The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-06-08

dlrect power or the veto, the influence which
the patronage and station of the Governor con-
fers, and it is easily seen that few acts objec-
tonable to him. are likely to receive the legis-
lative sanction
Then, SIR, every act of the Legislature has
to pass the ordeal of the Judiciary, and must
depend for its execution, in part at least, not
only upon the Governor but upon the Secreta-
ry, the District Attorney, and the Marshal
Now, cir, in this bill, the advocates of which
profess so much respect for the doctrine Of self
| government, one would naturally expect to find
these officers made elective by the people. But
does the bill in fact contain any such provisiont
| NOT st all. The President is to appoint the
! Governor, who is to exercise the veto power /;
the President is to appoint the Judges who de-
termine the constitutionality or uncoDstitution-
atty of all legislative acts; the President is to
appoint the Secretary, the District Attorney,
and the Marshal, who must necessarily exer-
ercise so important an influence upon the Ter
ritorial destinies. Not only is the President to
appoint all these cficers but he may remove
them all, or either of them, whenever he pleases.
The whole action of the Territorial Government
is thus completely subjected to Executive con-
troll. The whole achievement of tho bill is to
substitute Presidential Intervention for Congress
SiO1GL Intervention. If We are to have either,
| prefer that of Congress, TO be exercised by
the Representatives Of the States and Of the
People, rather than that of President, too
likely, under existing circumstances, to WELD
the immense patronage of his office for the ex-
tension and perpetuation of slavery,
The substitution Of Presidential for Congress
sional regulation Of the Territories will have
one result which deserves attention The ques-
ton OF freedom or slavery in the Territories
in the absence of Congressional prohibition
must be determined by the results of Presiden-
tial elections. Henceforward, this great ques-
ton must enter conspicuously into the conflicts
of party. If the people desire to secure the
Territories for freedom they must have Pres
ident who viii not hesitate to exercise his in
fluence on the side Of freedom. The present
Administration, indeed, will make the first ap-
pointments; but, the officers thus appointed
are removable at pleasure, and the People, by
changing the President change also the
whole character of the official influence over
the Territories. The late distinguished Senator
/ from Massachusetts once said, In substance,
that the Constitutions of States formed out of
Territories were made In Washington. | do
not fully accept this statement But nobody
can doubt that the powers conferred on the
President by this bill viii enable him to mould
the Territorial institutions according to his
pleasure unless he is met by the firm and de-
termined opposition Of the people themselves
Sir | am opposed to this Presidential inter
7ention. 1t is an abuse of language to call a
bill which authorizes it, non-in teryention bill
1t is absolutely the reverse. sir, who am de-
nounced for my determined resistance to the
repeal of the Missouri prohibition-that simple
guarantee OF iuaienable righss-proposed an
amendment which would have secured to the
people of the Territories the absolute control of
their own affairs, without Congressional or
]
proposed that the action Of the President in the
organization of the Territories should be re-
st1cted to the simple appointment of commits
sOners, who should divide the country into con-
venent election precincts notify an election
Of Governor, Judges, Secretary, and members
OF the Legislature to be held on O certain day;
receive and count the votes and announce the
result, and appoint place and time for the
meeting Of the Legislature, and the organiza-
ton of the Government. do not see how it is
possible that simpler, palmer, or more certain
plan Of giving effect to the doctrine of selfgov-
eminent in the Territories could be devised |
do not see how it was possible for the protested
friends of that doctrine to vote against it. with
out the most manifest inconsistency. But they
did vote against itSand it was rejected, and
Presidential Intervention was established. IN
der these circumstances, regarding the bill as
the violation of a solemn compact; as an abro-
CATION Of great security for personal freedom
and individual liberty no bill Ct nOn-inter-
vention, but q bill which substitutes for the
control of the people, through their chosen rep
resentatives, the control Of the President,
through his official patronage, | can never
give it the sanction of my vote
stand here, Mr. President, as an independ-
ent Senator. The Senator from Tennessee,
Mr.. BELL, in the course of his remarks, refer
red to my position as a Democrat. If he in
tended to identify me- or if he supposes that l
desire to identify myself with that party which
styles itself the National Democracy and whose
creed is contained in the Baltimore platform of
1852, and whose Administration is now urging
the repeal Of the Missouri prohibition, he is
greatly mistaken. There are two parties in
this country which claim to be Democratic
One is the selEstyled National Democracy; the
other is the independent Democracy The creed
of the former excerpts the institution OF slavery
| from the application Of Democratic principles :;
the creed of the latter tolerates no exceptions
The policy Of the former is to subordinate the
rights and interests of freedom and free labor
to the demands of slavery and the slave power ;
the policy OF the latter is to establish freedom
wherever the General Government possesses
constitutional power to do So and to place it's
| legitimate influence on the side of liberty
4 v.
seeks the support Of the EXTREMIST advocates of
slavery, as indispensable to its party triumphs /;
the latter seeks no support, except from those
whether citizens of slave States or free States
who are willing to follow Democratic principles
whithersoever they lead, without any excep-
tons in favor cf oppression. The Independent
| Democracy, Mr.. President, is stronger, as yet,
1 in principles than in numbers and vet this
| party at the last Presidential election number
cd In its ranks a little more than one-twentieth
of al the voters in the United States. There
are but three Senators upon this floor who are
identified with this political organizaton-the
Senator who has just taken his scat from Con-
necticut MIR. GILLETTE. my friend from Mas
sachusetts, Mr.. SUMNER, and myself Is SO
happens that our number Is q little less, in pro-
portion to the whole number Of Senators, than
that of the Independent Democratic electors in
proportion to the whole number Of American
voters.
The doctrines which guide our action il re-
! spect to this bill may be summed up In few
words. We insist on the Standardization of
| slavery, and the decentralization of power The
| National Government, in our Judgment, should
cease all interference with Slavery. 1t should
uphold it nowhere. 1t should legisate for it
nowhere Oaly within the slave States, and so
far as the institution is beyond the roach
of the constitutional legislation of Congress,
should slavery be permitted to exist. Within
those States, slavery should be left to control,
regulation, amelioration, or abolition, by State
Law, according to the discretion of the People
| wish had that power of persuasive elo-
quence, which SO graces and distinguishes the
Senator from Louisiana Mr.. BENJAMIN and
would in my turn appeal to Senators from the
slave States. would say to them: You say you
wish for peace. You tell us you ask for nothing