The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-07-06
NO. 800.

to assure the gentleman, had created depth
of feeling in the free States entirely unprece-
dented, and which would continue for years to
come. IL was true that 10 Boston, under this
law, recently an arrest was made-that an
ARRAY or riot took place, and a homicide was
committed but it should be remembered that
| the constitutional authorities Of Massachusetts,
and Boston took that matter in hand and dis
posed Of it. Sudden tumults and affrays and
violence had occurred in other places than 10
Boston. This petition was got up for no pur-
pose of provoking bloodshed, riots, or treason.
1t was not got up recently. Had its signers
such objects in view, they would not have left
their petition open to the public gaze at the
Merchants Exchange, exposed to examination
BY the friends and the opponents Of its prayer.
The feeling now existing at the North ives such
| as never had been witnessed before Ii was
widespread and universal 1t pervaded all
| professions and occupations Of life. The action
of Congress nc this session had produced the
feeling. Whole classes ofm had been OPEN
| ly denounced in Congress for petitionng ageinst
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise He
would say to Senators, with all respect, that in
denouncing the clergy for petitiopipg against
that act, they had gone too far, for the clergy
of New England spoke the sentiments of the
whole people they lived among. Public senti.
its repeal. He supposed there would always
be found a party in Massachusetts ready and
willing to execute it, but its execution was
| against the sentiments Of the people: He would
say to the Senator, that the time had gone by
when any threat of dissolution Of the Union,
consequent upon the action of the free States,
upon any measure, would deter them from do
ing what they conceived to be right. Threats
of disunion had ceased to be an argument with
them either for or against any measure. The
North was devoted to the UniOn-thcy would
| adhere to it-they would go with it to whatso-
ever extent it was extended but they did not
believe that this Union could be dissolved. Die
union was an impossible thing. Why was it
that Congress, while extending the Union in
all directions, had neglected the great binding
ligament of a railroad to the Pacific He
urged the construction OF that great work, and
said that he had no connection with the meet
ing which had adopted the Address, though he
fully agreed with the sentiments it uttered,
| Mr.. JONES asked the Senator to say how
many of these siguere, who were said to be the
bone and sinew Of Boston, had aided in exccu-
ting the law lately in Boston. Was not q
large number of them, with treason il their
hearts, and knives in hand, engaged in tho re-
cent mob to resist the Constitution and the
| laws?
Mr. ROCKWELL do not know that one
was so engaged.
Mr. JONES asked if Wendell Phillips and
Theodore Parker, who had melted an ignorant
and infatuated people to resist the law and the
Constitution, which they had not courage or
manlness enough to do in person--had they
nothing to do with these riots, aud these cries
for repeal? AS to the clergy of New England
he had nothing to say He never quarreled
with women or clergymen. He transferred
the fight with them to the Senator from Hi
nois But he asked the Senator if he believed
the Union could last enc day after the repeal
of the Fugitive Slave Lawl
Mr.. ROCKWELL. have said already that
disunion is an impossible thing
Mr. JONES. If the Senator supposes that
the South WILL stand like oravens, and submit
to have their property taken from them in viO-
lation of the Constitution, he is much rnista
ken, and knows very little of their character
The Union without the Constitution would be
worse than slavery. Sooner than to submit to
such degradation and humiliation, he would
himself apply the torch to the temple of our
Union, and perish in its ruins, IL the Senator
expected to see the Fugitive Slave Law repeal
ed, or the Missouri Compromise restored, he
might expect to enjoy long lifetime. Neither
the one or the other act would the Senator
ever see.
Mr. BRODHEAD said he did not know
whether this quarrel between old friends ought
to 90 on, or to STOP For twenty years, Ten
nessee and Massachusetts had been politically
associated in all Presidential elections. Ten
! nessee had refused TO vote for General Cass
who opposed the Wimot Proviso, and voted
for General Taylor, who refused to pledge him.
self against it, that he might secure Massa-
cbusetts If this quarrel was to end in their
parting company it had better 20 on il not
the Senate ought to take up other business.
Mr.. SUMNER said that he would begin by
answering the question whether tho Union can
exist after the repeal of the Fugitive Slave
Law. If the Union could not exist without an
act-law he could not call (which outrages
all principles of humanity and right, as did
the Fugitive Slave Law, then the Union ought
not to exist He would not attempt to follow
the Senator from Tennessee, for, Ike hero Of
antiquity, it could be said of that Senator
thrice had he slain his foes, and thrice he
slew the slain" He sincerely hoped the peo-
pie of the North were not to be inundated or
cajoled into ON abandonment Of those great
principles of freedom which they bad so long
been. devoted to. He hoped there would be a
backbone preserved to the North. He entirely
agreed with his colleague as to the character
of the memorialsts. Among them were those
| who had scquiesced in the Compromise meas
ures of l850-there were also those engaged
| in great mercantile interests. Il was that
great interest which, in the history Of England
| twice checked the humane efforts of WILDER
| force to break up the African slave trade. 1t
was the same great interest which, from sordid
motives had in the Constitution Of the United
States kept for twenty years the same heaven
offending traffic from the judgment of the
Il. IL IL
Fugitive Slave Law here and elsewhere. He
was free to avOw it. In so doing he would not
throw himself upon the judgment Of Senate
fresh from the passage of the Nebraska act
but would throw himself upon the Judgment
Of his country and his God. He then read
numerous extracts from the former speeches
on this lew, and avowed again the sentiments
therein expressed. He referred to the senti-
ments expressed in Faneuil Hall, by Otis, Ad-
ans and others, preceding the Revolution, in
which they held that resistance to slavery was
obedience to God A short distance from that
sacred edfce, said he, and between it and the
Courthouse where the disgusting rites of sacri-
fcipg human being to slavery were lately
performed, was the spot which was first moist
ened by American blood in resisting slavery,
and among the first victims was a eOlored per-
son. Near Boston are Concord and Lexington,
where that resistance was repeated, and it re-
ceived its browning glory on Bunker Hill. He
then run parallel between the resistance to
the Stamp act in 1766 and the Fugitive Slave
act of 1850. He further contended that the
former was harmless measure, when compar.
ed with the latter.
Mr.. BUTLER said that his idea ON this
question was that there ought not to be any
necessity for Fugitive Slave Law Under the
Constitution each State of itself ouoht IN Dro
vide for the rendition of all fugitives from labor