the duty Of unconditional obedience to
the law, which requires ms TO do unto others,
as We would have Others do unto us. He is,
however, very far from doing 50. He remem-
bers, as with paternal solicitude, American
Slavery and the Fugitive Slave Act and pro-
yidcs for their safety 10 this end he qualities
the commandment Of God, and makFs il read,
that we are 10 obey it, only when there is no
commandment Of man TO the contrary In q
word, he adopts the American theology that
Pro- Slavery theology, which makes human
Government paramount TO the Divine, and ex-
ats the wisdom and authority Of man above