Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-03-17
THE NEW YORK EVENING POST AND
ITS RECENT FRAUD.

THE NEW YORK EVENING POST AND
ITS RECENT FRAUD.
That reckless journal, the New York Ecen-
ing Post, has not only gotten itself into an ugly
scrape, by its fraud on Judge Bronson, but it
has drawn many of its co-laborers into the diff.
fculty. The letter from Judge Bronson to
Senator Douglas, which we published in our
paper Of Wednesday, was enough to silence the
battery Of the Post, but we find that several of
the New York papers contain letters from
Judge Bronson, written since his letter to SEN
ator Douglas, and since the Infamous fraud Of
the Post was perpetrated These letters put
complete extinguisher on the whole business
We have often cautioned the good people Of
the country against the acts and tricks of the
freesoil press. Most of the people of that
stamp are entirely INSCRIPTIONS. They will
say and do anything to promote their objects.
Not ashamed to tell an untruth, they are not
ashamed to be caught in, and convicted Of an
untruth. What are the statements of such
men worth? Who can credit them? The de-
lection of one fraud is only followed by another.
The exposure of one falsehood only paves the
way for other fabrications more gross and in
famous. We were sorryto see that few south
ern presses greedily caught up the statement Of
the Post but hope they will atone for it by
prompt correction.
The Journal Of Commerce, from which we
copy the following letters, thus introduces them:
"The annexed letter from Judge Bronson
reveals one of the many tricks resorted to by
the opponents Of popular sovereignty in the
Territories, to carry their points. For few
days it has had its intended effect; but now
comes the retribution. Not only is the decep-
ton unmarked, but the sentiments Of one of the
most distinguished jurists in the Empire State,
which might otherwise have been withheld
from the pubic, are calmly, but distinctly
avowed. viii the Post publish this letter Of
Judge Bronson? We doubt it. Or if it does,
we predict that it will accompany the publica-
ton with some new Misrepresentation or cal
umny.'
To the Editors ofMe Journal of Commerce:
II have just learned that the Erening Post,
a paper which rarely see, has resorted to the
trick of publishing what / said in ls48 against
enacting the Wilmot proviso and against es
tablishing slavery in free territory by the le
gslation of Congress, as though it were an
opinion against the Nebraska bill. Finding
myself in this way misrepresented before the
public, will thank you to make known my
opinion of the Nebraska bill, by publishing the
accompanying letters
"GREENE c. BRONSON.
"MARcH IA, 1854"
We extract one Of the letters referred to. It
is as follows:
"NEw York, February q, 1854
"DEAR SIR: The Nebraska bill has asI un-
stand, been so amended that it can neither
have the effect of legalizing nor prohibiting
slavery in the Territory, but will leave that
question to stand on the Constitution and the
decision of the people, who are to exercise the
powers of government. The bill is based on
the republican doctrine that the people should
rule, and asserts the great principle of non-in.
PREVENTION by Congress in the local affairs of
the States and organized Territories.
"The principle of the bill removes the sla-
very question from Congress, and refers it to
the local authorities, where it properly belongs.
This is with me the strongest of all the reasons
which have been assigned in favor of the mea-
sure. The moment that Congress shall plainly |
declare that it will have nothing to do with the |
existence or non-existence of slavery in the |
States and Territories, slavery will cease to be
a subject for political action in the free States.
Men there may still talk and write and preach |
about slavery in the south, and so they may |
about slavery in Brazil, British India, Cubd,
and Russia; but that is very different thing
from acting upon the subject, as they now do,
through Congress.
In the slave States the question of getting
rid of the institution will be agitated sooner or
later; and it will be done the more certainly, and
with better prospects for the slave, because the
people of those States will be left to deal with
their own affairs as they please, without the
political action of outsiders, who have no
business to intermeddle. The people of the
Territories will also discuss the slavery question
in framing their institutions but it is morally
certain that there will be no slavery in Ne
braska, where neither soil nor climate is adapt
ed to that kind of labor And, besides, most of
the emigrants to the Territory will be from the
free States. If, however, the people should de-
eide for slavery, it is their own NATTER and they
should be allowed to have their own way.
II am heartily sick, as every patriot must be,
of hearing the sound come up from different
sections Of the country, of conflicting interests
and hostile action and feeling between the free
and the slave States There is no cause for
this, save such MS has resulted from the action
of Congress on the slavery question. The
mere existence of slavery could not have fur
nished any ground for strife among brethren, if
it had been let alone. At the time of the revo-
luton, all we're slave States, and OF course they
had no diversity Of interest or feeling on the
subject. When the Constitution was formed,
all virtually agreed that each should deal
with that matter within its own borders as Il
pleased, and without the interference of others.
in their own time and way, and nobody COM
plains that they have done so. Surely there is