The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-06-08

1
republicans Bah Rulers-selfsh rulers
seeking their own ends, striving to outwit and
10 overreach one another NAV set their re-
spectve Cabinets by the ears, but the time is
gone BY Tor them to make the peoples the tools
OF their egotistical ambition And what, ask
you, Citizen Victor, you who are deep read in
history what has taught the peoples this great
lesson OF knowing one another, and knowing
their own strength Deny if you can that It
Is the traditions of 1913; and By those the Red
Repnblie must abide or fall ignominiously."
ne discussion is getting warm" observed
De Beauvoisin; " We must not permit it to pro-
coed too far. But as free discussion is the order
| of the day, a little warmth On a subject so ex-
citing IS pardonable am of Citizen Victor's
opinion. Modern republicanism in France is
rot to be established by anarchy end terror
ism, but by an observance Of law and ORDER
ana due respect for constituted rights. The
| safety of republican France rests on the wis
dom of her rulers at the outset of her new ca
reer. She has yet to gain the confidence of
sosaign POwsrs; their respect she can at any
time command she is sufficiently strong for
that. But, in order that France may gain the
confidence of the world, is it necessary she
should plunge headiong into anarchy The
only way is for her to strengthen herself inter
nally, by gathering around her the interests of
OF the rights of property-at which | perceive
our brother Citizen Baudoin, laughs what
guarantee have the nations of Europe that she
Will have more respect for the integrity of for
elgn territories than she has for the rights of
private property? | say. and maintain, that
Citizen Baudoin is in the wrong. The accept
ance of his doctrine regarding property involves
nothing short of re-partition of the whole
earth amongst its inhabitants, and o reduction
of civilized peoples to condition below that of
savages."
ooh, oh Citizen de Beauvoisin is calumni-
ating civilization" shouted BaudoiD.
"Don't talk about civilization resumed
Beauvoisin. "Thy doctrine, Citizen Baudoin,
which to thee is the perfection of civilization is
simply theory of universal brigandage. | say
that even savages respect the rights of proper
ty which they have once recognised, and yet
thou wouldst make civilized France less scru-
pulous than men living in a state of nature. II,
In saying thus much, | calumniste civilization,
thy doctrine about property involves a gross
calumniation of the social and democratic Re
public, as | understand it. The great idea
which has to be developed, is not less that of
the common interest of peoples than Of the
unity of nation. The basis of that common
interest is respect for individual rights, for
order, and for good government"
popular government" exclaimed Fourier
"Of course" replied De Beauvoisin and
the problem we have to solve is how to secure
popular government-one that shall not only
possess the confidence of the nation, but secure
that of foreign Powers. doubt our success,
so long as we are divided upon questions such
as those which Citizens Fourier and Baudoin
have raised. | say, the nation will not respond
to those mad theories. still lees submit to be
governed by them, or by their advocates. Let
US have republicanism, red, white, or tri-color,
as much as you please but let it be republi-
canism that does not outrage common sense"
"And what dost thou call popular govern
ment gu asked Baudoin, rising to his feet, and
adjusting the scarf which denoted his position
in the National Assembly I" Is is that Of the
hourt Once for all, let it be known that for
nearly sixty five years France has not enjoyed
FIRE gears Of national existence, properly speak
ing She only lived of her own life, from the
oath of January, 1889 when the States General
were convened, to the 3lst of May, 1898, when
the Girondists were expelled During that
brief period, the nation subordinated power to
herself; divided and reduced it within limits ;
implanted local and individual liberties and
if she did not accomplish everything she strived
for-fsr from it, unhappily-she brought out a
vast amount of self governing power from the
body social, which has continued to ferment in
it ever since, under every disadvantage. Bot
after the 3lss of May, 1893, the relations be-
tween power and the nation became inverted
Power then cast down the nation at its feet
and trampled out her political vitality. The
nation became but an integral portion of the
State The faculty polite was rapidly alb
sorbe1 in the agencies of the superior au-
thorlty. The citizens lost oil their liberties
Ole by one, and did not even retain the sacred
security of privacy in their correspondence
Society disappeared. 1t was only domain,
fsrmed out by power, and governed by stew
ards clerks, and farmers | will rot deny that
since the death of Louis XVI France has under
| her various governments, occasionally vindca-
ted herself nobly. But those brilliant episodes
sppertain wholly to the history of the State,
not to the history of tho people. What ask
is, whether Democracy signifies anything? If
it does, and if for Democracy and by Democra-
cy We accomplished new revolution last Feb
ruary then | demand to know why in Novern-
Der, we have nothing but system of centrali-
.ation, instead of institutions framed on the
basis of our venersted Roussesu's social con-
tract? I say it is the legacy left by 1893 to
| lS4S; by the Social Democrats of the eighteenth
| centurg to those Of the nineteenth, to attack
the system Of Capitalization so lauded by the
| Jacobins and to place the citizens Of France in
possession of themselves. To make Frenchmen,
| Englishmen, Americans, the first thing to do is
| to make them citizens. But unless you decen
tralze, this is impossible. You will have only
rulers and ruled political masters-tyrants and
| political slaves"
"And law! Public order Religion Ind-
1 vidual rights F." exclaimed several.
| "Ab, bah " shouted the other. "Do you
think, then, that under a democratic and social
republic of this kind-one without dictator,
without Senate without factotums, and with
out spies-order would not be preserved Do
you believe that the people want monarch as
| they want God? That without ruler by
prescriptiYe right, the weak will be at the
mercy of the strong the rich at that of the
| vagabond; and that individuals will forthwith
set to work to rob and murder one another
That an imposing force of bayonets, swords,
and artillery, is absolutely necessary to restrain
evil passions, punish delinquencies, and give
security to honest folks! If go, then you ought
to have preserved your monarchic system. It
was mere hypocrisy to talk about revolution,
and you have been guilty of treason for over
throwing a dynasty"
ooh oh Thou art going too far, Citizen
| Baudoin,u calculated half dozen voices
mo- Not far enough" retorted he. 81 say
| that under such circumstances and with ideas
like these, you have doubiy betrayed the people
by proc!aiming them sovereign-frst because
their sovereignty is fictitious; and in the second
place, because, being unreal, it is by inplca-
| ton an accusation that they are unworthy of
exercising it. | affirm, that if you thought the
people so grossly ignorant, and, when left to
| govern themselves, capable of such scandalous
alterations and irreparable acts OF cowardly
| mischief, then to establish universal suffrage
was crime against progress and against man
kind"