Washington sentinel., 1854-04-12

no inducement to offer any remarks upon this
branch al the subject. Even persons of the
narrowest political information know with what
anxiety southern representatives and senator's
urged the north in l84S not to reopen the
yexed question Of the Territories, but to stand
| by the Missouri compromise, and extend the
line of 36o 30/ to the Pacific. Confident of
their power, all propositions to that effect were
| spurned with indignation. Nothing less than
the adoption of an absolute and universal rule
of exclusion would satisfy them. The Wilmot
proviso was their ultimatum. Under these
circumstances, when the southern convention
assembled at Nashville in 1850, the south, not
only upon the floor of the Senate and in this
House, expressed its willingness to consider the
question of slavery in the Territories settled by
the legislation OF 1920, but in that convention,
| and in primary meetings again and again, Of
fered to extend the Missouri compromise line
Of $50 30> to the Pacific. The north refused it
persistently, and succeeded in obtaining such on
| adjustment that southern men were practically
| prohibited from ever entering that immense
territory with their slaves.
An impartial judgment, based upon the histo-
ry of the Territories, must convince us that the
north has been, in point Of fact, guilty of the
very aggression of which she accuses the south.
Was it the south or north that first introduced
the controversy into Congress? Is it the south
| or north that now proposes the pursuit of such
| a policy as will forever dismiss the subject
from the intervention of Congress, or will keep
it here as future cause of fostering discon-
tent? The Wilmot proviso, in some shape or
other, since the treaty of Guadalupe, has been
the constant source of agitation, and the con-
slant theme for most Of the northern public
men; and yet, if the south should manifest the
slightest excitement at being deprived of equal
rights, under our Constitution, it meets the
prompt denunciation of northern speakers and
| the northern press, and any warm or natural
| expression of feeling is exaggerated into dis
loyalty to the institutions ofour country. This,
| sir, is great mistake The temper Of the
southern people may be rufled like the foliage
| of the southern forests, when swept by the
| north wind; but we feel secure in our strength,
and know full well that the storm that Injuries
US must be SO strong that every monument Of
northern civilization must perish in its path.
But, Mr.. Chairman, will pass from such
subjects to the consideration of the remaining
provisions in which the House bill differs from
that Of the Senate. The former provides that
| the right Of suffrage, and Of holding Office in
the Territories, shall be exercised only by
citizens Of the United States, and those who
shall have declared on oath their intention to
become such, and shall have taken an oath to
support the Constitution of the United States,
and the provisions of the act. BY the amend
ment proposed by the Senator from Delaware
to the Senate bill, known as the Clayton amend
ment, the latter class of persons are excluded,
by limiting the right of suffrage to citizens OF
the United States only.
The provisions of the House bill are, in my
opinion, preferable to those of the Senate. The
emigrant to those remote Territories, whether
alien or native, must endure many privations
and hardships Incident to perilous border life;
and, after having given therequssite evidences
demanded by the net of his having adopted his
new home in good faith the government should
view his condition with indulgence and grant
him broad and generous political privileges.
The American government has, within the last
few months, declared that person of foreign
birth, who had declared his intention to become
citizen Of the United States, and received his
first paper in evidence Of that fact under our
naturalization laws, was within our protection,
and that we would use the naval and military
force of the country to protect him in his rights,
against the injustice or oppression of any for
eign king or government. This doctrine, in
the case of koszta, has not only been uttered
by the administration, but the act of the gallant
officer who enforced it, has been recognised
with thanks by this Congress, and has met the
warm approval Of the Judgment Of the people
Now, sir, if an alien acquires inchoate rights oi
citizenship by declaration of intention, SC
strong that we will protect him with the naval
and military force Of the republic, even to the
extent OF war, what objection should there be-
upon our part, to permitting the same evidence
to be the warrant for the exercise of peaceful
| political rights in distant and yet unsettled
Territory? The emigrants from Europe have
already contributed largely to our national
wealth and prosperity; they have added i'm
mensely to our productive power; the country
to which this right refers is at present almost a
wilderness. The idea that they would emigrate
to such a distant country with any other in
tention than of becoming residents in good
faith is fanciful and illusory; and / can see
no good reason why our government should not
treat them with enlarged liberality and kind.
ness, or debar them from enjoying the right Of
suffrage, and those other political privileges
which they now possess in Illinois and other
western States. Were Nebraska and Kansas
inhabited as densely as Massachusetts,, they
would support population Of sixty millions,
or nearly thrice as many as the present popu
lation of the whole Union. Even native
American" believing that the foreign vote is an
injurious element in the political systems ofthe
States, should be willing to grant to the for
eigner such political privileges in Nebraska
and Kansas as would induce him to go thith-
er instead Of remaining in the older States
to obtain them. If the foreigners go thither in
large numbers, the wilderness will soon smile
under their industry, and new tributary will
be added to the great stream of commerce that
already pours from the west, through the val
ley of the Mississippi, to the Atlantic cities and
the ocean.
have not time at present to explain these
views more fully, but have suggested them for
consideration, as am firm in the opinion that
if the bill contains liberal provisions in relation
to this matter it will infict no injury on us,
while it will be regarded by our countrymen as
in conformity with that generous spirit Of legis-
lation which should ever characterize an Amer
lean Congress.
The two chief subjects engrossing the atten-
tion of this Congress are the settlement of the
territorial question relative to the remainder of
the Louisiana Territory preparing the way for