Washington sentinel., 1854-06-25

The deeds OF cession and OF the Constitution, all
Impress me with the opinion that the power con-
erred on Congress over the public lands, is that
of an ordinary trustee or agent TO dispose Of for
Is money value, wLich Value should be used for
he common benefit OF all the States, in relieving
hem 10 that extent from taxation. ! do not find
anything 10 warrant the belief that the Constitu-
lon coniers greater power in The disposition OF the
public lands, than the public money, the navy, or
other property of the United States.
The dissimilar nature and uses of the several
kinds OF property, render il necessary 10 adopt
different rules and regulations in disposng Of them
Money belig The common medium OF exchange
and measure of value, is disposed of in paying
debts of the government, supporting the military
and civil list, constructing navies, aud erecting
buildings necessary for the public service. Land
being useless 10 the government for the purposes
Of cultivation, and only valuable TO il SO far as it
can be converted into money, is disposed of by
sale. In order 10 effect It's sale il is proper to en-
courage settlements. With view to its speedy
settlement, and the realization OF its money value,
u becomes necessary 10 grant portions OF II 70
local oJects, just as an individual proprietor Cf
large tract OF wild land, who had not power 10
cultivate and wished 10 sell H. would give por-
tlon upon assurance OF indemnity in the sale Of
the remainder. II the effect OF the grant be TO
hasten the sale and settlement of the country, and
enhance lis value 10 the full extent Of the grant,
and such be the intention with which il is made,
Il is in accordance with the spirit of the Constitu
ton; il IS disposing Of the land for its money
value.
Upon this principle l voted, and can vote, 10
grant alternate sections 10 the States within
which they lie for railroads, in consideration of
doubling the price oil the remaining sections.
Upon the same principle can approve the grants
which have been Systematically made TO the new
States on their admission into The Union of six
teen sections for common schools, and Of other
sections for colleges and seats of government.
They were made upon ample consideration the
a EU n rnht IL. n he
waste and unappropriated lands within their limits;
the surrender OF The disposition Of them to the
United States, and their exemption from taxation
by the States, so long as they remained the prop
erty of the United States, and for five years after
they should be sold.
The object and effect Of all such grants is TO
project and preserve the common land fund.- 10
enhance the value OF circumjacent lands, and to
attract and secure purchasers at prices which could
not be obtained unless such inducements were
offered Such grants properly characterized
in the language of the President as apparent dona
lions for they are not gratuitons, but bestowed
for valuable consideration. They do not impair
the land fund.- diminish the aggregate money pro-
ceeds of the public domain, reduce the revenue of
the government impose additional tax upon The
people, inJure the interests ofthe United States,
or of either Of the States. On The contrary, such
grants make valuable and salable lands, which,
without them, would be vaiueless and unsaleable,
increase The aggregate proceeds 1.-THE public lands,
ud 70 the leueral revenue, HiOuerale the ueHianus
for taxation, and result in the common benefit Of
all the States Of the Union.
Upon the Same principal on which those grants
are made, Congress might dispose of the other
property OF the United States. If government
teet, laden with public stores or the public money,
should be stranded or sunk, Congress might give
ship or its contents IN consideration Of bringing
The remainder into port, whereby the value of the
property might be realized. II gold mine should
be found on public land, Congress might give
portion OF its yield 10 any company that would
work and develop its resources. In either case,
in granting alternate sections to build railroads,
Congress achieves the purpose of its trust by
making the best disposition Of the trust property
tor The benefit of its principals.
Congress might, presume, consistently with
ITS. power over the territory and other property
Of the United States, have expended the public
money in draining and reclaiming the swamp
lands. and rendering them valuable But as they
were not only valueless 10 the United States, but
lmpairedthe value oftheir adjoining and cultvable
lands, and as experience in other government
works. warranted the bel ef that it would cost the
United States more than they would be worth
after reclamation. was a better discharge of It's
duties as trustee, 10 give them 10 the States on
condition Of their reclamation In all those grants
10 the new States, the Intention OF Congress,
apprehend, was not TO foster their internal local
interests--not to construct roads or establish
schools-but to promote the settlement and sale
OF the lands, realize their money value. and there
by effect the purpose for which power to dispose
Of the public lands was conferred. They were
grants necessary 10 carry out It's power to dispose
of the public lands 70. their money value.
Now, the supporters OF this bill do not intend or
expect 10 promote the settlement and sale OF the
public domain, or enhance its value, or increase
the federal treasury by its passage. On the con-
irary il will divert from the treasury the pro-
cesds of ten millions of acres of land equivalent
10 ten millions Of dollars, for an object purely
local within the Staies-the care of the insane.
Ii must be conceded that if Congress may pro-
vide for this class il may for every other class of
the unfortunate and afflicted and may assume, in
aid or behalf OF the States, the supervision and
care of all their internal and domestic interests.
III Congress have such power, coupled with the
ample means OF unlimited discretion in dsposng
ofthe public property, know of no government of
any civilized and Christian nation endowed with
more sovereign, unlimited, and irresponsible power
than that Of the United States Invested with
untold and bonndless wealth, a treasury overflow
ing and perpetually retlling, domain broader
and richer than that OF any government, past or
present with resources unmeasured and unde
veloped, there is no end it may not achieve how
ever sectional or unjust, antrepubcan or tyran-
nous Ii may assume the patronage Of States,
counties cities, of corporations, professions or
trades, of agriculture, manufactures, or internal
improvements. II may give the lands in Alabama
TO New York TO be invested in banking building
railroads, or manufacturing boadcloth within that
State. And iii be objected that the Constitution
does not confer on Congress power TO establish
banks, build roads, or engage in manufactures, il
will be enough TO answer, in the language of the
advocates of this BILL that its power dispose Of
the property Of the United States is absolute and
unlimited, save by the positive prohibitions of that
instrument, and these are not among them. BY
virtue of this discretionary power over the public
lands, and the absence Of any express prohibition
in the Constitution we might violate that prin.
cipe Of non-intervention in the territories just
established in the Kansas and Nebraska bill, by
granting alternate sections or townships Of their
lands 10 abolition societies, upon condition Of
coonizing them with free blacks or applying the
proceeds Of the sale Of the lands to the cause of
emancipation. Or, on the other hand, we might
make them slave territories by granting the lands
TO settlers upon condition Of cultivating them with
slave labor. Thus under this clause of the Con-
stitu,ion, every power possessed by the States
over persons or properly within them, may be
absorbed by the general government, and its
character wholly transformed from strictly
federal into one purely national. And by
strained and laitudinous construction of single
clause, we may defeat all the abored precautions
of the trainers OF the Federal constitution, and
convert il from panopy of defense into weapon
OF destruction TO State rights and popular SOW
creignty.
Such think, is the inevitable consequence of
the doctrines contended for by the advocates OF
this bill.
They admit that Congress has no capress au-
thority or warrant TO make provision for an elee-
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