Washington sentinel., 1854-02-26

to wish to cover and sanction his own opinions
on the subject of slavery by those of Mr.. Clay.
| may be permitted (although / have never
thought that the abstract discussion of slavery
ought originally to have been introduced into
Congress- to read, in explanation Of that fayo-
rite quotation of the gentleman, short extract
from another speech of Mr.. Clay, that of 1889,
on the presentation of abolition petitions in the
United States Senate. 1t is as follows:
81 am Mr.. President, no friend Of slavery The
searcher Of all hearts knows that every pulsa,ion
of mine beats high and strong the cause of civil
liberty Wherever il is safe and practicable, / de-
sire TO see every portion of the human family in
the enjoyment of il. But l prefer the liberty of
my own country TO that Of any other people, and
the liberty Of my own 10 that of any other
race. The liberty of the descendants of Africa in
the United States is incompatible with the safety
and liberty of the European descendants. There
slavery forms an exception-an exception result
ing from stern and nexorable necessity--to the
general liberty in the United States"
Sir, we in Kentucky have not to be told here
for the first time, by a gentleman from Ohio,
or by gentlemen from any other quarter, Of the
intensity and the ardor of his devotion to the
principles Of universal liberty, wherever practi-
cable. He was educated in the school Of JEFF
ferson, and the sentiment of.liberty, with all its
pupils, had been intensified by the still recent
"reminiscences of the revolution, and the recent
recollection of what their liberty had cost them.
Thus much have thought it due to say, as
the humble tribute Of friendship. May mot
say in this democratic House Of Representa-
tives, with its one hundred majority, as debt
due from an American to great and departed
patriot?
Sir, know of no more melancholy illustra-
ton of the universal and inexorable doom of
the common enemy of our race, than the fact
that he whose word but yesterday might have
stood against the world, now hes low in his
grave; that tongue of omnipotent eloquence
silenced forever, and that it should deyolve on
one SO humble as am, feebly to vindicate his
fame. Why, sir, is he not here to speak for
himself to-day, to aid us with his COUNSEL and
to combat with us, as most assuredly believe he
would do in behalf of great principle which he
labored to establish? Sir he carried into that
last great struggle of his life scarcely strength
sufficient to bear him through. He came to it
with the highest hopes of his ambition frustra-
ted forever; after q career which would have
left any heart less magnanimous than his
naught but a harbor of misanth:opic resent
ments. His own throbbed with no single pulls
alton, but for his country's glory and his coun-
trys safety. He came to offer up his last re-
and he barred that sacred breast to the storms
conjured up by the demons of political strife,
who would now pervert and use the names Of
the very angels to cover their. pernicious de-
signs. His triumph was complete, but the
shafts that were aimed at his countrys safety,
though they failed to reach her life, struck that
noble and SCARED breast, and drank his life's
blood; and with the very shouts of victory we're
mingled nations lamentations for his fall.
And we are now called upon, by the renewed
peril of this time, to mourn the death of
martyred patriot. Sir, at least let his ashes
rest in peace. Let not those pursue him to that
grave to which their fanatitism consigned him,
and drag forth his bones and fling them, as ad-
ditional fuel, in the confagration with which
they would consume the fair fabric of this gov
ernment, and in it the last hopes of the Ameri-
can Union.
But, sir, that inexorable finger of time point
ing to the clock over the doorway warns me
onward.
Mr.. CAMPBELL. rise to ask question
from the gentleman, whether he alludes to me
as one of those enemies of Mr.. Clay, or includes
me among them?
Mr.. EWING. Most assuredly not, sir I
refer to those who are now quoting his name in
support OF the dangerous principle of the Mis-
souri, line.
Mr.. CAMPBELL. With the permission of
the gentleman from Kentucky, would say that
no one, | think-certainly no person to my
knowledge-in any part Of the Union, served
with more fidelity than l did with Mr.. Clay.
In quoting from his speech the other day,
just simply wished to show that Mr.. Clay was
himself discussing the question Of slavery, and
its influence on this country.
Mr.. EWING. The gentleman from Ohio
must allow me to continue my remarks.
Mr.. CAMPBELL yielded the floor.
Mr.. EWING. Mr.. Chairman, let me turn to
the subject more Immediately before us, with
an apology for this humble tribute to one
whose character and services others, / hope,
equally appreciate, but whose memory none
can cherish more sacredly than l.
Thirty years ago, in the passage Of bill
which ought to have presented no difficulties !;
bill for the admission of Missouri; general
principle was engrafted on it. which was in
tended to be the guide of those who came
after, were it even half a century thereafter;
rule which was to guide and command their
action whenever it became necessary to or
ganize new Territories. We are not called
upon to-day to repeal the Missouri compromise
We are called upon for the first time practi-
cally "to carry it into effect and enact it; to
provide that all the laws of the United States
not locally inapplicable," and this among the
rest, if not excepted, shall be extended over
the Territory we are about to organize. And
even if / believed it constitutional to make
such compromise; before consented to it, /
might well turn to these gentlemen, who now
appeal to us for fidelity to, and the preserva-
ton of compacts, and who have never, in any
single instance, manifested like disposition
themselves--I might and ought first to ask
them whether, in the future, if New Mexico,
lying chiefly south of the line of $50 3O>, or il
the southern part Of California, or any portion
of territory hereafter to be acquired south Of
that line, shall apply for admission into this
Union as slave State, or as slave States
whether they would vote to admit them? Have
they ever voluntarily yielded to the admission
Of slave State, even within the limits of the
territory provided for.it by this falsely named
Missouri compromise? 1t is absurd for them,
with all the evidences before us of the repeated
violation of the compact by themselves, to
talk Of its not being observed by others.
am desirous tn discuss this nuestion fairly