Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-22

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the existing Territory Of the Union. And
il is on these double acts, at the first or
ganization of the Government, and the
recorded sentiments Of the founders, that
| take my stand, and challenge all qules-
ton. N a ~
a AT this time there was strictly no divid-
ing line in the country between Anti
Slavery and Pro-Slavery. The Anti-Slayery
sentiment was thoroughly national, broad
and general, peryading alike all parts Of
the Union, and uprising from the com
mon heart of the entire people. The Pro-
Slavery interest was strictly personal and
pecuniary, and had its source simply in the
selfinterest Of individual shareholders. II
contemplated Slavery only as domestic
institution - not as political element 80
and merely stipulated for its security where
it actually existed within the States.
Y Sir, the original policy of the country is
clear and unmistakable. Compendions-
ly expressed, it was non-interpention BIZ
Congress scith Slavery ~ the ttates, and
its prohibition IN all the national domain.
In this way, the discordant feelings on
this subject were reconcied. Slave mas
ters were left, at home, in their respective
States, to hug Slavery, under the protec-
ton Of local laws, without any interference
from Congress, while alLopposed to it were
exempted from any responsibility therefor
in the national domain. This, sir, is the
common ground on which our political
fabric was reared; and do not hesitate
to say that il is the only ground OH which
It can stand in permanent peace.
Il is beyond question, sir, that our Con-
stitution was framed by the lovers Of HUI
man Rights that it was animated by their
divine spirit: that the institution Of Sla-
very was regarded by them with aversion,
so thar, though coyertly alluded to- il
was not named in the instrument that,
according to the debates in the Conven-
ton, they refused to give it any /" sane
tion," and looked forward to the certain
day when it would be obliterated from
the land. But the original policy Of
the Government did not long prevail.
The generous sentiments which filled the
early patriots, giving to them historic
grandeur, gradually lost their power
The blessings Of freedom being already
secured to themselves, the freemen of the
land grew Indifferent TO the freedom of
others. They ceased to think of the
slaves. The slave-masters availed them
selves Of this Indifference, and, though
few in numbers, compared with the non
shareholders, even in the slave States,
(according to the late census they are
fewer than 300, 900 in the whole country
they have, under the influence Of an
imagined self-interest, by the skiIfll tao
tics of party, and especially by an unhesi-
tating, perseyering union among them
selves--swaying, by turns, both the great
political parties-succeeded, through a.
long succession Of years, in obtaining the.
control Of the National Government, bend
ing it to their purposes, compelling il to
do their will, and imposing upon it pol
icy friendly to Slavery; offensive to Free
dom only, and directly opposed to the
sentiments Of its founders. Our Republic
has swollen in population and power;
but ii has shrunk in character. II is not
now what il was at the beginning, a
Republic merely permitting, while il re-
GREETED Slavery; tolerating il only where it
could not be removed, and interdicting il
where it did not exist-but mighty Prop
agandist, openly ffvoring aud indicating
il; visiting, also, with dispIeasure all who
oppose it.
The extent to which its original policy
has been changed can be placed beyond
question. Early in our history, no man
was disqualified for public Office by reason
Of his opinions on this subject; and this
condition continued for a long period.
As late as 1921, John w. Taylor, Repre-
sentative from New York, who had pressed
with so much energy, not merely the pro-
hibition of Slavery in the Territories, but
its restriction in the State of Missouri,
was elected 10 the chair of Henry Clay, as
Speaker Of the other House. Ii is need
less TO add, that no determined sup
porter Of the Wilmot Proviso al this day
could expect that eminent trust. An ar
rogant and unrelenting ostracism is now
applied, not only 10 all who express them
selves against Slavery, but TO every man
who will not be its menial. A novel test
for Office has been introduced, which
would have excluded all the Fathers Of
the Republic-even Washington, Jeffer-.
son, and Franklin. Yes, sir: startling il
may be, but indisputable. Could these
illustrious men descend from their realms
above, and revisit the land which they had
nobly dedicated to freedom, they could
not, with their well-knowa and recorded
opinions against Slavery, receive a nomi-
nation for the Presidency from either Of
the old political parties. Nor could
John Jay, our first Chief Justice, and
great exemplar Of judicial virtue--who
hated Slavery, as he loved Justice---be adj
mtted to resume those duties with which
his name on earth is indissolubly asso-
ciated, To such extent has our Govern
ment departed from the ancient ways.
These facts prepare US TO comprehend
the true character Of the change with re-
gard 10 the Territories. In 1857, all the
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