The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1854-02-23
THE NATIONAL ERA WASHINGTON, D. c, FEBRUARY 3d. 1854


the People of Territory free to govern them
selves-they have the right-the principle OF
popular selfgoyernment is coeval with the
Constitution, founded upon strict construction,
Democratic, all-glorious therefore what
eve, the Representatives. of the thirty-one
States of this Union, will ordain Constitution
OF Government for the settlers in Nebraska,
who have no voice in our election we will de-
eide who of them shall vote who shall be eli
gible to Office; how many and what offices there
shall be; how they shall be filed what sala-
RES shall be attached to them what shall be
the nature and extent of their functions we
will not allow them to elect their Judges, their
Secretary of State, their Governor: we will
apply to them all the laws of the United States
we think applicable to their condition and we
will require that whatever laws may be passed
by the Territorial Legislature shall be submit
ted to usn
And yet we are called upon to admire the
Principle Of Self Government, as applied to the
People of a Territory! The Bill of Mr. Doug
las is itself a total denial of this Principle in
such an application.
And then, the People are to be cheated with
another fraud. Let the Territorial Legislature
regulate the subject of Slavery as its constitu-
ents may decide, subject to the Constitution of
the United States "This is the doctrine"
shout the paid presses Of Slavery at the North !;
"who will not trust the People No fear that
Slavery will be introduced into Nebraska if
they are left to decide the question. Better for
Freedom than all the Congressional Legislation
in the world"
Have honor, fair dealing, common honesty,
ceased to exist? Do not these presses know
that they are guilty of infamous deception
Their masters at the South deny that q Terri
torial Legislature has the power to exclude
Slavery. Fortunately, the following article
from the Charleston Is C) Mercury, furnishes
timely exposure of the imposition they are
attempting upon the People Of the North.
There is one thing about Masterdom that ex-
ats it heaven-high above the supple Servility
that bends the knee before tit is too proud
to sneak, too audacious to play the hypocrite
Read what follows, and then say what you
! think of Self Non-Intervention,
and other humbugs, peddled at the North
Senator Douglas-Squatter Sovereignty-
| The Boston Post in commenting upon this gen.
tleman's recent speech, takes much pleasure
in finding, it asserts its favorite doctrine OF
| SoUATTER SOVEREIGNTY, OR THE RIGHT OF
| THE PEOPLE OF THE TERRITORY TO LEGIsLATE
| UPON ALL LEGAL SUBJECTS, AND THEREBY TO
EXCLUDE SLAVERY, fully maintained and vim.
| Dictated. WE CANNOT ASSENT TO ANY SUCH
CONSTRUCTION of the speech, and of the bill
| which it sustains, without imputng duplicity
| to the former, and an unconstitutional charac-
ter to the latter. For, if it is intended to be
argued by Senator Douglas, that in creating
Territorial Governments, snuested Nth the usual
pol0ers, they can legislate so as to ercl,t1e and
abolish Slduery qche, the gerry lar acAtch or
ganizeS them declares the Territories open to
the immigration and settlement of the slaue
hoidss, we must reject such proposition as mol
only unconstitutional, but as containing upon
its very face the mark of treachery. 1t would
| indeed be the climax of specious Justice, to pro-
claim Non. Intervention on the part of Congress
as the principle of fairness and the Constitu-
ton, yet that it should pass a law CONFER
RING UPON A TENT-FULL OF HUNTERS AND OUT
| LAWS THE RIGHT TO INTERVENE IN THE MOST
| ABSOLUTE AND SOVEREIGN MANNER. If the
Compromise of 1850, and the present bill fol
the admission of Nebraska, really mean any.
thing of fairness and justice to the South, il
the latter be not intended as trap to catch
her support for q principle seemingly of value
to her, ace are not in error in saying to slave
holders, here lies this Territory go into 1T ioith
your property if you spiH and you shall BE-
SAFE until as a sovereign STATE, the people de-
/ eide for or against the institution. Otherwise
| the Nebraska bill is worthless and deceptive
| truce.
"But we mistake Mr. Douglas if such an
inference can be properly drawn from his ar
gument and bill. Indeed, whatever may be
his own views on the subject, the bill itself pro-
Utdes, an the first place, that all laws passed b,
the Territorial Government 'ShaH be submitted
to the Congress of the United States, and If dis
approved, shall be null aud Of no eject Sec
ondly, that aU cases inUolvtng title to SLAVES
and questions Of personal freedom, shalt be sub
ject to the ultimate decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States' So far, therefore
from these Governments being empowered to
exclude Slavery any action they may take
upon the subject would be matter for discus
sion and decision, both by Congress and the
Supreme Court of the United States. Should
the issue arise upon q law excluding or abol-
ishing Slavery, the question of the power to
pass such law would be the first inquiry and
decision which acknowledged that power in
the teeth Of proclaimed non Intervention, and
the rights of the STAKEHOLDER, would be as ini-
quitous as it is absurd. 1t would be Congress
sional Intervention one step removed not 80 di
rect as the Mis- souri, Compromise or the Wilmo,
ProvisO, but more insidiOus and fatal, because
while protesting equality in theory, Congress
and the Supreme Court would become the in.
struments of wrong, welded by the hands Of
others"