Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1854-09-06
NUMBER 32.

plihNl PIC vi r'li' HoNtIuultUt, lIdl IUtN IN
yoked the interposlion Of heaven and ac.
cepted the protiered aid Of the generous
stranger. For seven long years did they
labor to impress upon Lord NoRTH and
GEORGE III, the virtue and power Of this
great fundamental truth in the science of
government. The attempt Of that monarch
"to bind the colonies in all things what.
socver," and 10 impose taxes without rep.
resenta'ion, gave this principle growth and
yigor, and cost him armies and an empire.
Since that day TO the present time it has
been gaining strengthen all civilized coun.
tries. American experience has fully
solved and settled the problem of mans
ability for solEgoyernment. Where can
be found the instance in which govern.
mental affairs have been submitted to, or
Iintrustcd with the people, that the results
have not been salutary ! Who will then
al this day doubt the fitness of the Ameri.
can people to dispose Of any question Of
governmental policy found within the
limits Of the Constitution Who will
then contend for the absurd idea, that
man loses his capacity for selCgovernmeni
by emigra'ing from State to a territory?
Who will say that man residing in
Massachusetts should, through his repre-
sentatiyes in Congress, be permitted to
adopt and regulate institutions of local
government for his fellow man in Utah,
New Mexico, Minnesota, Nebraska or
Kansas? viii our Wing or Abolition
friends agree that when they shall have
emlgrated 10 any Of these territories, their
Democratic ieIIow-cilizens whom they
leave behind, shall decide for them what
kind Of local institutions they shall have?
that their judgment and not that of the
emigrants themselves shall control as to
the institution ofsavery ! Or will contend
that the people will be careless of their
own true interest that their government
will be feeble or injudicious Whoever
says these things doubts all the principles
Of our republican institutions, and disre.
CARDS the lessons Of experience and the
teachings of the sages of the revolution.
We have already intmated, that we will
not discuss the abstract and somewhat
difficult questions of Congressional power,
which has grown out Of the slavery con.
troversy in The halls of the national legis.
iature. We care not TO decide, where so
many eminent men have differed, whether
Congress has the power to establish or
abolish the institution in the terrilories.-
BE that as it may, we assert that it was
wise in 1850, as in 1854, 10 refer the whole
question to the sovereign will Of the peo-
pie, TO be settled through the action Of
the local governments, as all other ques.
tions Of domestic policy are settled. The
rights Of property, the relations between
husband and wife, parent and child, guar.
dian and ward, are so confded, and we can
see none more sacred and important in the
social stale; and we see no good reason
why the question Of domestic slavery, the
relation Of master and servant, should
alone be Withheld from the action Of the
people.
1t must not be forgotten, that we have
not the creation of circumstances for our.
selves, but that we must deal with existing
facts. The same difficulty occurred in the
early history Of the country. We had the
institution Of slavery entailed upon us, and
the only matter Of enquiry has long been
how it was TO he managed TO the greatest
advantage of both the white and black
races. The latter number several million,
and we are forced 10 the dilemma of re.
tanning large portion Of them in bondage,
or make them our companions and equals,
and permit them to share the donors of the
State, and nler-marry with our daughiers
and friends. In the lorcible language OF
MIR. JEFFERSON, "we have the wolf by the
ears, and we can neither hold him nor
safely Ie! him 60"
And yet much has been done in legal
and constitutional way for the amenoratlon
Of this unfortunate race Of people. The
men Of the revolution had to deal with the
institution of slavery as they found il, and
they so acted in the formation OF the gov.
enmen,. When these States we're colo
MES of Great Britain every one was
slaye.hoIding province. At the time The
Constitution was framed, twelve out Of the
thirteen we're sIaye-holding States. Six OF
the original thirteen have now become free
not by abolition agitation in Congress, bul
by The action Of the people of Ire severa.
SlaIes in their sovereign capacity at home.
This leaving the question % The people
was FIRST adopted by Congress in 1850, and
was intended 10 be general 10 its aPpica.
lion to all territories thereafter 10 be or
ganized--lhat it was 20 be a Enaliy as to
the principle to be invoked, bot nc, fin.
alily as 10 its appicuiion--ior hat would
imply that no more territories were 10 be
organized. This position is sustained by
the fact, that 10 forming the boundaries OF
Utah and New Mexico, no respect seems tc
have been paid to the Act Of 1920, fixing
what IS termed The Missouri lire, nor the
act OF i6A5, extending The line 10 the Rio
Del Norle. The larger portion Of lhe Ter