The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-03-02

made in their behalf by JAMES BARBOUR
and CHARLES FENToN MERCER. Iappeal
TO the Senators from South Carolina, to
guard the work of JOHN GAILLARD and
WILLIAM LowNDES. | appeal to the
Senators from Maryland, to uphold the
Compromise which elected the constant
support of Samuel Smith, and was first tn
umphantIy pressed by the unsurpassed elo-
quence of Pinkney. | appeal to the Sem
ators from Delaware, to maintain the land
mark of Freedom in the Territory Of
Louisiana, early espoused by Louis Nc
Lane. | appeal to the Senators from
Kentucky, not to repudiate the pledges of
Henry Clay. | appeal to the Senators
from Alabama, not to break the agreement
sanctioned by the earliest votes in the
Senate of their late most cherished fellow
citizen, William Rufus King. Sir, have
heard Of an honor that feels stain like
wound. If there be any such in this cham
ber-as there surely is-it will hesitate To
to take upon itself the stain of this repu-
diation.
Sir, Congress may now set aside this
obligation, repudiate this plighted faith,
annul this compact; and some of you.
forgetful of the majesty Of honest dealing.
in order to support slavery, may con-
slider IT advantageous to use this power
To all such let me commend a familiar
story: An eminent leader in antiquity,
Themistocles, once announced to the
Athenian Assembly, that he had a scheme
TO propose, highly beneficial to the State,
but which could not be eXpounded to the
many Aristides, Surnamed the Just, was
appointed to receive the secret, and to re-
port upon it. His brief and memorable
judgment was, that, while nothing could
be more advantageous to Athens, moth
ing could be more unjust; and the Athe-
MAN multitude, responding at once, re-
jected the proposition. 1t appears that
it was proposed to burn the combined
Greek fleet, which then rested in the secu-
rity of peace in a neighboring sea, and
thus confirm the naval supremacy Of
Athens. A similar proposition is now
brought before the American Senate. \ on
are asked to destroy safeguard of Free
dom, consecrated by solemn compact,
under which the country is now reposing
in the security Of peace, and thus confirm
the supremacy of Slavery. To this insti-
tuition and its partisanS the proposition
may seem to be advantageous but moth
ing can be more unjust. Let the judg-
ment of the Athenian multitude be yours.
This is what | have to say on this head.
| now pass TO the second branch Of the
argument.
ii. Mr.. President, it is not only as an in
fraction of solemn compact, embodied in
ancient law, that arraign this bill. al
raign it also as a fragrant and eXtraVagant
departure from the original policy of our
fathers, consecrated by their lives, Opin-
ions, and acts.
And here, sir, bear with me in a brief
recital of unqu6stioned facts. At the period
of the Declaration of Independence, there
was upwards of half a million colored
persons in slavery throughout the United
Colonies. These unhappy people were
originally stolen from Africa, or were the
children of those who had been stolen,
and, though distributed throughout the
whole country, were to be found IN
largest number in the Southern States.
But the spirit Of Freedom then prevailed
in the land. The fathers of the Republic,
leaders in the war of Independence, were
struck with the inconsistency of an appeal
for their own liberties, while holding in
bondage their fellOw-men, only guilty of
a skin not colored like their own" The
same conviction animated the hearts Of the
people, whether at the North or South.
At town meeting at Danbury, Connec-
ticut, held on the 18th December, IT'S,
the following declaration was made:
"It is with singular pleasure we note the
second article of the Association, in which it IS
agreed to import no more negro slaves, as we
cannot but think IT a palpable absurdlty so
loudly to complain of attempts 10 enslave ms
while we are actually ensaving others. Am.
.4rchires, 4h Series, FOL /, p. 1898.
The South responded in similar strains.
At a meeting in Darien, Georgia, in 1775,
the following important resolution was put
forth:
"To show the world that we are not inllu-
enced by any contracted or interested motives.
but by a general philanthropy for all mankind,
Of whatever climate, language, or complexion,
ue hereby declare our disdpprObatiOn and GbhOr
renee of the unnatural practice Of Slarery-
(however the uncultivated state of the country
or other specious arguments may plead for 10
a practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and
highly dangerous TO our liberties as l0eH us Ercs,
debasing part Of our teiLOtc creatures beloc men,
and cOrrupting the rirtue and morals Of the rest
and laying the basis of that liberty we contend
for, and which we pray the Almighty TO con
tnue to the latest posterity, upon very wrong
foundation. We therefore resolve at all times
to use our utmost e1ldeaCorS for the mGn,niiSsOn
Of our slaves in this Colony, upon the most
safe and equitable footing for the masters and
themselves. "-.4nl. .4rchiUes, 4h Series, TOl. ],
p. 1875.
The soul of Virginia, during this period
found also feryid utterance through JEFF
ferson, who, by precocious and immor-
tai words, has enrolled himself among
the earliest Abolitionists of the country.
In his address to the Virginia Convention
of 1774, he openly avowed, while yindi-
eating the rights of British America, that
'fthe abolition of domestic slavery is the
greatest object of desire in these Colonies,
.ohere 1t tcas riuhqPpily introduced in heir
infant state" And then again, in the Dec
laration of independence, he embodied
sentiments, which, when practically. APP
piled, will give Freedom to every Slave
throughout the land. ave hold these
truths to be self-evidcnt," says our coun-
try, speaking by the voice of Jefferson
"that all men are created equal-that they
are endowed with certain inalienabe
rights-that among these are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness" And again,
In the Congress of the Confederation, he
brought forward as early as 1884, rcso-
luton to exclude Slavery from all the Ter