Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-10-06

nttle consequence. As a mere Legislative act
ne had peve5 since he gave it consideration,
believed it 1.-THE Missouri compromise) had any
binding force, for he could not find any power
delegated I'd Congress by the Consultation to
authorize such legislation. Its whole force, in
ployed BY the patriotic of both sections, by mu-
-tual consent to allay disturbing excitement
and quiet an angry controversy, and in the re-
spect with which it had since been acquiesced
in by the people and by Congress, until most
of the actors upon the theatre at the time OF
its adoption had passed away.
In view of the purpose for which it was orr
ginally employed, and the ends it had answer
ed, he did not believe that either section Of the
Union should have sought its repeal without the
acknowledgements ofthe other, andespecially
ofthe section protected by it. for the reason that
it was supposed to separate two great interests;
that although it was enacted mainly to prevent
the slave States from coming north of the line,
in the process of time events had so changed
the current of affairs that it could serve no
other practical purpose than to prevent free
States from going south of it according to the
implied sense OF the provision authorizing the
line of division. His views, then, were, that
although it had no legal force as an act Of Con-
gress, because of the lack of constitutional
power NOuBIcSb W pass ~ JCt tuds ia COiaitJ
and good faith it was obligatory, in moral
sense, until it had discharged its Office, or until
both parties, and especially the one supposed
to be protected by it, should assist to its oblit
Grafton. Beyond this he regarded it of no sub
stantial Importance whatsoever, and the south
having, with great unanimity, desired its re-
peal, the north might well assent to it.
| In speaking of the question, he spoke only
Of that principle of the bill which had so much
engaged the public attention-the repeal of
| the Missouri line. 1t was not his business or
his purpose to pursue the details of legislation,
nor to weigh the expediency of the introduce
ton of one measure or another, for he was not
here to discuss matters of expediency, which
must always more or less depend upon sur
rounding circumstances and be left to those
who had them in charge, but to enforce great
principles, which could never change. Non
Intervention, as principle, was eminently
right and democratic, and as he conceived,
was declared to be the settled policy of Con-
grsss by its action in 1850, and such policy
was sanctioned and approved by the popular
voice ofl852. 1t was then the settled policy
| of the country; it was no violation of good
faith on either part for both to repeal barrier
erected between them, and make it conform to
the non-intervention policy. He had often de-
clared that he supported the non-interyention
! principle because it was right, and because it
was true self.government, and not because it
would be likely to give free State here or a
| slave State there; but he must express his sur
prise to see the measure Of the repeal so vio
ently assailed at the north, when, in his opinion
it was SO clearly apparent that, if either slave
labor or free labor crossed the line, slave labor
would not come over it north, but free labor
would flow over it south.
This was proved by the geological character
and geographical position of the Territory-by
soil, climate, and productions, and by the d.
verse character Of the two systems. Slave Ia
Dor, from its very nature, was slow in its move
ments, expensive and unwieldy; free labor
marched of with its axe upon the shoulder,
and was there with its improvements, before
slave labor was provisioned and equipped for
| the Journey. Slave labor was employed upon
the plantation, where heavy investments and
expensive outlay were necessarily made to
render it productive II left by one set of
slaves, it must be supplied by another, costing
larger sum, and the plantation could not be
supplied by another, costing larger sum, and
the plantation could not be readily transferred
The free laborer who sought a home in the
Territories had few embarassments upon his
hands, and his capital consisted in the muscles
ofhis arm, and in his own energy and industry.
| Slaveholding was timid, and must dwell in COM
munities, ard could not pro6tably adjoin free
States or settlements, much less mingle with
them. The tendency Of free labor was every
day further south, and not Of slave labor further
north. The intrepid laborers from the free
States and foreign countries would rush in
| there 10 find farms Of easy cultivation, in
more genial cline. The land Spectator
would be there for the investment of his CAPT
he ax.H al
| for the sake Of adventure, and last, though not
least, fanaticism, with her loins grit about, and
shod with sandals, would, like Peter the Her
NIT, march ut the head Of her motley legions,
TO rescue this holy land Of Nebraska from the
grasp Of the infidel stakeholder. All this pop
ulation would rush down there since the present
organization, like the pent up food when the
gates are hoisted; nor WIN there ever be from
all this vast territory a single slave State
formed. 8f
This is all there is, and all there will be, of
the famous Nebraska question, over which so
much patriotic sensibility has been expended.
Let then, every man who has ever been true
Democrat, OF who ever intended TO be one, see
that all the clamor upon this vexed slavery
question was but a repetition Of the proceed.
ings Of 1913, which had given so many cause
Of regret--let them return TO the true Demo
cfauc natlOnhl sthnuhru anu ODey the COn6c-
tuition in its letter, spirit and intent, leaving
slavery in the States to those who have il in
charge, and upon whom lis responsibility has
been cast and as to the Territories, observe
strict non-intervention for non-intervention's
sake-because II was right as we'll as in aecor-
dance with the whole structure OF our govern
ment and theory Of our NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS.
il will do justice TO all and visit wrong upon
none--because il will inculcate peace and har
mony and friendship between the members of
this glorious coniederacy, and because il would
accord with the systemmetrical framework Of
the Constitution.
Mr.. ID. continued his address, at length, in.
vsking all who did not intend 10 espouse the
cause Of sectional antislavery party TO Join
the national standard, and passed high en-
comium upon the ancient democratic character
Of Delaware, &c.
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