The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1854-03-24

winch passed lhe SENATE Is a bli whch expressly con
iers that power. The senator from Michigan MI CAss
was right when he rose in his place. immediately aftei
the final that bill, and congratulated the Senate
the triumph OF the doctrines OF squatter sovereignty
say he perfectly right 1t the triumph OF the
very doctrine which Calhoun rePudiated IN ls4S and
again in 1850 Il authorizes The who have inter
eel IN the Territory 10 settle the question OF slavery as
They please-not merely TO govern themselves, but TO
govern IN this respect all who claim in the slave States to
carry slaves there.
And to defend their votes Honorable gentlemen
venture TO compare this squatef sovereignty bill with
the true non-inevention bill OF lS45 That, sir, was
indeed nonnervenlion bill. Ii gave power TO any
Legislative councils 10 prohibit Or establish African
slavery and the words which denied such power 10
the local legislature draughed into The bill BY
amendment in the committee by Mr.. Calhoun himself.
necessarily droue the parties, North and South 10 set
the Supreme Court of the United States. But this bill is
only intervention bill when the people oil the Ter
r'lories shall be ready to form Stale constitution pre-
paratoy 10 admission into the Union During the whole
period oil their existence under the territorial govern
meni, the local legislature not only may act, but will
act, under power conferred in this bill by Congress- 70
which the power TO legisate the subject is alb
solutely denied by some OF the very gentlemen who
voted Tor this bill They have not, and W i'll not, explain
TO US how the squaer sovereign Can derive this power
from Congress when Congress does not possess IT.
Nor will it avail gentlemen to say that the New Mex
leo and Utah bills gave the power to the squatter
soveregns Had Calhoun lived. those bills would never
have passed, my opinion, without amendment IN ths
very particular They were not true non-interventon
bills. What has been the result Non-acton. Why 7
Because those soveegns desire TO continue IN those Ier-
riories the Mexican laws, and consider them IN foIce
there Il is vain 10 compare such measures with the true
non Intervention measures proposed by the bill OF ls4s
sabsnrd TO speak OF non-nerventlon IN these lerto
res with the MISREPRESENTATION clause IN force. Neither
the bill OF 1885, any other could provide for
ion-intervenon without repeating that clause But apply
the principles OF the bill OF 1SiS 10 The Nebraska bill.
which epeas that clause, and you have full and saiisac
tory non-ntervention In the Nebraska bill passed
the Senate the principle of intervention Is abandon
ed, totally deserted by lis pretended friends, long as the
tI
State governments; because while the territorial egsia
lures may by that bill decide the question OF slavery,
is now fully admitted they may, Congress will neces
sariy exercise the power OF revising their acts and the
omission declare that power in the bill, the
striking opto the clause which expressly gave Congress
the power TO revise, does not Ia the slightest degree, af
feet the matter Congress s of course left free by the
sttuon 10 intervene while the local legislatures and
the question OF slavery will be, OF course agated here
whenever the territorial Legislatures shall decide that
question. Nothing is settled by the BILL because the
true principles of non-iniervenon have been deserted
Sir forbear TO notice other remarks made in this de-
sultoy and irregular debaenot merely because there
question before the Senate, bat because have mel
them in the debate the BILL and think unnecessary TO
reply them again. know that northern and southern
men put different constructions on this bill TO suit the
latitude OF their residence aud have no desire 10
barrsss them BY any further observations.
Mr.. WALKER | move that the Senate proceed TO
the consideration OF The special orderHouse bill No. 81
This is the homestead bill
The PRESIDENT The question is on laying these
memorials upon the table,
Mr., STUART. | think that that motion was with
drawn | desire 10 say something upon this question
before it is disposed of by the Senate. do not
when tits done All that desire is to submit few
marks 10 The Senate before this discussion ends
Mr.. WALKER. As it seems 10 be the wish OF gentle
around that this discussion should 20 now,
will withdraw my call for the special order
Mr. STUART II is well known, Mr. President, that
when this subject under discussion before the pas
sage OF the Nebraska bill, orhoe discuss all the
general principles OF the BILL do no, intend discuss
now further than 10 meet some suggestions that have
iallen IRON senator's this morning ! prepared to
concur generally in the remarks which were made by
the honorable senator from North Caroliga. that the
probable Interpretation OF the bill before the adoption Of
the amendment which he offered would have been the
same that it would be ". / not prepared how
ever, 10 say that that would certainly be the
lhiuk that honorable senators lay down the proposition
little too strongly think that there for de-
BATE and there certainly for difference Of
opinion Tor, since that bill passed the Senate, have
that certain portion OF the southern press in this
country have come out and denounced IL good for
nothing for the South because OF the adoption of that
amendment, and because of the adoption OF another
which was offered by the senator lrom Illinois, [Mr
DOUGLAS, taking away the revising power OF Congress
over the legislation of the Territories. Il IS known at
least here, that the amendment which offered by the
honorable senator from North Carolina was that amend
ment which drew aud which had declared must, in
substance. be appended to the bill or could not consent
TO vote for it,
Now, sir have stated, it was moi so mach that
should baye differed myself, lawyer, from the inter-
prealon Pot upon The bill as then stood that II left it
matter OF opinion as il then stood | stated then what
repeat now-that whatever controversy to grow out
OF that question 10 be located Ia the northern and not
in the southern States and the controversy there should
not rest upon the construction OF this BILL far opin
ion merely might go; for when gentleman takes The
stump against sou, he will assert opinion which
is antagonstc 10 yours, and he will claim-whal
every has right TO clam--,hat has opinion
is good as ySars Therefore insisted, and I beg
10 refer to II now because gentlemen thought
that u was a threat upon my pan-which the
fuTthest thing possible from my thoughts, because IL
would not have altered the fate OF the bill II had voted
against itherefoe Insisted that II, some gentlemen
claimed, dis controversy should again come up IN the
North, we shsud have no two interpretations make TO
the bill and that should The que esiion as il was
said here II WAS intended 10 be met simply conerring
upoo the territorial legislatures all the power which we
possess the question OF slavery There was willing
Mr. President think, with ali respect TO the opinions
OF others, that the question be met aud success
fully
cannot aequiesce prccisely-l never did and do not
now-in ihe belief that this was brought for.
ward as northern measure That Il ultimately assumed
that phase, freely admit Bot never heard of il until
il bfoaght IN here in that BILL | have never seen
ed about IT. aad have inquired oil several southern gen
uemen, and have lound none from that quarter who
were consulted about IT. never believed that il was
wise 20 bring IN here; for believed that no good could
grow out oi it, met Il. therefore, SO lar as nv action
and vote weni as a measure brought here without apV
sponsIbe except the committee who introduced it--a
measure which to be acted upon like any other meas
ue before the Senae le the consequences be what they
might.
Mt PRESIDENT, ask the attention OF the Senate while
state, IA few w0rde the greatest fear That have ever
teraned consequence OF the introduction of thai meas
ure and lear that snll enlerlain though hone will
uFaVa 0Yqu Tala -