Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-02-18


Il must be by the other.
have now, think, demon strnted that the SEN
atOr from Illinois was clearly wrong in respect to
the incorporation Of all the territory cut od from
Texas into New Mexico; and just as clearly
wrong in relation to the rcafirmance of the pri-
ciplc Of the Missouri compromise by ono Of those
very compromise acts which, rs he would have us
say superseded It. Certainly the Senate, when
1t adopted the Mason proyisO, without division, |
and the House, when it agreed to the bill Of which
It was part must have intended to keep alive
and affirm every provision OF the third article oi
the annexation resolution. One Of these provis-
ions prohibited slavery north of 3Go 30/. That
provision preserved tho principle OF tho Missouri
compromise. The proyiso, taken in connexionl
with that provision makes it clear beyond all quos
ton that the compromise acts preserved that prin-
cipe, and rejected the consequence which it is now
sought to force upon then.
submit to the Senate if have not completely
yindicated this part Of the appeal against the speech
Of the Senator? The errors, mistakes, misropre-
scntatons, arc all his own. None are found in the
appeal.
The third specification Of the Senator charges
the sgners Of the appeal with misrepresentation Of
the original policy Of the country in respect to sa-
very. The Senator says
"Fhe argument Of this manifesto was prcdcated
upon the assumption that the policy of the fathers
Of the Republic was to prohibit slavery in all the
Territories coded by the old States to the Union,
and made United States territory for the purpose
Of being organized into new States. | take issue
upon that statement"
The Senator then proceeds to attempt to show
that the original policy Of tho country was one of
iudiicrentism between slavery and freedom; and
that, in pursuance oft, geographical line was es.
ablished reaching from the cast to the western limit
Of the original Statos-that is to say, TO the Mis-
sissippi river. Sir if anything is susceptible of
absolute historical demonstration, l think il is the
proposition that the founders Of this Republic new
or contemplated any extension of slavery. Let us
for few moments retrace the past.
What was the general sentiment of the country
when the Declaration Of Independence was pro-
mulgated? invoke Jefferson a witness. Let
him speak to us from his grave in the language of
his memorable exposition of the rights of British
America, laid before the Virginia convention, in
August, l71l. These are his words;
The abolition of domestic slavery is tie greatest
object of desire in these colonies, where it was
happily introduced in their infant state"
In the spirit which animated jefferson the First
ConTcss--the old Congress Of lGi-among their
first acts, entered into solemn covenant against
tho slave traffic.
In 17T6 the Declaration of independence, draft
cd by Jefferson, announced no suchlow and narrow
principles as seem to be in fashion now. That inn
mortal document asseredno right of the strong TO
Cypress the weak Of the majority to enslaye the
minority. Ii promulgated the sublime creed Of hut
msa rights 1t declared that ALL NES arc created
equal nnd endowed by their Creator with inalien-
able rights to life and liberty.
The first acquisition ci territory was made by the
United States three years before the adoption Of the
Constitution. just after the country had emerged
from the war Of Independence, when its struggles,
perils, and principles, were fresh in remembrance
and the spirit Of the Revolution vet lived and burn
cd in every American heart we made our first ac-
QUESTION Of territory. That acquisition deri-
we'd frOm-I might perhaps, better say confirmed
by-thc cessons of Virginia, New York, and Con-
necticut. 1t was the territory northwest Of the
river Ohio.
Congress forthwith proceeded to consider the
subject Of its government. Mr.. jefferson, Mr.
Howell, and Mr.. Chase were appointed commit
tee to draft an ordinance making provision for that
object. The ordinance reported the work Of
Mr.. Jefferson, and is marked throughout by his
spirit Of comprehensive intelligence, and devotion
liberty. 1t did not confne its regards to the
ritory actually acquired, but contemplated further
acquisitions by the cessons of other States 1t pro-
vided for the organization Of temporary and perma-
nent State governments in all territory, whether
ceded or to be ceded," from the 3ls parallel, the
boundary between the United States and the Span-
ish province of Florida on the south, to the 42d
parallel, the boundary between this country and
the British possessions on the north.
The Territory was TO lie formed into States; the
settlers were to receive authority from the General
Government to form temporary governments. The
temporary government was 10 continue in force
until the population should increase to 10000 in
habitants; and then the temporary were to be con-
verted into permanent governments. Both the
temporary and the permanent governments were
10 be established upon certain principles expressly
set forth in the ordinance, rs their basis. Chiei
among those was the important proyiso to which
now ask the attention Of the Senate.
''After the year 1900 Of the Christian era, there
shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitudt
in any of the said States, otherwise than in the
punishment Of crimes whereof the parties shall
have been duly convicted to have been personally
guilty"
Let it be noted and remembered ihat this proyiso
iialn not IN tba IoI loo
ceded already by Virginia and the other States but
TO all territory ccdcd and to be ccded. There was
not one inch Of territory within the wlole limits OF
the Republic which was not covered by the claims
Gf one or another Of the States 1t was then the
opinion Of many statesmcr--Mr. jefferson himself
among them-that the United States, under the
Constitution were incapable Of acquiring territory
outside Of the original States. The jefferson pro
yiso, therefore, extended TO all territory which IL
was then supposed the United States could posi-
bly, acquire.
Well, sir, what was the action upon this provisoi
Mr.. Speight of North Carolina, moved that it LC
stricken from the ordinance, and the vote stood fo
the proviso, six States-Ncw Hampshire Massa
chusetts Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York
and Pennsylvania; against the proviso, three State
Virginia, Maryland and South Carolina. Della
ware and Georgia were not then represented in tht
Congress, aud the vote Of North Carolina being di
yided, was not counted; nor was tho veto of New
Jersey counted, one delegate only being present.
But the Senate will Observe that the States stood
six 10 three. OF the twenty-thiee delegates pres
ont sixteen were for the provso and seven against
it The voc Of the States was 40 10 ono, and that
OF the delegates more than two "a one forthe prOyso
But uader the provisions Of the Articles Of Confed
Grafton which thcu controlled the legislation o.
Congress, the votes Of majority Of all the States
were necessary to retain the proyiso in the ordn.
ance. 1t failed, consequently; precisely as pro-
viso in treaty must fail unless il receive the votes
OF two thirds Of the members Of the Senate Sir,
If that doctrine Of the rights Of majorites, Of which
we bear 50 much and in actual practice so little
had then been recogzcd--if the wishes Of n ma
lortJ Of te States, AID Of the majority Of the dele
gates, had preyailed-fthe almost universal scnti-
mcnt Of the people had been respected the ques-
tlea of slavery ia this country would have been set
lied that day forever. All the territory acquired