The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-06-16
lCoPYRIsHT SECURED ACCORDING TO LAw.l
For tho National Era.
THE SOUTHERN PLATFORM
MANUAL OF SOUTHERN SENTIMENT ON THE
SUBJECT OF SLAVERY

MANUAL OF SOUTHERN SENTIMENT ON THE
SUBJECT OF SLAVERY.
Beng a Compilation from the Writings o.
Washington, Jeterson, Madison, and others
tohOSe names are eonSecrated IA the affection,
Of the Southern PtopIe-the Debates IN tht
Federal and State Conventions which framed
and ratified the Constitution of the United
StGteS-thoS lehieh occurred ia the first Con.
greSSsS achieh sat during the administration
Of General WdShingto extracts from
the Debate in the Virginia Legislature an
1892 nth UdriouS letters judicial decisions, 9c
BY DANIEL II. GooDLoE OF NORTH CAROLINA.
MADISON PAPERS-Continued.
Mr.. Randolph. He urged strenuously that
express security ought to be provided for, in
He lamented that such species of property
existed But, a. it did exist, the holders of il
would require this security. IL was perceived
that the design was entertained by some of ex
GLIDING slaves altogether the Legislature there
fore ought not to be left at liberty.-Pdgt
1888
General Pnckney reminded the Convention
that if the Committee should fail to insert some
security to the Southern States against an
emancipation Of slaves, and taxes on exports
he should be bound by duty to his State to vote
against their report-Pdge 1897.
MIR. King wished to know what influence
the vote Just passed was meant to have en- the
succeeding part of the report, concerning the
admission Of slaves into the rule of representa-
ton He could not reconcile his mind to the
article, if it was to prevent objections to the
latter part. The admission of slaves was a
most grating circumstance to his mind, and he
believed would be SO to great part of the peo-
pie of America. He had not made strenuous
opposition to it heretofore, because he had
hoped that this concession would have produ-
ced readiness, which had not been manifested
to strengthen the General Government, and to
mark full confidence in it.
The report under consideration had, by the
tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes. In
two great points the hands of the Legislature
were absolutely tied. The importation Of slaves
could not be prohibited. Exports could not be
taxed Is this reasonable What are the great
objects Of the general system! First defence
against foreign invasion secondly against in
ternal sediti0n. Shall all the States, then, be
bound to defend each, and shall each be at
liberty to introduce a weakness which will rem
der defence more difficult Shall one part Of
the United States be bound to defend another
part, and that other part be at liberty not only
to increase its own danger, but to withhold the
compensation for the burden If slaves are to
be imported, shall not the exports produced by
their labor supply revenue, the better to en-
able the General Government to defend their
masters There was so much inequality and
unreasOnableness in all this, that the people of
the Northern States could never be reconcied
to it, No candid man could undertake to JUS
tify it to them. He had hoped that some &C.
commodation would have taken place on this
subject; that at least time would have been
limited for the importation of slaves. He never
could agree to let them be imported without
limitation, and then be represented in the Ma
tional Legislature. Indeed, he could so little
persuade himself of the rectitude of such a
practice that he was not sure he could assent
to it, under any circumstances At all events,
either slaves should not be represented, or ex-
ports should be taxable.
Mr. Sherman regarded the slave trade as
iniquitous; but the point of representation hay
ing been settled, after much difficulty and de-
liberation, he did not think himself bound to
make opposition especially rs the present arti-
,lc rs amended, did not preclude any arrange.
nent whatever on that point in another place
If the report.
Mr.. Gouverneur Morris moved to insert be-
ore inhabitants " the word free" Much,
10 said, would depend on this point He never
you'd concur in upholdng domestic slavery.
{ was a nefarious institution. 1t was the curse
Heaven on the States where it prevailed. |
ompare the free regions of the Middle States,
here rich and noble cultivation marks the
prosperity and happiness of the people, with |
he misery and poverty which oversprcad the |
,arren wastes Of Virginia, Maryland, and the
,ther States having slaves. Travel through |
he whole continent, and you behold the pros
,ect continually varying with the appearance |
md disappearance of slavery. The moment
,ou leave the Eastern States and enter New |
FORK, the effects of the institution become yisi-
lie Passing through the Jerseys, and entering
every criterion Of superior i'm
rOvemcnt witnesses the change. Proceeding
outhwardly every step you take through the
reat regions of slaves presents desert, in
reasing with the increasing proportion Of
hese wretched beings. Upon what principle
J it that the slaves shall be computed in the
representation Are they men? Then, make
hem citizens, and let them vote. Are they
Why, then is no other property |
included The houses in this city (Philadel-
'hia) are worth more than all the wrctched |
laves who cover the rice swamps Of South |
,arolna. The admission of slaves into the |
representation, when fairly explained comes to
his That the inhabitant Of Georgia, and of |
south Carolina, who goes to the coast of Afri- |
a, and in defiance of the most sacred laws of |
tears away his iellow-creatures from (
heir dearest connections, and damns them TO |
he most cruel bondage, shall have more votes |
n government instituted for the protection |
# the rights of mankind, than the citizen of |
'ennslvania or New Jersey, who views, with a |
audable horror, 20 nesarlous practice He |
would add, that domestic slavery is the most |
feature in the aristocratic counte. |
rance of the proposed Constitution. The yas-
alage of the poor has ever been the fayoritc
offspring of aristocracy. And what is the pro- |
posed compensation to the Northern States for
4 sacrifice OF every principle of rght--of every |
impulse of humanity? They are to bind them |
selves to march their militia for the defence of |
The Southern States-for their defence against
those very slaves of whom they complain Thew |
must supply vessels and seamen in case of for. |
eign attack. The Legislature will have indefi. |
nite power to tax them by excuses, and duties
on imports both Of which will fall heavier on |
them than on the Southern inhabitants, for the |
Bohea tea used by a Northern freeman will |
pay more tax than the whole consumption of |
the miserable slave, which consists of nothing
more than his physical subsistence and the rag
that covers his nakedness. On the other side
the Southern States are not to be restrained
from importing fresh supplies of wretched Af
ricans at once to increase the danger of attack
and the difficulty of defence. Nay, they are to
be encouraged to it, by an assurance of having
their votes in tho National Government in.
creased in proportion; and are, at the same
time, to have their exports and their slaves ex.
empt from all contributions for the public SER
vice. Let it not be said that direct taxation
Is to be proportional to representation. 1t is
idle to suppose that the General Government
can stretch its hand directly into the pockets
Of the people, scattered over 10 vast country.
They can only do it through the medium of