The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-04-21

uhe present condition OF the manufacturing and
working classes" The works desired were in
tended Tor general circulation among the labor.
ing classes. and must he popular, and suitable
Tor the present tines They should illustrate
the effects OF such causes as intemperance, i'm
providence Sabbath dissertation, the general
want OF sound principles, the influence Of de-
moralizlng amusements, aud the licentous and
skeptical press. They should also show the
fallacious expectations held out to the laboring
classes on the subjects of liberty, equality. and
fraternity. The principles Of these works must
be in harmony with the Scriptures and free
from all sectarian bias The subjects intro.
duced, whether religious, moral, social. or eco
nomical must be viewed in the light of Divine
revelation
The two first prizes of f100 and ESQ, were
awarded TO the writer of the following ESSAYS:
| !. "The Glory and the Shame of Britain.'*
| 2 "The Operative Glasses"
The latter is somewhat too diffuse in style,
and is better adapted to the leisure Of the la
borer, who wants q good book to read The
former Is a better specimen of what the Chris
tian Engishman can do in the way of discuss
ing the subject in hand. Its style is terse and
nervous, and for social, ethical, and religious
| philosophy, and the clear and practical eluci-
daton of principles, it is truly rare book
The writer handles his subject fairly and fear
lessly, in tone so dispassionate and yet so
earnest that the reader will not willingly quit
the book unfinished. If we are TO have muta-
tiS nsutdndis, Glory and Shame of America,
from our own Tract Society, we know no hap
pier example of what such a book should be.
And let it not be said, since Uncle Tom has
proved the contrary, that Yankee talent can
produce no book that shall put us on equal
footing with our British friends in the large
minded and large hearted discussion of the
giant evils and wrongs with which we have all
more or less to do. Nor let it be said (as we
are sometimes tempted to say) that the royal
"lmprlmatur, or queenly smile, can encour-
age freer speech than the chances of popular
| approval will allow in a republic
A few extracts from tho book may not be
out OF place In your paper. Having spoken
OF what he calls an aristocratic class among
the working people, the writer says
Our observations apply exclusively to the
middle and lowest classes of our operative popu-
lation--classes by far the most numerous and
on whose behalf our philanthropy is chiefly
reused. These we may designate-not in an
ger but IN pity-ignorapt, sensual, unreflect-
ing wretched, destitute of fixed principles
knowing nothing of the past, unblessed with
the faintest ray of science, proficient in moth
ing but the impure technicalities of the work
shop and the alehouse, looking upon society as
chaos OF chance or fraud regarding death
itself with no higher emotion than brutal fear.
Such is the personal character of thousands
who inhabit this civilized land Such is the
foundation on which the fabric of domestic
virtue must he reared PIP. IL, 10.
The following remarks, written in no spirit
OF reprisal upon our own shame are still
worth bordering on this side of the water:
1.-The elevation of the working classes will
tend to nothing so much as to produce among
them larger stock of public virtue to fire
them with spirit of patriotism, and the love
OF order. These are not the times for lightly
! dispensing with such sentiments; they are the
} natural safeguards Of society against lawless
violence, whether directed against it from with.
! out, or traitorously reused within its own BIO.
$ som. That commonwealth has just cause for
, alarm which is not sustained by the warm at
: tachment OF the great ma jority of those who
, compose it. But patriotism is not mere in
, stinct it is reasonable sentiment, and is ca
pable Of n rational vindication II is fed by
the possession of sterling benefits it springs
from the consciousness of being an apprecia-
BILE part of the social whole, Of counting for
something in the history and actions of the
country slave has no home no fatherland,
no honored soil he can never rise to the Dig
nifty OF the patriot. But how much better than
slave is he who is bound to his country chief.
| ly by the tic Of taxation whose home ia n scene
| OF abject wretchcdness who has no patrimony,
not an inch of soil he can call his own, whose
present existence is a miserable shift from one
difficulty to another, and whose future il aban-
doned TO hopes never to be realized, or to grim
despair Of what meaning to such q man is
the old patriot resolve TO die for "hearth and
altar" since he knows nothing about the one,
and is morally incapactated for caring about
the other A state requires the support of all
its sons; they are its true pillars, and the alb
sence Of one is 80 much weakness All cannot
guide and rule; to reach the pnnacles of
power must DO the fortune, not greatly to DO
envied, of few; but every heart should DO
loyal to ia sentiment of profound attach
ment should inspire the humbest individual
who is governed by it's laws. A healthy ma
tionalty should circulate through every Boz
som, in itself the fruit of justice and the pledge
of progress 2lO, gil.
A plea of guilty to the nations past neglect
Of her operatives:
with tho exception of legislative enact
ment now and then aimed at the redress of |
some glaring wrong nothing has been done,
till very recent times, for the improvement Of |
the masses For ages subsequent to the Con- |
quest their existence was hardly recognised |
except when goaded to the verge of rebellion, |
or enlisted under the banners of contending |
chiefs In later times, when it might have |
been expected that maturer civilization would |
have produced better fruits, tho lower orders |
tho "profanum puigusD Of classic circles, were |
held in refined contempt The growing inau-
ence OF the burgher class was evidenced in the
increasing asccndency of the House of Com |
mons in the national councils; but the classes
below them existed in n state of comparative
yillanage. With what derision would the wits |
of the Restoration have hailed any plan which |
professedy aimed at the enlightenment of the |
masses Even in better times, the progress of |
healthy feeling vas extremely slow; the Au. |
GUSTAV age Of English literature was distin-
guished by no generous sympathies for the peo-
pie; the uneducated multitude excited but little |
interest in the proud republic of letters. These
great men, whose writings have rendered the |
beginning Of the eighteenth century the most |
brilliant era in our literary annals, we're troub- |
lod with none OF the qualms of an excessive |
philanthropy. What with politics abroad and |
poetry at home the intrigues which infected tho |
Court and the artificial notions which para |
lyzed society, no room was left in the mind Of |
that age for 30 Utopian an idea rs that Of ele. |
waiting the people"-Pp. 1871, 1872.
The relations Of the working classes TO the
State are treated with firm hand.
"This has hitherto been rendered party
ground, but the patriot will deem it 80 no
longer IL is one Of the many signs which
greet us Of the dawning Of better day, that
the voice OF faction is almost hushed, and that
men Of all shades Of political creed are msrg.
ing their differences in the attempt to elevate
the people. Avowing a supreme Indifference
for mere party views, we propose in the fret
place, to point out and illustrate tho political
sentiments which prevail among the working
classes; in the second, to indicate the place
tlfeae opinions hold in the historical deYelop- |