Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-07-01

tees, including one to re-organize the judicia
system of the District Of Columbia. A shor
time was spent in committee on the genera
appropriation bill, and at an early hour the
House adjourned.
THE TREATMENT OF FACTIoNIsTs
During the debate in the Senate on the Mas
sachusetts petition praying the repeal Of the
fugitive slave law, Mr.. Clay, of Alabama, made
few remarks, which are worthy of considera
ton. But before we refer to them more par
ticnlarly, we will submit few ideas of oul
own, which are german to the subject.
1t has always seemed to us that the abolition
members Of Congress gained strength and con-
sideraticn from the courtesy and kindness Of
those who were opposed to them. The south
ern members especially have always as far as
we have been able to judge, been particularly
anxious to show that they entertained no per-
sonal disregard towards those fanatics whose
counsels, if successful, would desolate every
southern home and rend the Union into frag.
ments
This course Of conduct may be right, proper
and judicious. To certain limit it is un.
questionably right, proper and judicions. But
we believe that the limit has now been broken
down and passed over. The time has come
when forbearance ceases to be virtue. The
time has come when there is ne further excuse
for kindness. When the announcement is
made that the sanctity of an oath cannot curb
and RESTRAIN abolition fanaticism, no patriot
can, for moment, even hesitate to denonnce
and execrate those who utter such sentiment,
or to drive them beyond the pale of decent asso.
citation.
Thus far the friendly intercourse and apre
citation between men who repudiate that sacred
instrument, has misled the people. When men
who are fresh from the use of the harshest Ian
guage towards each other are seen in familiar
and cordial intercourse, the public will at once
believe that their harsh recriminations were
mere Buncombe appeals to weak-minded
looked upon like the squabbles between ad
vocates in a court of justice, where many
harsh expressions are used for effect by men
who take most friendly dinner together after
the adjournment of the court
This will do well enough in the ordinary
transactions of life; but when grave and vital
questions effecting the whole country are in
volved, other ideas demand consideration. The
representative man must look to the efficien,
exercise of his representative duties. He has
no right to tamper with dangerous men or to
sport with dangerous principles. 1t is his duty
in the halls Of legislation and out of the halls
Of Legislation, to exert all the power Of his char
acter, influence, and position to crush and de-
stroy the influence of mean AMI unprincipled
men.
These ideas have been recalled to our mind
10y the following remarks made in the Senate
by Hon. G. c. Clay, Of Alabama:
Excuse me one moment. am not in the habit
oftrespassng often on the Senate. Mr.. President.
could go and show that there is intrinsic evi
dence in this report TO sustain the original repori
{. Of the reporter; and what is il Why, sir, that
Notwithstanding this qualified denial, the senator
from South Carolina treated ii as n positive de
NAL Of the senator from Massachusetts, that he
would support the Constitution of the Uniteo
States. Now, ask, does any intelligent man be-
lieve, il the senator had qualified that denial in
the manner in which it appears now, that the
senator from South Carolina would still have
maintained that he refused to obey his oath, tina,
he had refused TO sustain the Constitution Does
, any one believe that the senator from Virginia
Mr.. MAsoS] would have repeated the chargef
Does any believe that the senator from Indiana
Mr.. PKTTITI would also have repeated il? Ger
tainly not. Then there is intrinsic evidence in
the report itself that these words have been inter-
polated that they were not uttered.
Now, Mr. President l have few more words
10 say which l utter with great dfidence, ano
with the profoundest Difference TO older senator
on this floor. We have no means OF preventing
these violations Of the dignity and proprieties o.
the Senate There is no penal statue which eau
reach man who only avows his willingness 10
commit crime. But, let me ask, suppose private
citizen, however wealthy and weborn, however
! highly cultivated his mind however great his
stalents, rich his requirements. should openly
si'1w readine IS 10 commit moral perjury shout,
fhaebG day evnce disposition TO instigate oihe,
TO crime, which, from want Of personal cour.
ags be did not dare perpetrate himself; should
daily encourage other men to violate tho rights OF
his neighbors, TO steal their property, to kidna,
their slaves and TO refuse TO return them; shoul,
daily assail the feelings OF his neighbors by wan
ton, rude, and unca!led for assaults upon theil
characters, and, when rebuked for Il in the harsh
est, most offensive, and opprobrious language
like the spaniel should quietly submit or beg io'
quarter, but never repair the wrong or resent th,
insult---a sneaking, sinuous, snake-ike poltroon
who would violate all the rights of associates OF
friends, and never make PREPARATION or acknowl
edge his error, and who held himself irresponsi
BILE 10 oil law, selling the obligation neither OF the
divine law, nor OF the law OF the land, nor Of III,
law OF honor; ask you, how would such mis-
crcant be treatcd9 Why, you could not reach
him with the arm OF the municipal law, il you
could not send him to the pcniteniisry, you woult
send him TO Coventry You would exclude him
from the pale Of society You would neither ex
tend TO him the courtesies that are shown gentle
men, nor permit him to offer such 10 you. You
would make him feel that he was stunned like
lepsr, and csthcd like filthy reptile and you