Washington sentinel., 1854-03-03


ence from the legislation Of his neighbors, have
any higher power 10 control and dsfranchise the
weaker partner? Suppose this case that to-mor-
row, Captain lngraham and one hundred other
shareholders, with two hundred non-saveholdng
naval officers and marines, should discover an
island which never had been heard of before, with
all the rich varieties of soil calculated for the labor
of the southern slaves what would you think it,
eo>ahaanfs upon their discovery when they en-
tered upon the island and claimed all the rights OF
discovery the two hundred on-slaveholding gen.
temen should undertake TO decide that the one
hundred shareholders should be excluded from the
right TO the use ofthat common property / have
always taken The ground that We are, as States,
tenants n common IN the territory which is the pro-
perty of tie United States. Ifthis republic should
be dissolved tomorrow, take il for granted that
the States would fall back as entities, each one
claiming, and being entitled to claim an equal
share in the common property ofthe country The
States, in the dissolution of the copartnership
would be the parties in the indenture TO be re-
garded each would be party. If you act upon
any other principle, ifyou act upon the process OF
/ reasoning and the mode of conducting public af.
fairs which led to the formation of the Missouri
compromise, twill be readily seen that the majo-
i rty could soon absorb every other power, and the
minority would be entirely at the mercy Of AN irre-
sponsible and tyrannical majority, and the Con-
stituton could not stand any barrier or guard
for their protection.
/ Mr.. Pinckney well said, during the discussion
of the Missouri compromises remember his ex-
pession we'll: "Ye senators may assume TO your
self the power, because you are in the majority, of
imposing this restriction upon Missouri but | tell
you il is wilderness ofpower" Yes sir it is a
"wilderness of power" far that one can
trace controlit. The temptation ofinterest, the
sentiment of the day, the influence offaction, may
give the direction of the surveyor, instead of the
compass, that indicates the line TO the observed.
| want the compass of true faith 10 traverse and
maintain the map OF the Constitution. Where
lean majority of Congress derive the power TO
run an arbitrary line through the common terrific
ries OF the Union, disfranchisng one part and
throwing into the shade of the contrast the south
ern members of the confederacy, because they
/ have ditfererent kind of property from property
owned by gentlemen in the north? The States
originally entered into the confederacy as equals,
lmpelled by the highest motives TO form and per-
petuate a Union which should advance the great
cause Of republican liberty Does such restric-
ton as the Missouri compromise retain that fea-
ture of equality Suppose equality was promised
by it what Terminus could preside over and pre-
serve the line? Will his counsellors be justice
and truth or will they be interest and corruption?
/ Suppose gallant crew, trusting in each others
honesty and good faith, were TO embark in ves-
sci at sea, under definite articles Of equal copart
nershlp. and that one portion should assume, in
violation of the fundamental principles-,ot terms
onty-of equality, to construe the terms OF the
partnership so as to give and distribute the fruits
| OF the voyage to one recognised class in prefer
ence 10 another; what would be thought of such
| a proceeding! Would il not, before the bar of
| justice, before the tribunal Of common Judgment
/ be a cause Of just complaint? Would il not Justify
the weaker party in consulting measures Of self
/ preservation? Sir, rather than remain on such
i shp-talked of an equal. but spurned as an
| inferior--would not the weaker party be doing
the highest office of duty and honor to quit the
ship and take 10 the boats, trusting 10 the winds
| and the waves for their fortunes; and if the ship
were to perish, would they not be justified?
,hN,,l
upon the right to impose or retain this restriction
| The north is in a majority, and if Nebraska and
4 Kansas tomorrow were TO become saveholdng
4 Territories, the north would still be in a majority
/ Whenever they think proper 10 use their power,
| they can do it. If they do not acknowledge the
counsels of magnanimity, and are disposed 10 fol-
| low the dictates OF power, they always able to
j do so and if they claim such jurisdiction, by the
| exercise OF majority, there is no limit 10 this
government and this confederacy will be resolved
| into a confederacy in which unlimited and un-
controllable majority shall rule. know, sir, that
it may be regarded the result of what are called
| democratic institutions | have more regard
for the despotism of democracy than have for
any other despotism. Unless il can be controlled.
unless limitations can be imposed upon democ-
racy, it becomes no less despotic than any other
| form of government. The very name may give it
| me power to do ininstos. want government
that can be controlled by rule, and not one that
| has to be reformed by revolutions government
that rests upon some some ceto power against an
| irresponsible will.
The Missouri line of $50 30,, in my judgment,
absolutely brought in hostile array, in these halls,
the two sections ofthe Union and, as said yes
terday, believe that, instead of Peace, with heal
ing upon her wings, presiding over this line, Eec-
ira, with Kissing snakes from her head and the
torch of discord in her hand, has been upon it. Il
is an arbitrary line and as Mr. Jefferson said, its
establishment has been most unfortunate. / see
no authority for it in the Constitution. The south
has never acquiesced in it further than as volun-
tary offering TO preserve the Union.
/ know il has been said that South Carolina,
and some of the other States, were willing 10 ag-
tate the matter TO promote dissolution Of the
Union. read yesterday from Mr.. Calhoun's last
/ speech, and ! think ! know his sentiments.
/ have heard him say, and have heard others say.
that no portion of the confederacy has made great
| er sacrifices to preservethe Union than the South
In fact, | know of no sacrifices to preserve the
| Union which have been made on the part of the
| north. All the sacrifices which have been made
| have been exacted from those who were willing
TO preserve the Union rather than the great
cause ofrepublican liberty put into jeopardy. But
| like the lever running down the inclined plane in
| the form of screw, we have been crushed lower,
and lower, and lower; we have submitted to COM
| promise after compromise, untilH seems TO me we
| are likely 10 be compressed by this descending
machine, oiled by northern fanaticsm. In the
main, however, must admit that the south, long
before the agitations which have lately disturbed
US, manifested too much distrust in her nstilu-
same0 but those who have gone before us have
made the admissions which are quoted in the hol-
low spirit Of hypocrisy against us. maintain,
then, that the Missouri compromise was, is, and
always should be. regarded, even in reference TO
its practical operation, unconstitutional. alien
TO the spirit and unknown to the principles OF
equally recognised in the Constitution Of the fed
eral government. l adopt the reasoning of my
friend from Virginia upon this point. He has so
fully eucidated it, that need not detan the SEN
ate longer upon it. Whilst might say more for
the pubc-whilst might claim much merit, as
one giving the original argument-I will not allow
myself here to repeat what has been much better
said by others, and which may never reach those
who will read this.
Mr.. President, there some provisions Of the
bill Of which dc not approve. have said so to
my friends. know, however, that, in measure
Of this kind, all minds willing to carry out a COM
mon object and effect common good cannot
agree 10 details We must give and take, bear
and forbear. | am willing TO take the bill as re-
ported by the senator from Illinois, and as il now
stands as entirety, and vote upon it. know,
sir, that it has been said that we are parting with