Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-01-09
THE NEBRASKA AFFAIR.

THE NEBRASKA AFFAIR.
We are glad to see that the report on the
subject of Nebraska in the Senate and the
bill which accompanies it, are beginning to be
understood. Men Of all parties are astounded
that at this late day an attempt should be So
riously made to abrogate the Missouri Con-
promise, for the purpose Of forcing Negro Sh-
very into territory 40 long and 80 universally
admitted to be free. Even the New York En-,
press and Journal Of Commerce, whose loyalty
to the Compromises of 1850 is unquestioned,
revolt at this new movement.
Another element will soon be added to the
agitation. Hitherto, tho naturalized Germans
of this country have generally supported the
Administration Of General Pierce, not because
they particularly liked his position on the Sla-
very question, but because they have supposed
him and his party to be favorable to the cause
Of Freedom in Europe. But they have inter
ests in America, as well as in Europe. They
have no fondness for Slavery, and do not
choose to labor with slaves. They have Away,
considered the Far West" sacred to Free
dom, and felt grateful that there, they and
those whom they love in their fatherland,
when driven into exile, might find free homes
and free institutions. What will they think
of this new policy Of the Administration, which
aims insidiously to destroy the bulwarks of Free
dom around this magnificent domain, so as to
leave no spot of American territory sacred
against the intrusions Of Negro Slavery? Let
them not be deceived. Such ia the policy
The report and bill mean this, and nothing
else.
We have heard something said about such
bill being necessary to vindicatc the consist
ency Of the Administration And has this
Administration come into power for the pur-
pose Of converting Free Soil into Slave Soil,
and Matchmaking Slavery
1t has also been limited that, in drawing up
the bill, some respect was due to the doctrines
of Gen. Cass, in his Nicholson letter, respecting
squatter sovereignty, and the absence Of power
in Congress to legisate on the internal con-
Germs of Territory. Clearly, it is said, ac-
cording to those doctrines, the Missouri Com.
promise was not and is not constitutional.
And 30, to crafty General Cass, and give coun-
tenance TO the absurd doctrines, which defeated
his election to the Presidential chair, which
have involved him in laundering and embar-
rassments and which have been repudiated by
the leading Democrats both North and South,
Territory, exempt for one generation from
Slavery, is now to be thrown open to its rava-
ges
Have the people fairly looked the crisis in
the face? What is the two-fold demand Of
the Slave Power? g ! require from the Supreme
Court of the United States a recognition Of my
claim to carry slaves into any Free State, to
suit my convenience, no matter what their
laws may be on the subject and also require
from tho Congress Of the United States, q re.
cognition OF my claim to carry slaves at my
pleasure into any American Territory, no mat
ter what restrictions may have hitherto been
in force therein. In other words, claim that
my empire shall cover the length and the
breadth Of the entire area Of all tho States and
Territories Of this Union y
What answer will the People return
CHIvALRY AND BLooDsHED.-Chivalry, or
private vengeance, is dangerous thing and
incompatible with morality, good order and
the safety Of the community. A few days ago,
Luther c. Cushing, salesman in q store in
Lexington, Ky, placed his hand upon the
shoulder Of lady, and said, How are you,
prettyaD Finding he had made q mistake,
and that tho lady was not the familiar ac-
quaintanoe he had taken her for he instantly
begged hcr pardon; and when she departed
in anger, he sought straightway to learn her
name, that he might send her moro formal
and explicit apology but before he could dosc
she returned with her husband one VIM. H.
weigert, who Immediately shot and killed
young Cushing, who IL represented as being an
innocent and amiablo youth. Weigert was
committed for trial.
II Is 30 often decided, in some sections Of our
country, TO be right for a man to commit mur-
der, in revenge for mere insult--ho himself,
being aceusor, judge, jury, and executioncr--
that innocent mon are as likely to be slain as
tho guilty. We may remark, also, that these
things prevail almost exclusively where the ps-