Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-03-04

any true prosperity spring up in the footprints
of the slave.
But it is suggested that slaves will not be car
ried into Nebraska in large numbers, and that,
therefore the question is of small practical mo-
ment. My distinguished colleague, Mr.. EVER
ETT,l in his eloquent Speech hearkened to this
suggestion, and allowed himself while upholdng
the prohibition, to dispapge its importance in
manner, from which / feel constrained kindly,
but most strenuously, to dissent. Sir, the census
shows that 1t is of vital consequence. There is
Missouri at this moment, with Illinois on the east
and Nebraska on the west, all covering nearly the
same spaces oflattitude, and resembling each other
in soil, climate, and productions Mark now the
contrastl by the potent efficacy of the ordnance
the Northwestern Territory, Illinois, is now a
free State, while Missouri has 81 ,422 slaves and
the simple question which challenges an answer
is, whether Nebraska shall be preserved in the
condition of Illinois, or surrendered to that of
Missouri Surely this cannot be treated lightly.
But for myself, | am unwilling to measure the
cxgency Of the prohibition by the number of
persons, whether many or few, whom 1t may pro-
tcct. Human rights, whether in solitary in
.dividual vast multitude are entitled TO an
equal and unhesitating support. In this spirit the
flag Of our country only recently became the I'M
penetrablc panopy of q homeless wanderer, whol
claimed its protection in distant and in thisl
spirit am constrained to declare that there is no
place accessible to human avarice, or human lust
or human force--whether in the lowest valley, or
on the loitiest mountan-op, whether ON the broad
iower-spanged prairies, or the snowy caps OF the
Rocky Mountains-whore the prohibition Of slave.
ry, like the commandments of the Decaogue should
not go. But leaving these things behind, press
at once to the argument
=. |. And now, sir, in the name of that public
faith, which is the very ligament of civil society,
} and which the great Roman orator tells us it is
despicable TO break even with an enemy, arragn
this scheme, and hold II bp to the judgement OF all
who hear me. There is an early Italian story OF
: an experienced citizen, who, when his nephew
told him lie had been studying, ut the University
of Bologna the science Of right, said, in reply,
"You have spent your time to little purpose. IL
would have been better had you learned the science
ofmight, for that is worth two Of the other;" and
! the bystanders of that day all agreed that the
veteran spoke the truth. begin, sir, by assuming
that honorable Senators will not act in this spirit
: l. that they will not substitute might for right
: that they will not wantonly and fagitiousy dis
card any obligation, pledge or covenant, because
they chance TO possess the power; but that, as
honest men, dcsirous to do right, they will con-
9 front this question
D Sir, the proposition before you involves not
merely the repeal of an existing law, but the in
fraction of solemn obligations originally proposed
and assumed by the SOUTH after protracted and
embttered contest, as covenant of pcace-with
, regard to certain specified territory therein de-
=. scribed, namely: "All that territory ccded by
France to the United States, under the name Of
S louisiana" according to which, in consideration
+ of the admission into the Union of Missouri n
: slave State, slavery forever prohibited in all
, the remaining part of this territory which lies
8 north Of 36' 30/. This arrangement between diff
7 ferent sections of the Unon-the slave States OF
! the first part and the free States of the second
d part-thOugh usually known as the Missouri COM
Q promise, was at the time styled a COMPACT. In
its stpulations for slavery it Justly repugnant
q 10 the conscience of the North, and ought never
l. to have been made but it has on that side been
;, performed. And now the unperformcd outstand-
II ing obligations to freedom, originally proposed
c and assumed by the South, are resisted.
s Years have passed since these obligations were
t. embidied in the legislation of Congress, and ac
5 ccpted by the country. Meanwhile, the states
u men by whom they were framed and yindicated,
have one by one, dropped from this earthly sphere
l. Their living voices cannot now be heard, to plead
for the preservation of that Public Faith to which
they were pledged. But this extraordinary lapse
c of time, with the complete fruition by party
r Of all the benefits belonging to it, under tho COM
II pact, give to the transaction an added and mos
q sacred strength. Prescription steps in with new
y bonds to confirm the original work; to the end
IS that while men are mortal, controversies shall
r not be immortal. Death. with inexorable scythe
Is has moved down the authors of this compact
but with conservative hour-glass, it has counted
v out succession Of years; which now de6lc befor,
&c u.s. like so many sentinels, to guard the sacred
10 landmark of Freedom.
,e A simple statement of facts, derived from the
ia journals Of Congress and contemporary records
q will show the origin and nature Of this compact
1t the influence by which it established, and the
A. obligations which it imposed.
c. As carly 1918, at the first session of the
N Fifteenth Congress, a bill was reported to the
House e Representatives authorizing the people
. of the Missouri Territory to form a Constitution
If and State Government, for the admission of such
le State into the Union but at that session. no na
c action was had thereon. At the next session, il
O. February, 1919, the bill was again brought for
L. ward, when an eminent Representative Of New
m York, whose life has been spared till this last sum
le mer, Mr.. JAMES TALLMADGE, moved n clause pro
H. hibtng any further introduction of slaves into tht
Is proposed State and securing freedom to the chill
dren born within the State after its admission int
le the Union, on attaining twenty-five years of age
of This important proposition, which assumed O pow
n er not only to prohibit the ngress Of Slavery int
ie the States itself but also to abolish it there, wa
G. passed IN the affirmative, after vehement, debate
s. Of three days. On q division Of the question: tn
" first part, prohibiting the further introduction
= slaves, was adopted by 81 yeas to rs nays; tn
- second part, providing for the emancipation 0
ye children, was adopted by 50 yeas to IS nays
Other propositions to thwart the operation O
:; these amendments were voted down, and on tn
IL Il; 18th of February the bill read third time
Il, and passed, with these important restrictions.
w. In the Senate after debate, the provision for tn
d ID emancipation of children was struck out by 81 yea
ir to nays; the other provision against the furthe
ma introduction Of Slavery, was struck out by % yea
So to l6 nays. Thus cmasculated, the bill was re
of turned 20 the House, which, March I'd, by
vote Of 78 Gays 76 yeas, refused its concurrenc,
od The Senate adhered to their amendments. an
of the House, by 7S yeas to 66 nays adhered to the
H. disagreement; and so at this session the Missou
~ bill was lost and here a temporary trump
w. ~, of Freedom
m Meanwhile, the same controversy was renewe
y on the bill pending at the same time for the O.
,se ganization of the Territory of Arkansas, the
,se known as the southern part of the Territory
no MISSOURI Inc restrictions already adopted
ais the Missouri bill were moved by Mr.. TAYLOR,
SO New York, subsequently Speaker, but after
ON least six close votes, the yeas and nays, in on
,u- Of which the House was equally divided 88 yea
VS. to SO nays they were lost Another propositio
y. by Mr.. TAYLOR simpler in form. that SLAYER