The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1854-08-25
What could be more suicidal than


g. This feature alone is enough thoroughly section
aze any platform An organization to sustain it neees
sariy be confined citizens of the free States and
it necessarily exclude the citizens OF the slave
States for suppose that fifteen sovereigntes of this
Union that have elected retain slavery viii unite IN
sustaining principle that carries in il their own eondem-
and degradation is Utopan Nothing is more clear
that this principle will create the issue OF free States
and slave Statesof North and South. On the one side,
the question where vast interests concerned and
which is viewed matter of life ana death on te othcr
side it is question calculated to arouse the dangerous
spirit of anatieism and of inordnae ambition: on the
side it is question of existence and on the other
question of power will thus array different sections In
defiant hostility toward each other The past shows how,
in such contests and all her hated train are sure to be
summoned to minge and kindle in the strife such are
sure to be the issues They of nature different from
all others The repeal of law of Congress- of any law,
are matters within and under the constitutional but this
issue overrides the constitution and embraces matter
deeper than party matters It has IN IL vasuy
than the of candidates In an elecuon ~ car
ries with mighty issues. The North cannot ahord 10
come victor in such contests for the minority never
agreed to submit such an issue majority vote and its
success would be its ruin the South never could submit
this insult for submission would be degradation Such
inevitably are the issues Immediately involved in this plat
form or organization that stands upon it patriots
whose patriotic party action embrace their whole
country accept such PLATFORM st possible that thought
full considerable Unon-ovng citizens can give it their
support
The nsurmountabe objections to this rule now laid
down of no STATES" both on the score ofs
unconstitutionay and of its sectionasm induced emf
of all parties TO condemn it. II there ever
was sectional dangerous, dsunion principle or poor
demagogue appeal this is Let us look at the manner
in which usrous have spoken of this principle Of
restriction sovereign State.
| JEFFERSON
The writings of jefferson abound with denunciaons OF
the restriction that attempted to be put the new
State of Missouri He then (ls20) contended that the
regulation "of the different conditions OF composing
State certainly the exclusive right Of ecery State,
ehich nothing in The constitution has taken from them and
gioen The general government No one was more strongly
opposed the attempted exercise of this principle OF re-
sriction. No severely deprecated geographi
division of parties dangerous to the peace and
the continuance of the Union. He wrote in 1920 when
the Missouri storm ragged the iercest
/ 81 regret that die in the belief that the
less sacrifice of themselves by the generation OF l776 to
qure elfgovernment and happiness their country TO
be thrown away by the unwe and unworthy passions Of
their and that only consolation Is to be- that
live not to weep it, If they would but dspassonate-
y weigh the blessings they will throw away against an
abstract principle likely to be effected by union than
by session they would pause before they would pcrpe-
trae this act of suicide themselves, and OF treason
against the hopes of the world"
1 PRESIDENT MADISON.
The views of the lustrious Madison, in the time of the
Missouri controversy not only against the unconst
tionaity of the condition attempted to be put the STATE
but the restriction that applied to the Terri
tory remarkable letter. dated Feb TO- 1920 he states
that when 1857 ordinance passed. Congress had
no authority to prohibit the importation of slaves from
abroad that all the States had, and in the full
exercise of the right import them; and consequently
that there mode in which Congress could check the
evil indirect of narrowing the space open for the
reception of slaves He in correspondence with Pres
dent Monroe Jefferson, during the time of the Mis-
souri, question In letter dated Feb %, 1920, he
to the right of Congress to impose even territorial re-
stricon must thai Ihaps aludys leaned TO the be-
lief that the restriction Missouri line of $1,000 not wihin
the true scope Of the constitution No decided
as to the unconsutionaity a restriction Sate
His view harmonzed with those of President Monroe and
he counselled the contemplated veto by him of the first
Missouri bill
PRESIDENT MONROE.
President Monroe (Feb 6, ls2O) in letter addressed
Judge Roane stated that he should veto the bill rela-
tive the admission of Missouri iii presented to him
for signature. He says:
MY decided opinion is that all the States composing
our Union, well as old, must have equal rights
cedng to the general government equal share of power
and retaining themselves the like that they cannot be
incorporated into the Union different principles con-
t dtons Should bill pass admitting
Missouri subject restraint shall have difficulty in
the to be pursued shall in any future
speeding the admission OF any other State as to its
/ right State"
President Monroe prepared veto message for the bill
then in Congress- The rough notes OF this message
still in existence having been found among his manuscripts
We copy the first three paragraphs which relate to the
principle we are considering:
Having fully considered the bill entitled &c, and dis
approved of it. return it to the , in which 1t
originated with my objections to the same.
That the constitution in providing that new States
may be admitted into the Union is done by the third
section of the fourth article intended that they should be
admitted with all the rights and mmunities Of the origin
al States retaining like them all the powers to their
local governments and ceding the United States in the
general government all the powers ceded to by the
stituton
HTha if conditions of character not applicable to the
original States should be imposed State inc
quality would be imposed created lessening in degree
the right of State sovereignty which would always be de-
grading such State and which operating
dion Of its admission, its incorporation would be incom-
pee and would also be annued and such State be
severed from the Union should it afterwards equal
y and exercise power acknowledged to belong to NIL the
original States"
| PRESIDENT JOHN Q. ADAMS
/ The opinions of President Adams this subject
record both before he filled the executive chair and subse
queny to this period When the fanatical cry went
through the North lin lsl920) of slave States it
is to his credit statesman and consttnonal-abiding
citizen that he used his influence against the proposed
| the journals The question up the admis-
sion of the slave State of Arkansas after he had been
President. food of petitions circumstances, and
rails poured into Congress against the admission of Arkan-
slave State; and many of these sent Mr.
Adams, that time (s36) in the House OF Representa-
ves He addressed the House several occasions in the