Weekly national intelligencer., 1854-11-18

width of territorial empire? We have seen it
strangely argued that the vitality of nation con-
ssts in her capacity for aggressive domination, and
the example of Rome has been quoted to confirm its
truth for, we are told, when Rome ceased to con-
quer she ceased to be great and powerful. We do
not so read the history of the city who, In proud
assurance of manifest destiny" called herself
/" eternal" She ceased to be great not because she
ceased to conquer, but because she did not cease
soon enough. She fell to pieces from the weight Of
her own plethoric and disjoihted body.
A reliance on manifest destiny" has not, then,
as it seems from the record Of history, proved a
shield as well as sword in the hands Of its cham.
pions Let us look at the doctrine in the light of
reason that we may inquire into its nature after this
historical consideration of its tendencies.
What, then, is !" manifest destiny?" Is it a
thing of fancy or Of fact? Is it, as the metaphysi
clans say, subjective idea or objective truth
Is it an igais atus that leads its needless follow
ers into bogs and quagmires or is it lode star in
the sky by which the pilot may guide the ship Of
state?
In order to settle this point we do not think it
necessary to assume, with some, that the events of
history are evolved without any law of sequence
that is capable Of discovery and substantiation But
what we do affirm is that no man has yet been able
to coordinate the facts Of past history around any
general and alpervasive well as all-comprehend-
ing law and if this has not been yet done for the
past, is it very reasonable to suppose that our mani
fest destinarians can mark out the normal line Of
progress which nation should pursue in the dim
and shadowy future? 1t has become fashionable m
political parlance to talk of peoples emission"
as if they had been somehow entrusted with power
of attorney to accomplish certain specific purposes.
Whence, we ask is this mission" derived, and by
whom are its credentials authenticated? Who ap-
points to the several nations the emissions" they
are to fulfil and the destinies" they to mani
fest" There as reply to this question, but it is
one which cuts up by the roots the pretensions of
our political astrologers. The destinies of nations
appointed by a experimenting Providence, but
it is not until fbusterism has usurped His throne
that will be authorized to appoint or predict the
emission" of America.
But, it will be asked, may we not foresee the GER
tain drift of events within at least limited hori
zon? We may, but the "drift Of events" is not
always safe criterion by which to guide
If there are breakers quicksands ahead should
seek to learn the direction of the rushing tide only
to stem it's fatal current The shifting schemes Of
temporary and short-sighted expediency are not
the charts by which the wise statesman seeks to
guide the good ship Of state; he keeps his eye
ever fastened upon the fixed stars of RIGHT and
JUSTICE.
Are the yagaries of "manifest destiny safer
or palmer rule of political action than the maxims
Of these unchanging principles? And arc the laws
of international equity narrow in their scope that
we must need besides them the laws of blind fate
chance? Or will these latter warrant US in violat-
ing the former? Let us see to it, lest such an ap
peal to destiny" avail us little did similar
plea in the mouth Of the servant whom the old stole
philosopher was chastisng for theft. "It was fated
for ME to STEAL" said the culprit "and to be fog
ged for it toe" replied the sage.
Instead, therefore, Of permitting themselves to be
gorked upon by the illusions Of manifest destiny"
which are but the coinage of heated brain, great
and noble people should rather seek to cork out for
themselves a destiny" which shall "manifest"
itself as it gradually unfolds, to be founded upon
the immutable principles of RIGHT, REASON, and
MORAL LAW. A nation to be truly great must act
in the living present" and not suffer itself to be
swerved from the straight path Of political rectude
by the tempting but falacious boons of visionary
expediency, which discards the irrsyersibe princi
pies of right to substitute in their stead the slid
ngscale" Of popular caprice or the imaginary law
of political fatalism. And what is this fatalism
itself but the chimera of popular passion which sees
in the future, through its selfdeluding cagerness,
what is not to be seen which takes its wishes for
realities; for it is as true nowadays when Cesar
first said it, that men are always prone to believe
what they desire to be true Wishes are often fa-
theirs to thoughts.
We conclude, then, there is no such objective
rule of political action given among men as that
which is popularity termed "manifest destiny" for,
if there were such rule, it would be impossible for
the finite mind to grasp it. And that there is no
need for such an imagined rule we argue from the
suffciency of public and moral law, Interchangeable
in its precepts and universal in its application, to
shape the policy and control tie destiny Of nations.
Instead therefore, of erecting any arbitrary stand
ard of political action the plea of necesstarian
philosophy is the dictate of prudence no less than
of morality, to mould the counsels of nation ac-
cording to the established principles of equity and
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