The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-09-21
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.

snf66 tiIucS inc Value Vi CObtOu. ".
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
South Carolina has always claimed. to be q
Democratic State, not merely in its political
Constitution, but in tho common language of
politicians; and it is astonishing that the pre-
posterous claim is generally acquiesced in.
Her bold and audacious politicians, by dint of
talent, efffontery, and clap-trap have, for forty
or fifty years, kept up the humbug in the face
of the fact, that all political power is vested
in one-third of her people, in proportion to
their interest in the remaining two-thirds, who
are regarded as slaves. Her Constitution is
not only aristocratic in maintaining Slavery,
but also in discriminating between tho rich
and the poor white population-giving power
to districts not in proportion to citizens but in
proportion to taxable property of which slaves
constitute the grea. bulk Such is South Car
DINA Democracy, which is impudently held
up as a model for the imitation of other States
which exclude Slavery.
But this is an era of change and progress
and even South Carolina, like Turkey and
Spain, are beginning to feel the influence Of
what is called "the spirit of the age" We
are pleased to observe, in the newspapers of
that State, spirited discussion upon the
mode of appointing Presidential electors By
the present law, which differs from that of all
the other States, the people are entirely ex-
cluded from voice in the election of Presi
dent. The complicated wheel within-a-wheel,
as it exists in the Federal Constitution, had not
removed the President far enough from the
People to quit the aristocratic democracy Of
South Carolina, and they interpOsed another
obstacle to the full and fair expression of public
opinion, by comforting the election of the elect
ors upon the Legislature.
The Legislature of South Carolina is strictly
and exclusively aristocratic. No man is eligi-
BILE to seat in that body, unless he is the
owner of at least ten negroes, or consider
able income in money.
We are glad to see that the advocates Of
tho repeal of this law, and of the substitution
of popular election, have boldly sssailed the
injustice and inequality of the whole system
of representation. They expose the Constitu-
ton of the State to contempt and ridioule, in
language which must sound almost treason
able in that latitude, but which cannot fail to
have o wholesome influence upon the pub
lie mind A writer in the South Caro-
hnian shows that the upper counties, with
nearly fve-sixths of the white population, have
only 70 out of 122 Representatives. That
Riohlsnd district, with $3.50 white inhsbit-
ants has only five members of Assembly !;
while the parishes of ST. Thomas, St. Dennis,
and St. James, with total population Of 984,
less by 374 than the number of UOters in Rich.
land, has six members Of Assembly. Psndie-
ton, with 28,232 white inhabitants, has bat
seven Representatives, while ST. Philips and
st. MichaePs parishes, with only is, S72 white
people, has eighteen Representatives, sc.
These facts ere sufficient to show that the
slaveholding class are, or ct least have been,
supreme in South Carolina. They keep IN
der the poorer white people, as we'll as the
slaves, and constitute an OdOus oligarchy in
the name of Democracy
The following language of tho writor in the
South CdroliniGn must sound very queerly in
the ears of the Slsveocrscy: G.
"Neyer was the remark of MIR. Jefferson
more clearly elucidated than is now apparent
in tho construction of the General Assembly of
South Carolina. That great man was not in
error when he said that power was constant
ly passing from the many to the few By the
Constitution of South Carolina, as formed BY
the Convention, it passed then from the many
to the few Will any man say this is untrue4
The writer, 10 sustain himself, refers to the ts-
ble Look at the number of Representatives
apportioned to the small parishes. Look at
Christ Church, st Stephens, st Johns Berk-
ley, and others in the table and there is found
three members for each. Look to Beaufort, and
there are ttoelUe. Was this equal Justice to
ALL? for be it remembered, when South Caro-
lima accepted the Constitution of the United
States on the terms contained in the deolara-
tons prefacing that instrument she virtually
promised (lTequal justioe-S1l to all her citi-
zsns. Did the Convention of 1890 award this
constituent of Democratic Government to the
Legislature, or to the people? What ia DEM
ocratic Government? Is it one which, in an.
portioning the representation of State, estab-
fishes the elective franchise on basis of gross
inequality? Would Government, pretending
to have even faint semblance to democracy,
perpetrate a palpable wrong on its people for
a period of more than sixty yearsa And in
this enlightened age, what should be thought
of those who can see no wrong in such arrange
ment, and claim for themselves the cognomen
of democratic republicans and laud a system
unequal, unjust and antidemocratic in all its
bearings? When any Government denies to
its citizens rights which were intended to be
secured 10 them by the Constitution of their
common country, and persists in that denial,
then he who upholds and advocates such deni-
al, especially on the score Of erpcdiency, is not
republican at heart, be that man in power
and Office, or seeking either. Better for such
men to come out boldly and declare TO the peo-
pie, 'ye serfs and underlings se haze no rights
and if ye have it is not erpedient for you to ex-
ercise them, because the members of the Legis-
lature can do it better
'Expediency!' What convenient term
for those who will not, or cannot, seek the
foundation of argument 'Expediencyp How
many usurpations how much political turpi-
tude it conceals, and is designed to cover
'Expediencyp A fitting word truly, for such
as would detract from the merits of q question
based on equal justice to all ~
PIONEERING.
EUREKA, Iowa, Sept. 6, 1854.
tn fks Ed,for M IL. Nof;oncJ r.