The Hillsdale standard. [volume] (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1851-1909, 1854-03-07

~u"s'ou insO tno Ohton anu tnis Is prop0
sci Notwithstanding an universal acquiesence /
the COMPROMISE, by both parties, for thirt
years, and its confirmation, over and over a
gain, by many acts Of successive Congresses
and notwithstanding the slaveholding State
have peaceably enjoyed, ever since it was made
all their equivalents, while, owing to crcum
cumstances which will hereafter appear
the non-slaveholding States have not practi
cally enjoyed any OF those guaranteed to them
This is the question now before the Senat,
Of the United States of America.
It Is question of transcendent importance
Ine proviso of 1920, to be abrogated in Ne
braska, is the Ordinance of the Contincnta
Congress Of 1857, extended over a new part o
tho national domai acquired under our pres
ont Constitution. Il is rendered venerable by
it's antiquity, and sacred by the memory O
that Congress, which, in surrendering its trust
after establishing that Ordinance, nj,ined it
upon posterity, always to remember that the
cause of the United States was tho cause oi
Human Nature. The question involves an is
sue Of public faith, and national morality and
honor. 1t will be a sad day for this Repub.
lie, when such discussion shall be deemed
unworthy of grave discussion and intense in.
terest. Even If il were certain that the inhi-
bitIon OF Slavery in the region concerned was
unnecessary, and If the question was thus 70.
dnced TO mere abstraction, yet even that alb
United States on the expediency, wisdom,
morality, and justice, of the system Of human
bondage, with which this and other portions of
the world have been so long afflicted, and it
will be melancholy day for the Republic and
for mankind, when her decision on even such
an abstraction shall command no respect, and
inspire no hope into the hearts of the oppres-
scd. But IL is no abstraction. 1t was no un-
necessary dispute no mere contest Of blind
passion, that brought that compromise into be-
ing. Slavery and Freedom were active antag-
onists, then seeking for ascendency in this
Union. Both Freedom and Slavery are moro
vigorous, active, and self aggrandizing, row,
than they were then, or over were before or
since that period. The contest between them
has been only prortacted. 1t is great fea.
ture in our national Hereafter So the ques-
tion of adhering to or abrogating this compro.
mise is no unmcaning issue, and no contest of
moro blind passion now.
To adhere, is to secure tho occupation by
freemen, with free labor, of region in the
very centre oftho continent, capable of sus-
tanning, and in that event destined though it
may be only after far distant period, to sus
tain ten, twenty, thirty, forty millions Of peo
pie, and their successive generations forever!
To nbrogate, is to resign all that vast region
to chances which mortal vision cannot fully
foresee; perhaps TO the sovregnity of such
stinted and short lived communities as those
which Mexico and South America and the
West India Islands present us with examples;
perhaps to convert that region into the scone
OF long and desolating conflicts between not
merely races, bnt csstes, to end, like similar
conflict in Egypt, in convulsive exodus of the
people, despoiling their superiors
perhaps, like ono dissim;lar in Spain, in the
forcible expulsion of the inferior race, exhans-
ling the State by tho sudden and complete
Of great resource of national
wealth and labor; perhaps, in tho disastrous
expulsion even Of the superior race itself, by a
people too suddenly raised from Slavery TO
Liberty ms in ST. Domingo. To adhere, is to
secure forever the presence here, after some
apse of time. of two, four, ten, twenty. or more
and of Representatives in larger pro-
portions, to uphold the policy and interests of
States, and balance that ever
Increasing representations of slaveholding
States, which past experience. and tho decay
" the Spanish American States, admonish US
las only just begun; to save what the nom
laveholding States have in mints, navy yards,
he military academy and Notifications, To bal
ions in the slaveholdng States. To adhere,
s to save, to the non. sla veholding States, as
veil as to slaveholding States. always, and in
very event. right of way and free communi-
ation across tho continent, to and with the
states on the Pacific coasts, and with the r;
ing States on the islands in the South Sea,
nd with all the eastern nations on the vast
continent Of Asia.
To abrogate, on the contrary, is to commit |
ll those precious interests to the chances and |
azards OF embarrassment aud injury by legis. |
ntion, under the influence Of social, political, |
nd commercial jealousy and rivalry; and in |
he event of the secession Of the slav-bolding |
states, which is SO often threatened in their |
ame, but thank God without their authori-
y, tn give to a servillo population La Ven
ee at the very sources of the Mississippi, and
q the very recesses of the Rocky Mountains.
Nor is this last contingency agains, which
statesman, when engaged in giving a consti-
ntion for such territory, so situated, must
ell his eyes. IL is a statesman's province and
uty to look before as well as after. | know,
indeed the present loyalty of the American
eople. North and South. East and West
now that it is sentiment stronger than any
ectional interest or ambition, aud stronger
han oven the love of equality 10 the nom
'"'ehouilS states, anu stronger, i DOUBT
of, than the love of Slavery in the slavehold-
ng States. But do not know, aud no NOR.
Al sagacity does know. the seductons of inte-
est and ambition, and the influences of pas
ion. which are yet to bo matured in every re-
ion. know this, however: that this Union
safe now, and that it will be safe so long as
npartial political equality shall constitute
no basis Of society, as il has heretofore done
} even half of these States. and they shall
nus maintain just equilibrium against the
aveholding States. But am well assured,
$50, on the other hand, that if ever the slave
olding States shall multiply themselves, and
ttend their sphere, so that they could, with.
lt association with the non- -slaveholding
tates. constitute of themselves commerciaI
'public, from that day their rule, through
10 Executive, Judicial, and Legislative pow
g Of this Government will be such as will be ,
srd for the non-slaveholdng States to bear;
I'd their pride and ambition, since they are
CT men, and are moved by hu. /
an passions, will consent to no Union In ,
hich they shall not so rule a
The slaveholding States already possess the :
on'hs of the Mississippi, and their territory G
aches far moth vn ri alnno its hanks nm oaa | :