The Port Gibson reveille. (Port Gibson, Miss.) 185?-1857, 1853-07-20

thought TT to consider our slaves banking
capital, and treat them as such
IL will be urged also against this law. that
It is intended as a further gfatuity to men Of
small means, lin other words, poor mans
i tdtcl because it will enable man who pos
sesses himself Of a negro to have too many
privileges, being thus combined with land ex-
emption; that a man thus situated WIN be
encouraged in idIeness. from the fact Of his
having both land and labor beyond the reach
Of law, and that it will make our poorer clas-
ses less thoughtful for the future.
Admit for argument'a sake that these state.
ments constitute argument will not the pres
ent larger slavcholders find satisfaction IN
The fact that this very state Of the case pre-
supposes that every Southern citizen will be
a stakeholder? This must follow from the
simple reason that any property which is ex-
empt from sale by law receives an unusual
gaiuc and which will be sought after by
every one. When that property Is so admira-
bly, adapted to our wants, will il not acquire
still greater value
But there is another consideration which
can not have escaped the alarmed attention of
the South. / approach this consideration
with feelings Of pain, bus from stern sense
of duty. As loudly as we may call on federal
power to crush abolitionism a0itl,0ut. we can
no longer disguise the fact we must also meet
that abolitionism in its incipient form, AT
HOME.
For years past designing fanatics have been
busy poisoning tho minds Of the non-slave.
holders Of the South, trying TO arouse their
prejudices against their neighbors, appealing
to the worst sentiment Of a community, i. e.,
class against class. Secret publications
have been scattered broadcast over the South.
Abolitionists in Congress have obtained for
themselves and for their anti-slavery societies
i (by some means, know not what,) the names
of the leading men at the South their post
Office, their politics and even their standing.
These men and these societies have also a
list Of the n0n-SkaUeb0LderS." Dangerous,
artful and able documents have been forward.
ed through our mails Especially is this the
case during an important election, well know
ing that some men will cover over, merely
for the purpose Of securing party triumph,
what under other circumstances, they would
/ be prompt to denounce. We are all familiar
with the corruption Of party and the ambi-
ton Of designing.men. There is dangerous
element in our very midst that must not Ion
ger exist. This policy, j. e., 1.-THE EXEMPT
ION OF SLAVES FROM SALE BY Law will
effect the end so devoutly TO be desired, not
only for the good Of the people, but also for
the benefit Of the South. and for the security
Of our lives. Il would make the South an
unit on everything touching our slave proper
ty. Under the operation Of this law. every
one however poor, would aim at having one
or more negroes, and once haUing them, his
feelings in regard to the institution would
change.
This exemption law would also take from
the abolitiouisis their fimsy shadow of an
excuse for senseless agitation. / do not say
that il viii stop them-nothing can do that,
for theirs is the agitation Of malignant rage,
but it win sink them deeper in public con-
tempt and odium.
This exemption law would secure families
against want. and perpetuate the certainty Of
support and protection from an affectionate
and faithful race, between whom and them
selves there will ever be the strongest ties Of
mutual confidence and interest.
Men are governed by selEinterest, and yet
more powerfully BY Present interest Let
man in Illinois know that he can own a
negro to work for his family. and fhat this
property cannot be taken from him, and
he will most ardently desire to possess him.
self Of one. Where there's a will. there's q
way. To California the motive will be stron-
GER as the interest viii be greater
Having been requested, Mr.. Editor to
publish my remarks at Holly Springs, and
not wishing to give hastily prepared argu-
ment on so great question, | take this
wethod Of giving merely the suggestive out
line of the subject. A. some future time,
the whole matter will be discussed in the
Washington City Cotton Plant, in commnni-
cations from distinguished gentlemen (without
respe ct to politics or partly residing in various
parts Of the South. These gentlemen are
satisfied that this exemption lar must meet
the deliberate approval of every true friend
Of the South, of every political economist,
and every tyue friend Of the negro.
l am convinced from the lights before me,
that such law would produce great and las
ting benefits. IL there should be violent OPP
position. it viii come from the influences al.
ready alluded to- This opposition may be
aided by those who weep hypocritical tears
over African servitude. They may abuse it,
or, (which they may dol praise it. knowing
that they would kill whatever they breathe
on. There may be some also at the South
secret allies Of our common foe--to oppose
US. There will no doubt be others who may
honestly not approve the measure.
1t may be we'll to remark that this exempt
ION Ia,o does not prevent the transfer Of
slaves by private sale, or the right to will
slaves, &C., but merely exempts negroes from
sale by kalc. There will be many modihca-
tions suggested, no doubt, not at all IN contact
with the ends desired
Respectfully, Y. u. BAfLOh'