The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-08-10
THE NATIONAL ERA WASHINGTON. D. C. AUGUST 10. 1854

marked, more distinctly than the present, by
hcentlous morals and mean ambition
reasoning prom again, as we did in another
case II Is only just to infer in favor of the United
states an Improvement of morals from their es-
taollshed progress in knowledge and power
otherwise, the philosophy of society is misunder-
stood and we must change all our courses, and
henceforth seek safety in imbecility and virtue in
superstition and ignorance.
What shall be the test of the national morals 2
Shall IT be the eccentrieity of crimes2 Certainly
not; Tor then we must compare the criminal &C.
centriclty OF to-day with that of yesterday.
Loyalty to the State is public virtue. Was
1t ever deeper-toncd or more universal than il is
now know there are ebullitions of passion
anc diseontent, sometimes breaking ont into dis
order and violence but was faction ever more
eiiectualy disarmed and harmless than it is now
There is loyalty that springs from the affection
that we bear to our native soil This we have,
as strong as any people. But it is not the soil
alone, noryet the soil beneath our feet and the
SKIES over our heads that constitute our country
II Is its freedom equality, justice, greatness, and
glory. Who among us is so low as to be insensi-
bic OF an interest in them? Four hundred thou
sand natives of other lands every year voluntarily
renounee their own sovereigns, and swear fealty
TO our own. Who has ever known an American
to transfer his allegiance to foreign Power?
n
index to the morals of apeope, just in proportion
to the power they exercise in making them Who
complains, here or elsewhere, that crime or inn
morality blots our statute-books with lieentous
enactments?
The characters Of a eountry's magistrates leeis-
lators, and captains, chosen by people, reflect
their own. 1t is true that in the earnest canvass
ing which so ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS elections re-
quire, suspicion often follows the magistrate and
oil 81.
Yet when his course has been finished what
magistrate has left name furnished by corrup-
ton, or what statesman has left an act or an
opinion so erroneous that decent charity cannot
excuse, though it may disapprove. What chief
tain ever tempered military triumph with so much
moderation as he who, when he had placed our
standard on the battlements Of the capital of
Mexico, not only received an offer of supreme au-
thority from the conquered nation but declined
it?
The manners Of nation are the outward form
of its inner life. Where is woman held in so
chivalrous respect, and where does she deserve
that emmence better? Where is property more
safe, commercial honor better sustained or hu-
man life more sacred
Moderation is virtue in private and in public
life. Has not the great increase of private wealth
manifested ITSELF chiefly, in widening the circle of
education and eleyatiug the standard of popular
intelligence? With forces which, if combined
and directed by ambition, would subjugate this
Continent at once, we have made only two very
short wars; the one confessedly war of defence,
and the other ended by paying for a peace, and
for domain already fully conquered.
Where lies the secret of the increase of virtue
which has thus been established? think il will
be found in the entire emancipation of the con-
sciences of men from either direct or indirect con-
troll by established ecclesiastical or political sys-
tens. Religious classes, like political parties have
been left to compete in the great work of moral
education, and to entitle themselves to the conf
dence and affection of society, by the purity of
their faith and of morals.
am well aware that some who may be willing
TO adopt the general conclusions of this argu-
ment will object that il is not altogether sustain
ed by the action of the Government itself, how
ever true it may be that it is sustained by the
great action of society | cannot enter field
where truth is to be sought amongst the disputa-
tons of passion and prejudice. may say, how
ever, in reply, first, that the Governments of the
United States, although more perfect than any
other, and although they embrace the great ideas
of the age more fully than any other, are never
theless, like all other Governments, founded on
compromises of some abstract truths and of
some natural rights.
AS Government is impressed by its Constitu-
ton, so il must necessarily act. This may suffice
is true, also, that no Government ever did alto
gether act out, purely and for long period, the
spirit of its original Constitution. Hence it is
that we are SO well told by Bolingbroke, that
every nation must perpetually renew its Consti-
tuition, perish Hence, moreover, it is a great
excellence of our system, that sovereignty resides
not in Congress and the President, nor yet in the
Governments of the States, but in the People of
the United States IL the sovereign be just and
firm and interrupted, the Governments can al
even the Constitutions themselves, if in any de-
of the sovereignty of the People over their Gov
ernments glimmers in the British system, while it
fills onr own with a broad and glowing light.
"Let not your King and Parliament in one,
Much less apart mistake themselves for that
Which is most worthy to be thought upon,
" Nor think they are essentially the STATE.
Z" Let them not fancy that the authority
And privileges on them bestowed
{" Conferrd, are to set up majesty,
" Or power or glory of their own;
" But let them know it was for deeper life
(Which they but represent
That there's ON earth yet auguster thing
"Veird though it be, than Parliament or King"
Gentlemen you are devoted to the pursuit of
knowledge, in order that you may impart it to
the State. What Fenelon was TO France, you are
to your country Before you teach, let me enjon
upon you to study well the capacity and the dispo-
stion of the American People. / have tried to
prove to you only that they are youthful, yigor
GUS aud apt and, therefore, that they are wor-
thy, and will make noble uses of your best in
structions