Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-06-23

would be strange, indeed, II Goyernment-uoV-
ernment that is corpulent so unwieldy, so lazy,
so laundering be found to be ftted TO the
work of carrying the mail. But we are not left
to mere theory in the case The actual fact, that,
here the mail is several hours, and, there, several
days, behind the express is as glazing as the sun.
Is il said that il is important to have the rates
Of postage low? admit it is. admit, that as
in the case Of commerce itself SO the more nearly
commercial correspondence can be free, the bet
ter. And more eager am ! to admit, that the
commerce of the affections, which is carried on
in letters Of friendship and love, should be but
lightly taxed. These admissions, however, make
nothing against my doctrine, that Government is
not fl TO be the carrier of letters On the con-
trary, Government must cease to be the carrier,
ere we can have, or, to speak more safely, ere we
can be entitled to have, cheap postage either on
land or sea-either ocean penny postage" 1.-TWO
cents y or any other demanded reduction of post
age. We are not entitled to cheap postage, at
the expense of the common Treasury. There is
not one good reason why the carrying OF letters
should be charge on the common Treasury
charge on the whole people. There is not one
good reason why they, who have but little to do
with letters, should be taxed to make the trans
mission Of them cheap to those, who have much
to do with letters. Again. there is not one good
reason, why they, whose letters can be carried at
half the cost, ut which the letters of others are
carried, should be compelled to pay as high rates
OF postage, rs Others
The argument for carrying the mail, at the ex-
pense of the common Treasury, founded on the
fact that 0nr naval and military operations are
also at such expense, is as superficial and faa-
cious, rs it is plausible and current. 1t is abso-
lutely astonishing that SO many wise men use this
argument In turning mail-carrier, Government
goes entirely out of the province of Government;
goes out of it to perform an unnecessary service
and to perform it for but portion of its subjects.
On the other hand the preparation and employ
ment of force are strictly within the province of
Government; are not only legitimate, but a
necessary work are for the protection of all, and
not part only, of its subjects; and are for that
protection equally in the case of all.
have virtually, said, that, so long as Govern
ment is the mail-carrier the rates of postage must
be high, in order, that they may cover the whole
cost of carrying the mail. Indeed, the papers
before us do, in the changes which they propose,
admit, that self-supporting mail if carried by
Government, must be dear mail. Just here, how
ever, the question very properly arises, whether,
if the transmission of letters is thrown open to
the enterprise and rivalry of individuals and asso-
Citations, the rates of postage will be lower. That
they will be much lower in the case of the great
majority of letters is certain, as that the cost
Of the transmission will in that event, be much
less. Who that has marked the difference be-
tween the carelessness and clumsiness OF Govern
ment the one hand, and the vigilance and alert
ness of individuals and small associations on the
other; between, for instance, the slow and dear
process of building railroads and canals, and
ships, by Government, and the speed and cheap
ness with which private enterprise builds them;
can, for moment doubt, that the cost of carry
ing letters, is twice as great when Government is
the carrier, as it would be, were they carried by
individuals and small associations But if this
work is thrown open to unlimited competition,
them all experience, in like cases, proves, the
cost OF. the work will regulate the pay exacted
for it: or in other words the rates of postage on
letters will be according to the expense Of carry
ing them. 1t is safe to say, that, in such event,
the rate of postage on half the single letters
would not exceed one cent. On portion OF the
remaining half, ii would be two cents: on much
smaller portion, two or three times two cents
and on comparative few, part of whom, it
must be remembered, are not reached by the
present Post Office accommodations, three or four,
or even FIVE or six, times two cents.
Ii is argued, that the rates of postage should be
uniform, throughout the whole length and breadth
of the nation. But why should they be2 They
cannot be, but at the expense of great and garing
injustice. Two brothers reside in New England.
One of them says: " will continue TO reside in
New England. Ii is true that my rent, and fuel,
cheap because it is subjected to so light charge
Of transportation and, ere long, the postage on
letters, through every part of railroad-laced New
England, will be very small" The other brother
says: g | will remove to Nebraska. II is true,
that home, in new country has its disadvan-
tages and trials. But land and fuel cheap
there and my bread there will soon be cheap,
because shall soon grow ii. As to merchandise,
too-who knows but Government WILL ere long,
4 .-.sh hat
well as letters, all over the country and at the
same charge for all distances, short or long2"
Now, would 1t be right for Government to realize
this anticipation Of the Nebraska brother, and TO
turn carrier of merchandise, as well as letters
and on such absurd terms, tool No-all admit
that it would be wrong, very wrong, very OPP
pressive. Ii is worth, say, ten cents, to carry
barrel of rice from Baltimore to Washington
fifty cents from Baltimore to Pittsburgh; one dol
lar from Baltimore to Chicago and three dollars
from Baltimore to Nebraska. Now, it would be
bad enough for Government to monopolize the
carrying of rice but, far worse, to have only one
prce--a mean average price and to charge
say, one dollar for carrying the barrel TO Wash
ington aud Pittsburgh, as well as to Chicago, and
only dollar for carrying it to Nebraska. Such
bringing of prices to one level would be op.
pressive to the people of Pittsburgh; far more SC
to the people of Washington and it would be
doing favor TO the people of Nebraska, at tho
expense Of all equity and justice. And, yet, i
| Government requires the Nebraska brother to pay
no higher rates of postage on Nebraska letters
than il requires the New England brother to pay
on New England letters, why, in the name of con.
sistency, should it not make the transportation o.
other property as cheap to the Nebraska as &c
the New England brother? Can any tell me
why?
Is it said, that the Nebraska brother should be
| favored, because he has to encounter the hard
ships of making a home in the wilderness
anticipated and replied to this objection, in my
reference to the advantages, as well as disadvan-
tages, of such home; and in my reference to the
disadvantages as well as advantages, of q home
in a long-settled section of the country. More
over, Il was because he saw, that the disadvanta-
ges Of his new home would be overbaanced 10y
its advantages, that he concluded TO emgrate
Hence, he is not an object for Partially to expend