Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-09-20

SFAhDxAH
Every party that aspires TO be national
party must have q national platform. Sections
are like families. They have sphere that they,
and they alone, must provide for. Local in I.
terests should no more be infused into national
politics than domestic interests should obtrude
themselves on county courts or State legisla-
lures. Harmony concert, and cooperation,
would be impossible if the opposite rule were
to obtain. If county courts were to usurp the
functions of heads offamilies and claim jurisdic-
ton in the matter of currying horses, feeding
cows, sailing bacon, gathering crops, managing
servants, and furnishing disobedent children:
If the State Legislatures, or the high courts
of important jurisdiction, were to interfere in
neighborhood affairs; or if the Congress of the
United States, or any Of its coordinate depart
ments, were to NEEDLE with the domestic in
stitutions of the States, then, indeed, would all
the institutions that men have built up be in
imminent peril. Such tyranny would be too
onerous and oppressive to be tolerated. Men
would rise up-families, counties, and States
would rise up-the people everywhere would
rise up, and in their might and majesty put
an end to such tyranny.
National parties are, or ought to be, formed
in imitation of our national government. As
the Constitution which formed our national
government leaves the States to manage their
domestic interests, so ought the creeds of ma
tional parties to pretermit all claim Of juris-
diction over local affairs. But every party
should model its creed, or as it is now fashion
able to call it, its platform, on and after the
Constitution, in this 1t should enunciate and
proclaim its principles in regard to every i'm
portant and vital national interest. 1t should
distinctly indicate its tenets in respect of
bank, the tariff, internal improvements, the
public lands slavery and such other subjects
rs are Of general interest and Importance.
A new party has sprung up amongst us. 1t
has come like bastard, without distinctive
and acknowledged name, or what is the same
thing, with several names. This is the party
familiarity called the Know-nothing party. 1t
is said to be very numerous. 1t is said to have
spread from cities to hamlets, from hamlets to
country neighborhoods. 1t is said to number
among its members saints and sinners, lawyers
and doctors, merchants and mechanics, Wings
and Democrats, Federalists and Republicans,
Abolitionists and State rights men. 1t claims
to have invaded every class and calling, and
to have "led captivity captive 1t has turned
its back upon but two conditions of people
Foreigners and Catholics. 1t has one stringent
rule which is that foreigners cannot be re.
generated and that Catholics are past all re-
dempton. The exclusion from public affairs
of foreigners and Catholics is declared to be
Its peculiar objects.
This new party, we presume aspires to be q
national party. 1t desires as well to carry out
its principles in the General Government as in
States, cities and counties. 1t ambitiously
seeks TO get the control of the whole govern
ment and to elect its President, and its Con.
gress. The only test of fitness it requires is
that its candidates shall be opposed to foreign.
ers and Catholics. These candidates may be
either for, or against banks, tariffs, the Wilmot
proviso and abolition. Theif opinions on these
subjects are regarded as of no moment. No pro-
vision is made in this single and simple creed
for the great objects that the venerable creeds
OF our earlier statesmen provided for. No pro-
vision is made for the general wants and ne
cessities Of the nation. The great aud grave
constitutional questions that have given rise to
parties, are passed over. The Constitution is
treated as so much leather or prunclla and IL
men will but breath threatenings and slaughter
against foreigners and Catholics, they are at
once made Know.nothing saints and orthodox
statesmen. They mark out no foreign policy,
they indicate no internal domestic policy. All
these things are left to Providence or TO the
wbims Of the society. Hatred to foreigners and
Catholics is so prescious virtue that il will
atone for any sin and sanctify any sinner.
This one principle, or rather these two prin-
cples, for it divides itself into two, are opposed
10 the Constitution. We propose, briefly, 10
examine them, by the light of the Constitu-
ton.
The Constitution says "No religious test
shall ever be required as qualification 10 any
Office or public trust under the United States. .
Again: Congress shall make no law re-
specting an establishment Of religion, or pro-
hibiting the free exercise thereof"
The Know.nothings are understood to be op
posed to these constitutional provisions. They
make a " religious test" They ostracise from
the public service all who profess the Catholic
religion.
They are also understood to be in favor o.
making a law respecting an establishment o.
religion"
The Constitution nlso provides that any per
son who has attained the age Of twenty-five
years, and been seven years citizen Of the
United States may be elected representa-
tive in Congress. 1t provides that nine year
citizenship shall render foreigner eligible Il
the United States Senate. Under the Consti
tuition foreigner, who was citizen Of III,
-.