The Lancaster ledger. [volume] (Lancaster, S.C.) 1852-1905, 1854-04-05

by others who will follow me,
and the bond unimpeached by the South.
But, sir, we are told that this is no
violation Of the contract; for although
the act of $40 prohibits slavery north Of
the line, yet it leaves the question open
south Of the line. Sir, l will not argue a
proposition so perfdiously monStrous. 1t
is enough, if anything be wanting to sat
iSfy any honest man Of the utter folly of
the compromise; and adn,onishes us to
Elot out that which is a falsehood upon
our statutes.
The authority of Mr.. Monroe, and the
Southern members of his Cabinet, (Mr.
Calhoun, Mr.. Writ, and Mr.. Crawford,)
is given for the constitutionality of the
Missouri Compromise. Mr.. Calhoun al
ways denied that the Compromise had
the authority of his sanction. In his
speech in the Senate of the 9th of June.
le4s, he said expressly, that it "was car
ried by Northern votes, and opposed al
most unanimously 10y the South, but vet
acquiesced in by us from love for the
Union" 1t may be that the President, as
well as Mr.. Writ aud Mr.. Crawford, ac-
qmesced from the same motive.
But, again, we are told that the South
has had the full enjoyment of the benefits
of the compromise, for that under it four
Slave States have been admitted into the
Union, while the Fren States have but
Iowa. To this it is sufficient to reply that
out of the northwest territory, (oncc the
property of slave Statc,) four free States
had been previously Y carved out, and their
admission into the Union secured a pre-
ponderance of political power to the non
slaveholding States in this House. Wis
consin has since been added; anil in viola
tion Of the ordinance of 1887, which, re-
Stricted the number of States to be crea.
ted out of the northwest territory, to tfpc
and no more, a part of this territory has
been thrown with Minnesota, which will
result in securing to the free States the
political power of six States-one more
than was stipulated in the ordinance.
Mr.. Chairman, the end of the whole
matter is, the question admits of no com.
promise. The men of the North regard
it moral, social, and political evil
We regard it q moral, a social, and DO
litical good. If both are sincere, (and |
believe that thousands are, who ignorant
of the character Of the negro and the
workings Of the system, Judge of the in
stitutlon by false standards and prejudic.
ed sympathics, )then no compromise should
be tolerated.
There is no middle ground between
right and wrong; and those Of us who de-
sire to perpetuate this Government, wheth-
er from the North or South, have no al.
tentative but to take this question of sla-
very back to where it was lett hy the con
stitution.
Here we will find authority to sustain
us against assaults from every QUARTER
Here we find authority f,r tho o.inaI rights
OF the States, and here authority for the
citizens of any State removing with his
property Of any description into the terri.
tory Of the United States.
We are not asked to legislate slavery,
into Nebraska and Kansas, but to carry
out good old republican principle, that
the people shall decide for themselves the
character OF their municipal Government
and he left in free condition to elect for
themselves, when they multiply into
States, slavery or no SLAVERY.
The bill is in entire consonancc with our
republican theory; but recurrence to the
true doctrines of the Constitution. 1t pur.
sues the same line Of policy which obtain
ed in regard to Utah, which lies north of
SO deg. 80 min., aud in reference to New
Mexico, nearly all of which lies south Of
that line, and in reference to both Of which
the question at ISSUE was left exclusively
to the judgement OF their people
1t is policy utterly rreconcilabIe with
the provisions Of the Missouri compromise
Inconsistent with its spirit and letter, and
i'll its effect, nulliics and obliteratcs it.
| next approach the argument urged in
opposition to the bill-that the admission
OF slaves will operate to the exclusion of
foreign immigrants; and quote, as my
text, the followingparagrap Of remark
able manifesto, which invokes the out.
acdrd pressure of hired letter-wr,ers, and
the Conductors of newspapers in the Ger
man and other foreign languages" upon
the action of Congress.
From the rich lands of this large Teri
tory, patriotic statesmen have anticipated
that free, Industrious and enlightened
population will exact abundant treasures
Of individual and public wealth. There
it has been expected freedom-loving emf
grants from Europe, and energetic and in
teligent laboreS from our own land, will
find homes of comfort and fields of useful
enterprise. Ii this bill shall become law
all such expectation will turn to grievous
disappointment. The blight of slavery
will cover the land. The Homestead law,
should Congress enact one, will be worth
less there. Freensen, unless pressed by a
hard and cruel necessity, ,oiH not and
should not ,OOrk beside siaves.''
| do not say that such would be the
effect, but if any earthly consideration
Gould induce Tie TO cast my Yois iii favor
OF inflicting the Wilmot proyiso upon
tarritorial bill, it would be the considcra-
ton that unnaturalized foreigners should
be excluded as well as slaves. | revere,
with patriotic gratitude, the memories Of
those illustrious characters who never be-
came American citizens, but whose names
are part Of the history of American lib