Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1854-05-04
was referred to select committee OF the HOUSE
Mr.. Randolph was Chairman and received ius
answer in q report, in these words:

Mr.. Randolph was Chairman anu ioeeisS
answer in. o report, in these words
aThat the rapid population of the State OF ONO %
evinee In the opinion Of your committee, that the it
slaves Is not necessary to promote the growth ana
Of colonies in that region That this labor demonsrapy
dearest Of any can only be employed to III
tivation Of products valuable than any knowh ~ :,
quarter of the United States that the committee ues =
highly dangerous and nexpedentt to impair provision
calculated promote the happiness anu piosI H., =,
Northwestern country and to give strength anu s ~; 90
that extensive frontier. In the saluary operation OF s s
gaeous and benevolent restraint 1t is believed that e
habitants of Indiana WILL at no very distant aay h
remuneration for a temporary prVaton Oh iaoor an" s
ton"
This was the answer of the select committee
and it became the answer OF the House-oi TINS
House Just fifty years ago-when the eou'h "as
about as ably represented here as 1t ever mas oeeh
since and when its relative strength was greater
than has ever been since. The answer is
peremptery refusal to yield 70 the petition OF the
people of Indiana, even for ten years local
suspension of this anti slavery clause. High
ly dangerous and inexpedient to impair that pro-
vision" Yes, to impair that is the word an
it is refusal to weaken orlessen, IN the smalesl
degree, an act which the committee calls "be-
nevolent and sagacious act" and which they
recommend to maintain unimpaired, because It is
calculated TO increase the happiness and pros
perty of the Northwest, and to give strength
and security to its frontiers That Congress.
and that without division between North and
South, would not impair an act of so much future
good to prosperity, not even upon the mistaken
application Of a few present inhabitants.
But that was not the end of the petitions. The
people of Indiana were not satisfied with one re-
pulse. They returned to the charge; and -four
times more, in the course of as many years, re-
newed their application for the ten years sus
pension of the Ordinance 1t was rejected each
time, and once in the Senate, where the North
Carolina Senator (Mr. Jesse Franklin) was chair
man of the committee which made the report
against it. Five times, in as many years, re.
iected by Congress and the rejection the more
emphatic ipsape instances. because it was the
reversal bystitsa louise of favorable report from
committee iAnd now, what inhabtant Of
Indiana does not rejoice at the deliverance which
spite of the request of its inhabitants fifty years
ago!
Thus, five times in the beginning of this cen
tury--fve different times, and without any dis
tinction between Northern and Southern mem
bers-did Congress refuse 10 Impair lheelave
ry Compromise, of 1887, notwithstanding five
times asked for by the people of the Territory
On, squatter sovereignty where were you then
1t was case for you to have shown your head =
to have arisen in your might, and established
your supremacy forever. Ii was case Of a con
venlion of the s0vereigns themselves; and nelth
er this convention nor the Congress had dream
of their SOVEREIGNTY The convention petitionet
Congress as ward would lis guardian, or chill
dren under age would petition their father; ant
Congress answered like good guardian, or ;
good father that it would not give them an evil
although they begged for it. Benighted time
these, and infinitely behind the present age. Thu
mares nest had not then been found in which hal
been laid the marvellous egg out of which hal
been hatched the nondescript fowl, yelpt squat
ter sovereignty" The illustrious principle O
non Intervention had not then been invented
The ignoramuses of that day had never heart
of it, though Low to be learned in every horn
book ; and believe, nowhere else but in thu
horn-books.
Five times in the beginning OF this centuryd i'
Congress refuse 10 impair the slavery Com
promise of 1887; and now, in the middle O
the century, and after thirty years of peace unde
the Missouri COMPREHENSIVE offspring ant
continuation of tina; of l797-we are called upon
not merely to impair for season, but to desire,
forever, Il far greater ompromise-exlendinl
to far more territory-and growing out of neces
sites far more pressing. And how called upon
Not by the inhab tan,s-not by any one human
being living, or expecting to live. on the terrific
ry to be atlected--bnt upon motion in Congress
"a silent, secret, limping, hating, creeping
squainting, impishm otion--conceived in the darl
--mldwledln Il committee room, and sprung upOl
Congress and the century in the style in whic
Guy Fawkes intended te.blow up the ParlIamen
House, with his fyet!suBdfed barrels of gun
powder, hid in the cellar under the wood.
My answer TO such a motO on is to be found il
the whole volume Of my political life. | hav
stood upon the Missouri Compromise for abov
Thirty years; and mean to stand upon it to tn
end of my lte and in doing so shall act. no
only according to my own cherished convenience
of duty, but according TO the ien-declared con
victions of the General Assembly Of my State
| The invoability of that Compromise line ha
often been declared by the General Assembly
ard as late as ls47, in these words:
"REsoLvED That the peace, pemanenCy, and welfare
national Union depend upon strict adherence tn
letter and spirit OF the eight section of the of Congress
the United States ened An act to authorized the peopl
of the Missouri Territory to form Constitution and Stat
Union on an equal footing with the original States, and
prohibit Slavery in certain Territories, approved March
1920"
wi an instruction to the Senators, and re
quest TO the Representatives in Congress, to vot
accordingly.
The peace, and permanently, and welfare O
the Union depend upon strict adherence to tn
Missouri Compromise of 1890" So resolved
the General Assembly of Missouri as late a.
l847 believe the Assembly was right then
| bell We 1t now and, 50 believing shall lad
here to the Compromise now, as then.
should oppose any movement to impair tina
Compromise, made in an open, direct, manly
manner much more shall oppose it if mad
in GOV TT, indirect, and unmamy way. TIL
bill, OF bills before US, undertake to accomplish
their object without protesting t-upon reason
which are contradictory and unIounded-in term
which are ambiguous and inconsistent and b
throwing Oh Others the responsibility of its ow
act 1t processes not to interfere with the sovereig
right of the People to legslate for themselves
and the very first line of this solemn plofessio
throws upon them horse lead of law, " hch the
have no right TO refuse, or time 10 read or none
opurchase, or ability 10 understand 1t throw
upon them all the laws of the United States whic
ave not locally lnapphcable; and that comprt
hends al that are not specially made for othe
PLACES, also, it gives them the Constitution {
the United States, but without the privilege ,
voting at Presidential br Congressional election!
or of making their ujudieiary This is moi
interference with vengence. A community t
be buried under mountain Of strange law, an
covered with Constitution under which the
are not to have one single political right. VIII
this circumlocnlion this extension of mouI
tain of prevalent law, with The exception Of tn
only one relevant and applicable Sir, it is til
crooked, insidious, and pusilanimous way
ellecting the repeal of the Missouri Compromis
line. In includes all law for the sake of eavin
out one law; aud effects repeal of an omission
and legislates by an RECEPTION. 1t is new wa
of repeating law, and bungllng attempt
smuggle Slavery into the Territory, and all tn
n NJ IN tho | I'd u ncl,