Washington sentinel., 1854-03-15

ter Senators may compose themselves; these
are not the men either to get up or guide reyo.
lutions.
There was another Senator here, Mr. HALE,
whose desk | have the honor now to occupy,
who again and again taunted Senators from
the north who sustain those measures, that
they would be driven from their seats that the
mighty north, the free north, would rise and
drive them from these benches and send men
here who would represent the northern senti.
ment. Among others, the distinguished Sena-
tor from Michigan Mr.. CAssl was the es-
pecial object OF his assaults. But the result is
that the gentleman who made those declara.
tions is not here. We see, therefore, that these
prophesies do not necessarily become history
| an6swe need not be alarmed at them But
Judging from the past three years, we may look
hopefully for the next three years to finish the
work SO happily begun, and to relieve the
Senate OF these common disturbers of the peace
and quiet of the Republic.
The senator from Massachusetts,, not content
with perverting the history of his own country,
misapplies even the ancient and familiar story
of Themistocles and Aristdes. Themistocles
wished to take an unjust advantage OF the enc.
mics of Athens, or those who were expected
shortly to become so. Forgetful of justice and
| right, he desired the Athenians, under prospect
of advantage, to destroy the fleets of their
| friends and allies. The scheme was referred
| by the Athenians to Aristides He said :
"True, you can do it; you have got the power;
but, Athenians, it is unjust" We stand in the
same relation to the north. They have ma.
jority in the Senate and in the House there
fore the power is in their hands, and not ours.
What argument have we to offer them? We
say to them: ave have no power; we stand
IN Nv Int tb,
honest men Of the north, as Aristides did to the
Athenians; gentlemen, You can do this, for
you have the physical power but it is unjust"
We said that in 1850; and, in spite of the SEN
ator from Massachusetts and all lis coadiutors
here, the free north, the honest north, took the
same course which the honest Athenians did
under the advice of Aristides. They said g 1t
is unjust, and we will not do it."
The senator from Massachusetts has also
talked about this measure disturbing the peace
of the country. Sir, there is another story of
ancient history, by which the gentleman might
have proited. A minister once came to the
Roman Senate to sue for peace. They asked
him I" What security do you offer us that, if we
grant you this peace, it will last and be OBJ
served ?" He said Grant us Just peace,
on fair terms, and it will be durable and per-
manent but give us AN unjust one, and it will
not last long" All your patchings up will not
last. You should stand upon broad national
principle, that gives the man of the south equal
privileges with the man of the north. Make
them all feel that, in peace or war; at home or
abroad, they stand everywhere upon an equal
footing, as brothers and citizens of a common
country. Then you will have peace. The great
pacifcation of 1850 adopted this basis; and il
that be carried out we shall have permanent
peace.
These measures received the popular appro-
baton; that now proposed to be displaced
| tthe Missouri restriction) never did 1t was
odous to the north, and not less so to the south
think once heard Mr. Clay say on this floor
that none of the northern representatives, ex-
cept three or four, who sustained the Missouri
act, were ever returned tc Congress- And three
| years ago Mr.. Hale, then a senator from New
Hampshire, taunted northern senators with that
| fact, and said the same result would follow the
adoption of the adjustment measures of 1850.
! 1t does not occur to me now, however, that a
single man lost his place in this Senate, or in
the other House, for supporting those measures
! know that the democratic party met at Balt
more in a national convention, and affirmed
those measures; and know that they carried
every State in the Union, except four, mainl,
on that issue. / know also that the delegates
of the whig party also went there and affirmed
!. the measures, with sxty-sx dissenting votes, ant
the fact that those sixty-six dissented, aroused
: the indignation of the country everywhere ane
many would not support the candidate put for
ward by that convention mainly on this ground
would take no other security but that those
who had so atrociously run the race of section
alism so long should not be allowed to iniure
my country if they would. Every southern
whig, | believe but one, voted for these meas
ures in 1850, and but few wings from the north
did. | believe now that the opposition of oul
political friends in the northern States to these
measures has struck down the whig party il
nearly every State in the Union. / believe
there are but two States now which have whis
governor, and theyare Maine and Massachusetts
and they were not chosen by a majority Of the
people. That is the effect Of that action
The senator from New York and others sa,
they have a commission to represent the norti
here. 1t is true. But / have right,t to 60 be
hind their credentials, and inquire whethe
} they speak the true voice of their constituents
admit their full right by virtue Of their com
missions, to be heard on this floor; but / an
not obliged to receive their opinions as those o
their constituents; but when the senator from
s. New York assumes to speak for New York,
oppose him with the voice of New York her
, oeil; spedhiHS thlouSn Her own TecOrus ana he
own ballot-box. l believe her people, by ma
2 jority of near thirty thousand in 1852, spok
against the senator, and for the Constitution
and the adjustment of 1850.
The objections of the senator from Connec
, ticut were discursive and unique. The ad
dtional objections which he urged to those al
ready taken were, chiefly, that the bill was OF
fensive to his moderation, and may lead to th
lamentable consequences of bringing Brigham
Young and his forty wives into the natona
councils. / do not think we should give our
selves much concern about the first objection
His moderation upon the slavery question ex
lists nowhere except in his own declarations,
have served with that gentleman in the nation
al councils for the last nine years. and, from tn
day that entered Congress up to the passag
of the adjustment measures of 1850, neve
knew that gentleman to vote on any SLAYER
question different from the most extreme abo
itionist that during all that time sat in eithe
branch of Congress; and we find him to-day
in his vote, with the same company. But th,
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