Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1854-03-15


the Territories in all cases whatsoever be-
cause the people had exercised this sovereign
right to mould their own institutions in ac-
cordance with their anti-slavery oninions. I
vindicated their right to mould their own insti.
tutions according to their own pleasure upon
the same principles which am endeavoringto
vindicate to-day.
After the passage of the act Of 1850, COM
monty called the compromise, the governor Of
Georgia called a convention of the people to
take into consideration the grievances which
were alleged to have been inflicted upon her by
their passage, and especially by the admission
of California. / became candidate for that
convention, and put forth an address to the
people reviewing and vindicating those mea-
measures. Upon the subject of the admission
of California, stated in that address:
81 have already attempted 10 vindica,e the
rights OF people, forming constitution for ad
mission into the Union 10 admit or exclude
slavery at their own pleasure, and TO prove that
Congress had no other power over such constitu-
ton thus presented than TO see that it is republ-
can. We demanded it and compromised il for
Missouri. We have demanded II and secured It
for New Mexico and.Utah. We should adhere TO
il because it is right; but it is expedient well as
right"
And added:
aOne hundred and fifty thousand American
citizens the distant shores of the Pacific ocean,
having met, by their representatives, TO form
CONSTITUTIONS for themselves have adiudged it BEST
under their peculiar circumstances, for their in
,terest, their prosperity, and their happiness 10
prohibit the introduction of slavery into their new
Commonwealth. II is their business, not ours.
Whether they have decided wisely or unwsely
il is not for us TO determine. We have settled the
question differently for ourselves: it is not for
them TO disturb that judgement now or hereafter
Both cases stand upon the same great prtne,pA-the
right of a free people, IN entering the family Of
American States, to adopt snch form otrepm6hcan
government IA their judgement mil best Freserre
their liberties, promote their happiness and perpet
nate their prosperity If we are wise we will de-
fend rather than resist this brthright OF American
freemen, Invaluable TO us, so formidable to the
enemies of property, ourpeace and our safety"
While on this branch of the subject, and in
reply to the broad declaration Of the senators
from New York, Massachusetts, and Ohio,
| [Messrs. SEWARD, SUMNER, and CHASE, that
| no person, either at the time the measures of
1850 were before Congress, nor in the discus
sions afterwards before the country, did any
one pretend that these measures were in op.
position to or inconsistent with the principles
| of the Missouri ac.. l will take occasion to
| say that their statements are wholly gratuitous
and unsupported by the facts of the case.
was an humble actor in those great events.
Ny own conduct, especially at home, was sub
iected to much animadverson on account OF
my connexion with them, and | yindicated
them, in the address to which have referred,
upon the precise ground that they recovered
and firmly planted in our political system the
great principle bartered away III 1920.
/ give the following extracts from the same
address, for the purpose of showing my inter.
probation of the compromise of 1850.
"Congress passed four bills in relation to ter
ritory acquired from Mexico: bill 10 admit Cal
forna into the Union bill 10 settle the boundary
| between Texas and New Mexico; and bills es-
| tabshing territorial governments both for New
| Mexico and Utah. BY them in my opinion. the
| government has not performed It's whole duty TO
us; by them the south may not have secured all
OF her lust rights; but she has Jf,miy established
great and important principles, and she has cam
promised no right snrrenaefed principle, lost not
i an inch Of ground in this grsat contest. She
stands as free and untrammelled 10 assert any just
right in relation TO the common territories as she
did before the bills for the establishment Of gov
| ments over them were passed, with the advantage
at least, of having recovered the principle unwise-
| y surrendered in 1890"
In speaking of the Missouri compromise,
| said
THE struggle was violent and proracted; the
| republic was shaken to its foundation; and wise
| and good, and patriotic men believed It's hour OF
| dissolution had come. In an evil hour The south
bought this clear, plain and palpabe constitutions
al right for Missouri only at great price--a price
| that ought not 10 have been paid-a price worth
! more 10 her than the Union. Instead OF striking
from the limbs Of her young sister, with the sword,
4 the feiers which the north sought unJusty 10 I'M
| pose upon them, the south ransomed her by allow
ing slavery TO be prohibited in all that part OF the
Louisiana territory lying north Of the paraliri, O.
| 900 30 north latitude, and west Of Missouri This
great principl, thus compromised array M lS2o mas
5ee,, rescued rc-esta5ised, and again firmly lantfa
IN our political system By the recent action " Cont
gress"
The principle Of this bill is in conformity
with another important principle OF the Con-
stituton, which its opponents disregard and
violate. mean the equality OF the States. 1t
is impossible, under the structure OF this gov.
ernment, that you can have unequal States.
Bv the Constitution, each State grants pre-
| cisely the same powers to the general govern.
ment. The grant is from each separately, each
State respectively, or the people thereof retain.
! ing all powers rightfuly belonging to n sover-
egn State, except those thus granted. The
powers of the general government are incapa.
Bile of enlargement by special grants from either
old or new States, or, indeed, in any other
manner than that especially pointed out in the
instrument; therefore equality among the States
is fundamental necessity of the system.
This principle Of the equality of the States
was fully maintained by Jefferson, and Madi-
/ son, ana monroe, anu Ill Oh Their contempofa-
ries whose opinions are entitled to any con-
sideration upon questions Of constitutional con-
struction. 1t is necessarily DESTROYED by the
/ construction of the Missouri restrictionists.
The argument Of the senator from New York,
on this point, scarcely rises to the merit of as
tuteness. He says Congress may admit new
States; therefore Congress may reject new
States; and therefore Congress may place con
ditions upon the admission of new States. Adj
NIT the premises, and the conclusion by no
means follows The right to admit and reject
does not include the right to put an unconsti-
tutional condition upon admission. This the
very question at issue VIII which the senator is com
ton logically correct. There is no express
power to prohibit slavery in the Territories; il
has not been attempted to be shown that such
a power is necessary to carry out any express
j grant in that instrument. IL these two simple