Minnesota weekly times. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1854-1859, 1854-12-19


word to say at present, about the entuprising
post master at Dubuque, who did not send it,
although we hear it was published in that city
in season for the mail. s... .ysa
-e-F PRESIDENTS MESSAGE G,-
Fellow Citizens Of the Senate gns' '"l .e.
and House Of Representatives:
The past has been an eventful year, and will
be hereafter referred to as marked epoch in the
history of the world. While we have been hap
PLY preserved from the calamities of war, our
domestic prosperity has not been entirely uninter
rupted. The crops, in portions of the country,
have been nearly cut off. Disease has prevailed
to greater extent than usual, and the sacrifice
of human life, through causalitics by sea and
land, is without parallel. But the pestilence
has swept by, and restored salubrity invites the
absent to their homes, and the return of business
to its ordinary channels. If the earth has re-
warded the labor of the husbandman less bounti-
fully than in preceding seasons, it has left him
with abundance for domestic wants, and large
surplus for expectation. .a. ,fH.
In the present, therefore, as in the past, we find
ample grounds for reverent thankfulness to the
God of Grace and Providence for His protecting
care and merciful dealings with us as people.
Although our attention has been arrested by
painful interest in passing events, yet country
feels no more than the slight vibrations of the
dividuals, we can repress sympathy with human
suffering, or the regret for the causes which pro-
duce it. As nation, we are reminded that what
ever interrupts the peace checks the prosperity
of any part of the Christendom, tends more or
less to involve our own.
The condition of States is not unlike that of
individuals. They are mutually dependent on each
Al
cprocal good will, arc essential for the promo
tion of whatever is desirable in their moral, So
cial, and political condition. Hence it has been
my earnest endeavor to maintain peace and
friendly intercourse with all nations.
The wise theory of this government, so early
adopted and steadily pursued, of avoiding all en-
tangling alliances, has hitherto exempted it from
many complications in which it would otherwise
have become involved. Notwithstanding this our
clearly defined and we'll sustained course of act
ion, and our geographical position SO remote from
Europe, increasing disposition has been manifest
cd by some Of its governments to supervise and
in some respects to direct our foreign policy.
In plans for adjusting the balance of power
among themselves, they have assumed to take us
into account, and would constrain us to conform
our conduct to their views. One or another of
the powers of Europe has, from time to time, un-
dcrtaken to enforce arbitrary regulations contrary
in many respects to established principles of in
ternatiOnal law. That law the United States have,
in their foreign intercourse, uniformly respected
and observed; and they cannot recognize any such
interpretations therein as the temporary interests
of others may suggest. They do not admit that
the sovereigns of one continent, or of particu-
lar community of states, can legislate for all 9TH
ers.
Leaving the trans atlantic nations to adjust
their political system, in the way they may think
best for their common welfare, the independent
powers of this continent may well assert the right
to be exempt from all annoying interference on
their part. Systematic abstinence from intimate
political connection with distant foreign nations,
docs not conflict with giving the widest range to
our foreign commerce. This distinction, so clear
ly marked in history, seems to have been over
looked, or disregarded, by some leading foreign
states. Our refusal to be brought within and
subjected to their peculiar system, has, l fear,
created jealous distrust of our conduct, and in
duced, on their part, occasional acts of disturbing
effect upon our foreign relations. ... .r---
Our present attitude and past course give as
surances, which should not be questioned, thet
our purposes are not aggressive or threatening to
the safety or welfare of other nations. Our mil
itary establishment, in time of peace, is adapted
to maintain exterior defences, and to preserve Or
der among the aboriginal tribes within the limits
of the Union. Our naval force is intended only
for the protection of our citizens abroad, and of
of the globe. The government of the United
States being essentially pacific in policy, stands
prepared to repel invasion by the voluntary SER
vice of patriotic people, and provides no perma-
nent means of foreign aggression. These consid-
erations should alay all aprehensions that we are
disposed to encroach on the rights or endanger
the security of other states.
Some European powers have regarded with dis
quieting concern, the Territorial expansion of the
United States. This rapid growth has resulted
from the legitimate exercise of sovereign rights,
belonging alike to all nations, and by many liber-
ally exercised. Under such circumstances it could
hardly have been expected that those among them
which have, within a comparatively recent period,
subdued and absorbed ancient kingdoms, planted
their standards every continent and now possess
or claim the control of the islands of every
their appropriate domain, would look with un-
friendly sentiments upon the acquisitions of this
country, in every instance honorably obtained, or
would feel themselves justified in mputing our
Advancement to spirit of aggression, or to a
passion for political predominancc.
Our foreign commerce has reached a magni-
tudc and extent nearly equal to that of the first
maratime power of the earth, and exceeding that
of any other. Over this great interest, in which
not only our merchants, but all classes of
citizens, at least indirectly, are concerned, it is
the duty of the executive and legislative branches
of the government to exercise careful supervi-
sion, and adopt proper measures for its protec-
ton. The policy which have had in view, in
regard to this interest, embraces its future, as
well as its present prosperity.
Long experience has shown that, in general,
when the principal powers of Europe are engaged
in war, the rights of neutral nations are cndan-
gered. 81. .1 ..- ..-.. ..rs ~.
This consideration led, in the progress of the
war of our independence, to the formation of the
celebrated confcderacy of armed neutrality, pri-
mary object Of which was to assert the doctrine,
that free ships made free goods except in the
of articles contraband of war doctrine which,
from the very commencement of our national be-
ing, has been cherished idea Of the statesmen
of this country. At one period or another, every
maritime power has, by solemn treaty stipulation,
recognized that principle; and it might have been
hoped that it would come to be universally re
ceived and respected as a rule of international
law. But the refusal Of one power prevented
this, and in the next great war that ensued, that
of the French revolution, it failed to be respected
among the belligerent states of Europe.
Notwithstanding this, the principle is generally
admitted to be sound and salutary one, 80 much
so, that, in the commencement of the existing wal
in Europe, Great Britain and France announe.
ed their purpose to observe it for the present. mol
however, as recognized International right but
as mere concession for the time being. The CO.
operation, however, of these two powerful mari.
time nations in the interests of neutral right ap.
peared to me to afford an occasion, inviting and
iustfying, on the part of the United States, re-