Washington telegraph., 1854-05-31
RUSSIA.
The Confidential Corresnonaeuce

article
"The British Ministry has just published
all the confidential correspondence to which
the article in the journal de st. Peters
burg" alluded to on the 18th of February
No 1867 In addition to these documents,
It has deemed it dprop2s to introduce not
only the cabinet paper (pieces de Cd6inet)
exchanged between the Imperial Court and
that Of England, but even the secret reports
which Sir LII. Seymour made to his Govern
ment Of bis private conversation with his
Majesty the Emperor
It was natural that public curiosity should
be drawn to these private conversations
! Without examining at what point the Eng
lish envoy had left them, influenced by the
opinions and prejudiccs which governed
him, party spirit and bad faith have not
been wanting to draw from his relations the
most hazardous consequences and the most
false interpretations Alisled by expressions
Of which the reporter himself avows he was
not certain Of having exactly retained the
precise meaning-deccived by some fugitive
ideas thrown out by chance in the warmth
and the abdHdOR Uf conversation without
restraint-he thought be saw in the words
of the Emperor, such as they have been re-
ported the proof Of objects determined be-
forehanG. Of tie territorial arrangements at
the expense Of Turkey-in one word of
plan Of partition which his Majesty lad pro-
posed 10 England, without the participation,
and to the exclusion Of other courts
However, on several occasions. in the
course Of his discussions with the English
representative, the Emperor did MT cease
to repeat that he did not wish to conclude
either treaty or protocol with England, that
il was not the question Of plan BY which
the two cabinets might dispose, without the
concurrence Of and without respect to. the
other powers, of the provinces governed by
the Sultan that in BIZ idea the question
was one Of an understanding. perfectly gen
cral, upon certain eventualites that each Of
the parties should arrive at rs soon as posi-
BE; lastly Of simple exchange &c ideas,
npon me vora gf 4 EentienaR, dune
parole de Gcrtilhomme,) in order to engage
both, with the intention Of avo ding political
combinations that might be contrary to their
mutual Interest," These assurances are cor
tained, under a form, and in terms not less
positive, in the memorandum which the
Emperor caused 10 bc prepared by his cab
met, in reply 10 tile written communications
which the reports Of Sir H. Seymour had
provoked, on the part of the British Min
istry.
II: i. then. snprcmcly unjust, not to sav
dlshonorable (deioyal) TO endeavor 10 seek
in the motive which induced the Empe-
ror to open with England correspondence
(poHr parkersj OIL this subject, the intention
to engage that power to dispose Of with him.
self beforehand, the possessions Of Turkey.
Nothing was further from the ideas Of his
Majesty than the notion of partition ef-
fected by anticipation The expectations of
the Emperor related to the future. not 10
the present ; lii views were quite eventual
The design Of His Majesty in explaining
himself so frankly. was solely TO avoid any
incident Of nature to affect the intimacy
which he desired to maintain in lii relations
with England to prevent all difference, all
misunderstanding. and any kind of d.
vergence which events uncertain but posi-
BE, might suddenly bring about between
Great Britain and himself, If they had been
left entirely out Of their reciprocal foresight.
The two courts might have differed in
opinions upon the greater or less immincnce
Of the catastrophe which was foresecn but.
in the event of that catastrophe, what were
the views expressed ly the Emperor lie
disavowed expressly. for himself. any desire
or intention Of possessing Constantinople.-
lie made beforehand an engagement not to
establish himself there in a permanent man.
ner. This disavOwal, this engagement, i
confirmed by the cabinet papers. T. it con-
celvable, after this. that in the face Of YER
bal or written clarations-declaration 50
formal and obiratorr-that the English
ministers would have had the courage 10 ac-
cuse bis Majesty, in their places in parlia-
ment, Of ambitious purposes, and Of pro-
jects Of conquest upon the capital IF the OF
toman Empire Such a furgetfuiness Of
the word of the Emperor, added to that of
all propriety In language, which they have
employed towards his august person. was A.
surediy intended in order to authorize the
imperial government to address Il direct ap-
peal 70 their conscience, referring 10 The a.
surances (ooRyfaences) which % evidently
attest the disinterestedness and the purity
Of the political views Of his Majesty
Not only have the character and the
motives Of bis overtures been Intentionally
misunderstood and misrepresented (enren-
imes,) but it has even been sought to use
them as means Of attempting to persuade
other powers that if the Emperor, On this
occasion addressed himself more particularly
to England, it was only because be paid no
regard to their opinions or their interests
We content ourselves with remarking that
the subject Of these discussions was brought
confidently to the knowledge of the sover-
eigns Of Austria and Prussia And, n far
as concerns France. 1t l. essential 10 remem-