The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-08-18

We consider this subject so essentially an
extensively important, as to warrant hop
that the liberty we now take will be understood
as it really is, a compliance with q sense of RI
ligious duty and that your Christian endea'
ors to remove reproach from the land may b
effcacious TO sweeten the labor and lessen tn
difficulties incident to the discharge Of you
important trust
Signed in and on behalf Of the Yearly Meet
ing, for Pennsylvania, New Jersey Delaware
aud the western parts Of Maryland and Vir
ginia, held by adjournments from the twenty
eighth day of the ninth month, to the third DAY
g of the tenth month, inclusive, 1889, by Nicholas
VAIN, clerk to the meeting this year
MIR. Lawrence also presented an address
from the Society of Friends in the city of New
York, in which they set forth their desire o.
cooperating with their Southern brethren IN
their protest against the slave trade.
Mr.. Hartley moved to refer the address Of
the annual assembly of Friends, held at Phila
delphia, to a committee. He thought 1T mark
Of respect due TO so numerous and respectable
a part of the community
Mr.. White seconded the motion.
Mr. Smith, of South Carolina. However re-
spectacle the petitioners may be, ! hope gen.
tlemen will consider that others equally re-
spectacle are opposed TO the object which Is
aimed at and are entitled TO an opportunity OF
being heard before the question is determined.
hatter myself gentlemen will not press the
point of commitment day, it being contrary
to our usual mode of procedure.
Mr. Fitzsmmons. If We were now to deter
mine the final question, the observation of the
gentleman from South Carolina would apply
But, sir, the present question does not touch
upon the merits of the case it is merely to re-
fer the memorial to committee to consider
what is proper to be done. Gentlemen, there
fore, who do not mean TO oppose the commit
ment tomorrow may as well agree to 1t to-
day, because it will tend to save the time of
the House
Mr. Jackson wished to know why the second
reading was to be contended for to-day, when |
it was diverting the attention OF the members
from the great object that was before the Com
mttee of the Whole Is it because the feel
ings of the Friends will be hurt, to have their
affair conducted in the usual course of bust
nessl Gentlemen who advocate the second
reading to-day, should respect the feelings of
the members who represent that part of the
Union which is principally affected by the
measure. ] believe, sir, that the latter class
consists of as useful and as good citizens as the
petitioners-men equally friends to the Revo-
luton, and equally susceptible of the refined
sensations of humanity and benevolence. Why,
then, should such particular attention be paid
to them, for bringing forward business of
questionable policy If Congress are disposed
to interfere in the importation of slaves they
can take the subject up without advisers, be-
cause the Constitution expressly mentions all
the power they can exercise on the subject.
Mr.. Sherman suggested the idea of referring
it to committee, to consist of a member from
each State, because several States had already
made some regulations on this subject. The
sooner the subject was taken up, he thought it
would be the better.
Mr.. Parker | hope, Mr.. Speaker, the Pc
tition of these respectable persons will be at
tended to with all the readiness the Importance
Of its object demands and cannot help ex-
pressing the pleasure feel in finding so con-
siderable a part of the community attending
to matters Of such momentous concern to the
future prosperity and happiness of the people
Of America, | think it my duty, as citizen
OF the Union, to espouse their cause; and it is
upon every member of this House
to sit the subject well, and to ascertain what
can be done to restrain practice 80 nefariOus.
The Constitution has authorized us to levy a
tax upon the importation of such persons az
the States shall authorize to be admitted |
would willingly go to that extent and if any
thing further can be devised to discountenance
the trade, consistent with the terms of the Con-
stitution, | shall cheerfully give it my assent
and support.
Mr.. Madison. The gentleman from Penn
sylyania Mr.. Fitzsimmons has put this ques-
ton on its proper ground. If gentlemen do not
mean to oppose the commitment to morrow,
Ill - I |
apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed Mt
any measure it is likely Congress will take
because they will recollect that the Constitu-
ton secures to the individual States the right |
of admitting, if they think proper, the import
alton OF slaves into their own territory, for |
eighteen years yet unexpired; subject however,
to tax if Congress are disposed to impose it,
of not more than ten dollars on each person |
The petition, if | mistake not speaks of arti-
fees used by sclf-interested persons to carry on
this trade; and the petition from New York
states case that may require the considera-
ton of Congress. If anything is within the
Federal authority to restrain such violation Of
the rights Of nations and Of mankind, as is sup
posed to be practised in some parts Of the
United States, it will certainly tend to the in
terest and honor of the community to attempt
remedy, and is o proper subject for our dis
cussion. 1t may be, that foreigners take the
advantage of the liberty afforded them by the
American trade, to employ our shipping in the
slave trade between Africa and the West In
dies when they are restrained from employing
their own by restrictive laws of their nation
IL this is the case, is there any person of hu.
mainly that would not wish TO prevent them
Another consideration why we should commi,
the petition is, that we may give no ground Of
alarm by a serious opposition, az if we were
about to take measures that were unconstitu
> tioual.
D Mr., Stone feared that if Congress took any
measures indicative of an intention to interfere
d with the kind of property alluded to, it would
: sink it in value very considerably, and might b.
: injurious to great number of the citizens par
G ticularly in the Southern States He thought
4 the subject was of general concern, and tina
! the petitioners had no more right to inteffer,
e with it than any other members of the com
munity IL was an unfortunate crcumstanc,
that it was the disposition of religious sects t,
e imagine they understood the rights of human
n nature better than all the world besides anC
; that they would, in consequence, be meddliny
o with concerns in which they had nothing t
: do. As the petition relates to subject of
= general nature, it ought to lie on the table q
Z Information. He would never consent to refe
r petitions unless the petitioners were exclusive
|, " interested. Suppose there was a petition Il
e come before us from society, praying US to b.
e honest in our transactions, or that we shoul,
It administer the Constitution according to its in
!, tent; what would you do with a petition Q
y this kind Certainly it would remain on you
: table He would, however, not have it sup
g posed that the people have not right to advs
Is aud give their opinion upon public measures
IT but he would not be influenced by that advic
is or opinion to take up subject sooner than tn
d convenience of other business would adm
l. Unless he changed his sentiments he woul
Q oppose the commitment.
G Mr.. Burke thought gentlemen were payin
c attention to what did not deserve it, The me
=.