Carroll free press. [volume] (Carrollton [Ohio]) 1834-1861, 1854-03-02

said il should be taken from you? No, sir, /
not lisp Of il, not gord Of Il Is not freedom
70 be considered as well as slayery2
But, sir. would rather put tbisquestion on
broader principles than these eompaets, sacred
as they are, and from which no man who vio
lates them can escape with homer. However,
as | havs intimatsd already, This is great
question Of human rights. Now, il there Is
not really any difference between liberty and
slavery, then all that our fathers have done;
all that the Declaration Of Independence has
set forth; all the legislation in England and in
THE country to further and guarantee the prin-
ciples Of human liberty, are a mere nuli,y, and
ought not to be lived up to. This may be
SO, but We have been taught differently.
Gentlemen have argued this question as
thought it were a matter OF entire Indifference
whether the continents to be oyerun with sla-
very, or whether il is to settled by freemen.
/ know that those who hold slaves may have
an interest in this question, but when you con-
suit this matter in the light OF States, or COM
munities, there can be but one answer to it. -
If there is any other, az / said before. it both
are to staad and fare alike, then human liberty
is a humbug, and tyranny ought to be the or
der Of the day But, Mr. President, this is al
so an exceedingly dangerous issue. | know
the Senator from Kentucky said he did not
think tE, re would be very much ofa storm af-
ter ALL lie was Of opinion that the northern
mind would Immediately lie down under it,
that the North would do as they have fre-
quently done. submit TO II, and fin ally become
Indifferent in regard to it. But tell the gen
tleman that see indications entirely adverse
to that. / see clo.d, little bigger now
than a mans hand, gathering in The north, and
in the west, and all around, and soon the
whole northern heavens will be lighted up with
q FIRE that you cannot quenoh. The indica-
tons OF it are rife now IN The heavens, and any
man who is not blind can see it. There are
meetings Of the people in all quarters; they ex-
press their alarm, their dismay, their horror at
The proposition which has been made here
You cannot make them bolieve that the thing
is seriously contemp plated here How is it?-
You ofthe South, all Of you propose to go for
repudiating this obligation: Do you not see
that you are about to bring slavery and free
dom face to face, to grappe for the victory, and
that one or the other must die? do net know
that ought to regret it; but | say to gentle
men you are antedating the time when that
must come. 1t has always been my opinion
that principles so entirely in opposition to each
other, so utterly hostile and irreconcllable,
could never exist long in the same Govern
ment. But, sir, with mutual foroearance and
good will, with no attempt on either side to
take the advantage of the other, perhaps we
might have lived in happiness and peace for
many years; but when you come boldly forth
to overthrow the tme-honored guarantees Of
liberty, you show us that the principles of sla-
very are aggressive, incorrgibly aggressive;
that they can no more be at ease than can a
guilty conscience. If you show us that--and
you are fast pointing the road to such a state
of things--how an il be otherwise than that
we must meet each other as enemies, fighting
for the victory for the one or the other ofthese
principles must prevail.
I tell you sir, il you precipitate such con-
flict as that, it will not be liberty that will die
not be the party that must finally knock under.
This is progressive age; and if you viii make
this ight, you must be ready for the conse-
Quences. | regret it. am an advocate for
the continuance of this Union but as | have
already said, | do not believe this Union can
survive ten years the act Of perfdy that will
repudate the great compromise Of 1920.
Mr.. President, do not wish to detain the
Senate upon this subject. Perhaps have said
all that have to say upon il. wished to en-
ter my protest against this act, wished to
wash my hands clean of this nefarious conspir.
acy TO trample on the rights of ireemen, anC
gve he ascendency to slavery c,uld no
Justify my course to my Constituents withou
having cone so to the utmost OF my ability
and having done so shall leave this issue tt
yo a. to say whe therit is safe, right, and rea
sonable for any fancied advantage, to incur sucl
normous perils. raaa
l know gentlemen think all is calm, and
know they will preach peace. wish ther
was real peace, for / do not delight in conten
ton. have endeaYored not to be conten
tous man here. have ende avored even 10 a
bde by your compromises, which I did not ex
actly like. W
But have overlooked one thing that
ought to have said The Senator from Illinoi
deduces some great principles from the com
promise of 1850. So he says in his speech
!, NOW, from tne very nature OF JnoSe ComprO
misses, it was all but impossible that any par
ticular principle could be deduced from them
There were several antagonistical subjects, a
! bout which there was dispute; and, indeed
there can never be much of principle draw
. from compromise of antagonistical principle,
! That is not tn. place to fix principle. Their
! was California--she had adopted aconsttutiol
! and sought to be admitted into the Union.-
Here was Texas wishing 10 have her boundar
adjusted with New Mexico Here was II
, District of Columbia, in which the Mort
contended that slave-markets should be abo
iahed. ui Hf
Perhaps there were no two men who agree
! in all these propositi ons, Some were permi
e ting California to be admitted into the Unio
u The whole North thought it ought to come i
: but did you then stand upon the doctrine
II non-interventon? Here was State organic,
i with free constitution. knocking at your doc
a for admission " here, then, was this gre
r doctrine Of non-intervention in the SOUTH
+ Where did it 6nG any advocates then? VIII
|, sir, the State of Georgia, ] recolect, pass,