Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-04-30
THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.

siitutIon, and to loosen the obligations Of
oaths.
But the evil is far greater than the mere
destruction of this Government. Truth
the entire sacredness of promises sis the lg-
ament TINT binds society together, and makes
progress possible. The principle of limited,
written Constitutions, interpreted by some
power before set apart for the purpose, is the
grent political discovery of modern times.
To elaborate this principle has cost the law
ish sacrifices aud patient sufferings of many
generations and the best blood of the race,
shed OH the battlefield and the block. Ey-
en- the freedom OF three millions of slaves
would he purchased too dear, IL purchased
ut the cost of truth, or of the essential prn-
ciple of Constitutional Government; the only
political hope of the race. We were not
sent iuto the world to free slaves but to do
our duty. To do right is our first duty. To
do good is only second consideration.
Mind, ! sny, the essential principle Of all Con-
siiiuiional Government is not TO he sacrificed
to free slaves. do not mean this individual
Constitution or Government. Welcome the
blow that strikes this into a thousand frag-
gtnents, if It strikes off also the ictters of the
slave.
Mr.. Mann thinks me too moleeyed, too
much Of pc,tiiogger, to understand great
Constitutional questions. II may he So. |
only claim TO know right from wrong. Nor
n principles IRE not changed 10y numbers
Evil is still evil, though you follow multi
iude TO do it, When God calls his short
sighted creatures to judgement, no grand ar
ray Of state mnXns, TO curious network Of
politics, will hide me from his single nnd
searching eye.
~
the slave, in refusing to vote aud go to Con-
gress. Iwill gladly do both, M soon as he
will show me how eau do them as m hon
esi man. lie does not, surely, think ] nm
bound to do what ! think dishonest, in order
to free slaves
My idea of the way to reform government
is this. When God shows any man that
government arrangement is wrong, (niornly
wrong, not merely incxpcdient,) thut mali
should ihencclorih refuse 10 Ioin in il, Those
who sec him thus sacrifice TO n conscientious
conviction his political rights, denr to every
man, will reconsider their ways; aud thus
light will spread. When public opinion has
been thus changed, the mass of men will
shape their institutions to suit it. This, sure
Iy, is plain, honest and cxpcdicnt course,
fruitful of good results. The other course
place, soils mans conscience, 10y making
him do things he cannot wholly approve
Secondly, you are n bad advocate of your
new ideas if your actions nre not wholly
consistent with your opinions. Men will not
heed preacher who does not think his ideas
worth sacrificing anything for. All history
shows that the compromises of good men
have made the race halt in its advance, and
l. M trttf oH In hnf la.
promise is the American Devil.
MIR. Mann thinks me inconsistent in asking
for women the right to vote, and in writing
recent circular on this subject, which must
confess to have done.
] have no wish TO measure other peoples
consciences 10y my ynrd-stick. | do not ex-
pecf that every man will come np TO my idea
but | do demand that every ninn shall net
consistently ,CiM his oun ide1s Now, our
government is based OH the principle TINT
every tax payer, every person ameunbe TO
law, shall have right to vote. Women
come within this description, aud should
therefore have the right. Important benefits
flow from the possession of il; claim it,
therefore, for women. When they get il,
shall Immediately argue that they ought not
to ererciSe il, which will he another means OF
bringing the Ami Slavery Cause 10 their at
tenlion. But it is for them to decide that
point, not for me or the government. Many
will vote. Shall they he deprived of the
right, because u few alolilionists will not use
ia The possession Oft the right TO vote is no
Fin. A wicked government cnn offer us any
thing. The exercise of TINT right is for that
shows that we accept the offer, aud are willing
10 become partners in the governmeut.-
There are many similar eases. | would not
make such speech ns lniel Webster's or
such lecture as Oryille Dewey's for all Cal
ilorna.
But let any body deny their legal right to
do it, and the world shall find me at their
side in moment, TO give them all the aid I
can in vindicnting that legal right. ! hope
shall never be left again TO walk the streets
under epnuets, and tied to n sword; but
when the colored nnn claims the legal right
TO he enrolled in our regiments, hold up
both hands in his favor.
| lwoud not advise any man to be Catlo-
I lie or Presbyterian, nn lnfdel or Mormon,
aud would rather cut off my right hand than
JON Rowe street church, whose pews are
held on the express condition that no colored
man shall he allowed to purchase but con-
tend stoully that government shall allow
every man 10 choose his own sect, and even
to go TO Rowe street church, il he please.
Does not MIR. Mann ngree with me?
hope l have not mlsrepfesented Mr..
Mann's Constitutional positions. | have
tried not to do SO; but whnt with his volume
aud his various letters, il is almost impossi-
bic TO make out what he does really believe
at present, about tho Constitution. If he
continues this discussion, hope he will moi
proceed on inputalions of meaning but
frankly tell us whether he now considers The
fugitive slave clause, correctly construed
covers the case Of fugitive slaves. lie owes
tins to himself, TO me, and to your readers
Ills doing so is necessary preliminary tc
our discussing constitutional questions
about slavery.
Mr.. Mann informs me that my letter con.
talus seventy-five departures from truth, and
That It's atmosphere was as offensive MS thai