The Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, Ohio) 1853-1861, 1854-04-10
Bronson on Nebraska.

81 di1eDucu tHdJ IL can I6ltucI nave Iilc
the effect of legalizing nor prohibiting slave
ry in the territory, but will leave that ques-
ton to stand on the constitution and the
decision of the people, who are to exercise
the powers of government. The bill is
based on the republican doctrine the people
should rule, and asserts the great principle
of fnon-intervention by Congress in the local
affairs of the States and organized Terri
tories.
The principle of the bill removes the
slavery question from Congress, and refers it
to the local authorities, where it properly
belongs. This is with me the strongest Of
all the reasons which have been assigned in
favor of the measure. The moment Con-
gress shall plainly declare that it will have
nothing to do with the existence or non-ex-
istence Of slavery in the States and Terri
tories, slavery will cease to be subject for
political action in the free States Men
there NAV still talk and write and preach
about slavery in Brazil, British India, Cuba,
and Russia but that is very different
thing from acting upon the subject as they
now do through Congress.
In the slave states the question of getting
rid Of the institution will be agitated. sooner
or later; and it will be done the more GER
tanly. and with better prospects for the
slave. because the people OF those States will
be left to deal with their own affairs as they
please, without the political action of out
siders, who have no business to intermeddle.
The people of the Territories will also discuss
the slavery question in framing their con-
stitutiOns; but it is morally certain that
there will be no slavery in Nebraska, where
neither the soil nor climate is adapted to
that kind of labor. And, besides, most of
the emigrants to the Territory will be from
the free States. If, however, the people
should decide for slavery, it is their own
matter, and they should be allowed to have
their own way.
| am heartily sick, as every patriot must
be, of hearing the sound come up from diff
ferent sections of the country, of conflict
ing interests and hostile action and feeling
between the free and The slave States. There
is no cause for this, save such as has result
ed from the action of Congress on the slave
ry question. The mere existence of slavery
could not have furnished any ground for
strife among brethren, if it had been let
alone. At the time of the Revolution, all
were slave States, and of course they had
no diversity of interest or feeling on the
subject. When the Constitution was form
ed, all virtually agreed that each should
deal with that matter within its own bor-
ders as it pleased, and without the interter-
ence of Others. Half of the States have
since got rid of slavery in their own time
and way and nobody complains that they
have done so. Surely there is nothing in this
to prove change in the relation Of the two
sections, or to induce unkind feelings be-
tween them. Each has acted as it deemed
wisest and best for itself; and with that
action others have no rightful concern,
The hostile feelings which have been mani
tested have no foundation in the nature of
the case, but have sprung out of the great
mistake Of allowing the slavery question to
enter Congress. If it had been kept out of
that body, neither good nor bad men in free
States would have had any means Of acting
politically on the subject. They might
discuss it as a moral question, but they
could not carry it to the polls,
1t is said that slavery is aggressive. But
what has it done? Has it attempted to
fasten itselfupon any State or Territory that
wished to reject or get rid of it? Certainly
not. Has it asked Congress to establish
or to do anything to legalize slavery in the
Territories? Certainly not. 1t has asked
for nothing but to be let alone-to have the.
question left to the influence of the consti-
tuition, without any Wilmot provisos by
Congress, to place the people of one section