Washington sentinel., 1854-06-02

But do not the annals of 30 and '2l furn-
ish striking example Of the way in which
great excitements can sway and wheel even
great men from great principles. Whatever
may be said about the accuracy and fidelity OF
our representation of the people, / think that
TO paraphrase a Latin proverb, it may be safely
said, that nobody in the country dreams what
some member Of Congress does not speak.
Now, is there man in this Capitol who holds
that we have the right to ietter State through
all time on the subject of slavery? Is there
man who believes that if New York or New
Jersey should desire to establish slavery with
in their limits tomorrow, there could, under
any conceivable circumstances, be authority
here to control them and forbid it. Yet read
the leading proposition in connexion with the
application of Missouri and the vote upon it,
and note the word "torcrern in the very re.
striction we are considering:
"AnAb az further enacted That in all that ter
ritory ceded by France to the United States under
the name Of Louisiana, which lies north OF 36o 3O
north latitude not included within the limits OF the
State contemplated by this act slavery and invol-
| untary servitude, otherwise than in the punish
| ment of crimes whereofthe parties shall have been
duly convicted shall be, and is hereby, toreter pro-
| hibited."
Yet it is to that era and to that Congress. SO
L
| constitutional cable, that we are referred not
only for organic lessons but eternal compacts
There were men, however, of that day, not only
in Congress but out of it, of the most distin
guished of our patriots and sages, whose opin,
ions and feelings well warrant the man of 81
in speaking as do of the legislation of it. AL
remember that to the father of the republican
party the Missouri question was fire bell in
the night" One of my colleagues Mr.. FAUX
NER has already quoted to you the opinions Of
the three statesmen whom, in succession, Vir.
ginia gave to the presidency of the Union, and
whose services 90 back to the revolution. lie
has told you, Mr.. Chairman, how Jefferson de-
cared that .this Missouri question, by geo
| graphical line of division is the most porten-
| tious one that have ever contemplated How
Monroe said "that the proposed restriction as
to territories which are to be admitted into the
Union, if not in direct violation of the Consti-
tuition, is repugnant to its principles" How
| Madison admitted that he "must own he had
I" always leaned to the belief that the restrlc'
ton was not within the true scope of the Con.
stitution." All know that her senators, Plea,
SAINTS and Barbour, stood in firm opposition to
the unconstitutional restriction.
Another of my colleagues Mr. SMITH has
pointed you to the fact that eighteen out Of the
| twenty.three representatives, which in 1920
| Virginia had OH this floor, voted against this
"eighth section upon which, in 1854, one o.
| their successors is continuing their war. Twill
| go further and read you their names, for ] am
happy to contribute a mite towards keeping
them in everlasting remembrance.
Theyare Mark Alexander, William S. S.Archer
Philip p. Barbour, William A. Burwell, Robert
S. Garnett, James Johnson, James Jones, Viii
liam Coy, Thomas Newton, Severn r. Parker
James Pindall, J ohm Randolph Ballard Smith
Alexander Smyth, Thomas Van Swearingen
George Tucker, John Tyler, and Jared Viii
liams.
Here Virginian must be permitted TO pause
a moment. No man who loves lis State, and
has an idea how love mine, can be surprized
that do. Remember how "Old Virginia" and
her distractions are often alluded to here in
silly sneer and stupid Jest. Sec her now, Just
where she was in 1920. Think how the Senate
already has come back to the position which
Virginia held more than thirty years ago, and
has never since deserted. Think thatthe eighteen
Virginians whose names / have given you were
her contribution to the forty two who were all
that could be rallied from the whole Union
against this "eighth section" at the time Of its
passage, while one hundred and thirty -four
votes were cast in its favor. Think how now
the majority Of this House, rs we verify believe
stands not only ready, but eager to vindicat'
the patriotism and wisdom Of Virginia's eigh
teen. Ponder these things, and then tell me
it be fault that she is immoveable in her poll
tics. Ponder these things, and then tell me if
after all, her good old principles are not tn,
shectanchor of our safety.
| There are objections entertained even b,
some who are opposed to the longer continu
ancc Of geographical discrimination against th'
SOUTH to certain provisions of the bill for th'
| organization of Nebraska and Kansas. Now
| for my own part am welded to no particular
form Of phrascology, nor indeed to anything il
connection with these territories, except the
recognition in our legislation in respect to them
of true constitutional principles. Any conces
sion which can with propriety be made, to tho
scruples, or difficulties, or embarrassments o.
| any true friend of the grand doctrine for which
we contend / hold should be made. At the
same time, all will admit that, assaed as this
momentous measure is, it is imperative on its
supporters to avoid all carping criticism, and
to view it with the disposition, of argument
rather than dissension, Of harmony rather than
discord. The fact that on a question like this,
any true southern men, knit together as they
are by the possession of common, and vital,
ana lnceSSantl ly'aSSalicu interest, SlOulu uller,
is another example of the difficulty of securing
unanimity on any subject whatever. While in
many aspects this is to be lamentcd, good
may come out of the evil. BY frank and gen
erous comparison of our views, and a thorough
sitting of the question before us, we may all
gain clearer comprehension of our position,
and find light shed upon the path which is be-
fore us.
In examining the speech of my able col
league whose seat is near my own, Mr.. MILL
son, / could but wish he had quoted the pro-
visions on which he commented. AS | find
in them that which deem Of importance, and
which did not seem so to strike him, and as it
is always well to see things in their connex-
ION, | will read the whole of that part of the bill
with which we are concerned, and frankly com.
| ment upon it. quote from the fourteenth sec.
ton, which refers to Nebraska The thirty
| second, which refers to Kansas, is identical
| with it:
That the Constitution and all laws of the
| United States which not locally inapplicable.
| shall have the same force and effect within tho
| said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within
the United States, except the eighth section of the
| act preparatory 10 the admission OF Missouri into
| the Union, approved March sixth eighteen bun.
| dred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with
the principle Of non-intervention by Congress- with
| slavery in the States and Territories a. tecor.