Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1854-06-16
Iron the Boston Atlas


From the Boston Atlas
Shall Liberty or Slavery be National
The present crisis in our national affairs.
renders the above question peculiarly peril
nent. Heretofore we have relied upon COM
promises. and although by every compromise
that has ever been adopted, Slavery has OBJ
tanned an undue advantage, yet as the free
States still held the majority. the great body
of the people have acquiesced, i'll the vain
hope that by so doing they would best pro-
mote the peace and harmony of the Union.
But the day Of compromises has passed.
ana the graz" question Of whether 4" liberty
or slavery shall be national, - has been forced
upon the people With a ruthless hand have
the men of the South, aided by few from
the North, in total disregard Of the will Of
the people, removed the last barrier which
freedom relied upon, to stay the spread Of
slavery throughout our vast territories The
wanton violation of the Missouri compromise
has absolved the freemen of the nation from
the binding obligation to maintain any of the
compromises which have been established for
the security of slavery. Yes, repeat it, the
question of the nationality of liberty or slave
ry has been forced upon us; and for one, |
am ready to meet it. 1t may be that it has
not come too soon.
The majority of the people Of this country
possess the power to check at once and for
ever, the spread of slavery. without violating
in the least their constitutional obligations.
| presume it will he admitted that the peo-
nle inhahiting those States where slavery
does not exist, are almost universally opposed
to its extension, and have no doubt that
many in the Southern States entertain the
same sentiments. Do not the people of these
States possess the constitutional power to
control the action of the General Government
upon this question, and thereby settle it
peaceably and constitutionally in favor of the
principles Of freedom Do they not consti-
tute an overwhelming majority, and cannot
majority, guided by constitutional limits,
control the legislation Of the country Let
US consult the facts. By the census Of 1850,
the free States had population oils ABA 800,
and the slave States had only 9,6l2 800 in
Guiding slaves. and free population OF only
6,4Os, $50. l find also by the vote cast for
President IN 1852, the free States cast 3ls.-
! $50 votes, while the slave States, exclusive Of
South Carolina, cast only 500, 553. The free
States are entitled to ia Representatives and
/ 81 Senators, while the slave States have only
80 representatives and 80 Senators
/ Here is proof conclusive that the great
body Of the people who reside in the free
States possess all the power they could de-
sire, to enable them to settle this question in
accordance with their own wishes. II is not
pouer they need, but determination rightly
TO exercise the power they now possess With
more than two-thirds OF the free population
nearly three fourths Of the legal voters-more
I than three-fths of the House of Rcprcsen-
tatlyes--and Il clear constitutional majority
IN the Senate-if the North will continue 10
ritter away that power, in local jealuusies
and private auimosities-if they will continue
to elect men to rel resent them who will be-
tray them at the first bidding of some aspi-
ring demagogue for the Executive chair, let
us hear no more elimination of the men of
the South, for sustaining their owl local in
stitutions, and for compelling the North to
bite the dust
They have tainted US with being - dough
faces, and the bitter curse of that taEnt
lies in the reflection tia it has been too often
merled, But this question is now in the
hands Of the trcemen Of the Northern States
and on them, and not upon the South, must
rest the responsibility.
/ But what is now the duty Of the great body
Of the people, who hold the fate Of this ques-
ton in their hands Is it simply to restore
us to the position in which we stood before
the passage OF the Nebraska bill This is
not enough This would afford US no secu-
rity, and would only leave US in a situation
to be again driven or betrayed into the same
| position in which we now find ourselves
] 'N'h
must return to first principles-to the prin-
ciples upon which the Union was founded
and plant ourselves firmly upon the principles
Of the ordinance Of 1857, and of the 'Constitu
ton, which declares virtually, if not most
enphatically, that slavery should never be-
extended, and that &" Liberty. and not Sl1rery,
shall he national
The adoption of two important measures
is imperatively demanded, to carry out those
principles, and to settle tins question in a
manner to afford the country any permanent
security.
LIST, The principles Of the ordnance of
1857 must be applied to all the territory
winch we now possess, OF may hereafter
acquire,
"a. The statute of 1850. known as the
Fugitive Slave bill, must be 90 far modified as
to secure trial by jury.
How shall this best be accomplished
In discussing this question, shall cunGne
myself particularly to the power and duty Of
the North, for it would not only be manifest
ly unjust, but tho height Of absurdity, for US
to call upon the South to aid in adopting