Spirit of the age. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1849-1865, 1854-12-13

ned TO take US into account, and would con-
train us to conform our conduct to their
One or another of the powers of Eu-
'ops has, from time to time, undertaken to
,nforce arbitrary regulations, contrary in
many respects to established principles of
International law.
That law, the United States have, in their
intercourse, uniformly respected and
observed, and they cannot recognize any such
interpretations therein, as the temporary in
terests of others may suggest. They do not
admit, that the soyereigns of one continent,
or of a particular community of states, can
for all others.
Leaving the transatlantic nations to ad-
just their political system, in the way they
may think best for their common welfare, the
independent powers of this continent may
we'll assert the right to be exempt from all
annoying interference ON their part. Sys-
tematic abstinence from intimate political
connection with distant foreign nations, does
not conflict with giving the widest range to
our foreign This distinction, so
clearly marked in history, seem to have been
overlooked. or disregarded, by some leading
foreign states. Our refusal to be brought
within, and subjected to, their peculiar sys
tenn, has. / fear, created a jealous distrust of
our conduct, and induced, on their part, oc-
c%asional acts of disturbing effect upon our
foreign relations.
Our present attitude and past course give
assurances, which should not be questioned,
that our purposes are not aggressive, nor
threatening to the safety and welfare of 9TH
er nations. Our military establishment, In
time of peace, is adapted to maintain exte-
rior defences. and to preserve order among
the aboriginal tribes within the limits of the
Union. Our naval force is intended only for
the protection Of our citizens abroad. and of
our commerce, diffused as it is, over all the
seas of the globe. The government of the
United States, being essentially pacific in
policy, stands prepared to repel invasion by
the voluntary service off patriotic people,
and provides no permanent means of foreign
aggression. These considerations should al
lay all apprehensions that We are disposed
to e%ncroach on the rights, or endanger the
security, of other nations.
Some European powers have regarded,
with disquieting concern, the territorial ex-
pansion of the United States. This rapid
growth has resulted from the legitimate ex-
%ercises of sovereign rights belonging alike to
all nations, and by many literally exercised.
Under such circumstances, it could hardly
have been expected that those among them,
which have, within a comparatively recent
period, subdued and absorbed ancient king
uULnSS DIdlG6u btGlF SJdIIudfuS Ou every JUL
tinent, and now possess, or claim the con-
troll of, the islands of every ocean as their APP
propriate domain, would look with as friend
: ly sentiments upon the acquisitions of this
! country, in every instance honorably obtain
2 ed, or would feel themselves justified in i'm
putting our advancement to a spirit of aggres
t sion or to a passion for political predominance.
Our foreign has reached a mag
nitude and extent nearly equal to that of the
: first maritime power of the earth, and exceed
: ing that of any other. Over this great int.
rest, in which not only our merchants, but
all classes of citizens at least Indirectly are
n concerned, it is the duty of the executive and
J. legislative branches of the government to
y exercise a careful supervision, and adopt
: proper measures for its protection. The
policy which | have had in view, in regard
y to this interest, embraces its future as well
a as it's present security.
Long experience has shown that, in gene
a. raj, when the principal powers OF Europe
ID are engaged in war, the rights of neutral ma
10 tions are endangered. This consideration
led, in the progress of the war of our indie
pendence, to the formation of the celebrated
Y confederacy of armed neutrality, q primar,
q, object Of which was, to assert the doctrine
h that free ships make free goods, except il
M the case Of articles contraband of war, a doc
n- ! IIlAV NulC1, eEO VCLJ OOlllIllOlICCulCH
of our national being, has been a cherishe,
E idea of the statesmen of this country.
At one period or another, every martini
" power has, by some solemn treaty stipulation
he recognized that principle and it might hav
n been hoped that it would come to be univel
is sally received and respected as a rule of II
ternational law. But the refusal Of on
power prevented this, and in the next grea
war which ensued, that Of the French Revc
luton, it failed TO be respected among tn
he belligerent states of Europe. NotwithstanC
ev ing this, the principle is generally admitte
I'm to be a sound and salutary one so much 81
i, that, at the commencement of the existin
at war in Europe, Great Britain and France al
IN nouneed their purpose to observe it for til
he present; not however, as a recognized int
national right, but as a mere concession fl
lat the time being.
The cooperation, however, Of these tY
powerful maritime nations in the interest
neutral rights, appeared to me to afford a
led occasion, inviting and justifying on the pa
of the Uuited States, q renewed effort
on make the doctrine in question principle
7as international law, by means of special co,
en- v~entions between the several powers of E
rope and America. Accordingly, a propos
on ton, embracing not only the rule, that fir
ships makes free goods, except CONTRACTOR
TO articles, but also the less contested one, th
neutral property, other than contraban
though on board enemy's ships shall be e
eaapt from confiscation, has been submitt
zed by this government to those Of Europe al
we America.
cal Russia acted promptly in this matter, al
has a convention was concluded, between tn
Fps, country and the United States, providing f
Lrly the observance of the principles announce
not only as between them selves, but also
aan between them and all other nations viii
is shall enter into like stipulations. None
the other powers have as yet taken final &
the ton on the subject. / am not aware howev,
bu- that any objectiont to the proposed stipulatio
nth has been made, but on the contrary, they q
nan acknowledged to be essential to the securi
ons, of neutral commerce and the only appare
site obstacle to their general adoption is in t
possibility, that it may be encountered
we inadmissible conditions.
full The king of the two Sieilies has express
for to our minister at Naples his readiness
.ngs concur in our proposition relative to neutl
rights, and to enter into q convention on
sted subject.
our The King of Prussia entirely approves
bra the project of a treaty to the same effa'
ken submitted to him, purposes an additional
ress ticle providing for the remuneration of p
greet Watering. Such an article, for most obvie
ton, reasons, is muchAesired by nations havi
upts naval establishments large in proportion
hris- their foreign commence. IF it were adopt
our as an international rnle, the q
like nation having comparatively a small ma