The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1854-12-15

dangered This consideration led, in the pro-
grtsS Of the war of independence, 10 the forira-
ton the celebrated confederacy ofarmed nes-
traty, a primary object of which was, TO assert
the doctrine, that free ships make free goods,
except IN thu case Of articles contraband of
war: doctrine which, from the very commence
ment Of our national being, has been cherish
eG idea OF the Statesmen Of this country. At
one period or another, every maratIme power
has, BY some solemn treaty Stipulation recogni-
zrd that principle, and it might have been hop
ed that it would come TO be universally recriv-
ed and respected as rule of international law.
Bot the refusal of one power prevented this, and
in the next great var which ensned, that OF the
French revolution, it failed TO be respected a.
mong the beligerent States Of Europe. Not
withsandng this thr principle is generally ad-
mitted to be a sound and salutary one; 50 much
50, that at the commencement of the existing
war in Europe, Great Britain and France an
nounced their purpose to observe it for the pre-
sent; not, however, as recognized lnternatlon-
al right, but as mere concession for the time
being. The Cooperation, however, OF these
two powerful maratine nations in the interest
OF neutral rights, appeared to me TO afford an
occasion, inviting and justifying, on the part Of
the United States, renewed effort 10 make the
doctrine in question a principle OF international
law, by means of special conventions between
the several powers of Europe and America
Accordingly, q proposition, embracing not only
the rule, that free ships make tree goods except
contrahand articles, but also the Jess contested
one, that neutral property, other than contra
hand, though on board enpmy's ships, shall be
exempt from con6Scaion, has been submitted by
the Government 10 those Of Europe and Amer
ica.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and
convention was concluded between that coun
try and the United States, providing for the OBJ
servaace Of the principles announced, not only
as between themselves, but also as between them
ard all other nations, which shall enter iato
like stipulationS. None Of the other powers
have as vet taken final action on the subject.
am not aware, however, that any objection to
the proposed sllpuationS has been made; but on
the contrary, they are acknowledged to BE- es-
sential TO the security OF neutral commerce and
The only apparent obstacle to their general adop
ton is in the possibility that it may be encum-
berpd by nadmsSihlr conditions.
The King of the Two Sclles has expressed to
TO our minister at Naples his readiness to concur
to enter into a convention on that subject
The King of Prussia entirely approves of the
project of treaty to the same effect, submitted
to him, but PROPOSES an additional article provi-
ding for the remuneration Of privatepring. Such
ar article, for most obvious reasons, is much de-
sired by nations having naval establishments,
large in proportion 10 their foreign commerce.
IF il were adopted as an international rule, the
commerce of nation having comparatively
small naval force, would be very much at the
mercy of It's enemy, in case Of war with pow
er of drcided naval superiority. The bare state
ment OF the condition in which the United States
would be placed, after having surrendered the
right TO resort TO priyaeerS, in the event Of war
with a beiIigerent of naval supremacy, viii
show that this government could never listen to
such proposition. The navy of the first mari
time power in Europe Is at least ten times as
large as that OF the United States The foreign
cammrrce OF the two countries is nearly equal,
ndabout equally exposed to hostile depredationS.
In war between that power and the United
States, without resort on our part to our mrr-
cantie marine, the means of our enemy to in-
HIct injury upon our commerce would be ten
fold greater than ours to rptaIiate. We could
not eXtrcate our country from this unequal con-
dltion, with such an enemy, unless we at once
departed from our present peaceful policy, and
became great naval power Nor would this
country BE- better situated, in war with one of
the secondary naval powers. Though the ma
val disparity would br less, the greater extent,
and more exposed condition of our widespread
commerce, would give any of them like ad-
vantage over us.
he IN ont nj ri fol
foreeo resort TO privateers, in case this country
should BE- forced into war with great naval
power, is not entitIpd to more favorable consid-
GRAFTON than would be a proposition, to agree
not TO accept the services of volunteers for oppr-
ation on land. When The honor or the rights
of our country require il 10 assume hostile
attitude, it confidently relies upon the patriot
ism OF lis citizens, not ordinarily devoted 10 the
military profession, to augment the army and
the navy, so as TO make them fully adequate to
the emergency which calls them into action
The proposal to surrender the right to employ
privateers is professedlv founded upon the prin-
ciPIe, that private property Of unolending nom
combatantS, though enemies, should be exempt
from the ravageS OF war: hut the proposed sur
render goes but little way in carrying out that
principle, which equally requires that such pri-
vate property should not be srized or moIested
BY national ships of war. Should the leading
powers OF Europe concur in proposing, as rule
of international law, to exempt private proper
ty, upon the ocean, from seizure by public arm
ed cruisers, as we'll as by priYateers, the United
States will readily meet them upon that broad
ground.
Since the adjournment Of Congress, the rati6-
cations of the treaty between the United STATES
and Great Britain, relative to coast fisheries,
and to reciprocal trade with the British North
American provinces, have been exchanged, and
some Of lis anticinaind adyantaceS are alreadr |