The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-02-23
TIE NATIONAL ERA WASHINGTON D. c. FEBRUARY 3d. 1854.

not have an appearance of countenancing the
practice"
| At this juncture, Mr.. Madison, who had
taken leading part in the construction of the
| Constitution, came TO the support of the motion
of his colleague in powerful speech. Read
some extracts from it, and say, whether the
illustrious Virginia statesman, q fair repre-
sentative at that time of the fathers of the
Republic" regarded Slaves or Slavery as the
Sentinel and its associates now do, or rather,
whether his views do not confirm those pre-
sented in the Era.
GThe oonfounding men with merchandise y
hesaid, might be easily avoided, by altering the
title of the bill it was in fact the very object
of the motion, to preuent men, so far as the
power of Congress ertended, from being con-
founded ,oith merchandise. The clause in the
Constitution allowing a tax to be imposed,
though the traffic could not be prohibited for
twenty years, was inserted, he believed, for the
very purpose Of enabling Congress to give some
testimony of the sense of america Nth respect
to the african trade.
"By expressing national disapprobation of
the trade, it is to be hoped we may destroy it,
and so save ourselves from reproaehes and our
posterity from the imbeciiity ever attendsnt on a
country filled Nth slaves.
This was as much the interest of South
Carolina and Georgia as any other States.
Every addition they received to their number
of slaves, tended to weakness, and rendered
IL yos &c T.. sc
hostilities with foreign nations their slave pop
ulation would be means, not of repelling but
inviting attack. 1t was the duty of the Cen
eral Government to protect every part of the
Union against dangers, as well internal as
external
Everything, therefore, that tended to in
crease this danger, though it might be LEGAL
affair, yet if it involved national expense or
safety, became of concern to every part of the
Union, and proper subject for the considera-
ton of those charged with the general admin
istration of the Government"
Bland, of Virginia, was no less decided in his
support of the motion.
Burke suggested that, if not particularly
named, slaves would still fall under the general
five per cent. ad valorem duty on all unenume-
rated articles.
Madison replied that no collector of the
customs would presume to apply the terms
goods, wares, and merchandise, to persons; and
in this he was supported by Sherman, who de-
MED that persons were recognised anywhere
in the Constitution as property. He thought
that the clause in the Constitution on which
the present motion was founded applied as
much to other persons as to slaves, and that
there were other persons to whom it ought to
be applied, as convicts, for instance but the
whole subject ought to be taken up by itself
Finally, upon Madison's suggestion, Parker
consented to withdraw his motion, with the un-
derstanding that separate bill should be
brought in"
In the face Of such authority as this, the Pro-
Slavery men in our day talk fippantly of
slaves being regarded as "propsrty," as :" mer-
chandise," as "chattels," by the Constitution
and the Sentinel coolly declares that "our fore
fathers" "gave their sanction to widen the
basis of Slavery by extending the period of the
slave trade and made diligent use of that ex-
tension of time to reap rich harvest" when,
as a matter of fact, all the States but Georgia
had prohibited the trade in 1889, and all the
States, without exception, in 1898.
Enough for this time.