Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-10-06

eshN III Su ~ uuN uiiooCO H. nc buitnUA PLOtC0
10 be calf His friends testing him upon his
want of skill, in missing domestic animal Of
that size, he said had some doubts whether il
was deer or not and he aimed so AS 10 hit It
If it was deer, and miss il If it was a calf.
Their views of the Nebraska policy were about
rs clear as those of Jack Bunsby concerning
the missing vessel. He said if that vessel had
gone down, why 50; and if it had not gone
down, why then, so, also. He had not time to
speak of all the candidates upon the several
tickets, but he had come to night to speak re-
specially Of the natural dead, and he must do
the same with the political and he offered a
word of coincidence to the friends of the late
Mr.. Ludlow, their candidate for lieutenant go
vernon, who had been so inhumanly slain by
the ruthless Abjah Mann, jr There was a
severe statute against cruelty to animals, and
if there was like one regarding men, he was
quite sure Mr. Mann deserved, and would re-
ceive its utmost penalties.
He said the Freesoil party had usually
claimed the merit of bringing into power the
present national administration, and although
he had heretofore disputed the fact, he was
rather inclined on the whole to concede it. In
the days of the Rev. Mr.. Whitfield, an intoxi-
Gated man reeled up to him, and said: al
know you, Mr.. Whitfield you are the very
man who coverted my soul.n VERY likely,h
said Mr.. w., ayou look much more like nv
work than that of Divine grace" And upon
reflection, he thought the administration looked
much more like the work of the Freesoilers
than of the National Democratic party. The
present state of things could not continue !;
the numerous organizations which, in the lam
guage of Mr.. Burke, we're "pigging together
heads and points, in the same truckle bed"
would work its own cure. With the exception
of that small, sincere, and fanatical band of
Abolitionists, whom much learning had made
mad and who proposed to ride alike over the
Bible and the Constitution to put down slavery,
there would shortly be but two organizations
in the State one would be the National De-
mocratic organization, and the other an anti
slavery organization, occupying the place and
taking the platform this year adopted by the
Wings. There was not, and would not be-,
any halfway house. The question could
not be evaded, blinked or shnfled off. Ex-
pedient, Office seeking men might scheme,
timidity tremble, and power corrupt and
purchase, but the matter must be squarely and
fairly faced, and the votaries of the respective
principles must rouse themselves accordingly
Since the embarrassment was on us, he was
glad that the issue was thus to be made up
The national democracy had enlisted for the
war, and would not be driven nor purchased
off. He long since had taken his ground, and
should hold it, regardless of consequences.
The slavery question, at the foundation of the
government, was brimfnll Of difficulty it was
so still, and would, he feared, long remain a
fruitful source of irritation. 1t was compro-
missed originally by the wisest men and purest
patriots that ever adorned society; each State
was left to treat the institution in its own way
and manner; and in their own good time the
people Of this and other States abolished it,
when, and not before, it suited their interest,
convenience, and sense of propriety; and now,
If we would remember that the citizens of other
States were created by the same benefcent
Being as ourselves-that they were to render
their final account with US at the same great
tribunal-that they we're as wise, virtuous con-
seientious, benevolent, and Just as we've
should save ourselves much gratuitous solicit
tude, and them much useless annoyance. 1t
was conceded that we had no right to interfere
with slavery in the States-if not, he said, let
it entirely alone. 1t was as much violation
Of the true spirit and intent Of the Constitution
and Ear less honorable and manly, to annoy
them constantly with every species Of reproach
and vexation, from the security Of our own
homes, ms it would be to march armed men
among them and attempt 10 put it down by
force. If they we're entitled to security in this
regard, they were entitled TO it fully, and not
by halves. IL we had no right to assault and
destroy II, We had no more right TO do il by the
introduction OF paper missiles, and the arraign-
ing them constantly for its existence before the
world, than we had to do it by fire and sword
within its own jurisdiction. The one was as
much treason to the true spirit Of the Consti.
tuition as the other. be was aware that It had
usually been said that the only object was TO
prevent the extension of slavery; and this
question had for considerable time been a
most fruitful source Of strife and controversy.
After the acquisition Of the Mexican territory,
he early, in responsible public place, saw
that the question could never be disposed Of ia
Congress. In December lS41, he introduced
resolutions into the Senate of the United
States. and urged their adoption, declaring Il
to be the true policy Of the government, in &C
cordance with the spirit Of the Constitution
and in harmony with the theory Of free self
government, 10 leave all domestic questions in
the Territories 10 the people OF these incipient
States. He did not say the Constitution re-
qaired il, for he doubted whether the Constitn-
ton had contemplated the precise question /:
but, he insisted that IL was IN harmony with
the spirit Of our institutions, and had enforced
MS POoiaOh W tut btot itacoAn ut COulu COfn-
mand. When these mighty agitations which
convulsed the country from centre to crcum-
ference we're finally settled, il was settled upon
the principles Of non-intervention, which his
resolutions had inculcated. His object was to
turn il out Of Congress, where il was constant
subject Of contention, setting man against his
brother, and arraying State against State
embitieriug the people Of The different sections
and obstructing the public business-and to
turn it over TO the people Of the Territories,
where, as they became States, they could
fashion their institutions 70 suit themselves.
His confidence in the capacity OF man for self
government taught him that he was as well
calculated to frame laws for himself as his dis
tant fellow men were 10 frame laws for him.
Though the passage Of the compromise meas
ures did not give entire satisfaction 10 alone
portion contending that the north had been
sold TO the south, and the other that the south
had been sacrificed TO the north--yet they were
approved and sanctioned by the great masses
oftbe people Of every section, as was abundant
ly established by the subsequent popular voice
in Georgia, Mississippi and other States where