The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-05-11

solve to make the in uries we " emu aerated
the basis Of hostile movem mt against Spain,
we cannot see tat tn civiliz world could
blame their conduct They have ow yer
more recent ground work to 6 up. Those
who read the message" we We mentioned
cannot fail to be struck with I e tiiculty
which arose in almost every cas- in consequence
of the impOssibilty of negotiat ne directly v tn
the authorities Of Cula. AT asst d zen let
tiers are pul lished, in whica negotiations are
brought to stand still by the decl ration OF the
Captain General that he is acting under orders
from Madrid, or by his refusal to treat of poll
teal matters with our consul4r agent Our
Minister has begged tie government of Spain
TO obyiate the recurrence Of this difficulty by
empowering the Captain General to settle such
cases himself, without referring to the home
authorities. This reasonable request we are
told, has been refused. Ii in reply to this re-
fusal we were to recall our Minister, and sus-
pend the neutrality laws, could the world blame
US? Could right minded men censure our con-
duct? Gould history record it as fault? We
cannot think so.
There is a party in this country which has
always and will always oppose the pursuance
Of any thing like national policy. These are
mostly men who trade in -four, cotton, and
stocks; and whose financial standing is such
that panic in Wall street or monetary crisis
such as war might bring on, would ruin them
These have their organ, the Journal Of Com
merce, whose pride it has been to uphold the
course of the Cuban authorities throughout
their career Of tyranny and insult, and which
is constantly reminding us that we ought
rather to submit to any insult or injury than
to provoke such powerful nations as England
and France. We don't know that merchants
are generally good judges Of national policy.
We are not convinced that their political creed
is always free from the influence of their ledger
and salesbook. Nor are we quite sure that the
position assumed on behalf of this class by the
Journal of Commerce is worth refuting. For
the benefit of the readers of that anti American
sheet, however, we will venture to say that
the dangers of war with Spain on the sub
ject of Cuba are somewhat exaggerated by the
fears of our faint-hearted contemporary. 1t is
perfectly true that the government of Great
would object to our obtaining possession of
Cuba. But there is world of difference be-
tween Directing to thing and declaring war
to prevent it. Lord John Russell might re-
monstrate, but he could not, dare not, take
open part with Spain. In the first place, the
bulk of the British people would not give one
shilling to prevent our obtaining Cuba for, in
point of fact, they know well enough that if
Cuba were ours, their trade with the island
would increase to far greater proportions than
it can attain under its present government
Englisbmen have no love for Spain; no
actual fears from our possession of Cuba
Lord John would find himself in woful mino-
rty in the House of Commons if he proposed a
war with the United States to prevent colony
of slave-trading, faithless, degraded Spain from
becoming q productive state of the Union.
But, in poin. of fact, Lord John is far too SEN
sible a man to propose any thing of the kind.
He saw clearly enough at the beginning of the
war with Russia that the neutrality Of the
United States was worth purchasing at the cost
of one of the most cherished prerogatives of
Great Britain, and abandoned the right of
search and the British doctrines concerning
neutral ships without our asking for it. Would
he have done this, if he was ready to declare
war against the United States for paltry
West India island? We should like the Journal
of Commerce to tell us, if England should de-
clare war against this country, where she is to
get -four to feed her people during the war, and
where cotton to keep her manufactures at
work? Also, how she is going to suppress the
rebellion that would break out at Manchester
Leeds and Paisley the week after the supplies
of American cotton were stopped? Also, how
she is going to contend against feet of some
two or three hundred privateers and vessels of
war that would be securing the seas under the
American flag, within twelve months after the
declaration of war, and which would keep the
whole French and English navies at work. while
Russia contrived to find employment for their
armies? But enough. The commerce of England
is essential to her national existence. Without
peace with the United States, especially while
the Russian war lasts, that commerce cannot be
carried on. II is our view, therefore, taking
into consideration the large share of common
sense which the British people possess, that. if
we set our minds on taking not only Cuba, but
Jamaica also, the most formidable resistance
should meet with would be hard words.
The other objections to a bold foreign policy
are yet more frivolous. France is bound to
England, and cannot move without her. If the
latter consents Louis Napoleon will resign
himself to the annexation of the island. Nor
need we worry ourselves about Driyateers with
letters of marque from SPAIN England will
not fit them out; nor will France; Russia needs
them at home; where then are they to come
from? Spanish sailors are not used to be very
formidable opponents for our crews And if
they were disposed to fight, proclamation
like that issued by President Polk during the
Mexican war, would soon put an end to their
valorous ebullitions.
On the other hand, the advantages of seizing