Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-04-19

straint than the press of any of the old coun-
tries. Doubtless the rulers there would re-
strict it if they could but so thoroughly is popu-
lar sentiment in favor Of it, that the mobiles and
the rulers do not dare to touch it. A free
press has grown to be one of the settled insti-
tutions Of the country. A recent occurrence
in England shows in a strong light the impreg-
nable basis on which the press is there estab-
lished, and the high. position, both in point of
privilege and dignity, which it occupies.
The London Times, some weeks since, passed
some caustic structures on the Irish representa-
tiyes. 1t accused them in effect of being needy
and mercenary advcnturers, whose votes were
always forsale. 1t brought other serious charges
against them. A committee of the House of
Commons, regarding the matter as an out
rage on and an invasion of the privileges of the
House, promptly proceeded against Mr. Mou-
bray Morris, " the manager or outside editor"
Of the Times. He was summoned before them,
and obeyed the summons. He answered many
questions that were propounded to him; butwhen
questions involving any disclosures as to the
management or the secrets of that great news
paper were asked, he declined to answer. AT
length, by way of terminating dissemination,
he made the following statements
| With all respect to the committee, sub
NIT that the question here involved is the indie
pendence Of the press. / think that the press
of this country There being no censorship es-
tablished by law is amenable to no authority
| ,oaaterer, except that Of the courts Of la,c; and
4 that not even a committee of the House of Com
mons has right to question the conductors of
the paper as regards the opinions they have
expressed; and that there is no tribunal, except
the courts of justice, which can compel them
TO do So think should sacrifice the interest
of the Times, and do grievous injury to the
press of this country, if | answered the ques-
| tion."
The following cross-examination on this
point then ensued:
Mr. Bntt.--Would you extend your idea Of
the privileges of the press to facts as well as to
opinions
'Mr Morris-To everything whatever.
"Mr. Butt.-Then, if specific and a posi-.
tive fact was stated in the Times, with refer,
mean that we could not ask you for the infor-
nation on which it was founded?
Mr.. Morris.--H acould lie a matter entirely
for the consideration of the conductors of The
oaper icheiher they should ans,rer 1t. If they
thought the question could be answered with
out involving the interests Of the press, they
would probably answer it.
Colonel Bentwick.-In your capacity Of
manager you are not prepared to offer any ex-
plantations or justification of the charges
brought in the Times against the Irish mem
/ bers?
"Mr Morris.--I am not.
"Colonel Bentwick is this an excep-
tional case; or is it the practice at the Times
office to publish grave charges without being
prepared to bring forward any proofs in sup
port of them?
Mr. Morris.-1 am not prepared to answer
that question
Colonel Bentwick.-Then / suppose may
assume that you are unable to deny that it is
| so?
aMr. Morris.-This is an inference which
you, as an individual, may draw but presume
the committee is too just to draw it.
| Mr. Butt understand you do not admit
the right of the committee to question you as
to the article of September?
Mr. Morris.-No; nor as to that Of Feb
ruary.
:" Mr. Butt.-That is grave public question.
81 Mr. Morris.-I wish simply to record my
protest on that question"
The manly bearing of the manager of the
the London press. Even the rivals of that
great establishment are profuse in their COM
pliments.