The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-02-09

clear explicit, and unequivocal terms. kno,
there are some men, Wings and Democrats
who, not willing to repudiate the Baltimor
platform Of their own party, would be wilEn
to vote fof this principle, provided they coul,
do so In such equivocal terms that they coul,
deny that it means what it was intended &
mean in certain localities. I do not wish t.
deal in any eqaivocal language. If the princi
pie is right, let it be avowed and maintained
If it is wrong, let it be repudiated Let al
this quibbling about the Missouri Compromise
about the territory acquired from Franco
about the act of 1920 be cast behind you; fo
the simple question is, will you allow the PEG
pie to legislate for themselves upon the subjec
of Slavery! Why should you not
| When you propose to give them a Territorial
ought to be erected into political organize
ton; and when you give them Legislature
do you not acknowledge that they are capable
of self government? Having made that &C
Encouragement why should you not allow them
to exercise the rights of legislation? Oh, these
Abolitionists, say they, are entirely willing te
colcede all this with ono exception. They say
| they arc willing to trust the Territorial Legis
lature, under the limitations Of tho COnstitu
ton, to legislate upon the rights of inheritance
to legislate 10 regard to religion, education
and morals, to legislate in regard to the rela-
tons of husband and wife, of parent and
child, of guardian and ward, upon everything
pertaining to the dearest rights and interests
OF white men, but they are not willing to trust
them to legislate in regard to o few miserable
negroes. That is their single exception. They
acknowledge that the people of the Territories
are capable of deciding for themselves con-
corning white men, but not in relation to
- ca l. Al. n
it require any higher degree of civilization, and
legislate for negroes than for white men? If
it does we ought to adopt the abolition doc
trine, and 60 with them against this bill. If it
does motif we are willing to trust the people
with the great, sacred, fundamental right of
prescribing their own institutions, consistent
with the Constitution of the country, we must
vote for this bill rs reported by the Committee
on Territories. That is the only question in
volved in the bill. | hope have been able to
strip it of all the Misrepresentation, to wipe
away all of that mist and obscurity with which
it has been surrounded by this Abolition ad-
dress
have now said all have to say upon the
present occasion. For all, except the first ten
minutes of these remarks, the Abolition confcd-
crates are responsible. My object, in the first
place, was only to explain the provisions of the
bill, so that they might be distinctly under
stood. was willing to allow its assailants to
attack it AZ mu:h as they pleased, reserving to
myself the right, when tho time should ap-
proach for taking the vote, to answer in a con-
Guiding speech, all the arguments which might
be urged against it. | still reserve-what I.be-
heve common courtesy and parliamentary
usage awards to the chairman of q committee
and the author of a bill-the right of summing
up, after all shall have been said which has TO
be said against this measure.
hope the compact which was made on last
Tuesday at the suggestion of these Abolition
lists, when the bill was proposed to be taken
up will be observed. 1t was that the bill, when
taken up to-day, should continue to be consid.
cred from day to day, until finally disposed of.
| hope they will not rcpudiate and violate that
compact as they have the Missouri Compro-
misc and all others which have been entered
into hope, therefore, that we may press tho
bill to vote; but not by depriving persons of
an opportunity of speaking
| am In favor of giving every enemy of the
bill the most ample time. Let US hear them
all patiently, and then take the vote and pass
the bill. We who are in favor of it know that
the principle on which it is based is right.
Why then should We crafty the Abolition par.
ty in their effort to get up another political
tornado of fanaticism, and put the country
ogain in peril, merely fer the purpose of eecting
O few agltators to the Congress of the United
States1
We intend to stand by the principle of the
Compromise Measures of 185O-that principle
which lost the Presidency to the Senator from
Michigan Mr. Cass in 184s but which tri-
umphed in 1850, although he had been mar.
tyr in ha thaf Ia 10 nh. IL
Democracy are pledged, not merely by the Bal
timore platform, but by higher and more SOL
emn obligation, to which they are pledged by
the love and affection which they have for that
great fundamental principle of Democracy and
free instintions which Lee etsthe basis of our
creed, as6Bvsweysey p0lltssl communit, 81
right 70 govern itself in obedience 1tbs Conc sno
stitTsoa q Of p. 80. csnTYSs mt ~' -' 0'
Mr.. LhASE. Mr.. President, had some in
timation, coming to the Senate Chamber this
morning, of the diatribe which the Senator
from Illinois Mr.. Douglas has now pronoun-
ced. | was aware that an assault was to be
made upon us. Well, sir, the assault has been
made. The Senator has paraded his battery;
he has fired his guns; we have heard the noise;
we are in the midst of the smoke but nobody
is hurt. We are still here; we yet survive, and
! doubt not we shall long survive all such at
tacks as that which he has now been pleased
to make.
Mr. President, the Senator from Illinois
charges that the address, upon which he has
been pleased to comment in terms which beft
any other place than the Senate Chamber
however low that place may be-was concoct-
ed in what he chooses to call an Abolition eau
Gus held upon Sunday. Aye, sir, with gen.
erosity peculiarly his own, he has awaited him.
self of a mere error of date, and piously holds
up to public Reproduction the gentlemen who
have signed that address as violating the sa-
credness of the Sabbath day-that day for
which he cherishes, doubtless, a peculiar rever-
ence And yet, at the very moment Of making
this charge, he refutes it by another, asserting
that this very appeal was printed in the New
York Times, and other New York papers, on
the Monday morning following that very Sun
day. Did he not know that it was impossible
that the document could have been prepared
and signed here on Sunday, and published in
New York on Monday morning!
Well, sir, the Senator further charges that
a false statement has been put forth in connec-
ton with this address. That false statement,
as he alleges, was this: that the appeal was
signed by a majority Of the members from the
State of Ohio. He thinks that the design was
to catch some soft-footed Democrats" "Soft-
footed Democrats" Aye that is the phrase
by which he chooses.to mark all Democrats
who will vote against this bill. | trust he will
ind that such Democrats are little more nu-
merous than he seems now to imagine. | do
not know how many there May be. ] pass
that. What | have now to deal with is the
Senator's charge, and that pronounce utterly
groundless.
The simple facts are these: The appeal was
prepared upon consultation among the Inde-
pendent Democrats who signed it, 1t was az
forwards suggested that it should be signed by
the Senator'S and number of the Representa-