The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-10-06

cause.
The third task that devoved on us, was
use whatever influence We could, in judicio,
manner, to induce free discussion of the que
ton of Slavery in the Slave States, with vie
to the creation of public opinion there whc
shall ultimately embody itself in legislation Fl
voring emancipation. We have tried to accon
plish this by repeated appeals to the conscienc
the patriotism, and self.interest of the Soutl
Whether such appeals have always been in tt
right spirit or not, they have at least had tn
effect of provoking discussion at the Soutl
This is better than nothing Evil shrinks fror
investigation Abuse in the slave system ca
never be remedied without agitation. Put
upon its defence, compel its supporters to pre-
sent the argument for it, and the work of re
form is really begun If Southern people them
selves can be induced to agitate the subject o
Slavery no matter if at first in defence or exten
uation, necessary preliminary is gained
There are two sides to every question, and tina
the South has already found out. Cassius NJ
Clay and John G. Fee, in Kentucky, are bu
forerunners of the men whom agitation in The
Slave States must produce.
Our readers will see, then, that on returning
to our post we find nothing in the signs of the
times to discourage any true friend OF Free
dom There is more genuine Anti-Slavery sen
timent in the United States to-day than there
ever was. Oar business is, while seeking &c
augment it by thorough discussion, to apply II
wisely on every practical occasion, and, be pa
tent
Our readers, we believe, have been kept
well informed in relation to the late division
of the Democratic or Administration party IN
New York. The Barnburners and Softs were
willing to fraternize with the Hards upon
any platform, but their profercd embrace was
rejected They then proceeded to nominate
their ticket and passed resolutions affirming
acquiescence in the Compromise measures, the
Fugitive Slave Law, the Baltimore Platform
and the Presidents Inaugural Their resolu-
tions further embraced emphatic approval of
the Presidents Inaugural and Administration
The Hards held separate Convention, nomi-
mated their ticket, and also passed resolutions,
such as their chieftan, Daniel s. Dickinson,
could find no fault with. These resolutions
were subsequently taken up, and endorsed by
the other Convention
Standing upon the same declarations of prn-
ciplc equally jealous in their professions of 10y
atty to the South equally devoted to the sup
port of what they call the National Democ-
racy, these two sections of the New York De-
mocracy will have no more dealings with each
other than the Jews and Samaritans of former
days.
What is the reason of the division Not
one of principle. Both factions have harmo-
nized hitherto, met in Convention together,
voted together in State elections, acted to-
gether in National Convention, agreed upon
the same National Platform and sustained
the same Presidential candidate There has
been no change in the principles or profess
sons of either faction The Barnburners and
Softs continued steadfast in the creed dictated
by the Hards and were willing, as the history
of the late proceedings in New York shows,
to enlarge or modify it at the same dctation.
Why, then, did the Hards refuse to act longer
with thema Because they could not trust the
sincerity of the Union men in their professions
respecting Slavery That is the reason as
signed. They had trusted them so far as to
remain one with them for years,-wha. new
evidence had the Union Democrats given of
their insincerity. None at all The slave
holding section of the Administration party
had confded in these professions, so far as to
approve of the policy of the President in ac-
copting them as grounds for the bestowmen,
of Executive patronage. They had plainly
sgnifed their desire to let bygones be bygones
and to look rather to mans present condition
than his antecedents. But the virtuous Hards
with u patriotism unexampled even by the
rigdly orthodox South, came to the conclusion
that to forget and forgive was a weakness
that the Barnburners were insincere, at heart
disloyal to Slavery and tho Compromises, and
therefore, whatever President Pierce and hi,
Southern supporters might do, they would
separate themselves from all fellowship with
the deceitful works Of darkness. Clearer
sighted than shareholders themselves, in al
that pertains to the interests Of Slavery, they
determined, at the risk Of defeating the Demo
cratic party, to battle what they pretended wal
a scheme for Abolitionizing it
Now we suppose, the true reason for tn,
schism is, that Mr.. Marcy is in the Cabinet
and Mr. Dickinson is nowhere and that Mr.
Marcy's friends have been better provided fol
than Mr. Dckinson's friends think they de
serve. The division springs from personal ami
mosties, not from differences of principle; bu
ignoble as it is in its source, it may lead to i'm
portant consequences MIR. Dickinson stand
high in the confidence of the Democratic part,
of the South. They trust him on the Slave
Question, Us they cannot trust such men a
Ex-senator Dix and John Van Buren,, who
with all their professions of acquescence il
the Compromise, carefully abstain from re
canting a single opinion they advanced, or re
GREETING single position they took in 1915
The Washington Union and other Southern
supporters of the Administration find it con
vcnient to represent the Barnburners or Rad
cal Democrats, as having repented Of thei
misdccds in 1913, fully recanted the "herosy
of opposition to the extension of Slavery, AM
humbly returned to the Democratic fold con
Tossing their sins and unworthiness; and the
ask, Was not tho prodigal son received witt
signal attentions, and was not the iatted cal
killed for his special entertainment! Blu
Daniel is no more satisfied with such reasonn
than was the elder brother of that prodga
"Lo' he saith, 81 these many years do serv
thee, neither transgresSed ! at any time tn
commandment and yet thou never gavest m