Cooper's Clarksburg register. [volume] (Clarksburg, Va. [W. Va.]) 1851-1861, 1854-12-20

Long experience has shown, that ii
general, when the principal powers of Eu
rope are engaged in war, the rights o
neutral nations are endangered. Thi
consideration led, in the progress of tht
war of our independence, to the formation
of the celebrated confederacy of armet
neutrality, a primary object of which was
to assert the doctrine, that free ship!
make free goods, except in the case ofar
ticles contraband of war; doctrine WHICH
from the very commencement of our ma
tional being, has been a cherished idea o.
the statesmen of this country. At one
period or another, every maratIme power
has, BY some solemn treaty stipulation,
recognized that principles; and it might
have been hoped that it would come to &c
universally received and respected as a
rule of international law. But the refu-
sal of one power prevented this, and in
the next great war which ensued, that OF
the French revolution, it failed to be res
pectel among the belligcrent States of Eu-
rope. Notwithstanding this, the princi-
pie is generally admitted to be a sound
and salUtary one; so much so, that at the
commencement of the existing war in Eu
rope, Great Britain and France announced
their purpose to observe it for the present;
not, however, as a recognized internation-
al right, but as a mere concession for the
time being. The cooperation, however,
of these two powerful maratime nations
in the interest of neutral rights, appeared
to me to afford an occasion, inviting and
justfying, on the part of the United States,
Il renewed effort to make the doctrine in
question a principle Of international law,
by means of special conventions between
the several powers Of Europe and Ameli-
ca. Accordingly, a proposition, embra-
cling not only the rule, that free ships make
free goods, except conlraband articles, but
also the less contested one, that neutral
propery, other than contraband, though
on board euemy's ships, shall be exempt
from conti~cAtion, has been submitted by
This government to those of Europe and
America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter,
and Il convention was concluded between
that country and the United S!ates, pro-
vidins for the observance Of the princi-
pies announced, not only as between them
selves, but also us between them and all
o.hcr nations, which shall enter into like
stipdiations. None of the other powers
have as yet taken final action on the sub
icct. | am not aware, however, that any
objection to the proposed stiPulations has
bC en- nude; but, on the contrary, they are
acEnOwIed Tcd TO be essential to the sccu-
rity Of neutral commerce; and the only
apparent obstacle to their general alop-
lion is in The possibility thai it may be en-
cumbercd by inadmissiDic coz! ,t!;:::i"ns
The King Of the Two SiciIjes has ex-
pressed to our Minister at Naples lis rea-
diness TO concur in our proposition reIa-
tive to neutral rights, an4 TO enter into
convention on that subject.
The King Of Prussia entirely approves
Of the project Of treaty to the same eff
feet submitted to him, but proposes an
additional article providing for the rcnun-
citation of privateering. Such an article,
for most obvious reasons, is much desired
by nations having naval establishments,
large in proportion to their foreign COM
mercc. Ii il were adopted as an iuterna-
ClOnal rule, the commerce Of a nation hav-
ing comparatively a small naval force,
would be very much at the mercy Of its
enemy, in case Of war with a power of de-
cided naval superiority. The bare state
ment OF the condition in which the United
States would be placed, after having sur
rendered the right to resort TO privateers,
i'll the event of war with beligerent of
naval supremacy, will show tina! this gov
ernment could never listen to such a prop
osition. The navy Of the first maratime
power in Europe is at least ten times as
large as thai of the United States. The
foreign commerce of the two countries is
nearly equal, and about equally exposed
to hostile dcpredations. In war between
that power and the United States, without
resort on our part to our mercantile ma
rine, the means OF our enemy TO inflict in
Jury upon our commerce would be tenfold
greater than ours to retalate. We could
not extricate our country from this une-
quail condition, with such an enemy, un-
less we at once departed from our present
peaceful policy, aud became Il great naval
power. Nor would this country be bet
ter situated in war with one ofShe second
ary naval powers. Though the naval dis
parity would be less, the greater extent,
and more exposed condition Of our wide
spread commerce, would give any of them
a like advantage oyer US.
The proposition to enter into engage
ments to Gorego resort to privateers, in
case this country should be forced into
war with a great naval power, is not en-
titled to more favorable consideration thar
would be proposition to agree not to &C
cept the services of volunteers for opera
tons on land. When the honor or the
rights of our country require it to assume
hostile attitude, it confidently relies up
on the patriotism of its citizens, not ordi
narily devoted to the military profession
to augment the army and the navy, so a
to make them fully adequate to the emer
gency which calls them into action. Th
proposal to surrender the right to empio,
Privateers is professedIy founded upon tn