Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1850-1854, 1854-05-05

Territory. To all that polite abnegatiol
| have tosay that, in respect of the States
it is the supererogation of modesty anC
and humility, as Congress happens t
have no power to put slavery in them
or ont of them; and in respect of tn,
Territories, it is an abdication of a con
stitutional power and duty; it being tn,
light of Congress to legslate upon sls
very in the Territories, and its duty t
do so when there is occasion for it-a
in 1887 and 1920.
/ object, to this shilly-shally-willy
won'ty-don'ty can'ty-style of legisla
ton. 1t is not manly. 1t is not wo
manly. No woman would talk that way
No shilly-shally in a woman. Nothing
of a female gender was ever born young
enough, or lived long enough, toget be
logged in such quandary as this. Il
is one thing or the other with them
and what they say they stick to. NJ
breaking bargains with them. But the
end of this stump speech is the best OF
the whole. Different from good milk
IN which the cream raises to the top, il
here settles to the bottom, and is in these
words: leave it to the people thereof
that is to say of the States and of the
Territories, to regulate slavery for them
selves as they please, only subject to the
Constitution of the United States" Ger
tainly this is a new subsection for the
States. Heretofore they have been free
to regulate slavery for themselves-ad-
NIT it or reject it; and that not by viz
tue of an unsurrendered part of their old
reignity. 1t is also new of the Ter
rtories. Heretofore they have been
held to be wards of Congress, and enti-
tied to nothing under the Constitution
but that which Congress extended to
them. But this clause is not accidentally
here; it is to keep up .he dogma of the
Constitution in Territories; but only
there in relation to slavery, and that for
its admission-not rejection.
Three dogrnas now afilict the land !;
0'delfcet squatter sovereignty, non-inter
vention, ana no power IN Congress to
legislate upon slavery in Territories
And this bill asserts the whole three,
and beautifully illustrates the whole
three, by knocking each one on the head
with the other, and trampling each I'M
der foot in its turn. Sir, the bill does
deny squatter sovereignty, and it does
intervene, and it does leglslate upon
slavery in Territories; and for the proof
of that, see the bill; and see ii, as the
lawyers say, passim;; that is to say, here,
and there, and everywhere. 1t is a bill
of assumptions and contradictions-as-
summing what is unfounded, and contra,
dieting what it assumes and balancing
every affirmation by negation 1t is
a see-saw bill; but not the innocent see
saw which children play on plank stuck
through fence; bat the up-and-down
game of politicians, played at the ex
pense of the peace and harmony of the
Union, and to the sacrifice of all bust
ness in Congress. 1t is an amphibolog
ical bill stuffed with monstrosities, hob
blel with contradictions, snd Badgered
with a proviso.
Amphibology is cause for the re-
lection of bills, not only by Congress,
but by the Presi lent, when carried to
him for his approval. Gen. Jackson
rejected one for that cause, and it was
less amphibological than this: it was
the last night of the last day of his last
administration, and a quarter before
midnight. Congress had sent him
bill repeal the specie circular, and to in
augurate the paper money of thousand
local bank as the currency of the Federal
Government. 1t was an object not 10
be avowed, nor to be done in any direct
or palpaUle manner. Paraphrascs, cic
umlocution, ambidexterity, and ambig-
atty, were necessary to cover the design;
and it was piled on until it was unintel-
ligiblc The President read 1t, and
could make nothing of it; he sent to his
Attorney General, who was equally puz-
zled. He then returned it, with mes
sage to to the Senate refusing to sign
the bill for amphibology. We should
reject this bill for the same cause, if for
nothing else. Hard is the fate of party
fe Lty. 1t has to keep up with the ev-
er changing measure. Often have these
bills changed; and under every phase
they had to be received as test of ORTIZ
odoXy; and have more changes to under
90 yet; and to continue to be test I'M
der all mutations.
And, now what is the Object of this
movement, which SO disturbs Congress
and the country? What does it propose
to acc ,mplish! To settle principle, is
the answer-the principle of non-inter-
vention, and the right of the people of
the Territory to decide the question of
slavery for themselves. Sir, there is no
such principle. The Territories are the
children of the States. They are min
ors under age, and it is the business of
the States, through their delegations in
Congress, to take care of them until they
are of age-until they are ripe for State
government then to give them That gov
eminent, and admit them to an equali-
tv with their fathers. That is law, and
has been so admitted since the first Or
dinance, in 1884. The States in Con
gress are the guardians of the Terrific
ries, and are bound to exercise that guar
dlauship, and cannot abdicate it with
out breach Of trust and a dereliction
of duty. Why, sir, the territory itself
is the property of the States, and they
do with it what they please-permit it