Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1854-10-28

tive in Congress from the third district of South
Carolina. 1t will be found interesting, as defining
not only the position of Mr. KEnT on several
questions of public Importance, but also the South
ern view generally of those questions.
ABSTRACT OF THE SPEECH Oh MR.. KEITT
Mr.. KRITT divided his remarks uader three general
heads First, what Congress had done; second what
Congress had failed to do; and, trd, what were our
prospects in the future.
Under the first head he said CONGRESS had passed the
Nebraska BILL the Gadsden treaty the Reciprocity treaty
with Canada, the Insane BILL and River and Harbor bill
To the Nebraska bill he had four grave objections:
First Squater Sovereignty second Alien Suffrage; third
the Badger Proviso or Congressional Intervention and
fourth the Aggrandzement of the Federal Court
That Squatter Sovereignty lurked in the bill he much
feared General Glass; Judge Douglas and every North
ern advocate OF the bill affirmed that it there and
its Southern friends only denounced the unconstituton
atty of this monstrous doctrine while they generally id
med that the provisions Of the bill were broad enough
to cover it.
There three parties in the United States upon this
subject First the States Rights party of the South,
which maintains that neither Congress nor the nhab
tans of the Territory exclude the Shareholder and
that this only can be done when the Territory has
qured sovereignty and is organizing itself into State
The second party holds that Congress is plenpoten in
tHe Territory, and establish or exclude slavery
in other words the party Of the Wimot provso. The
third party denies any power IN Congress to touch the
rent spontaneous and seorignatpg sovereignty in the
inhabitants of Territory establish exclude the in
stitution OF slavery In truth this last party only subs
the squatter proiso Wot proyiso which he
said Mr. Calhoun had denounced more grossly uncon
sttuonal and more dangerous to the South than the
Wilmot proviso.
The bill gave to the Inhabitants of the Territory the
power to form and regulate heir domestic institutions
in their way Whenl VIII not the Territorial Lee
gislature do it? Northern m ocking to the Terri
tory to control it's Territorial rganzaon with view to
exclude slavery; Southern ma focking there OBJ
tain the like control to esabliA it. Thus both sections
see that the struggle is in the Territorial Legislature and
not in the formation of o State bnstituton
! Suppose the Territorial legislature Of Kansas flor
none look to Nebraska) excuds the STAKEHOLDER, what
will be the effect Look at til Missouri restriction of
$50 30<. 1t excluded slayeryaorth of that line BY
what authority? BY authority of Congress. Has not
the Missouri restriction tbs act of Congress prac-
tcaly excluded the slayeholds north of $50 30/? All
admit this. Now, Of two things must be rue-either
Congress had the power to excAde slavery north of $50
30< land consequently south of II it did not have the
power II il had thu power ii has devolved it upon the
Territorial Legislature it didpot have it, uacons
ttional act Of Congress excudedit. IT, then an uncon
stitutional of Congress excluded the stakeholder
would not unconstitutional alt of the Territorial Le
gisaturs practically exdude him sso? Whenit passed.
if the South humbled hrsef to the frst would she not
humble herself to the last?
He said it not correct to say that the South had an
equal chance to control the organization Of the Terrific
RES In the first place. tie Shareholder moved much more
cumbrousy and slowly thin the Shareholder. man
in South Carolina could MT close up his business make
his arrangements and NOV with his slaves with as much
dispatch nonslavehodr. In the second place. the
North had much larger population than the South and,
in the third place. the North eceves annually four hum
dred thousand emgrants w& she could throw upon the
Territories This grab gams in the Territories was
therefore, grossly unjust tn South while squatter
sovereignty the substutionof the numerical ma
jorty' for the Constitution.
Thus he objected to the bill because he feared its pro-
visions would he wrested to the purpose of fanacism
and be tortured into sanction squatter sovereignty
His second objection to Allen Suffrage. The bill
allowed every foreigner to vote wo had declared his in
tention to become naturaized foreigner might vote
in Kansas in twenty days from he left Liverpool
Thus the Southern stakeholder mght be excluded from
territory which his blood had been given win and his
money to purchase by European fanatieism. t
His third objection was the Badger proviso. 1t pro-
vided that no law recognising slavery prior to 1920,
when the Missouri restriction was adopted. should
be revived He said that prior 1920 the civil law,
Territorial statute law and Congressional law, all re-
cognisng and protecting slavery, had spread the
Territory 1t contended by that these laws at
least the statutory ones would be revived by the repeal
OF the Missouri restriction others denies this One
Of two things ru either these laws would be revived
or they would not be- they would be revived 1t was
intervention against the South if they would not be
vved, it was intervention with the subject Of slavery, al
though the proviso surpusage.
His fourth objection was the ACKNOWLEDGMENT Of the
Federal Court 1t was RENTED to the Supreme Court to
determine the powers Of Congress in other words, the
powers of the Federal Government of which 1t is part
These grave objections lay against the bill.
He then said he had four reasons in support of the
BILL First the chance Of acquiring Kansas for the South
This was highly important it defended US in vulner
able point Second it would strengthen slavery in Mis-
souri, This ofthe greatest consequence to us and
was worth many sacrifices Third, itrepeaedthe Mis-
souri, ne which badge ofnferiorty to the South
and an odious and stgmaisng discrimination against
her, This insulting mark of neriority had done much
to lower the sefrespect of the South and its obteraon
was of great Importance Fourth, it had strong ten
dency TO unite the South This the most important
Of all consi sorations
The State had ordered her public to work for the
unsn OF the South and that mandate he had bowed to-
The South, united could easily defend herself; could
easily win back her lost rights and vindcate violated
Constitution He knew that when the South had been
united her march had been the march Of the conquero
with monuments and trophies all along her pathway.
Regarding it in this light containing good than
evil ne had concluded to vote for it, was objectona
BILE to all the Southern men, but choice of evils they
determined, almost unanimously, to vote for it. Judge
HARRIS, OF Mississippi true and fearless State Rights
man. who had stood by Quitman and Davis and bravey
breasted the storm OF so had concluded reluctantly to
vote against the bill choice of evils. His splendid in
teec high bearing and great sagacty entitled his opin
ION to much weight 1t very desirable, also, that
there should be as few Southern votes against the bill
possible. Gs4
The North could, he said, count upon only minority
at the South 1t was the object Of the North to make that
minority as large as possible and the object of the South
to make it as small possible. Believing in the same
political creed with Judge Harris and revering the
authorities and also anxious that there should be as lit
tie division among the Southern members possible,
Judge Harris reluctantly voted against the bill choice
Oh evils ana he Mr. reluctantly for it, he agreed with
Judge Harris that neither Of them should VOTE and thus
the result the reduced the Southern vote upon
the record against the BILL and diminished the division
ana distraction at home This course was also warmly