Daily national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1854, 1854-02-20
WASHINGTON, d. c..
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1854.
THE FUTURE.

THE FUTURE.
A Washington correspondent Of the New
York Journal Of Commerce speaks freely OF
the general scheme Of policy Of the Slavery
propagandists, as follows:
at is objected TO the Nebraska bill, that it
will establish a principle Of extensive applica-
ton, and will invoke the application OF the
same provisions to Oregon and Washington.
Certainly ii mil. That as ITS main object The
principle was established in 1850, now it will
be confirmed in 1854 Next year it will be de-
clared that the Ordinance of 1887 is imperative,
and that the Slavery resolution in the Oregon
bill, which Mr. Polk hesitatingly signed, is
superseded
Therefore, if Slavery be universal necessi-
ty, ii luin be aliotDed universally TO prsUail
But, probably, it will be found that its limits
will be fixed by climate and commercially
laws above the action Of Congress.
1.-THE political effect of the passage of this
bill will be important, and, on the whole, high
~ favorable II will put an end to the old
parties, and crush out coalition of the De
sioss, and both Of them based on the Slavery
question,
Zone party will he the Non Intervention
party, and the other the Abolition party. IL
IL not quite certain which will finally prevail.
But the struggle is, at length, seriously begun.
All that has ever happened on this question,
AL the combats from 1920 down, were mere
child's play in comparison with what we shall
see next Fall, and next year, and for three
years TO come. There mil be no Compromises.
The old ones will be condemned and set aside.
Non Intervention ON one side, and Abolition on
the other, are the only two principles upon
which the contract is to be made.o
Certainly, when Badger, Bell, and Clayton,
voted few days ago with Douglas and Cass,
that the Missouri Compromise was inconsistent
with the principles Of the legislation Of 1850,
and that therefore it was null and imperative,
they virtually voted that the provisions in the
Constitutions Of Oregon, Washington, and
Minnesota, prohibiting Slavery, are also incon-
sstent with that legislation, and therefore
null and imperative. We showed, long since
that this result was precisely what the slave
holders intended TO accomplish.
In our zeal to visit retributon upon the heads
of the Northern men, who stand forth AS APP
parent leaders in this movement We must not
overlook the fact that after all they are but
agents in the hands Of the Slave Interest 1t
was not they who originated the opposition to
the organization Of Nebraska, and who are pri-
marily responsible for this project Of rspsaling
the Missouri Compromise. When the Nebras-
ka Bill went through the House at the last SEES
sion, we said that it would fail in the Senate,
because the ruling power in that body would
not tolerate the idea Of organising new free
territory. Il did fail, the entire slaveholding
delegation, with two exceptions, voting against
it, That fact told the whole story it demon
strsted the fixed purpose of the Slave Inter-
est TO keep back the growth of Free Territory,
and perpetuate its own ascendency
In the interval, the influence Of tho Admin
istration, under the control Of this same Inter
est, was constantly used to prevent the settle
meut Of the Territory, and Mr. ArcHIsos, ad-
dressing tho People Of Missouri ut different
points openly and emphatically declared that
ne never would vote for q bill organizing
the Territory Of Nebraska, unless slavehold-
ers were allowed to carry their slaves into it,
On the 10th Of January, the Weston (Missouri)
Argus, pro-slavery paper, announced that
MIR. Douglas had introduced q bill into the
Senate, for the division of Nebraska, and its or
ganization into two Territories, one to be called
Kansas the other Nebraska; the former Of
which IL said would be sure to be slavehold-
ing Territory. This announcement was made
just two weeks before Mr. Douglas brought
forward his substitute, providing for the cree
ton Of two Territories in Nebrasks, while as
yet nobody not in the counsels Of the Slavery
Propagandists had any intimation that such
Ssojsct wasin contemplation. This fact shows
that the substitute Bill was preconcerted
measure, known 10 the friends OF Mr. Atchison
in Missouri, long before il was brought forward
in Washington.
Again In our political controversies We arc
anxious 10 avoid all offensive personalities; but
We presume IL Ia no longer offensive to say Of q
public man that he is a Shareholder, or that he
IL specially Interested in the system of Slavery.
On the contrary, the ownership Of human
beings seems 10 be regarded ne patent Of no
biIity. To belong TO the slayehoIding class is
10 belong TO the ruling class. And this class,
though lying chiefly in the South, is not con-
fined 70 il. There are men at the North d.
rsctly or indirectly interested TO large amount
in what 10 called slave property. Mr.. Douglas,
~ are sure, win not feel aggrieved, when we
say that by the force Of circumstances he has
himself become % interested By connection
and BY pscuniary interest, although North
sn man and Senator from Northwestern
Stste, no belongs 70 the ruling class--the Slave
holding OIigarchy. When he proposes, there
fore, the repeal Of the Missouri Compromise, IL
i not ~ Northern politician, but a. mem
Der Of that OIigarchy. There is another Sena-
cor from the West, MIR. Bright, Of Indiana, be-
longing 70 the Same class, mot through an indi-
rect connection, but in virtue Of actual slave
holding, II has been repeatedly stated, by
some Of the newspapers Of Indiana and mover