Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1854-05-13

N.'f g'N h'NHN permit me TO indulge houp Ol
the conversion Of these gentlemen Indeed. when
heard the honorable gentlemen of North Carolina
speak OF himself as Fan indepcndant"--as party
OF one-as IN that lone condition, in which he had
so recently heard me say that find myself-was
iaos ~ hoerty to imagine, that he was throwing
o s'y' delicate hint to my ear, the he would like
70 JON teams with me, and 80 make up a marty
OF two9 Rcpeated roafs vf laughter do moi
forget that at the close Of kS speech he said some
very hnrd Things against us naughty abolitionists
But how could be sure, that lac did not say these
hard things for no other purpose than to blind all
around MN, save, Of course, my own apprehcnsivc
because kindred and sympathzing, spirit to that
traternal union with me, which have supposed
MS heart was then meditatingS
said, a little while ago. that reioiccd, that the
proSavery party is responsible for tho present
agitation. add, that am half rcconciled to thi,
attempt TO extend the dominion Of slavery, because
II affords us so inviting an opportunity TO inQnrC
into the title of slavery, If my neighbor tries e
rob me Of my farm, he at least affords me an oc
easicn for iHquiring into the tenure, by which h.,
holds his own farm, Freedom having been driver
by slavery, until she has surrendered TO her nur
suer nino now States: aud until slavery claims as
we see in the present Bill. equal right with her
solf to ovcrsprcad over all the unorcnnized territory
Of the nation; t is, in my judgement high time foI
her to stop and to turn about aud 10 look slavery
IN thc fasc, and to push back the war-ay, and to
drive the aggressOr to the WALL provided she shall
fnd, that slavery, in all its progress and history,
rs nothing but sn aggression upon liberty and law,
md upon human and divine rights; and that, i'm
truth, IL has no title TO any existence whatever on
any terms whatever, anywhere whatever This is
y proper stage of my argument for saying that we
all know enough of freedom and slavery to know,
that they cannot live together permanently One
must conquer the other. American slavery lacks
but two things to make sure of her victory over
American liberty; and. from present indications,
she il determined 10 lack them no longer Ono of
these two things is its conceded right TO oyerspread
all our unorganzcd territory and the other is its
conceded right to carry slaves through tho free
States. Let slavery succeed in these two respects.
lot the bill, VIC are now considering become
statute and let the final decision in the Lennon
sustain the claim to carry slaves through the
free States-ay, and even TO drive conles of slaves
through them. whip-in-hand; thus breaking down
the public sentiment Of those States against slave
Ty and debauchng and wasting it 10y familiariz-
ing it with the demands and exhibitions OF Slavery;
-and then, admit, the way will he clear for
slavery to make qnick and easy conquest of lib
crty.
-. ], again, acknowledge my partial reconeiement
TO this attempt Of slavery 10 get more-ths bold
push for all, that is left far rs unorganized ter
ritory is concerned. We have now thc best of OPP
portunites for trying the tide Of slavery, not only
to more but, also, u what it already had. And,
now, II slavery shall come of as badly as the dog,
Thc, IN opening his mouth to seize another piece
of meat, lost, in the deceitfal and shadow casting
stream, the piece he already had, it will have no
TO blame for its folly but its own voracous self
II should have been content with the big share
tie lions share-whieh it already had.
But to return from this depression. / said that
am opposed TO the bill, because it allows, that
there may be slavery in the States, which shall
be formed from these territories Why. however
should be, therefore, opposed 70 it? / will with
out delay come to the reason for my opposition
My time, being so precious because so limited /
will waste none Of il in apologies, circumlocutions
or skirmshes. But wi at once, take the bull
by the horns" and declare, that deny the right
Of Congress TO look 20 the existence OF slavery in
the States that shall be formed within these terri
tory, because deny, that there can be no Constu-
tiona slavery in any Of the States Of the American
Union-future States, or present States--new or
old. hold that the Constitution not only au-
thorizes no slavery in any part of the land, but
aboiishes slavery in every part of the land. In
other words, hold, that there is no law for Ameri
can slavery.
had not intended moments further delay in
entering upon my argument to prove, that the Con-
-stitsho1 calls for the suppression of all American
slavery. But | must, before entering upon it,
bcseech the Committee TO hold no other member OF
Congress responsible for it, Let the reprOach of
this argument-of this foolish argument, If you
please-nay Of this insane argument, if you pre-
fer that epithet-fall on myself only. Blame no
other member of congress for it. / stand alone.
nm the first, aud, perhaps, shall he the last, to
utCldTt Nllnln lltSe walls, tnnt tneTe Is no law
for slavery. | say that stand alone And vet,
am not alone. Truth is with me- / feel her in
SEPARATIONS. She glows in my soul: and stand in
ker strength.
.omitting the argument we give the conclusion
of Mr.. Smiths speech.
My argument to show THAr THERE NOT ONLY IS
No Law foR AELRlcAN SLAVERY, But THAT THERE
can SE 80 Law, EITHER ron AMERIcAs, on ANY
OTHER SLAVERY, Is ENDED. IL is in place however,
to say, that the recognition by the American peo-
pie OF slavery as law is, Of ITSELF sufficient to ac.
count for their loss Of reverence for law. This
reverence is, necessarily, DESTROYED by the habit
of contounding sham law with true law-by the
habit OF accepting, as law the mere forms Of Law
where justice, truth, reason, and every clement
which goes to make up the soul Of law, is lacking
This reverence must soon die out Of the heart o
thc people, who treat, as law, that which the,
know is not law; who, in the holy and command
ing name Of law, buy and sell, or sanction tn
buying and selling, Of their fellow-men and win
in all their life, live out the debasinS lie that
INDUSTRIOUS and diabolocal thing as slavery j
entitled to the shelter and honor Of law. Thi
reyerenceis little felt by those who yield to tn
absurdity, that law and nature n man is nm i'm
mortal, by law he may be but thing. 1t is littl
felt by those who regard law as q mere conycn
tionalism, which may be one thing in one place
and another in another; one thing at one period
and another at another. They, and they only
HtNt uuVlhttc duoTLllB conceptions OF law
who believe that it is one with nature and that
is the same in every part OF the earth, in ever
period of time, and eternal in the heavens -
They, and they only, have such conceptions, who
instead Of regarding law as synonymous with al
the enactnents of foolish and wicked men, identif
1t with unchanheable and everlasting right
How. for instance, can the American peopl
precicve the beauty and precousness Of law, willis
SecognEing. as law, the fugitive slave act?-an,
whilst stismatizng, and prosecuting the hand
fal Of men, who have the integrity and the braver
u resist ty Why should not that handful fly a
swift q the rescue Of their brother who is in peri
Of being reduced to slavery, as to the rescue 0
their brother, who cries: "Murder?" Ten thou
sand enactment for murder would not hinder then
IN the latter case. Ten thousand enactmonts fol
slavery should not hinder then, in the former. Ii
each case the rescue would be not bya mob bu
from a mob
1t has, now, been shown, that The American
GOYcrnment has nnlhnritv hnIh insihn nnh nni