The daily Minnesota pioneer. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1854-1855, 1854-12-13

with unfriendly sentiments upon the acqul
sitions of this country, in every instance
honorably obtained, or would feel them
selves justified in imputing our advance
ment to spirit of aggression, or to a pas
sion for political performance.
Our foreign commerce has reached
magnitude and extent nearly equal to that
of the first maratime power OF the earth,
and exceeding that Of any other. Over
this great interest, in which not only our
merchants. but all classes of citizens, at
least indirectly, are concerned, 1t IS the
duty of the executive and legislative
branches of the government to exercise a
careful supervision, and adopt proper mea-
sures for its protection. The policy which
l have had in view, in regard to this inter-
est, embraces it's future, as well as its pre-
sent prosperity.
Long experience has shown that, in
general, when the principal powers of
Europe are engaged in war, the rights
of neutral nations are endangered.
This consideration led, in the progress of the war
OF independence, to the formation of the cecbrat-
ed conederacy Of armed neutrality, primary object
Of which to assert the doctrine, that free ships
make free goods, except in the of articles
traband Of war; doctrine which, from the very
mencement of our national king, has been cherish
ed idea Of the statesmen Of this country. At pc
riod or another every maritime power has, by sol
emn treaty stipulation, recognized that principe and
it might have been hoped that it would come to lie
universally received and respected rule OF inter-
national law. But the refusal of power prevent
ed this and in the next great that ensued that
of the French revolution, it failed to be respected
az tho hellivprpnf nj ElrODe.
Notwithstanding this, the principle is
generally admitted to be sound and salu-
tary one; so much so, that, in the COM
mencement os the existing war in Europe.
Great Britain and France announced their
purpose to observe it for the present; not
however, as recognized international right
but as a mere concession for the time
being. The cooperation, however, of these
two powerful maritime nations in the inter-
ests of neutral rights, appeared to me to
afford all occasion, inviting and justifying,
on the part Of the United States, renewed
effort to make the doctrine in question a
principle Of international law, 10y means of
special conventions between the several
powers of Europe and America.
Accordingly proposition embracing not
only the rules, that free ships make free
goods, except contraband articles, but also
the less contested one, that neutral proper
ty, other than contraband, though on
cncmy's ships, shall be exempt from confs-
cation, has been submitted by this govern
ment to those Of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and
convention nnn,luGo1 Inf fhor
country and the United Stutcs providing
for the observance of the principles annOun-
ced, net only as between themselves, but
also as between them and all other notions,
Which shall enter into like stipulation. None
Of the other power have as yet taken final
action on the subject.
am not aware, however, that any
objection to the proposed stipulations
has been made; but, on the contrary,
they are acknowledged to be essential
to the security of neutral commerce :,
and the only apparent obstacle to their
general adoption is in the possibility,
that it may be encountered by inadmis-
sble conditions.
The King Of the Two Sicilcs has ex-
pressed to our Minister at Naples, his
readiness to concur in our proposition
relative to neutral rights, and to enter
into convention on that subject.
The King of Prussia entirely approves
of the project of treaty to the same
effect, submitted to him, but proposes an
additional article providing for the re-
nunciation of privateering. Such an
article, for the most obvious reasons, is
much desired by nations having naval
establishments large in proportion to
their foreign commerce. If it were
adopted as an international rule, the
commerce of nation having compare
small naval force, would be very much
at the mercy Of its enemy. in case OF
war with power of decided naval SUI
periority. The bare statement of the
condition in which the United States
would be placed, after having surren-
dered the rig ht to resort to privateers,
in the event Of war with belligerant OF
naval supremacy, will show that this
government could never listen to such a
proposition.
The navy of the first maritime power in
Europe is at least ten times as large as that Of
the United Stairs. The foreign commerce Of
the two countries is nearly equal, and about
equally exposed to hostile depredatons. In
war between that power and the United
States without resort on our part to our mer
camille marine, the Incalls of our cIleuiy u i'll
fict injury upon our commerce would be ten
fold greater than ours to retalate. We could
not extricate our country from this unequa
condition with Such an enemy nm less we nj
once depart from our present peaceful policy
and become great naval power. Nor would
this country be better situated in war with one
7 of no coonnAarx LIZ