Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1854-03-23
VOLUME XI. NO. l3.
boa btolumola. with its fatal dowry, had not yet

ntei'''s upon MS nigh duties, Washington,
niLlscif an a5olltlonist, Was surrounded by men,
wh2' BY their lives and declared opinions, were
pledged to warfare with Slavery. There was
oonn Adams,th Vice Presidont-great vindica-
.'r and final nrgotiator Of oar national indepen-
uehce-whose soul flaming with freedom, broke
lorth in the early declaration, that consenting
to Slavery is a s. crlegious breach of trust,S
and whose immitigable hostility to this wrong
has bean made immortal in his descendants
There, also, was companion in arms and at
tached friend, the yet youthful Hamilton, who,
as member of the Abolition Society of New
York, had only recently united in solemn De-
tition for those who, " though free by the ld,cs
q God, are held in Slavery by the latrs Of the
Nate.' There, too, was noble spirit, Of spot.
less virtue. and commanding influence, the Or
namcnt OF human nature, who, like tho sun,
ever held an unerring course, John jay. Filling
the important post OF Minister of Foreign Affairs
under the Confederation, he found time to Or ii
ganize the Abolition Society of New York, and
to act as its President, until, by the nomination
Of Washington, he became Chief Justice of the
United States. In his sight Slavery was all sin
iqnity ia sin of crimson dye against
which ministers of the Gospel should testify,
and which the Government should seek in every
way to abolish ''Wero in the legislature"
he wrote " would present q bill for the pur-
pose with great care, and | would never cease
moving it till it became a law, Or ceased to be
a member. Till America comes into this meas
ure, her prayers to Heaven will be impious."
BY such men was Washington surrounded,
while from his own Virginia came the voice OF
Patrick Henry amidst confessions that he was a
master of slaves, crying 81 will not, | cannot
justify it, However culpabe my conduct, will
50 far pay my devoir to virtue as to own the ex-
cellence and rectitudeof her prccepts and lament
my want of conformity to them" Snch worde
as these, ftly coming from our leaders, belong
to the true glorios Of the country:
"While we such precedcnts boast at home
Keep thy Fabrcu- and thy Cato, Rom ~
The earliest Congress under the Constitution
adopted the ordinance Of Freedom for the North
western Territory, and thus ratified the rohi-
btion of Slavery in all the existing Territories
of the Union. In the list of those who sane
toned this act were men from the ahors of the
Convention and therefore familiar with its poll
cy But there is another voice which hears tes-
timony in the same direction. Among the peti-
tions presented to the First Congress was one
from the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania,
This venerable votary of Freedom, who through
try at home and abroad-who, as asstatcsman apd
philosopher, had won the admiration Of man
kind-who had raviShcd the lightning from The
skies and the sceptre from the tyrant--whoso
name signed to the Declaration of independence,
gave added Importance even TO that great in
strument, and then again signed to the Consti-
tuition of the United States. filled it with the
charm Of wisdOm-in whom more than iii any
other man, the true spirit Of American Institu-
tions, at once practical and humane, was EN-
bodicd--Nho knew intimately the purpOFes and
aspirations of tine foundrrs-this veteran states
man, then eighty-four years of age, appeared at
the bar of that Congress, whose powers he had
helped to define and establish, aud by .lia last
political act of his long hfe solemnly cntreated
g that it would be pleased to countenanco the
restoration of liberty to those unhappy men,
who alone in this land of Freedom, aro degraded
into perpetual bondage" and g that it would
step 10 the very verge OF the power vested init 0r
DISCOURAGlNG every species Of traffic in the
persons of our feow-nen." Only short :ime
after uttcring this pager, the patriot sage de,
) scended to the tomb but he seems still to call
upon Congress, in memorable words, to Step 10
tie rery rcre Of the popers rested in it for dis
courdging &'arry; and this prayer, now sound.
! ing from the tomb Of Franklin, procanns the
Lfuc nItlOlldl puilcN VI Ilc Edlitrs. NOt Cil-
} couragemcnt, but encouragement OF Slavery,
uot its national,.ati0a, but its sdenationeEsdtion
; was their rule.
The memorial Of Franklin, with other memo
rias of a similar character, was referred to u
committee, and much debated in the House,
| which finally sanctioned the tolowip, resolu-
ton and directed tic same 10 be enter ID on its
Journals
J THAT Congress have no authority to inter-
, tere in the emancipation OF slaves, or in the
treatment of them, within any Of the States it
remaining wnh The screra! States 10 proride any
, regulations therein, uAlch humanity nnf true
} policy may requie.'
: This resolution, declaring the principles ofnon-
intervention by Congress with Slavery in The
States was adopted by the same Con cross which
had soemnly affirmed the prohibition of Slavery
in all the existing territory Of the Union and
y not only by the same Congress, but at tina same
D session, so that one may be regarded rs The conf
plement of the other. And it is on these double
acts, at the FIRST organization Of the Government,
c and the recorded sentiments Of the founders,
0 that take my stand, and challenge all qucss
G ton.
/, At this time there was strictly no dividing
: line in the country between Anti-Sayery and
s Pro-Slayery The Anti-Slavery sentiment was
e thoroughly national, broad and gen rail- per-
= yading alike all parts of the Union, and uprising
e from the common heart Of the entire people
|, The Pro-Slaycry interest was strictly personal
/, and pecuniary, and had its source simply in the
It self-interest of individual slaveholdcrs 1t con
II templated Slavery only as domestic institution
ss not as q political element-and merely stipu.
lated for its security where it actually existed
l. within the States. sl.
Sir, the original policy Of the country, began
ii under the Confederation, recognized at the mi
2, tiation of the new Government, is clear and un-
to mistakable. Compcndiously expressed, it was
ID noninterrent'on by Congress Dith Aarery an th>
ls States, and its prOhibHon an aN the national do.
p MAN. In this way, the dscordant feelings or
ID this subject were reconcilcd. Slave-masters were
a. left ut home in their respective States to hug
a, Slavery. under Gthe protection Of local laws
t.: without any interference from Congress, while
ic all opposed to it were exempted from any re
ls sponshlity therefor in the national domain
III This, sir, is the common ground on which oul
lt political fabric was reared and do not hestat,
"a say that it is the only ground on which it
in stand in permanent peace,
H. 1t is beyond question, sir, that our Constitu
- ton was framed by the lovers of Human Rights
to that it was animated by their divine spirit ths
De the Institution of Slavery regarded by then
is with aversion, SO that, though covertly alludet
to, it was not named in the instrument that
IN according to the debates in the Coventon, the,
Mt refused to give it any g sanction, and LOOKED
I'd forward to the certain day when it would be OBJ
to liberated from the land. But the original poll
I'd cy of the Government did not long prevail TIL
Il generous sentiments which filled the early pat
eff riots, giving to them historic grandeur, gradu
III ally lost their power. The blessings of freedom
re being already secured to themselves, the freeme
lie of the land grew indifferent to the freedom Q
lie others. They ceased to think of the slaves. TIL
H. slave-masers ayailed themselves of this indifer