Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-06-19
DAILY NATIONAL ERA.

bonn tide disposedlof for that purpose. The bill
under consideration does consider the ten millions
Of acres commos fund, for the use and benefit
Of all the States, and does faithfully and bona
tide dispose OF il for their common and equal use
and benefit.
But the President argues that the public do
main, or the proceeds resulting from sales of il,
and not expended, cannot be apportioned among
the States, but mist remain a common fund,
which, as il has been pledged heretofore, and is
now pledged, so hereafter il may again be pledged
for public Indebtedness. But this argument
proves too much II would inyaldate all grants
of bounty lands, u consideration of past SER
vices in the military service Of the United States.
And il would equally invalidate all grants for the
construction Of canals and railroads, neither of
which modes of dsposing of the public lands
has the President condemned
The President seeks to extricate himself from
this dilemma by raising theory which has no
foundation in the Constitution, or in any contem-
poraneous exposition of it, and justifes the grants
for the construction of railroads and canals upon
the principle that tile United States, being land
holder within the States, may lawfully give away
one portion of its lands, without consideration,
for the purpose of thereby enhancing the value of
what remains. Bub it is apparent that the con-
stitutionality of grant is thus made to depend
! upon the fact that the value of the land given
of what remains and so that Government must
necessarily raise the price of the lands retained
| to the utmost Of their increased value Such
course is never pursued The Government which
should pursue il nights act as prudent landholder,
but would, at the same time, act rs oppressive
and tyrannical ruler. This theory, that the Gov
ernment must act as a prudent landholder, seems
| to me altogether fanciful. 1t is not capable of
universal application at all places and under all
lrtr. Lar Hold
away one-fourth his land, in some places, to
enhance the value OF the rest; and at other times
| half and at other times three-fourths but not
everywhere and always the same proportion.
| But there is another consideration which is
| fatal to the theory
| The policy which prudent landholder might
| pursue, merely as a landholder, to increase the
value Of his estate, might be altoghether incon-
sistest with the policy which great, rich, and
| bene6cent Government ought to pursue to in
crease the wealth, the greatness and the strength
! of Nation Many prudent proprietor has
| changed his allegiance to save his domain; and
many a brave people have sacrificed their do
| main to save their liberties. The United States
| are not not a mere landowner. They are State
| a political State. They are indeed landowner
! ana they ought to be prudent one. But land
! ownership is the lowest of their functions and
land speculation ought to be the last which they
should assume
Without tracing further this new and idle
| theory of prudent proprietorship, it may be dis
missed with two remarks First that it rests
altogether upon the restraining provision con-
| tanned in the deed OF cession from Virginia
which applied only to the original domain of the
United States and not to those portions since
acquired; secondly, that the ten millions of acres
apportioned by this bill are virtually to be loca-
ted in regions subsequently acquired and entirely
distinct from that original domain.
The Presidents next objection is, that there is
an act of January %, l847, which pledges the
sales Of the public lands for the payment of the
debt contracted in the Mexican war. | reply,
first, that that debt is virtually paid nsomuch as
we have surplus revenue, constantly accumula-
ting and are buying up the stock in advance of
its maturity, at enormous premiums, and the
creditor who complains of this bill may at once
receive payment in full secondly, that pledge
was never understood to prohibit judicious APP
preparations of the public domain; and the OBJ
lection, if good against this bin, annuls all the
laws by which we have given homesteads TO the
! survivors of all our wars, as well as those by
means of which we have procured capitalists to
cover with network of railroads the broad
region which stretches away from the base of
the Allegheny mountains to the river Mississippi.
The President expresses deep concern lest this
contribution by the Federal Government to the
States should impair their yigor and independ-
ence. But il is not easy to see how a contribu-
ton which they are at liberty to reject, and which
they are TO apply TO necessary and TO a proper
purpose of Government, in entire independence of
the Federal Government, can wound their self
respect, deprive them of any OF their attributes
of sovereignty.
The President is, moreover, deeply affected
with an apprehension, that if the policy of this
ah1 he uaI ,nhl
be defeated and the fountains of charity within the
States would be dried up. The President must
not needlessy affct himself in this wise, on the
score of humanity. Experience is against his ears.
Every community that has received from the
Federal territory or property military bounties
or pensions is at least as brave and patriotic as
il was before. Every community that has re-
ceiyed from the same sources contributions for
the purposes of internal improvement are more
enterprsing than before Every community that
has received aid for its schools of learning has
been rendered more Jealous and more munihcent
in the cause of education.
Thus, sir, have reviewed the Presidents
objections. In conclusion, it remains for me to
express the opinion, that, in the early days Of
| the Republic there was a school of latltndina-
rian construction of the Constitution, which
school was quite erroneous, so, also, there was a
school whose maxim was strict construction OF
the Constitution, and this school have accumu-
lated presidents and traditions equally calculated
to extinguish the spirit of the Constitution.
Circumstances have altogether changed since
that school was founded. The States were
then rich and strong; the Union was poor and
powerless. Virginia loaned TO the United States
hundred thousand dollars TO build their Capt.
toll. But the States could not enlarge themselves.
They possessed respectively either no public
| lands nj ALL or very small domains, and to such
domains they have added nothing by purchase
or conquest Charged with all the expenses of
municipal administration, including the relief OF
the INDECENT, the of the diseased, the educa-
ton of the people, and the removal of natural
distractions to trade and intercourse, they re-
served, nevertheless, only the power to raise
revenues by direct taxation, one which always
was and always will be regarded with jealousy
and dislike.
The Union, on the contrary, by conquest and
purchase, has quadrupled its domain, and is in
possession of superintendent revenues, derived
| from that domain and from imposts upon foreign
| commerce. Contrast the meager salaries of the