Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1854-12-14

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to spirit of aggression or a passion for pol
itical predominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached mag
nitude and extent nearly equal to that of the
first maratime power of the earth, and exceed
ing that of any other. Over this great inter-
est, in which not only our merchants. but all
classes of citizens, at least indirectly, are con-
cerned, it is the duty of the executive and
legislative branches of the government to ex-
ercise careful supervision, and adopt proper
measures for its protection. The policy which
Ihave had in view, in regard to this inter-
est, embraces its future as well as its present
security.
Long experience has shown that, in gener-
al, when the principal powers of Europe are
engaged in war, the rights of neutral nations
are endangered This consideration led in
the progress of the war of our independence,
to the formation of the celebrated confedera-
cy of armed neutrality. primary object of
which was, to assert the doctrine that free
ships make free goods, except in the case of
articles contraband of war-a doctrine which.
from the very commencement of our national
being, has been cherished idea of the states
men of this country AT one period or anoth-
er, every maratime power has by some solemn
and it might have been hoped that it would
come to be universally received and respected
as rule of international law, But the refu-
sal of one power prevented this, and in the
next great war which ensued-that of the
French revolution-it failed to be respected
among the beligerant States of Europe Not
withstanding this, the principle is generally
admitted to be sound and salutary one; SO
Al a. Il IL,
existing war in Europe, Great Britain and
France announced their purpose to observe it
for the present; not, however, as recognized
international right but as a mere concession
for the time being.
The cooperation, however of these two
powerful maratime nations of the interest of
neutral rights, appeared to me to afford an
occasion, inviting and justifying, on the part
of the United States, renewed effort to make
the doctrine in question principal of inter
national law, by means of special conventions
between the several Powers of Europe and
America. Accordingly, a proposition, en-
bracing not only the rule, that free ships
make free goods, except tontraband articles,
but also the less contested one, that neutral
property. other than contraband, though on
board enemy's ships, shall be exempt from
confscation, has been submitted by this gov
ernment to those of Europe and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and
a convention was concluded between that coun-
try and the United States, providing for the
observance of the principles announced, net
only as between themselves. but also as be-
tween them and all other nations, which shall
enter into like stipulatiens. None of the other
powers have as yet taken final action on the
subject. am not aware, however, that any
objections to the proposed stipulations has
been made; but, on the contrary, they are
acknowledged to be essential to the security
OF neutral commerce and the, only apparent
obstacle to their general adoption is in the
possibility that it may be encountered by in
admissible conditions.
The King of the two Sicilies has expressed
to our minister at Naples his readiness to con-
cur in our proposition relative to neutral
rights, and to enter into convention on the
subject
The King of Prussia entirely approves of
the project of treaty to the same effect, sub
mitted to him, but proposes an ad iitional ar
ticle providing for the remuneration of priva-
teering. Such an article, for the most OBJ
vious reasons, is much desired by nations
having naval establishments, large in proper
ton to their foreign commerce. If it were
adopted as an international rule, the COM
merce of nation having gcomparativelya small
naval force, would be very much at the mer-
cy of its enemy, in case of war with a power
of decided naval superiority The bare state
ment of the condition in which the United
States would be placed, after having surren-
dered the right to resort to privateers, In the
event of war with beligerent of naval su-
premacy, will show that this government
could never listen to such proposition. The
navy of the first maritime power in Europe is
at least ten times as large as that of the Uni
ted States. The foreign commerce of the two
countries is nearly equal, and about equally
exposed to hostile depredations. In war be-
tween that power and the United States, with
out resort on our part to mercantile marine
the means of our enemy to infict injury upon
our comHerce would be tenfold greater thar
ours to retaliate We could not extricate oul
country from this unequal condition, witt
such an enemy, unless we at once departed
from our present peaceful policy, and become
a great naval power. Nor would this coun
try be better situated in war with one of tn,
secondary naval powers. Though the nava
disparity would be less, the greater extent
and more exposed condition of our widespread
commerce, would give any of them like ad
vantage over us
The proposition to enter into engagement
to forego resort to privateers, in case thi
country should be forced into war with grea
naval power, is not entitled to more favorabl.
consideration than would be a proposition t,
agree not to accept the services of volunteer
1oroperations on land. When the honor or th'
rights OF our country require it to assume
hostle attitude, it confidently relies upon tn,
pa,riotism OF Its citizens, not ordinarily devo
ted 70 the military profession, to augment th