The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-05-08

OF races 10 "a necessary 10 complete the educa-
'ion .. s.asesman, as the study Of any brancs |
VI poh' SC ehce. Proud and isolated, ihe
Spanish has never mingled with other slcas.
The consequence -.ney ,table-s.ares us "a tie
face to-day. The characteristic, OF the people
nave renamed re same for centur,e., both in
EUROPE ana America While other nations
nave pr gres rcd, they have remained stationary
-uncnange 4 and unchangable. they lack one
thing need nj, without which republican institu-
.ions can sever flourish. They lack individual
ism-sei freliance-that which enables a man to
ieei MN self a .man-to depend solely upon his
own G, Grtions for success in all that he under
takes The Spaniard depends on any one but
MINIS Af-on his ch.efta.n, his king his priest;
ior tire time being he viii obey each one in
SUI ,cession, with the blindest superstition or
D. gotry. He thus unavoidably brings upon
himself the system Of despotism, religious or
political, that ensues. A republic can never be
composed of such materials
1t is for these reasons, taking Mexico as an
example, that it will matter little in the end
whether the arms Of Santa Anna or Alvarez
4 pfOVc tlCtOTlOuS III tuc plcsSHt StIuSSAc.
cause of liberty will not be advanced by either.
The chances are now that the ten millions of
dollars which the dictator will receive from the
United States government, will enable him to
gain adherents to whom gold is an overpower
ing argument. He may even proclaim the long
expected empire and, by selling from time to
time large slices Of his territory, malmse to
| exist, sustain for while his authority, and
realize his ambitious views by bribery and fear.
As to Mexico, she will one day become
genuine republic but not until the tide of emf
grafton rolls thitherward from Saxondom
RESURRECTION OF THE NEBRASKA BnL-An
attempt is to be made to bring up the Nebraska
bill to-day for discussion, and hopes are en-
tertained that the supporters of the bill will
gather in sufficient strength to push it before
the fourteen bills which now stand ahead of it
on the list. We doubt the realization of these
hopes. These fourteen bills will each muster
pretty substantial phalanx of special friends
and it will require no ordinary organization to
defeat them all. To us it seems very likely
that much noise will be made about the resus-
citation of the bill by the Cabinet, while Mr.
Pierce and Marcy privately contrive to defeat
it. The administration will endeavor to take
all the credit they can for their devotion TO the
principle of non-intervention and the interests
of the South; but if they have the smallest
opportunity-and these fourteen bills are sure
to afford them one-they are sure to intrigue
with the North to have the bill killed for this
session at least. Having dope this they will
/ Xl.no -.
democrats or the wings
| We have no faith in settlement of the Ne
braska question during this session OF Congress
We arrive at this conclusion beth from a know
ledge of the character of its chief supporters
and from our general experience of the history
of such measures. 1t will suit the Cabinet and
Douglas better that the Nebraska question
should be open till the next Presidential cleo
ton, than that it should be determined during
this session of Congress 1t has not fulfilled
its object yet. These slavery controversies are
almost without exception mere political tricks,
got up for special purpose, and
with definite aim. The people at large have
| opinions for or against slavery and its extern
sion; but politicians have none. They use it
| as an instrument and as nothing more. The
politicians of the last generation used it, when
Missouri applied for admission as State and
four out of five of the Presidential candidates of
that day being Southern men, looking for
Northern support, the Missouri compromise was
passed violating the constitution SO as to favor
the North. Thirty-four years afterwards,
batch of Northern candidates, looking for
Southern support, take tie field and they pro-
pose to undo the work of their predecessors,
with precisely the same object and the same
views as were entertained by them. Both sets
Of men wanted to use and did use in measure
the slavery controversy as tool for the pro-
motion Of their own personal ambition. The
supporters OF the Nebraska bill have this advan-
tage over the fathers Of the Missouri compro-
mise, that the latter violated while the former
seek to vindicate the constitution. But in all
other respects the two manGuvres are of the
same stamp.
So far from believing that this Congress will
settle the Nebraska question, we are almost in
clined to doubt whether it will ever be decided
within the halls of Congress. Let public opin-
ion continue to move in the direction it is now
pursuing. and no Congress will be able to cut
such Gordian knot without endangering the
stability Of the Union. mode of averting
such crises is provided by the constitutions and
that is the assembling of national convention
for The purpose of amending the constitution.
or supplying its deficiencies. As our territories
fa up, and applications for organization multi
ply on our hands, a necessity will be constantly
felt for the enactment of some well understood
rule, which might prevent politicians from
using this slavery question whenever their own
interests require popular agitation. Such
rule, amending the constitution, would neces-
sarily lie the work Of national convention.
and would probably obtain the necessary rat-
ilcation by three-fourths of the States. We