Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1854-02-24
From the Boston Post, Feb. II. 1854.

I
final close he declared himself opposed to slavery,
and his great MINI continually devisng ways to
rid his country of it, 1t his wide philanthropy
and love for freedom that prompted his early and
bold in relation to it in the assembly of Vir-
gnia in the Congress that made the declaration of
independence and in the action the ordinance OF
l7s7. 1t the latter action that supplies the
ground for alleging that he was the author of the
Wmot provso That action took pace before the
constitution adopted; and however much II may
favor the later prohibtory measure, yet SUBJ
sequent opinions show clearly where, when the as
serton of it endangered the Union the great patriot
stood.
We aude to the Missouri question of 1920. This
question was, whether Missouri should come into the
Union with without restrictions prohibiting slave
ry. It was thus application, in a single case, OF
the general power known the Wilmot proviso
To the exercise OF such restriction he strongly
opposed His letters of this perod-and democrats
We will read them with deep interest will
show conclusively that could be more deadly
hostile to the restrictive principle or the exercise OF
this unconstitutional power, than was Thomas Jeer-
son.
| The first allusion we find in his letters is under
the date of December TO- 1919, in letter addressed
| to John Adams. He says:
"The banks bankrupt law, manufactures, Span
ISL treaty, nothing. These are occurrences
which, like in storm, will pass under the
ship. But the Missouri question is breaker on
which we lose the Missouri country by revolt, and
| what more, God only knows From the battle OF
Bunker's Hill to the treaty of Paris never had so
ominous a QUESTION. 1t damps Che Joy with
which hear OF your high health, and welcomes to
me the consequence of my want of it. thank God
that shall not live to witness its issue Sed hHe
hectenus."
On the 18th of April, 1920. he wrote 10 William
Short
"The old schism of federal and republican threat.
ened nothing, because 1t existed in every State, and
united them together by the fraternsm Of party
But the coincidence of marked principle, moral and
POLITICAL with Il geographical line, once conceived,
= feared would be obliterated from the
mind; that it would be recurring every OCCASION
and renewing Invitations, until it would kindle such
, mutual and mortal hatred to render separation
> preferable to eternal discord | have been among
the most sangune in believing that our Union, would
= be of long duration. | now doubt it much, and see
the at great distance and the direct conse-
quence of this question:; not by the line which has
e been confidently counted on-the laws of Nature
b control this-but by the Potomac, the Ohio, and
: Missouri, or more probably the Mississippi upwards
to northern boundary. My only comfort and
confidence is, that shall not live to this; and
envy not the present generation the glory OF throwing
away the fruits of their fathers sacrifice OF life and
l. fortune and of rendering desperate the experiment
= which was to decide ultimately whether man is ca
Il pabe of selgovernment This treason against hui
hope will signalize their epoch in future history
thecounterpauo of the medal of their predecessors.
o Mr.. Holmes, of Maine, member of Congress, adj
l. dressed Jefferson letter. which drew from him the
J. following remarkable reply
- MONTICELLO, April %, 1920.
" thank YOU dear sir, for the copy you have beer
80 kind TO Of the letter to your consttu
II ents the Missouri question. 1t is perfect usth
cation to them had for long time ceased to reaC
N newspapers, pay any attention to public affairs
confident they in good hands, and content to be
a passenger in bark to the shore from which an
z not distant But this mOmentous question: like fire
bell in the night, awakened and filed me with terror
[ considered it at as the knell of the Union. Il
he hushed, indeed for the moment But this is re
t. prieve only, not final sentence. A geographical
j. line, coincdng with marked principle, moral anG
political, conceived and held up to the angry
passions of men, will be obliteraed and every
k irritation will mark it deeper and deeper. car
De say with conscious TRUTH that there is not
he earth who would sacrifice more than would to re
ieve from this heavy reproach, in any PRACTICABLE
way. The cessOn of that kind of property (for 81
BY r1isnamed) is bagaelle which would not cos
n me cond thought, if in that way general eman
cpation and repatriation could be eectedS and gra
iually. and with due sacrifice, think it NIL ht be-
But as it 49, we have the wolf by the ears and w
" neither hold him safely let him go. justice
IS in scale, and Selfpreservatlon In The oher.-
Of one thing | am certain, that as the passage 0
u slaves from State to another would make
- OF single human being who would not be 81
n without it, their diffusion greater surface
9r would make them individually happier. and proper
on onay facilitate the accom- lishment of their eman
ctpation BY dividing the burden greater numbe
lV of coad tutors An abstinence, too, from this
by power would remove the jealousy excited by the un
dertdking of Congress regulate the condition of tn
different descripli uns OF men composing State Thi
certainly is the exclusive right of every State whic
n nothing in the constitution has taken from them
given to the general government. Colll Cong es>
20 example, say, that the non feemen of Connect
shall be freemen. that they shall not emigrat
ed INTO any other State?
regret that am now to die in the belief that tn
ed useless sacrifice Of themselves by the generation
Id 1875, to acquire self government and happiness
ri their country, is to be thrown away by the unwis
and unworthy passions of their sons, and that m
only consolation is to be that live weep owe
it. If they would but diSpassionately weigh the bIe
he sings they will throw away against an abstract prir
be- cpe likely to be effected bv union than by sc
sion, they would pause before they would perpetrat
inc this act of suicide on themselves, and of treaso
ng against the hopes of the world To yourself, tn
be- faithful advocate OF the Union tender the oferin
)ne ofmy high esteem and respect. H.JEFFERSON.
of He wrote December 30, 1920:
"Nothng has ever presented so threatening an a
of pect what is called the Missouri question. Tt
can federasts, completely put down, and despairing
eVe rising again under whg and tory, devised ne
Ol- one of saveholdng and non -slaveholdng State
L which, Will. it had semblance of being moral, w
at the time geographical, and calculated
can give them ascendency BY debauching their old O
ponents TO coalition with them. Moral the que
ILL ton certainly is not because the removal of slav
and from one State TO another, more than their
moval from one country 10 another, would new
by make slave OF one human being who would not
so without it. Indeed, if there be any morality
the the question, it is on the other side because
and spreading them over large surface their hannnf
liar would be increased and the burden Of their futr
liberation lightened by bringing greater number
eay shoulders under it. However, ii seemed TO throw d.
into the eyes of the people, and to fanaticize the
while 10 the knowing ones 1t gave geographic
80 and preponderating line of the Potomac and Oh