Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1854-02-11

States who stood by Mr.. CLAY on this day of trial
of the strength of this Government did not exceed
twenty in number. To show of what character they
were, it is enough to recall to memory the names
of HENRY BALDWIN, late Justice of the Supreme
Court; of JosEPu BLOOMFIELD, from New Jersey,
an officer of the Revolution and of the War of 1912
of straightforward EpHRAIM BATEMAN, from the
same State; of HENRY SoUTHARD, that faithful
Jersey Blue who carried arms through the whole OF
the Revolutionary war, and had been in Congress
almost ever since; of the respected SAMUEL EDDY,
of Rhode Island; of LANGDoN HILL and HENRY
SHAW, of Massachusetts,; of HENRY MEIGs, of New
York; of HENRY X. SToRRs, the distinguished
member of the Bar of the same State and of honest
DANIEL UDREE, Of Pennsylvania 1t is small honor
for those names TO be recalled in this manner to re-
membrance in these columns, but it is great honor
to them and those who, uniting with them, contri-
buted to the ultimate decision, to be remembered
in connexion with an event which, in the appre-
henson of some of the wisest amongst us, saved the
country from intestine war Wecannot dismiss this
brief historical reference without inviting the earnest
attention of all younger readers to the fact that
Mr. CLAY did not lose, by his steady opposition to
the restriction upon Missouri, any portion of the
public esteem and confidence which he had pre-
vously commanded. His lofty independence was
recognised and appreciated by the world by the
first President subsequently elected from North
ern State he was selected from all his fellow citizens
to be tho Secretary of State, and ever afterwards
enjoyed a large portion of the confidence of his
countrymen, North as we'll as South of Mason and
Dixon's line.
AS regards the Territorial bill now under con-
sideration in Congress, we are informed by an ar
ticle copied conspicuously into the Government
paper of yesterday that it is an administration
measure" and that every true Democrat and every
patriot in Congress will vote for it." Much as we
regret to see SO important a statement put forth
authoritatively we should regret it the could
we believe it. We should regret it as well for the
Presidents own sake as for the peace Of the coun-
try. But his Message at the opening of Congress
forbids us to believe it* He saw, sure, with
patriotic no less than personal pleasure that the
Congress which assembled here two months ago
met in spirit of harmony towards each other, and
of kindness and liberalty towards the Executive,
rarely witnessed during the last twenty years The
only drawback to this state of good feeling the
feud which had arisen among the New York Demo-
Gratis but that very partially rppled the surface of
the calm which pervaded the great body of the Rep
resentatives and every seemed disposed to give
to the new Executive all reasonable support and
confidence. Surely this was not state of things
which the President would desire to disturb, much
less destroy, by conjuring anew the demon of Sec
tional discord-more distinctly sectional we fear,
in its present shape than it ever was before.
There existed no adequate motive for such a step.
The country had not called for it there had been no
expression of public opinion the subject; it was
neither asked for nor looked for. So far from it,
indeed, that it took the public entirely BY sur
prise. The country, North and South, was re-
posing in entire acquiescence and confidence in
the great healing act Of 1920, and the strife which
accompanied its enactment had been long forgotten
It therefore surpasses ingenuity to discover any
motive which could induce the President to disturb
this happy quiet.
We are aware that our esteemed neighbor the
Sentinel gives as reason for the measure thatit will
compel certain politicians to +" show their hands }"
and the Union alleges that :" it is time these
promises were settled forever" What is meant by
the Sentinel is not clear u.s. and can only be con-
jectured Whether it is designed to present an
issue to the Soft wing Of the New York Democrats,
which, obeying their ant-slavery instincts, shall
drive them to oppose an Administration mea-
sure and thus place them in the attitude of
antagonism to the President now occupied by the
Hards, or by the same operation replace these
latter on the side of the Administration, we do not
know; but, be it the other, the object sinks
into insignfcance compared with the magnitude and
mischief Ct the means adopted to effeet>t. AS for
the assigned by the Jnion that it is time to
settle forever the slavery compromises, the argument
is puerile If compromise which has stood third
of century, and answered the most benefcent
hopes its wise and patriotic authors is to ebroken
for the purpose of making another which is to en-
dure forever where shall we find the guaranty that
it will last even as long the which abrogated?
The sage and patriot WILLIAM LowNDEs Gin COM
mon with all the statesmen who united with him
in the Missouri compromise) yielded to it his
support because he said it would "give perma-
nent tranquility to the country in regard to sla-
very" Were he now in life he would stand by
his own good work. Honor no less than regard
or the public veal would bind him to it, as it
lhould, we humbly but firmly assert every Southern
man who has ever given it his assent and upheld it
I r.. :. - Il