The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1854-03-11

Il
existence Of the nsked right, bu, practical difficulties IN
the way Of It's execution which would render 4 Of ue n
indeed, Of any value
But in the time and without local legislation what
il the of this relation Of and servant and
what law governs il How is the properly be sold
How dstr6uiedi Flow protected What, Ia fact, becomes
of the variety of subjects connected with and egua
ted by statutory enacments IN the slaves Saie Does
the law accompany the property as creates H. and secure
is enjoy ment in its new domicil
But shall not pursue these inquiries though parable
from the establishment of the full right claimed bu, which,
altar ALL must depend essentially upon the local Legislature,
acting within the limits OF its constitutional discretion No
system of jurisprudence prevail without its action And
tho prac ca result too obvious require further examina
on And what would be the condition OF the residents OF
country Immediately It's annexation 10 the United States
and Of European who might remove tbere In an
to question of Mr. Dickinson, Mr. fulee carried ihs
doctrine to its legitimate conclusion and said that canada
purchased conquered Tomorrow though It's laws
prohibit slavery slaves might be taken there immedi
aely from the southern States the local prohibition being
prostratcd by this equality Of enjoyment Ia that event.
what would become the Canadian and Of the European
cmgrant' Is the prohibition Frustrated also for them
And 30, how Forthey have no constitutional equality
of enoynen belonging coequas in the confederacy
The old residents might perhaps be saved by some special
provision of the treaty but without they would find them
selves subject to the pc-ex'sng laws and might be sur
rounded by species of property they could not possess
This demand Of exemption leads TO strange results.
And what would be the operation the existing Terri
tories! for they have constitutional equality" no
comfy of Saies fall back upon They present equt-
able consds rations for equality but in point of consi-
onal right by which alone such question can be tested
not cmgrant from Territory to another take his
properly where is prohibited could any person, after
and he would thus find himself ,abood Glass; little suited
the pride feelings of Americans state of things
indeed which could not last anywhere in country For
il must be recoeced that the grant of jurisdiction by these
bills the territorial legislatures the subject of slavery
is plenay restrained only by the constitution They
have of the to control by aboishng or by
establishing and regulating IL just SO far the constitution
does stand in their way and how far ID that when they
choose to prohibit it Until some one enjoying constitu
ona exemption presents himself for entrance into one of
these communities. He claims that the constitution guara-
ties his admission there with his slaves and that he thus
placed beyond the reach of the local introduction Still how
the law remains to exert its upon all who
not freed from its operation by higher authority If this
would make privileged class in this country of boosted
equality do not know what would. Hereditary aIisto-
trivial feel that should waste my lime, and
that Of Senate by the further consideration of propo
siG0n conducting to such results
But Mr.. President, let look at this matter in another
aspect Who the robbers and Who the robbed the
punderers and the pundered' Who the authors and
what end, and to whose benefit injury, this
scheme of empire stealing this of political rapacity
without without example the history Of human
sefshnessi There strife between the hedsmen"
in the days Of Abram, though then, all parties
brehren "nor was their substance great that they could
not live tosether. "The whole land before them"
and il before and enough for them and theirs, and
is enough for and the fteth and the hundeth
generation repeat, by whom and against whom is this
gatuous injury committed? II is the South, upon which
the North has laid heavy hand and seized for part
the property which belongs the whole Now, sir, it is
useless nusticea far-reachng injury, beyond the
usual ken of the sharp-sighted politician for
there ia land enough and spare for the whole country
for the North and the South the East and the Wesfor
long ages Folly and crime it is true, ottsn go
ogeher but the folly of premedated robbery whose ad
vantage is to nure to remote posterlty, is
in the catalogue of human enomities speak of the
joymen of the hnd ITSELF the object of the 'robbery
put out of considerations having relation a political
balance. That such plan of perpetual equality in the
confederacy in prospect, any than in existence
when the convention surrendered It's work the people,
obvious from circumstances which make part Of his
tory, and which show that the States be formed from
the Then existing territory within the original limits Of the
unei States would necessarily, from arrangement pre-
vousy madc and which the constitution provided for carry
ing into effect increase the numerical superiority Of the
Notwithstanding States.
But what the South which ia thus deprived of its Just
rights by act of rapacy, communicating its work by
the exclusion of slavery Not all the people of the South
for all not Shareholders; and those who
prevented from ENGRAVING because they cannot carry
their property with them, wh.ch the alleged disqualified
that deprives them of their rights. Ii the
South to which the of the territory and
other properly of the United S,stes is thus practically
inerdced but the southern Shareholders while il open
the southern Observation-Disclosures every citizen of the
North. The manifest in this preenson of local ex-
portion between those who do and those who do hold
slaves where the institution Of slavery exists in order
priety, be called the "South," far numbers con-
stitute q political community and far, indeed does that
element Of power reach IN this great day of human rights
For this purpose the Superintendent of the Census has
been good enough certain inquiries made him.
the result Of which " i'll briefly state.
The number of slaves in the United States is 204 OIL
The white population of the saveholdng States 222-
4lS How these slaves divided among the whites 7
BY approxImatye estimate, II appears that the whole
number of Shareholders is about $4,000 OF those
course females and under age that the
shareholders fall short of that number but il il su-
fceny the truth for all the purposes have view 1t
would course be unjust comparison between
this of property holders and the persons who
do fall within that category when looking to the effects
Of emigration, because many of the latter
females whose residence removal is independent of
themselves But assuming the white male population above
the age of twcntyone the class responsible for
emigration by nscetanng what proportion the
boar this class shall be able 10 form accurate
but satisfactory estimate of the effect of this supposed
terdiction upon the South.
There In the slavehoding States about 1889 1896
white male persons above the age OF twenty years.
which, divided by $4,000, the number Of Shareholders
gives about three adult white male persons for each person
holding slaves constituting thceourths of the whole adult
10 reported containing 236 slaves. The number is so
small that that State has been omitted in this calculation
The Superintendent ofthe Census that the popua
ton of all the families interested in slaves nearly equal
100000.
Now sir, il is evident that there great majority of
the people of the southern States who are free 10 20
VIII they will, and they viii, without any of the
SACRIFICES embnrrassments, implements charged
resulting from This peculiar species of property.
do not undertake what is the proportion
between this majority and minority. ! merely give the
basis Of the calcuatoD that every may form his
own conclusion. seek moral results and not absolute
precision.
How this minority estimate il as you will, respecta
Ia bxrk -.