Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-03-11


others confers it. desire that the sense Of the
Senate apd Of Congress may be-clearly and
distinctly expressed,
Well, now, sir, what will be the effect OF the
amendment which | have submitted, If It be
adopted Why, it puts that construction upon
this language which the honorable Senator
from Michigan asserts, and which the honor
able Senator from Mississippi denies TO be the
true construction 1t declares the sense OF the
Legislature, in accordance with the views OF
the honorable Senator from Michigan, in OPP
position to tho ground Of the honorable Sena-
tor from Mississippi II asserts distinctly and
unequivocally that, under this bill, in the jndg-
ment Of Congress the people OF the Territories
may, il they see fit, exclude Slavery. That is
all that it does. 1t has that simple operation
no more, no less
What can be the objection to the adoption
Of this amendment? can see but two grounds
of objection. The first may be, that it is de-
sirabie to leave this whole thing in doubt, that
the Senate designs, and is willing to avow that
design to tho country, to pass an act which
may or may not give to the people OF the Ter
Iiteries this power. ! say, Tor one, that do
not concur in any such design, nor do believe
in its propriety. It is no settlement Of the
question; It determines absolutely nothing; it
leaves everything in doubt; it refers this SUBJ
ject of Slavery in the Territories for the pres
ent to Executive patronage and Executive in
fnenco Ultimately, however-and there is
some consolation in that--the reference must
be to the discussion and decision Of the people,
10 the election Of Representatives. Of Senators,
and of Presidents.
The other objection which have heard sug-
gested IT, that the amendment have proposed
only declares that the people of the Territories
may exclude and does not declare that they
may allow, Slavery. But sir, the fact that the
amendment is not framed in that alternative
form constitutes no reasonable objection to it.
There are Senators here who arc Of opinion
that the people of the Territories must admit,
and are bound to protect Slavery The honor
able Senator from Mississippi belongs to this
class His predecessor here who now holds a
distinguished position in the Government re-
member, during the discussion Of 1850 intro
duced an amendment either to the New Mex.
loo or Utah bill have forgotten which
making it the duty Of the people of the Terri
tories to legislate for the protection Of slave
property. The present Senator from Missis-
sippi holds the opinion indicated by that prop
osition He believes the Territorial Legisla-
ture may and should legislate for Slavery;
but he contends, that having only derivative
power, it cannot exclude it. The Senator
from Michigan, on the other hand, is of opin-
ion that the people of the Territories may
either exclude or allow Slavery. | am of
opinion, on grounds which ] distinctly stated
in nv remarks the other day, that while the
people Of the Territories If left to themselves,
may exclude, they cannot, Under the principles
Of the Constitution, allow Slavery.
There are thus three classes Of opinions in
this Chamber upon this subject. Those who
think with the Senator from Michigan and
those who think with me probably constitute
majority. The Senator from Illinois Mr..
DougIas probably agrees with the Senator
from Michigan. think he 30 expressed him.
self during the discussion upon the proposition
of Colonel Davis, to which have referred or,
rather, upon an amendment of that proposition
offered by myself indicating the intent of Con-
gress t. exclude possible conclusion from it,
that Slavery was or could be allowed or estab-
lished by act of Congress. In that debate, if |
rec0llect Alright, the Senator from Illinois stated
it to be his opinion that the people of the Ter
ritories should be permitted either to allow or
exclude Slavery; declaring, at the same time,
his opinion that the Congress Of the United
States had the right to exclude Slavery, but
expressing also the opinion that it was not ex
pedient to exercise it,
There is, then, probably majority in this
Chamber who believe that the people Of the
Territories may exclude Slavery. This MAORI
ty may, with propriety, If they choose, vote for
this amendment; and, in my judgment, must
vote for it, unless they are willing to 60 before
the people Of the country with a proposition OF
double aspect, as has been demonstrated In
the debates upon this floor. The Senator from
Illinois, the Senator from Michigan, and other
distinguished gentlemen Of this body, are, as
have stated, OF opinion that the people Of the
Territories may admit or allow Slavery and
with them stand very nearly the whole, if not
the whole, of the Senators from the slave
States Now, what is necessary to make this a
perfect proposition according to the ideas OF
those distinguished Senator'S All they have
got 70 do is simply to move to amend this
amendment OF mine, or TO amend the bill after
my amen dment shall have been inserted, by
adding after prohibit" the words or allow
Then those gentlemen who are Of opinion that
the peopla Of the Territory may allow Slavery,
constituting as | suppose they d., q majority in
this Chamber, can insert those words, and, &C.
cordDg TO their ideas, this proposition will be
perfect one.
But whit will be the effect and for what
must we stand responsible before the country,
IL we reject this amendment, when the way to
the alternative proposition is 80 simple, so easy,
and so open /, The practical fleet will be that
you will join two propositions, which, thus
joined, will not command majority in this
Chamber and the practical result is that you
!. defeat them both by insisting upon linking
them together and forcing them through to.
gether or not at all. This is not ordinarily done;
this is not the natural, ordinary course Of legis-
lation. The ordinary course Of gentlemen,
seeking to accomplish specific result, is 70
take that line which Lends most directly and
easily to that result. have pointed il out. You
may take line of action which will defeat
the very result which you contemplate; but
then those who do il must Of course be willing
to stand before the country upon that respon-
sibility.
Now lot us see, for moment, what will be
the practical effect Of leaving these two propo.
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