The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-02-03

ing Deiore the throne OF Omnlpotence, npu ooA
ing that one more experiment might be tired ;
and then, when the fullness of time had come
there WAS revealed to the eye of sense this new
continent; and the pilgrims of patriotism and
piety come over here, that they might lay anew
the foundations of the great Temple OF Liber-
ty, and build upon its foundation superstruc-
tnre wide enough for the oppressed OF all ma
tons to enter in and be at rest
Sir, this is the experiment which we are TO
try, and this is the experiment which we are to
perfect. Our fathers were aware of the great
trust that was committed to their hands and
when they cut loose from the country which
had sent them here-sent them here, not by its
fostering care, but by its oppression-they pro-
claimed certain great fundamental and eternal
principles az the basis of their action In all
time to come aud these are eloquently and
forcibly embodied in the Declaration of hide
pendence But OR fathers pledged everything
they had. They pledged life, fortune, aud
honor to the maintenance of the principles
which they then avowed and put forth.
Sir, that pledge is binding upon us We are
10 the possession and enjoyment of the priv
leges which they obtained and the part that
we have to perform is to see that those prin-
ciples characterize our action and policy and
are carried out to a full development and per-
lection. That, | look upon az the mission of
this country. That, look upon rs the destiny
of this country, if it is true-true TO its prnci-
piles, and true to the purposes Of a benefcent
Providence, in planting us here. If we forget
this; if we are led away and dazzled by the
halo OF military renown if our judgments are
warped by the graspings Of covetousness, which
will never be satisfied as long as anybody else
owns land contiguous to US, them have been
accused Of prophecying--it needs no prophet,
it needs no other prophecy than that which
the light of experience gives us to foretell us
that we shall fail, utterly fail, and we shall go
the way Of the republics that have preceded US.
Some gentlemen think We have built our for
tress 80 strong that it cannot be shaken that
We have established ourselves upon founds-
ton 80 strong that We cannot be moved Sir,
how old are wei Not hundred years vet.
How old was the Roman Republic when it was
oyerthrown | think more than six hundred
years When we have lived half that time
when the wisdom of our institutions and the
character of our citizens have been tested by
an experience one-half as long as that to which
the Roman Republic was subjected, it will be
time enough for us to erect our trophies, and
set up QUO monuments and say that we have
succeeded; that the great experiment has been
tried, the great question solved and the truth
settled, that man is capable of selfgovernment
Mr.. President, am not one Of those whose
hearts are full of forebodipgs Of evil and the
honorable Senator cannot, when undertake
to say what believe will be the result of
things, retort upon me the failure of the proph-
ecies of disaster that occurred in regard to the
war of 1872 tell the Senator that | was but |
six years old at that time; and therefore |
whatever reproaches there may be against |
those that prophecied evil then, was not one |
of them However much he may think have |
followed in their footsteps now, did not begin |
80 early az that No, sir my heart is not
despairing | believe that glorious future is
before this country. believe that a high and
glorious destiny awaits her. believe that the
only thing that can defeat her of the glorious
destiny which lies waiting for her to grasp, is
her own unfaithfulness to the principles upon
which our institutions are founded. Those
principles are not those of conquest they are
not those of rapine We are not to be the
knights-errant Of the world, to 20 abroad over
the continents of the earth and the islands of
the sea, proclaming the gospel of our liberty,
and Eliminating the penalty of our sword
against those who will not be baptized into our
faith. That is not our destiny; but our destiny
is at home. Our destiny is on our own CONT
nent on our own shores 1t is to improve, to
elevate, to advanoe-in what In territory
No, sir; we have got enough of it, In military
renown! No, sir; we have got enough Of
that Is any man, woman, or child within the
hearing of my voice, disturbed with one single
fear that we cannot maintain successfully |
everything which is our right against any and |
all the Powers of the earth believe not
desire to call the attention of the Senate to |
another fact before leave this subject, and |
that is the one alluded to by the honorable |
Senator from Florida MIR. MALLoRYl the other |
day. Why do you want to repeat this decla- |
ration' If you really mean what you say if
you mean that no Power of Europe shall colo /
nze any part of the American continent, or |
the islands adjacent thereto, there is n fact a |
" fixed fact" of which we are notified by the |
proclamation Of the British authorities, which |
will put you to the test Great Britain has
you do not want any inquiry about it--estab- |
lished a colony of the Bay of Islands" If the
declaration of Mr. Monroe has tho broad
which the honorable Senator from
Michigan gives to it. there is no occasion for
repeating it over again. The time has come
Tor acting; the fact has transpired the issue is
before you. Great Britain is here on the con-
'nent; she has colonized the {" Bay of Islands -
she has instituted Government there and,
'ir, she has done that, not only in violation of
The Monroe doctrine, but if understood the
Senator from Michigan, in violation
of her solemn treaty obligations Then, here /
IS q case. We need not make any profession of
What is right for free and independent ma
Ion to do; for the resolution says that " it will
cave us free to adopt such measures as any in
dependent nation may justly adopt in defence
Of its rights and honor II the resolution has
that meaning, the case is before you--the time
has come II you mean what you have said,
this is the time, not for resolution but for |
action and you should satisfy yourselves with |
no vague declarations that you will do what |
an independent nation il free to do, when, if |
that means, what it has been contended it does
mean, it has been violated, the Monroe doc
trine trampled under foot, the faith of treaty
violated, and Great Britain, in the face of ali
this, has established a colony upon this CONT
nent,
For these reasons am opposed to passing
this joint resolution, unless you include Canada
in it. II you will put that in-and, sir, will
not object it anybody else should add to the
resolution an amendment notifying all the
other Governments of the earth which own apy |
islands about our continent. do not pretend |
TO be 80 good geographer as some gentlemen.
| would be willing TO have it amended as broad
iy as that and let it be general notice to all
the kings and potentates of the earth, that we |
have money enough TO buy them out of this
continent and that we will not allow them TO
soil to anybody else. am willing | say, if
patriotism requires such q wide margin as that
to go that far; but ! am not willing to pick
out Spain from all the rest and give her the
notice alone. What has Spain done' Why
is she to be talked to in this manner Is il
because she has got IA rich island, and we think
she will not defend it with such zeal and ability
as Great Britain would defend her possessions!
| say am not willing to be invidous in
making selection Of Spain, when there are 30