Indiana American. [volume] (Brookville, Ind.) 1833-1861, 1854-03-31


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THE NE BRAsKA QUESTION
One hope that the friends Of human
slavery have In reference to its extern
sion, is to make il Democratic meas
ure' All Of the papers in the United
State that are in the receipt of govern-
mem patronage declare it to be- such.
But those that are free to obey the
dictates Of common sense and Of HUI
manity spurn it, The New Albany
Ledger is one of the most uncompro-
missing Democratic papers in Indiana,
yet it dares 10 speak out against this
great abomination. Hear il:
THE DOUGLAS NEBRASKA BILL.
This bill, 1T seems, has passed the SEN
ate. Mere technical form allows us to
say that it has passed that body:Lat are
we authorized tosay that il isa national
act? Is il the cool and deliberate voice
ofthe people of the United States? If
not il will only produce dissatisfaction
and call forth at least a sweeping re-
action. 1t will never be sustained by
the non-voters, nor by those, if there
were such, who found it convenient to
be absent; and the hostility of the op
posing voters may with certainty be
expected. The action Of the majority
will not be ultimately sustained
either by the first or second So
Der thought Of the country. And let il
be remembered, that no act. no com
promise containing a provision hostile
to the principles Of the Declaration Of
Independence" and Of the Federal
Constitution" intended TO carry out
and apply those principles. can be
permanent. or productive Of peace or
public confidence.
The free people Of Indiana will bear
in mind that the Federal Government
has nothing TO do with slavery in any
state where il existed at the time Of
the adoption Of the Constitution. On
the point of giving any recognition or
sanction TO slavery, either in principle
or practice, the trainers Of that instru-
ment were peculiarly conscientious and
specially sensitive. Mr.. Madison, him
self n southern man and STAKEHOLDER,
expressed the general sentiment when
he emphatically and repeatedly affirm
ed that the term "siape," or the word
siavery, could have no place in the
constitution. See Madison papers,
p. 1880. And il these terms were too
ncfarious to have place in the Con-
stilution, the odious thing itself must
have been too exceptionable, and
should have no place in the provision
al acts of government in its favor
The Federal Government has no
power either to establish or sustain the
institution of slavery. 1t is altogether
u local not national affair.
And Congress has no constitutional
power to ertsad slavery. either by di-
rect or indirect action, in any State,
or in any territory under their dircc-
tion-no power to make slavery direct
ly or indirectly in the United States
that is---a national lnsiitution--no
power TO make free States and free men
pandcrers to slavery or the minions
OF It's abettors-no right, by their oilic.
ial nets, TO justify the assumption OF
the stakeholder, that the obedience Of
the free states In politics, can be calcu.
lated ON as certainly us that Of the
negroes on the plantations. And when
this Is understood. aud remembered,
compromises cannot be made that
would pledge the free man TO such de-
basement; or ii made, IL cannot stand.
But the General Government has
right and power to forbid the entrance
aud establishment of slavery In the
Tree territory under its control. OF
this the ordiHaec OF 1897 with the gov.
ofnmont action on that ordinance. IL ~
standing proof the Missouri eompro-
mise OF 1890, aud even that of 900.
go to confirm that proof, Without
hesitation the government has acted
upon the persuasion of this, and, ~ TO
principle, has acted right, The power
Is especially given by the constitution
ITO dispose OF and make needlul
rules and regulations respecting territory
or other property belonging to tho
United States" Soc art, ", see. s.
"New States may be admitted by Con.
gress into this Union" but Congress
has the right 10 say on what terms this
admission shall be; and those terms
must be In accordance with the prin.
ciples and ends of the Constitution
What those principles and ends are,
the Preamble distinctly states; "fo
form u morc perfect union, establish
justice, insure domestic tranquility,
promote the general ige!tare, and secure
the blessings u LInhnTT 10 ourseltes
and our poslcrty." TO permit tho
extension OF Slavery into tho territory
would be antagonislle TO those ends.
The Douglas Bill Is fraught with
evil. ltrcpeals the Missouri compro'
mise, and thereby socs to destroy
public confidence n, public and solemn
pledgesl throws The whole agitating