The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1854-09-15


sble that the election ol a Governor, whoever
might succeed, could have any influence what
ever upon the future policy OF those territories.
This much he thought 1t right TO say 10 bis
official relation to the question, but as a citizen
and member Of the Democratic party, amongst
whom a diversity OF opinion exists OH this SUBJ
ject, he should most cheerfnliy say what he thot
about The question. He did not think his views
OF special importance, Tor he made no pretensons
to experience in national politics, that from
1913 to 1880, however, be had given the slave
ry question some consideration. That the ma
tlonal controversy growing out OF the alteapt
TO adjust the question of slavery in the territor-
les acquired from Mexico, absorbed all other
topics, and seemed for while TO threaten the
stability Of our national Union. 1t was
at that time that Gen. CaSs, the patriot aud
statesman, proposed the doctrine oil non-inter-
veniion-that Congress should iorbear TO act on
the subject OF slavery in the territories: and that
the whole question should be referred to the
| people occupying the terriorles--that such ter
rItorirs at the proper time should be admitted as
States with or without slavery as the people
might decide. He said that he thought this
doctrine wIse and safe. He became It's advocate
that he had 50 said to the people in 1851,
%hen travelling the State as a candidate. All,
however, remember that be endorsed the Com
promise measures of 1880. That he was still
the advocate of the doctrine OF fnon-intervention
that he was willing to trust the people with
question OF morals or poiftics-ttat be had
moreconfdence in their Judgment. patriotism
and love of freedom than he had in that OF Con-
greSS. Indeed, ii we were 10 believe half that
Is said of the mpressble character Of that body,
we should be compelled 10 regard If as unsafe
on any question. He thought the reference
OF this veXed and dangerous question TO the peo-
pie we'll calculated 10 aldy the excitement, and
give greater stability 10 our national c0ntsdeIa-
cy. And as to the extension of Slavery, b. did
not embrace the doctrine of non-intrrvrniion,
believing that it would extend the institution
he believed Just the reverse, that the tendency
would be TO restrict to drive il south Of the
Missouri line. That such was his estimation Of
the value Of the Union, such his ideas o the bles
sings which It has bestowed on the American
/ people-such the blessed influence which our
institutions We're exercising in other parts Of the
world, that for one lie was willing TO labor for
It's preservation, aud be sacrificed, if needs be,
TO secure IFS perprtnlty. lis dissolution, in his
opinion, would be the most horrible calamity that
could beial both raceS-It would be a sad calam-
ity 10 the North and the South to the master
and 10 the slave.
He next went on to say that had it been his
business 10 organize the territories of Nebraska
and Kansas, h. should have done so in the terms
OF the Compromise acts Of 1850, tgithou disturb
ing the act Of 1920, friag the Missouri line.
/ Whilst he said this he was also bound in CAN
dor 10 declare, that he did no, believe that the
policy OF the territories would be different from
what il will be under the present law-that
he firmly believed that slavery could not extend
there-that nine-tenths of the people would de-
eide against t-that the laws of Nature were
not congpulal to the instituton-that some of
the wiSest opponents OF the measure held this
opinion. He said he neUer had and nerer shouid
ask to strengthen the institution Of Slavery
that he regretted the existence of the institution
as sincerely as any man, but he had and he
should maintain the clear constitutional rights
of Southern as we'll as those of Northern States.
He should not acknowledge the overshadowing
influence talked about so much whether that
/ influence came from the South or the North.
! To the question BY some one in the crowd.
/ whether slavery did not exist in the territories
/ at this time, he replied thai IT did not-that in
divdual slaves might be there doing what white
men directed them to do, bGt the infitHfioa 1cas
not there in arg legal form, md could not be
1cHboUt cypress iocai lar, thati had no legal eX-
/ stence there-that the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, IN hls opinion, did not carry il there
that Congress had not and could not establish
/ 1t thpre-that Il could only derive legal eXS-
/ tence from the }ocQt lau-making p3wcr-that
/ it was the creature of law-that when the peo-
! pie of thu territories constituted a law-making
power-in the shape OF local Legislature, that
! power, and TINT only could give the institution
! legal existence in the territories--that he sin
cerely believed and hoped that when that pow
er acted for those territories the institution would
4 be rejected.
! He said be was DESTROYS of being sustained OF
] condemned on his own official acts-but he
/ could beg no question Of the Wing party-they
/ had a right 10 make all the capital they can ont
ofthe acts OF any member of the Democratic
/ party, and urge it as an objection 10 ALL but not
so amongst members of the same party-within
! the family each should be held responsible for
| his own acts. If Democratic members OF Con-
/ greSS had voted wrong, that is no reason why
/ Democrats should strike down a Democratic
/ Governor if he has done right. Difference on
! great National questions is very common. We
have differed about the Tariff, and now about the
/ Homestead bill, but that is no reason why we
should reject the State administration if il be
good one. This argument might do for the
Wings, but it will not answer for Democrats
/ II the Democratic party are defeated, it Will be
claimed all over the Union as Wing triumph,
and nothing more or less, except that the
Wings, Natives and Know-Noihings may dis
pute as to who produced the result. He said he
had not been an agent in the repeal of the Mis-
souri, Compromise, and those who cast their