The Jeffersonian. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1853-1911, 1854-03-09
From the Backs County Tntel2igencer.
Nebraska.

perfcal observer. Since 1889, period
of sixty-fve years, the South has had the
President fifty-two years, and the North
but thirteen Not satisfied with the Ex-
ecutive branch of the government, and a
negative equal to one third of the Legis-
lative department, she has, also, usurped
the Judicial power, or which is the same
thing, she has majority Of the Judges
of the Supreme Court,
Since the adoption of the Constitution,
there havo heen nine free, and nine slave
States added to the Union. Now let US
compare those new States in point of ter
ritory. The nine free States, including
California, comprise an area of SIS, ,297
square miles, and the nine new Slave
States 643,756 square miles-making a
balance in favor of the nine new slave
States of 125,459 square miles-an area
equal to the six New England States, to-
gether with New York, New Jersey, and
oue-sixth of Pennsylvania.
Next, let US compare the fifteen Slaves
States with the sixteen free States in
point Of territory and population. The
sixteen free States contain an area of 64l,-
977 square miles, while the fifteen slave
States comprise an area Of 644, ,144 square
miles, which leaves a balance Of territory
in favor of the South equal to the six N.
England States, together with New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Ohio
ten of the most populous States in the T.
Mon. The acItite population of the free
States, according to the census of 1850,
is 13, ,239, ,533, while the achite population
of the slave States is only 6,229, ,553, or
considerably less than one half The
white population, then, of the slave States
constitutes considerably less than one
third Of the white population of the Uni
trd States, while they embrace nearly
tlcO-thirES of the territory comprised in
the thirty-one States of the Union.
Lastly, the slaves in the fifteen slave
States entitle these States under the Con
stitution to an additional representation
in Congress, equal to that of ,922, AIS
white persons, or, representation based
upon chattels, equal to the Congressional
representation of Ohio. These are plain
statements of facts made by plain man
facts which cannot be controverted
without over turning the credit of official
documents.
From the above statements of facts,
(and it is lawful to judge tree by its
fruits, it appears that the policy of the
General Government in relation to her
public domain, has resulted, thus far, as
follows: 1t has allotted to the rich man
the larger portion of territory, comprising
the mildest climate and best soil: and
cast to the poor man the smaller portion,
the cold and comparatively
barren regions Of the North. The effect
of this policy, has, thus far, excluded the
poor man, the mechanic and laborer, from
the best soil of the country, not by pro-
hibitory statues, but by conventional
social barrier, more potent and exclusive
than any prohibitory statues, state or fed
eral. The poor man, with few hundred
dollars, can purchase land in free terrific
y, cultivate and improve it with his own
hands, while adjacent settlers enhance its
value. Thus he grows up with the coun-
ry in wealth and prosperity; but this is
impossible in slave territory, where labor {
5 disreputable, and his occupation is
degraded to that of the slave, and that
lave "nigger." Such territory is set
part for the Nabob, who can purchase
he soil and stock it with slaves at $500
o $4,000 each. Hence we see the tide !
f emigration, foreign and native, flowing =
nto the free States and territories of the :
Worth. I,
To perpetuate this policy, SO unjust a.
nd unequal in its effects, or to extend it =
D period at which the last fragment of :
he public domain shall be organized into !;
State, is the real design of Douglass !,
iebraska bill, The purport of that bill 2
!, to convert the vast territory of Ne. 9
raska from free to slave territory. No 9
ubtlety of logic can change this fact 2 p
he pretence that the bill, like the com p p
romise Of 1850, merely leaves the ques- = =
on slavery open to the people of the ter D
tory for their future adoption or rejec- =
on, is fimsy sophistory, intended to gull 4
he ignorant. If Southern planters could
9move with their slaves into Pennsylva-
ia, and hold them here as property. it
ould not be false to assert that Penn
7lvania tolerates slavery, and is virtual
slave State. til
Southern planters hold their slaves by ci
rtue of State statuets, local in their char re
ter and effects. When they remove is
,yond the limits of those States, those he
atutes are powerless. The object of 1t
ouglass' bill is to extend those statutes di
7er the territory of Nebraska, by spe- tn
al act of Congress. These are the n a. re
ID facts of the case, and no quirks of ha
W, nor legal technicalities can affect ar
cir reality. If the compromise of
yhteen hundred and twenty was super
ded by the compromise of eighteen NJ
ndred and fifty, then the latter can at
We no binding force, morally, for it was an
t so understood by the people. Fo
The laws of six millions of white men We,
our country tolerate slavery. The laws II