The miners' express. (Dubuque, Iowa) 1849-1854, 1854-05-10
a.nNsisrENCY is AIEWEL,

limselfthe victim Of so palpable an inconsistent
y,as his recent speech exhibits upon the slavery
question. Under the Adams, Jackson and Van
Buren, administrations, M man was more severe
Ind unrelenting upon the Abolitionists, but the
defeat Of Van Buren, for a second administration
pf the government, seems to have DO soured III
sd Roran with the democratic party, that h
IS willing to affiliate with anything that promis
6 the Obstruction and defeat Of this party |
He il now among the loudest and the 6erc
est against everything like organization Of
parties and never loses opportunity to assail
The party at time and in manner to injure 1t |
the most. A man who is perhaps more in
debted for his promotion to the Convention |
system, is the very man who is loudest in de- |
nunciation ofthe system, when it does not oper-
ate to promote his personal Advancement The
course Of this distinguished statesman for the
last few years, 10 not course which can or
should be sustained He may be able through
his extraordinary mental and physical powers
70 sustain himself for time, but bis sectional
and selfish policy will be pretty certain to give
MIN sudden and terrible fall by and by. He
ID rapidly circumscrbing his popularity. What
was national reputation few years since, is
sectional reputation now.
But we must be pardoned for diverging from
the subject, which was to draw a comparison
between Mr.. Bentons views in 1852 and 1854
A an evidence of what Mr.. Benton thought
Of the right of the people in territory to gov
Al IS I'd for
misses, We quote from speech of his delivered
in April 1852.
81 do not believe in a guardianship over the
people; do not believe in the mission OF any
man, or set Of men 10 save this Union. That
creed belongs to the political party who believe
that the people cannot take care of themselves.
WE, TnE PEOPLE, made the constitutions so
says the instrument ITSELF in its FIRST line; SAND
We, the PEOPLE, can save it-se say the mass
es. The salvation Of this Union is not in the
contrivances Of politicians, but in the love and
affection of the people; not in force, or cato
plasms, but in Jusric Gin doing justice to all
the members Of the Union II is a libel TO
say of the authors of our constitution, that they
did such bungling work that It cannot hold to.
gether without periodical patching, and it 10
another libel, aud upon the people, TO say that
they cannot take care Of the constitution which
81 believe in the compromises OF the eonsti.
tuition, and swofe allegiance 10 them, and keep
the oath. do not believe in the compromises
made by politicians, candidates for the presi-
dency. have seen too much ct such work.
What was ever more boosted than the Conpro
mise Of 1883? or more worshipped in it's day! OF
more sworn BY! or more relied upon to save the
Union? or more ferociously adhered to for it's
hour ~ the watchword Of party? or more ON.
nipotent over delicate nerves and attenuated
pates! or made more inc xorable test of politi-
cal salvation or damnation? and what more Ut.
terly and ignominionsly abandoned, and by all
ito followers, high priests and disciples, the mo-
ment it was found that it would make nobody
President? Il was my prerogative to see
through that consriyance at the time OF its de-
vice. and to think as little Of it at its birth rs its
authors did At its death The Compromise Of
1920 also had its day oil laudation and glory; but
il made nobody Presiden'! and now It is despised.
Abjuration Of it isthe order Of the day. Repu-
diation Of the authority make it is test for the
presidency; and judicial decision tracts il as
nullity. The Compromise Of 1850 is, in the
first place, deception, the Compromise bill
having failed, and its conglomeraied measures
passed separately as independent measures, and
with very little help from their pres. nt assump-
tous guardians. In The second place, II was
contrived upon the svowed ground that il was to
make it's champions Presidents, and is now
stuck to upon that principle; and if il fails to do
We job il will take the track of its two defunc,
predecessors, and soon be with them, tlN THE
ToMs OF THE CAPULErs. This is my expe-
rience Of Congress compro mises, and nobody
need 10 Get up these little clay-gods Tor me to
worship, especially whrn those who set them
up do il for purpose, and knock them down
when they don't answer it,
From speech delivered by Col. Benton in April, 1852
In the above quotation it Is very apparent
that Mr.. Benton entertained = high regard for
the rights ofthe people Of territory, precisely
what the Nebraska B i'll claims for them, and but
little regard for compromises. Up to this time
(le52) the compromise of 1890 had never been
respected BY the North. 1t was s'despised"
and was treated By 1.Js lieiat deeisioss as q null
lily"
But mark the change. In his recent speech
in the House he says:
nIssoURl COMPROMISE ROT MERELY STATUTE.
1.-THE question before us is, to get rid Of the
Missouri Compromise line; and, to q lawyer,
that 10 az easy question. That compromise is
in the form Of = statute, and one statute 10 re
pealable by another. That short view is enough
for . lawyer To statesman il is something
different, aud refers the question of its repeal,
not 70 law books, but to reasons Of state policy
tn the circumstances under which it was en-
acted, and the consequences which are to flow
from ito abrogation. This compromise Of 1920
- not mere statute, 70 last for q day; it was
Intended fsr perpetuity, and 20 declared itself.
IL 10 IN enactment 10 settle controversy-and
did settle it-and cannot be sabrogated without
reviving that controversy.
II has given the country peace for above thir-
y years; how many years Of disturbance will
it, abrogation. bring? That is the statesmans
question; and without assuming to be much Of
= statesman, claim to be enough SO to consid
er the consequences of breaking a settlement
which paci6ed continent. | remember the
Missouri Controversy, and how it destroyed all
social feelings and all capacity for beneficial
legislation: and merged all political principle in
IN angry contest about slavery-dividing the
Union into two parts, and drawing up the two
halves into opposite and confronting lines, like,
enemies on the field OF battle. do not wish
70 zee such times again; and therefore, am
against reviving them BY breaking up the set
Element which quoted them.
"The peace, permanency and welfare Of the
Union depend upon strict adherence to the
Missouri Compromise Of 1890" So resolved
TIE General Assembly or Missouri a. late a.
1886. believe the Assembly was right then;
believe Il now-and 80 believing, shall "ad.
here" to the compromise now,a then, Tin spirit
and in letter"
For one We cannot reconcile the discrepancy
between thsss two extracts. The 6rst which was
part Of speech delivered in 1885,, clearly sets
forth the dactrine Of the Nebraska Bill, touch
Ing The rights Of people in territory and assails
Ill compromises in the broadest terms, while the
subsequent extract ffemAis recent speech in the
House. scouts the idea Of Congressional non
Intervention and solemnizes the compromise Of
1870, = sacred compact, to interfere with
which, 10 moral aud political treason, the legiti.
mste work Of demagogues and time serving
politicians. This we had not expected from
Mr.. Benton.
AxorHER New TxRRiroRY-It 10 stated
that the people Of Carson Valley have agreed 10
make application 10 Congress 10 separate Utah
and form into new territory to be bounded
on the east BY the Goose Greek Mountains
north by Oregon, and south and west Cailfor-
mia. The area included within these limits, is
about one third of the territory Of Utah. (which
il - the Western part. 1t is remote from the
s-h.