The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-02-09

4
the moment learned that statement attrib-
ming the address to the Ohio delegation was
likely to appear in the New York Times, re-
o,Iested the correspondent of that paper to tele-
sgranh the actual names of the signers for the
very purpase Of preventing any misapprehen-
sion. And vet the Senator represents me as
having sent this document to the State of Ohio
with this MISREPRESENTATION. The very reverse
of this is true. When | found how it appeared
in the New York papers, telegraphed at once
to friends in Ohio not to publish the address
with any such statements. do not know how
it has appeared there. know only that have
sent none of these documents anywhere to be
published, with any other signatures than those
actually appended to them. And yet the Sem
ator comes here into this Chamber, and charges
Senators with false statements, intended for
special effect in Ohio, in relation to the sigma
lures to this appeal. There is not particle of
foundation for the charge Sir, | do not envy
him either the spirit which prompted it, or the
position which he occupies, having made it.
Well sir, the Senator proceeded to take ex-
ception to the character and scope Of the
whole document. He says that we, forsOoth
have held him up to the country in this ad-
dress as guilty of certain great and enormous
crimes. Why, sir, any man who reads the ad-
dress will see that in no part of it, from first
to last except in q brief note appended, is the
Senator mentioned at all. So far as | am re-
sponsible for the document, either by signature
or authorship, | tell the Senator he was not
in all my thoughts. He exaggerates his i'm
portance when he supposes that we had him,
rather than any other member of the commit
tee, especially in view. Sir, know the gigan-
tic stature of the Senator | know the weight
and Importance which he possesses in the coun-
try | know that he has great and powerful
party surrounding him; and | know also the
great disadvantages under which enter into
any controversy which he prOvokes am in
minority. | know that full we'll It is no
very pleasant position But dare do that
which should like to see the Senator also do
dare adhere to principle, even though that
adherence must carry me into minority
1t is very true Mr.. President, that the Sen
ator from Massachusetts Mr. Sumnerl and
myself are but two in body of sixty-two
We know that upon the great question which
we feel ourselves bound to press upon the con
sideration of tho American people we have
not the sympathies of this body with us. But
we can proudly challenge scrutiny of our action,
and defy the production of an instance in
which we have been illiberal to those from
whom we differ. When have We stopped to
inquire whether the interests to be affected by
When did We fail to give to any proper meas
ure for the benefit of any Southern State or
citizen prompt an earnest and cordial
support? When did we ever offer a sectional
opposition to any nomination sent here? Upon
what occasion did We ever discriminate, by
sectional lines. between interests or men Why,
then, are we to be thus assaled9
Sir, our offence is. that We deny the nation
atty of Slavery. No man can show that we
have ever sought to interfere with the legisla.
ton Of any State of the Union upon that sub
ject. All that we have ever insisted upon is.
that the Territories of this Union shall be pre-
served from Slavery; and that where the Gen
eral Government exercises exclusive jurisdic-
ton, its legislation shall be on the side of lib
erty. 1t is because We defend these positions
that the Senator from Illinois attacks us. He
thinks that he can take advantage of his posi-
ton in the country-that he can take advan-
tage of his connection with great and pow
erful political organization, and assail us with
little hazard. Ii is safe to attack opponents
who stand, as We stand, without the supports
he counts upon. Ay, sir, that shows courage.
that shows chivalry, that shows high honor,
that shows lofty manhood-to assail the few
and unsupported. | tell the Senator from Hi
nOis that we did not assail him. We did not
say word about him from the beginning to
the end of our appeal. He was named only in
the postscript, and then merely as the author
of the bill. We spoke of the BILL We spoke
of its character. We said nothing about the
character of the individuals who were its au-
thOrs; anybody may see that who chooses to
read the address.
In the whole discussion of the matter in con-
troversy, we confined ourselves in that appeal
strictly and closely to the merits of the case.
And now sir, here. in this Chambss-s5efore-
this audience, reaftirm every word and every
syllable of that appeal. | make no personal
imputatons | make no personal charges | do
not follow the example which has been set here
to-day, but which, in my judgment, is not fit
to be followed anywhere but | reafirm and
reiterate, distinctly and emphatically, every
word and every syllable of shat address. |
thank the Senator from Illinois for having
brought it so prominently before the country.
1t will now reach thousands and tens of thou
sands who would not have read it but for the
discussion which has taken place here to-day.
1t will be seen, read, and judged by the people,
and they will determine for themselves wheth-
er or not its doctrine be sound and its facts
truly stated.
In this appeal 1--WE arraign this bill as
gross violation of a sacred pledge" The Sen
ator from Illinois thinks that the pledge Of the
Missouri Compromise was nothing worth. We
think it was of vast consequence, and abso-
lutely binding; and, as the bill proposes to
abrcgate it, We do not choose soft words, but
characterize it at once as it deserves. We ar
raign it also as "a criminal betrayal of pre-
cious rights" Well, what rights are precious,
if those secured to free labor and free laborers
in that vast Territory are not? What can be
criminal, if it be not criminal to subvert these
rights for the purpose of giving room to Sla-
very? When the bill proposes to reach this
bad end by the baseiess declaration that the
Missouri prohibition is superseded by the prin-
ciples Of the legislation of 1864 singular
mode Of repeal that-we call it "a criminal
betrayal of precious rights"
The appeal goes on to denounce the bill as
"part and parcel of an atrocious plot to ex-
clude from a vast unOccupied region emigrants
from the Old World, and free laborers from
our own States and convert III into dreary
region of despotism, inhabited by masters and
slaves" Well, suppose this Territory opened
to Slavery. Who does not know that upon the
western borders of Missouri there are many
Shareholders restrained now by the prohibition,
but eager to enter the new Territory with their
slaves? Who does not know that the effect of
the introduction of slaves will be the exclusion
of free laborers and to a great extent, of the
emigrants from Europe? Why, sir, in my
Judgment, q concerted movement by Slavery
confederates to open this great Territory, larger
by twelve times than the whole State of Ohio
larger than all the existing free States, with
the exception of California-to the ingress of
Slavery, is mildly characterized by the Ian
guage Of the appeal. But will not further
review this document 1t will appear with
these remarks, and will speak for itself.
shall ask the indulgence of the Senate to
hear me at another time in reply to the argu-
ment of the Senator from Illinois. have set