Washington sentinel., 1854-03-03

uuIunlHn1nnlnnlnnzsunm
cannot answer without falsehood and hypocrisy
They may take the alternative maintaining as
true what they had said in ignorance, delusion
and prejudice, or acknowledge that, in the light OF
Intelligence, they are criminals before the bar oi
history, and deserve the judgment that should be
awarded to criminal agitators who can kindle the
hires OF incendiares, and have not the courage to
help extinguish them.
| The senator from Massachusetts said there was
no Joshua 10 command the sun whose rays are TO
melt the etters of the slave stand STILL but that
this agitation is 10 go on and on until they are
melted. He thinks all these attempts at conipro-
mise are but as banks Of sand 10 give way TO the
tide which is pouring down, and which ultimately
must prevail TO break down the institutions OF the
south. Now, there are more than three millions
OF slaves in the south. If Georgia, South Caro-
lima, and Virginia each were 10 offer 10 send five
thousand Of them to Massachusetts, would she
have thema five were disposed TO emancipate
them. and hand them over TO the gentemen's phi
lanthropy, would they receive theml No, sir /;
instead OF receiving them with paternal embraces,
they would resist them with the bayonet.
4 Suppose these gentlemen shonld succeed now
IN being able 70 declare thathe fetters oflhe black
man should be struck from him; / say that no
man, acting upon the responsibility of moral
/ agent dare pronounce such fiat. II would be
the most cruel act that had ever been done under
The authority, or the guise, or the forms of law.
have always considered that the act of Ferdinand
in driving the Jews from Spain was one of the
most cruel recorded in history; but this would
be far worse. The men whom Ferdinand excluded
had statms caste, and they could take their po-
sition In society; but where would these crea-
i lures go /? What would become ofthem? Would
you consign them TO the wilderness 10 live with
the Indians upon the precarious supplies furnished
by hunting Their habits, their inclinatons. ev-
erything connected with them, unfit them for it.
they would inevitably perish. The gentlemen can
propose nothing for their relief and vet they are
willing TO agtate, and say their letters shall fall
off! Where will you send them To Africa 2
They would not go could they see their fate they
could not go 7! but fit were possible for them 10
go, they w,u'd relapse into barbarism Wyou
set them free with view 10 annoy their masters
Why, if every slave in South Carolina and Geor-
| gia-I speak of these two States particularly
were sci free tomorrow and were allowed TO live
in society there, and should contract debts, they
would be more efectually slaves than the white
| slaves In some OF the northern States. They
! could not support themselves except under the
| white mans guardianship. What then are you TO
do with these people when you speak ofloosening
their felters 1? You of the north will not take
them. Where will you send them? Would you
require us TO keep them2 How are we TO sup
| port them? 1t would be mercy to them to
cut their throats sooner than condemn them TO
your philanthropy. In his true relation the
black man may be contented and useful be-
ing am willing TO be his protector to the best
ofmy ability, whether he be slave or a free man
of color: and if he had full knowledge Of my dis
position towards him, he would regard me more
than those who deceive him.
i | went through, yesterday, some of the topics
which have been discussed by the honorable gen.
tlemen who have opposed this bill, who have
talked of bad faith, and OF the observance of the
Missouri compromise. In speech and letter en-
deavored to show that it had been disregarded.
My friend from North Carolina Mr. BApGERl
spoke so fully on these points, that was almost
unnecessary for me 10 touch upon them at all ;
and yesterday my friend from Virginia Mr.. Hun
i TER took from me nearly all that could say upon
the other features the subject. Having shown
yesterday that the Missouri compromise was not
only disregarded and violated but that the whole
! spirit OF ii, that should incucate harmony, has
been Extensively abused in the Senate and House.
i go 10 the next proposition, which / propose to
discuss, that there was no constitutional compe-
tepcy in Congress to adopt such an arbitrary line
as that indicated in what is called the Missouri
compromise line-a line made in the spirit ofcom-
| promise without the authority of competent par
ties line not like that made by the Patriarchs
with the option Of each, and observed with good
faith by both; not line of peace, but of strife !;
not line that wsud serve wall of protection
for one party. against the invasions Of another !;
but line of odious distinction, to court hostile
| controversy
| Mr. President, this government has been in OPP
Grafton for about sixty five years. There is pro-
vision in the Constitution for its expansbii'y by
| amendment. Ii was supposed that when the ex-
| igencles OF society, and the progress Of events
might require il, the Constitution woudb so mod
| ifed and amended as TO accommodate itself TO the
new state Of things. 1t has been in operation for
| sixty-fve years, and there have been no amend
ments, except such as were adopted Immediately
after II went into operation. Laws are stationary;
| things are progressive. We have been going on,
and occasions have occurred which called for some
amendment Of the Constitution of the United
States. None was proposed, or if proposed, none
was adopted.
| How has that deficiency been supplied BY
compromises, devolving upon majority of Con-
gress the province of deciding what is the mean
| ing, or what should be the provisions Of the con-
| stituton, by adding to the constitution the power
| OF the strong TO make compromises with the
weak In this way, instead of threesfourths of the
States amending the constitution, majority of
| Congress has assumed the province of doing so
! by compromises. | have. upon this ground, op-
| posed all compromises, unless they were such
| were consistent with the constitution of the Uni
ted States / regard the Missouri compromise
fatal error on the part Of our ancestors. grant
that II was an error committed in honorable faith,
| under the expectation that all its obligations and
| all its requirements would be observed and full
| filed They have not been. lfthere were 9TH
er ground, the southern portion of the confedera-
! Cyl from this fact alone, would be absolved from
all claims to be called upon to observe il. 1t
wants all the elements Of a competent compact
il wants proper parties--t wants the consttu-
tional consent OF the States, properly expressed,
according to the laws of the bond of union; and
tnat DOnd recognises no Sucn parties as norm ana
south. North and south never made bond of
compact Thirteen Commonwealths, sovereign
republics, made confederacy of equal States, to
be governed by the terms OF written constu-
ton, with definite and limited powers to those
who were TO administer the government under its
provisions In the effort TO make the compromise
the agent usurped power that belonged exclu-
sively to the constituting principle. To some
tent the principle may have affirmed the compro.
mise. but with no such acquiescence as could
bind either party, where the provisions of the
compromise have either been changed by another
compromise. or dsregarded by either party.
But go further, and say that | know of no
shadow Of authority in the federal government
10 adopt such provision as that which is con-
tanned in what is called the Missouri compromise,
to wit that the line of 36o 80, should be the d.
vidng line between the Territories where slavery
should be prohibited, and where il might be al
lowed. The very fact that such line could be
established would give TO Congress unlimited dis
cretion over this subject. If you admit the power
Of Congress TO fix the line Of 36o 30', where is the
limit of it7 If you can fix that line, you can go
wherever you choose. Where does Congress de-
rive such power? Is il found in the Constitution