Weekly national intelligencer., 1854-04-29


ry TO the North. Void is vacant empty nothing Of it.
Now, if the line 36o 30r is imperative aud void II is in
the condition Of fence pulled down and the rails
red away and the field left open for the stock
But the fence is not pulled down yet The line is not
yet imperative and void. 1t is existing substantive
line, alive and operating and operating cectualy to bar
the progress of slavery to the North and will continue
to operate until Congress shall stop its operation Then
comes the final that there any such line
in the world that il unconstitutional and void that
had existence from the beginning and that it must
not be repealed by direct act for that would be to
knowledge its previous existence and to nufy the
sttutonal argument and what is more terrible involve
the authors OF the doctrine in inconsistency of their
own, and thereby make them themselves imperative and
void And this is the analysis of the reasons for the
Nebraska b that part OF 1t which is to get rid of the
compromise of 1820unrue, contradictory suicidal and
preposterous. And why such farrago of nultes in
congruites and inconsistencies! Purely and simply to
throw upon Others upon the Congress of 1850 and the
innocent Constitution the blame of what the bill itself is
doing the blame of destroying the compromise of 1920
and with it destroying all confidence between the North
and the South and arrayng half the Union against
other in deadly hostility 1t is be able to throw blame
upon the innocent that this arrago served up to u.s.
And what is all this hotchpotch for? tits to establish
principle they saythe principle Of non-neryention
OF squatter sovereignty Sir there is such principle
The Territories the children Of the States They are
minors under twentyone Of age and tits the busi
ness of the States through their delegations in Congress-
to take care Of these minors until they of age until
they are ripe for State government then give them that
fathers That is the law and the Of the case and
has been acknowledged since the first ordinance of
1884, by all authorities Federal and State Legislative
judicial and executive The States in Congress the
guardians of the Territories, and bound to exercise
the guardianship and abdicate it without breach
Of trust and dereicton Of duty Territorial sovereignty
monstrosity born Of mdity and ambition, hatGhed
into existence in the hot incubation of Presidential
canvass and revolving the beholders when first pre-
sented Well do remember that day when it was first
shown in the Senate. Mark Antony did not better
member the day when Caesar first put on that mantle
through which he was afterwards pierced with hreeand
twenty envious stabs" 1t in the Senate in 1848
and was received nonsense the Of
as the quintessence of nonsense as the distilled
essence Of political nonsenscality Why, sir the Terri
tory itself the property Of the States and they do what
they please with it; permit it to be settled not, as
they please; cutit up by lines, they pease sell it or
give away, they please chase white people from it,
they please. After this farrago, this oa-podrida,
little stump Speech injected in the belly Of the
bill, and which must have prodigious effect when
cited in the praries and out towards the frontiers and
up towards the heads of the creeks will read it, and
hope without atgung the House, for it is both brief and
beautiful, and runs thus
1t being the intent and meaning this act not to
legsate slavery into any State Territory exclude
thereom but to leave the people thereof perfectly free
form and regulate their domestic institutions in their
way, subject only to the Constitution Of the United States
This is the speech, and pretty little thing ITSELF and
very proper to be spoken from stump in the prairie.
It has intent and true intent which is neither to egs-
why egslate Mt all Why all this disturbance if no
effect is produced and things to remain just they
were? Let well enough alone the old doctrine; to
make well enough still better is the doctrine Of progress
and that in spite of the Italian epitaph which says 81
was well and would be BETTER took physc and here
am" But the States must be greatly delighted the
politeness and forbearance Of this BILL 1t puts States
and Territories upon precise equality with respect to
the power of Congress them. Congress does not
mean to put slavery out of any State Territory
To all that polite abnegaon have to say that, in
spect of the States it is the supererogaon Of modesy
and humility, as Congress happens to have power to
put slavery in them of them and in respect of the
Territories it is abdcation of constitutional power
and duty it being the right of Congress to egslate upon
slavery in the Territories and duty to do SO when
there is occasion for it, as in 1887 and 1920
object this shiy yshaly, willy lywonty, dony canty
style Of legislation 1t is legislative it is not parlia
mentary it is not manly it is not womany. No woman
would talk that way shilly-shally in woman No
thing Of the female gender born young enough
or lived long enough to get beogged in such quandary
as this 1t is thing the other with them and
what they say they stick to- No breaking bargains with
them But the end of this stump speech is the best of
the whole Different from good milk in which the
rises to the top it here settles the bottom and is in
these words
Leave it to the people hereof-tha is to say of the
States and of the Terroresto regulate slavery for them
selves they please only subject to the Constitution of the
United States" ....
Certainly this is subsection for the States Here
tofore they have been free to regulate slavery for them
selyes-admt it reject it and that by virtue Of
any grant Of in the Constitution but BY virtue of
an unsurrendered part Of their old sovereignty 1t is
also of the Territories Heretofore they have been
held to be wards of Congress- and entitled nothing
der the Constitution but that which Congress extended
them But this clause is not accidentally here it is to
keep the dogma of the Constitution in Territories but
only there in relation to slavery and that for its admis
sion not rejection.
Three dogmas now afiict the land: pide1icet squat
ter sovereignty, nonntrvention, and power in Con-
gress to legislate upon very in Territories And this
bill asserts the whole three and beautifully illustrates the
whole three, by knocking each the head with the
other and ramplng each under foot in its turn. Sir
the bill does deny squatter sovereignty and does inter-
vene and it does egsate upon slavery in Territories;
and for the proof of that the bill and see it, as the
everywhere 1t is bill Of assumptions and conradic-
tons-assuming what is unfonnded, and contradcting
what it assumes-and balancing every affirmation by
negation. 1t is see-saw BILL but not the innocent
saw which children play plank stuck through fence
but the up and down game of politicians played the
expense of the peace and harmony Of the Union and
the sacrifice OF all business in Congress- 1t is
pathological BILL stuffed with monstrosties hobbled with
contradictions, and Badgered with proviso.
Amphibology is cause for the rejection of bills not
only by Congress- but by the President when carried
him for his approval General jackson rejected one for
that cause and it less amphbologica than this 1t
was the last night Of the last day of his last admnisra
tion and quarter before midnight Congress had sent
him bill to repeal the specie circular and naugurate
the paper money of thousand local banks the
rency Of the Federal Government 1t object not
TO be avowed to be done in any direct papable
manner. Paraphrases, circumlocuton ambidexterity,
and ambiguity were necessary to up the design ;
and it piled until it gble The Pre-
sdent read it, and could make nothing of it, he sent to
his Attorney General, who equally puzzled. He then
returned 1t, with message to the Senate refusing
sign the bill for amphbology We should reject this bill
for the cause If for nothing