Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-21

l. And now, sir, in the name of that Pub
llc Faith, which is the very Igament of civil
society, and which the great Roman ora
tor tells US it is detestable TO break even
with an enemy, arraign this scheme,
and hold itup to the Judgment Of all who
hear me. There is an early Italian story of
an experienced citizen, who, when his
nephewtold him he had been studying, at
the University Of Bologna, the science Of
right, said in reply, !" You have spent your
time to little purpose. Itwould have been
better had you learned the science ofmight,
for that is worth two of the other" and
the bystanders Of that day all agreed that
the veteran spoke the truth. | begin,
sir, by assuming that honorable Senators
will not act in this spirit that they will
not substitute might for right NV that they
will not wantonly and fagitiously discard
any obligation, pledge, or covenant, be-
cause they chance to possess the power;
but that as honest men, DESTROYS to do
right, they will confront this question.
Sir, the proposition before you involves
not merely the repeal Of an existing law, but
the infraction of solemn obligations orig
inally proposed and assumed by the South,
after a protracted and embittered contest,
rs covenant of peace - with regard
to certain specified territory therein de-
scribed, namely: " All that Territory
coded by France to the United States, I'M
der the name of Louisiana" according
to which, in consideration Of the admis-
sion into the Union of Missouri as a slave
State, Slavery was forever prohibited in all
the remaining part of this Territory which
lies north Of SO deg. 80 min. This ar
rangement, between different sections
Of the Union--the Slave States of the
first part and the Free States Of the sec
ond part-though usually known as the
Missouri Compromise, was at the time
styled a COMPACT, LIN its stipulations for
Slavery it was justly repugnant to the
conscience Of the North, and ought never
to have been made; but it has on that side
been performed. And now the upper
formed outstanding obligations to Free
dom, originally proposed and assumed by
the South, are resisted.
Years have passed since these obliga-
tons were embodied in the legislation Of
Congress, and accepted by the country.
Meanwhile, the statesmen by whom they
were framed and indicated have, one by
one, dropped from this earthly sphere.
Their living voices cannot now be heard, to
plead for the preservation of that Public
Faith to which they were pledged. But
this extraordinary lapse Of time, with the
complete fruition by one party Of all the
benefits belonging to it, under the compact,
gives to the transaction an added and
most sacred strength. Prescription steps
in with new bonds, to confirm the origi-
nal work 10 the end that while men are
mortal, controversies shall not be immor-
tai. Death, with memorable scythe, has
moved down the authors Of this COM
pact; but with conservative hour-glass, it
which now defile before us, like so many
sentinels to guard the sacred landmark Of
Freedom. t
A simple statement Of facts, derived
from the journals of Congress and con-
Temporary records, will show the origin
and nature Of this compact, the influence
by which il was established, and the obi
cations which it imposed.
As early as 1913, at the first session of
the fifteenth Congress, a bill was reported
TO the House of Representatives, suthori-
zing the people Of the Missouri Territory
10 form Constitution and State Govern
ment, for the admission Of such State
into the Union; but, at that session, no
final action was had thereon. At the next
session, in February, 1919, the bill was
again brought forward, when an eminent
Representative Of New York. whose life
has been spared I'LL this last summer, Mr..
JAMES TALLMADcE, moved clause pro-
hibiting any further introduction Of slaves
into the proposed State, and securing free
dom to the children born within the State
after IFS admission into the Union, on at
tanning twenty-five years Of age. This
important proposition, which assumed
power not only TO prohibit the ingress Of
Slavery into the State ITSELF but also to
abolish il there, was passed in the affirm
alive, after vehement debate Of three
days. On division Of the question, the
first part, prohibiting the further introduce.
ton of slaves, was adopted by 81 yeas TO
rs nays; the second part, providing for
the emancipation of children, was adopted
by 50 yeas to rs nays. Other propositions
TO thwart the operation Of these amend
ments were voted down, and on the 18th
of February the bill was read third time,
and passed, with these important restric-
tions. l
In the Senate, after debate, the provi-
sion for the emancipation Of children was
struck out by 81 yeas TO 7 nays; the
other provision, against the further intro
duction Of Slavery, was struck out by %
yeas TO Is nays. Thus emasculated, the bill
was returned 10 the House, which, on
March I'd, by vote offs nays to rs yeas,
refused its concurrence. The Senate adj
hered 10 their amendments, and the House,
by IS yeas TO 66 nays, adhered TO their
disagreement; and so at this session the