Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1854-04-20
FAYETTEVILLE TENN, THURSDAY, APRIL 2O 1854.

to protect our flag from diShono
and our commerce from ruin.
Thus, we see that the immediat
, cause of the war of 1872 was
claim on the part of England, t
search neutral vessels, and to confs
cate the property of the enemy foun,
on board, as well as the vessels
Lord CLARENDoN's declaration re
wives the unreasonable claim. in part
and as the war Of 1912 ended with
out any settlement Of the points il
dispute, it is not improbable tbaf
Great Britain may, in the event of ;
general war, re3ssert her right tC
search our vessels for British sea-
men, and to create paper blotllades
ad iafimt,fm. If Lord Clarendon s
declaration, alone, is persisted in. we
do not see how collision between
this country and Great Britain can
be ayerted. 1t is to be fervently
hoped, however, that British pride
and arrogance will not again make Il
conflict between the two nations uma-
voidable.
In a recent article on the subject
of Lord Clarendon's declaration, the
New York Herald saws.
"Knowing the peculiar sensitive
ness with which the American peo-
pie regard anything like an outrage
upon the national flag, we have
looked we confess, with some degree
of anxiety for some exposition of
the principle on which Great Britain
and France intend to deal with neu-
trail vesse Is during the coming strug-
gle. And it is wi tn singular regret
thu 1t we learn by our recent advices
that the British government has Off
cially declared that beligerent prop
erty inneutral vessels shall be consid
cred a lawful prize. Such was the en-
phatic declaration Of Lord Clarendon
in his instructions to the British
Consul at Riga; and, though the
of such a course was clear
ly pointed out by Mr.. Gibson in the
House Of Commons on the 18th, we
see no evidence Of any intention On
the part of the British govern meht
to withdraw that statement. nor /
modify the intention it publish ed. /
at is hardly necessary for US to !
observe that In the event of Gre at /
again pursuing the policy /
which led to the war of 1912, we /
should have no other alternative e BIZ
10 resort to the means we then e x
erted TO protect our rights. The
United States cannot, under any cirZ
permit any foreign poM-
9r to exercise the right of searckup D.
IN American vessels; nor can we
submit TO the seizure of OR shi ps
engaged in lawful comwerce, with
]ut regarding the acfas an actual
announcement Of k6stilities against
ourselves. n
This sentiment, we takeit, is the
sentiment Of all men Of all parties in
his country; and would be practical
y enforced by any administration
hat might happen to hold power at
he time such acts might be commit
nitted. We may add likewise that
he position Of the United States, in
he event of rupture Of our rela-
ions with Great Britain, would now
oe very different from what it was
orty years ago. England can hard
y be ignorant of the vast increase
hat has taken place since then in
)ur population, our resources, and
our national power. If We were
hen able TO maintain our grorud, it
5 not unlikely that we might do
something more now.
"It is not little remarkable that
.hesd obsolete pretensions should be
,eviye ed by Great Br tain, simulta-
leously with a request for our friend /
hip and sympathy Lord Claren-
lon, declaring Americh an vessels with
Russian cargoes lawful prizes, at the
;ame time that he confesses desire
or a public meeting here to appla@ @d
he course Of the British nation, pr e.
ients singular appear Tande of incoh-
istency
ga few weeks will soon clear away
ii doubt on the subject. Meanwhile,
n view Of the menace that has al
'eady been uttered, it is well for us
% consider our defenceless state