New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1854-08-04

history Of the past to suit the eIgencies OF the
present constantly applied even to very recent events
to which the abundance of authentic records leaves
NO excuse for resorting 10 conjecsres especially to
cODiectures directly contrsdicted BY those records
spd still lees for psming off these fasehoods as 1t they
were authentic sud admitted facts.
The history OF the formation Of the Constitution Of
the nited States is pretty well known We not
only have in print The official j,urnal Of the ConTen
tCn but asO the cOpous minutes Of the debates taken
down BY Madison. Yet there IL set OF writer's
snd speakers who not content with these aud other
authentic documents. choose to set mp sgainst them
thor own bare assertion. and who. are sorry 30
say by dint Of constant repetitions boldly made have
succeeded TO o great extent in paming of upon the
multitude their unfounded allegations for historical
facts. A correspondent Of The Boston Daily Afr.T-
is.r to hose article that paper gives conspicuous
insertion. nav be taken a. fair specimen of these
corruptors Of our history. Take for instance the
following paragraph:
"Tbe present generation appear many Of them to h,re
forgotten the circumstances under which the Consit ion
If The United States adopted. The S,HtA rel k770
ing ne ftHp 0gGsR Si1rery N ne northern S1'e' ran
,dCred rational union GH btH kOpfess. The northern
patriots Of that day with far seeing patriotism persc
yered in The attempt until the present Constitution
the result When look back TO whst were in 1872
distracted Static without credit, commerce. bond OF
union and compare it with the subsequent glorious career
which has brought 10 what we nOw are, is anything
,Lort Of fGuatcism nconcevabe stupidity, which can
doubt the wisdom of the National Union Taere - no
dOUf Tat Nc condition, requiring mr. TeHr' o. tHsH'
s0res 1rGs ne turning p0qf WifhOnE Vh'cb Pie COHHH-
fsoa cou!d nat hare bcen coRsumma'ei."
We have taken the liberty tal Use certain parts
of this quotation in which to suit present purpose
historical fact. completely fasifed. So far was
the return Of fugitive slaves from being the turning
point without Wbch the Constitution would not have
been consummited that the provision on that subject
formed no part Of the draft of the Constitution, as
original! agreed to. 1t formed no part OF the report
of the Committee of Detail nor did it, when after
wsrd inserted on the motion of an individual member
excite much apparent interest in the Convention nor
hardly any debate To elevate it into the point on
which the adoption of the Constitution turned IS a
pure yth to which the existing state OF publ, feel"
in, nsy give in the minds of those who know nothing
of history a certain degree of plausibilty but for
which the authentic records Of the past afford no ba
sis How absurd to assert that the adoption of the
Constitution turned upon point upon which ther'
was no debate, aud whch suggested incidentally
during ore day ard disposed Of the next The real
points of controversy touching the subject of Slavery
the adjustment of which might be said to involve the
success of the new Constitution, were the continu-
auce of the African slave.trede insisted upon by the
CaroliDas and Georgia, and as warmly opposed by
Virginia and Maryland aud the desire to have the
slaves counted as persons in liking the basis Of repre-
sentation, in which all the Southern States united.
But TO assert often is done in Congress and out
of it. that the shareholders made it a condition OF
coming into the Union that their runaway slaves
she ud be restored is to say the least oft giving ns
reins to fancy to the absoute neglec ofiacts.
One falsehood naturally enough leads to another,
and the very writer from whom have made tho
above qootstOn proceeds to show what sort OF morals
We have TO expect from these falsders of history.
- However revoting to our feelings, he tells us, the
surrender of fugitive slaves may be- there is nothing
unjust in it, Az act of comfy it could hardly BIO
a." refused to friendly foreign State borders.
d" much less 10 sister States after admitting the
principle that they are the proper judges of thcir
- own internal Institutions
That national " comfy which eniorces in one State
the laws Of another restricts itself had supposed
to those laws so evidently sustained by the common
moral sentiment Of mankind as to create general
interest and favor in their behalf That any comfy
would require any community 10 do for the cOnve-
nicnce OF the members Of another community acts
revolving to their moral feelings, is quite new
point of international law Nothing unjust in the
surrender of fugitive slave The man who says
this must certainly be OF opinion that there is nothing
unjust in Slavery If ii be unjust to hold nan in
seryitude il Cannot but be equally unjust to help re-
place him in it. In fact it is this very sentiment
that we are participating in unjust act that makes
the people of thu North unwilling to assist in the
return of fugitive slave; and it is the wish to set up
against this cling of injustice toward the slave an
obligation contracted toward the Shareholder that lies
at the bottom Of these repeated aud reiterated at
tempts to magnify the historical importance of the
clause of the Constitution which rests the alleged
obligation of returning fugitive slaves.
If the North thinks il unjust to return ugitiyes as
to the fact Of whose servitude no doubt exists how
hopeless to attempt to reconcile us to law like the
Fugitive Slave act, which subjects to the additional
danger of participating in the reduction of free
persons to Slavery 1t ia in vain for the correspond
ent Of The AdrGtistr to insist that this is nero
political question with which morals AMI religion
have nothing to do Viewing it merely in political
light regarding merely the danger to which it exposes
free citizens the Fugitive Slave act cannot be sus-
tanned, however history morals and international
law may be perverted for that purpose.
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