Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-07-09

for all the reasons that can be given, to the very
able and ingenious work of Mr.. Lysander
Spooner, work OF which it is clear that Mr..
Mann never can have heard, or he would ccr-
tainly have acknowledged as obligations many |
things in his letter which we must now admire
as simply coiacidences.
But he admits that the Clause was meant to |
cover Slaves, and l suppose will not deny that
South Carolina and Georgia came into the Un-
ion on that understanding. His subimated |
morality, then, in his last letter and this when
condensed from the vapor of fine words that
contains it, it to crystalize itself, substan-
TALLY, into this shape. Massachusetts, has got
certain powers and privileges by the consent of
Carolina, by agreeing to this Clause having
got them, she may keep the powers and privi
lcges, while she juggles Carolina out of the
price by pretending q great concern for GER
tain third party (thc ncgrocs), and urging certain
rules Of legal Interpretation She is to keep the
ystcr and give the shell to Carolina She is
to keep the merchandise, but to refuse to pay
the consideration, because some ingenious law
yer has fcrretted out flaw in the terms of the
toilIuch NoHuth nhis NNohh 10
going to teach the adolcscent Buckeyes Moral-
ity, among other things Welcome your new
Mentor sons and daughters Of Antioch, for,
verify, such Godliness may be made Great Gain!
But Mr.. Mann is of opinion that, though this
was the intention of the Clause still our fathers
only meant that it should last certain time.-
A very pretty theory And an original. II
must be admitted. The only trouble about it
! is, as my old mathematical professor used to
say Of Perpetual Motion, that "n ,eon't go -
All the eritlence is on tho other side. All the
debates show that the founders of the Constitu-
ton did not regard the Abolition of the Slave
Trade as likely to be any material injury to
Slavery itself. But the long but obstinate fight
over the three iftbs basis Clause, proves that
there they considered themselves building for
generations. Yet that Clause would last no
longer than the Rendition Clause. Nor, in
deed, so long. For as long as fifty slaves, OF
one, remained, that Clause would be operative,
whereas the other would be obsolete.
have said that this argument of Mr.. Mann's
is original. Nobody, apprehend, will ever
clam it as his thunder. 1t is, indeed, most
robust and heroic proposition. Mr.. Mann, bred |
to the bar, practising at it, and, probably, not |
inscnsible to the opinion Of the Profession, lays
down the principle, that form of words compe- |
tent to mean "Slave' up to q certain (or uncer- |
tain) time, by the mere operation of time, loses
that Specification As If the lapse Of time cod
change the legal effects of phrase! If the
words of that clause ever described Slave, |
they always will, as long as ono exists. And
# they were not competent to describe Slaves
always, they do not now. I wonder whether
Mr. Mann Intends to teach Law at Antioch.
Mr. Mann, towards the conclusion of his let
tel, regrets that Mr.. Garrison and his friends
should contend "for the most ultra pro-slavery
construction of the Constitution and thus give
material aid" to tho Shareholders. For this
unfortunate opinion of ours, we have but one
, excuse to give, and that one am afraid Mr..
! Mann will not consider as Statesmanlikc, viz,
! that we think it to be the Truth; and, there
fore, are imprudcnt enough to avow it. If l
understand Mr.. Mann's explanation of his rea-
sons for not rcgrctting this opportunity of stat
ing his opinions sixth paragraph from the end)
he and his party have risen superior to any such
impolitic foolishness. lie intimates that they
were fighting so hard that they had not time to
let their enemies know what their opinions were.
Mr.. Mann has done the very thing that Job
wished that his adversary had done. lie has
written book, and not only written, but pub
lishcd it, Now this book contains sundry state
mcnts quito at variance with those OF this letter,
as understood by mere common minds, and
which seems to us to admit constructions of the
Constitution quite as ultra and pro-slavery as
any we hold. can only quote few, and those
the bricicst; there are plenty more.
"The Constitution proceeds upon this doc
trine ,chcn IL provides for fugitive slares."
can escaped slave could not be recovered before
the adoption Of the Constitution. The POWER
TO SEIZE UPON ESCAPING SLAVES WAS ONE OF THE
MOTIVES FoR ADOPTING IT g. PIP. 1856
"The relation of the Government Of the
United States to Slavery consists in this only:
that when this Government was created, Sla-
very existed in but portion of the States
and by certain provisions of tho Constitution,
the existence of Slavery recognised, AND GER
TAIN RIGHTS AND DUTIES IS RELATION TO 1T
WE'RE RESPECTIVELY ACKNOWLEDGED AND AP-
PROVED.
The officers in the State Government, being
sworn to support the Constitution of the Unit
cd States, the Governments Of the Fee States
are implicated INDIRECTLY in the matter Of Sia-
rsry, as the Government Of tho United States IS
DIRECTLY aud not othereise." p. ll6.
Now this is just what, we say, and 1t is just
what tho Shareholders say. Did Mr.. Mann
hold his present opinions as to slavery and the
, Constitution, theni II he did, why did he not
, exnress them there, where all the world could