The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1854-02-22

OF fraud larceBle5, a9d Durglarle6, were sentensco
to various periods Of imprisonment in the State
prison at Sing Sing
Besides large number Of Advertisements, TO days
inside pages contain three very interesting Letters
from Washington; Anti Slavery Lecture against the
Nebraska bill, by Rev. Theodore Parker; proceed
iDgs Of the Military Court of Inquiry; Coroner In
quests; Commercial and Miscellaneous News, &C.
The Opponents OF the Kansas Nebraska BAH.
The speech of Charles Sumner in the United
States Senate, which will be found in another
column, may probably be regarded as the last
gun from the anti-slavery tort, or the expiring
groan Of moribund faction. We have now be-
fore us the whole array of the force that has
been marshalled to oppose Senator Douglas and
his bill. Each section Of the army has wheeled
into line, and opened its batteries. Public
meetings in New York and elsewhere have de-
nounced the scheme as demOralizing, infamous
unparalleled; members Of the Senate have
preached by the hour against it; local politi-
Douglas; and enthusiastic assemblages of red
hot free sellers have passed very energetic re-
solutions in support Of the Missouri ccmpro-
mise. Let us run our eye along the motley line
of these doughty champions of the North; let us
weigh their mettle and sinew, test their armor,
and estimate their spirit and endurance; let us
try to discover whether they are in truth the
sort of men who win battles, and command sue
cess The scrutiny may provide US with
tolerably safe prognostic of the issue of the
day.
AT the very first glance, we notice that the
anti-Nebraska host is composed Of two distinct
parties viz: aspiring politicians, and open re-
volutionaries, typifed on this occasion, we will
say by William H. Seward and Henry Ward
Beecher respectively. The first OF these cate
gories comprises all the men who are opposing
the Nebraska bill in order to make political
capital at the North. Such are old Sam Hous-
ton, William II. Seward, his friends and tools,
few other Northern Senators, and in certain
measure, Edward Everett of Massachusetts,.
He, as well as Mr.. Seward, is looking forward
to the Presidency, and is cautious lest any of
his Northern wing competitors should steal
march on him during this Nebraska controversy.
Lacking the moral courage to turn round to
the people of Massachusetts, and say to them =
This is not question Of slavery or freedom,
Of moral or immoral institutions, of good or bad
faith but a mere constitutional question, to be
solved by the rules OF common sense and gram
mar Edward Everett evades the real issue,
and dilates at length on considerations entirely
foreign to the dispute. He talks about the In
dams, and discourses Of the immortality of slave
ry ingeniously Analyses treaties, and hunts up
old sayings OF Mr.. Webster but on the gist OF
The argument, the great constitutional question
whether Congress has or has not under the con-
stitution, any right to interfere with the domss-
tic institutions of new States or Territories he
is as duHab a. stone. 1t shall hereafter be said
Of Mr.. Everett that he was man OF subtle and
polished mind that be possessed vast stores Of
well arranged learning that his taste was re-
fined land his character stainless but that the
moral courage which fills the heart Of great pa
triots was not in him.
Upon Mr.. Seward the popular verdict will
he less favorable. The spirit of intrigue which
has marked his career from the first is as con-
picuous in his last effort as in any of those
which raised him to the position he now oc-
cupies. His speech is q collection of special
pleas against the bill, thrown together without
perspicuity and without order; adorned, like
he pages of a common place book, with scraps
ofclasscal learning conned by rote proflsely
6ecked with sounding explosives, and remind
ing one more Of an elaborate lecture delivered
by pedant before a select audience of dilettan-
ii, than the speech Of a statesman in the highest
branch Of the United States Congress. There
il another feature in the speech to which we
shall presently draw attention; for the present
we wish our readers to notice that Mr.. Seward
like Mr.. Everett, has shirked the main qucs
ton at issue and spent all his efforts on col
lateral points Had he been arguing patent
case before bench of Judges enamored OF ie-
gal subtiltes, the performance would have
been creditable and might have been effective
As the sentiment Of prominent statesman on
q great constitutional problem, il falls far be-
meath anything that we could have anticipated
Ordinary readers lose themselves in the con
used labyrinth Of special pleas urged by the
orator; while he is bringing all sorts OF minor
arguments TO bear, they are wondering why In
eesven's DaNe he does not come to the point
al once. and look the real merits Of the ques-
ton boldly in the face. Bns, in truth, there
were reasons enough why be should not adopt
60 dangerous course Had Mr.. Seward acted