Washington sentinel., 1854-06-02

ple-aye. sir, void. love that word in this
connexion. II is music TO my ears to hear
the Missouri restriction pronounced, as tins
bill pronounces it, "void."
But suppose were wrong in all this. Why
should we stickle about the Badger provlso, IN
face of the fact SO truly and triumphantly de-
clared and dwelt upon by two OF my colleagues
who have proceeded me in this discussion. l
mean Of course the fact that in no State OF the
Union has slavery been introduced by positive
legislation, but in every one it has planted IT
self and grown and fourished upon that very
tabatia rdsa, which, in its least favorable as
pect for the south is all the bill can be claimed
to be. Tell me not, however, of Tcrritory's
being tabuld rasa, when the Constitution is its
law Call it rather place where every right
Of every citizen Of every State, slaveholding
and nonslayeholding, is fully secured and pro-
tected.
Had time, / should be pleased to discuss
other views which have been taken OF this sub
ect. They have been so ably presented by
others, that know / can shed no new light
upon them. They are cumulative, however.
They make "assurance doubiy sure" can
not iorbear q reference. IT must be very hur-
ried. While do not hold that it is necessary
to have men upon it, in order to extend laws
over land, it does seem rather iarcical, con-
less, that any body should boggle, with such
prize in view as that which now glitters before
our grasp, about laws which possibly may have
had technical, but never practical eXten-
sion over either Nebraska or Kansas. Why,
although emigration now so presses upon
| those Territories, that their organization has
become Indispensable, yet we have no know
ledge of the residence OF either white man or
negro there, except licensed traders and such
slaves as the Indians are said to have.
can add nothing to the argument so ably
made by the senator who moved the proviso,
and that of my friend from Tennessee, Mr..
SMITH, whose argument is as clear as it is
conclusive. They show, beyond controversy,
that the rule" if statute which repeals
another is itself repealed afterwards, the first
statute is thereby revived without any formal
words for that purpose, us founded upon the
merest presumption Of Legislative intent, and
is controlled by any expression of that intent
Then, their conclusion is easy and inevitable
that the Nebraska Kansas bill is the same with
or without the proviso.
| 1t seems to me very clear, that as to terri
tory acquired from France, as Nebraska and
Kansas were, the rule of the civil, and not that
Of the common law, governs the question
am now considering There is no necessary
connexion between this government and the
common law The civil law stands in the
same relation to territory which we acquired
| from France, that the common law does to
that which we won from England. Now,
both the senators from louisiana (sklled as
they are in the civil law) tell us that the
common law rule in reference to the effect ol
the repeal Of repeating statute does not OBJ
tain in the civil law. Neither has any objec.
ton to the provso. But / can barely touch
! these points, and invite attention to them
| After all, with me, it is sufficient that the bill
gives me, in the vast and rich domain of Ne
braska and Kansas, the Constitution of my
country in exchange for the Missouri restric.
ton. There, upon the Constitution, am will.
ing to rest the interests Of myself and those
represent.
As a southern man, my heart leaps at the
thought of abrogating forever that accursed
"eighM scctioR," which declared us tainted
branded us with interiorty, and put us within
prison bounds. Pass this bill, and for one
Shall draw deeper and freer breath than ever
before, for | was born under the 36o 30> re-
stricton, and only when it is removed can
feel myself and my constituents the equals OF
| all other admitted citizens of the country
Who can wonder at the rise and progress OF
/ abolitionism, while q congressional insult to
the south not only stands upon your statute
book, but is canonized into compromise.
To the friend Of the Union this bill makes
strong appeal. Let me tell our northern
brethern--thosc who love that fraternal league
which the fathers Of the republic made for
them and usthat they have now an opportu
nifty Of healing q wound Of far keener and sorel
irritation to the thoughtful southern mind than
is suspected by the superficial observer.
have already called the 36o 30< line a disunion
line, and is itnot emphatically 50? II is a line
Of separation and division. 1t is a line of un
just discrimination, and odious inequality. Il
is a disunioR line.
! Above all, this bill affords a firm and sure
ground upon which all who love and trust the
Constitution may stand together. And oft they
have foched and are focking from the norhand
the south, the east and the west. Already the
power of the people is upon 1.-THE people who
stand ready to sustain and strengthen their re.
representatives., when we shall lay the Missouri
restriction in the dust and proclaim that justice
to the south is fidelity to the Constitution and
safety to the Union.
| TUR NITURE.-A Good and Large As
4 .z-fy Y.