The Union and eastern journal. [volume] (Biddeford [Me.]) 1854-1858, 1854-05-12

and, as such, existent in every honest heart.
Sir, the President of the United States can
send US no opinions except in written mes.
sagcs, and no one can report his opinions to
influence the conduct of members upon a
bill, without being obnoxious to the ccnsure
which the British House Of Commons pro-
nOunced upon The lord of the bedchamber in
the case OF the king and the Fox East India
bill.
MINISTERIAL INTERFERENCE.
Nor can the Presidents secretaries-his
head clerks, as Mr.. Randolph used to call
them-send US their opinions on any subject
Of legislation depending before US. They
can only report, and that in writing, on the
subjects referred to them by law or by a
vote Of the Houses. Non.inter vention is
their duty in relation to our legislation !;
and If they attempt TO interfere in our
business, | must bo allowed, for one, to re-
pulse the attempt, and to profess for it no
higher degree ofrcspect than that Mr.. Burke
expressed for the opinions OF a British Lord
Chancellor, delivered to the House of Com
mons. in case in which he had no concern.
Sir, suppose can be allowed to repeat on
this floor any comparison, or figure of speech,
which Mr.. Burke could use on the floor OF
the British House of Commons. He was a
classic speaker, and, besides that author
of treatise on the Sublime and Beautiful /;
though DO not consider the particular figure
picturesque in itself, to be perfect illustra-
ton Of either branch Of his admired treatise.
Ii was in reference to Lord Thurlow, who
had interviewed in some legislative business,
contrary to the orators sense Of right and de-
cency. Mr.. Burke repulsed the intrusive
opinion, aud declared that he did not care
three jumps ola louse for it. Sir. / say the
same Of any opinion which may be reported
here from our Secretaries on any bill de.
pending before us, and that in any form in
which it may come from them-whether as
a unit, Or US integers (Roars Of laughter. }
PUBLIC PRINTERs's INTERFERENCE.
Still less do ] admit the right of interven-
ton in our legislative duties in another class
OF Intermediates, and who might not be able
to meddle at oil with our business, were il
not for the ministratiOn of our bounty.
speak of the public printers, who get their
daily bread (and that buttered on both sides)
by our daily printing, and who require the
Democratic members Of this House, under
the instant penalty Of political damnation
to give in their adhesion to every bill which
they call administration and in that every
change it may undergo-although more
changeable than moon. For that class O
Intermediates have no parliamentary law
TO administer, nor any quotation from Burke
to apply and nothing but little fable tC
read; the value Of which as in all good fables
lies in its moral. Ii is in French and en-
titled, Lane et son nlaitre.n which being
done in English signifies, 4" The ass and has
master ~ andit runs thus:
AN ass took it into his head to scare his
master, and put on lions skin, and went
and stood in the path. and when he saw
his master coming, he commenced roaring,
as he thought but he only brayed, and the
master knew il was his ass so he went up
to him with cudgel and beat him nearly
to DEATH
That is the end OF the fable. and the
moral of il is, ga cautioa to all asses to take
care how they undertake to scare their mas
ter."-(ProIOnged applause, irih cries ot
good, gOod.)
Mr.. Chairman, this House will have fallen
far below its constitutional mission, if it suE
fors itself to be governed by authority, OF
draGOOned by its own hlrelings. | am man
of no bargains, but act openly with any
man that acts for the public good and in
this spirit, offer the right hand Of political
friendship to every member Of this body
that will stand together to yindicate its priv.
ileges, protect its respect ability. and main
tain il in the high place FOR which it was in.
tcnded-the master branch Of the American
government.
MISSOURI COMPROMISE NOT MERELY STATUTE
The question before us is, to get rid Of the
Missouri Compromise line and, to lawyer
that is an easy question. That Compromise
is in the form of a statute, and one statute
is repealable by another. That short view
is enough fol lawyer. To Statesman j,
is something different, and refers the ques.
ton Of its repeal, not to law books, bet to
reasons OF State policy - to the circumstan,
ces under which it was enacted, and the
consequences which are 10 flow from its alb.
rogation. This Compromise Of 1890 is no,
a mere statute, to last for day; it was
intended for pcrpetuity, and so declared it.
SELF Ii is an enactment 10 settle contro.
versy = and did settle il - and cannot be
abrogated without reviying that controversy.
ID has given the country peace Tor above
thirty years how many years OF disturb.
ance will its abrogation bringi That Is the
statesman's question and without assum
ing to be much OF q statesman, claim tC
be enough 50 to consider the consequences
OF breaking n settlement which pacifed 0
continent remember the Missouri contro.
versy, and bow it destroyed all social feeling
and all capacity for beneficial legislation
and merged all political principles in an an
cry contest about slavery = dividing the
Union into two parts, and drawing up the
two halves into opposite and confronting
lines, like enemies ON the field of battle
do not wish TO see such times again and,
therefore, am against reviving them by break.
ing up tho settlement which quieted them.
TuE TnREE SLAVERY COMPROMISES.
The Missouri Compromise Of 1920 was the
partitioning between the FREQ and slave
| states, Of great province, taking the char
acter OF perpetual settlement; and class.
Ing with tho two great compromises which
gave US the ordnance of July l3, 1887. and
the federal constitution Of September IL, Of
the same year There are three slavery com.
promises in our history, which connec,
4 themselves with the foundation and preser-
vation OF this Union. First, the territorial
partition ordinance Of 1887, with its clause
Tor the recovery Of fugitive slaves second
lly, the contemporaneous constitutional rec
Iognition Of slavery in the States which chose
to have it, with tho fugitiye.slave.rec recovery
clause in the same Instrument thirdly, ,h,
Missouri partition line Of 1920, with tn,
same clause annexed for the recovery Of fu