The Sumter banner. [volume] (Sumterville, S.C.) 1846-1855, 1854-02-08
(coNT1NUED FROM FIRST PAGE.)

ulS9ulSiCiOn upon Government, fully
exposes that monstrous falacy of
modern times, call people are en,i,
tied to liberty" Akin to this, is the
error that Rcpublicanism the mos,
elaborate and difficult of all system,
is not .nly suited to all people, but
that it can at once qualify ignorance
and ncompetencc.fo the duties and
responsibilities Of self Government.
Moreover the Republican idea rcquir-
cs that all should participate equally
in political right.
To assert the contrary is to defy all
the popular maxims on the subject.
And, if there is ono fact cmphaticaIly
illustrated, in the history of rcpub-
lies, it is that they cannot prosper
where political equality does not cx-
ist, in short, where some such system
as African slavery is unknown.
BY the operation of immutabc
laws, which neither the violence Of rev.
oluton, nor the efforts Of reform, can
effect, society everywhere, is split into
the extreme divisions of wealth and
leisure-povcrty aud dependence. The
progress of civilization does not oblitc-
rate these ines, bu, tends rather to in
tensify and pcrpetuatc them. The life OF
this latter is Of necessity mcnal, and
in communities where they do not
fall under the care Of superior
race, they constitute that turbulent,
corrupt, pauper host which looms in
such fearful darkness over European
society. ] such class fit for self
government? Can they exercise safely
the rights, or fulfil the dut es Of c,i-
zens Of q republic? Are they not the
really tools of the anarchist and the
demagoguc? Yet it's this class which
modern utopianism invests with full
political rights. TO debar them Of
the privileges Of the citizen, is TO ar
ray against society, jealous and
violent mass, and to admit them is
TO subject government tn their radical
and corrupt influence. Between this
bitter alternative, must every repub-
lie choose where the inferority Of
race is not recognised The institution
of African slavery relieves society Of
this alternative. Here government is
entrusted to the superior division, the
white race, and in the mutual dcpcn-
dcnce of wealth and poverty, leisure
and toll, the inferior upon the superior
race, it enjoys entire immunity from
that stern natagonism which, elsewhere
cngulEs it. Here is no pauper class
armed with political power, and urged
'on by terrible passions, against prop
.'crty and the peace of the common
wealth. Here the citizen, whether
. rich or poor, feels himself a superior.
Here the mind Of the aboring poor,
our slaves, is not soured by torment
ing dreams, nor the heart Of the rich
man tutored into cruelty and opprcs-
sion. But contentment and loyalty
exemplify the life Of the dependent,
while in the master is fostered that
high and stubborn love Of liberty, Of
which the great EngIshman wrote.
These observations apply, in some
degree, 10 all governments. But it is
in a republic especially, where laws
and order depend for preservation upon
ry is the corner stone OF safety.
If, gentlemen, we appeal to history
for the vindication Of this theory, it
will be found ample and universal.
The Greeks, as they are the models in
literature and All, SO in the philosophy
Of government they command the
deepest study. And there is no feat
ure of their policy moro striking than
shis under consideration .--Citizen.
ship and its cognate rights were en-
joyed by very small portion of the
people, as in this State it is enjoyed by
less than halfits population. 1t was
among the Athcnians, confined by the
constitution Of Sulon, to the four prim-
tive Ionic tribes, and though subse-
qucntly enlarged by Cleisthenes and
body Of. f.nativc freemcn, yet the great
mass always remained in exclusion, as
much SO as our slaves. The equality of
Greek liberty was the equality Of her
free citizens. A., before stated, there
were in Athens bat 10000 voting citi-
nciiS, w oio,OoO SIaFCS. cI WllH
this startling disparity Of physical
force; there existed to the ond Of the
Republic, q harmony almost uninter.
ruPted. Ia peace, the slare was the
contented husbandlnan and domcs
tic, and in the storms Of BATHS he
shared the pcrils and fortunes Of his
master. Tho subsequent ruin which
swept over her institutions, oano from
another source. In the tu.rul,s and
Gaprices Of an mrepreson.ativa dom
acraoy, and beneath tho blows of
iron handed barbarians, tho liberties
and' polty Of Athens sunk to thu grave.
Slavery and Tho distinction which
attached to citizenship, gave to the
Greek mind leisure and tasto for that
public education which expanded into
such grand outline and beauty. They
invested his nature with that heroic
spirit which delied and conquered the
Persian host. They in o word, con-
tributed to make him that poetic and
free-souled thing which has won the
love of after times.
When We oame down tn the Roman