Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-04-21
WASHINGTON, ID. C.
FRIDAY, APRIL 81, 1854.


SOUThEhN lNdhAIIluDE.
Quite recently we published nm extract from
a speech delivered by Hiram Ketchnm, jr, one
Of the Compromise Wings Of $780, in which
he complained bitterly Of the ingratitnde Of the
South to the Northern champions Of it's rights.
Southern newspapers treat this complaint
pretty much az it deserves They say
1t is worry great mistake to imagine that
the South conceives that she incnrs an obiga-
ton Of gratitude to the men Of the North, who
manifest willingness to concedo her rights IN
der the Constitution. What We claim Of the
North is not grace, but justice The Constitu-
ton secures to the South certain rights and
immnnities, and by accepting the Constitution
the North became bound by certain CORES
pondng duties. The individual owes to socie-
~ particular obligations and services, and no
man magines that he deserves applause for
keeping the peace or respecting the life Of his
ncighbor. Yet such pretension wonld be pre-
ciscly analogous to the claim Of the North to
the gratitude and applause of the South, on
tho ground Of 4 Submission to the obligations
OF the Constitution.
eThe complaint Of Southern ingratitudo ex-
poses tho worthlessness Of Northern patriotism.
Did anybody imagine that Mr.. Hiram Ketch-
nm and his con,patriots of the Union Safety
Committce Supported the Compromise of 1850
from any but the highest and most disinterest-
ed motives? Was it suspected for moment
that they were only engaged in a commercial
speculation, and that they would want hand
some dividend ON their investment in patriot
ism? Virtue ia it's own reward is maxim
of which Mr.. Ketchum does not comprehend
the import, and in accordance with which he
does not adjust his conduct With him, a no.
Bile action, like good speech at the bar, is
only worth tho reward it brings. If, in 1850,
he contributed his cash to the funds of the
Union Safety Committee and his elOquence to
the cause OF the Constitution, it was not from
any abstract love OF Justice or romantic devo-
ton 10 the country For all his patriotic exer-
tions he expected the reward of Southern graf
itudc and now that his speculation mscarrios,
he threatens to avenge himself on the South by
transferring his eloquence and his virtue to the
service of Seward"
Very good - the rebuke is timely and we'll
administered If the Union Safety Committee
men simply sustained the enforcement of q
Constitutional obligation in 1850, they have
no special claim upon the gratitude of any Sec
ton, for extraordinary services. II they went
beyond Constitutional requirement, and per-
formed works of supererogation in behalf of
Slavery, their appropriate reward is shame and
contempt Why should the South put its trust
in those who have proved false to their own sec
ton and people? The Northern Compromises
of 1850 did 60 beyond the Constitution. They
knew that Congress had power to prohibit Sla-
very in Territories, that the power had been
repeatedly exercised, that the policy of Slavery
restriction was coeval with tho Government;
but they abandoned this policy, and, by waiv-
ing the exercise Of an ineontestabe right afford
cd Slaveholders1 pretext for assuming that it
was surrendered They knew that no Consti-
tutional obligation rested upon them to legis
late further in relation to Fugitive Slaves, and
yet, to disarm the wrath or win the favor OF the
Shareholders they joined with them in passing
an act, so grossly violative of every principle
of Justice, and every safeguard thrown around
personal rights by the Constitution, that it does
not deserve the name Of Lam, and has no title
to the respect of law abiding people.
IT, in their own judgment, these acts were
required by the Constitution, what right have
they to claim reward at the hands of slave
holders? The fact that they make such
claim, betrays a consciousness on their part Of
the performance of extra constitutional services
in behalf Of Slavery.
Northern politicians are slow to learn. Let
them 90 as far as they may in their zeal for
slaveholding rights" "a they are called they
will still fall short of tle mark. Let them
render the most signal services, their language
must still be- :" We arc but Improbable ser
vants--if saved at all it will not be by our
own works, but by the grace Of our puissant
masters, the Shareholders How can they
come up TO the demands made upon them
productive, and most bcne6cont combination Of
Capital and Labor that the world has ever
known Tina. that state ofsociety IL best in which
the Capitalist owns the Laborcr2 That the
highest form of civilization is attained where the
inferior classes arc the property of the superior
That Slavery is the origin and end Of the
Union Of these States, the cornerstone OF tho
Federal Constitution, the only sure foundation
Of Republican Institutions, tho source Of our
national greatness, and the soul Of tho worlds
commerce? That the chief duty Of the Fed
eral Government il, TO provide for its security,
enlarge its area, augment its power, and con-
firm its supremacy? That no right, no inter-
est, which conflicts with its elaine, is entitled
to moments consideration That the only
American craftsmanship is that which has
been baptized with the spirit Of Slavery, the
only American treason, resistance to its de-
mands? This must be their creed, and this
creed must regulate their conduct, but Let them
not expect even then the gratitude Of the
South; for, after all, they will only "manifest
a willingness to concedc her rights undcr the
Constitution "Thcy confer no special favor
on the South, says the Richmond Enquirer
aWo are not conscious Of any extraordinary