The Union and eastern journal. [volume] (Biddeford [Me.]) 1854-1858, 1854-06-09

Diane on on 10 INC congress Of 1880, By
saying that the existence Of ihs proviso SIS
Inconsistent with the Legislation Of thai
year." With ihi, exception, any kind oil
an inference may be drawn from the SEQ.
ton. Its great feature Is, however, the Re.
peal Of the Missouri Compromise. The
condition Of the territory was one Of er,tGin
freedom this prOviso being in full force: 70,
pealcd, il renders its condition one Of prob.
able ,lavery-or Al least, q part Of Il. To
use Mr.. Stewards words, -" Freedom
may lose, bu, certainly can gain nothing
while Slavery may gain, but as certainly
can lose nothing" '.'
This portion OF The section which speaks
Of leaving certain things 10 The people, and
which ariiul men rely upon as establish.
ing The doctrine of popular sovereignty, is
either meaningless, equivocal, or jesui,ical,
or all combined.As MI. Washbune said here
the other night, under the " no, locally in.
applicable" clause, il carries whole cart.
load OF United States laws TO the territory, and
whether the people want them or not, they
are obliged 10 take them and under other
provisions Of The Bill, il gives to the Presi-
dent of the United States power 10 appoint
Governor, Secretary, and Judicial Officers.
1t is Intervention from beginning 10 end. II
is also asserted in The Section that Congress
''does mol mean iolesislaie Slavery into any
territory or Staie.n OF course il does not /;
but II repeats lie yisla,ive restriction placed
on a territory where Slavery once existed,
and thus revives the old laws, or usa3es,
whi,h sanctioned il. This is the Southern
view; and with slaveholdins judiciary,
il will probably be found in practice The
one which will DO taken.-- Then again,
wha, Is The right conferred upon the people
Of the territory by this section, ample 10
prevent the introduction Of Slavery! Not
q, all II is subject to the Constitution Of the
United States. There is world Of mean.
ling 10 this. The South contend that the
Constitution by its own inherent force and
vigor, spreads Slavery all over the ternio-
ries Of the United States, where there are
no restrictions; and when slaves are once
in, being property, they cannot be Sc, free,
without violating the provisions Of The Con.
s,itu,on which secure the rights Of property.
|, is this Southern view which gives mean.
ing 10 this phrase: "subiect TO the Consii.
tuition Of The United S,aies." and which a
Southern Judiciary will not fail 10 enforce,
should the people Of Kansas and Nebraska
form free constitutions. II was this con.
s,ruclion which Southern men give TO the
Constitution, which led 10 the amendment
offered by Mr.. Mace Of Indiana, provid-
ing ,ha, the territorial Legislature might
erelude Slavery" which was voted
down, and which also led 10 the amend
men, Of Mr.. Fuller of this Stale, which
was in these words: Sand the territorial
legislature shall have the power 10 eslab-
lish or exclude Slavery rs 10 them shall
seem proper !" which Mr., Fuller said he
introduced for the purpose OF testing the
sincerity Of those who said the bill con.
tanned the principle Of popular sovereignty.
As fitting close 10 these remarks, we
append the following record, from the pre-
coedings Of Congress, on Mr.. Mr.. Fuller's
amendment, referred 10 by orr correspond.
eni, which shows that the assertion that the
bill gives the control of the question Of
Slavery TO the people Of the territories, is
an unmiiiga,ed humbug and cheat:
Mr.. FuLLER-I propose an amendment to
the first section of the bill, to come in after
the word I" Nebraska" in the 18th line.
And the Territorial Legislature shall have
power to admit or exclude slavery, as to them
shall seem proper. .
As a National Democrat, and the only
one that came into the Thirty-First Congress
from New England rs an anti.Wilmot Pro.
yiso man, am anxious to vote for this bill.
II the amendment which have offered, is
adopted, ! shall vote for it; IL It does not
prevail, | shall vote against it, us at present
advised. And, Sir, in The spirit Of kindness.
I ask some of those gentlemen who stood
by me in the Thirty. First Congress, and
there are several such from the Southern
section of the Union upon this floor now, to
weld little for the sake of harmony.
helped make the compromise Of that period.
!, Sir, voted for every one OF the so-called
Eve compromise measures Of 1850, and when
three men only from the slave States did
vote for all Of them, and only twenty.seyen
men in that Congress voted for all Of them.
This bill has been advocated in the North
solely upon the ground that it gives the poo.
pie OF the Territory right to legislaie for
themselves upon the subject OF aIery while
in territorial state. declare myself here
to be the friend and advocate of that doc
trine, and 1t is because this bill does not es.
tablish this great American principle, and
yindicate this doctrine, tina, I am opposed
to il In its present shape. s... a. 80
The distinguished gentleman from Alaba-
mo, mir. Phillips, ] in his speech upon this
subject. has stated the true reading of this
bill, and the reason why II was made so.-
quote his remarks !. .arg J-...l
snow, it is admitted that Q difference Of
opinion exists between the different sections
Of the coniederacy, rs to the period when
the right Of the people TO aci upon the I'D.
mission or exclusion of slavery arises. On
tho one hand, il Is said that this right exists
as soon ar the territorial organization takes
place on the other hand it is maintained
that is is in allegiance until the people pro.
oooJ "a ..iahl;.h,a Sfate Government 10