Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1854-07-07


in it, in pursuit Of Il slave. No such thing
Sir, swore to support it as | understood it
Now will not occupy your time, nor am
/ disposed at this moment, nor does the Occa-
sion require that should 20 into any minute
! criticism of the clause ol the Constitution for
the surrender Of fugitivcS from labor, assuming
| in the face of commanding rules of interrrc-
| tatiun all lraniug towards freedom. that in
the concise language Of this clause raltcring
| IN double sense the words employed can be
iudicially regarded as justly applicable to lu-
! gluve slaves, which is often and earnestly de-
| MED, but ON which now express no opinion.
| Assuming, say, these things are hostile to
| freedom, then desire to say that as | un-
| dcrstand the Constitution, this clause does
not impel me to any personal obligation,
especially 1T docs not impose upon me any
| obligation to render any personal assistance
! in the surrender of u fugitive slave. As Sena-
tor, have taken the oath to support the Con-
stitutiOn as understand IT, and understand
ing it aS do, am bound by my oath to op-
| pose all enactment, by Congress on the sub
.lcct as II ilagrant violation of the Constitu-
ton, and especially must oppose the last
act rs a tyrannical usurpation here my du-
ties as Senatpr under the oath which | have
taken end In no respect by my oath as It
Senator can be constrained to duties in other
capacities or as Il simple citizen, which are
| revolving to my conscience, even though re-
! quircd by positive enactmcnts. Now in this
Interpretation Of the Constitution may hc
wrong; others may diflcr from me, and will
act according to their understanding for
myself, ! shall act according to mine.
On this statement of my constitutional
obligations stand, and to the inquiry
whether | would render any personal assis-
tance in surrcndcring a fcllow-man tu bond
| 81 Il t1
he should do this thing and in looking
around this Senate, I might ask fearlessly
how many there are in this body. if indeed
there is Il single Senator who would stoop to
any such service Until some one rises and
openly coniesses his willingness to become a
slave hunter, will not believe that there
can he one, and vet honorable and chival-
rous Senators have been prompt to Judge me
because openly declared my abhorrence ola
service ut which every manly bosom must re-
volt. "Sire, | have found in Bayonnc brave
soldiers and good citizens, but not one cxccu-
TONER was the noble reply of the Governor
of that place to Charles IN. of France when
he ordered the massacre of st. Bartholomew,
and such a spirit, think. will yet animate
the people of this country when pressed to
the service Of dogs.
To the question which has been proposed
whether Massachusetts, will by State laws
carry out the offensive clause of the Cunstitu-
ton, | reply that Massachusetts, at all times
has been ready to do her duty under the Con-
stitution she understands it, and ! doubt
not will ever continue of this mind. More
than this | cannot say In quitting this
topic cannot lorbear to remark that the
assault on me for my disclaimer ofall ConstI-
tutional obligation to render personal assis-
tance in making mama slave, comes with an
| - veto son: ltpr Y ir-
ginia, State which by its far famed rcsolu-
tion Of l19S, assumed to determine its consti-
tutiOnal obligations even to the extent of
notification an act Of Congress, and also with
an i'll grace from the veteran Senator from
South Carolina II State which alta later day
arrayed itself openly against the federal
authorities and which threatens notification
as often as babies cry. lie then dwclt upon
/ the riding of the mails in South Carolina and
then the letter Of Postmaster Kendall in re-
| ply thereto. All, Sir, there is a particular
incident in the history of South Carolina
which should have made the Senator from
that State hesitate. 1t is not many years
| since Massachusetts commissioned Il distin-
| guished gentleman Of blameless life and en-
/ inent professional qualities, who had once
held seat in the other House, Samuel
/ Hoar \ to reside at Charleston for IA year. IN
order To protect the right, Of free colorcd cti-
/ zcns of Massachusetts to test the constitu-
tionalitv of "A statute of that State so gross in
/ its provisions that an eminent character of
| South Caroina--a Judge of the supreme
! Court-had characterized it as trampling
upon the Constitution and direct attack
upon the sovereignty of the United States
But this agent of Massachusetts-an un-
armed old man-was prevented from per
| forming his duties, driven from the State by
Il respectable mob, and the Legislature sub
sequently sanctioned this lawless act by
placing on the statute books an order for his
expulsion And yet the Senator from South
Carolina holds up his hands in holy horror
at the imagined delinquencies of Massachu-
setts towards slave hunters, and also at my
own refusal to render any aid.
Before this Senator undertakes to lecture
Massachusetts or myself, let him return to
his own State and first lecture there The
Senator from South Carolina in a sublime ex-
tasy of Slavery, burst forth in the ejaculation
that Massachusetts, ut the time she was il
lustratcd by Otis, IIancocks and the brace OF
Adamses, was saveholding, and he hailed
these patriots representing hardy slave
holding Massachusetts,. Sir, | rcpel the i'm
putation. 1t is true that Massachusetts, was
, hardy, but she was not in any Just sense slave
holding-a few slaves We're still found within
her borders, but early as 1863 one of her
Courts actually anticipating the decision in
the Somerset case. established within its iu-
risdictiOn the principle Of freedom. Similar
decisions followed in other places during tn,
Revolution, and at last under the influence Of
the bill of rights of the new Constitution ir
1850, declaring that all men are born free anC
equal Slavery ceased. Thus the Senator err
when he speaks of Massachusetts. lie err
still more when he puts forth the declaration
that the Independence of America to maintain
Republican liberty was won by the arms an'
, treasure, by the patriotism and good faith o
slayehuldlng communities. Mark the expires
sion. Sir, the senator, fresh from the Ne
, braska bill, can speak of the good faith o
, Slavcholding communities only in irony, an'
let me add that when he says that American
e indepcndeuce was won nv the arms and lie
, cause of Slayeholding communities he spok
f either in irony or ignorance. lie then wen
a into an elaborate exposition of the contribu
e tions of the southern States to the War {
e Independence, particularly of South Carolina
1 and then said, ! had almost forgotten to tur
" again to the Senator from Virginia. lie ha
e undertaken in a most impcrious style. rathC
V let me say the style of Sir forcible Feeble, I
z call in question my statement that the Fug
{ tive Slave act denied the haheas corpus. An
u in doing this he assumed for himself sup
z riority, which nothing in him can sanction
W SIR, | claim little iur myself, hut shrln
le in no respect from any comparison with thu
.s Senator. Sitting near him, as has been IL
t. fortune, since have been in this body, ha
learned something of his conversatI N, som
rt thing of his manners, something of his a
1t tachments, and something of his abilities, Al
of something of his character and while
u would not undertake to disparage him in al
he of these respects, yet, feel that do II
IL exalt myself Immensely, when openly cha
tn lenge comparison with that senator. To
he statement on the subject | oppose mine.
ot then evolved other objections to the fugiti
ch Slave Act, which he commended to the Sc
of ator from whose brain the soulless mons'
de came. lie then said, docking at Mr. Clal
So but | must close. To many things SAID
or this debate intended to be personal aud
NJ. ! frn.i,., | MIN nn r..nlA 1hnrn nrD so