Washington sentinel., 1854-02-26

cause new parties and new matter of con
troyersy are presented. Why, on such reason
ing as that you never could have any settle'
precedents, or established principles, either Il
the policy or in the administration OF the law
of the government.
n A principle was established then; principl,
inconsistent with what is called the Missour
compromise; the principle of the one is non
Intervention with this subject; the principle o
the other is general underlined power ovel
4 the whole question of slavery. The two are
as has been properly asserted, utterly incon
sistent.
Allow me to remark, Mr.. Chairman, that to
consider this question fairly, it seems to me to
come with peculiar grace and propriety from
the north to tender reparation for this out
rageous wrong. A senator from Illinois was
the author Of that scheme; and | may be al
lowed to say that it seems to me not improper
that q late and tardy act of justice should come
from the same quarter. l do not wish to vio
late the rules in relation to senator's, either by
way of censure or commendation; but would,
/ even by name, if the rules admitted it, yield
| land would do it most cordially and cheer
| fully the due tribute of praise to those who
have courageously instituted this act of justice
to the southern States-ths constitutional act
desired by all the States. This act may be
prompted by ambition, but it is an honorable
ambition. 1t may be mere political game,
but if so can only sincerely hope that all who
play political game hereafter may play it as
! boldly; and, with the American people, that is
the true way to win the stake
! Mr.. Chairman, before | close, although, as
remarked while ago, the discussion of the alb
stract question of slavery ought not, think, to
have been originally introduced into this Hall,
yet since it has for many long years, more or
| less, occupied Our attention, and just so far
turning this Congress (this practical law
making Congress) into lyceum, or debating
society, may be allowed to suggest, that if it
were question to be discussed here, think
there are reasons, which may at all times be
offered, which 60 at least to convince me, if
not Others that the domestic slavery OF this
country is not an unmxed and intolerable evil;
not simply matter about which we are to hold
up our impotent hands and implore an over
ruling Providence, under whose supervision it
was established, to rid US of it. There are So
cial benefits achieved by that institution which
seem to me, with all the discussions which it
has ELECTED, not to have been fully appreciated
and understood, at least in some quarters fthe
country.
What are the evils complained of by the,
perhaps, misguided socialists, or red-republi-
cans Of France. They say, with the simple
elouuence Of irresistible truth, which must
reach the heart and understanding of every
man, that in the midst of luxury men ought
not to starve. Who can deny the assertion of
such principle, and who can deny that the
organization of society is faulty, where, IN the
midst of plenty, men do starve2 What do they
ask for as the remedy? They ask for organized
u l. c. 4 y
of interests between labor and capital. They
complain that free labor is subjected to the ca
PRECIOUS tyranny of capital; that it is even
made its own enemy, and made to prey upon
| itself, by the force of extreme competition.
| They ask for that organized labor which sla-
| very achieves in great measure. Who can
deny it2 1t secures that union Of interests be-
tween labor and capital which prevents men
from starving in the midst of wealth, and they
never do starve. Labor, where slavery exists,
is necessarily high; it is protected. Would
not the philanthropist of Europe regard this
as blessing to that class most needing pro-
lection? The institution where it prevails Sc
cures greater equality in the distribution of
wealth; there are but few immense fortunes
no extreme poverty.
Further, thesocialists complain thatin France,
owing to the minute subdivision of landed pro-
perty, oftentimes mans farm consists of but
one single furrow. What is his condition
Can he command improved implements of in
dustry7 Can he command the machinery VIII ch
genius, which time, which thought have de-
vised for the more rapid and easier cultivation
of the soil? No, sir. he must return, as it
were, to the very state of nature-even brute
nature-beyond the limits OF barbarism, and
absolutely grabble and till the soil with his very
finger nails. What sort of happiness, what
sort of refinement what sort of cultivation can
exist in such country? The institution of
slavery excludes this evil.
Tell me not that the institution is itself an
unmitigated curse. If the existence of the AT
rican population in our midst forbds US from
making railroads, and building up great cities;
which God knows are not always blessings on
the fair face of creation if their existence for
bids us from augmenting and increasing our
population with such rapidity a it increases
elsewhere, and allow me to say, in passing, that
over-population has not always been deemed
an unmixed advantage or blessing by political
economists but if the existence of the African
population among us accomplishes all these
consequences, and all these are evils, ask,
would not the same population effect the same
evils, and infinitely greater, if it were turned
loose?
Suppose that slavery were abolished In your
State Ito Mr.. BoyCE, Of South Carolina, sitting
before him tomorrow. Would she be as Mas
sachusetts? Then, sir, it is the population, if
anything, and not the institution, which is the
evil. The institution is an advantage, as Mr..
Clay properly indicated.
These, sir, rather suggested than argued, are
some of the compensatory advantages of sla-
very, which hope will be allowed at least, to
plead in its extenuation.
Sir, with these desultory views, very imper-
lectly stated, as know them to have been, and
from my indisposition, delivered with great
labor and fatigue, will now shortly conclude
Let US this day, without excitement; let us
at this tme-the first time after the establish
ment of the great principle Of non-intervention
in the compromise of lS50-that it has become
necessary to carry out the principle-now that
we are called upon for the first time, and hope
for the last time, to struggle over and to con.
test the question as 10 whether that principle
was or vas not tn ha oorr,ad f,,rthar thar tho