Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-21

mitted as slave State, without any restric-
ton or objection.
II was iii the discussion on the sArkan-
sas bill, at this session, that we find the
earliest suggestion Of Compromise. De-
feated in his efforts to prohibit Slavery in
the territory, Mr.. Taylor stated that he
thought il important that some line should
be designated beyond which Slavery should
not be permitted" He suggested its prohi-
bition hereafter in all territories or the
United States north Of 36 deg. 80 min.
north latitude. This proposition, though
Withdrawn after debate, was at once
welcomed by Mr.. Liyermore, Of New
Hampshire, I" as made in the true spirit of
compromise II was opposed by Mr..
Rhea, of Tennessee, on behalf of Slavery,
who ayowed himself against every restric-
ton; and also by Mr.. Ogle, Of Pennsyl-
vania, on behalf Of Freedom, who was
against any Compromise by which
Slavery, in any Of the Territories, should
be recognised or sanctioned by Congress"
In this spirit it was opposed and sup
ported by others among whom was Gen
eral Harrison, afterwards President of the
United States, who " assented to the ex-
pediency Of establishing some such line
Of discrimination but proposed a line
due west from the mouth Of the Des
Moines, thus constituting the northern,
and not the southern boundary Of Mis-
souri,, the partition line between Freedom
and Slavery.
But this idea Of Compromise, though
suggested by Taylor, was thus early adopt
ed and indicated in this very debate, by
an eminent character, Mr.. LOUIS McLANE,
of Delaware, who has since held high Office
in the country. and enjoyed no common
measure of public confidence. OF all the
leading actors in these early scenes, he
and MIR. MERCER alone are yet spared. On
this occasion he said:
aThc fixing Of . line on the west Of the Mis-
sissippi, north of which Slavery should not be
tolerated had Gls0dys been Uith him favorlte
policy and he hoped the day was not distant
when, upon principles of fair compromise, it
might constitutionally be effected. The pres
ent attempt he regarded as premature"
After opposing the restriction on Mis-
sour, he concluded by declaring:
"At the same time, do not mean to aban-
don the policy to which | alluded in the COM
mencement Of my remarks. think il but fair
that both sections of the Union should be &C,
c0mmodated on this subject. with regard to
which SO much feeling has been manifested
The same great motives Of policy which recon-
cled and harmonized the Earring and discordant
elements Of our system originally, and which
enabled the trainers Of our happy Constitution
to compromise the different interests which
then prevailed on this and other subjects, if
properly cherished by us, will enable us to
achieve similar objects. If we meet upon prin-
cpes of reciprocity, we cannot fail to do justice
to all. II has already been apotced, By gentlemen
on this floor from the South and the West, that
they to,H agree upon a line 0h,ch shall divide
the slaveholding from the non. saveholding States
II Is this proposition am anrious to effect !; but
| aoish to effect it by some compact which shall be
binding upon all parties and all subsequent Legis-
laturss; which cannot be changed, and will
not fuctuate with the diversity Of feeling and
Of sentiment to which this empire, in its march,
must be destined There is vast and i'm
mense tract Of country west Of the Mississippi,
yet to be settled, and intimately connected with
the Northern section Of the Union, upon which
this Compromise can be effected"
The suggestions of Compromise were
at this time vain; each party was de-
termined. The North, by the prevailing
voice of its representatives, claimed all for
Freedom; the South, by its potential
command of the Senate, claimed all for
Slavery.
The report of this debate aroused the
country. For the first time in our history,
Freedom, after an animated struggle, hand
to hand, had been kept ip check by
Slavery. The original policy Of our Fathers
in the restriction of Slavery was sus-
pended, and this giant wrong threatened
to stalk into all the broad national domain.
Men ,at the North were humbled and
amazed. The imperious demands Of
Slavery seemed incredible. Meanwhile,
the whole subject was adjourned from Con-
gress TO the people. Through the press
and al public meetings, an earnest voice
was raised against the admission of Mis-
souri, into the Union without the restriction
of Slavery. Judges left the bench and
clergymen the pulpit, to swell the indig-
maui pIOtrSt dfOSt pOOu futu,
without distinction of party or of pursuit.
The movement was not confined to a
few persons, nor to few States. A pub
lie meeting, at Trenton, in New Jersey,
was followed by others in New York and
Philadelphia, and finally at Worcester,
Salem, and Boston, where committees
were organized to rally the country. The
citizens Of Baltimore, convened at the
courthouse, with the Mayor in the chair,
resolved that the future admission of slaves
into the States hereafter formed west Of the
Mississippi, ought to be prohibited by
Congress. Villages, towns, and cities, by
memorial, petition, and prayer, called upon
Congress to maintain the great principle
Of the prohibition of Slavery. The same
principle was also commended by the reso-
lutions Of State Legislatures and Pennsyl-
vania, inspired by the teachings Of Frank
lin and the convictions Of the respectable
denomination of Friends unanimouslv