The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-09-05
The Tripartito Treaty.

The TripartIte Treaty.
LORD JOHN RUssELL's DESPATCH RESPECTING THE
PROPOSED TEIrARrrrR CUBAN CoNvENrIoN.
from tho "aahingss "., Unio: (d'mi semi Official.
The latest English journals received in this coun-
try though they mention the production OF the Gu
ban papers in the British Parliament, make no al
fusion to any remarks upon the subject by the British
Secretary for Foreign Affairs. We infer therefore,
that there was mistake or misapprehension in the
information heretofore alluded to by us, aud derived
from credible source in England to the effect that
such speech had accompanied the production of
the papers The despatch Of Lord John Russell is
then to be judged without such official comment as
an expression Of the views of the British govern
ment In another column will be found an article
from the Boston Pos, llalrealy nHblished in the
HERALD, as an emanation from Washington, in tie
general scope and drift Of which concur, respect
ing those propositions in Lord John Russels letter
to which it REFERS There are. however some points
in that despatch, in our judgment alike important
and inadmissible, which the Post appears to have
omitted or reserved for future examination and to
which we deem it proper now to invite the attention
of our readers.
Towards the close Of the British letter occurs the
following very extraordinary paragraph
Nor let It be said that suoh Convention would have pre-
vented the inhabitants Of Cuba from asserting their indie
pendence With regard to internal troubles the pro
declaration of Independence, with Wow Of immediately
seeking refuge, from revo on the part Of the blacks
under the shell ter Of the United satst would justly DO
looked upon the in effect formal annexation
It will be perceived that the declaration of indie
pendence here spoken Of is q pretended" declara
aid from the United States against consequently
rection of the blacks in the island These limitations
in the British proposition, in our judgment, pract
cay amount to nothing because they have no fOunda
clarstion OF independence made without due
authority from the people, Is no declaration
at all; but if made. by due authority on
the part Of. the people, it is not within the
competency of any foreign power to regard such a
declaration as a mere pretence. 1t is the most
solemn act which people can perform, and, II duly
performed, involves consider atoms altogether too
momentous to permit it to be regarded as sham.
The other limitation is equally unfounded in the
nature Of the case because, il the Cubans declare
their independence they must do so in ful view of
negro Instruction, Spain having been understood
repeatedly to threaten to set the negroes at once at
liberty in such an event. in order to put down
evolutionary move mentn Cuba by the torch and knife
in negro hands. II is cosy to see therefore, that
whenever the Cubans declare themselves indepen-
dent they will do 50 Of necessity in full view Of the
horrors Of consequent servile Of exterminaton
and of course with the view Of seeking shelter from
such horrors wherever such shelter may be found.
All these conditions we suppose to be involved in the
very nature OF the case which the above cited pro-
position conemplaes They show that the limitations
Of the British proposition practically amount to
nothing.
The proposition, then, is that, assuming declara.
ton Of independence andya revolution in Cuba and
a consequent revolt Of the blacks under Spanish
authority and by Spanish instgaton, any act of aid
or succor to the Cubans. by the United States, how
ever urgently invoked By them, Is, in the view of
the British government TO be regarded and resisted
as alike Objectionable and unwarranted
Now, Of this British proposition so stated, before
touching its bearing upon other cardinal points Of
American policy, we remark that 1t sets at deian &c
e~ery dictate OF humanity, and even OF civilization.
What stronger case can be imagined to invoke and
TO Justify the interpoitiOn OF the United States than
such an appeal from the people OF Cuba in state
OF revolution, to save them from general massacre,
and their beautiful island from naturalization at the
hands Of savage and Infatuated negroes thus let loose
upon them
It il not our purpose 10 anticipate the decision
either Of the American government or oil the Ameri-
can people upon the question Of such interpositon
by the United States in the case we have supposed.
That question will doubtless be considered and de-
cided when the case arises. Our point IS, that II
Great Britain can properly denouuce beforehand, as
unwaTanted and inadmissble, such interpOsition by
us in such case then is there whatever in
yolying our relations with the communities on this
continent, and our action towards them, in which
Great Britain may not with at least an equal right,
pretend TO interfere and to dictate.
Look at the undisputed facts Of the case. Here Is
an island almost within sight of our coast-oom.
manding the great outlet OF our principal staple
Notwithstanding naturally part OF the American
territorial and commercial system. That island is
wretchedy misgovcmed by European power. BY
the showing Of the British government itself, the
Spanish rulers there, in addition TO what else IN their
rule IL intolerable, have been for years past 10 deli
ance of solemn treaties, the confederates OF the Af
can slave traders And vet Great Britain assumes
to tell the United States. that If the Cuhans rise
against their Dppressors, the United States shall not
interpose to protect th en- rom the savage slaughter
Of servile war, excited and inssisated for their
destruction.
The British government win hardly pretend that
any question arise in our relations with the com
nunties OF this continent Of deeper interest TO us, in
II its aspects than wonld be the question presented
tn 1a in (uea hv tho yer q which the ahOVp
tract supposes, and in which England thus openly
undertakes 70 prescribe in advance to us the only
line Of policy which il will regard as admissible.
The British dct,ty Is, that when that case arises,
whatever We may think Of It, we are TO let tho
whole matter alone, under peril Of English dispea-
sure if we move in il, We dc not deem Il neces-
saH TO waste words upon such q British preteu.
sion. We entertain not the slightest doubt that
repudiate and repei it. II is hard to believe
that the British government has pnt forward
i fnloh pretension seriously and deliberately 1t
is still more difficult to believe that that go.
y,rnment will, upon reflection, adhere to it. and
maintain Il IN what appears 10 DC its manifest scope
and meaning. Bat il such shall be the courSe o the
| British government shen we see not how 10 avoid
the conclusion, that in matters vital TO our national
! rights, interests and honor, II will be directly in
conflict with tho Fixed policy both Of the government
! aud people Of the United Suites In regard 80 the
Affairs Of this continent. The psaccal effect Of such
collision between The views Of the two govern
!. rnsnts need cot now be anticipated, because VIC
should regard II ~ n high degree dscrcdtable u
sny democratic administration TO suppose that, II
any event. il would consent 70 surrender one jot
title Of That true American policythe only policy
Justice and permanent peace-G the affairs Of Chs
American continent which il has fully and formally
proclaimed.
Other aapeclsof this despatch, and other position
assumed IN it, will be considered hereafter.
Crystal Palace.
WAsBINGr0s NATIoEAs s0vCMrsT Fusp.
laSn han