The daily Minnesota pioneer. [volume] (St. Paul, Minn.) 1854-1855, 1854-12-14

lS Uuelr dpIuoiIIatC uofi'"'
with unfrendly sentiments upon the acqul-
sitions of this country, in every instance
honorably obtained, or would feel them
selves justified in imputing our advance
mcnt to spirit of aggression, or to pas
sion for political performance.
Our foreign commerce has reached a
aud extent nearly equal to that
of the first maratimc power of the earth,
and exceeding that Of any other Over
this great interest, in which not only our
merchants, but all classes of citizens, at
least indirectly, arc concerned, it is the
duty of the executive and legislative
branches of the government to exercise
careful supervision, and adopt proper mea-
surcs for its protection. The policy which
I have had in view, in regard to this inter
est, embraces its future, as we'll as its pre-
sent prosperity.
Long experience has shown that, in
general, when the principal powers OF
Europe are engaged in war, the rights
of neutral nations arc endangered.
This consideration led, in the progress of the
Of independence, to the formation OF the ceieat-
of which was to assert the DOCTRINE that free ships
make free goods, except in the Of articles Con-
..s..l ct VAT, IoUs.;. which. fi'," tho very com
menceinent Of national being, has been cherish
ed idea of the statesmen Of this country. At pc
Rod another, every maritime power has, by SOL
emn treaty spu'ation recognized that principle; and
it might have been hoped that it would come TO be
universally received and respected as rule OF utter
national law. But the refusal of one power prevent
c this, and in the next great that ensucd, that
Of the French revolution it failed to he respected
among the bclIgerent states Of Europe.
Notwithstanding this, the principle is
gencraly admitted to be sound and salu-
tary one; so much So that, in the COM
menccment os the existing war in Europe
Great Britain and France announced their
purpose to observe it for the present; not
however, as a recognized international right
but as a mere concession for the time
being The cooperation, however, of these
two powerful maritime nations in the inter-
ests Of neural rights, appeared to me to
afford all occasion, inviting and justiiying,
on the part of the United States, renewed
effort to make the doctrine in question a
principle of international law, by means of
special conventions between the several
pONCIo vi 1AIuSINd
Accordingly proposition embracing not
only the rules, that free ships make free
goods, except contraband articles, but also
the less contested one, that neutral proper
ty, other than contraband, though on
cnemy's ships, shall be exempt from confis-
cation, has been submitted by this govern
ment to those of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and
a convention was concluded between that
country and the United Suites. providing
for the observance of the principles annOun-
ced, net only as between themselves, but
also as between them and all other notions,
which shall enter into like stipulation None
of the other power have as yet taken final
action on the subject.
am not aware, however, that any
objection to the proposed stipulations
has been made; but, on the contrary,
they are acknowledged to be essential
to the security of neutral commerce,
and the only apparent obstacle to their
general adoption is in the possibility,
that it may be encountered by inadmis-
sible conditions.
The King of the Two Siclics has ex-
pressed to our Minister at Naples, his
readiness to concur in our proposition
relative to neutral rights, and to enter
into convention on that subject.
The King of Prussia entirely approves
of the project of a treaty to the same
effect, submitted to him, but proposes an
additional article providing for the re-
nunciation of privateering. Such an
article, for the most obvious reasons, is
much desired by nations having naval
establishments large in proportion to
their foreign commerce. If it we're
adopted as an international rule, the
commerce Of nation having compare
a small naval force, would be very much
at the mercy Of its enemy, in case of
war with power Of decided naval su-
periority. The bare statement of the
condition in which the United States
would be placed, after having surren-
dered the right to resort to privateers,
in the event of war with belligerant of
naval supremacy, will show that this
government could never listen to such
proposition.
The navy Of the first maritime power in
Europe is at least ten times as large as that of
the United Stairs. The foreign commerce of
the two countries is nearly equal, and about
equally exposed to hostile depredations. In
war between that power and the United
States without resort on our part to our mer-
camille marine, the means of our enemy to in
fict injury upon our commerce would be ten
fold greater than ours to retaliate. We could
not cxtricate our country from this unequal
condition with such an enemy, unless we at
once depart from our present peaceful policy,
and become great naval power. Nor would
this country be better situated in war with one
Of the secondary naval powers. Though the
naval disparity would be less, the greater ex-