Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1854-08-24
45ulftiful.
A D D r E SIS
Of the State Central Committee.-No. 3.
To the People of Pennsyleania

To the People of Pennsylvania
FELLOW CITIZENS The manner of organ
izing the territories of Nebraska and Kansas,
you will agree with us, is not necessarily an
issue In this contest-it is not a subject con-
nected with the duties of State Executive.
1t is scarcely possible that the election of a
Governor, whoever may succeed, is to have
any practical bearing upon the future policy
of those territories-and surely no man will
be SO unreasonable as to hold the Governor of
Pennsylvania accountable in an official sense
for what Congress has already done on this
subject 1t is subject with which that Of
fcer has had, and can have, officially, nothing
whatever to do. As a member of the Demo-
cratic party it must be presumed that he takes
an interest in public affairs, and has not been
an inattentive observer that there has existed
n diversity of opinion in relation to certain
features of this measure.
Since the origin of our government, with
occasional intervals, the question of slavery III
some of its phases has been subject of vlo-
lent and at times dangerous controversy in
Congress, menacing the peace of the people
and the existence of the national confederacy
Its adjustment within the territories has led
TO the most threatening struggles. These
were invariably renewed by every new acqui-
sition of territory. In 1920, the act of Con-
gress fixing the Missouri line was adopted in
terdicting the extension of slavery north of
36 deg. 80 min, as means of settling the
controversy growing out of the acquisition of
Louisiana from France n 1SO3. In 1S45
this line was extended over Texas, which had
lust been annexed to the United States and
seemed to answer the purpose of an adjust
ment In 1S4S, however, when it was pre-
posed to extend this parallel Of 36 deg. 30
min. from the Rio del Norte to the Pacific, it
was defeated in the House of Representatives
after having passed the senate, by majority
of ten votes. The agitation in the country
soon became general, and by 1850 it had as
s,,med an alarming aspect. The good and
great men of all parties. forgetting the former
differences and constrained by nobler spirit
of patriotism, united in common effort to al
Law the mighty surging of an excited public
sentiment. Foremost in this great work was
the eloquent and patriotic Clay, sustained by
Cass. Webster, King and Others. A series of
acts were passed, familiarly known as the
Compromise Measures, which were acceptable
to the people and were ardently maintained
One of these acts organized the territories
of New Mexico and Utah, ON the principles
of non intervention-on the plan of allowing
the neople to decide for themselves whether
they would have the institution of slavery or
not. The whole country seemed satisfied
with the doctrine of Non Intervention by Con-
gress, in the regulation of the domestic insti-
tutions of the territories, including that of
slavery. Without stopping to inquire into
the constitutional power of Congress to legis-
late on the subject or to what extent that
power might be exercised, the people re-
garded it as wise and polite to remove this
topic of angry and dangerous controversy out
of Congress and confde it to those who may
occupy the territories. We may, however,
remark. that the question of authority in the
passage of the Ordinance of 1877 under the
old confederation is very different one from
the passage of the Missouri Compromise or
any slavery restriction whatever, under our
present Constitution. Under the Confedera-
tion the institution of slavery was not recogn-
ized-under the Constitution it is in three
several particulars
1st In fixing the pasis of representation
and direct taxation.
I'd. In tolerating the foreign slave trade
until 1908.
Sd. In providing for the rendition of fu-
gitives from labor.
If it even be clear that Congress is posses
sed of ample power to legislate on the subject
(and this is stoutly denied by Gen Cass and
other eminent men of the country, it was
proper to forego its exer oise The resort to this
mode of adjustment in 1850, seemed most
auspicious for the honor, the dignity and
peace of the States-for the happiness and
prosperity of the people. and above all, for
the stability of our National Unipn.
And is not this policy right and just in it
self according to all our theories of govern
ment? Indeed we should never allow our
selves to fear the consequences of trusting any
question of politics or morals with the people,
whether they be residents of State or terri
tory. This mode of adjustment rests on great
principles, which in their application viii be
co-extensive with all the territory we now
have or ever can have, and which arc as en-
during as the race of man. 1t is a principle
in beautiful harmony with our republican IN
stitutions-the principle ofself-government--
the basis of our entire system. 1t was for
this doctrine that our forefathers perilled their
lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor IN
the Declaration of Independence-tha they
struggled and bled, and left their bones to
bleach on the battle fields of the Revolution.