Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-04-16
Wasbingtan gentinel,
NEBRASKA AND KANSAS.
SPEECH OF HON. G. J. FAULKNER,


In the House Of Representatives, april 10, 1854.
The House being in Committee of the Whole
on the state of the Union
Mr.. FAULKNER said
Mr.. CHAIRMAN If the complaint uttered by
my friend who has just taken his seat Mr..
MAcDoNALD] be well founded, that this subject
has already been SO fully discussed as to dis
courage all hopes of securing the attention Of
the committee, that source OF embarrassment
must naturally increase with each succeeding
speaker, and is especially felt by me, in rising
after the able and animated remarks which have
just fallen from that distinguished gentleman.
There was much of what he said that meets
my warm approval. We of the south cannot
fail to remember that in the perilous struggle
of 1920 there stood in this Capitol, from the
same State of Maine, and from the same dis
| trict, unaided by single colleague, a firm and
| intrepid statesman, whose name became a
household word in the south; and placed, as
my friend near me Mr.. MACDoNALD] is, in
circumstances not dssimilar, we have abundant
evidence, in what has just fallen from him, that
| he is not behind that remarkable man in inde-
pendence Of spirit and soundness of const-
lutional principle.
Sir, unhappily, this is not new subject of
discussion; probably no questionhas ever arisen
in this country which has excited more ex-
tensive interest, and elected higher efforts OF
intellect, than that which has grown out of the
powers and duties of Congress in relation to
our unorganized Territories. For nearly eight
years that subject has been the theme of con-
slant and animated discussion, in which the
ablest and most prominent statesmen of the
country, both in public and private life, have
taken part and all the light which the most
i AL, t1,a, n1,lo
| have been enabled to throw upon the history
of the past and the policy of the future, has
been freely poured into the public press, and
conveyed to every reader in the land. ! am
well aware, sir that can contribute but little,
| if, indeed, anything new upon subject so tho
roughly exhausted; and yet, engaged as we
now are in extending the benefits of political
organization over the last remaining segment Of
our expanded empire, and believing that the ac
ton which Congress will take upon the present
bill will 20 far to fix the future principles and
policy of this government, feel that some eX-
preston of opinion is due by me to the con-
stituency which have the honor to represent,
and the more especially as some Of the pro-
visions of this bill have been severely assailed
from the south, and by one of my own respect
ed colleagues.
propose, sir, before replying to the objec-
tions which have been urged against this bill
from the south, to make some remarks upon
1PQints connected with its general policy.
Unlike the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr.
CHANDLER,l and some others who have already
addressed the committee, | had not the honor o
| a seat in this House when that series of enact
ments, usually called the compromise measure
of 1850, received the assent Of Congress.
know nothing, therefore, oftheirprivate history
nor of the private impressions under which th
friends and opponents of that policy acted.
derive whatever knowledge possess of these
measures from the public records and discus
| sons, which are alike accessible to every man
in the country.
| 1t is sufficient, however, for me here to say,
that after those several bills received the assent
of Congress, and dafierthes subjecthad passed from
the coAtrol of the national Legislature and had
been submitted to the judgment of the people
| did, in opposition to strong current of opin-
ion in my own section ofthe country, announce
my prompt acquiescence in the, policy indicated
by that legislation, and my determination to
adhere faithfully to the spirit of its compro
misses. / did not stop to inquire whether the
north or the south had been the gamer by the
immediate results of that ad justment. 1t was
sufficient for me to believe that at leat no con.
stitutional principle had been invaded by its
terms, and that it presented the tairest prospec
which the country had for many years wit
messed of a final termination of this most dan
gerous and exciting subject of sectional contro
versy. In this spirit promptly acquiesced il
those measures, as one econnectedsystem of com
promise; and in that determination have
persevered without change to the present hour
In that adjustment MIR. Chairman, / saw, OF
thought saw, the triumph Of two principles o
public policy, vital to the repose Of the south
and to the peace and tranquility of the Union.
The first was the distinct and practical re
cognition by Congress Of the federal obligation
imposed by the second section, fourth article o
the Constitution of the United States, in rela
ton to fugitives from labor. The act Of l79;
never was, and never could, from the character
of its provisions, be an adequate and eficien
remedy. Its radical error was, that it relied fo
its execution wholly upon State laws and State
agents. Fanaticism had made it, under tht
operation of hostile State legislation, perfec
mockery. And whilst the law which passed il
| 1850, us / may take occasion at some futur,
time to show, falls short of n complete fulfill
ment of the obligations of the federal compact
its failure to meet the requirements of the Con
stitution, according to my conception of them
has resulted, am gratGed to believe, from M
indisposition upon the part Of the national de
mocracy of the north to discharge its full duty
but from an unfortunate diversity of opinion
amongst southern statesmen as TO the wisdom
and expediency of some Of the remedies pro
posed / attach no censure to those gentlemen
from the south who, dissenting from the view
which entertained of the power and duties 0
this government, frustrated some importan
provisions sought to be engrafted upon tha
bill, am sure could never question the pu
rity Of their motives; and have been long &C
customed to respect the wisdom and sagacit
of their acts. Slill the law, as it is, has bee
found, practically, Of great benefit; and as
clear, distinct recognition of the obligation {
the federal government to be enforced by tn
means and resources OF that government, an
never to be altered or modified, according I
the declared pledges of the two great polite;
parties of the country, except to increase i
eificiency,it was an element in that aajustmei
well calculated to concilate the favor Of Sc
ton of country as deeply interested in the e
forcement of that guaranty of the Constitute
, |, as that which have the honor to represe
, upon this floor.