Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1853-09-03

be felt seen, touched heard and understood by oil
cept those too indoent to examine them too ignorant
the light of truth to have any effect upon their under
standings say, sir, that the policy Of this Govern
ment has from that time, subserved the purposes OF
France. And how do prove it? Why, sir, by way Of
meeting the French DEGREES which prohibit all in
ereourse with Great Britain cut off the intercourse
between and the whole world We virtually Lcld out
to our great commercial citiesto Boston, New York,
Philadelphia Baltimore, and Charestonthe same Ian
4 guage Bonaparte had held to his cities: " l
know that You suffering and unhappy; that the
grass is growing in your Streets that the ships at your
wharyes rotng until they fit only for fuel that
your trade is dwndlng to nothing: but what is all that
/ to my Continental system? What few seaport
towns-enterprisng wealthy, and prospecting, as IN
'deed they what they, compared to my Cont
mental SYSTEM" And sir, what was our restricve''
system Similar in.pont of effect certainly cotempora-
neous in point of time, 10 Bonapartes continental sys-
tenn Sir tits matter susceptible of demonstration, if
possessed the physical power to go through witt it, that
the system recommended by the then President of the
United States laying embargo on all ships and
sells in our ports for the purpose of excepting safety
their essential resources took place in consequence of
communication from Minister in Paris to this Gov
ernmen transmitting certain correspondence of his with
the French Government And although, in his message
TO beth Houses OF Congress recommending the measure
the President does the term beligerent Powers,
do attest the fact and call upon other gentlemen who
know it, to attest it also, that, while the message pur-
posely referred to both belligerents scrip Of
manuscript relating the other s'beigerent accompa
MED that MESSAGE there any thing contained in
that message relating to that beligcrent but scrap
from an English paper, about the OF OF
column, containing some speculaons of London ed-
tor; and say that there did not exist in this House.
in this nationf there did, let the evidence be produced
any knowledge of the existence Of the Orders in Council
which have been put forward Justiyng the embargo
If their existence had been known at the time would the
President in his message recommending embargo
have failed to notice the fact Would he not have used it
as of the strongest inducements to the adoption of
this system? Would those "rders not have been pub
lished in the National nelgncer which is considered
and certainly not without cae in view of certain things
which have lately init to be the Court paper7
Produce the National Intelncer of that date there is
not syllable to be foundn it concerning the orders
in Council No. SIR in his message the occasion re-
ferred to- the President did not produce any acts of the
begerents referred to- out only the correspondence
between Gen. Armstrong Minister at Paris, and that
Government the subectof the construction of one Of
It's first DEGREES 1t was il consequence OF the more
cent DEGREES of France and not OF the British orders in
Council, that the embargo recommended and laid
And yet, in the discussion which off that
sure, it was represented weapon against England
which would be efficient than any war, and must
bring her to feet it would give effect the object
which Bonapae had in view, of destroying her by
sumption, by cutting her off from the of the
world Although state these facts, know that it may
be proyen-ant am sorry that it eanby reference to
the Journals Of this House, and by report too of
honorable and respectable committee of this House that
the Embargo WIS designed to obyiate the effects Of the
I Orders in Counci!
But, sir, it is indsputaby true, that there was no
mention in the Embargo Message of those Orders in
Couneil-no alltsion to- them in debate upon it-no
l
| was passed, thai can be proven by any document
whatsoever entitled to the least respect and | will
even 90 SO far as to allow evidence the authority of
any Newspaper. The members Of that Committee had
heard much of the Orders in Council and the effect
that pretended that the Embargo would have upon
them, that in their report speaking of them they abso-
utey tranposed cause and effect 1t is unfortunate that
1t should be but is nevertheless true Events sub
sequent to the period which have brought myself
have been detailed in this debate manner so clear SO
lucid SO convincing, by two honorable gentlemen from
] fhat Nf IL
ratye but must be permitted to say that the statement
made yesterday by gentleman from New York Mr.
Emott win be refuted when Euclid shall be
sidered shallow sophst aud not before My honorable
friend from the State, who spoke few days ago.
challenged gentlemen handle that part Of the subject
the revocation of the Berlin and Milan DEGREES and the
Eugianuin ., .. 49,. ab. . NV Vas mIs 70
say he himself had done it. The attempt to do this
would indeed be to gid refined gold, paint the lily,
add to the perfume of the volet-n all rdi-
cuous and wasteul excess And yet sir the situation
in which unhappy stand, and in which it was my lot
to stand at the conclusion of the last session Of Congress-
compels me to say word on this subject. You will
member, Sir that it was my misfortune during the last
session of this Congress- to oppose the attempt to impress
upon this House and the Nation certain most prepose
rous absurd and false propositions for the temerty of
which effort under the censure-implied least
if not to say directof this honorable body(6 The
trary propositions, which undertook to maintain were
first that the Berlin and Milan DEGREES repealed
the first of November 1870 and that the only evidence
Of any such repeal up to that date The Presidents
Proclamation Of the second of that month and secondly
that the British Orders in Council did in point Of fact
tablish serious nsurmountabe obstacle to negotiation
between that Government and the United States Why
sir shall not here go into any argument this point
if had the ability, have not the will and, if had the
will, have not the ability. Nor it be necessary
when the Emperor Of France himself comes into Court
and cannot reject his authority, borne in his
laws. Yes sir he did FORTH and in his antedaed
decree Of the 2Sh Of April 18l1-though it unqueson
ably ought to bear date full twelve months laterdoes
In the most offensive Of all possible ways establish the
fact not only that the Berlin and Milan DEGREES
repealed las all the world knew except the President
the United States the first Of November, 1870 but
that they were in his mind when he issued his decree
dated 18th April, 1871. They repealed finally, in
conscquence-of what OF your doing that which for
years he had been attempting, by and bandish-
men 10 induce you to dothat is to say, embarked in
war with England, taking sides with France, causing"
as has phrase was flag to be respected" And this
TOO after your having posted it in the ledger of this
House that war with Of the "begerents" was eaui.
valent to submission to the other
MY other proposition was that the Orders in Council
constituted no insurmountable obstacle negotiation be-
tween this country and Britain And what was the
fact in regard to them? Why, that almost the time
that TINS position was taken this foora few weeks
only thereafter-the Orders in Council repealed
put 1t to you sir and to the great Of the people
OF this countryto the honest laborous nsuspectnc
knd-hearted, conhdng, generous and just peope-had
the TACT been known that the French decrces were not re-
peaied and that the Orders in Council sccre repealed
whether any man. in any station would have had the con-
hience to propose declaration Of against England
taking part against her. and siding with France in the
conflict in which those nations are engaged?
And, whilst am upon this subject permit me TO saw
the proposition which ,,odo