Washington sentinel., 1854-06-17
THE SLAVE POWER.


THE SLAVE POWER.
The fundamental objection urged against
the extension of the area on which slavery
shall be allowed is that it augments the slave
power.
What is this slave power? Now is it inju-
rious, or how could it be so, even with a pre-
ponderating representation in both branches Of
Congress?
In the first place, the south is eminently
conservative; it is opposed to agriarianism, to
radicalism, and to all sudden and violent
changes. Men Of property at the north have
always looked to the south with confidence,
and not vainly as safe barrier againt all such
extremes of political doctrines. Southern re.
representatives., as class, always faithful, repre-
sent their constituents, and are held to rigid
accountability wholly unknown at the north.
The southern people rarely petition Congress,
because it is unnecessary.
IF we look back upon the past political con-
Aicts, we will see, in no case, the south united
to attack any northern interest. They stand
united on the defensive on the slavery ques-
ton. Upon the subject of the tariff and in
ternal improvements, which have given rise
to the hue-and-cry against the slave power,
the free State majorities for a low tariff and
anti-improvement, are greater than those at the
south. We call upon those who assail the
slave power as injurious to the rights and in
terests of the north to show any justification
for such allegations.
The south has its own views Of the Constitu-
ton, and sometimes at variance with the views
of many in the free States, but this justice
must be done to the south, that such views
more frequently affect injuriously southern than
northern interest.
We question much, if any ones imagination
could invent a case, except upon the question
of slavery, upon which division of north and
south could be made.
IF such be the fact, then, had the south q
controlling majority in both houses Of Con-
gress, and backed by friendly President, they
could not invent bill which would injure the
north and aid the south. This being the true
state Of the case the south could not by posi-
bility be aggressive toward the north, as it
could not benefit itself by striking down north
ern interests, there being no peculiar interest
at the north which might be selected for ag-
gression.
But the reverse is the condition of the south
with free State maiorities. The south has a
special interest of the pecuniary value of two
thousand millions of dollars, and an absorbing
interest in the social and personal relations Of
life. The lives, property and honor of the citizens
of the south are intimately and delicately con-
nected with this interest, and an aggressive
power, exercised either aggressively or even un-
wisely, might readily cause scenes Of devasta-
ton and horror in comparison with which the
records Of history show no parallel.
Is it surprising, therefore, that with such
enormous pecuniary interests, such momentous
matters of life and honor at stake, that the
south should seek to keep itself in a condition
of safety from such impending dangers.
We appear W tut tCOuSiucTdtc CtIuOT VI cfcIy
man at the north to determine for himself what
would be the action of the north if they had,
or thought they had, at stake such vital mat,
ters to be endangered by southern predomi.
nance2 Would they be less violent or deter
mined than the south to maintain that safety
intact which it was the object of the Constitu.
tion to secure to all parts of the Union.
We think we may conclude with this
oED., that, from a southern predominance the
north has nothing to fear, but that from a
northern predominance the south has, with
reason, very great cause to fear.
The south seeks no predominancc; all it de-
sires is power to shield itself from aggression
from a northern preponderance.
The north insists not only upon such pre-
ponderance as it may fairly earn by rapid
prosperity, but insists, with all the VIC.
lence just exhibited, that the south shall be
bound hand and foot, muzzled and confined
within prescribed limits purposely and eI