Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-05-11

compromise of 1850, the Territories of Utah
and New Mexico were free and open 10 emf
grafton, and the rights Of person and property
were subject only to the restrictions and limi-
tations imposed by the Constitution of the
United States and the acts giving government
to these territories. The same provision is
made IN Mr.. Douglass bill for Nebraska or if
1t is doubtful whether such provision is made,
we are sure every democrat will readily see
that faithful adherence to the compromise of
1850 requires that it should be made"
The Union thus commits the Administration
to the Nebraska bill:
"We cannot but regard the policy of the
Administration as directly involved in this
question, that policy looks to fidelity to the
compromise of 1850, as an essential requisite
to Democratic authordoxy. The proposition
OF Mr. Douglas is a practical execution of the
principles OF the compromise, and therefore
cannot but be regarded by the Administration
as a test Of Democratic orthodoxy.
The Union copied an article from the Bing-
hampton Democrat, published at the residence
Of Daniel S. Dickinson, in which it urged the
passage of the Nebraska bill, and the repeal
of the Missouri restriction, and endeavoring
to damn it with faint precise; and seizes
on single expression ms pretext for cavil-
ling criticism, and an unmerited rebuke, and
as text for a caniing sermon on concession
and forbearance towards the Freesoil oppos
ton to the Nebraska bill, forgetting the while,
that with fierce gesticulation and big voice, it
declared, as one authorized, and duly en-
powered and accredited to announce the law,
that the support Of the Nebraska bill was a
test of Democratic orthodoxy But this is
not all. The very same page of the Washing
ton Union, which contained also an article
from the Nashua Gazette, in which the posi-
ton associations and purposes Of the National
Democracy we're most Extensively misrepre-
sented; and yet not one word of rebuke of
censure or of correction was given to the Mas
hua Gazette"
After its election as printer to the House, the
Union says:
"In our judgment it would be as unwise as
it would be unjust to regard and treat such
opponents of the measure as thereby abolition
izing themselves Such Democrats, as we un-
derstand them, recognize the principle of nom
intervention as secured, but they are not salts
fed that it should be applied to the Nebraska
Territory"
Again:
"As we have said before, this paper does not
make the details of the bill for the organiza-
| ton of Nebraska and Kansas party test We
repeat, that this paper does not now assume
| that this bill, in any of its stages thus far OF
| the votes upon it, constitute test of Democ-
ron Int Ill
whether the great principles of this measure,
which can be regarded in our party in no other
light than as fundamental, do not here, and
| will not elsewhere, present what the ultimate
tribunal-the people-will regard and act up.
| on as a test"
Thus having First exercised the power of ex.
communication, it goes one step higher and
asserts the superior power of absolution.
For the practical application of the Nebraska
bill, the Union gives this view of what it con-
ceives to be the policy intended under it.
Speaking of Governor Reeder, after he had
done every thing which had embroiled that
Territory, it says
"We unhesitatingly say to the true friends
of constitutional principles in every part of the
Union, that no man could more faithfully rep
resent the conservative sentiments of the coun-
try or DiH more steadily and conscientiously
labor to bring order out of confusion, than the
present Governor of Kansas"
This emphatic endorsement was after Gov
ernor Reeder's speech was published and
known to the Union, in which he declared
"Kansas has been inudded, conquered, su6ju-
gated, by an armed force from beyond her Dor.
ders, led on by fanatical spirits, tramping I'M
der foot the principle of the Kansas bill and
the right Of suffrage"
We have no room, nor is there need, for
comment.