Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-06-11

said, suppose we get the public sentiment on
our side, there is still tile law against US.
But whnt was the, Jaw against the public opin-
ion ofthe land? When the public sentiment
had come to be decisyely and earnestly on
the side of freedom,-when they had men
everywhere who stood up to the line, No
compromise with slavery-No Union with
shareholders, s,-then they would see that the
Constitution, If they attempted to wreath II
round the limbs of the slave was weaker
Than rope of sand aud the Fugitive Slave
Law more poweress than the rust which
crnmbled to fine powder last yenr Loud
cheers y then they would see that IL is vain
/ for judge or legislator to attempt to keep
slave in his chains against the fiat of that pub
} lie sentiment which snys, Stand fast IN tie
liberty which God designs to give you. zap
/ plause.)
His friend hal mnde supposilion, that the
ranks of the disunion abolitionsts should in
crease until they were IN the majority and
then asked how they would answer for IL, II
the time having come when their votes would
! give liberty to the slave, they reliained iiOn
exercising their right, aud left the slave in
! tile hands of those who would make his bur
| dens heavier than before? II the time ever
came that fire wns kinded among the ice
bergs of Greenland and consumed theu,
without destroying every thing within lie
/ reach; IL the time ever comes when the
/ heaving gases shall burst from the volcanoes
throat, aud pour no red tide upon the towns
/ aud cities below-whnt then ? Why then the
laws of nature would he reversed. (l.nugh-
ter and applause. Aud so, if the time ever
came, that vote cast into the ballot-box
would he the turning weight between liberty
and slavery, then the laws OF mind would
have been reversed, aud the laws of moral
action become altogether different from what
they now are.
But suppose they had majority of the
peope on their side, and yet the pro-slnvery
Constitution aud the pro-slnvery laws re-
lnnined-what then? This majority would
he made up of precisely those elements
which ARE the most etiective--the young ni'n,
just entering upon the dulies aud respousi-
bllitles of mnnhoOd-ihe women, from the
girl at the district school up to the natron,
watching by the future rulers of tie land.
The politicians, us they well know, who
were busy with the machinery OF politics,
with lis chicanery, aud qnibbles aud Iuirks--
would he the last persons TO come into The
anti slavery ranks. Well. there was n unn
who refused TO he u slave, aud walked off
into the free State lying nearest TO him.
| How were they going To get him hnck IL
| took rather more than the ordinary force OF
| the city of Boston, hc believed, TO take poor
| ThOmas Sims out of the city MS slave and
yet how very small u number of tue citizens
stood upon thorough anti-savory ground
Had there been one fiIll.grown man out Of
twenty IN the city of Boston, nj that time,
they could no more have taken Thomas
SINS back to Georgia thuu they could have
moved Wachuset under Dismal Swamp.
! Nay, not so much for the latter is possible
though not probable; but the iormer is nei-
Iher probable nor possible. Cheers.
lie had, however, been proceeding upon a
proposition utterly impossible ever TO he re-
nliZed. Men were not converted 10 the true
faith ut once. AS the nnt.slavery faith was
held up to the highest point of elevation, il
would draw all men unto it, Some would
come the whole way, some half way, some
quarter of the way-GsrrIt Smith, John Z.
Hale, Charles Sumner leading them on.
In conclusion, Mr. Burleigli said he wished
TO say few words in reference TO point
which had been commented upon by some OF
the preceding spenkers,-lhe position of ,nep
III Congress who claimed To he truly aud de-
cidedly anli.slavery. One of two things, it
seemd to him, must be true: either the Con-
stlution did tolerate slavery, did give the
claimed that it did, or that Congress is no
Congress at all, Ii il were true that the
Constitution was thoroughly anti-savery, IL
II were true that slaveholding was violation
OF the law of the land-in plain English was
crime-ihen every sIaveh0lder, under Just
administration OF that law, would be liable
to he sent TO the Penitentary, rather Than to-
Congress. lie would not venture 10 say in
which place he thought he would meet the
more respectable company nt present laugh
ter and cheers y but his political position aud
Influence might differ somewhat with the
difference of his circumstances. II this the
ory is the correct one, the sO-caled Congress
was no more Congress than any assembly
OF bar-room loslers, nodding over glasses of
whiskey or brandy; and every man who
went there became party to u monstrous lie
When Gerrit Smith goes up to Congress, he
goes TO become n member of n body which,
on his own theory, has no existence; and re-.
cognizes MS members of that body clique OF
irresponsible men, who have no right TO leg
slate for their country, aud by whose acts the
country is no more bound than the Staie of
Pennsylvania would he hound Ivy u vote ihut
should he passed by That meeting.
Ills friend has said that We might tolerate
some things which we did not recognize as
rlsW' Ulat representative IN Congress
might tolerate the presence of those there
who were the representatives of slaves, with
the express understanding that us soon ns he
could he would thrust them ont. Let him
} say that to the officer appointed to adminis-
the onth, and see It he would have an oppor.
tunity 10 take the oath! lie would l,nye 10
! right TO administer it, under such circun-
= stances. " his friend could do this, and
I tolerate the legislation of body of men
3 claiming 10 be the Congress of the United
I States, and contrve to recognizes that as
= binding oil us, then he was carrying toeru-
y ton TO an extent where forbearnnce consed
I to he virtue il it has not become some
r thing OF very different character. No man
i had right to tolerate class of men as leg.
J. islators who had not the least shadow of nj.