The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-03-02
WHY, AGGRESSIVE.

| ever SINCE he has been true to the interests OF
the South
WHY, AGGRESSIVE
Conservative journals at the North, oppo-
sing the measure of Mr.. Douglas for the
| repeal Of the Missouri Compromise, deplore
the revival of an agitation, which they had
fondly hoped was put at rest by the legislation
of 1850. Religious papers, constrained by
sense of duty to condemn it, marvel a. the
spirit of aggression manifested by the slave
holders. Wing and Democratic editors are
scandalized and sstounded at the re.opening
of issues settled four years ago, especially after
the conventions of the two old parties had pro-
nounced that settlement final.
Messrs. Smith and Everett, in the Senate,
and gentlemen in the House, take care to &C
company their opposition to the bill with dis
avowals of all sympathy with AbOlitionism
and declarations Of hostility to any excitement
or discussion on the question of Slavery.
All this argues a lamentable ignorance of
the nature aud relations of Slavery. 1t shows
that, notwithstanding the experience of more,
than half a century of the malign work
ings of this great social and political evil,
Notwithstanding the repeated sectional con-
flicts growing out of it, notwithstanding the
philanthropic, ecclesiastical, and political move
ments in relation to it; after all the books writ
ten, the speeches made, and the resolves adopt
ed concerning it, the popular mind generally
has overlooked certain of its essential attri-
butes, which render it inevitably perpetual
source of discord, danger, and agitation.
Now, it assails on the floor of Congress the
right of petition, and proposes to subject the
mails to inquisitorial examination. People
become excited, indignant, but their wise men
tell them that these offensive denunciations are
merely the result Of temporary resentment on
the part of high-spirited gentlemen against
the impairment assaults of Aboltionists A
portion of Mexico is settled by American
adventurers who, in defiance of the local laws,
establish Slavery; in process of time, they re-
bel, set up an Independent Government, and,
by q coup de main, ere the People of the Uni
ted States have had time to say yea or nay, the
new State takes its place as o member of the
American Union, bringing an immediate ac-
cession to the Slave Power, with provision
for the undisturbed perpetuation of Slavery in
a vast Territory, out of which four new States
are to be formed The People are excited for
moment, are rather indignant that slave
holders should be so dOmineering and ambi-
tious but, grstifed on the whole by the aug
mentation of the nations territory and re-
sources, they look no further and soon sink
down into their accustomed apathy.
War is waged to acquire Territory for slave
holding purposes-the People are aroused, deter
mined this time that Slavery shall not triumph.
Sixteen Legislatures announce their resolve in
struggle follows-the Proviso is Abandoned
the Slave Power triumphs Well, say they,
what is done cannot be undone-everythng is
settled-this at least is a fnality-we shall
have peace now.
Thus aggression follows aggression, each
provoking spirit of resistance, noisy and APP
parently vehement, but infirm and evanescent.
In the end the People give way before the
steadfast purpose and concentrated energy of
the Slave Interest, and resume their wonted
occupations, without having learned wisdom
by experience, or provided any safeguard
against future aggression. The men who con-
tinue their resistance to Slavery as an ever.
broodng Element of Mischief they denounce
as agitatOrs, fanatics, monomaniacs, disturbers
of the peace; and while they are thus setting
their faces against agitation, the very Power
which they imagine has been appeased by
hy,,iS 20 VII
aggression upon their rights.
Will the Conservative men of the North,
shocked at tho breach of faith involved in the
repeal Of the Missouri Compromise and yet
alarmed at the idea Of being found associated
with the Anti Slavery party in opposition to
the movement, attend to q few considerations,
which have hitherto escaped them
Slavery as NECESSARILY aggressive. This is
the very law of its existence. 1t does not ask
merely to be let alone-it demands homage
and supremacy Whatever its pretences about
Non-lnterventiOn, it recognises that policy only
when Intervention might interfere with its de-
| signs.
1t is necessarily aggressive, for three reasons,
which, always operating, render its aggres-
siveness underwriting and perpetual.
L. Ii is an exception in our social and politi-
cal system-an abnormal condition-which the
general workings of our normal political and
social institutions tend to reduce and ulti-
mately remove:
The principles of Christianity proclaimed from
the pulpit every Sabbath are against it. Every
appeal to the Declarati of Independence is
against it. Every declaration of rights in every
State of the Union is against it. Every act of
Government involving an assumption of the
brotherhood of the human family or an ac-
knowledgment Of the common origin of men,
or recognition of the rights and interests of
the masses, is against it. To sympathize with
Humanity anywhere, struggling against Dss-
potlsm, to protest against unusual oppression
in any country to rescue human being from
the clutches Of a foreign tyrant is against it.
All benefcent laws all wise policies all asser-
tions. of Democratic doctrines, are against IL
Were it inert and passive, it would be swept
away. This was the faith of the an.
thors of the Federal Constitution. They knew
that, in the system they were putting into ope-
ration, Liberty was the Rule, Slavery, the Ex-
ceptiou-and they believed that the Rule would
prevail, and the Exception cease If we have
not killed Slavery, was the remark of one of