Washington sentinel., 1854-04-29
FEDERALrsM AND STATE nIGnrs.

FEDERALISM AND STATE RIGHTS.
There is more id the name of federalist than
would meet the eye of transient and superb
cial observer. One who simply bestows hasty
glance on the subject would take the term fed
eralist TO mean that the individual to whom it
is applied is only desirous to sustain the federal
government. 1t, however, means more. The
iederalist is q politician who looks upon the
general government as the great and only gov
ernment. He does not go behind the Consti-
tuition that made that government. He does
not remember that the memorable convention
that formed it was composed of representatives
from States that we're sovereign and independ-
ent. He does not bear in mind that those soy
ereign and independent States did not design
to part with their sovereignty, but only meant
to create q general government that should
subserve their convenience and interests-that
should protect them in war and that should not
oppress them in peace. It's but their creation.
They made it. They sustain and support it.
All of its revenues are derived from them; all
Of its powers are conferred by them. The fed,
the State as nothing He looks up to the fed
eral government as the great source of power,
of honor, and Of patronage. He would make
it the master, and the States by which it was
formed the creatures. In question between
the two, his opinion is always in favor of the
former No matter what power is claimed by it,
the federalist cheerfully and promptly comedies
it. Instead of regarding the Constitution as
an agreement between sovereign States for
purposes therein specified, he regards it as an
unlimited charter of absolute powers. His
construction of the Constitution is liberal and
latitudinous. In his anxiety to give form and
effect to the general government, he overlooks
that clause in the Constitution which specii-
cally states that all the powers not expressly
granted are reserved. Years ago-soon, in
deed, after the government went into operation
some of our wisest men saw the dangerous con-
sequences that would result from such a con-
States together; and they combated it with
the courage of meu and the wisdom of states
men. They saw that it would deprive the
States of their sovereignty; that it would de-
spoil them of their proper powers, and make
their property subject to an agent that it was
not the purpose of the trainers of the Const-
tuition to entrust with the control of it.
To be federalist, in the full sense of that
term, is to make the general government des-
pot, and the States mere slaves for federal
ism gives to the general government powers
never intended to be granted, and takes from
the States powers never intended to be taken.
Abolitionism is but one form of federalism.
1t claims for the federal government the right
and the power to abolish slavery in the States,
aad this claim of power results from a latitudi-
nous construction of the Constitution. Free
soilism is another form Of federalism, for it
claims for the general government the right
and the power to inhibit slavery in the Terri
tories
Indeed, federalism is the main difficulty and
danger in this country. 1t is the only STUN
bling-block. 1t is the only rock on which we
can split.
The State-rights politician is entirely differ
ent, and his creed, free from all dangers and
difficulties, promises peace, prosperity, and con-
tentment. He would give to the Constitution
fair and honest construction. He would give
to the general government all its proper powers.
He would at the same time claim for the
States all of their proper powers. He holds
that, in creating the general government, the
States did not mean to part with the attri-
butes of sovereignty; and that in the clause
to which allusion has been made, they meant
to reserve those attributes to themselves. His
creed, too, makes all the States, as they were
before the formation Of the Constitution,
equals. 1t keeps them equals, no matter how
much sectional inequality may exist. If there
were but three northern States, and there were
twenty-eight southern States, there would be
no oppression Of the one, and no claim OF
superior power by the other. Vice rersa. The
State-rights creed guards against all sectional
jealousies discords and strifes, and in guard
ing against them it promises the surest guar
anty of the perpetuity of the institutions under
which we live. The doctrine offederalism might
oo % lalai " VIC IN % ~ 'iic eoup ~
Massachusetts as to Virginia. The State
rights doctrine is alike beneficial to all States
and to both sections 1t is no more the doc
| trine of South Carolina than of New Hamp-
shire. 1t is the doctrine of the Constitution,
and should be acceptable to every State.
| I'm
ITEMS OF NEWS.
| THE ASSOCIATED PREss.-Mr. D. Fl. Craig,