The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-11-10

and discourages the scattering them abroad, as
tending to promote their own interest and that
of the community. No one who recognises this
general law can fail to see that colonization is
one method of infraction as the internal slave
trade is another aud the acquisition of new
territories for the purpose of extending slavery
or facilitating the emigration OF free labor, las
from the Atlantic seabosrd to the sands of Cali
fornia,) is a third. 1t is Mr.. Carey's object to
ascertain and establish the great laws of social
science, in their widest generality, with such
breadth and scope as to cover the largest pos
sible number of particular cases All genuine
philosophy proceeds, not by dwelling upon the
points of difference in particulars, but on those
Of agreement in great classes OF facts and
thing, continually dsregarding, more and
more accidents and circumstances, until 1T de-
tects the final -essencc and the most general
law. One might study the phenomena of pieces
of silver, in respect to their mutual attraction,
the path they describe when thrown into the
air, the rate at which they fall in an exhausted
receiver, &c. Another might repeat the same
course of experiment and reasoning with re-
gard to copper and a third 10 respect to iron,
and each note with great care multitude Of
little facts about the color and shape of the
pieces of metal employed, the temperature at
which they respectively melt, and other details,
only TO find at last that one universal law of
gravitation covered them all and that the &C
cdents of color shape, and temperature, which
they had observed with 70 much pains-taking,
are of no consequence whatever in relation to
the object of their investigation Mr. Carey,
therefore, instead of celebrating theory of the
results of dispersion, however accomplished of
black slaves red savages, or white gold-seek-
ers, has sought for the general law which COM
prehends them all, and in the light Of which
the accidents Of color and political condition
become Insignificant.
Now, | submit to the most earnest opponent
of African colonization on Ant-SIayery grounds,
whether Mr.. Carey is not doing excellent SER
vice in establishing principle which will array
against that scheme persons who arc nsensble
to Antl-Slayery arguments and who not only
do not participate in, but are hostile to- Anti
Slavery organizations and purpotes. Is not an
auxiliary whose influence will be wider than
his own, precisely the auxiliary he should well
comet
To prevent any misrepresentation and to re-
move the suspicion under which friend Goodel
seems to labor, that Mr.. Carey is covertly an
advocate of the Colonization policy, beg
leave to refer him to The Past, Present, and
Future, by the same author He will there
learn that MIR. Carey's representation of the
destiny of the slaves in this country points not
10 their transportation to Africa, but TO their
becoming the free citizens of the southern tier
Of States, and owners of the soil they cultivate
Black Senator'S" says he, at page 366, 8" will
sit in the Congress of the United
States; and the Union will then be sounder,
and stronger, and richer and more rapidly ad-
vancing in wealth and population, than at any
previous period" Such is the end he antici-
pates, and his recent book seeks to show by
what measures that consummatOn is postponed,
and by what it may be FASTENED, in accordance
with the interests of the shareholders, as well
as those of the slave. He establishes, by a wide
of facts, the law that man has al
ways become free as he has become valuable
in other words, as his labor has become pro-
1uctive. 1t may very we'll be, that this law does
not always result in the effects which its single
and unimpaired action would produce. Negroes
are doubtless very badly treated by masters
anxious to make the most of high price of
cotton, which is expected to last but season.
1t is the permanent value of men, founded upon
permanent security for the productiveness of
heir labor, in the steady adherence to the great
physical laws of political economy-such rs
that which enjoins the proximity of producer
and consumer-that is contemplated by Mr..
Carey's doctrine. The instances adduced by
Mr.. Goodel are not really in conflict with it
but Mr.. Carey could not, without making his
book intermnable, enter into an examination
Of every little fact for the purpose of excluding
conclusions adverse to the sound indication de-
rived from all the great facts. This was left
TO the reader, and, as think safely left to the
reader who does not approach the subject with
prejudice or suspicion.
Mr.. Goodell is shocked at the notion of such
a commercial appreciation of man, Us seems to
him to be involved in maintaining that the
proper remedy for the slave trade is such an
Increased market value of the man at home, as
shall render his expectation unproitable,D and
he regards Mr.. Carey as thereby ooolly ASST
ming that man is a legitimate subject of COM
MERGE" | can draw no such inference. Mr.
Carey is reasoning with those who do, in point
of fact make man the subject of commerce !;
and, instead of arguing with them upon it's
morality, he labors to show them that it is an
Improbable traffc-a consideration to which
their ears are open, and which is vastly more
potent with them than any addressed to the
conscience. The converse proposition, that man
becomes more valuable as he becomes free, is
undoubtedly true. Mr.. Carey is quite as sure
of that as MIR. Goodell But, while we may
rely with great confidence upon the willingness
of Shareholders to pursue policy which they
are convinced will render the labor of negroes
more valuable, although its result DO their
gradual approximation to, and final attainment
Of complete freedom, there is much less reason
for believing that we can persuade them to
emancipate the slaves first, either in whole or
in part, and to look for their own reward after
wards
do not think that Mr.. Carey requires any
defence for not garbling a quotation from the
Times nor that he is to be deemed as endors-
ing sentiment contained therein, because he
does not utter formal protest in immediate
connection with it; more especially when, as
Mr.. Goodell proves, he declares an opposite
opinion in other parts of his book
1t s not necessary to insist that the book is
free from all fault of detail Mr.. Carey may
have under estimated-I think he has-the
benefits Of emancipation in jamaica The point
of his argument, however is that that measure
has been vastly less advantageous than it would
have been, but for the policy which Britain
calls free trade, which admitted tho slave
grown sugar of Cuba and Brazil into free COM
petition with that of the emancipated negroes
Of Jamaica, and at the same time interdicted
the latter from refining bis sugar that the
profits Of this process might be reserved for
English capitalists. In this respect, leading
Abolitionists of England agree with him. AID.
hitting that the condition OF the island ia not
what was anticipated, they insist that it proves,
not a failure of emancipation in the abstract,
hut of emnncinntinn cnnnled with free trada