Plymouth banner. (Plymouth, Marshall County, Ind.) 1852-1855, 1854-12-14

e0ftn, anu eHceeulb5 lHaI OF any Olner.
Over this great interest. in which not
only our merchants, but ai classes Of
citizens. at least indirectly, are concern
ed, ii is the duty of the executive and
Legislative branches of the government, to
exercise careful supervision, and adopt
proper measures for its protection. The
policy which have had in view, in re
gard 10 this interest. embraces its future
as well as its present security.
Long experience has shown that, in
general, when tie principal powers OF
Europe are engaged III war. the rights Of
neutral nations are endangered. This
consideration led, in the progress Of the
war Of cur iadene ndence, to the forma-
ton of the celebrated confederacy oil
armed neutrality, primary object CT
which was 10 assert the doctrine, that free
ships make free goods, except in the case
of articles contrabdnd OF war; doctrine
which. from the very commencement OF
our national being, has been cherished
idea of the statesmen of this country.
At one period or another. every maratime
(
recognized that principle; aud 1t might
have been hoped that it would come to
be universally received and respected as d
rule Of international law. Bat the retu.
sal OF one power prevented this and III
the next great war that ensued. that o!
the Frenc'. revolution, il failed to be re
spected among the beligerent States OF Eu-
rope. Notwithstanding this, the prin-
ciple is gene rally admitted to be sound
and sal8,ary one; so much SO, that, at the
commence ment of the existing war in
Europe. Great Britain and Fsance an
nounced their purpose to observe ii foi
the present; not, however, as Tecogniz
ed international right, but as mere con
cession foI the time being. The co opera
ton, however. of thc: two powerful
maritime nations in the interests of neu
tral rights, appeared to me to afford an
occasion. inviting and justiiying. on the
part Of the United States, renewed eff
fort 20 make the doctrine in question q
princi pie of iaterna, ,ional law, by means
of special conventions between tie sew
! eral powers Of Europe and America. Ac-
cordingly proposition. embracing not
only the rule. tha, free ships make free
goods, except coniraband articles. but al
so the less contested one. that neutral
property, other thau contraband, though
on board enemys ships. shall be exempt
from confsca ton, has been submitted by
this government 10 those Of Europe anC
America.
Russia acted promptly in :his matter
and convention was concluded between
that country and the United States. pro
! viding for the observance Of the princi
plies announced, not only rs between
| themselves, but also as between them and
all other nations, which shall enter into
like stipulaiiOns. None Of the Othel
powers have as yet taken fua, action Oh
the subject. am not aware, however
that any objection TO the proposed s,ip
ulalions has been made; but on the con
trary, they are acknowledged TO be essen
tial 10 the security of neutral CONNER rec;
and the only apparent obstacle 10 their
general adoption is in the possibility. that
it may be encumbeIed by inadmissdble
conditions.
The King of the Two Sicilies has ex
pressed TO our Minister at Naples, his rea-
diness to concur in our proposition rela-
tive TO neutral rights, and TO enter into
d convention on that subject.
The King Of Prussia entirely approves
of the project of a treaty TO the same ef
feet, submitted 10 him. but proposes al
additional article providing for the renun
citation priyateering. Such an article
for the most obvious reasons. is much de
sired by nations having naval establish
ments. large in proportion 10 their foreign
com lnerce. Ii it were adopted as an in
ternalional rule, the commerce Of ma
tion having comparatively small nava
force. would be very much at the mere,
of its enemy, in case of war with pow
er OF decided naval superiority. The bar
statement of tho condition in whith th
! United States would be placed. after hav
ing surrendered the nigh; TO resort TO prt
yateers, in the event of war with a be
ligerent Of naval supremacy, will shoV
that this government could never liste,
10 euCu pIopOSitlOu' uC Ho' oi -"
first maratime power in Europe is at leaS
ten times large as that of the United
States. The foreign commerce OF tn
two countries is nearly equal. and abou
equally exposed 10 hostile depredations
In war between that power and the Uni
ted States. without resort OH our part t
our mercantile marine, the means Of ou
enemy to inflict injury upon ous com
merce would be tenfold greater than our
to retaliate, We could not extrica.
ou. country from this unequal condition
with such an enemy, unless we at one
departed from our present peaceful poll
cy, and became great naval power. No
would this country be better situated il
with one of the secondary naval powers
Though the naval disparity would be less
the greater extent. aud more exposed
condition of our wide spread commerce
would give any of the like adyantag
over us.
, The proposition to enter into arrange
ments to forego resort TO prlvaleers. |
case this country should be forced int
war with great naval power, is no, en-
titled 20 more favorable consideratio
: than would be proposition to agree nc
to accept the services of volunteers f
operations on land. When the honor c
E the rights of our country require ii 10 al