Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1854-03-24

In the Z. S. Senate, March 3, 1854, on u
NeDr1skr Bill
Or MAINE,

II has been my desire, M President, if
this debate continued long enough to afford
me fair opportunity Of doing so, to submit
a few remarks upon the subject under dis
cussion, or upon so much Of II as relates TO
the repeal Of the Missouri Compromises
The hour is now. however, so late that am
exceedingly reluctant to enter into this de-
bate at all and | would refrain from doing
so altogether, but for my own position, and
what believe to be the almost universal sem
timent of the people of uaine. AS the
Youngest Senator of this body--the Senator
who has most recently taken seat upon this
hoor-I have feared that it might look some
thing like intrusion IN me, at any time, and
especially at so late an hour, to present any
remarks whatever TO the Senate upon mat
ter which has been SO thoroughly discussed,
and upon which nothing new IN argument
can be adduced. IT, however, any excuse
were necessary, 1t may be found IN the fact,
stated in the public press, that the Legisla-
ture of my own State, n Democratic Legis-
lature, has recently passed resolutions, al
most unanimously, instructng its Senators
TO endeavor, by every proper means IN their
power, to defeat the passage of this bill IN
it, present shape. Under such circumstances
Mr.. President, if ! should suffer the occa-
sion to pass without entering my protest,
otherwise than by mere vote upon that
subject, might be adluged derelict to duty.
may add, sir, IN reference to the hour, that
controlled by the consideration that until
every other Senator who desired to speak
had been allowed the opportunity to do so,
and trusting that might have the privilege,
at a proper hour IN the day to express such
views as might happen to entertain, have
remained silent to this time. But, sir, | un
derstand, and it is generally understood, that
the determination is to bring this matter to a
final vote before we adjourn; and have,
therefore, only to avail myself Of the pres
ent hour, as best may.
Mr.. President, am opposed to Slavery in
any form and shape in which 1t exists, or
may exist am free to say that had been
a member of Congress when the question of
the admission of Missouri was brought be-
fore II, and had entertained the same opin-
ions that ! entertain now, should have vo-
ted against rs admission as slave State. TO
the last. am free TO say further, that had
been a member Of Congress in 1850. |
should have voted against what is called the
fugitive slave law; and | should have voted
against any organization of the Territories
of New Mexico and Utah. unless with the
Wilmot proylso as part of the bills provi-
ding for such organization. But, sir while
! say this, ! may express the regret that
questions such as these have come to assume
now position of mere North or south.
90 moi intend, on this occasion, to argue the
question of the social, or moral, or religious
effects Of slavery. sir, have none Of what
IL called "slcky sentiinentality" on this sub.
iect. | am not humanity in TOE
language of the honorable Senator from
Georgia; that is to say, am not a man who
makes trade of humanity; but when | say
tins, hope ! may be allowed also 10 say one
thing more, and that is, that respect even q
humanity monger," a man who makes a
trade of It, quite as much as one il such a
one can be found, who has no feeling at all
upon the question of slavery as 1t has exist
ed, and continues to exist, in 50 large por-
ton of these United States.
While do not intend Mr. President, tc
make any extended remarks Ia relation lC
I that part Of nay subject for the very sufficient
reason that the right to argue a question O
that kind seems to be confined TO Southern
gentlemen, and that when man from the
I free States, according to my observation
/ rises here to speak on the subject of slavery
in its relations to humanity, he becomes a
once n" humanity -monger," or a sickly sen
tlmentalist, or fanatic or something of thu
kind; while, at the same time, il seems {,
be perfectly right aud proper that the other
side of the question shall be debated at any
length, at the desire or convenience Of gen
ilemnp-althnuuh say. do pot iniend I,
enter into that question: mus, be peTmiite,
TO state TO the honorable Senator from Mis-
sissippi, Ma. Brown, that the people Of ml
Sc elton Of the country do not agree witt
him, and would not be much affected by ia,
picture which he has presented OF the pecu
liar social advantages of the institution. -
Sir, IN the portion of the country from whicl
you and come, Mr.. Foot of Vermont be
ing IN the chair,) labor of any kind, if It i
honest labor, IL honorable. In that seotlol
of the country all men are equal, politically
Their social relations, and their social con
ditlon AID position, they make for themselves
Every man must find them, or make them
as he can; bnt II initiates nothing agalns
his social position, although 1t may chang
the social sphere IN which he moyes--it /
nothing that derogates from any poltica
right, or any social right. or any other rgh
that he has that necessity compels hun L
labor; ay, sir, and to labor in a menial EN-
ployment. In my country mental employ
mcnt, If II Is an honest employment pur
sued from necessity ana not from taste, how
ever meniul 1t may be, Is honorable TO a man
If II be honestly pursued. We Judge no
the man by the kind of labor he follows, o
by the amount OF remuneration he receive
for t. ii he is an honest man, and labor
honestly, he is more respected even thun on
who performs a dishonest service, be The re
munerallon ever so high, az. even although
the reward for 1t might possibly be the high
est Office IN the gut of the people Of TIL
country.
his may be vulgar notion, and it is
a vulganty common IN that section Of th
country, we are willing to admit. But al
though our people entertain these vulgn
notions they are not without others. The
are reading people, and thinking peopl,
They have churches, academies, commo
schools, newspapers, and all the ordlnar
resources of moral and mental education.
As | have said, they read aud they think
and, among other things upon which the
entertain fixed opinions is this-,hat the in
sttuuon Of slavery is of no advantage, in an
point of view, to any portion of the countr
IN which it exists. They reason upon TIN
subject, perhaps somewhat from contrasts.
They contrast, for instance, the States q
Ohio and Kentucky, of Virginia and Ne'
York. rhey 90 back to the time when Viz
GINA was far ahead of New York in popula
ton and power, and they look at her preseu
condition, and see that she is not inferior j
physical and natural advantages and per
haps they draw differences uniavorable 10 In
institution Of slavery in its effects upon tn
? growth and welfare of people. They hay
also another idea, and that is, that nasmuc
as they are a part OF this people, inasmuc
as they belong TO this country, and are par
Of the great whole, whatever is injurious &
the whole becomes matter of interest t
them, And, sir, they believe, that if an in
stitution injurously affects the prosperity o
a part IT'S evils are felt throughout the who'll
system. Ii touches them as citizens, and a
having an interest in the common welfare
and they have a right 10 consider and thin
of II and not only that hut IN exnrpss thei