Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-07-02
WHOLE NO 4O5.


pose that il would last until after the epoch
of 1908; because, up to that time, slaves, by
the supposition, could be imported. But
could any man have supposed that, in coun-
try mt whose birth the song Of the angel was,
that all men are created free aud equal;
whose infancy Ind borne the struggles of
maturest manhood aud whose great solemn
compact entered into for the guide of its life,
through all the generations, declares its OBJ
ject to be to establish Justice, promote the
the general welfare, and secure the blessings
of liberty TO themselves and their pos,erity,'
-cnn any sane man suppose that, IN such
country, aud by men achieving such deeds,
covennnting before the world for such priu-
ciples, il was supposed that slavery could
survive all justice, welfare, law aud religion,
for so much as n hundred years? II is i'm
possible. Two generations would have been
the utmost limit that extravaganza could ask
for il.
When, then, this rule of contemporaneous
construction, with the limitation MS to time
which it's own history carries with il, has
had its scope, there remains not particle Of
even political obligation on the government,
or any officer of the government, or any
citizen whose action connects him with the
government, tn 10 one further net in belIalf
of slavery. All are RENTED to the plain
language of the Constitution, which, ns be-
fore shown, does not mean slavery, any more
thnn ii means the lnqUsiton or Thuggery.
There is another consideration connected
with this subject. For thirty years after the
adoption of the Constitulion,-that is, up 10
about the time of tie Missouri Compromise,
i recollect no instance in which the South
ever made any demonstration of n purpose
TO regard slavery as a permanent institution
ol ha nd In nSl,n 4
under the Constitution itself. Then, n new
policy was nyowcd. Slavery was to he ex-
tended, not circumscribed. Instead of the
supposed privilege of n temporary existence,
a charter for new existence coevnl with the
Constitution itself was claimed for IT, This
important fact furnishes TO my mind no rca-
son for more liberal or enlarged construc-
ton of the rule of contemporancous exposi-
tion.
MIR. Editor, though my opinions are Of no
public importance, yet there are one or two
reasons why do not regret this opportunity TO
state them somewhat ut length. In the fierce
contest in which, for SOME years past, we
have been engaged, no occasion has demand
ed this detailed exposition. In the thick Of
the fight, we have been obliged TO rive blows
and parry blows, and leave truces and trea-
ties for the morrow. In discussing slavery
the more impassive pro.savery men al tho
North, we have been ucting OH the defensive,
, und against the most outrageous nggressions;
-aggressions, even according TO their own
constitutional theories. But the Free Solers,
so far as | recollect, though they may have
often placed themselves upon the platform
OF their adversary, for the sHke of meeting
his argument OF his own hypothesis, yet |
believe they have never yielded up any of
the grounds here marked out and contended
for.
Another is, that il gives me mn opportunity
TO vindicnte the consistency of my own views,
and, as believe, the consistency of the Free
Soil party, generally. II contcndcd, rs I
often have done, that our pro-savery legisla-
ton by Congress had no warrant in tho
Constitution of the United Sta,cs, then any
dlsIngenuous person might churge me with
transferring the obligation to the States
aud II ! maintain that the States, as such,
had no duty to perform on this suhjeci,
the same unscrnpulous arcuser might pre-
tend TO see n necessity for lodging the power
IN Congress again. Aud thus lie might
charge me with shifting my ground, or nc
cordlng TO he vulgar expression, with playing
fast and loose while the plain truth and
the and the whole truth would be, that he was
shifting his unwarrantable imputolions.
The view which have now taken shows
the anti slavery character of the Constitution
II explains, also, how, consistently with this
anli-slavery character, prO-slavcry con
siruclion wns, originally, aud TO answer
temporary purpose, given TO sotne parts of
| its provisions. Aud, what is most important,
it demonstrates that the original pro. slavery
Legislation under il, so far from proving It's
| permanent and abiding pro.slavery character,
was exhanstng whatever of pro- slavery
could be forced upon ii, or Incorporated into
| II, by the rules OF eXtemporaneous exposition
When that rule has spent itself by lapse of
time, and in accordance with It's own lstori-
cal Limitations, then the Constitution, like
Christian in his journey 10 the Celestial City,
has cast tie burden of sin from his back,
and stands redeemed from oil pro.slayery
attributes aud atlributions.
Now pardon me for expressing with no
unkndness of feeling, nor hint at any dire
LECTION Of duty, my deep regret, that while
the antl'slavery argument is growing stronger
and stronger, 10y tie progress of events, aud
especially by the evolution of the moral
sentiment OF The world, body of men should
rise ~ among us, animated by an unflng-
ing energy aud zeal that would do credit 10
any cause, who coHlcsce with the EXTREMIST
champions of slavery, whether North or
South, IN conlendDg for The most ultra pro-
slavery construction of the Constitution and
who thus furnish aid and comiort'-'mate-
rinl aid even, to the most ianalical claims Of
every Southern STAKEHOLDER in his crusadcs
against the rights OF mankind. As cluss,
do not doubt their sincerity, but lament
their DISASTROUS position.
One word more, and will close There
may he true anti slavery men, who will not
adopt my conclusions as set forth in this let
ter; aud there mny he those, who, while
they assent to the principles laid down, muy
not think the rule of cotemporaneous con-
sirIiCIinu hna val arnanIod- H.