The Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, Ohio) 1853-1861, 1854-04-10


might not be compelled by force to aban-
don the purely defensive system which
wished to adopt. But from the moment
when the Turks were allowed to attack our
-Asiatic territory, to carry away one OF our
frontier posts, (even before the term fixed for
the commencement of hostilities,) to block
ade Akhalttzik, and to ravage the province
of Armenia-trom the moment when the
Turkish fleet were allowed to transport
troops, arms, and munitions of way to our
coasts. could it be reasonably hoped that we
should wait patiently the result of such at
tempt? Was it not to be supposed that we
should do all we could to prevent it?
The affair at Sinope was the result OF 1t.
That affair was the forced consequence OF
the attitude adopted by the two Powels, and
the result certainly could not have been un-
expected. | had declared my wish to remain
upon the defensive, but before war broke out
as far as my honor and my interests could
permit me to do so, and as long as the wal
was restrained within certain limits, has all
been done which ought to have been done tc
prevent these limits being exceeded. If the
character of spectator, or even that of media
tor was not sufficient for your Majesty, and
if your Majesty wished to become the armed
auxiliary of my enemies, then, sire, 1t would
have been more honorable and more worthy
of YOU to have told me 50 frankly beforehand
by declaring war against me. Each OF Il;
would then have known the part he had tc
play. But is it an equitable proceeding fo
those to make crime of that event. after
has happened, which they did nothing tC
prevent? If the cannon-shot Of Sinope re
verberated painfully on the hearts OF those
who in France and in England appreciate
the national dignity, does your Majesty thlni
that the menacing presence at the entrance
of the Bosphorus of the three thousand pie
ces of cannon of which you speak, and the
report of their entry into the Black Sea, re
main without echo in the hearts of the natior
whose honor have to defend?
learn from your Majesty for the frs
time, (for the verbal declarations made tt
me up to this period have made no such al
lusions.) that while protecting the reinforce
|. ment of Turkish troops upon their own ter
ritory, the two Powers have resolved to pro
: Ihibit to us the navigation of the Black Se
that is to say, apparently to take from
the right Of strengthening our own coasts
leave it to your Majesty to consider if tina
be, as you say, the way to facilitate the con
clusion of peace, and if. in the alternative
which is placed before me, am permitted II
discuss, or even to examine for moment
your proposals for an armistice, the imme
diate evacuation of the Principalities, AM
= the negotiation with the Porte Of conven
: tion to be submitted to conference Of tn
four Powers? Would you, yourself, sire,
you were in my place, accept such propo
sition? Would your national feelings ALLOW
you to do so? boldly answer, No! ALLOW
me, then, in my turn, the right of thinkin
! as you would think yourself. Whateve
your Majesty may decide, menaCes will no
, induce me to recede.
NV confidence is in God and my righ
and Russia, as can guarantee, will prov
herself in 1854 what she was in 1912. l.
; however, your Majesty, less indifferent to m
? honor, should frankly return to my pre-
! gramme-if you should proiter me a cordi;
hand, as | now offer it to you at this las
moment will willingly forget whateve
has wounded my feelings in the past. TheI
, sire, but then only, we may discuss, and pc
haps we may come to an understanding. Ii
your fleet limit itself to preventing the Turl
from sending additional forces to the theatl
= of war. | willingly promise that they sha
: have nothing to fear from my attempts. 1t
: them send negotiator. | will receive hi
in a suitable manner. My conditions a,
j known at Vienna. That is the only baS
upon which | can allow discussion.
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