Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-03-11

her prayers TO Heaven VIII DO iuiplous! by such
men was Washington surrounded, while from his
own Virginia came the voice Of Patrick Henry,
amidst confessions that he was master Of slaves,
crying :" j will not, cannot justify it. However
leulpable my conduct, will so far pay my devoir
to virtue to own the excellence and rectitude OF
her prceepts and lament my want OF conformity to
! them." Such words as these, fitly coming from
our leaders, belong to the true glores of the eoun-
hJ:
Il " While we such precedents can boast at home,
4 Keep thy Fabricus and thy Cato, Rome~
Il The earliest Congress under the Constitution
4 wioped the ordinance Of Freedom for the North
western Territory, and thus ratified the prohibi-
ton of Slavery in all the existing Territories Of
the Union. Among those who sanctioned this
net were men fresh from the labors Of the Con
yention, and therefore familiar with its policy.
But there is another voice which bears testimony
In the same direction. Among the petitions pre-
sented to the First Congress was one from the
/ Abolition Society Of Pennsylvania, signed by
Benjamin Franklin, as President. This venerable
yotary of Freedom, who throughout a long life had
splondidly served his country at home and abroad
who as statesman and philosopher, had won the
admiration Of manknd-who had ravished the
lightning from the skies and the sceptre from the
yrant-whose name, signed to the Declaration of
Independence, gave added importance even TO that
great instrument, and then again signed TO the
Constitution Of'the United States filled il with the
charm Of wslom-in whom more than in any other
man. the true spirit Of American Institutions, at
once practical and humane, was embodied-who
knew intimately the purposes and aspirations Of
the ,ounders--this veteran statesman, then eighty
four years of age appeared at the bar Of that Con-
gress, whose powers he had helped TO define and
establish and by the last political act Of his long
liic, solemnly entreated that it would be pleased
i TO cOunfenance the restoration Of liberty 20 those
unhappy mcn who alone in this land Of Freedom,
are degraded INTO perpetual bondage" and " that
lt would step TO the very verge Of the power vested
! IN It for DlSCOU RAGING every species Of traffic
1 in the persons of our fellow-men." Only short
time after uttering this prayer the patriot sage de-
seonded to the tomb; but he seems still to call upon
4 Congress in memorable words, TO step to the rery
ueTge Of tie pOcerS rested in 10 discourage HdUcry
and this prayer, now sounding from the tomb of
Franklin, proclaims the true national policy of the
Fathers. Not encouragement but discouragement
of Slavery, not its naturalization but its deHaoHai
izatioa, was their rule.
The memorial Of Franklin, with other memorials
OF similar character, was referred to Committee,
and much debated in the House, which finally sane
toned the following resolution, and directed the
same to be entered upon its Journals:
/ THAT Congress have no authority to interfere
in the emancipation Of slaves, or in the treatment
Of them, within any Of the States; remaining
ich tie SereTdl States 10 pTogide any regulations
therein, wh'ch humanity and t7te policy may re
quire"
This resolution declaring the principle Of non
intrvention by Congress with Slavery in the States
was adopted by the same Congress which had sol
emnly affirmed the prohibition of Slavery in all the
existing territory Of the Union. And il is on these
double acts, at the first organization Of the Govern
ment, and the recorded sentiments of the found
ers, that take my stand, and challenge all ques-
ton.
At this time there was strictly no dividing line
in the country between Anti-Slavery and Pro-Sla-
very. The Anti-Slavery sentiment was thoroughly
nationa broad, and general pervading alike all
Of Ifpin
heart of the entire people The Pro-Slavery inter
est was strictly personal and pccunary, and had its
source simply in the selfinterest Of individual
Shareholders. II contemplated Slavery only MS a
domestic institution-not as political element
and merely stipulated for its security where il ac-
r tually existed within the States.
Sir, the original policy Of the country is clear and
unmistakaLlc. Compendiousy expressed, il was
HOa-iHierreHtioH by Congress ,rM HdUry ia Tie
States, and its prohibition IN all Tie national domain
In this way, the discordant feelings this subject
were rcconced. Save-nasters were left Mt home
in their respective States to hug Slavery, under the
protection Of local laws without any interference
from Congress- while all opposed to il exempt
ed from any responsibility therefor in the national
= domain. This, sir, is the common ground on which
our national fabric was reared. And / do not hes
itatc to say that it is the only ground which il
can stand in permanent peace.
IL is beyond question, sir, that our Constitution
was framed by the lovers Of Human Rights that
it was animated by their divine spirits that the in
sttution Of Slavery was regarded by them with
aversion so that though covertly alluded TO, il
was not named in the instrument that, according
to the debates in the Convention, they refused tC
give it any sanction" and looked forward TO tn,
certain day when it would be obliteratcd from tn,
land. But the original policy Of the Goyernmen
did not long prevail. The generous sontiment
which filled The early patriots, giving to them his
t toric grandeur, gradually lost their power. Tn
Q blessings Of freedom being already secured t
themselves the frcemcn Of the land grew indilfer
ent to the freedom Of others. They ceased t
think of the slaves. The slave-masters ayaile'
themselves of this indifference and though few il
numbers, compared with the Observation-Disclosures evel
in the slave States, according to the late censu
: they are fewer than three hundred thousand il
the whole country they have, under the influence
an imagined self-interost by tho tactics Of party
e and especially by an Undertaking porseyering un
4 ion among themselyes--swaying, by turns, bot
e the great political parties-succeeded, through
long succession Of years, in obtaining the eontro
I Of the National Government, bending it to thci
Q purposes, compelling it to do their WILL and imros
I ing upon it policy friendly to Slavery; ofensy,
to Freedom only and directly opposed to the senti
ments of its founders. Our Republic has swollen
: in population and power; but has shrunk in char
acter. Ii is not now what it was in the beginning
1 a Republic merely permitting, while it regretted
/, Slavery tolerating it only where it could not b.
removed and interdicting It where it did not exist
but mighty Propagandist openly iavorng and vim
dcating il; visiting, also, with dispeasure all wh
+ oppose 1t.
The extent to which its original policy has beer
n changed can be placed beyond question. Earl
n in our history no man was disqualified for publ
! office by reason of his opinions on this subject
Il and this condition continued for long period
n As late as 1921, John w. Taylor, Representative
y from New York, who had pressed with so mucl
. energy, not merely the prohibition Of Slavery il
D the Territories, but its restriction in the State
n Missouri, was elected TO tho chair Of Henry Clay
& as speaker Of tho other House. 1t is needless
Il add, that no determined supporter Of the Wilmo
|, Proviso at this day could expect that eminent rus
'f An arrogant and unrolentng ostracism is now az
Piled not only to all who express themselves againt
Slavery but to every man who will not be its mer