Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-05-06

gether at the end of this tmeS Perfectly we'll
They arc both on their foctstanding bolt upright
and will stand so forever, unless Congress
knocks ono or the other of them down. This is a
fact, known to everybody, and admitted by the
bill itself; for if the first is inconsistent with the
second and unable TO stand why all this trouble
to put il downH Why trip up the heels Of the
man already ia. on his back on. the groundH Then
comes another reason--that this compromise of
1920 is imperative and void II So those who are
aganst its operation should be content II is in the
very condition they wish ituseless, powerlees, in
active, dead-and no bar to the progress Of slavery
TO the North Void is vacant, empty, nothing of It,
Now If the line Of 36o 30> is imperative and void,
Il is in the condition Of feneo pulled down, and
the rails carried away, and the field left open for
the stock to enter But tho fence is not pulled
down yet. The line is not yet imperative and
void. 1t is an existing substantive line, alive and
operating; aud operating efeetually to bar the
progress Of slavery 10 the North and will so COM
tinue to operate until Congress shall stop its opera
ton. Then comes tho final reason that there nev-
or was any such line in the world-that il was
unconstitutional and void-that IL had exist
ence from the beginning; and that IL must not be
repealed by direct net, for thrt would be to ac-
knowledge its previous existence, and TO nullify
the Constitutional argument and what is more
terrible involve the authors of the doctrine in an
Inconsistency of their own and thereby make
them, themselves, imperative and void. And this
is the analysis Of the reasons for the Nebraska bill
that part Of it which is to get rid of the compro.
mise Of 1920 untrue, contradictory suicidal, and
preposterous. And why such q farrago Of nu
| ties, inconpruities, and Inconsistencies Purely
and simply to throw upon others-upon the Con
lgrcss Of 1850 and the innocent Constitution--the
blame Of what the bill itself is doing; the blame
lof destroying the compromise of 1870 and with 1t
destroying all confidence between the North and
the South, and arrayng one half the Union
against the other in deadly hostility. 1t is to be
lobl fo thrnxv hapna the innocent that this
farrago is served up TO us.
= Aud what Is all this hotch-potch for3 II is to
establish principle, they say-the principle OF
non-nervontion-of squatter sovereignty. Sir,
there is no such principle. The Territories arc
the children Of the States. They arc minors under
twenty-oue years Of age; and it is tho business OF
the States, through their delegations in Congress,
to take Of these minors until they are OF age
until they ripe for State gOyernment-thcn give
them that government and admit them to an equal
= ity with their fathers. That is the law, and the
Q sense of the case and has been so acknowledged
since the first ordinance in 1854 by all authori-
tics, Federal and State, legislative judicial, and
= executive. The States in Congress are the guar
dians Of the Territories and are bound to exercise
the guardianship; and cannot ahdcato it without
breach of trust and n dereliction of duty. Ter
o ritorial sovereignty is monstrosity, born OF tim
: idity and ambition, Matched into existence in the
a hot incubation Of presidential canvass and re-
e rolting to the behJders when first presented
Il Well do 1 remember tnat uuy Wncn IL NEs ISt
, shown in the Senate. Mark Antony did not better
, remember the day when Caesar first put in that
j mantle through which he was afterwards pierced
n with Internationally "enyous stabs" IL was IN
tho Senate in lSiS, and was received as nonsense
a as the essence Of nUnscnsc-as the quintessencC
l. Of nonscnsc--as the fvetimes distilled essence o
c political nonscnsicality. Why sir, the Territory
a? itself is the property Of the States, and they dc
, what they please with it-permit il to be settled
or not, as they please cut it up by lines, Us they
4 please; sell it, or give it away, as they please
e chase white people from it, as they please After
II this farrago--this podridd--comes a little
;, stump speech, injected in the belly Of bill, and
!. which must have prcdgous effect when reciteC
in the praires and out towards the frontiers, ant
:, up towards the heads Of the creeks. will reat
p it, and hope without fatiguing the House; for i
e is both brief and beautiful and runs thus:
D. at being the truo intent and meaning OF THU
act not to esisate slavery into any State or Terri
G. tory nor to exclude it thercrom but to leave tn
is people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate
d their domestic institutions in their own way, sub
70 iect only to the Constitution Of the United States.
] This is the speech, and pretty little thini
. ITSELF and very proper to be spoken from stunil
! in the prairie. Ii has intent, and true intent
. any State or Territory. Then why legisluto at all
= Why all this disturbance if no effect is produced
- and things to remain just as they were2 Let vel
- enough alone, was the old doctrine; to make vel
C enough still better, is the doctrine of progress
= and that in spite of the Italian cpitaph, whlc
- says: :" was well, and would be better; tool
>, Iphysic, and here am" But the States must b
greatly delighted at the pOlilencss and torbcaranc
y, Of this bill. 1t puts States aud Territories upo
y, precisely equality with respect to the power O
SO Congress over them Congress does not mean t
-, put slavery in or out Of any State or Territory
" " To all that polite abnegaton, have to say thai
in respect OF the States it is the suporcrogation
40 modesty and humility, as Congress happens
" have no power to put slavery in them, or out c
=, - them and in respect Of the Territories, II is a
being the right Of Congress to lcgislatc upon sl'
very in the Territories and its duty to do so whc
" there is occasion for it--as in 1877 and 1920.
object to this shilly-shaly y-wiy y-wonty-
rs donty can'ty--stylc Of legislation. 1t Is M
re legislative. 1t is not parliamentary. 1t is n!
he manly Ii is not womanly. No woman woul
s; talk that way. No shlly-shally in a woman
Mt Nothing Of the female gender was ever born youn
y enough, or lived long enough, TO get beiogged
III such quandary as this. 1t is one thing or III
IN other with them; and what they say they stick t.
A No breaking bargains with them. But the end
n this stump speech is the best Of the whole Di
he fcrent from good milk, in which the cream rises
We the top, it here settles to the bottom, and is
VIC these words:
.ct "Leavc it to the people thereof that is to sa
he of the States and Of the Territories, to regula
ed slavery for themselves as they please only subje
of to the Constitution of the United States"
OF Certainly this is q new subjection for the State
o Heretofore they have been free to regulate SLAYER
ed for themselyes-admt it, reject it; and that N
OF by virtue Of any grant Of power in the COnstit
I'm ton, but by virtue Of an unsurrendered part
or their old sovereignty II is also Of the Terl
ny tories. Heretofore they have been held to
lte wards Of Congress- and entitled to nothing und
. the Constitution but that which Congress extendC
is to them But this clause is not accidentally herr
Is il is to keep up the dogma Of the Constitution
nd Territories; but only there in relation to SLAYER
ad and that for its admsson--not rejection.
I'VE Three dogmas now afhict the land ridelice
Dut souatter soyereienty non-interyention and l
ich mower in Congress to legisate upon slavery
us, Territories And this bill asserts the whole thre
vas and beautifully illustrates the whole three
is knocking each one the head with the other al
Pc tramplng each under foot in its turn. Sir the b
ing does dony sountter soyerepnty and IL docs inta