Washington sentinel., 1854-02-25

i5, the doctrine OF the whlgsln liIo ana ITO.
1t involves the principle that the citizens of
every community should have voice in their
government. This was the doctrine of the
people of Boston in IT'S, when the response
was made throughout the Colonies: "The
cause of Boston is the eanse of MS ALL" And
if there be any here now who call themselves
wings arrayed against this great principle of
republican government, will do towards them
as Burke did in England will appeal from
/" the neU to the old whigs.n
l say nothing of the constitutional view of
the question. When ! have been asked if Con-
gress does not possess the power to impose re-
strictions or to pass the "Wilmot proviso, !"
! have waived the issue; / never discuss it.
On that point have told my constituents, and
tell you, treat it as Chatham treated it in
the British Parliament when the question of
power to tax the Colonies without representa-
tion was raised there. That was a question
which Chatham would not discuss; but he told
those who were so unjustly exercising it that if
he we're an American he would resist it. The
question of power is not the question; the
question is, is it right thus to exercise il? Is
1t consistent with representative republican
government to do it? That is the question.
Where do you latter-day wings from the north
stand on this question? Will you take the
side of Lord North and the British tories, and
maintain that it is the duty of this great gov
ernment, with its superior wisdom, to legislate
for the freemen of this country, as free-born as
yourselves, who quit yoar State jurisdictions
and seek new homes in the west?
And where do you, calling yourselves demo-
Gratis from the north, stand upon this great
question of popular rights? Do you consider
it democratic to exercise the high prerogative
of sitting the voice Of the adventurous pioneer,
and restricting his suffrage in matter con-
corning his own interest happiness, and gov
ernment, which he is much more capable of
deciding than you are ? As for myself and the
friends of the Nebraska bill, we think that our
felow-citizens who go to the frontier, penetrate
the wilderness, cut down the forests, till the
soil, erect school-houses and churches, extend
civilization, and lay the foundation of future
States and empires do not lose by their change
OF place, in hope Of bettering their condition,
either their capacity for selfgovernment or
their just rights to exercise it conformably to
the Constitution of the United States
We Of the south are willing that they should
exercise it upon the subject of the condition Of
the African race amongst them, as well as upon
other questions domestic policy. If they see fit
to let them hold the same relation to the white
race which they do in the southern States, from
the conviction that is better for both races that
they should, let them do it. If they see fit to
place them on the same footing they occupy in
the northern States-that is, without the rights
of citizen or the protection of master, out
casts from society, in worse condition than
Cain, who, though sent forth as vagabond,
hurt him-I say, if they choose to put this un-
fortunate race on that footing, let them do it.
That is matter Mat we believe the people
there can determine for themselves better than
we can for them. We do not ask you to force
southern institutions or our form of civil polity
upon them, but to let the free emigrants to
our vast public domain, in every part and par
eel oft, settle this question for themselves, with
all the experience, intelligence, virtue, and pa
triotism they may carry with them. This, sir,
is our position. 1t is, as have said, the origi.
nal position of the south. 1t is the position she
was thrown back upon in juno, 1850. 1t rests
upon that truly national and American princi-
pie set forth in the amendment offered in the
Senate on the 18th Of June, which have stated;
and it was upon the adoption of this principle
that that most exciting and alarming contro-
versy was adjusted. This was the turning
point; upon it everything depended, SO far as
that compromise was concerned.
/ well recolect the intensity of interest felt
upon the fate Of that proposition in the Senate
Upon its rejection in the then state Of the pub
lie mind depended consequences which no hu.
man forecast could see or estimate. The in
terest was enhanced from the great uncertainty
and doubt as to the result Of the vote. Several
northern senators who had before yielded the
question of positive restriction, that is the evil
mot proviso,' had given no indication of how
they would act upon this clear declaration that
the people Of the Territories might, in the for.
nation of their State constitutions, determine
this question for themselves. Among these
was Mr.. Webster. Just before the question
was put, and while anxiety was producing its
most torturing effects this most renowned
statesman from New England arose to address
the Senate. An immense crowd was in at.
tendance. The lobby as well as the galleries
were full. All eyes were instantly turned to-
wards him, and all ears eager to catch every
word that should fall from his lips upon this
the most important question, perhaps, which
His own vote, even, might turn the scale. That
speech | now have before me. In it he de-
clared himself for the amendment. His con-
cluson was in these words:
Sir my object is peace. my object is reconcilia-
tIon. My purpose is not TO make up case for the
north, or 10 make up case for the south My
object is not 10 continue useless and irritating con-
troyersles. am against agtators north and south.
am against local ideas north and SOUTH and
against all narrow and local contests am an
American, and | know no locality in America That
is my country. My heart, my sentiments, nv
judgment, demand of that should pursue
such course as shall promote the good, and the
harmony, and the union Of the whole country
This shall do God willing, to the end of the
chapter"
The reporter says:
1.-The honorable senator resumed his seat
amidst the general applause Of the gallery."l
Yes, sir, he did. was there, and witnessed
the scene; and no one, fancy, who was there,
can ever forget that scene Every heart beat
easier. The friends Of the measure felt that it
was safe. The vote was taken, the amendment
was adopted The result was soon communi-
Gated from the galleries, and, finding its way
through every passage and outlet to the ro-
tunda, was received with exultation by the
crowd there With quick steps it was borne
through the city; and in less than Eve minutes,
perhaps, the electric wires were trembling with
the gladstone news to the remotest parts Of the
country. 1t was news well calculated to make
nation leap with JOY, as it did, because it was
the first step taken towards the establishment