Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-23
WASHINGTON, d. c,
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY %, 1854.
WHY, AGGRESSIVE.


sive. The third reason is, that it is source Of
political po,oer. The white population Of the
free States is twice as great rs that Of the slave
States; they have fifty-nine more Representa-
tives in Congress; in the Electoral College, i
united, they could always elect the President.
And yet the slave States control the Govern
ment in all its departments They dictate the
creed Of the old political parties, prescribe
tests of fitness for Office, select the candidates
for Federal stations, determine the policy Of
the Chief Executive, furnish the majority Of
Judges on the Supreme Bench, choose the Pros
ident pro tenn. Of the Senate and the Speaker
Of the House, construct the committees in both
branches, always securing the first places in
dignity and influence to shareholders, and
make hostility to their pretcnsions cause Of
political degradation.
How happens il that these States, so inferior
to the free States in population, general intel
ligence, in science literature, and the arts, in
wealth and resources, are politically pre-emi-
nent and all-controlling The answer is easy !:
Political Power in the slave States is concen-
trated in small GLASS identified with and rep
resenting vast Moneyed Interest, valued at
twelve hundred millens Of dollars--an Interest
without rival, holding in absolute subsection
all minor interests making them tributary to
it's aggrandizemont In the free States, on the
contrary, the diversifcation of labor and enter
prise, the practical recognition Of the equality
Of all members Of the community, and tho in
dependent character Of the relation sustained
by labor to capital, have given birth to nn-
merous Interests, each possessing and welding
q certain amount of influence, but acting as q
check upon the others. No one is paramount;
no one is strong enough to render tho rest trib.
ntary, or to combine them in q common move
ment for political ascendency.
The aggregate political power Of the slave
States, far less than that Of the free, yet being
concentrated in the single Interest Of Slavery,
is more than match for that Of the latter,
divided as it is among numerous independent
Interests, checking and countcr-working one
another. Suppose tho North and West one
vast workshop Of manufacturing Industry
that the farmer and mechanic and small
tradesman had disappeared-that nine-tenths
Of all the capital Of those sections were owned
by some two hundred and fifty thousand en-
ployers, and nearly all the labor under their
control, it is easy to see how overwhelming
would be the power Of the free States in Con.
gress on any question between them and the
South. The case supposed at the North actu-
ally exists at the South, merely substituting
planting for manufacturing with this differ
ence, however, that the labor of the South is
absolutely owned by the capital and all the
political power it represents absolutely welded
by the capitalists
See, then, how naturally Slavery becomes
aggressive under this aspect II begets
domineering spirit, habit Of despotic, ire
sponsibIe authority, and intensifes the love of
power inherent in human nature It relieves
the Planter from the necessity Of labor, and,
having excluded the Interests Of q Free Labor
System, in the cultivation Of which SO much Of
the enterprise and intellect Of the North is ex-
pended, il leaves him scarcely any resource for
his activities but Politics To the art Of man.
aging and governing free men, he devotes him.
self Politics is his Profession Slavery has
furnished him with q fit training-and he finds
in its existence the source Of his power, in it's
necessities the centre and circumference Of his
political creed. Will he not cherish Il as the
apple Of his eye and labor for its growth and
extension, as the enhancement Of his own supe-
riority! Can you expect him to favor the ex-
tension Of free territory, 10 regard with CON-
plaoency any policy calculated to augment the
political strength Of the free Statesl Can
you expect him TO be indifferent to the acquisi-
ton Of slave territory, and the multiplication
Of slave Statesa Witnessing the rapid growth
Of the free States viii he not turn his eyes to
Cuba, TO Hayti, to Mexico, for fresh aoquisi-
TONS enabling him 10 maintain in Congress and
the Electoral College the power now secured
TO him by Slavery?
Thus whether you consider Slavery On ex-
ccptional Institution, requiring extraordinary
efforts for it's preservation, or an exhaustive
system Of labor, calling perpetually for new
soil TO fatten upon, or as a source Of political
power to be cherished and extended, as the
foundation Of the shareholders preponderance
you SOC that il is necessarily and always an
aggressive elemsnt. The instinct Of Self-Pres-
ervation, the Love Of Money, and the Lust Of
Supremacy, all combine to render the Slave
holding Class whatever may be the tcmpcra-
ment Of individuals belonging 10 IL, Slavery
Propaganda.
For holding this theory, for acting upon IL,
for intoxicating IL upon their fellow-citizens,
aAbolitonists," /" Liberty men, Frcc-Soilers,"
Independent Democratic call them by what
name you will have been denounced and ostra-
cized, rs men Of one idea, disturbcrs Of tho
peace, agitators, enemies to the Union. The
Historian Of tho Future will pronounce q very
different verdict His pages will show, that
had their views been adopted, their Sunsets