Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, 1854-11-17

my OPINION OF that man. But II another James
Shields, equally worthy, patriotic, and able were
to present himself as his opponent, born Ameri-
can on the soil here, would prefer him to the
foreigner, though naturalized citizen If any
man differs from that opinion he Is at perfect lib
erty to do so, but do not envy him in his claims
to true American and patriotic feelings. shall not
enlarge UPON this subject, for my sentiments have
before been publicly expressed.
You will understand me, therefore, felow-citzens,
as standing on the platform adopted by the Ameri-
cans, at Dover on the 4th day of last month, and
no other which In any degree conflicts with it I
will not support for office man who claims to be
Native American unless he plants himself on that
platform. IL he seeks my vote, he must do II by
protesting my principles. He must not tell me that
some other party besides the American party here
has nominated him for the Office He must come
out plainly, and say that he asks support ON the
principles Of the Americans at the capital when
they met last month publicly In the State Conven-
ton. II he asks the support the American party
he has no right to accept, without our consent
nomination from another party, protesting princ
pies which We, as Americans, have never adopted
did not come here to make tickct--I leave all
that to others only came to explain the grounds
on which shall act.
A party formed on thrse principles must neccs-
sarily be thoroughly national, and not sectional in
its character 1t can have no geographical diyi-
vide il into discordant fragments to form the ele-
ments of future separation and civil war. Ignoring
the slavery question as proper element of party
organization and utterly untitled for party COM
binatons it would refuse to test the suitableness
any men public Office, by the question whether
he was for or against the mere extension of slavery
in some territory of the United States always con-
tent to leave that, well every other domestic
question: to the people of that Territory who alone
N baya tha iuht tn Ia oo,,0,
cient numbers have settled there to form respect
able commonwealth Non-interventon is the prin-
ciple now professed by the Democratic party ITSELF
but it is not the principle which they have acted.
Their practice and their professions have never
agreed on this subject True, non-intervention
would have left the people of Nebraska and Kan
sas after suitable number of people had emigrated
to those territories, to have elected their own Gov
ernor, as well as their Legislature, and would have
left the question of slavery In the meantme--that
is the question whether, under the constitution and
existing laws and treaties stakeholder could safely
carry his slaves TO those territories, as question
to be decided solely by the courts of the United
States, and not by Legislature elected only by q
handful of sqnatters, including every alien who may
choose to go there from Europe. True non-inter-
vention would have denied all power in an execu-
tive appointed at Washington to veto the acts of
Territorial Legislature, as well as all power in Con-
gress to supervise its decisions that question.
| shall not again discuss the merits of the Me-
braska bill. My sentiments upon ii are well known
to you ALL 1t has produced the very bitter fruits
which l anticipated when it was introduced, and
has caused all the violent excitement In the bosom
of the North which publicly predicted in my place
in the Senate. ! said there it would prove injudi
cious and eminenty tend to alienation between the
North and South. Yet had no Northern preju-
dices against the repeal of the Missouri compro-
mise line-a line established by the act of 1920.
always thought the creation of geographical
division between our countrymen fully justified the
strong expression of Mr.. Jefferson that il sounded
in his ear like fire-bel in the night. may be
permitted now so far to wander from my subject as
to say that, although many valued friends differ
with me about the sanctity of the act of 1920,
never learned from the Wings Of ancient days that
this law was part of their party creed 1t is well
known that, as chairman of the Judiciary Commit
tee of the Senate. reported bill, which became
law, for airexing territory north of the parallel
Of SO deg. 80 min. to the State Of Missouri, three
times as large as the State of Delaware. Every
Wing In the Senate including Henry Clay and
Daniel Webster, then approved and voted for that
bill. Not Wing in the other House opposed il
that ever heard. had conversation with Mr.
Webster on the subject at the time, who adopted
my views Of the propriety of annexing this terri
tory to Missouri, although It subjected it to the
laws Of slave State. 1t gave Missouri her proper
boundary on the river and eectually protected the
Indians residing there from the depreciation of law.
less and unprincipled men. repeat, there Is nc
objection to this partial repeal of the Missouri com
promise line, that / ever heard of whether from
Northern or Southern men. And can il now be
expected Of me that should make myself party
TO such a controversy as that which rages In the
North and sweeps that noble division Of our happy
Union like a whirlwindp l cannot and win not be.
come party to such quarrel. / did not vote for
the repeal Of the line In the Nebraska net, and /
win not vote to repeal the repeating clause in that
act or to disturb the subject again. Let il rest.
Repose for the passions of men Is required TO save
us from ourselves At this crisis, when ! think
there is far more real danger than has ever existed
before, as the sequel will show rejoice that an
American party is to be found in the country, around
which and other men who think az | do can rally.
The Wing and Democratic parties having in differ
ent sections Of the Union made the slavery qucs-
ton part Of their respective creeds, split into
rreconcilable divisions, each about equally ultra in
ther views and equally uncharitable in their abuse
Of eA-h other In onc-third Of this State 30
called Democratic ticket Is run, upon which one
half the candidates are old and active Wings. In
another part Of the State, an effort has been made
to get Wings 10 serve ON the Democratic ticket,
but, hear, without success. In other States, the
division among the Wings is such, that IL Is quite
impossible that another Wing National Convention
can ever assemble again, and if another Democratic
Convention should again make that effort, as il
probably will there can be no real heartfelt con.
cord in such body. party strong enough to
sustain the government in the trials TO which Il vii
inevitably soon be subjected, ought to be dcside
ratum with every rightminded American states
man.
An appeal to American national feeling for sucl
purpose ought not to be in vain; and do MOI
believe Il viii be IN vain. In every State and N
every section Of this Union there Is now an Amer
ican party. At present foreigner not naturalizet
and In trouble abroad, excites more sympathy
among the politicians Of the dominant party thar
any native american could possibly do. More noise
was made by them about Martin Koszta than would
have been created by an equal danger to fifty ma
tive Americans in foreign country. Kossuth was
at ono time In their estimation, object of much
greater interest and admiration than any Ameri-
can who has lived since the days Of Washington.
Gentlemen, i am for devotion to American citizens
and American interests. am for American IN
preference to foreign labor, American mechanics,
American manufactures American navigators
| American commerce, and above all, American ag
ricnlture. am for American breadstuffs and an
| American market for them. ] am for the country
l - "a s..,,ds In rreferpucp TO all other countries