Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-01

rather than any other member Of the commit
tee especially 10 view. Sir, know the gican-
tic stature Of the Senator / know the weight
and Importance which he possesses in the co1n-
try know that he has great and powerful
party surrounding him and know also the
great disadvantages under which enter into
any controversy which he pr0yokcs am in
minority. ! know that full well Il is no
very pleasant position. But dare do that
which should like to- see the Senator also do
dare adhere to principle, oven though that
adherence must carry me into . minority
1t ia very trne, Mr. President, that the Sem
ator from Massachusetts, Mr.. SUMNER and
myself are but two in body Of sixtytwo
We know that upon the great question which
we feel ourselves bound 70 press upon the con
sideration OF the American people we have
not the sympathies Of this body with US. But
we can proudly challenge scrutiny Of our action
and defy tho production of an instance in
which we have been Liberal to those from
whom we differ When have we stopped to
inquire whether the interests to be affected by
our votes were those Of the North or the South?
When did we fnil to give to any proper meas
ure for the benefit of any Southern State or
citizen prompt, an earnest, and cordial
support? When did we ever offer sectional
opposition to any nomination sent here Upon
what occasion did we ever discriminate, by
sectional lines between interests or men Why.
then, are we to be thus assailed2
Sir, our offence is. that we deny the nation
atty Of Slavery. No man can show that we
have ever sought to interfere with tho legisla-
tion Of any State of the Union upon that sub
ject All that we have ever insisted upon il,
that the Territories Of this Union shall be pre-.
served from Slavery; and that where the Gen.
eral Government exercises exclusive jurisdic-
ton, its legislation shall be on the side of lib
erty. II is because we defend these positions
that the Senator from Illinois attacks us. He
thinks that he can tako advantage of his posi-
ton in the country--that he can take advan-
tage Of his connection with great and pow
erful political organization, and assail us with
little hazard IL is safe to attack opponents
who stand, as we stand, without the supports
he counts upon. Ay, cir, that shows courage
that shows chivalry, that shows high honor,
that shows lofty manhood--to assal the few
and unsupported. tell the Senator from Illi-
nois that we did not assail him. We did not
say word about him from the beginning to
the end Of our appeal. He was named only in
the postscript and then merely as the author
Of the BILL We spoke of the bill We spoke
of its character. We said nothing about the
character Of the individuals who were it's au-
thors; anybody may see that who chooses to
read the address.
In the whole discussion Of the matter in con.
troyersy, we confined ourselves 10 that appeal
strictly and closely to tho merits of the case.
And now, sir, here in this Chamber, before
this audience, | reafhrm every word and every
syllable Of that appeal. | make no personal
imputations; make no personal charges; | do
not follow the example which has been set here
to-day, but which, in my Judgment is not fit
to be followed anywhere but l. rcaffirm and
reiterate, distinctly and emphatically, every
word and every syllable of that address. /
thank the Senator from Illinois for having
brought it so prominently before the country
IL will now reach thousands and tens of thou
sands who would not have read it but for the
discussion which has taken place here to-day.
1t will be seen, read, and judged by the people,
and they will determine for themselves wheth-
er or not ito doctrine be sound and its facts
truly stated.
10 this appeal GIVE arraign this bill as
gross violation of q sacred pledge The Sen.
ator from Illinois thinks that the pledge Of the
Missouri Compromise was nothing worth. We
think it was of vast consequence, and abso-
lutely binding; and, as the bill proposes to
abrogate it, we do not choose soft words, but
~
raign it also as "a criminal betrayal of pre-
cious rights" Well, what rights are precious,
if those secured to free labor and free laborers
in that vast Territory are not What can be
criminal, il it bc not criminal to subyert these
rights for the purpose Of giving room TO Sla.
very2 When the bill proposes to reach this
bad end by the baseless declaration that the
Missouri prohibition is superseded by the prn-
oiples of the legislation of 1894 singular
mode Of repeal that-wo call it "a criminal
betrayal Of precious rights"
The appeal goes on to denounce the bill as
"part and parcel of an atrocious plot to ex-
clude from q vast unoccupied region emigrants
from the Old World, and free laborers from
our own States, and convert it into dreary
region of despolism, inhabited by masters and
slaves Well, suppose this Territory opened
to Slavery Who does not know that upon the
western borders Of Missouri there are many
6laveho!ders restrained now by the prohibition,
but eager to enter the new Territory with their
slavesi Who does not know that the effect of
the introduction of slaves will be the exclusion
OF free laborers and to n great extent, Of the
emigrants from Europea Why, sir, in my
judgment, concerted movement by Slavery
confederates to open this great Territory, larger
by twelve times than the whole State Of Ohio
larger than oil the existing free States, with
the exception of California--to the ingress OF
Slavery, is mildly characterized by the Ian
guage Of the appeal But will not further
review this document. II will appear with
these remarks, and will speak for itself
] shall ask the indulgence Of the Senate to
hear me at another time in reply to the argu-
ment of the Senator from Illinois have set
myself right in respect to the two or three
points, which the imputations Of the Senator
made it necessary for me to notice. am rcady
10 meet his argument ut any time but it is too
late to enter upon it to-day. ! shall ask how.
ever the attention Of the Senate at an early
day, while demonstrate that the prohibition
Of 1920 was compact; that it was not repealed
by the Compromise Of 1850; that not single
word was uttered in this Chamber, or in the
other House, or anywhere, through the whole
land, indicating any idea or purpose on the
part Of anybody that those measures we're to
operate as such a repeal; and that when the
Senator vouches the authority Of CLAW and