Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1854-10-05
From the South Caro'iuian.
THE ELECTORAL QUESTION.
SWEET SPRINGS, Va, Sept. 3, Is

My DEAR SIR Your kind letter was forward
ed to me at the White Sulphur, but | had M
time to answer it until now.
You say, ARE YOU in favor of giving the cleo
ton of Electors TO the peopc!' You also say
"why don't you publish your views !" &c.
did not suppose That it was the slightest concerI
to ary one what my views were, and 1t might Ut
intrusion 10 give them.
When the subject WAS first presented in lS4i
or 1915, | WAS in our State Senate, and op
poses the change at that time, because there
was no interest felt then about it amongst the
people of Edgcficd and. the mode Of voting
which we had adopted from the commencement
had produced no dissatisfaction.
Since then Il general law has been passed by
Congress, fixing the day of election befure the
constitutional meeting of our Legislature, rem
dering it necessary for US to make some change
| in our mode of voting. As it is now, it is trust
ing too much to the mere will OF Governor to
call an extra session Of the Legislature i'll order
to secure our vote in the Presidential election
As long as we are in the Union, our casting vote
might, perchance, be of the deepest moment 10
the country, and corrupt or selfish Governor
might place US in Il position to cause everlst-
inc regret Besides our constitution has vest.
|
sion only in extraordinary cases." &C., and il
might be made serious question whether 10
vote merely in the Presidential election, was an
extraordinary case" contemplated by the con-
sltulion. All executive power should be- strict.
y construed. Here is a case or occasion, arls-
| ing under the regular laws of The United States,
operating for years at regular periods, well
known TO our Legislature, and which ii has am
| l. -. u I'm hn
extraordinary case" which the constitution pre-
snpposes could not be provided for, aud where
it, therefore, gave the power to the Governor TO
call IN extra session. Under these circumstan-
cess, a case might arise where the Presidential
election would turn upon the vote of South Car
una. If there was such excitement as there
was in 1850 or in 1914, when the whole country
was divided into great and bitter parties, not only
for personal success, but involving great and
vital principles, we might feel the deep respon-
sibiIity of our position. On the success of the
Democratic party in 1874 depended the triumph
of glcat measures lying 1t the foundation of the
government itself 1t is the seizure of the cx-
ecu,ive power by fraud or force which has cor
rupled or overllrown every republic on earth.
If in such issues rs those turning solely upon
the vote of South Carolina, question of diSpu.
led returns or disputed "elcclion" should
be made, where is the tribunal to decide it
South Carolina, under the power Of the execu-
tive, calls an extra session of her Legislature to
cast her vote The point is made that the exec
ulive has no such power, or that the extraor-
dnarv case" contemplated by her constitution,
did not exist, &c., and that therefore, the re!
turns of her vote shall be questioned. The con-
slitu,iun of the United States provides that on
certain day the Vice President and Senate shall
proceed into the House of Representatives ana
there, in the presence of both houses, shall open
the returns in the Presidential election. When
South Carolina is called objection is made 10
her returns and her election, and who shall de-
eide that when the decision may involve such
interests as to shake the republic itself! II is a
"casus omissus" in the constitution. Upon that
question being made, the Senate would instant
! ~ retire to it, own chamber and decide for IL
self, or it would bc absorbed by the House.
Both bodies would sit i Judgment upon the
question, and if they decided differently, it would
end the government, or it would be settled Oy
the sword, which would end the constitution. |
think we ought to avoid placing our beloved
State in so unpleasant and responsible posi-
ton. AZ long as but two candidates are select
cd and run, it is by no means impossible that
casting vote may depend upon single State;
and if So South Carolina would unqnestonably
be the State selected upon Which to make the
great battle for the seizure OF the executive
power Of the republic.
But, independent of all this, am one of those
who firmly believe that rs long us we are IN the
Union, We ought to act cordially and zealousIy
with the great democratic, or rather republican,
party of the cunfedrracy. There is no hope OF
| Justice or limited construction Of the federal
compact without their aid, and through their
Union. | know they have committed errors,
and that there are factions of that party who
have ultra and dsorganizing views. But with
out the great republican party, in its general or
nanizati0n, where would we be! We must bear
with smaller evils TO gain greater points. 1t is
the part of wisdom 10 bear and turbrar i'll order
to save what may be essential, or those great
and vital principles which, at last, must control
the destiny Of this mighty contcderary. 1t the
South or the State should ever decide upon sep
araion, that is one thing; but rs long as we are
IN the Union, we must act faithfully, and resort
TO every fair and honorable means 10 advance The
sound principles of the constitution. Under eS-
listing circumstances, am decidedly agains iso.
}aing South Carolina from her sister States Of
the South, or separating her from the great re-
publican party of the coufederacy. would not
enlist her in pursuit of the offices of federal
power Il trustI have always shown a different
feeling } but | would place her in position to
give cordial and manly support to great nea-
sures, and TO great party moves in order to Sc.
cure and advance those measures.
Under such circumstances, should be in IA
vor of elccing her Electors AS the others of the
other States Of the South do. To settle the
question now would be to take subject of agl-
taliun out of the hands of demagogues, who will
always keep it up TO affect local results and make
par,v divisions in our State, where we should
have none. II it is not given to the people now,
it will form the basis of agitation, which may
lead to other far more levelng and serious
changes.
As to the argument that it could affect the
present power of the lower country, think that
view hardly worth considering; for could never
of the United States would ever come out upon
our local interests merely. The Parish of st
Luke's and Anderson District would always vote
for President on national principles alone, and
both people could never be otherwise than lden'
tilted in great and leading measures. cannot
see how it would affect our distribution OF pow
er connected with local interests.
When the compromise in our constitution was
made in 1903, distributing political power in our
State, 4 totally different state of things existed
from what exists now. The lower country had
the wealth and were then more generally edllta-
ted than the upper country, and the presumption
was that virtue belonged to education and wealth
and hence they connected political power win
wealth rs an expedient of education and sup
posed virtue.
/ hnsh hann Il great clllGe.