Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-18
DAILY NATIONAL ERA.

another in Kansas, 10 assume the jurisdiction
on the subject OF slavery, which you renounce.
Then consistency demands that you call into
existence Territorial Legislature in the Dis
trici OF Columbia, 10 assume the jurisdiction
here, which you must also renounce. Will
you do this? We shall see.
To come closer 10 the question: What is this
principle of abnegating National authority, on
the subject Of slavery, ia favor Of the People
DO you abnegale all authority, whatever, in
the Territories? MOI al all You abnegale only
authority over slavery there. DO you abnegae
even that No; you do moi and you cannot
In the very act Of abnegaiing you legslale, and
enact that the States TO be hereafter organized
shall come in whether slave or free, as their in
habants shall choose lis not this legislatino
not only on the subject Of slavery in the Terri
tories, but on the subject OF slavery even in the
future States In the very act Of abnegating,
you call into being Legislature which shall
assume the authority which you are renounc-
ing. You not only exercise authority in that
act, but you exercise authority over slavery,
when YOU confer on the Territorial Legislature
the power to act upon that subject More than
this: In the very act Of calling that Territorial
Legislature into existence, you exercise au-
thority in prescribing who may elect and who
may be elected. You even reserve 10 YOUR
selves veto upon every act that they can pass
Us legislative body. not only on all other sub
jects, but even on the subject OF slavery itself
Nor can you relinquish that veto; for il is
absurd TO say that you can create an agent, and
depute TO him the Legislative authority Of the
United States, which your agent cannot al your
own pleasure remove, and whose acts you can
not al your own pleasure disavow and repndi-
ate. The Territorial Legislature is your agent.
It's acts are your own. Such is the principle
that is to supplant the ancient policy--a prin-
cipe full Of ahsurdities and contradictions.
Again: You claim that this policy OF abne
CATION is based upon democratic principle. A
democratic principle is principle opposed TO
some other that is despotc or arslocratic. You
claim and exercise the power to institute and
maintain government in the Territories. Is
this comprehensive power aristocratic or des-
potic? If it be not, how is the partial power
arislocratic or despotic2 You retain authority
to appoint Governors. wthoutwhose consent no
laws can be made on any subject, and Judges,
without whose consideration no laws can be
executed, and you retain the power TO change
aristocratic or despotic2 II they are not, then
the exercise Of legislative power by yourselves
is not. III they are, then why not renounce
them also2 No, no. This is a far-fetched
excuse. Democracy is simple, uniform,
logical system, not system of arbitrary, con-
Trajectory, and conflicting principles!
But you must nevertheless renounce National
authority over slavery in the Territories, while
you retain all other powers. What is this but
amere evasion OF solemn responsibilities? The
general authority OF Congress over the Terri
tories. is one wisely confided to the National
Legislature, 10 save young and growing COM
munites from the dangers which beset them
in their state OF pupilage, and 10 prevent them
from adopting any policy that shall be at war
with their own lasting interests, or with the
general welfare of the whole Republic. The
authority over the subject Of slavery is that
which ought TO be renowned last of all, in ia
vor of Territorial Legislatures, because, from
the very circumstances Of the Territories, those
Legislatures are likely to yield too readily to
ephemeral influences, and interested offers Of
favor and patronage. They see neither the
great Future of the Territories, nor the com
prehensive and ultimate interests of the whole
Republic, as clearly as you see them. or ought
TO see them.
| have heard sectional excuses given for
supporting this measure. ! have heard Sena-
tors from the slaveholding States say that they
ought not 10 be expected TO stand by the non
slaveholding States. when they refuse 10 stand
by themselves; that they ought not 10 be ex-
pecled 10 refuse the boon offered 10 the slave
holding States, since il is offered by the non
sIaveholding States themselves. not only
confess the plausibility OF these excuses. but
feel, the justice of the reproach which they
imply against the non slaveholding States, as
far as the assumption is true. Nevertheless,
Senators from the slaveholding States must
,Iar ti,ar
any considerable degree, founded in fact. lf
one or more Senators from the North decline
10 stand by the non-sayeholding States, or
offer boon in their name, Others from that
region do, nevertheless, stand firmly on their
rights. and protest against the giving or the
acceptance of the boon. IL has been said that
the North does mol speak out, so as 10 enable
you 10 decide between the conflicting voices oi
her Representatives. Are you quite sure you
have given her timely notice. Have you not,
on the contrary, hurried this measure forward,
10 anticipate her awaking from the sumber OF
conscious security into which she has been
lulled by your last Compromise Have you
not heard already the quick, sharp protest Of
the Legislature Of the smallest Of the non
slavcholding States, Rhode Island Have
you not already heard the deep-toned and
earnest protest OF the greatest Of those States,
New York; Have you not already heard re
nonsirances from the Metropolis. and from the
rural districts? DO you doubt that This IS
only the rising Of the agitation that you profess
TO believe is al rest forever2 DO you forget
that, in all such transactions as these, the peo-
pie have a reserved right 10 review the acts q
their Representatives, and right TO demand
reconsideration that there is in our legislative
practice form Of RE-EEAcrMEsr, as well as
an act Of repeal and that there is in our politi
cal system provision not only for dbrogafion,
but for RESTORATION also
Senators from the slaveholding States You
are politicians as well as statesmen. Let me
remind you, therefore, that political movements
in this country, as in all others, have their
times or action and reaction. The pendulum
moved up The side Of freedom in 1910, and
swung back again in 1874 on the side Of
slavery, traversed the dial in lo4S, and touched
even the mark Of the Wilmot Proviso, and re-