The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-01-19
WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, JANUARY l9, 1854

dered their money on their knees AS rem.
iniscence OF their former humiliation, it NAV
be noted that even now, at the commencement
of new Parliument, the Speaker himself asks
liberty of speech from the Sovereign How.
over, the new legislative assembly soon gained
strength and enlarged the sphere of it's ipfiu-
euce, and Edward the First modelled it into
the forms it retained down to the passing OF
Earl Grey's Reform Bill. The pecuniary ne.
cesslties of that Sovereign compelled him to
make frequent applications to the Commons
for subsidies, and these they only granted in
exchange for political power He gave the
Commons the means of resistance, which were
used in the times of the Stuarts, and which
guaranteed English liberty. at is just,n said
he in one of his writs, "that all should approve
what is the interest of all;n and to tina,
memorable document the right of originating
money bills in the lower House is to be traced
The House of Lords may reject or cut down
the amount of money bill, but it cannot add
TO it ono sixpencc
Tho reign of Henry the Seventh is a grand
epoch in English history, as it terminates one
transition period, and is the commencement Of
another. From the foundation of the House OF
Commons, down to the battle of Bosworth,
which terminated the civil wars of the White
in the relative position of King, Lords, and
Commons. In the controversy between tho
Houses of York and Lancaster, the point in
dispute was the hereditary right to the Crown,
called in our days Legitimacy This contest
was only contest of dynasty and while it
ragged the people only changed their mas ers;
and, at the conclusion Of the struggle, ParIia-
ment was so weakened as to have lest all the
power it had gradually acquired since the time
OF Simon de MOntfort. In tho civil wars, which
lasted thirty years, thirteen pitched battles
were fought, besides innunerable forays or
skirmshes, million men persisted, eighty
princes Of the blood royal, and nearly the whole
of the old Norman nobility. Of course, trade
and industry were nearly strangled, which
checked the onward progress of the middle
classet depending, as it essentially did, on the
accundplstion of movable weafths RsS IN these
struggles, the serfs were emanenated The
kings and mobiles, IS the fortuns Of war turn
cd against them, required the strong arms of
their bondsmen, and they gained them liberty
IN exchange for their valor. The conqueror Of
Bosworth Field seated himself ON the throne in
presence of the remnant of an impoverished
nobility, and Of an exhausted people. ,-t
The ancient feudal resistances, welded by a
confedoracy Of barons, had become mpotent
to his court by Henry the Seventh to do suit
and service, and swear homage and fealsy, only
twenty-seyen Of the old baronage made tfeir
appearance, and even Of this fragment the
titles 81 several were not clear. The king,
initiating tho example of Philip Augustus OF
France created standing army, by which
contrivance he deprived the great tenants of
the crown Of the command of the organized
force with which they had SO frequently aeos
creed his predecessors. The soldiers pluridefAd
the people they received their pay ont OF fhe
spoil, and the balance was carried to the royal
excheqaer. With money to bribe the troops
to put down Instruction, it required little
genius to become an absolute sovereign. Be-
fore this now power Lords and Commons sue
cumbed, and the voice Of Parliament was mute
Despotisn was established.
Let Us now sketch more in detail the posi-
ton of the English aristocracy, from the cop-
essential to the full development of later events,
which determined the character of the English
Government, in it's political, commercial, and
fiscal phases, and also in regard to It's religious
establishment. On all these points the aris-
tocracy played a distinguished part-at some
times defending, at others assailing, national
liberty. Circumstances arose at this remote
period which are still in action, and bear on
the vexed questions Of free trade and a protect
i've policy, and also on the electoral and rep
resentative system. Nor is this surprising.
however little perceived by hasty and superb
cial thinkers, when it is remembered that every
nation is continuity, though some links in the
chain may be broken and newly welded The
fact it, that the roots and fibros of the f.udal
institutions penetrated deeply and strongly
under the foundations of al the European
monarchies, nor hare they yet been extirpated
The cankered branches, which reared them
selves above the surface, have alone been Topped
off
AT the conquest, the crown had two main
sources Of revenue-the crown lands and the
feudal dues; these latter being in the nature of
rent paid by the baronial aristocracy for the
essatesthey held. The old peerage was, therefore,
strictly territorial, and so it continued to be
down to tho reign of Richard the Second, for
the hrst creation of peer by patent wos made
by that monarch in the person of John De
Beauchanp, of Holt Castle, who was raised to
the dignity of Baron Kidderminster, in Wilt
shire with remainder to his heirs male in the
eleventh year of that king. This was great
innoDtion In the ancient order of things, as
befoH that time peers Of the realm were sum
mond to Parliament by writ for their lands
andoaronles, but the introduction of peersges
by psent changed territorial into personal
digrty. Il was decided blow at feudalism,
With had attached legislative power exclusive
ly uthe possession of land at the same time
it charged the prerogative of the crown.
Al the feudal estates, held in cGpite from the |
orofn, were originally conditional and revo-
cate for the bar bsiian tribes of the north, who
suberted the throne of the C@sars and estab
lishh the various Kingdoms of Europe on the
ruiz Of the Western Empire, enjoyed a very
Comfortable degree of liberty Hereditary |
rigt was unknown, and kings were no more
tina the chiefs of military leaders, primps inter
prdtres, who united their troops under one
COMMAND for special enterprise The we'll |
krwn anecdose of Clovis and the soldier suf-
fcs TO prove the very limited nature of royalty |
i the early ages. A sacred vase, belonging to |
10 cathedral at Rheims, had been seized with |
cher plumber after q battle. Before the spoil |
wss divided, Clovis ordered the vase to be set |
aa1e, he wishing TO return it to ST. Remigius,
ORIENT, bishop of Rheims. A Frank warrior,
ingnant at this novel claim, struck the vase
he1ely with his battle axe exclaiming "Prnce,
y0,can pretend to nothing here but what may
falto your lot" This incident clearly shows
tbs liberty and equality had a real existence
at tis era, and that the chief of the nation did
not command subjects as a king, but soldiers,
as aEeneral But this relation ceased under
the ierosingan princes. Sovereignty became
hereditary, and lands were carved out Of the
royal domains and given to the MOBILES, but
Wlththls important limitation-that the sover-
'Ign could resume them at pleasure. These
state were called benefces, which must not be
'onfo'nded with fefs, the institution of which
'elong to later date. Once granted, the
FOLDERS Of the henefccs disired to make them
hereditary; the bishops were in the same po-
ltion, AID were influenced by the same motives;
he twoclassas combined, and compelled the
ing to abandon his right of revocation. This
box place partially in 5s7, and defnitively in
in I'LL D. :.