The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-07-06

Massachusetts,, and in honor of freedom, shall
not be left unanswered. Abiding to those days
when Massachusetts was illustrated by Otis,
Hancock. and athe brace of Adamses;" when
Faneuil Hall sent forth echoes of liberty when
resounded even to South Carolina, and the very
stones in the streets of Boston rose in mutlny
against tyranny, the Senator with the slver-Whlte
locks, in the very eestacy of slavery broke forth
in the ejaculation that Massachusetts, was then
"slaveholding;" and he presumed to han theSe
patriots as representatives of hardy, slavehold-
ing Massachusetts," Sir, repel the imputatlon
II is true that Massachusetts, was hardy" but
she was not, IN any Just sense, "slaveholdlng"
And had she been so, she could not have been
"hardy." The two characteristics are inconslSt-
ent as weakness and strength, as sickness anu
health had almost said, as death and life
The Senator opens a page, which | would will
ingly present. Sir, slavery never hourshed IN
Massachusetts, nor did it ever prevail there at
any time, even in early Colonial days, to such
degree as to be distinctive feature in her pow
erful civilization. Her few slaves were merely
for term of years, or for life. If, in point OF
fact their issue was sometimes held in bondage,
it was never by sanction of any statute or law OF
Colony or Commonwealth. (LanesborO' VS. Vest
field, l6 Mass, "a In all her annals, no person
was ever born a slave on the soil of Massachu-
sets. This, of itself, is response to the lmpu-
tation of the Senator.
A benign and brilliant act of her Legislature,
as far back as 1916 shows her sensibility on this
subject A Boston ship had brought home two
negroes seized on the coast of Guinea. Thus
spoke Massachusetts
"The General Court, conceiving themselves
bound by the first opportunity to bear witness
against the heinous and crying sin Of man-steal-
ing, also to prescribe such timely redress for
what is past and such lar for The future as may
IoIo IN
do in such Uile and most odiouS conduct, justly alb
horred Of al good and Just men, do order that the
negro interpreter with others unlawfully taken,
be- by the first opportunity, at the charge OF the
country, for the present, sent to his native
country of Guinea, and a letter with him of the
indignation of the Court thereabout and justice
thereof"
The Colony that could issue this noble decree
was inconsistent with itself, when it allowed its
rocky face to be pressed by the footsteps of a
single slave But a righteous public opinion
early and constantly set its face against slavery.
As early as I7Ol a vote was entered upon the re-
cords of Boston to the following effect: "The Rep
resentatives are desired to promote the encourage
ing the bringing of white servants, and 10 put pc
Rod 10 nepoes being saUes" Perhaps in all history
this is the earliest testimony from any official
body against negro slavery, and thank God that
it came from Boston, my native town. In 1905 a
heavy duty was imposed upon every negro i'm
ported into the province; in l7l2 the importa-
ton of Indians as servants slaves was strictly
forbidden; but the general subject of Slavery
attracted little attention till the beginning of the
controversy, which ended in the Revolution ;
when the rights of the blacks were blended by
all true patriots with those of the whites. Spar
ing all unnecessary details, suffice it to say, that
as early as 1869, one of the courts of Massachu-
sets, anticipating, by several years, the renOwn-
ed judgment in Somersetts case, established with
in its jurisdiction the principle of emancipation !;
and, under its touch of magic power, changed a
slave into freeman. Similar decisions followed
in other places In l776, the whole number of
blacks both free and slave, sprinkled thinly over
hardy" Massachusetts, was five thousand two
hundred and forty-nine being to the whites as
one is to sixty-five while in slaveholding
South Carolina the number of negro slaves, at
that time, was not far from one hundred thou
sand, being nearly one slave for every freeman,
thus rendering that Colony anything but char
dy." At last, in 1880, even before the triumph of
Yorktown had led the way to that peace which
set its seal upon our National Independence,
Massachusetts,, animated by the struggles of the
Revolution, and filed by the sentiments of Free
dom, placed in front of her Bill of Rights the
emphatic words that /" all men are born free
and equal" and by this declaration exterminated
every vestige of slavery within her borders.
All hail, them to Massachusetts, the just and
generous Commonwealth in whose behalf have
the honor to speak
Thus, sir, does the venerable Senator err when
he presumes to vouch Massachusetts, for slavery,
and to associate this odious institution with the
names of her great patriots.
Mr.. ROCKWELL. Will my honorable COL
league allow me to send to the Chair and have
read in this connection with his present remarks,
a.passage from Graham's History Of the United
States
Mr.. SUMNER. do not know the passage to
which my colleague refers, but ] welcome any
interruption from him.
The Secretary read as follows:
Among other subjects of dispute with the
British Government and its officers, was one
more crcditable to Massachusetts, than even her
magnanimous concern for the liberty of her Cit
liens and their fellow-coonsts. Negro slavery
still subsisted in every one Of the American
provinces and the unhappy victims of this yoke
were rapidly multiplied by the progressive ex-
tension of the slave trade. Georgia, the young
est of all the States contained already fourteen
thousand negroes F; and in the course of the
present year alone, more than six thousand
were imported into South Carolina In New
England, the number of slaves was very insig-
nhcant, and their treatment so mild and hui
name as in some measure to veil from the pub
lie eye the iniquity of their bondage. But, the
recent discussions with regard to liberty and
the rights Of human nature, were calculated to
awaken in generous minds ulster impression
Of negro slavery and during the latter part OF
Governor Bernard's administration bill pro-
hibitOry of all traffic in negroes was passed by
the Massachusetts Assembly. Bernard however
in conformity with his instructions from the
Crown, refused to affirm this law and thus
opposed himself to the virtue as well as to the
liberty of the people whom he governed
" On three subsequent occasions, laws abolish
ing the slave trade were passed by the same
Assembly during Hutchinsons administration
but all were in like manner negatived by the
Governor. And yet it was at this very period
when Britain permitted her merchants annually
to make slaves of more than fifty thousand men
and refused to permit her Colonies to decline a
participation in this injustice that her orators
poets, and statesmen, loudly celebrate the gen.
crosby of English virtue, in suffering no slaves
| to exist on English ground, and the transcend
ent equity of her judicial tribunals in liberia
ting one negro who had been caraied there
Though Massachusetts was thus prevented from
abolishing the slave trade, the relative discus
sions that took place were by no means unpro-
ductive of good. A great amelioration became
visible in the condition of all the negroes in the
province; and most of the proprietors gave lib
erty to their slaves. This just actiOn-for such
and such only, it deserves to be termed-has
obtained hitherto scarcely any notice from man.
kind, while the subsequent and similar conduct
| of the Quakers in Pennsylvania has been cele-
bTated with warmth and general encomium. Sc
capricious is the distribution of fame, and sc
much advantage does the reputation of virtue
derive from alliance with sectarian spirit ant
| interest"
Mr.. SUMNER. l am obliged to my colleague
| The extract is in substantial conformity will
clear historic truth, which the Senator from
South Carolina, in of his oratorical effluxes
has impeached. But the venerable Senator errs
] yet more, if possible, when he attributes tc