The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-03-02
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[cosTINUED FROM FIRST pAcE.l

dUODte0
IN 1888. And here We discern the same
spirit. The emphatic words of the Dec
laration ofIndependence, which our coun-
try took upon Its lips as baptismal vows,
when II claimed its place among the ma
IONS of the earth, were not forgotten
The preamble to the Constitution renews
them, when IT declares its object to be,
among other things, ito establish Justice,
TO promote the general welfare, and to Sc
cure the blessings of liberty to ourselves
and posterity." Thus, according to un-
deniable words, the Constitution was or
damned, not to establish, secure, or sane
ton Slavery-not to- promote the special
interest of slaveholders-not to make
Slavery national in any way, form, or man
ner--not TO foster this great wrong, but
TO establish justice" promote the gen.
eral welfare" and secure the blessings of
Liberty" The discredtable words SLave
and Marery were not allowed to find a
place in this instrument, while clause was
subsequently added by way Of amendment,
and, therefore, according to the rules of
Interpretation. particularly revealing the
sentiments of the founders, which is cal
culated, like the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, If practically applied, to carry Free
dom to all within the sphere of its influ-
once. 1t was specifically declared, that
mo person shall be deprived of life, k6-
e1fy, or property. without due process of
law" that is, without due presentment,
indictment, or other Judicial proceeding.
Here is an express guard Of personal Lib
erty, and an express interdict upon its inva-
sion anywhere within the national iuris-
diction.
1t is evident, from the debates on the
National Constitution, that slavery, like
the slave trade, was regarded as tempo
rary; and il seems to have been supposed
by many that they would both disappear
together. Nor do any words employed in
our day denounce it with an indignation
more burning than that which glowed on
the lips Of the Fathers. Early in the Con
vention, Governeur Morris, Of Psnnsylva.
MIA, broke forthb III ..l5 language Of an
n0onilonist: He never would concur
in unfolding domestic slavery. 1t was a
nefarious institution. Ii was the curse Of
Heaven" In another mood, and with
mild, juridical phrase, Mr.. Madison
thought it wrong to admit in the Consti-
tuition the idea of property in man." And
Washington, in letters written near this
period-which completely describe the
aims Of an Abolitionist-avowed I" that IT
was among his first wishes to see some
plan adopted by which Slavery may be
abolished by law" and that to this end
"his suffrage should not be wanting"
In this spirit was the National Constitu-
ton adopted. In this spirit the National
Government was first organized under
Washington. And here there is a fact
of peculiar significance, to which have
already, on a former occasion, called
attention, but which is well worthy of
perpetual memory. AT the time that
this great chief took his first oath 10 sup
port the Constitution of the United States,
the national ensign notChere tcithin the
national Territory covered a single Slaue.
On the sea, an execrable piracy, the trade
in slaves, was still, to the national scandal,
tolerated under the national flag. In the
States, as sectional institution, beneath
the shelter of local laws, Slavery unhap-
PLY found home. But in the only Ter
ritories at this time belonging to the Ma
ton, the broad region of the Northwest, it
had already, by the Ordinance of Freedom,
been made impossible, even, before the
adoption OF the Constitution. The Dis
Irict Of Columbia, with its fatal dowry, had
not yet been acquired.
Entering upon his high duties, Wash
ington, himself an Abolitionist, was sur
rounded by men, who, by their lives and
declared opinions, were pledged TO war
fare with Slavery. There was John
fdams, the Vice President, who had early
announced that conserving to Slavery
- a sacrilegious breach of trust" There
was Alexander Hamilton, who, as men,
Der of the Abolition Society of New York,
had only recently united in a solemn petit
ton for those who, though free by the
ldlos Of God, are held in Slavery by the
fqpS of the State There was also, an
other character of spotless purity, and
commanding influence, John Jay, Presi-
dent of the Abolition Society of New
York, until BY the nomination of Wash
ington he became Chief Justice of the
United States. In his sight Slavery was
an iniquity -" sin of crimson dye"
against which ministers of the gospel
should testify, and which the Government
should seek in every way to abolish.
"Were in the Legislature" he wrote, =" /
would present bill for the purpose with
great care, and / would never cease NOV
ing II till it became a law or | ceased to
be a member. Till America comes into
this measure, her prayers to Heaven will
be impious." By such men was Wash
ington surrounded, while from his own Vir-
ginia came the voice of Patrick Henry,
amidst confessions that he was a master
of slaves, crying, 81 will not, | cannot
Justify ii. However culpable my conduct
/ will go Ear pay my devoir to virtue as 10
own the excellence and rectitude of hel
precepts, and lament my want of conform
ity 10 them" Such words as these, fifty
coming from our leaders, belong to the
true glories Of the country:
While we snch precedents can boast at home
Keep thy Fabricius and thy Cato, Rome!
The earliest Congress under the Con
stitution adopted the Ordinance Of Free
dom for the Northwestern Territory, anc
thus ratified the prohibition of Slavery ii
all the existing Territories of the Union
Among those who sanctioned this &C
were men fresh from the labors of the Con
vention, and therefore familiar with III
policy. But there is another voice which
bears testimony in the same direction
Among the petitions presented to the frs
Congress, was one from the Abolition So
ciety of Pennsylvania, signed by Benja
min franklin, as President. This veneer
able votary of Freedom, who Throughout
a long life had splendidly served his coun