Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1854-03-22
Speech OF Hon. 81 p. 'ehase, or Ohio,
In THE SENATE. FERRuARy a. 1854.

speech OF Hon. >! II. Chase, or Ohio,
IN THE SENATE, FEBRuARf 8, 1854,
On de Bia to organize he Territory Of ysbrGska
and Kanzds. ''7.'' S,' 'f@'i
~ o. 81 il(coscIuDKD.)5 30 slata .gt
The bin for the organization of the Territories
Of Nebraska and Kansas being under considera-
ton
q M. CHASE said. luoiasss2Ee)1 1ol sl5sVrG T.
My. general view upon this subject is simply
this: Slavery is the subsection of one man to the
absolute disposal of another man by force. Mas
ter and slave, according to the principles of the
Declaration of Independence, and by the law of
nature, are alike men, endowed by their Creator
with equal rights. Sir, Mr. Pinckney was right,
when, in the Maryland House of Delegates, he ex-
claimed, "By the eternal principles OF justice, no
man in the State has right to hold his slave for
Single hour" Slavery then exists nowhere by the
laws of nature. Whereverit exists at ALL it must
be through the sanction and support of municipal
or State legislation. ESGN y 'sWaEfsGE
T. Upon this state of things the Constitution acts.
It recognizes all men as persons. It. cOnfers no
power, but, on the contrary, expressly denies to
the Government ofits creation all power to estab-
, lish or continue slavery Congress has no more
powerunder the Constitution to make.a slave than
to make king; no more power to establish slave
ry than to establish the Inqusitiop.
At the same time the Constitution con(ers nc
power on Congress; but, on the contrary, denies
oil power to interfere with the internal policy of
any State, sanctiohedand established by its own
Constitution and its own legislation in respect to
the personal relations of its inhabitants, The
States under the Constitution, are absolutely free
from all interference by Congress in that respect,
except perhaps, i. the case of war or nsurrecton;
and may legislate as they please within the limit
ations of their own constitutions. They may allow
slavery if they please, just as they may license 9TH
r er wrongs. But State laws, by which slavery is
l allowed and regulated, can operate only within
the limits Of the State, and can have no extratei-
, ritoral effect.
= Sir, could quote the opinions Of southern judg-
es dd Snfaatunl, in support of the doctrine that
slavery is against natural right, absolutely depen'
n dent for existence and continuance upon State
legislation. l might quote the scornful rejection
by Randolph of all aid from the General Govern
ment to the institution fslavery within the States
II might quote the decision of the celebrated Chan.
cellor Wythe, of Virginia-overruled afterwards
| know, in the court Of appeals-that slavery was
so against justice, that the presumption of freedom
t must be allowed in favor of every alleged slave
: suing for liberty and that the onus of proving the
O contrary rested upon the master. ,g- D.
= think have now shown that the Ordinance
of l7S7 and the Constitution of the United States
: were absolutely in harmony one with the other;
l. and that if the Ordinance had never been adopted
), the Constitution itself properly interpreted and ad
O ministered, would have excluded slavery fl2m all
newly acquired territory. But, sir, whatever 4pin.
) ion may be entertained in pect to the interpre
l. taton of the Constitution which defend, one
e thing is absolutely indsputabe, and that is, that il
n was the original policy of the country to exclude
slavery from all national territory tf5 f-.iia r.
That policy was never departed from until tn,
u year 1890, when Congress accepted the cession
of what is now Tennessee, rom North Carolina
But did the acceptance OF that cession indicate any
e purpose of establishing geographical line be
70 tween slavery and freedom! Why, sir, on thu
: contrary the State of North Carolina, aware tina
in the absence of any stipulation to the contrary
1t slavery would be prohibited in the ceded territory
a in pursuance of the established policy of the Gov
is ernment introduced into her deed of cession al
express provision, that the anti-slavery article o
y the ordinance Of 1887 should not be applied to it
le 1t may be said that Congress should have refuse
T. to accept the cesson. agree in that opini1fA
f. But slavery already existed in the district as par
- of the State of North Carolina, and it was proba
- bly, thought unreasonable to deny the wish of tn
: State for its continuance.
u. The same motives decided the action of Geor
a gia in making her cession Of the territory aetwee
or her western limits and the Mississippi, and the &C
ton of Congress accepting it, The acceptance
: both these cessions, as we'll as the adoption an
to re-enactment by Congress Of the slave laws {
w Maryland for the District of Columbia, were dt
h parures from original policy; but they indicate
/ no purpose to establish any geographical line
: They were the result Of the gradually increasin
ne indifference to the claims of freedom, plainly pei
he ceivable in the history of the country after tn
,jr adoption of the Constitution. Luther Martin ha
- complained in 1883, that "when our own lbertie
were at stake we warmly felt for the common right
o' of man. The danger being thought to be passe
in which threatened ourselves we are daily CROWN
as more and more insensible to those rights"
If was this growing insensiblity which led to tiles
departures from original policy Afterwards, ]
NC 1903, Louisiana was acquired from France, Di
IN we then hasten to establish geog "aphical line
as No, sir. In Louisiana, as in the territories acqu
es red from Georgia and North Cafolina, Congress
% refrained from applying the policy of 1887; Cor
- gress did not interfere with existing slavery; Cor
er gress contented itself with enactments prohibi
ne ing absolutely, the introduction OF slaves frol
w. beyond the limits OF the United States and ais
l. prohibiting their introduction from any OF til
! States, except by bona fde owners, actually n
y" moving to Louisiana for settlement. When Lo,
p isiana was admitted into the Union, in 1912, no
TO- sricton imposed upon her in respect to slav
air ry. At this time, there were slaves all along
:; the west bank Of the Mississippi as far as st. Lo
:! is, and perhaps even above. lsa oa5ss adj y
err In 1913 Missouri applied for admission into II
es- Union. The free States awoke to the danger
he the total overthrow Of the original policy of Il
/. . country. They saw that no State had take
measures for the abolition of slavery since Il
ah adoption of the Consultation. They saw that Il
feeble attempt to restrict the introduction ofslay
til into the territories acquired from Georgia and fro
n. France bad utterly failed. They Insisted, Sher
= fore, that in the formation ot q constitution, t.
!. people in the proposed State should enbody il
provision for the gradual abolition Of the exis
Ia ing slavery, and prohibiting the further introdu
,ur ton of slaves. By this time the slave interest
le: become strong, and the slave power was pret
d, firmly established. The demand Of the free Stat
- :. was vehementiy contested. Abill preparatory
as the admission OF Missouri containing the propos
est restriction, was passed by the House and sent
II A. L. ALnAk kal.. and