Weekly national intelligencer., 1854-11-04
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
THE VIEWS OF A SOUTHERN NAN.

ments offensive to Southern feellng, ana calculateu
TO exasperate the sectional quarrel heedlessly re-
opened at the last Session of Congress on the deli
cate subject of slavery.
In the Northern article the writer takes the
ground that the Federal Constitution docs not
recognise the existence of slavery such at all,
and in'no form except indirectly" The review
we speak of is the production of clear and logical
mind, and apparently free from passion and pre-
judice as it is reasonable to expect. The writer
eombats with ability the position quoted, and ad-
duces the authority of Mr.. MADISON (who devoted
whole chapter of the Federalist to the subject) to
show that {" the Federal Constitution decides with
great propriety on the of our slaves when it
views them in the mixed character of persons and
of property" And he quotes from Justice STORY,
of the Supreme Court the following passage, found
In his Commentaries on the Constitution, which
clearly confirms the view Of Mr.. MADISON:
The real (and it very exciting) controversy
says this respected author speaking of the Convention of
17s7 was in regard slaves whether they should be
included in the enumeration not. The truth is, that
the arrangement adopted by the Consttuor mattor
of compromise and concession conessedy unequal IN its
operation but necessary sacrifice to that spirit OF con-
cation which indispensable to the union Of States
having great diversity of interests and physical cond-
ton, and poleal institutions 1t was agreed that slaves
should be represented under the mild appellation of
other persons-not free persons but in the proper
ton of three ffths."
But our main object in calling attention to the
tereview' was to bring before the dispassionate
and impartial reader that portion of the argument
10 fbo ~ ~ Tba
maintains with great force the opinion expressed
by this paper in effect at the very threshold of the
CONTROVERSY that no sound or satisfactory
has ever been advanced for it's introduction" and
that g the South has risked more than she gained
by this bill" The Mississippi journal, in which
we find this strong article, refers to it in these
words "The communication from "a Member Or
The Mississippi Legislature is worthy the perusal
of all Southern men, 1t shows with master
hand the trick that has been played off on our
stitutional rights by the Nebraska Kansas swndle.
When the NdslviUe Conrcntioaists assembled they
were so much in love with the Missouri compro-
mise line of $50 so that they made it sine qua
non that it be extended to the Pacific. The line
is now obliterated, and the Northern hordes will
ercumscribe the South and her institutions within
her present limits, which seem to be irrevocably
( fixed by the action Of a Democratic Congress"
Extracts from the ReUiew referred to.
We believe truly that, SO far the Southern members
of Congress involved the main object of their sup
port to the bill was directed permanent and definite
repeal Of the Missouri restriction of 1920 regarding the
limits Of slavery We shall not undertake to say at this
time how far regard their being warranted
by policy prudence; but we give them full credit so
far as motive was concerned The views of the Southern
people, in connexon with the Nebraska Kansas BILL have
however been varousy given and have been very much
misrepresented We shall attempt briefly to define
and unfold what take be the genuine Southern
tment this question We speak not for politicians
aspirants We essay simply views to the position
of the masses who Indifferent to the auremens Of
Office and to the whispers of ambition.
The bill organize these Territories is very pupu-
rea paaaus. 1t is made up Of shreds and patches. 1t is
enactment merely on its face it undertakes to
define what it MEANS and thus dictates to all judicial tr-
bunas what and how they expected to decide One
section contradicts and nuies another section; for we
regard the first and fourteenth being manestly at
rance There is not according to Judgment section
in the bill any thing connected with the bill to
mend the favorable consideration Of the statesman
or the patriot 1t bad in design, it is bad in prin
cple greatly fear it will prove bad in consequences
No sound satisfactory has been advanced
for its introduction and greatly mistake
bers of Mr. PERcEs Cabinet if they would have advised
or abetted any such project however they may have felt
bound to act afterwards Nor do quarrel with Presi
dent PIERCE because of his course after the bill was
Drought forward. Bad regard the bill to be, it yet
came to be war between the friends of the Constitution
and its enemies and assailed violently by the
whole phaanx of Aboltonists and Freesolers 1t was
forced as test in consequence, between the North
and the South, although there was really test in
the whole bill 1t was pellme fight in the air over
man Of straw so far the Missouri restriction was con-
csrned But Mr. PIERCE certainly took sides with the
large majority of Southern Congressman both Wings and
to impeach. We oppose his Administration and CON
denim most Of his official acts; think that his acts
have in respects been contrary to his declarations
but bound to say that his inaugural and his
sages far the institutions of the South concerned
spoke boldly the principles of patriot and friend
the constitutional rights of the South. Nor have we
any charges bring against those members from the South
who spoke and voted for this Nebraska BILL Despite our
bad opinion of the BILL sympathzed with their course
nents. Ii was an occasion when true men might make
up their opinion without being subjected to arragn-
ent whether that opinion was adverse or favorable to
the BILL We might have delivered our sentiments as did
the Hon. W. p HARRrs, of this State, but could not
have worked coleagued with the opponents of the bill
with nearly every Southern friend for adversary We