Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-03-24
WASHINGTON, d. C.
FRIDAY, MARCH "a, 1854.
PARTIES AND INTERESTS THE PAST AND
THE FUTURE.

Wnen ~ became eVlucnt tHoe eHo 6'S"s
body Of slaveholding members of the Senate
and House Of Representatives INTENDED to cup
port the bill for the repeal Of the Missouri
Com promise, it was hoped by Anti-Slayery
men that there might be no exceptions
Aware that cooperation between the North
ern and Southern sections Of the old parties
had always been secured by the snbservience
Of the former, that their union, as national
organizations 30 called, had been maintained
by an express or tacit recognition OF the as
tendency Of Slavery, and that for these rea-
sons they presented the most formidable obsta-
ole to an organization, in an efflcient form, OF
the sentiment Of the North in favor Of Free
Labor and Free Institutions, they were not
sorry when they saw the bond Of union in the
Wing and Democratic parties seriously threat
ened by this repeal movement While, there-
fore, they honor the two Southern Senators
who nobly opposed this movement, and the
eight Southern members of the House who
have manifested their hostility to it, on the
ground, as we understand it, that it is against
honor and good faith they would have been
quito as well satisfied looking alone to politi-
cal consequences, had tho Southern delegation
in both Houses presented an nnbroken front
in support of the Nebraska Bill.
The North has been delnded too long with
the illusion Of Nationality. It has been taught
to regard Parties founded upon geographical
distinctions az dangerous to the Union. It's
Wings and Democrats have denounced section
alism, sectional agitation, sectional questions
and labored to build up and maintain National
Parties, on the basis of National interests "a
policy certainly desirable and patriotic, but
which thus far has never been accomplished
They have succeeded in constructing Parties
national in form, hut sectional in fact--enroll-
ing in their ranks Northern and Southern
men, but with the leadership always in the
hands of the -ostensibly aiming to pro
mote the general welfare, but really tributary
to the ACKNOWLEDGMENT of tho Class Interest Of
Slavery.
Before the attempt to organize in political
form the Anti Slavery Sentiment of the coun-
try, this erest pursued it's object, steadily
but quietly. It's power was felt, not 80 much
in it's exercise as in its results. II was seen
that it furnished our Presidents, obtained the
ascendency on the Supreme Bench, monopo-
lixed the most important foreign appointments,
controlled the organization of the House Of
Representatives and the Senate, bore sway in
our National Political Conventions, dictated the
creed Of Parties and shaped the policy Of the
Government, so as generally to enhance its
own power; but why this was So in what way
these results were accomplished, few took the
trouble to inquire, and still fewer understood.
Political Anti-Slavery men exhibited the
facts in their true light, and furnished the
explanation. IL was through the old Parties,
Boosting of their Nationality, repudiating Sec
tionolism and Sectional issues, that this grasp
ing, subtle Interest had obtained such control
over the Federal Government, and was seek
ing to establish perpetual ascendency Pre-
tending to be National, and the great body of
their adherents at the North sincerely belev-
ing that they were National, they were con-
trolled and managed by Sectional Interest
for Sectional purposes.
Political Anti-Slavery men, assailing this
Sectional Interest, endeavoring to unmask
it's policy, and to expose the uniform subservi-
ence to it Of the Wing and Democratic Parties,
were denounced as Sectional, foes to National
ity, enemies Of tho South, seeking to array one
portion Of the country against another. This
was to be expected. They were confined to
the Northern States, formed very small ma
jority, and the supporters Of the Slave Interest,
understanding the attachment Of the American
People to the idea Of Nationality, saw their
advantage if they could succeed in fastening
upon their opponents tho stigma of Sectional
bigotry.
Nothing could be more false and unjust
We warrcd, not against Nationality, but Sec
tionality, hiding itself under its broad folds.
We warred, not against our country, but Class
Interest, determined to rule it's destinies. We
warred, not against the Union but against an
Arstocracy Of Shareholders, who by their uni
ty and crafty connsels. had perverted the
Union from it's original purposes. Our object
was to rescue the Government from tho hands
OF Sectional interest, to divorce il from its
degrading alliance with Slavery, and make it.
as it was intended TO be, the representative, tho
exponent the bulwark, the instrument Of Ma
tional Interests Our motto was and il, Lab
erty and Union," not Slavery and Union
and il this be not true Nationality, what isl
We saw that the supporters Of the Class In
terest of Slavery acted with paramount refer
ence to that Interest. Let them call them
selves Wings or Democrats, the ordinary issues
between the old parties were minor considera-
tons to them. Their first demand from what
ever Party they acted with, was, fidelity to
Southern interests--a mere circnmlocution, for
fidelity TO the interests Of Slavery. And the
demand was complied with, for what distinct
Political Power existed, to make fidelity to the
Ureak National interest Of Freedom, q cOndi-