The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-04-30
Tyre War In Europe-What Will be the Next
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Tyre War IN Europe-What Will be the Next
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Nicholas, quietly requesting England to ,oin
him in the partition of Turkey, scheming to
secure Constantinople as economically as he
could, and sending Menschikoff to bully the
Porte while he argued the case !" like gentle
man" with Sir Hamilton Seymour, was but
pursuing the ordinary course Of political in
trigue among European nations. England, on
the other hand giving silent consent to his
proposals in 1874 when France was governed
by Louis Philippe, but rejecting them nine
years afterwards when Bonaparte was seated
on the imperial throne and was eager for q
pretext for war; sending out fleets and armies
to protect Turkey and at the same time prac-
tically converting the Mussulman empire into
protectorate of the British crown and pre-
ferring war with Russia at an enormous ex-
pense of men and money, and with very I'M
defined prospects, to the peaceful possession Of
Gambia and Egypt, was, in like manner acting
on the old principles which have governed the
policy OF her sister nations and herself since
the days of Charlemagne There is nothing
new, either in the cause of the war or even in the
events which have preceded its actual outbreak
Like Charlemagne, Charles the Fifth, and Ma
poleon, Nicholas fancies the day Of universal
empire has arrived; England, which has
more than any other nation to lose in the
event of his hopes being realized, goes
in deluding France into fighting her
battles. Prussia and Austria remain neutral at
first. Great strife ensues among their states
men. One is for the West, another for the
East. Much breath wasted in talking, after
which events cut the knot, and they take up
their position on one side or the other. 1t is
the selfsame old story our children learn at
school every day; with the only difference that
it is Russia, not Spain or France, which aspires
after universal dominion.
difference deserving to be carefully noted,
however. France, under Charlemagne, was a
sort of armed confederacy, with no past history,
I'm underlined future and no particular element
of cohesion. Charles the Fifth's empire was
built up by accident: his dream was idle; based
upon the absurd fallacy that royal will could
blend into one two or more races antagonistic
in every trait of national character. Napoleon's
failure is perhaps less easily accounted for. He
had done nothing, however, to fuse his various
kingdoms into one whole; and whatever of in
tellect and spirit survived the declaration of
the empire in France was privately against him.
1t only required Moscow to reveal the rotten
ness Of the monument on whose pinnacle he
Stood Now, in many respects, Nicholass posi-
c of Ia has in
the first place, more men under his command
than they. Sixty millions of souls besides
stray Tartars and Cossacks unenumerated
could furnish pretty substantial army. In
the second place, the Russian government,
unlike those of Charlemagne and Charles
the Fifth is highly enlightened and quite
up to the spirit of the age. Again, the Russian
people are homogeneous, of one race, and one
faith; an advantage that cannot be too highly
priced. They will fight, not only for glory
and pay-the only incentives that inspire their
antagonists-but also for q cause more highly
cherished still, the cause of religious bgotry
Every Russian not only believes that it is his
destiny to repossess himself of the old homes of
his ancestors, whose names still bear witness to
their former occupation by the founders Of the
Greek Church; but steadfastly holds to the con-
viction that to him has been ASST gned by Heaven
the weighty duty of extirpating Moslemism
from Europe. These are differences which go
a long way towards destroying the parallel be-
tween Nicholas and his professors in the game
of universal empire.
Narrowing our views down to the events
transpiring around us, what accounts may we
reasonably expect to receive from Europe with
in the next few weeks? Sir Charles Napier
will shortly sail from Kioge. Let us take it
for granted that he reaches the mouth of the
Gulf of Finland without obstacle. Can we
reasonably expect him to destroy the Russian
fleet, protected on the one side by the powerful
batteries of Helsingfors, on the other by the
impregnable Cronstadt? Of course we all
know that Gibraltar was once taken, and it is
hard to say of fort that it cannot be captured.
But has Sir Charles force enough to expend the
amount Of life which he would require to
lose at the capture of either Helsingfors o.
Cronstadt defended as they are by the
best soldiers in Europe, Differed by men of
courage, and skill? If he should destroy the
feet and take those forts, what will he do next?
He cannot sail within twenty miles of St. Pc
| tersburg, and has not men to land for any ope-
rations ashore We do not wish to damp hopes
that are based on generous feelings; but the
finest army that Europe ever saw once marched
against Russia, defeated the Russians in every
encounter, penetrated the kingdom as far as
Moscow, was there checked, and began a re-
treat-unparalleled in the history of military
dsasters-which not only destroyed the army,
but hurled from his throne the most powerful
monarch in the world, and reduced France to
a third rate power. Should fate ordain
that the guns of Helsingfors are to defeat Sir
Charles Napier's advance, and weaken his feet
should the Russians pursue their advantage
and assail him rs he attempts To retrace his