Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-04-16

the country as the first act in which the Con-
gress of the United States, forgetful of the spe-
ci6c limitation upon its powers, made itself
party to that great abolition policy which was
then agitating the British mind, and when, un-
der the influence of an excited popular ianati-
cism, it sought to sustain that policy by infict
ing an immedicable wound upon the Constitu-
ton of the country.
From the adoption of the interdict contained
in the act of March, 1920, to the present hour,
the people of the south-perhaps 1t would be
more appropriate in me to say, the people OF
Virginia-have never ceased TO regard II as an
exercise Of legislative authority not warranted
by the language or spirit of the Consultation
as assuming to prescribe for the people and
States north Of $50 30< what, upon every sound
and just principle, they should be left to deter.
mine for themselves; as violation OF the
rights guaranteed to the inhabitants OF that
Territory by the treaty of 1903; and as I'M
kindly and ungenerously combining with the
hostile spirit of Great Britain, and arraying
the moral power and influence of this govern
ment to war against an institution, in refer.
ence to which the Constitution has given Con.
gress no power to act, except in a few speci
fed cases, and those only for its protection and
preservation. The sentiment felt by Virginia,
as one of the States Of this Union, at this extra
ordinary assumption of power, may be seen in
the resolutions of her General Assembly; in
the recorded votes Of her senators and repre-.
sentatives in Congress; in the indignant tone
of her public press and in the solemn decla-
rations of her most eminent and illustrious
SONS, to all of which look back with the high
est appreciation and pleasure.
"This Missouri question, by geographical line
of division" said Mr.. Jefferson, ais the most por.
tentous one that have ever contemplated"
"That the proposed restriction as to Territories
which are 10 be admitted into the Union" said Mr.
Monroe, IF not in direct violation OF the Consti
tuition, is repugnant TO its principles"
81 must own said Mr.. Madison, athat have
always leaned TO the belief that the restriction
was not within the true scope of the Constitu
tom
And, sir, who can look back to the exercise
of this power, with the lights which subsequent
events have cast upon it, that must not concur
with these eminent men, that 1t has been as
unfortunate in its results as it was unconstltu-
tional in principle? When | say that the act
of Congress, excluding by its provisions one
half of the States of this Union from the bene-
fits of the full enjoyment of a common inher-
lance, purchased by the blood or the money Of
all, and assuming to legislate upon question
Of pure domestic policy, is unconstitutional
WudL W i ultdH ID ~ thae hhO aSb 10 IL sio
lation of any express prohibition touching that
subject, and contained in that instrument?
Certainly not for as the Constitution is itself
silent as to any future acquisitions of territory,
it of course lays down no rule as to the terms
upon which that territory, if acquired, shall be
governed, or its benefits partitioned among the
States. The acquisition of territory was, by
Mr.. jefferson, regarded as an act beyond the
Constitution. 1t is one of those events which,
in the career of great government, will some
times arise, unforeseen by and which,
overriding all the scruples of technical minds,
will commend itself by its absolute benefits or
political necessity Such have been the acqui-
sitions of Louisiana, Florida, Texas Califor-
MIA and New Mexico, and upon such principles
have they been defended. And yet, in the alb
sence of any express grant to acquire territory,
we have gone on, under the impulse Of our
high and irresistible destiny, to rival in extent
the empire of Rome. In less than half a
century we have spread our dominions from
ocean to ocean, until we now comprehend with
in our limits more than three millions of square
miles.
This right to add provinces ard republics to
our original area has been since vindicated by
the highest law tribunal, as an incident to the
war and treaty making power. Be it SO. Il
the right to acquire territory be an implication
from any of the granted powers, it is OF the
very essence of all such implications that they
shall carry with them nothing repugnant to
any of the express rights secured by that In
strument still less shall they be repugnant t.
the great object for which it was framed
Equality, perfect equality amongst the States
and amongst all the people composing the
United States, is the great cardinal and funda-
mental principle of our system; and every act
which impars that equality, is in violation OF
It's ordinances and repugnant to its spirit. BE,
sides, there is not an express power conferred
by the Constitution touching the subject of sla-
very that is not one for its protection. 1t Isl in
truth, the only property expressly recognised
and protected by that instrument As my
friend from North Carolina said, a few days
ago, it is emphatically a proslavery Constitu
ton and it is because it is such that it has
been made the object of such ceaseless and vim
dicative assaults by the abolition orators and
presses throughout the country. No subject
was more fully considered by the federal con
yention than this subject of slavery. / here
quote from document emanating from the
general assembly of Virginia in lS49;
Its existence and its influence upon the futur,
destiny of such portions OF the confederacy a
were likely 10 retain il as permanent portion Q
their policy, were discussed with the fullest ant
most mature deliberation. The opposing Interest,"
Of north and south were brought out in full array
and after weeks Of consideration and debate by The
wise and illusrious men who composed that as
sembly, after great and mutual concessions made
on all sides for the public good their labors on thi,
subject resulted
lst. In the distinct recognition OF its validity in
all the States where the people Of those States
choose 10 retain il.
SGD. In solemn guaranty in the Constitution
10 enforce the rights of the owners Of slaves in al
the States Of the Union into which they might
make their escape and
Sd. In according 10 the slave population rep.
sentative weight in the federal council"
1t thus became fundamental element in the
structure of the new government. Political
power was claimed and accorded to our then
existing and thereafter increasing slave popu-
lation. Under the operation of this feature in
the Constitution, We have at this time twenty
members Of the House of Representatives, and
on recent occasion enjoyed the advantage OF
twenty votes in the college for the election Of a
President and Vice President Of the United
States. Entering into the constitution, of the