Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-01-30
For tho National Era.
GERMANY AND ENGLAND NO. 2.


GERMANY AND ENGLAND NO. 2.
am aware of the favor with which you, Mr..
Editor, must naturally look upon England at
this time. England has assumed to be, par ex-
cellence, the lberator Of the black race. 1t has
abolished black slavery within its dominions,
and ii proudly, and perhaps justly, boasts,
/" that no slave treads English soil, and that
English institutions are a panoply for free
DOM will not quarrel with these assertions,
as | never wish to lay a straw in mans or
nations way while they are bound upon the
philanthropic tack, even if they should be given
to boasting little. What desire now to do,
lie, to call your attention to q nation which
never in any manner recognised property in
human blood never carried slaves and which,
therefore, never needed to abolish Slavery, nor
to declaring the slave trade piracy. II never
had such a stain upon its character, and it
had none to wipe out. There may have been
few solitary violations Of law, but they were
soon suppressed and banished.
The justice which Germany always dealt
out to those who became its political subjects,
10 provcrbial; fact Of which Kinkel took
pride to remind Kossuth when they met in the
West, and which the latter freely admitted.
A discriminating and liberal writer thus
speaks of the Germanic United Government:
"The good and the deeterious were wonder
fully mixed in the Constitution of the German
Union. While it gave to the Germans neither
greatest people Of Europe one of the most pow
erless it on the other hand prevented them
from becoming a people rapacious of conquest,
or oppressive to those they conquered; and it
carried them toward general humanity, q
comprehensiveness and solidity Of culture, in
which they were likely never excelled by any
people. and in which they are ahead Of most Of
them.n
"The Constitution for their General Govern
ment gave few means for positive action, but it
checked many evils.
"The principle Of that Constitution was, from
the beginning more that of union Of States
than that of one State, and that principle has
developed itself in more modern times, rapidly
and consistently
Ia not such Union, with history of a
thousand years, flor it had it's beginning in
the treaty of Verdun, ammo S43 AS valuable,
at least as a subject TO be studied, and as an
aid to our experience, as the histories upon
English Government and English law4
Where, Also in Europe, except it be Switzer-
land, and deem it included in all Germanic
progress can you find the States right idea pre-.
served, except in Germany Where else, ex-
cept among the German Sclavonic races was
monarchy elective, till within q comparatively
recent periodic Where else has the idea Of
decentralization found perfect homea Where
else is jealousy Of central power part Of
the national character
1t has made Germany weak in attacking
other nationalities but it has given her an ir-
resistible energy in every case where it became
necessary TO put forth her entire national
strength, TO throw off an invader and this IL
true, from the battle.fi field of Teutsburg Forest
to the bloody days Of Leipzig; and permit me
to say here, that prefer system Of govern
ment which makes the people strong at home,
rather than one which makes il powerful
abroad. Compare England with Germany
Look at the latter, never conquered by foreign
foe, repelling the Roman, the Hungarian, the
scandinavian, and, latterly, the French and
Russian invasions; and then look at England
conquered by Saxon, Dane, and Norman, and
trembling even now before the French. None
knew better than the Duke Of Wellington that
there is not now in Europe weaker people al
home than the English.
However proud, therefore, England may feel
OF her colonies and naval positions, | have no
envy for them, and still less would recon-
mend 10 American youth the reading Of Eng
lish jurisprudence, or English history, with the
view Of understanding that great system OF
robbery, the Colonial System OF England, at
once its strength and weakness, unless IL be to
avoid il. Nor is her Parliament, in any sense
q proper study as model for our youth. IL
Blackstone declares omnipotent and | think
that no error is so fatal 10 our young men, a.
such an idea. Too much already has that
doctrine penetrated into our Republican Gov.
eminent; and IL we take but few steps fur.
Their from the Constitution, and rely too much
on compromising final Congressional enact
ments, we may soon get TO English liberty
but far, very far, from American freedom.
An omnipotent law-msking power always
was obnoxious 10 German thought. "Delega-
tod powers is German idea, centuries old,
rs any one may find by reading German, and
especially Swiss history. They may have car.
ried the idea too far but the truth il, the
English mover had it, nor have they IL nov 10
their Government. The greatest excellence
claimed for the British Government is its in
defnabilty; and defy any one TO tell me, nc
ter reading Blackstone over and over again,
where that truly great exponent Of British
law places the source Of all power. It's some
where, bat whether in King above or Cantons
below, he leaves undecided, rs in fact IL is.
In the Germanic Constitution, the Idea of
granted powers" entered early into thor po-
htical discussions Treaties between governor
and governed occur frequently; and the Throne
being elective, this Idea was there kept far
purer than in England.
In fact, il is point well established in mod
ern history, that the Germans have preserved
in their towns and villages, and in their State
Governments, and with these, again, a. oppo-
site to the General Government more Of their
old rights and franchises than any other peo-
pie Of Europe. They have no Paris and no
London 10 dazzle the eyes Of foreigners but
they have many hundreds Of municipal bull
wsrks against the cncroachmcnt Of power.
TUIsKo