Glasgow weekly times. (Glasgow, Mo.) 1848-1861, 1854-05-11

first shown in the Senate. Mark Antony
did not better remember the day when
Caesar first put on that mantle through
which he was afterwards pierced with three
and-twenty "envious stabs." 1t was in the
Senate in l84S, and was received as nom
sense-as the quntessenee of nonsense.
as the fve-times distilled essence Of political
nonsen.icality.
Why, sir, the territory itself is the pro-
perty Of the States, and they do what they
please with it--permit it to be settled or not,
as they please; cut it up by lines, as they
please, chase white people from it, as they
please. After this farrago--this offa-po-
drida-comes a little stump speech, injected
in the belly Of the bill, and which must have
a prodigious effect when recited in the
prairies, and out towards the frontiers, and
up towards the heads of the creeks.
Laughter and sensation. will read, and
l hope without fatiguing the House; for it
is both brief and beautiful, and runs thus:
at being the true intent and meaning of
this act not to legislate slavery into any
State or Territory, nor to exclude it there
from, but to leave the people thereof per-
fectly free to form and regulate their do
mestc institutions in their own way, sub
ject only to the constitution of the United
States"
This is the speech, and pretty little
thing itself, and very proper to be spoken
from stump in the prairie. 1t has intent;
and true intent; which is neither to legis-
late slavery into or out of State or Terri
tory. Then why legslate at alp Why all
this disturbance if no effect is produced, and
things TO remain just as they were7 Let
well enough alone, was the cid doctrine; TO
make well enough still better, is the doctrine
of progress; and that in spite of the Italian
epitaph, which says" II was well, and would
be better; took physic, and here am"
But the States must be greatly delighted at
the politeness and forbearance Of this bill.
1t puts States and Territories upon precisely
equality with respect to the power of Con-
gress over them. Congress does not mean
to put slavery in or out Of any State or Ter
ritory. To all that petite abnegaton have
to say that, in respect 10 the States it is the
supererogation of modesty and humility, as
Congress happens to have no power to put
slavery in them, or out OF them; and in res
pect TO the Territories. it is an abdicaton of
constitutional power and duty; it being the
right of Congress to legslate upon slavery
in the Territories, and its duty TO do so
when there is occasion for it-as in 1887 and
1920.
Here is an abdication Of constitutional
power and duty. ! object to this shilly-
shally, nilly-wonty donty-canty style oi le-
: gslatlon. [excessive laughter.] 1t is not
legislative, it is not parliamentary, it is not
manly, it is not womanly. Nowoman would
talk that way, there is no shilly-shally in a
woman. Nothing OF the female gender was
> ever born young enough or lived long
, enough to get befogged IN such quandary
as that. Laughter 1t i, one thing or the
other with them, and what they say they
, stick to--no breaking bargains with them.
= But the end of this stump speech is the best
of the whole. Different from good milk, in
which the cream rises to the top, it here set
ties to the bottom, and is in these words:
leave il to the people thereof" that is TO
y say, Of the States and of the Territories to
regulate slavery for themselves as they
please, only jact to the Constitution Of the
United States. Certainly this is new sub
= lection for the States. Heretofore they have
y been free TO regulate slavery themselves
e admit OF it or reject it-and that not by vir.
= tue Of any grant of power in the Constitu-
= ton. but by virtue OF an unsurrendered part
of their old sovereignty. II is also new Of
), the Territories. Heretofore they have been
Il held to be wards Of Congress, and entitled
/, to nothing under the Constitution but that
q which Congress extended to them. But this
. clause is not accidentally here. 1t is tc
y keep up the dogma of the Constitution in
: Territories, but only there in relation tc
is slavery, and that, for its admission, not re-
l. lection. Three dogInas now affiict the land
= Tidelioet: Squatter sovereignty, non-inter-
venton, and no power in Congress to legis-
e late upon slavery in Territories; and this
S; bill asserts the whole three and beautifully
Of illustrates the whole three by knocking
$, each one in the head with the other, and
n trampling each under foot in its turn. Sir
g the bill does deny squotter sovereignty, and
d it does intervene; does legislate on slavery
l. in Territories; and for the proof OF that see
ID the bill, and see it, as the lawyers say,
$, passim, that is TO say, here and there and
every where. 1t is bill Of assumptions
% and contradictions, assuming what is unfoun-
81 ded, and contradicting what it assumes, and
al balancing every affirmation by a negation
G. 1t is see saw bill, but not the innocent see
). saw which children play or; which Is a
- plank stuck through fence, but the up and
:, down game Of politicians, played at the ex-