Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-12-14

kIaVe1OIdinQ
Union and stand ready TO meet the
disastrous TO Themselves rather than participate in their
Violation This say Is not enough sometimes indeed,
general question is adopted and allegiance
proessed to the declaration that IS Rest CON
Now, sir believe no such doctrine; and not believing
1t, will not profess TO believe it. from whatever high
quarter announced"
In his act of acquisition against me, The Rich
mond prosecutor not salts led with deducing nv
hostility TO the South from my views of slavery
and their PRONUNCIATION, goes yet further, and
makes my opinions on some of the questions
which have recently agtated the public mind, con-
nected with this general subject, vehicle for
hard words and hard thought. On all these ques-
lions have taken my share of the discussions in
The Senate of the United States, and do not pro-
pose 10 review them here, either for the purpose
OF defending my own position or OF laying open
the errors in the position of others. There is, how
ever, such an air of selfsatisfaction in those de-
clamatory accusations that l am tempted by briefly
touching some of the points, TO ascertain how far
the result justifes The eomplacency of the writer.
And, first will refer 10 that kind of motive
power by which il is claimed that Immediately on
the acquisition by the United States of any foreign
territory slavery extends over il by the operation
Of the Constitution, however il may be excluded
by The local law; by which, for instance if Cana
da were annexed Ia the Union tomorrow every
| Shareholder could take his slaves there, and hold
| them I'LL prevented by an act of the people en-
ton heard.maintained with relation 10 Canada by
| a southern senator--I think by Mr.. Yulee-in an
swer TO an inquiry made by Mr.. Dickinson. The
| opposition TO this pretension the writer does me
The honor TO call an article in the Cass creed.
| This is too high an honor, and one 10 which l
have no claim. / tell him it is an article in the
constitutional creed, firmly maintained as be-
lieve, by every man in the non-slaveholding
States, and, as know, by many an able and pa
| triotic statesman in the South. II was held by
NJ. all Mr. 4 T n
| him he is behind the age. This pretenson orig-
mated know not when or where, but certainly
very recently. Ii sprang up in night and il per-
| shed in day. Although it was probed to the
| lotion by its opponents at the last session ofthe
Senate, do not recollect a single member who
entered upon its defense; and one very able
southern man, at least MI. Harris, Of Mississip-
| pI disavowed IT, and Thought in rather contemp-
tuous terms. Between you and me, Mr.. Chair
man" said that gentleman, q the Constitution does
| not carry slave anywhere, except il be runa-
way, and il does take him back from free State
10 his master in slave State.n Another member
| from slaveholding State, Mr.. Franklin, OF Mary
land, expressed similar views. The doctrine
never had any real foundation, either in the Con-
sttution or in the nature of the confederation II
| rested on the assumption, that the public domain
| being acquired by the whole Union, the whole
i Union had equal rights in its enjoyment. This
postulate is undeniable But what then? II was
further commended that the South could not enjoy
1
lands, unless comparatively small portion of its
population, say $4,000 out Of more than 600 900
| of white persons, could take their slaves with
them; orr in other words, that every man, from
| every Stale Of the Union, had right TO take all
| his property 10 the public domain and there hold
| it-whisky, banks, or anything else-although
| prohibited by the local law. A true answer 10
this pretension Isl that if any man, North or South
holds property, not recognized as such, or pro-
hibed by the local law, his remedy is to be found,
Il =. L. l..ss IL
| such property into money, the universal repre-
sentative Of value, and take that TO his new home
/ and there commence his work OF enterprise in a
| young and growing community.
| cannot even glance at the numerous consid.
eratons which fortify and render impregnabe this
position. shall content myself with adding, that
the maintenance Of such doctrine leads ineyita-
| bly, TO consequences which strike at that erea,
element Of our institutions, the rights the States
| The assumption which / have referred 10 is thai
slavery is essential 10 the equal enjoyment OF the
publ domain. Now, the public domain exists as
well in the States as in the Territories and every
act OF Congress in relation TO its sale and settle
! ment is equally in force wherever an acre Of the
public land is 10 be found. There is not one stat
! ute upon this subject which does not operate as
fully in Ohio as in Oregon. IT. therefore, the Con.
stilution OF the United States gives TO the slave
holder the right 10 take his peculiar property 10
the public domain, how happens il that the public
domain is closed 10 him the moment a State con-
stitution is formed, and slavery excluded by il 2
Does the constitution Of Stale override and over
ride that of the United States? Such is not the
reading Of the general Constitution, which de.
clares its own supremacy upon all matters COM
| mitted to II over the constitutions of the States
Either, therefore, this claim Of the expansive
power of slavery over the public domain is un-
founded, or slaves may be taken TO Ohio and TO
any other oftbe new States where any portion of
the public lands is yet unsoId leave the choice
| Of the dilemma 10 the constitutional commentator
Of the Enquirer.
But, quitting these views, and coming 10 The
practical recognition of the true constitutional doc
trne Of non-nterventon, repeat what said In
the Senate that the doctrine of the voluntary mo.
tive power Of slavery has been abandoned by the
passage Of those bills. Every man. and the Soutb
| almost as one man, voted for them; every man
who voted 10 give TO those Territories the power 10
legslate over the subject Of slavery 10 Introduce
or TO exclude IL at pleasure, knew full well that he
was giving TO the legislatures fthese Territories,
who would not consider themselves prohibited by
the Constitution, an authority which would be ex.
ercised 10 the letter, and that the fate of slavery
as an institution in the country would depend ON
their action, or rather would depend on in intro
duction by them, as without such introduction il
was excluded by the absence of any local Law
maintaining il. And squaiter sovereignty is again
arraigned by the Enquire, with as much invec.
tive as though the term and the claim origin ated
with me. The name-nckname, indeed owes its
paternity 10 Mr.. Calhoun, but the doctrine the
right Of man TO govern himself has been heard Of
in the world for some time, too seldom, indeed,
practically acknowledged, and has made It's home
upon this continent, brought here more than two
centuries ago by the pilgrims who 6rst sqnatfed
down upon the rock of plymouth, having the day
before they debarked from the Mayfower, "com-
bined themselves together in civil body politicn
never was more forciby struck by the saescity of
n remark than have been during the progress of
this controversy--by the remark Of Mirabeau that
names are things" What is this doctrine con.
tended for by iis friends, and misunderstood or
misrepresented by its opponents and sought 10
be rendered obnoxious by the imposition OF an OBJ.
noxous designation, the same tactics which led 10
the application Of the term locofoco 10 the demo-
cratic party lprincipes cannot survive this kind
Of hostile political baptism, they are not worth the
labor of enunciation nor the care OF prcserya
lion. When the people Of California, after having
suffered by the neglect OF Congress for two or
three years 10 establish government, established
one for themselves, they presented their Constitu.
ton, and demanded admission into the Union.
There were many---a majority they proved, and
had the happiness 10 be among tbem--who main.
tanned The rights Of the people, and the duty OF the
national legislature 10 receive them into the con.
federacy as one Of its equal members. There |
were others who denied both their right and our |
Hufu nd he ofshf xua 4