Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-05-13

legislation, and has been used more than once
to arrest the unwise, reckless, and uncon-
stitutional measures composing that system OF
policy which the wings and federalists labored
so earnestly and SO long to fasten on the
country.
fthe qualified veto, or !" the one-man power"
as those of the school Of the hteligencer de-
light to call it, should be stricken from the
Constitution or fall into disuse, there would be
no adequate restraint on the action of Congress,
and the country would be at the mercy of an
uncontrolled and uncomfortable congressional
majority, and the President would become the
mere register of its edicts. Corrupt combina-
tons would soon be formed by sectional and
local interests to unite fixed and disciplined
majority, which would rule at will, and plumber
and Cypress at pleasure. Those who might
suffer, would call in vain for the interposition
and protection Of the only elective officer who
is the representative of all the people and Of
every State. The veto cannot carry out OPP
pressive legislation, because it is negative and
not positive in its operation. 1t can prevent
the enactment Of law, but it cannot initiate
any law whatever, either good, bad, or indiffer.
ent.
1t is plain and apparent, to any one who will
reflect moment on the relation which exists
between the legislative and executive branches
of the government, that the veto power will
always be used withreluctance, and never reck-
lessly and without mature consideration. 1t
is not to be supposed that Chief Magistrate
of the United States, the head Of a great party,
would find pleasure in thwarting the views and
arresting the purposes of a majority of Con-
gress, when he believed that those views and
purposes were sanctioned by the principles Of
the Constitution and sustained by the calm good
sense Of majority Of the people. It may,
therefore, be safely assumed that nothing will
induce any President to veto a bill thus sus-
tanned but q high sense of official duty-the
ciple is about to be violated, or miscellaneous
law fastened on the country. Indeed, expe-
rience has shown that there is more Just APP
prehension that the veto will not always be
applied when it ought to be, than that it will
be used unnecessarily and oppressively. This
is proved by the facility with which the fede-
ralists cite precedents and the prominent fact
that the cool, sober, second thought of the
people, and of the representatives of the people,
have hitherto sustained every important Veto
-. II =
The bank vetoes of General jackson and of
Mr. Tyler were met by louder denuncations,
and more furious opposition than any in our
history. But now the political organization
which would make hostility to those vetoes
test Of party fidelity before the people would
be crushed to the earth, and ground to powder.
But it was not our purpose, when we took up
our pen, to write an essay on the Presidential
Veto Weintended only to call attention to the
following paragraph from the National Iatelli-
gencer of Wednesday last and expose the blum
ders it contains. The Latelligencer says:
"There is no constitutional power which in.
terposes an objection to the bill vetoed. 1t is
the first veto that ever has been given to an APP
preparation of the public lands and it is exceed
ingly unfortunate that the administration should
have come before the country with constitu-
tional objection, when none can exist. 1t is
generally agreed that the veto power was not
given to be interposed except on constitutional
questions. Before General Jackson's admin
istration, we believe, no law was vetoed on a
question of policy"
We will not comment on the dogmatical an
nouncement contained in the first sentence of
the above extract. It is enough to say that the
President takes the position that the Constitu-
ton does interpcse an objection to the insane
bill, and his conviction on that point furnishes
the chief reason, and of itself sufficient rea-
son, to justify his action in the premises. The
statement contained in the second section testi-
fes to censurable carelessness in the author of
it. 1.-THE public records speak truly, General
Jackson did, in 1893, veto bill entitled "4n
act to appropriate for a limited time the pro-
ceeds Of the sales Of the public lands Of the
United States, and for granting lands to GER
tain States" The public records may contain
other land vetoes and we have some recollec.
ton Of case during Mr.. Tyler's administra-
ton, but we have not had an opportunity to
search Tor 1t.
So much for the first and second sentences.
We will now examine the third and fourth.
The htelligencer having announced, in tone
of authority, that there was no constitutional
election to the insane bill, proceeds to say that
lit is generally agreed that the veto power
was not given to be interposed except o., coasti-
tutional questions" Now we deny, at the out
set, that there was ever, or at any time, any
such agreement. We deny that the public re-
cords or the political history of the country
furnish any foundation for the hteuigenccr's
assertion; and we affirm that before General
Jackson's elevation to the Presidency, the veto
was used upon the naked ground of economy,
policy, and expediency. Having said thus
L 4 4 4 !.