New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1854-08-11
,rR. cERnIT SMITHS ADDRESS.


AIR. GEREIT SMITHS ADDRESS.
We publish en- another page a letter from Gerrit
Smith to his constituents in which be announcesthat,
according to notice already given OF his intention be
has resilred bis seat in Congress He makes it the
occasion for heightened PLANTATION in regard to hs
course in the House, and answers the objections
which have been brought against that course. Mr..
Smith begins by defending the compliments be paid
to bis slayehoding opponents in the exordum of his
first speech-which, among other things his friends
have animodverted upon. We sup pose these comp-
ments must have been in the Pickwickian sense aud
let them pass with the simple remark that dough-
feces have complimented the South until the latter
thought there was no individual spirit in the North,
and consequently even this session has witnessed
scenes of the lowest bun of northern by southern
members ustifyng Jeferson's estimate of the effects
Of niger driving on character. The next point
treated is the fact that Mr. Smith voted against the
Homestead bill after having spoken ia its favor; and
this he explains by saying that it was not until after
the speech that the bill amended to conine
its benefits to white persons. Then the writer of
the letter defends his in refusing TO become
party to tie plan for preventing the taking Of
the vote on the Nebraska bill. This course he says
was dictated by rigid regard to the rights of
the mejority-'the sacred majority principle"
Mr.. Smith was charged with inconsistency in thus
respecting the majority in the House, and not out Of
it, owing to bis we'll known readiness to rescue
fugitive slave. lie draws q distinction: in the one
Gaze he is inside of the Governments " in the other
"outside Of the Government, and hence IA con
'fessed revolufiOnist." The sprnging of the Ne
brsska bill on Congress clearly violation Of the
Will of the majority of the people; idea the faint
est imaginable, was had of the measure during the
canyasswhich preceded the elections Of this Congress-
it was not question before the people in any form
until the conspirators thrust it into the Senate and
House, and they were only prevented from passing it
without debate they hoped, BY the noble frmness
Of the pract al defenders Of freedom; and while this
debate, so secured, was going on, the voice of
every State which could vote on il was found
to be earnestly fercely against it. Even the
Presidents own State so declared itself. We look
upon the vote as no better than d conspiracy-ani
drunken cOuspiracy-according to Mr.. Gerrit
Smiths showing Of the win1ingup of the
scene. Extraordinary measures OF attack neces-
state extraordinary measures of deferse and
the minority justfable in the means they took
to keep the cobspirators in allegiance When the
sacred compromise of mere than thirty years
standing about 10 be broken by a sacred major
"ity, who would not wait to hear from their
stituents, the sacred minority need no. sleep alb
stIactiOn A factous opposition 10 o canal bill,
supported by the people of the S.e, cannot be
pared to d iapacious violation o. . compact deemed
by North and South good as tie Constitution itself
and which yoter q ,i;t,r North or South thought
OF touciiii. somgch ior The parallel drawn by NJ.
Smith We sLail let his defense of mis- not remaining
to vote on The Bill speak for itsslf-other minority
representatives did stay and did vote Ii the
80 sacred msjority' so drunk that Lord e.
gin, in company with Mr.. Smith, as he relates,
could not fail to observe it, ii does not argue against
the night session, for according to Mr.. Smith, the
sacred majority having determined that sesson. it
was Mr.. Smiths business 10 be present at it.
Though he may vote against the night session, yet,
when the majority rules it, be according to bis
logic has right to go TO bed, but be in the House
where his known sobriety would continue to be re-
buke to the obfuscated rabble about him.
Mr.. Smith is for the purchase of Cuba, because it
is not the extent OF Slavery which should alarm the
friends Of freedom, but the ukewarmness Of its op-
ponents. This part OF bis argument 10 not par.
teulsrly happy. The coming in of Cuba with Slavery,
the slaves being consulted to whether they like 10
be partners to the bargain, is verbisge Slaves
are never consulted more than hogs or asses. But
Cuba in the Union wssld strengthen indefinitely the
peterborough system of Congress- which Mr. Webster
denounced in speaking ofTeyas wsuld give "a any
quantity of nggerdriying Senators and Representa-
tiyes and render debate freedom nearly or quite
nulity. The figure OF speech which NJ. Smith
borrows and seeks to spPly-thss cslguls wished
that all the Romsnswere brought into neck that he
might decspitate them at blow-And that Slavery
might have one neck, By Cuban slavery being merged
into our own-means this: that as you increase the
combined solid phalanx of slsyeocracy you add to the
chances of subduing il. This is novel generalsAip
| From Caesar to Jomn however. and according TO
the instincts of common sense, when treating on the
art of war, TO keep your enemies forces divided and
fight them in detail is essential to success especially
with limited Of attack Mr. Smith holds II
there cannot be any constitutional or rather legal
ground for Slavery" and therefore we think. he
should be for restricting II TO the narrowest limits
and not talking distractions while contributing 10
what he declsims sgsinst We publi,h Mr.. Suths