The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1853-05-23

The Purity Of the Ballet-Box.
In the British House of Commons, on the
Sd instant, rather verdant member for West
minister, one Sir JOHN V. SHELLEY, moved
that another member, one Sir F. SMITH, might
be prosecuted for promising. before the cleo
tons, to young GsEArHrAD. the son of voter,
place in the post office. The Times CON-
pares the author Of this motion to pert child /,
having more honesty than discretion, who says
awkward things about domestic affairs in the
presence of strange company.
Sir F. SMITH was Of course let off easily by
the House, as Sir JOHN V. SHELLEY would
not have been could they have punished him
for his lack Of parliamentary knowledge; and
the Times thus comments on the subject.
1.-THE interesting relations between Sir F. Smith
and Joseph GrsAthead and SOD pervade the whole
OF this glorious constitution; that we have q
thousand Sir F. Smiths, and not less than hun
dred thousand Greatheads-the former procuring
places on confidential understa nding. and the
latter STIMULATING for those places, accepting them.
and renderinglthe expected return. 1t 10 quite i'm
possible to say where this sort Of bribery begins
and where it ends. 1t certainly extends a. far as
there !s any thing to be given away. Government
has many hundred places of one sort or another ut
its disposal, and never dreams of filing them e1-
cept with partisans; in fact, ii would be downright
fsio de 80 TO do otherwise. There some score
places that change hands Immediately on q change
of government, and are gazstted. There are bish
oprics, ivings, colonial appointments, commits
sioDerships, rank and employment in the army
and navy, and an infinite quantity of small things
TO be distributed, as q matter of course, among po
htical friends. II may not be easy to say how the
market IL conducted in every case, but nobody
doubts that in the political world patronage and
support are correlatiye terms, and. though the
losves and fshes but few compared with the
multitude of expectants, it 10 quite understood that
they are to be given the right side"
"The middle class of this country is very inds-
pendent, and by no means apt to expect or ask for
favors from the government or any other patron.
There is, then, a great difference in the public
morality on this point, and it is really only the
mean and sordid part of the constituency tina, pes
ter the candidate with applications"
"Ths only thing to be said for Sir F. Smith is
that In the heat and fury of contested election
there are probably very few members who have
not done what be did-pledged their influence
more or less expressly, and moro less with
view to secure particular votes"
Elections thus conducted are only mock
cry of popular government; but the Times
makes light of the matter, and thinks Sir F.
SMITHS case would have been singular had he
not committed such an act as that charged
upon himl
In some sections of the United States the
popular conscience is not yet sufficiently recon-
clled to these things to permit the public
avowal of practices of the kind; but we fear
they greatly err who hence believe that they
do not prevail. 1t Is true that literal bribery
with money usage not unfrequent at cleo
lions In the mother country-is of rare occur
relce In this; but the promise of official patron
age, so revolving to the feelings of the innocent
Sir JOHN V. SHELLEY, in corrupt old England,
Is tar from unfrequent among US. The extra
ordinary degree Of attention that is given to
the appointment and removal of the minor ex-
ecutive offices of the government, gives ample
evidence indeed Of an unwhoesome condition
Of public feeling on this subject
Politics used to be word of digni6ed i'm
port, and the photographers still attach to it
aehnilions In keeping with its former signifca
Ilon; but the usage of the times is to apply it
10 species Of competition too petty and too
'ordid to be regarded as relating to "the
science of government" According to 80
modern writer as the learned DR.. WEBSTER,
politics is the department of ethics " which
consists IN the regulation and government of a
nation or State for the preservation of it's safety.
peace, and prosPerity-comprehsn the de-
ence Of its existence and rights against foreign |
control or conquest; the augmentation of its
strength and resources, and the protection of
is eitizeRs In their rights, with the preserva-
lon and improvement of their morals - and |
ne further remarks that it is ga subject of
vast extent and importance" Viewed in
he light In which it is thus presented,
{ should be regarded as pleasing and
,levating department of knowledge, and its
oroficents should be men of intelligence, re-
probability and honor. But whatever it may
necessarily retain of these elements, it is prao-
ically so commingled with all that is grovel-
ing and base, that good men often step aside
rom its pursuit, and leave the important affairs
IF the nation to the discussion of those who are
Is little qualified by ability and education as by
dignity and probity for the right appreciation of
whatever is humane, and just, and wise in gov
policy.
In advising the conduct of our external rela
ions, the principle of gain is with many the
governing motive; and in the arrangement of
The details Of public affairs at home, a contest
for the spolls is not unfrequently openly avowed
and unrelenlingly prosecuted.
There are but few Of US who are not censur-
able for 80 long enduring such state of things,
if not for our participation as partisans, On the
one hand in aiding to bring it into existence,
and on the other in assisting to perPetuate 1t
through spirit Of mingled resentment and
cupidity. But the weakness and frailty of
men are admitted facts, with reference to which
must be determined all rules for human action;
and it is therefore our duty to establish our
selves upon unerring principles. We must
condemn in theory the evil usages Of the times
before We can hope for their correction in prac
tice.