The true Democrat., 1854-12-20

ana aDSOfDeQ anclent klngQOmS, planted tnelr standards on every continent and now possess, or claim the control of the islands of every ocean as their appropriate domain, would look with unfriendly sentiments upon the acquisi- tions of this country, in every instance hono- rably obtained, or would feel themselves justi- fled in imputing our advancement to spirit of aggression or to passion for political predomi- nance.
 | Our foreign commerce has reached a magni- tude and extent equal to that of the the first maratime powers of the earth, and exceeding that of any other. Over this great interest, in which not only our merchants, but all classes, at least indirectly, concerned, it is the duty of the executive and legislative branches of the government to exercise careful supervision, and adopt proper measures for its protection.- The policy which have had in view, in regard to this interest, embraces its future as well as present security.
 Long experience has shown, that in general, when the principal powers of Europe are en- gagged in war, that rights of neutral nations are endangered. This consideration led in the progress of the war of independence, to the formation of the celebrated confederacy of armed neutrality, primary object of which was to assert the doctrine that free ships make free goods, except in cases of articles contra band of war; a doctrine which from the very commencement of our national being, has been a cherished idea of the statesmen of this coun- try. At one time or another, every maratime power has, by some solemn treaty stipuations, recognized that principle; and it might have been hoped that it would come to be univer- sally received and respected as a rule of inter- national law. But the refusal of one power prevented this and the next great war which enSued, that of the French revolution, it failed to be respected among the belligerent States of Europe. Notwithstanding this, the principle IS generally admitted to be sound and saluta- ry one; so much so that at the commence ment of the existing war in Europe, Great Britain and France announced their purpose to observe it for the present: not, however as re- cognized international right, but as mere con- cesson for the time being. The cooperation, however, of these powerful maritime nations in the interest of neutral rights appeared to me to afford an occasion, inviting and justifyng on the part of the United States, a renewed effort to make the doctrine in question principle of international law, by means of special conven- tons between the several powers of Europe and America. Accordingly, proposition, em- | braclng not only the rule that free ships make free goods, except contraband articles, but also, the less contested one, that neutral property, other than contraband, though on board ene- my's ships, shall be exempt from confscation, has been submitted by this government to those of Europe and America.
 Russia acted promptly Tn this matter and a convention was concluded between that coun- try and the United States providing for the ob- l servance of the principles announced only be- tween them and all other nations which shall enter into like stipulations. None of the other powers have as yet taken final action on the subject. l am not aware, however, that any ob- Jectlon to the proposed stipulations has been made but on the contrary, they are acknowl- edged to be essential to the security of neutral commerce; and the only apparent obstacle to their general adoption, is the possibility that it may be encountered by inadmissible condi- tion.
 The King of the Two Sicies has expressed to our minister at Naples his readiness to con- cur in our proposition relative to neutral rights and to enter into a convention on that subject
 The King of Prussia entirely approves of the project of treaty to the same effect, submitted to him, but proposes an additional article provid- ing for the remuneration of privateering. Such an article for most obvious reasons, IS much de- sired by nations having naval establishments large in proportion to thir foreign commerce. If 1t were adopted as an international rule the commerce of nation having comparatively a small naval force would be very much at the mercy of its enemy, in case of war with a power of decided naval superiority.
 The bare statement of the condition in which the United States would be placed, after hav- ing surrendered the right to resort to privateers, in the event of war with belligerant of na- chA {bo%+ could never listen to snch proposition. The navy of the first maritime power of Europe is at least ten times as large as that of the United States. The foreign commerce of the two countries is nearly equal and about equally ex- posed to hostile depredations In war between that power and the United States, without re- sort on our part to our mercantile marine, the means of our enemy to intiict injury upon our commerce would be ten fold greater than ours to retaate. We would not extricate our coun- try from this unequal condition with such an enemy, unless we at once departed from our present peaceful policy, and become a great na- val power. Nor would this country be better situated in war with one of the secondary na- val powers. Though the naval disparity would be less, the greater extent, and more exposed condition of our wide spread commerce, would give any of them a like advantage over us
 The proposition to enter into engagements to forego resort to privateers, in case the country should be forced into war with great naval power, is not entitled to more consideration than would a proposition to agree not to accept the services of the volunteers for operations on land. When the honor or the rights of our country require it to assume hostile attitude, it confidently relies upon the patriotism of its citizens not ordinarily devoted to the military profession, to augment the army and navy, so as to make them fully adequate to the emergen- cy which calls them into operation. The pro posal to surrender the right to employ priva- teers is professedly founded upon the principle that private property of unotfending com batants, though enemies, should be exempted from the ravages of war; but the proposed sur render goes but little way in carrying out that principle, which equally requires that such pri- vate property should not be seized or molested by national ships of war; Should the leading powers of Europe concur in proposing, as a rule of international law, to exempt private proper ty, upon the ocean, from seizure by public armed cruisers as well we'll as by privateers, the United States will readily meet them up-