Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-17
WASHINGTON, D. C.
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY IL 1854.
THE ORIGINAL" POLICY.

WAS not the policy OF the fathers oi the
Republic asks the Sent mel, made to declare
in the most emphatic manner possible, that
Slavery should be secured outside the State
limits;' and that whithersoever Slavery should
flee, the ubiquitous arm Of the exclusive juris-
dction Of the General Government alone SO
cures this Slavery, and holds it Slavery, not
only where it has exclusive jurisdiction, but in
the very heart Of fres soil and Free Soilers,
where in fact the only jurisdiction, almost,
which the General Government possesses, is
the jurisdiction to hold q slave still slave and
oil the retained sovereignty Of q State, peopled
exclusively with Free-Soilers, has to acknowl
edge the rightful jurisdiction Of the General
Government to take and restore the fugitive
In truth, it may be clearly stated that the whole
power Of the exclusive jurisdiction Of the Gen
eral Government IL not only authorized, but
pledged To exert it, not only where its power
is exclusive, but where it il restricted and linn
tied by NIL the retained sovereignty Of States
that, in fact, to whomeyer Slavery attaches, no
power ON earth, in its own State, in other
States, in the National domain, or upon the
seas, shall loosen that bond except by the ac-
ton Of the bondhoider HIMSELF
This is the last consideration urged by the
Sentinel against the position, that the original
very within State limits and secure freedom
within the exclusive jurisdiction Of the General
Government Here as throughout the argu-
ment the Sentinel relies upon mere exceptions
to overturn general truth. We have never
claimed that tho Anti-Slavery views of the
fathers Of the Republic we're fully embodied in
the Government they founded; that they were
not at times constrained, by circumstances ap-
pearing to them imperative to qualify them to
certain extent; that the Federal Constitution
contains not q single provision repugnant to
those views. The ground we take is that,
by the policy Of the trainers Of the Federal
Constitution, Freedom was regarded, protected,
and provided for, as National, Normal, Per-
manent Interest," Slavery, as Sectional, Excep-
tionsl, and Temporary.
A few years before, when organizing the
Confederation and declaring its independence
OF Great Britain, they rested the yindication Of
their act upon solemn affirmation Of the doc.
trine that "all men are created equal, with
certain unalenable rights" among which are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness that
to protect these rights Governments arc inst-
tuted; that when Government fails in this
duty, and habitually tramples upon them, it is
the right Of the People to amend or substitute
il that the British Government had been guilty
in both respects, and therefore, the Colonies
we're justified in rejecting it and forming q
Government for themselves The sole ground
OF their Justification was, the doctrine Of the
natural equality Of r1gAts among men. This
being admitted, the vindicstion Of their act
was triumphant; if untrue, the Declaration Of
Independence, the foundation Of our distinct
existence as Sovereign People, is simply q lie.
Our fathers believed it true, and il was this
Principle that controlled their action when
they came to found the Constitution Of the Uni.
ted States; for in behalf Of the People Of the
United States they solemnly declared that their
intention in framing the Constitution was to
Storm = more perfect union, establish justice,
insure domestic tranquility, provide for the
common defence, promote the general welfare,
and secure the blessings Of liberty to them
sslys, and posterity. Now, il will bs found
that oil the main provisions Of this instrument
are maniiestIy designed and calculated to pro-
tect personal liberty, to secure Fundamental
rghts to restrain the ambition Of majorities,
70 preserve the essential rights Of the individual
States to check the tendency Of power from
the many to tho few Its peryading spirit Is
respect Ter the Principle Of Natural and Equal
Rights among men.
Three provisions, evidently exceptional in
their nature, point 10 the existence Of an Ele.
ment in the Union in conflict with this Princi-
pie: these are, the arrangement in regard to
the representative ratio, the clause relating to
the migration or importation Of persons prior
10 the year 1908, and the stipulation in regard
TO fugitives from service or labor. We, who
have been born and educated in this country,
understand that these provisions have been
uniformly applied 70 Slavery; but foreigner,
unacquainted with our social condition and
history, could never infer this from the provi-
sions Themselves or from any other portion Of
the Constitution. The language in which they
are clothed Is ambiguous; the words slave =
and Slavery" are never used; the very idea
is rejected Why Because the trainers Of
the Constitution felt that Slavery was repug
nant 70 the truths Of the Declaration Of Inde.
pendence, repugnant 10 the spirit and inten.
tion Of Che Constitution they were forming not
a. 70 BE- named among the institutions Of o
Democratic Republic That il not all---the
provisious were 80 framed, that this exception
u inetisution might cease 10 exist without the
necessity Of preliminary change IN them Be.
sides every implication Is carefully excluded
from them, which might favor or tolerate Sla-
very - right or proper. They proceed on tho
assumption thstit crisis but not that II Is good
or just They make certain arrangements in
view Of is existence, deemed necessary 10 pre-
vent The General Government about to be o.
tablishsd from coming into collision with Sec
tional Interests identified with il, bat afford no