The Evansville daily journal., 1854-12-07

careful supervision. and adopt proper mea-
sures for its protection. The policy which
/ have had in view, in regard to this in
terest. embraces its future as well as its
present security.
Long experience has shown that, in gen.
eral, when the principal powers Of E rope
are engaged in war, the rights of neutral
nations are endangered. This considera :,
tion. led, in the progress of the war of our
independence, to the formation of the Gel
ebrated confederacy of armed neutrality,
primary object of which was, to assert
the doctrine, that free ships make free
goods, except in the case of articles con-
traband of war; doctrine which, from
the very commencement Of our national
being. has been cherished idea of the
statesmen of this country. At one period
or another, every maritime power has, by
some solemn treaty stipulation, recognized
that principle; and it might have been
hoped that it would come to be univer-
sally received and respected as rule Of
international law. But the refusal of one
power prevented this, and in the next
great war which ensued, that of the
French revolution, it failed to be respect
ed among the belligerent states of Europe.
Notwithstanding this, the principle is gen.
orally admitted to be sound and salutary
one I; so much so. that, at the commence
ment of the existing war in Europe, Great
Britain and France announced their pur-
pose to observe it for the present; not,
however, as recognized international
right, but as mere concession for the time
being. sast t.s
The cooperation, however, of these two
powerful maritime nations in the interest
of neutral rights, appeared to me to afford
an occasion. inviting and justifying, on the
part of the United States, a renewed effort
to make the doctrine in question princi.
/, pie of international law, by means of spe-
t cial conventions between the several pow
ers of Europe and America. Accordingly,
proposition. embracing not only the rule,
that free ships makes free goods, except
, contrabapd articles, bYt,alsO the less con.
tested one. that neutral property, other
than contraband, though on board enemy's
ships, shall be exempt from con6scation,
: has been submitted by this government to
those of Europe Pd America.
Russia acted Homptly in this matter
and convention was concluded, between
that country and the United States, provi
ding for the observance of the principle:
announced, not only as between them
selves, but also as between them and al
other nations, which shall enter into like
stipulations. None of the other powers
have as yet taken final action on the sub
= ject. am not aware, however, that any
objection to the proposed stipulations ha'
been made; but, on the contrary. they ART
: : acknowledged to be essential to the secur
!, ity of neutral commerce; and the only ap
! parent obstacle to their general adoptier
!; is in the possibility. that it may be encum
bered by inadmissiblc conditions.
The King of the Two Sicilies has ex
pressed to our Minister at Naples, hi'
readiness to concur in our propositions rel
alive TO neutral rights. and to enter into 6
= convention on that subject.
o. The King of Prussia entirely approve:
' Of the project of treaty to the same effect
!. submitted to him, but proposes an addi
tional article providing for remuneration
M of privateering. Such an article, for mos
r obvious reasons, is much desired by ma
e tons having naval establishments. large
n in proportion to their foreign commerce.
e lfit were adopted as an international rule
!. the commerce of a nation having compare
!. lively small naval force, would be very
r much at the mercy of its enemy, in case o
!. war with power of decided naval super
}. ority. The bare statement of the condi
I ton in which the United States would b,
placed, after having surrendered her righ
l. to resort to privateers, in the event of wal
;. with belligerent ofnaval supremacy, viii
d show that this government could never
d listen to such a proposition. The navy o
e the first maritime power in Europe is a
: least ten times as large as that of the Uui
l. ted States. The foreign commerce of th,
IS two countries is nearly equal, and abou
d equally exposed to hostile depredations.- =
Il In war between that power and the United
V States, without resort on our part to ou
e mercantile marine, the means Of our enem]
IF to infiict injury upon our commerce woult
II be tenfold greater than ours to retaliate
It We could not extricate our country from
J. this unequal condition, with such an enc
i my. unless We at once departed from ou
j. present peaceful policy, and become
# great naval power. Nor would this coun
= try be better situated in war with one O
!. the secondary naval powers. Though III
e naval disparity would be less, the create
r extent, and more exposed condition of ou
wide-sprpad commerce. would olive anv N
1 them like advantage over us.
al The Propositions to enter into engage
A. ments to forego resort to privateers, in cas-
te this country should be forced into wa
,or with a GREAT naval nouar is not anfifla,