Washington sentinel., 1854-02-25

the ever memorable 18th day OF June. ltwas
on that day Q775) the blow was struck, by the
colonists at Boston, against the unwise, unjust,
and arbitrary policy of Lord North. And it
was on the same day, just seventy-hve years
after, that the unwise, unjust, and arbitrary
policy, to say no more of it, of this general
government-attemp to compel the people
OF our Territories to adopt such institutions as
may please majority of Congress, without
consulting the rights, interests, or wishes OF
those Immediately concerned-was, for the first
time, abandoned by the American Senate scith-
out 6lo,o. tits fortunate for u.s. and fortuna e.
for millions that shall come after us that it was
abandoned without blow. Had the restric-
tionists of this country held out as Lord North's
ministry did in their policy, it might have
ended In consequences most disastrous to our
common wellbeing and the hopes of mankind.
But they did not. The power OF truth prevailed.
Patriotism trampled over faction. And as soon
as this great American principle so call it
because it lies ut the foundation of all our re-
publican institutions-was vindcated In the
Senate, the House did not again resume the
subject. We waited until the bills came from
the Senate. The same provision as that have
read was put in the New Mexico bill. That
swept away the restriction that had been put
in the Texas annexation resolutions over all
that part Of Texas lying north of 36o 30>, in
cluded in the present territory of New Mexico.
The House took up these bills, after they were
passed by the Senate with these amendments,
with this new principle Incorporated in them,
and gave them their sanction.
This, sir, is what is called the compromise Of
1850, so far as this territorial question is con-
cerned. 1t was adopted after the policy of d-
vidlng territory between the two sections, north
nd cn,ttb Loll,, -. 1l cd
and spurned by the north. 1t was based upon
the truly republican and national policy Of
taking this disturbing element out of Congress-,
and leaving the whole question Of slavery in
the Territories to the people, there to settle it
for themselves. And it is in vindication Of
that ne,c principle, (then established for the
first time in the history of our government in
the year 1850, the middle of the nineteenth
century, that we, the friends of the Nebraska
bill, whether from the north or south, now call
upon this House and the country to carry out
in good faith, and give effect to the spirit and
intent of those important MEASURES of terrific
rial legislation. The principle of those terrific
rial acts was utterly inconsistent with every
thing like Congressional restriction. This is
what we wish to declare. And this principle,
carried out in good faith, necessarily renders
all antecedent legislation inconsistent with it
imperative and void. This, also, we propose
to declare
The restriction imposed by the eighth sec
ton of the act of 1850, thrown into that act
out of place and without any legitimate con-
nexion with it, like fifth wheel to wagon,
is just such antecedent legislation. The prin-
ciple on which it was based has been aban-
doned, totally abandoned, as / have shown, by
those who now contend for it, and superseded
by another, later, a better, and much more
national and republican one. We do not pro-
pose to repeal "any compact" or to violate
faith in any sense; we only invoke you to
stand upon the territorial principle established
by what is known as the compromise of 1850.
That has already received the sanction of an
overwhelming majority of the American peo-
pie, as doubt not it always will receive when
fairly presented. l have seen it suggested,
that, if proposition should be made to extend
the provisions of this bill to the guaranty to
the south in the Texas annexation resolutions
for the admission Of slave States from Texas
south of 36o 30>, such proposition would GER
tainly defeat it. By no means, sir; those who
reason thus show nothing so clearly as how
little they understand the real merits of the
question.
That guaranty, secured in the Texas resolu.
tions, so far as the character of the institutions
| cerned-that is, whether they be slave or free
is, ITSELF in perfect accordance with the present
provisions of this bill. That guaranty was not
that those new States should be slave States,
but that the people there might do as they
| please upon the subject. The reason that the
| guaranty was important, at the time, was, be.
cause the policy of Congressional restriction
had not then been abandoned The south
never asked any discrimination in her favor
| from your hands. All that the south secured
by those resolutions, SO far as the character Of
the States is concerned, was, simply, that they
should be admitted at proper time, "either
with or without slavery" as the people may de-
termine. As to the number of States, that is a
different question. So that if you should re-.
peal that so-called guaranty for slaue States, by
extending this bill to that country, you would
only erase to fill again with the same words.
We ask no discrimination in our favor; and
all we ask Of you men Of the north is, that you
make none in your own. And, why should
you? Why should you even have the desire to
do it2 Why should you not be willing to re-
move this question forever from Congress, and
leave it to the people of the Territories, accord
ing to the compromise of 1850? You have
white population Of the United States is now
over twenty millions. of this number the free
States have more than two to one, compared
with the south. There are only little over
three millions Of slaves.
If immigration into the Territories, then
should be assumed to go on the ratio of popu-
lation, we must suppose that there would be
near seven white persons to one slave at least !;
and Of these seven, two from the free States to
one from the south. This is without taking
into the estimation the immense foreign immi-
grafton. With such an advantage, are you
afraid to trust this question with your own peo-
ple-men reared under the influence Of your
own boasted superior institutions? With all
the prejudices of birth and education against
US, are you afraid to let them Judge for them
selves? Are your a.free-born" sons who never
"breathed the tainted air Of slavery" such
nincompoops that they cannot be "trusted out
without their mothers leave?' 1t must be so,
or else another inference is legitimate and clear;
and that is, that Notwithstanding all your de-
nunciations Of the hated and accursed insti-
tution,' you have an inward consciousness that
it is not SO bad after all, and that the only way
you can keep wise, intelligent and Christian
men, even from New England itself, from
adopting It. is To set Yourselves mn as selEcon-