The western Democrat. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1852-1870, 1854-03-10

The EAans2S-NGbraSxa cstaOm-k<CtteF
from Senator Douglas.
SIR 81 am under obligations to you for your
paper, which has come to hand regularly from the
commencement ofthe session. | saw with pleasure
that you took bold stand in favor of the Nebraska
BILL and spoke in favorable terms OF my speech In
its support. in this you did no more than what
might have been reasonably expected from sound
democratic paper. The bill rests upon and pro-
| poses to carry into effect the great fundamental
principle of SELF government upon which our re-
| publican institutions are predicted. 1t does not
propose TO IegisEate slavery into the territories nor
out of the territories. 1t does not propose 10 es-
rnblish Institutions for the people, to deprive
! them of the right of determining for themselves
what kind OF domestic institutions they may have.
1t presupposes that the people OF the territories are
intelligent as wise, patriotic conscientious,
as their brethren and kindred whom they left be-
hind them in the States and as they were before
| they emigrated 10 the territories. By creating
territorial government, acknowledge that the
people of the territory ought TO be erected into a
distinct political organization. BY giving them
territorial legislatures we acknowledge their capac.
ity to lCgislae for themselves. Now, let ii be
borne in mind that every abolitionist anh free
so!Ier who opposes the Nebraska bill, aVows his
willingness to support it provided that slavery shall
be forever prohibited therein. Ihe objeclon,
therefore, does not consist in denial of the neces
of The people 10 govern themselves, so lar white
men were concerned They willing to allow
the people to legslate for themselves in relation to
husband and wife, parent and child, master and
servant, and guardian and ward, so far as white
persons to be effected; but seem to think that
it requires higher degree Of civilization and re-
| finement TO legislate for the negro than it
| can reasonably be expected the people of Il terri
| tory possess.
III 49, -
| any greater capacity keener sense of moral
recti,ude 10 egislate for the black man than for
| the white man? Not being able TO appreciate the
force of this theory the part OF the aboonists,
| | propose, by express terms of the Nebraska BILL
TO leave the people OF the Territories "perlectly
free to form and regulate their domestic institutions
in their own way, subject only TO the constitution
of the United States.'
The bill provides, in words as specific and une-
quivocal language affords, that the true in
tent and meaning of the act is not to legsIate
slavery into any Territory or State. The bill,
therefore, does not introduce slavery, does not re-
vve it, does not establish it, does not contain any
| clause designed to produce that result or which
| by any possible construction, can have that legal
effect. Non-intervention by Congress with slavery
in the States and Territories, is expressly declared
10 be the principle upon which the till is construc.
ted. The great fundamental principle of self.
government which authorizes the people to rcgu-
| late their domestic concerns recognized
! in the compromise measures Of 1850 and affirmed
! by the Democratic National Convention, and re-
affirmed by the Wing Convention at Baltimore, is
declared in this bill to be the rule Of action in the
formation Of Territorial governments.
The two great political parties Of the country
are solemnly pledged to strict adherence to this
principle final settlement Of this slavery agi
tatlon. How can that settlement be final unless
the principle be preserved and carried into all terri
torial organizations?
But the professed friends Of the measure, in the
article referred 20, follows the lead of his abolition
confederates in this city, and declares that this
bill opens the whole country to slavery. Why do
they not state the matte. truly, and state that il
opens the country 10 freedom, by leaving the
people perfectly free TO Go they please? Is it
true, as the prolessed advocates Of freedom would
wish to make the world believe, that the people of
northern ATTITUDES 10 free institutions,
and much in love with slavery, that ii is neces-
sary to have Congress appointed their guardian, |
IN order 10 preserve that freedom Of which they
boast so much Were not he people of New
Hampshire left free 10 decide this question for
themselves? Did not all the New England States |
become Fl ee States under the operation Of the prln-
cpes upon which the Nebraska bill is predicated ?
If this be so and every child knows that it is true
by what authority we told fhat a country lying
between the same parallels of latitude which en-
brace all Of the New England States, is to be
doomed to slavery if we entrust them with the
same rights privileges and iumunities which The
constitution guarantee to the people of New Eng
land Are the sons Of New England any less
capable Of Judging for themselves when they en-
lgrate 10 Minnesota, Nebraska, Kansas, than
they were before they ever passed beyond that
circle which crcumscribed their vision within their
native valleys? Is it wise TO violate the great prin-
cipIe Of self-governmcnt which lies at the founda-
tion OF all free institutions, by constituting our
selves the olicioGs guardians Of people we do
not know, and of country never saw? May
We safely leave them to form and regulate their
domestic institutions in the same manner, and by
virtue of the same principle. which enabled New
York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania to exclude
slavery from their limits, and establish free inst-
,utions for themselves ?
But, sir, fear have already made this letter
too long. If so, my apology therefor is to be found
in the great importance of the subject, and my
earnest desire that no honest mind be misled with
regard to the provisions of the bill the principles
involved in it. Every intelligent man knows that
it is matter of no practical Importance, so far as
The question OF slavery is concerned. The cry of
he extension Of slavery has been raised for mere
party purposes, by the abolition conlederaes and
disappointed office seekers. All candid men who
understand the subject admit that the laws of i
climate and production and Of physical geography,
to use the language Of one of New EDgland's
rreatest stalesmen) have excluded slavery from [