The Portsmouth inquirer. [volume] (Portsmouth, O. [Ohio]) 1849-1855, 1854-12-15

POi'Aoioh, anu ouoPU PiOpoi HiVdouiSo lOt
its projections The policy which I have
had in view, in regard to this interest, en-
braces its future as well as its present Sc
curity,
Long experience has shown that, when
the principal powers Of Europe are en-
gagged in war, the rights of neutral nations
are endangered. This consideration led,
in the progress of the war of our indepen-
dence to the formation Of the celebrated
confederacy Of armed neutrality prima-
ry object OF which was, to assert the doe
trine that free ships make free goods, ex-
ceptin the case of articles contraband of
war; doctrine which, from the very COM
meneement Of our national being, has
BEEN cherished idea of the statesmen Of
this country. AT one period or another
every maritime power has, by solemn
treaty; stipulation, recognized that princi-
pie; and it might have been hoped that it
would come to be universally received and
respected as arule Of International law
But the refusal of one power prevented
this, and in the next great war which en-
sued, that of the French revolution, it fail
ed to be respected among the belhgerant
states of Europe. Notwithstanding this
the principle is admitted to be sound and
salutary one so much so that at the COM
mencement Of the existing war in Europe
Great Britain and France announced their
purpose to observe it for the present, not
however, as recognized International
right, but as mere concession for the
time being. The cooperation, however,
of these two powerful maritime nations in
the interests of neutral rights, appeared
to me to afford an occasion, inviting and
|justfymg on the part of the United States,
a renewed effort to make the doctrine in
question principle Of international law, by
means of special coventions between the
several powers of Europe and America.
Accordingly proposition, embracing
not only the rule, that free ships make free
goods, except contrband articals, but also
the less contested one that neutral property,
other than contraband, though on board
enemy's ships, shall be exempt from con-
fiscation, has been submitted by this gov
ernment to those Of Europe and America
Russia acted promptly in this matter,
anda convention was concluded, between
that country and the United States, provid-
ing for the observance orthe principles an
nounced, not only as between themselves,
but also between them and all other nations,
which shall enter into like stipulations
None of the otherpowers have as yet taken
limal action on the subject. i am mot
aware, however, that any objection to the
proposed stipulations has been made; but
on thecontrafy, they are acknowledged tc
/, ! be essential to the security of neutral com
1 merce; and the only apparent obstacle tc
, their general adoption is in the possibility,
= that it may be encountered by inadmissible
, conditions.
! The King of the Two Sicilies hasexpress
: ed to our minister at Naples his readiness
u to concure in ourproposition relative toneu
tral rights, and to enter into convention
on that subject.
: The King of Prussia entirely approves
of the project of a treaty to the same effect
, submitted to him, but proposes an add
! tional article providing for the remuneration
y of prvateering.-Such an article, for mos
obvious reasons, is mucL desiredby nations
J having naval establishments; large in pro
portion to their foreign commerce. If i
were adopted as an international rule, th'
commerce Of nation havingcomparativel.
;. a small naval force, would be very mucl
: at the mercy Of its enemy, in case of wa
> with power of decided naval superiority
:, The bare statement of the condition il
: which the United States would be placed
: after having surrendered the right to re
= sort to privateers, in the event OF war witt
:, a belGgerent ofnaval supremacy, will shov
:. that this government could never listen Il
! such proposition, The navy of the frs
:, maritime power, in Europe is at leaststel
times as large as that Of the United States
: The foreign commerce Of thetwo coun
: tries. is nearly equal, and about equalt
!, exposed to hostile depredations. In wa
!, between that power and the United States
! without rsort on our part to ourmercantil
I marine, the means of our enemy TO infic
Injury on our commerce, would be tenfol
" greater than ours to retaliate. We coul
not extricate our country from this une
4 quel condition, with such an enemy, unles
! ! weatonce departed from our present peace
!. full policy, and became a great naval pow
er. Nor would this country be better sil
uated in war with one ofthe secondary na
: val powers. Though the naval disparit
! would be less, the greater extent, and NOR
exposed condition Of our widespread com
d merce, would give any Of them alike ad
i vantage over us. ..ls b4aa5
: The proposition to- enter into engage
d ments to forgo resort to privateers, in cas-
o this country should be forced into wa
y with great naval power, is not to acceT
5, the services of yolunteersfor operations o.
1t land. When the honor or the rights ofou
o country require il to assume hostile att
d tude, it confidently relies upon the patr
II otism Of Its citizens, not ordinarily deyc
v ted to the military profession, to augmeI
Isl the amry and thenayy,so as to make ther
= into action. The proposal to surrenderth
l. right to employ priyateers, is professedl
4 founded upon the principle thatthe privat
1, property Of unofending non.combatant
u though enemies, should be exempt fror
s. the rayages Of war; but Che proposed sui
A. render goes but little way IN carrying ot
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