Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1854-12-05
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
Fslioss citizens cftho Senate
and of the House of ReDrese,,fatfpes !.


and Of ths House Of Representatives:
The past has been an eventful year, and will be
hereafter referred to as marked epoch In the his
tory OF the world. While We have been happily
preserved from the calamities of war, our domestic
prosperity has not been entirely uninterrupted The
crops in portions OF the country have been nearly
cut of Disease has prevailed to greater extent
than usual and the sacrifice of human life, through
casualties by sea and land, is without q parallel
But the pestilence has swept by, and restored sal
brty invites the absent to their homes and the re-
turn Of business to its ordinary channels. If the
earth has rewarded the labor Of the husbandman
less bountfully than in preceding seasons, 1t has
left him with abundance for domestic wants, and
large surplus for expectation. In the present,
therefore, as in the past we find ample grounds for
rovorcnt thankfnlhess to the God of Grace and
Providence, for his protecting care and merciful
dealings with us as people.
Although our attention haseb been arrested by
painful interest In psssing events yet our country
feels no more than the slight vibrations Of the con-
vuisions which have shaken Europe As individu-
als. we cannot repress sympathy with human suf
ferng, nor regret for the causes which produce It.
As nation, we are reminded that whatever inter-
rupfs the peace or checks the prosperity Of any
part Of Christendom tends, more or less to involve
our own. The condition Of States ia not unlike
that Of individuals. They are mutually dependent
upon each other Amioable relations between
them, and reciprocal good viii are essential for the
promotion Of whatever is desirable n.their moral,
social and political condition. Mence, it has been
my earnest endeayor to maintain peace and friend
ly intercourse with all nations.
The wise theory of this government, SO early
adopted and steadily pursued, of avoiding all en-
tangling aliiances, has hitherto exempted it from
many complications, in which 1t would otherwise
have become Involved. Notwithstanding, this cur
afsp
and our geographical position SO remote from Eu-
rope, increasing disposition has been manifested by
some OF It's governments to supervise, and in GER
tain respects to direct foreign policy In plans
TOR adjusting the balance Of power among them
selves, they have assumed to take us into account,
and would constrain us to conform our conduct to
their views. One or another Of the powers of Eu-
rope has, from time to time, undertaken to enforce
arbitrary regulations contrary in many respects to
established principles Of international law. That
law, the United States have in their foreign inter-
course, uniformly respected and Observed and they
cannot recognise any such interpretations therein,
as the temporary interests of others may suggest
They do not admit that the sovereigns Of one con
tinent or OF particular community Of States, can
legislate for all Others.
Leaving the transatlantic nations to adjust their
political system in the way they may think best for
their common welfare, the independent powers of
this continent may well assert the right to be ex
empt from all annoying interference on their part
systematic abstinence from intimate political con-
nexion with distant foreign nations, doessnot con-
fiict with giving the widest range to our foreign
commerce. This distinction, 80 clearly marked in
history, seems to have been overlooked, or disrc-
garded, by some leading foreign States Our re-
fusai to be brought Within and subjected TO- their
peculiar system, has, fear, created jealous dis
trust OF our conduct, and induced, on their part
occasional acts of disturbing effect upon our foreign
relations. Our present attitude and past course
give assurances, which should not be questioned
that our purposes are not aggressive nor threaten
ing to the safety and welfare of other nations Our
military establishment, in time of peace, is adapted
to maintain exterior defences and to preserve order
among the aboriginal tribes within the limits of the
Union. Our naval force Is intended only for the
protection of our citizens abroad, and of our CON-
merce, dused as It is over all the seas of the globe
The government of the United States, being essen
italy pacific In policy stands prepared TO repe in
vason by the voluntary service of patriotic peo-
pie, and provides no permanent means of foreign
aggression. These considerations should allay all
apprehension, that we are disposed to encroach on
the rights or endanger the security of other States
Some European powers have regarded, with dis
quieting concern the territorial expansion of the
United States. This rapid growth has resulted
from the legitimate exercise of sovereign rights,
belonging alike TO all nations and by many hber-
ally exercised Under such circumstances, it could
hardly have been expected that those among them
which have, within comparatively recent period,
subducd and absorbed ancient kingdoms planted
their standards on every continent and now pos
sess, or claim the control Of the islands of every
ocean as their appropriate domain, would look
with unfriendly sentiments upon the acquisitions of
this country in every instance honorably obtained,
or would feel themselves justified in imputing our
advancement TO spirit of aggression or TO pas
sion for political predominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached magnitude
and extent nearly equal 10 that Of the first mari.
time power Of the earth, and exceeding that of
any other Over this great interest, in which not
only our merchants but all classes of citizens at
least indirectly are concerned Il Ia the duty Of the
executive and legislative branches of the govern
ment TO exercise careful supervision, and adopt
proper measures for its protection. The policy
which have had In view, In regard to this inter-
est, embraces Its future well as its present Sc
curity.
Long experience has shown that, In general
when the principal powers Of Europe are engaged
IN war the rights ofneutral nations are endangered
This consideration led, In the progress of the war
OF our independence, 70 the formation of the cele
brated confederacy Of an armed neutrality, pri-
mary object Of which was, TO assert the doctrine,
that Tree ships make free goods except In the case
OF articles contraband OF war; doctrine which,
from the very commencement of our national
being, has been cherished idea of the statesmen
OF this country. At one period or another, every
maritime power has by some solemn treaty stipu-
laton, recognised that principle and il might
have been hoped that II would come TO be unver.
sally received and respected as a rule Of nterns-
tional law. But the refusal Of one power prevent
ed this, and in the next great war which ensued
that Of the French revolution 1t failed TO be re.
spectcd among the belligcrent States of Europe
Notwithstanding this, the principle Is generally ad-
mitted TO be sound and salutary one; 20 much 30,
that, at the commencement Of the existing war in
Europe, Great Britain and France announced their
purpose 10 observe It for the present; not, how
ever, a. recognised international right, but an a
mere concession for the time being. The co-ope-
ration, however, Of these two powerful maritime
nations in the interest Of neutral rights appeared
to me TO afford an occasion, inviting and justifying
on the part of the United States, a renewed effort
to make the doctrine in question principle of
international law, by means Of special conventions
between the several powers OF Europe and Ameri-
ca, Accordingly, a proposition, embracing not
only the rule, that free ships make free goods, ex
cept contraband articles, but also the less contest
ca one, that neutral property, other than contra