Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-05-18


ested. It directly involves the question of State
sovereignty without which the Union could mob
. exist. The confederaed States have no right, he
commended, 10 restrict slavery from territory; for
territory is a State in embryo, and remains
until il shall be ready 10 organize itself into a
Stale government, and apply for admission into
the Union. He reviewed the history of the Mis-
sour act oflS20 and argued that the law was not
impose by the south on the north.
Mr. ETHERlDGE, after few preliminary re-
marks, asked: Have you not been endeayoring 10
force upon an unwilling people a measure for
which they never asked9 If the House had been
LEFT free TO ITSELF and moi been visited with threats
and promises for the other end of the avenue, a
thousand caucusesand cabinet consultations could
not have prevented this bill from being buried so
deepsthat il would never be heard of again, and
there would not have been murmur except those
who kept watch al what we supposed al one time
was its dying couch He was southern man,
and it was for his portion Of country that he de-
sired TO be heard This day he asked Unlon-loving
representatives, national representatives, from the
north and the south-not tactionists-to consider
well the subject in practical, common-sense
view. But the main question he proposed 10 dis
cuss was the repeal of the Missouri compromise;
not because the bill had inferior and insuperable
objections but because the most intelligent and
temperate men view repeal of that measure as
attended with mischief.
He contended that no goodconld grow out oft
10 any person or to any section. He did not see
how the south could be benefited by the repeal
while danger must grow out Of the agitation which
madness has started into life.
Mr.. OLIVER, ofMissouri, said, in the course of
his remarks, that the Missouri compromise did
not, contrary 10 The assertion of gentlemen, give
repose 10 distracted country. The north he
said, repudlated 1t, SO far as they could by their
votes, and the record proves this The bill as
serted the principle Unpopular sovereignty, TO keep
the Union from future slave agitation, and 10 crush
forever the hydra-headed monster of ianaticism.
Mr.. BENNETT regarded this bill as intending
10 repeal the Missouri compromise and, directly
or indirectly, 10 extend slavery into Territories
now free. lfthls is not the object of the BILL such
will be its effect. The compromise measures of
1890, he said, were passed settle forever every
difficulty arising out Of the slavery questions and
now, contrary TO the promises heretofore made, |
we have new. reckless, and wanton agitation !
thrust upon us unnecessarily, without cause or
reason. This bill originated here without any
expressed desire for il from any section of the (
country. In the course Of his remarks, he said i'll
this bill should be passed another slave State will |
never come into this Union
Mr.. STRAUB obtained the floor, but yielded it
Mr.. BRECKENRIDGE, who moved that the |
House take recess until sevsn o'clock, in order !
TO afford an opportunity for full and free debate.
Mr., STRAUB said that if any other gentleman I
acting with the minority, wished TO speak on this /
important question, he would yield the floor to
him.
Mr.. SAGE remarked it would be a severe tax
10 keep members here till midnight.
Mr.. HUGHES asked for a division Of the ques.
ton
The Chairman said that If division should be
taken, the motion must fail.
Mr. STRAUB observed that he would not weld /
TO an adjournment, prelerring, rather than do so,
10 go on with his remarks. He then said he saw
on occasion for unpleasant, hostile feeling on this
subject, and why ocean should be into tenn
pest tossed, TO wait feather or to drown
fly" There seemed to be but one plain, SIM
pie question involved in this controversy, and
that was: Shall the people of the Territories
have the right 10 govern themselves This is
the cornerstone of the Constitution, which all
OF them have been sworn to support. You
might as well expect to see cannon-ball come
from rosebud, or a thunderbolt from rainbow,
as 10 see the people declining to their preroga
tive to govern themselves. He would, whenever
called on, under any and all circumstances, vote
for measures which will lead TO the effects which
lie had stated, although his eiigy should be hung
on every tree and housetop. The hanging of
man in efigy don't hurt, Qaugher;) and he wished
10 be allowed to say, in this connection, that there
is no surer way of making man without merit
greater, than 10 prosecute him. The oftencr Judge
Douglas shall be hung in efigy the better for him.
Pass this bill, of which he thought there was no
doubt, and slavery would not go 10 the Territories.
Ihe ambitious and enterprsing men of the east
ern, western, northern, and middle States, would
take possession Of every inch Of the soil The
only reason why his brethren Of the south stand
by the bill is, they go for principles. They stand
oH TIC SoHstllutiOH, where every man STANDS VINO
intends TO vote for the bill
AT halEpast five O'Clock the Committee took
recess until seven. 8-.
EVENING SESSION.
The committee Tor rather twenty or thirty mem
bers having reassembled at halfpast seven o'clock,
MIR. WADE expressed his views in opposition
10 the bill, which he stigmatized deceitful and
lying in its provisions. He said he would go for
congressional Intervention if the measure should
be SO amended as 10 allow the people in the Terri
tories to determine their institutions for themselves
without regard TO color. This would end the con-
troversy, and he thought he was warranted in say
ing that every opponent ofthe bill would withdraw
his objection 10 it if this should be done and then
he would be willing to bring the principle into the
District of Columbia, and say to Congress, hands
off, #
There being no other gentleman evincing dis
position to speak tonight
The committee rose,
And the House, at eight o'clock. adjourned.