The Port Gibson reveille. (Port Gibson, Miss.) 185?-1857, 1854-05-24


and public attention has been directed-has
been fixed with great intensity upon this sin-
gle idea, TO the disregard Of the actual pro-
visions. and the necessary legal effect of the
measure. Il cannot have escaped the atten-
tion of members, that most Of the speeches.
especially the early ones which formed pub
lie opinion all over the country, were directed
to the repeal If the Missouri act. and the
merits aud dement's Of slavery abstractly
considered These themes have been harped
upon-blown upon, TO such a degree, that
the actual measure has been thrown in the
back ground and obscured. The progress Of
the measure, and Of discussion from first to
last has been we'll calculated to distract and
mislead public opinion. l beg to refer, for
example, to an article in leading paper in
the district I represent paper published
in the city Of Natchez-a State-Rights DEM
ocratic paper, of high respectability, and
edited with much ability generally. Il is
well known that the party to which that pa
per belongs think that the people Of Terri
tory ought not to be entrusted with power
over the subject Of slavery. | have mislaid
the paper. but the opinion which it expresses
is well remembered. That opinion, expressed
about the middle Of March. was, that the
original condition Of Nebraska. as a Stare
hokdiRg territory. was restored by the bill /;
and further, that the bill denied to the terri
torial legislature control over the subject Of
slavery until the formation of the State con-
sttution and that. unless these things were
recognized in the bill. that it was a cheat
Now. sir / ask all candid men. if the
original condition Of Nebraska as a slavehold-
/ ing Territory is restored Docs the bill
deny to the Territorial Legislature control
over the subject of slavery until the forma-
ton Of the State constitution! will un-
dertake to show that the original condition Of
the Territory is not, and was not intended to
be restored that northern men, while profes.
sing repentance for a wrong. are not prepared,
and never will be prepared. to make that re-
pentance acceptable 10 the South By making
restitution Further. | will undertake to
show that the bill deliberately. Intentionally.
and undeniably eoDfers upon the Territorial
Legislature power to control the suhect Of
slavery. If succeed, / will have shown
how far intelligent men are at fault in the
South, and how little there is in the bill to
commend it to their support and will. at the
same time, have shown my objections to the
bill.
The bill confers powers over all rightfnl
subjects Of legislation If il had said moth
ing more, it might be doubted whether it
gives power over the subject Of slavery but
this doubt is cleared up 10 no equiyocal man.
ner by another clause which proceeds to de-
clare in substance, that Congress does not in-
tend to legislate slavery into the Territory,
or exclude it therefrom by this bill, but in
tends to leave the people. not only Of the fo-
ture State, but Of the present Territory. free,
to form and regulate their domestic institu-
tions, in their own way These words.
+" form and regulate" used in immediate
connection with the matter Of slavery, are
pointed directly at it. and we're. as it seems
to me, intended purposely to indicate what
was intended to be embraced by the words
"rightful subj scis of legislation This lau-
guage was obviously designed to indicate two
things FIRST that Congress intends to dis
connect itself with slavery in the Territories
and States. as though it had anything to do
with the subject anywhere; aud, secondly, to
lodge the power over that subject somewhere
else, and where In the Territorial Legisla-
lures, during their existence. and in the
States, when they shall be formed. Il is not
possible to give the language any significance.
unless you ascribe this meaning to it. The
words " domestic institutions include slave
ry according to common understanding; and,
being used in direct connection with slavery.
we're necessarily designed to embrace IT,
Now, it cannot be said that it only means that
the people. when they form their State gov
ernment, may form and regulate their domes-
tic institutions by fundamental law, because
there is in the bill preceding this passage, in
the very first section, an explicit and unmis-
taxable declaration which defes misconstruc-
ton by the dullest understanding. to the ef-
feet that they shall have this right as to slave
ry when they come into the Union. Those
who may contend for this construction will BE-
driven to assume that this +" form and regu-
late clause was only designed to explain
the lirst, as the Badger proyiso was intended
to explain this Douglas clause thus heaping
explanation upon explanation, and making
confusion worse confounded. [ take occasion !
to say. that there is not an enlightened court |
10 America that would not feel itself bound |
to decide that it was the palpable the evident
intention Of the trainers Of this act to give
the power to the people of the Territories as
such and that the language used Is ample
for that purpose.
Those who deny any inherent right in the
people Of Territory to control the subject
Of slavery. and also deny the right Of Con
gress to control, or to confer the power to /
control it on the settlers in the Territories,
ought to consider well whether it is entirely
consistent to vote for law by which Congress
does confer the power, upon ihe dubiance re-
lance that the Supreme Court will declare
this feature 10 the bill unconstitutional. In
the first place, you give your full assent to
contrary decision. by voting for the bill for
that court will be too charitable to suppose
that you knowingly violated the Constitution.
That court has seldom declared laws Of Con-
gress unconstitutional; aud it is principle
wi all courts to sustain a law. If possible.
There has been much said about this sover-
eigDty. this right Of selfgovernment 10 the
people of the Territories. l; would appear
that they had up 70 this time, suffered under