Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-03-05

Mr.. Mann's recent speech in August, '52, |
has the same non -cofnmittal tone To which i
have alluded, as Mr.. Summers While pro-
IessiDg, in the most eloquent terms, his 10y
atty to the Higher Law, MIR. Souiherland
there, in Mr.. Mann's opinion,
any conflict between the Higher Law and
II so, what is III Ii not so,
why introduce an irrelevant topic into the
debate? 0F.Mr. Mann avoided any reply,
and asked not 10 be interupted!-O Is that
the ffankness which becomes an Abolition
list? The design Of Souiherlund is evident
If Mr.. Mann had allowed there was 10 con-
flict between the Higher Law and the Con-
all his remarks were futile and out
of order. But If he asserted that any such
conflict existed, how did he justify himself
in swearing to support that instrument! n
question our Free Soil friends are slow to
meet. Mr.. Mann saw the dilemma, aud
avoided it by silence!
The same speech contains the usual dep
rccatory assertions that Free Soilers have no
wish to interfere with Slavery in the States;
that they consent to let Slavery remain
where il is.' If he means that he, Horace
Mann, moral and accountable being, con-
sents to let Slavery remain where II Isl all
the rest of his speech is sound aud fury, sig
niiying nothing. II he means that he, llor-
nee Mann, as q politician and party man, con-
sents 10 that, but, elsewhere and otherwise,
will do his best TO abolish this 'oll-compre-
hending wickedness of Slavery, in which
every wrong aud every crime has its natural
home'--then he should have plainly said so.
Otherwise his disclaimer is but an unworthy
trick, which could hive deceived none. He
must have known that all the South care for
done.
Mr.. Giddings is more careful in his state
neni; but, judged by his speech on the Plat
forns how little does lie seem TO understand
either his own duty, or the true philosophy
of the cause he serves lie says
I'VE, sir, would drive the slave question
from discussion in ,nis I'LL. us! Ii never had
constitutional existence here. Separate
this Government from all interference with
slavery; let the Federal Power wash its
hands from that institution; let us purify
ourselves from its contagiou; leave il with
the States, who alone have the power TO
sustain it-then, sir, will agitation cense in
regard to il here then we shall have nothing
more TO do with il; Our lime will he no
more occupied will, il aud, like n band of
freeman, band of brothers we could meet
here, aud legislate for the prosperity, the
improvement Of all mankind, for the eleva-
ton of our race.
Mr.. Sumner speaks in the same strain.-
He snys-
THE time will come when Courts or
Congress will declare, that nowhere under
the Constitution can man hold property in
man. For the republic, such u decree will
he the way of peace and safety. As slavery
is banished from the National jurisdiction,
il will cense to vex our National politics. Il
inny lnger in the States as local institution,
but it will no longer engender national ami
mosities when il no longer demands national
support For himself, he knows
no better aim under the Constitution than 10
bring the Government back to the precise
position which il occupied when il was
launched.'
This seems to me very mistaken strain.
Whenever slavery is banished from our Ma
tonal Jurisdiction, il will he moinentous
gain, vast stride. But let us not mistake
the halfway house for the end Of the Jour
ney. Twill not shy that il matters not TO
under whnt special law slavery
exists. Their battle lasts while it exists any
where, aud doubt not Mr.. Sumner and Mr..
feel themselves enlisted for the
whole war. will even suppose, what nei-
ther of these gentlemen states, TINT their
plan includes not only that slavery shall not
only he abolished in the District and in the
Territories, hut that the slave basis of rep
rcsentution shall lJe struck from the Consti-
tuition, aud the slave surrender clause con-
sirued away. But even then does Mr. Gid
dings or Mr.. Sumner really believe that
slavery, existing in its full force in the Smte
will cease 10 vex our national politics p
Can they point 10 any State where power
ful olignrcby, possessed of immense wealth,
has ever existed, without attempting to
neddle in the government? Even now, do
not manufacturing banking and commercial
capital perpeinally veX oBr politics Why
should not slave capital exert the same in.
fluence? Do they imagine that n hundred
thousand men, possessed of tioo thousand
millions Of dollars, which they feel the
spirit of the uge is seeking to tear from
their grasp, will not engerly catch at oil
the support they can obtain by getting the
control of the Government.
In land where the dollar is almighty, 'where
the sin of not being rich is only uttoned for
by the effort 10 bccolne so,' do they doubt
thnt such an oligarchy will generally sue
coed? Besides, banking and manufacur-
ing capital are not urged ly despair TO
seek controlling influence in politics.
They know they are about equally snfe
party rules-ihat no party wishes
10 legislate their rights away. Slave proper
y knows that its being allowed to exist de-
pends on its having the virtual control of the
Government. Its constant presence in poll
lies is dictated, therefore, by despair as we'll
rs by the wish to secure fresh privileges
Money, however, is not the only strength of
The Slave Power. Thatindeed were enough
in an age when capitalists are our feudal
barons. But though driven entirely from
National shelter, the Shareholders would
have the strength Of old associations, and of
peculiar laws in their own States, which give
hose States wholly into their hands. A
weaker prestige, fewer privileges. and less