Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-03-10
WASHINGTON, D. C.
FRIDAY, MARCH 10, 1854,
THE EXTENT OF REsIsTANcE.


neuts Of the Nebraska bill in the House, TO
league together, and, by means Of calls OF the
House and motions to adjourn, arrest all fur
ther proceedings, until the majority (should
there be one in favor of il be compelled TO give
way Valiant talk, says the Wing, but
that is ALL The clustering Abolitionists, it is
sure would quail and COVER with characteris-
tic timidityn "a timely chastisement Of
their leaders, il thinks would soon cool their
courage "a herd Of poltroons, one brave
man can drive them to the extremity Of the
earth with lady's riding whip" The associ
stions Of the Wing have been with the 3white
slaves y Of the North, SO that its estimate Of
Northern character is easily accounted for. If
this newspaper hero should live long enough,
he may see reason to change his opinion.
The extent to which resistance may be car
ried in legislative body under Democracy,
to any measure, is Q question Of some import
ance. In our system, it is in the power OF
determined minority, large enough to obtain
the yeas and nays, to arrest legislation, and
battle the will Of . majority. The exercise Of
such power, ordinarily, would naturally lead
to anarchy, DISCRIMINATION, revolution; but
occasions may arise in which it shall be neces-
sary to prevent the triumph Of Fraud, or
thwart the Despotism Of . Majority.
IT, in the absence of large number Of the
opponents of an important Bill its supporters
should attempt to carry it through BY coup
de nam, the exercise Of such power would be
. solemn duty
Or, should an effort be made to prevent full
debate and fee action on a measure involving
vital interests, it's opponents would be justified
in resorting to every expedient placed at their
command by the rules and usagss Of the House,
to disable an interruptions majority-nay, they
would be bound by their obligations to main
tain the rights Of their constituents, the indie
pendence Of Congress, the cause of Republican
lem, to pursue such q course at all hazards and
to the last extremity
Or, should great Question, on which the
views of the People had not been asked or ex.
pressed, on which there had been no agitation
for an entire generation, be suddenly submitted
by restless or ambitious men to Congress,
not one member Of which had been elected with
any reference to the subject; and should the
attempt then be made by these men, and such
party associates as they could command, aided
by the patronage Of an Administration reckless
enough to interfere with the Independence of
the Legislative body, to obtain an enactment ON
this Question, not called for by any national
interest by any unexpected exigency, by any
intimstion Of public opinion in any quarter of
the Union; an enactment repeating settle.
ment Of that Question, universally acquiesced
in for the period Of thirty three years-no fair
minded man could blame the opponents Of q
procedure 30 wanton, 50 extraordinary, SO anti
Democratic, for employing all the extraordi-
nary means within their power to defeat it
Il is not for Shareholders to grow indignant
at the Recommendation Of such policy. They
adopted il in 1s4s and in 1850, and persisted
in ID, without being able TO allege in Justi6ca-
tion any Of the considerations just referred To-
The Congresses Of those two periods were
elected with express reference TO the Question
of Slavery. On their organization, they repre-
scented fairly the public sentiment Of the coun.
try, North and South The Question had been
fully discussed before tho People, and their
Representatives were in possession. Of their
views and wishes A decided majority Of the
People was In favor Of the formation of Ter
ritorial Government in Oregon, with the slave
~ prohitiion, in favor of the admission Of Cali
fornis with its Auti-Slavery Constitution, in
favor Of the application Of the Wilmot Proyiso
to the Territories Of Utah and New MEXICO
and 90 was large majority Of their Represent
stives in Congress
No attempt was made in either Congress to
hasten proceedings upon these questions to
stiAe freedom Of debate, to prevent deliberate
action. And yet a Southern minority from
day to day. and week to week, in both Con-
crosses, intsrposed every obstacle that could be
devised, TO fair expression Of the will Of the
majority. On the question Of the admission Of
California, for example, although test vote
showed majority Of fifty in its favor, band
Of some forty members contrived, by motions
10 adjourn, calls Of the House, motions to 90
into Committee Of tho Whole on the state Of
the Union, motions TO excuse members from
voting u their own request calling the yeas
and nays on al these motions and other expe-
disnts veil understood by tscticisns to arrest
Ill proceedings on the subject We denouno-
"a their conduct ~ factious and disorgani.
ring for they could not plead in excuse, tyran
ny, or unreasonable haste on the part Of the
majority or thst the subject was one on which
We Representatives Of the People had not been
instructed, and wore taken BY surprise. But We
vsll recolIect that they wero sustained BY the
Pres Of The Slave States. and gIorifed for thsir
oopstancy and courage
Whist Southern minority did, s0lfAouf just
csuss, IN 1s4s and 1850 Northern minority
(should ths friends Of Freedom prove to be