The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-07-06

adapted to perpetuate their peaceful relations,
and providing for interests of immense mag
nitude, without sacrifice to the local interests
of any section, viii encounter we apprehend,
determined resistance in the Senate. Indeed,
we must express our doubt whether the Slavery
Propagandists in that body will not rally q
majority against its ratification.
DEBATE IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT ON
CANADIAN INDEPENDENCE.
The Earl of marlborough did not rise 10
oppose the second reading of this bill, but to
express bis opinion on q subject of greater i'm
portance. We made such progress last year
in the work Of concession to Canada, th&t the
question now was, not whether we should stop
in our career, still less whether we should at
tempt to 60 back, but whether we should not,
in the most friendly spirit toward Canada and
the other North American colonies, consult
with their Legislatures on the expediency of
taking measures for the complete release of
those colonies from all dependence on the
Crown and Parliament of Great Britain. He
recollected having conversation with. Mr..
Huskisson, in 1928, during the time that states
man held the seals of the Colonial Office, in
which he intimated most distinctly that the
time had already arrived for the separation of
Canada from this country, and Mr. Huskisson
had even SO maturely considered the matter,
that he mentioned the form Of Government
which he thought it would be for our Interest
to have established in Canada when o1s con-
nection with the colony should cease. il must
be borne in mind that, during the last fsw
years, complete change had taken place in
our relations with the North American colo
MES. In 1916 we repealed the corn laws,
without reserving the privileges which Canada
enjoyed under them. At q subsequent period
we repealed the navigation laws, which gave
US great advantages in matters of trade and
navigation.
In addition to those measures, we had alter
ed, to a great extent-f we had not entirely
abolished-the discriminating duties ca the
staple produce of the North American colo
MES. Thus we have deprived ourselves and
the North American colonies of the ae9anta-
ges which each formerly derived from the con-
nection subsisting between them. For Several
years, too, in dealing with the Legislative AS
semblies of the colonies, we had acted on prin-
ciple Numerically opposed to that With for
merly influenced u.s. we had established in the
colonies what was called responsible govern
ment, or, to speak more intelligibly, we had
given them, practically, independent Govern
ments. And, really, he could hardly imagine
a situation more humiliating than thet Sf the
Representative of Her Majesty in Cs.nada
It was almost wonderful British gebtleman
would consent to hold such a situation of
nullity, unless, indeed, from a const iousness
Of his own abilities and resources, he should
think himself able to be, as Lord W stcalfe
was, the Minister of the Colony. What
was the use, what the practical ad sntage
Until ) n
onies The connection might be c some
small use in time of peace; but, on ia. other
hand, consider the danger arising fro.4 it in
matters relating to war. There coul{ be no
doubt that the chances of collision .tween
this country and the United States wer great
ly increased by our connection with tn. North
American colonies 1t was equally certain
that in the event of war occurring stween
this country and the United States, on rounds
totally unconnected with the colonit they
must from their connection with Us, bs drawn
into the war, and their whole frontie would
be exposed to the greatest calamities. Under
these circumstances, it was matter w'rthy Of
serious consideration, whether we should not
endeavor in the most friendly name to d.
vest ourselves of connection which mu t prove
equally onerous to both parties
Now, in case of war, could we hope Il defend
the colonies successfully! He would advise,
not the noble Duke opposite, who, TO bis great
satisfaction, had been released from the duties
of the Colonial Office but the Right Hon. Bar
onet who had succeeded him, to read a dispatch
received from Lord Metcalfe in 1896 We were
then, it was supposed, on the eve of a war with
the United States--a war connected with mat
tiers in which Canada had no concern>-a war
for an object the value Of which was not, to
either party equal to the expense of one weeks
hostilities Let the Colonial Secretary read
Lord Metcalfe's dispatch, and see the amount
of military aid which would be required to en-
able us successfully to defend Canada. At the
time, he lord Ellenborougb) thought Lord
Metcalfe's estimate was extravaganza and he
did not attach any great weight to that noble
Lords unsupported opinion; but, having con-
suited persons who from their position were
most competent to decide upon the question, he
found they confirmed Lord Metcalfe's estimate
as to the amount Of force necessary 20 defend
Canada successfully, and it was utterly beyond
the means CT this country to provide it. 1t
might be said we did successfully defend Can
ada in 1914. and that we had made geeat pro-
gress in wealth since. That he admitted, and
he wished that he could add that We b I'd made
equal progress in military strength.
If however we had advanced IN the career
of prosperity, consider the enormous progress
which the United States had made in their in
Vulnerable railroads, their wellappointed aud
well-disciplined army-an advantage which
they did not formerly possess, for they conduct
ed the war in 1914 with mere rabble Con-
sidering the increased strength and appliances
at the command of the United States, it would
hardly be possible to defend Canada with any
hope of success The very idea Of war with
the United States was horrible. The event
would be one of the greatest evils; one OF the
direst of human affections. Connected as we
are in all the details of commerce, it would be
more like tearing asunder the limbs Of one hui
man body than the collision OF two separate
bodies. Why, needlessly, increase the chances
of war Our brethren OF the other side of the
Atlantic are very ambitious, and extremely
sensitive on the point of honor. So were we
and we were also extremely sensitive on the
point of Justice. Not only would we not en-
dure Injustice to ourselves, but we could not
tolerate the preparation of injustice to another.
These considerations should lead us to re-
gard rupture with the United States as an
event which might happen at some period.
Under these circumstances, he hoped that at
an early period, the Government would COM
municate with the leading persons in the Legis-
Iatiye Assemblies of the North American colo
MES. with the view of ascertaining their opinion
on the subject of separation. We should
consult with them in the most freddy spirit,
as if they were members of one anc the same
| family, in which we felt deep concern.
The Duke of Newcastle retorted, that he was
astonished that the Earl of Peterborough
should PROFOUND opinions which would be as
unnaIatable to the people of the Colonies as
thew were to their lordships of that House. He
| (the Duke of Newcastle) would inform the no
| bic Earl that he did not belong 70 q Govern
men. which would consent to making such
PROPOSALS to the people of Cansds. For his