Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-12-10

W the Aahuiaclurlng INTEREST. but we canno
pursue this subject further this morning.
FOREIGN POLICY--BRANCE, Aztec
THE COUP D,ETAT-O ORGANIZATION
OF THE EXECUTIVE.
In our last two numbers, we attempted t
give glimpse of the situation of Europe a
the time Of the I'd Of December, 1851. w
spoke of the three great conservative powers
Russia, Austria, and Prussia, as having beer
the first to rejoice upon the event--of the con
stitutional governments England, Belgium
| Piedmont, and Switzerland, which saw it witt
displeasure of Italy and Spain, among which
sentiments were divided; and of its genera
| influence upon the civilized world. We vii
now pause, for moment, and throw glance
upon the state of France after that event. i
is just, that the country which was the centre
Of alrthe political institutions Of the continent
be the object of our peculiar attention; for
without this, we would be lost upon sea Of
conjectures and uncertainty.
The coup detat once consummated, several
| departments of France rose in arms, under the
leadership of young men more remarkable fol-
their devotedness to democracy than for their
skill or experience. In many of these States
the peasantry left their families, their property,
and armed themselves for the defense of their
liberty. But this resistance soon found itself
checked by the frivolous conduct Of their lead
ers, who, instead of being united in single
spirit, and concentrating their forces upon a
single object, were divided in opinion about the
way in which to operate.
These unhappy dissentions happening at a
time when q simultaneous action and rapidity
of movement were essential conditions of sue
cess, could but defeat the efforts of the friends
of the Constitution, and set their undertakings
at naught. The peasantry lin the departments
where they had risen) finding themselves I'M
sustained, without direction-and worse, with
out provisions or ammunition -disbanded and
returned to their homes. This fact of the
rising of certain portion of the French peas
ants and farmers, is worthy to be remarked,
not SO much for its effect as on account Of
its novelty and political Importance. Since
the bloody scenes of la Jacque,fe, that class of
the people had never participated in any con-
test, and revolutions had always been wrought
out by the population Of the cities, and mostly
by artizans and workmen. After the I'd of
December, several Influential members of the
House having been thrown into prison, the
peasantry of several departments rose as a
single man, and, without being influenced by
any other motive but their love Of equality,
left the field and took up arms. Had this
movement been under the direction of some
such able leader as Changeoinier or a Ca
vaignac, its results might have been momen-
tous.
We have mentioned this fact, though uucon-
nected, with the documents we intend TO pub
lish, in reference to that time, merely to show
that many events not permitted to be made
public in consequence of their injurious effect
upon the present government Of France, lay
buried under the weight of the imperial sys-
tenn. This also will serve to show, the diff
Guilty of writing upon certain period Of his
tory, when documents necessary to throw light
upon it. are in consequence Of the restraint
upon the press, and Of the expressions exer-
cised upon public opinion, inaccessible to the
writer; whilst, at the same time they illustrate
the position Of government which hinders
the publication Of hostile documents, however
true, lest they should raise against it the hos
tility Of a wronged people.
Once victorious over his enemies, Louis
Napoleon, who, as there are strong reasons to
believe, had prepared his coup detat immedi-
ately after his elevation to the Presidency,
published the documents upon which his go
vernment was going to rest. The first was the
Constitution Of the 18th February, 1862. That
instrument modelled upon the Constitution
enacted by Napoleon the great in the first
year of his consulate, (year lsO0,l had for its
main object to clothe Louis Napoleon with an
uncontrolled authority. To that effect it was
said that France being essentially country
Of Capitalization and unity public opinion was
in the habit of imputing every thing-good or
bad--to the chief magistrate, in conse-
auence Of which the whole responsibility
Of public business was laid upon him.
Once this principle set forth, the conclusion,
was absolutism. The Constitution added, that
since the Chief Magistrate incurred the whole
responsibility Of all the acts of the government
Il was right for him to ask, and just for the
people to grant, a free and unimpeached sphere
Of action. The whole document rested upon q
sophism People, acquainted with the history
Of France, will soon perceive that the language
Of the Constitution was in open contradiction
with the government Of Louis Philippe, which
was, like that Of the English, a parliamentary
one---that is to say, was placed in the hands Of
two powers, the Legislative and the executive
each Of. which had share Of responsibility
whilst the government Of the republic still ex.
tending that responsibility, had increased the
power Of the legislature and diminished that Of
the executive. This assertion was then in
opposition with the history Of two, and VIC
might say Of three governments, since the