Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1854-12-02
THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY.

The GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY.
The slavery question, it was thought by many,
was settled by the compromise of 1850 That thought
was mistaken one il not it was settled but for
time Opposition to the just rights of the slave
holding States has increased rather than dminished
and the masses of the free States thorough
y united now than at any former period in their de-
termination to exclude slavery from the territories
to prevent the admission of saveholding States into
the Union, and TO repeal or essentially modify the
fugitve-slave law. The enemies of the South in the
present Congress can effect of these results,
because they are, in the first place. not powerful
enough to do so, and because secondly, any law of
the kind referred to would meet the Executive veto;
but the next House of Representatives will be under
the control of these men, and upon that body will
devove the election of President in case the peo-
pie should fail to choose in 1866. The House
may couple with the appropriation bill for the sup
port of government clauses repeating the fugitive
slave law and the Nebraska act, and the majority
may insist to the last extremity upon such bill. It
such a bill shall pass, whether the government
shall be arrested in its course and if the Senate
should give way and allow the bill to become law
the great responsibility of deciding would be thrown
upon the President. We believe that both the Sem
ate and the President would be found equal to the
momentous crisis; but every must foresee the
calamitous consequences that must flow from such
a course the part of the House. Yet the evil
would be augmented il such body required
to elect President. Mr.. Seward, if he should re-
ceve, as it is now likely he will, enough votes to
carry his name to the House, would most probably
be chosen; or if not, some other candidate the rep
resenative of the frcesoiers and aboltionsts would
be elected. In that event, with the House and the
President committed against the rights of the South
the Senate could not long hold out 1t might
would make determined and glorious effort to
preserve the Union, but fear it would fail
Fortunately for the South, fort lnately for the
Union of the States and for the best hopes of man.
the people of the slavcholdng States of all parties
are at length pcrceivirg the imperative necessity
which exists of uniting in defence of their rights.
1t has been suggested that it would be well if the
present Legislature of North Carolina would give
utterance to the views of the people of the State
this question Heretofore, division has existed in
that body on the question-party feeling has been
brought to bear upon it, and thus the voice of the
State has been weakened and deprived of the effect
it might otherwise have had on the people of the
free States. The time for appealing to the of
justice of the dominant maortics in many of the
Northern States has passed by. These majorities
arc deaf to all such appeals. Resolutions embody-
ing abstract principles in relation to the theory of the
federal system and the rights of the States cannot
be productive, it seems to Us, of much good; what
should say now, if we speak at ALL should be brief
pointed, practical and uttered with soemnity befit-
ting the occasion and the great results involved. We
do not doubt that Resolution, Resolutions of
this character could be passed unanimously through
both Houses of the General Assembly; and the eff
feet of such action might strengthen the Union and
give additional force to the cause of right and JUS
tice.
We do not wish to be understood, however,
urging upon friends any particular course on
the subject. We deprecate renewal Of the discus
sion slavery among ourselves; if cannot agree
to things indifferent touching the question, we
all unite in the main in defending vital in
terests and rights.