Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1854-04-05
Gge 9aiIg Spp,
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 5, 1854.
SPEECH
OF
REV. FRANCIS WAYLAND, D. D.,

March It'll.
Mr.. PREsIDENr l am not surprised to sec
so large number of the citizens of Rhode
| Island assembled on the present occasion. On
| this spot was formed the first government on
earth which proclaimed both civil and relig
ious liberty to be the birthright of man. 1t is
meet that on this soil, andin this city, meas
ure, which proposes to violate the most sacred
rights of humanity, should receive its merited
| condemnation.
Before [ proceed to consider this bill, l think
| it proper to say, that while / shall speak with
entire plainness on the merits of the question,
| / shall avoid all denuuciation of individuals.
| 1t is my good fortune to know and to esteem
| many of my fellow citizens at the South,
| whom believe incapable ofperforming an ac-
ton which they see to be dishonorable or
mean. / will go farther, and say that | have
never conversed with an intelligent and right
minded STAKEHOLDER who did not confess slav-
cry to be wrong, utterly indefensible in ITSELF
and the great curse that rests upon the South
ern States. They have looked upon the sub
ject in sad despair, hoping that kind Provi-
dence would open for them some way OF es-
cape from an evil which was every year be-
coming more and more threatening. Such
men, and they form large portion Of the best
men at the South, will, know, honor us for
opposing this bill; and will, in their hearts re-
joice if our opposition be successful.
We have met to protest against the bill now
before Congress, for establishing the territorial
governments of Nebraska and Kanzas. The
feature in this bill against which we hrst pro-
test is, that in all that vast territory, now un-
inhabited by white men, either free or slave
States may be organized, at the will of the set
tiers. On the face fit, then, places slavery
and freedom on equal terms; and proclaims
Al. I bod
with equal favor by the people of the United
States. 1t is, | know, said that it is intended
to have no practical effect for that slavery
will never be introduced there. This, l pre-
sumo, however, that no one expects us TO be-
lieve. To suppose the universal agitation of
this subject to be revived, an agitation so
much to be de precated by the South, and the
reproach of violated faith to be endured with
out an assignable object is to suppose men to
act without motive, that is, to be either idiotic
ofinsane. We will not accuse reasonable men
of this absurdity. [ therefore consider this as
bill to establish slavery throughout all this
vast region.
Now against this bill l protest, in the first
place, because it proposes to violate the great
elementary law ON which not only government,
but society itself, is founded.
If there be any moral or social principle
more obvious, or more universal than any
other, it is this, that every man has a right to
himself. lie possesses this right as man, in
virtue simply Of his humanity. This right in
! cludes his right to his body and his mind, to
| his material, and his spiritual nature. 1t is
the foundation of all responsibility, Tor the mo-
! ment cease to have right to myself that mo-
ment also cease to be responsible for my ac-
tions, either to God, or to man. 1t is this
right which distinguishes me from BRUTE
Brutes are endowed with ne such right, and
we may lawfully enslave them, slaughter
them, and feed on them. Governments are
established and laws are enacted, not to con-
fer this right, it existed before them, but to
prevent its violation. 1t is the sole founda-
ton of the right of property; for if have a
| right to myself, 1 have a right to the product
of my own energies, provided those energies,
are innocently directed, that is not in inter-
ference with this right in another.
| But assume the opposite, and what is the
| result? Suppose man not to have right to
himself, and what is the consequence? Gov
| eminent is impossible. Every man becomes
| the prey of every other man. Right personal
and right in property are annihilated by sim
| gle blow. Turks may Cypress Greeks. Rus
slams may trample on Turks. Austrians may
deluge Italy or Hungary in blood, and no
right is violated. Nay more; you, Sir, may
enslaye me, or | may enslave you, the white
man may enslave the black man, and the black
man may in turn enslaye and murder the
white man, and all are innocent Of crime
The rising of the slaves universally would
thus be justified, and all cause for our aiding
to subdue instruction would be taken away.
But it is needless to pursue doctrine so mon
strous. Slavery is sin against God, and an
outrage on humanity. 1t deprives a man not
of one or another right, but it violates that
g
right rests. 1 would protest against this mi
uuitv anywhere, in the name OF humanity and
justice and universal love, protest against it
here at home especially, when this outrage is
to be perpetrated on soil Of which l and every
other American citizen are the sole and right
full possessors.
But secondly, as an American citizen l pro-
test against this bill.
Our government owes its existence to the
assertion of the principle to which have just
alluded that every man has right to him
self. The Declaration of Independence, that
bill ofrights which made us a nation, affirms,
first of all, eve hold these truths to be self
evident, that all men are created equal, that
they are.endowed, by their Creator, with GER
tain inallenable rights, that among these are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" 1t
was for this principle that our fathers contend
ed in that prolonged struggle, the revolutions
airy war. 1t was for this that blood was pour
ed out like water at Concord and Bunker
Hill, at Bennington and Saratoga, at Red Bank
and Trenton, and York Town. And when
they asserted this principle, they asserted it
of humanity, without excluding from it any
portion of the race. Thisis abundantly shown
by the writers of that time, who were also ac-
tors in the war of Independence. To omit the
mention of all the men at the North, it is sufh-
Gent to call to your recollection the names of
Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and in fact
all the fathers Of the Republic, whose opinions
wereof sufficient Importance to reach to the
present day.
The sentiments of these men were fully ex-
emplifed by the act of 1887. Slavery existed
in several of the States. 1t was acknowledged
to be at variance with the sentiments of the
whole people, and in violation of the principle
asserted in the declaration of independence.
That it might be forever restricted within its
then limits, and thus be more easily extin-
guished, all the territory then possessed by the
confederation was declared to be forever free.
When the constitution was adopted, the
object for which it was formed was explicitly
stated; it was :" to establish justice g and Sc
cure the blessings Of liberty" 1t is the recog-
milton Of this principle, as the great object of
| our Union; that gave this nation consideration
| among men. This we have always, it has
| been said, even obtrusiyely, claimed for our
| selves. 1t is in this respect that we have held
I ourselves up in contrast with governments in
which the rights of man, as man, were tram