Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-07-02
The COnslIIulIOn nnd lhe Bnl!ol Box.

inc CONSTITUTION and The Ballot Box.
ID. Y. Of the Standard presents the case Of
the non-voter, aud the reasons for lbs course,
ns follows. Speaking of Mr.. Mnnn's urgr-
ment in iavor Of voting, an argument made
on the ground that the Constitution docs
sanction slavery, he says:
The greatest part of his letter is consumed
in arguing points winch we Gnrrisonians
have never denied. Of course human gov
ernment is necessarily imperfect and equally,
of course, oil governments, even the worst,
do many good things Our srruple is This:
Can men believing that the Constitution OF
the United States snstnins Slavery, ms an in-
tegral part OF itself, swear to support that
Constitution and yet not do what the Consli-
tuition requires for the support of Slavery,
when properly called upon to do il Is it
honest or right to swear to do what we never
mean 10 do? The question is not nt all how
we can do the most good even TO The slnvcs (;
but what does honesty aud honor require of
us ns, individuals? ? | hold that have no
right to take n place of Iswer aud profit,
which | can only get by swearing TO do GER
tain things when am fully resolved never
TO do them. 1t looks to me like obtaining
goods on false pretences Mr. Manns his
tory is not the least in point Wilberlorce
and Buxton did good work in Parliament,
aud Clarkson and Macaulay supported them;
bnt there is no paraleism between the cases,
unless Mr.. Mann can show that these men
thought their government inherently and tunia-
mentally bad, and that they themselves were
bound to do things wicked in themselves by
t0king part In 1t. Of course, they had un
such opinion. presume Mr. Phillips would
have no scruple about sitting in Parliament,
were he an Englishman, for Parliament is the
Constitution. A more parallel case would
be that of the Catholics before Emancipation
Might the Duke of Norfolk aud Daniel
| O'Connel, ms men of honor aud honesty, take
the oaths Of Supremacy aud Ahjuruton, for
the sake of getting into Parliament, because
they could do so much good there They
thought not. MIR. Mann, | suppose, must
think they We're wrong in refusing. Every
man must be the Judge OF how much wrong
he will do, on Mr.. Mnnn's theory of political
morals (knowing all the time that il is wrong,
for that is our assunIptiou), in order to do
such and such good things. | do not see
why MIR. Munns argument is not quite broad
enough TO cover Mr.. Webster and Conmis-
sioner Curtis. Why had they not n right to
decide how much wrong they would do in
order to save the Union? Mr.. Mann has
wasted great deal of good Indignation on
one side or the other.
Mr. Mann seems incapable of perceiving
any difference between submitting to laws
and making and executing them, though he
could understand it, if am not mistaken,
when he needed the distinction for HE own
use, as to the Fugitive Slave Law, in Com
gress. We think that taking part in Gov
ernnent like ours, making faws under
| a.
agreeing to execute them when called ou.-
Living under the government aud submit
ting 10 laws, because we can't help ourselves
we think innocent. But Mr.. Mann takes il
for granted that living under government
is the same thing as voting and taking office
under 1t, aud his argument rests, mainly, on
this assumption. II Is a fine specimen Of
arguing in Circle. Aud it is as perfect
justification of the Wings and Democrats in
their course MS of the Free Soilers, if then
think they can do more good by pro-slavery
| than an Anti-Slavery course. They are The
judges, and not Mr.. Mann. We may con-
denim them, for we assume the inherent
wickedness of Slavery; accept the usual
construction of the Constitution, that certain
clauses relate to Slavery; and then refuse To
swear TO support il, by ourselves or our at
torneys, simply because we do Mt mean to
support il, and do mean Ia break it, in these
particulars, ms often ms we have chance
This may not he great Craftsmanship; bur,
| must say, it looks to me like common
sense and common honesty. The conse-
quences are none of our business. The
Slaves hive no right To ask me 10 tell II
falselood, or do n wrong act to set them
free Tomorrow. And hold returning ia
gitive slaves, or swearing TO return them, or
not to resist their return, TO he very wicked
things. Aud swearing to do these things,
not intending to do them, uller | have had
the consideration, if not as wicked, is wick
ed enough, and much meaner Our whole
political morality lies in n nutshell. We do
not mean to make promises which we do
not mean to perform. do not SEQ anything
in Mr. Mann's whole letter Of June 3d that
touches this scruple; aud, yet, it is the only
point in dispute between us.
But have taken up more than my share
Of room, without reaching Mr.. Mann's lust
letter. Perhaps, may say something abou,
il next time-especiulIy ii the wealae he ms
hot as il is to-day, For it is mi, II .eiIy