Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1854-03-02

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Mr.. President. three great Eras have marked
the hisery of this country, in respect to slavery
The first NAV be characterized rs the Sra OF EN-
FRANoIIIsENEsr. 1t commenced with the eartl-
est struggle far national Independence. Fhe
spirit which insured it animated the hearts and
prompted the efforts of Washington, of Jeffer-
son, of Patrick Henry, OF Wythc, of Adams, of
jaw. of Hamilton, Of Morris, in short, of all
the great men of our early history. All these
hoped-all these labored for-all these believed
in the final deliyorancc of the country from the
curse of slavery. That spirit burned in the Dec
laration of INDEPENDENCE, and inspired the pro-
visions Of the Constitution, and the Ordinance
of 1887. Under its influence, when in full Wig
or. State after State provided for the emancipa-
ton of the slaves within their limits, PRIOR 10
the adoption of Constitution. Under Its ieepler
influence at later period, and during the al
lninis.ration of Jefferson, the Importation OF
slaves was prohibited into Mississippi and LOUIS
lana, in the faint hope that those territories
might finally become free States. GRADUALLY
that spirit ceased to influence our councils, and
lost its control over the American heart and the
Americal policy. Another era succeeded, but
by such imperceptibe gradations that the lines
which separate the two cannot % traced with
absolute precision. The facts OF the two cras
meet and mingle rs the currents of conhncnt
streams mix SO imperccptibly that the observer
cannot fix the spot where the meeting waters
blend.
This second era was the Era of CONSERVATISM.
Its great maxim was to preserve the existing con-
dition. Men said let things remain az they are ;
let slavery stay where it is !; exclude it where
tits not refrain from disturbing the public
quiet by agitation adjust nil differences that
arise, not by the application OF principles, but
by compromises.
1t was Turing this period that tho Senator
tells US that slavery was maintained in Illinois,
both while q territory and after it became Il
State, in despite of the provisions of the ordi-
nance. 1t is true, sir, that the slaves held in the
Illinois country, under the French law, were
not regarded as absolutely cmancipated by the
provisions of the ordinance. But full effect was
given to the ordinance in excluding the intro
duction of slaves and thus the territory was pre-
served from eventually becoming slave State.
The few Shareholders in the territory Of Indiana,
which then included Illinois, succeeded in OBJ
tanning such an ascendency in its affairs, that
repeated applications were made, not merely by
conventions of delegates, but by the Territorial
Legislature itself for suspension of the CLAUSE
in the ordinance prohibiting slavery. These ap-
plications were reported upon by John Ran
dolph, of Virginii, in the House, and by Mr.
Franklin in the Senate. Both the reports were
against suspension. The grounds stated by Ran
dolph are specially worthy of being considered
now. They are thus stated in the report
"That the committee deem it highly danger
GUS and inexpedipnt to impair u provision wisely
calculated to promote the happiness and pros
perity Of the northwestern country, and to give
strength and security to that extensive frontier.
In the salutary operation Of this saglcicus and
benevolent restraint it is believed that the inhab
itluts of Indiana will, at no very distant day
find ample remuneration for Il temporary priyil-
ton of labor and Of emigration" ...
Sir, thes, reports, made in 1903 and 1907 =, and
the action of Congress upon them, in conformity
with their recommendation, saved Illinois. and
perhaps Indiana, from becoming slave States
When the people of Illinois formed their State
consultation, tley incorporated into it a section
providing that neither slavery nor involuntary
s,rvitude shall be hereafter introduced into this
State The constitution made provision for the
continued service Of the few persons who were
originally held as slaves, and then bound to ser
vice under the territorial laws, and for the free
extinction of slavery. The Senator thinks thai
this result is not attributable to the ordinance
differ from him. But for the ordinance, | have
no doabt slavery would have been introduced in
to Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio. 1t is something
to the credit OF the era Of conservatism, uniting
its influences with those Of the expiring era o
eniranchiscment, that it maintained the ordi
nance of 1881 in the northwest.
| N .AIs,,.S L.;
ceptiblo gridations, into the Fra Of SLAVERY
pRoPAGANDsM. Under the inlenccs Of this
new split We opaned tie waolc territory nc
quired from Mexico, except California, to th'
ingress of Slavery Every foot of it was covered
by Mexican prohibition and yet, by the leg
islaton of 1850, we consented to expose it to tht
introduction of slaves. Some, believe, have
actually been carried into Utah and New Mexi
Co. They may BIZ few, perhaps, but fcw are
enough to affect materially the probable charac
tor OF their future governments. Under the
evil influences of the same spirit we are nov
called upon to reverse the original policy of tht
Republic; to sabvert even a solemn compact O
the conservative period, and open Nebraska to
slavery.
Sir, believe that we re upon the verge o
another era. That era will be the Era of REAC
rIoN. The introduction Of this question here
and its discussion, will greatly hasten its advent
We, who insist upon the standardization o
slavery, and upon the absolute divorce Of the
General Government from all connection with it
will stand with the men who favored the com
promise acts, and who yet wish to adhere tt
thcm in their letter and in their spirit, agains
the repeal of tae Missouri prohibition. Bdtyor
may pass it here You may send it to the other
House. 1t may become law. But its efec
will be to satisfy all thinking men that no com
promises with slavery will stand, except so long
as they serve the interest Of slavery and tina
ther is no safe and honorable ground for non
shareholders to stand upon, except that OF re
stricting slavery within State limits, and cxclu
ding it absolutely from the whole sphere OF Fed
eral jurisdiction. The old questions between
political parties arc at rest. No great question
50 thoroughly possesses the public mind as thi
of slavery. This discussion will hasten the in
evitable Reorganization OF parties upon the new
Issues which our circumstances suggest. 1t VII
light up fire in the country which may, per
haps, consume those who kinde it.
cannot believe that the people of this coun
try have 50 far lost sight Of the maxlms AM
principles Of the Revolution, or are 80 insensi
BILE to the obligations which those maxims ant
principles impose, as to acquiesce in the viola
ton of this compact Sir, the Senator iron
Illinois tells us that he proposes final settle
ment of all territorial questions in respect t
Slavery, by the application of the principle o
popular sovegeigsay. What kind of popala
sovereignty is that which allows one portion q
the people to enslave another portion Is tina
the doctrine of equal rights! Is that exac
justice Is that the teaching of enlightened
liberal progressive Democracy! No, sir; no
There can be no real Democracy which does no
fully maintain the rights of man, as man. Lily
ing, practical, earnest Democracy imperatlve
requires us, while carefully abstaining iron
unconstitutional interference with the interna
regulations of any State upon the subject 0
Slavery, or any other subject, to insist upon tn
practical application of its great principles il
all the Legislation of Congress.
| reneat air that we who maintain thes