Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-05-06
NEBRASKA QUESTION.
MR.. BENToE's SPEECH.

The House accordingly resolved itself into the
Committee Of the Whole ON the state Of the Union,
I Mr. CHANDLER in the chair)
The CHAIRMAN. The question before COM
mittcc is ON the Senate amendments 10 the dcfc-
iency bill and ON that question the member from
Mississippi Mr.. llAERls has still the floor.
Mr. HARRIS not availng himself of his right
Mr. BENTON. If any bill to impair the Mis-
souri, compromise line Of 1870 had been brought
into this House by member from a slave State.
or under the administration Of "a President elected
from Il slave State, should have deemed il my
duty to have met it at the threshhold and to have
made the motion which the parliamentary law
prcscribcs for the repulsc Of subjects which arc
not it to be considered: ] should have moved its
rejection at the first reading. But the bill before
US for the two may be considered as one, does not
come from that quarter. Ii comes from free
State. and under the administration Of q President
elected from free State: and under that aspect
Of its origin, | deemed it right to watt and hear
what the members Of tho free Ststes had to say to
/ it. 1t was proposition from their own ranks, 20
/ give up their half of the slavery compromise OF
/ 1890 and if they chose to do so. ] did not sec
how southern members could refuse to accept it.
Ii was free State question; and the members
from the free States were the majority, and could
do as they pleased So | stood aloof, waiting tc
sec their lead but without the slightest intention o
being governed by it. had my own convictions
Of right and duty, and meant to act upon them
had come into political lie upon that compromise
! had stood upon it above thirty years. and in
tended to stand upon it to the end-solitary and
alone, if need be but preierring company TO sol
tudc, and not doubling for an instant what th'
result was to be.
! have said that ,his bill comes into Congress
uudcr the administration of n free State Presi
dent; but do not mean TO say, or nsinuatc bl
that remark, that the President favors the bill
| know nothing of his disposition towards it an,
If | did, should not disclose it here, II woul,
I l.. /. Al
Of this House to do so. The Presidents opinions
can only be made known to us by himself in
message in writing. In that way it ia his right
and often his duty, to communicate with us. An,
in that way there is no room for mistake in citin;
his opinions; room for an unauthorized use 0
his name; no room for the mputatOn of contra
dictory opinions TO him; and in that way he he
comes responsible to the American people for th'
Opinions he may deliver. All other modes o
communication are forbid 10 him, tending 10 an
undue and unconstitutional interference with the
freedom Of legislation. II is not bribery alone
attempted upon member which constitutes a
breach Of tho privileges Of this House. 1t is any
attempt to operate upon members vote by any
consideration of hope or fear, favor affection,
prospect of reward or dread Of punishment
This is parliamentary law, as old as English Par
linments, constantly maintained by the British
/ House of Commons and lately declared in q most
signal manner. 1t was during the reign Of our
old master, George the Third, and in the famous
case Of Mr. f0x's East India bill. A report was
spread in Parliament by one of the lords Of the
bed chamber, that the King was opposed to the
bill that he wished it defeated and had said
that he would consider any member his enemy
who should vote for it. Tho House of Commons
took fire at this report and Immediately resolved;
"That to repor, any opinion, or pretended opin
ion of his Majesty, upon any bill depending IL
either House Of Parliament, is n high crime ant
mslemcanor, derogatory TO the honor of th'
; crown, u breach Of the fundamental privileges o
Parliament, and subyersiye Of the Constitution 0
the country.
This resolve was adopted in full House by
majority Of seyenty-three votes and was only dc
clarntory Of existing parliamentary law--such n
it had existed from the time that English counte
and borOughs first sent knights of the shire an
burgessos TO represent them in the Parliamen
House 1t is old English parliamentary law, an
is so recorded by lIatscll and all the writers o.
that law II is also American law, as old as on
, Congress; and rs SUCH recorded in jefferson
r Manual 1t is honest law; and as such exisen
|, lin every honest heart. Sir, the President Of tn
United States can send us no opinions except II
written messages, and no one can report his opin
: ions TO influence the conduct Of members upon
e bill, without Incoming obnoxious to the eensur
/. which the British House of Commons pronounced
lupon the lord Of the bed chamber, in the case o
= tie King and the Fox Eas. India bill.
= Nor can the Presidents Secretaries-his hea'
n clerks, as Mr. Randolph used TO call them--sen'
K us their opinions on any subject Of Legislation
!, dependng before us. They can only report, an
IS that in writing the subjects referred to thcm b.
n law or by vote of the Houses. Non-intervent;o
; is their duty in relation to our legislation; and
they attempt to intervene in any Of our business
l. must be allowed for one, to repuse the attomp
is and to express for it no higher degree Of respe'
l. than that Mr. Burke expressed for the opinions
Y A British Lord Chancellor delivered to the Hou'
II Of Commons in a case in which he had no concerI
10 Sir. l suppose can DO allowed to repeat on tn
e floor any degree of comparison, or figure of spoec
o, which Mr.. Burke could uso on the floor OF Il
10 British House of Commons lie was classlc
speaker, and, besides that, author Of treatise {
70 the Sublime and Beautiful; though do not 90
sidss the particular figure which have 10 rep"'