The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1853-05-24

be conflicting accounts from Paris in reference
ne Emperor's health naturally sugges. the
stion, what would be the consequences if be was
lie? II the assertions of the so-called republi
. are to be believed, Louis Napoleon ia the VIC
OF chronic disease, which in ess than year
certainly carry him of. If the declarations
the Bonapartists are to be credited, there is
ming the matter with his majesty, nor has
n, except a few incouvenient boils. We shall
pretend to decide between the two opinions, as
are neither the Emperor's valet nor physician
nave besides not the least inclination to be
her, or even the Emperor himself
f Louis Napoleon should die at an early day,
ere would, we fear, be wild work, notwithstand.
his pretty Empress, and his senGtus constlitttm
put the succession There are, in truth, but tx o
hl powers in France, the army and the people,
Pugn there are any number of factions, and any
|antity OF pretended powers. In England, not
ly the declared laws of the realm, but thousand
stoms and prescriptions, exercise influence,
hich, though moral entirely, is greater than any
her. In the United States, reverence not merely
J the Federal Constitution and for the State con-
tutions also, bat for law and order generally,
Institutes power mi ghtier than even the passing
Al of the people. But in France there remain
customs, laws, nor constitutions, which com
and respect, which have hold upon the public
lind.
If in Eugland the monarch dies, the next heir
Pietly succeeds. II we lose President here, the
pee President steps into his place, and not voice
lifted against IL. For both in England and here
Ie Constitution Is reverenced more than the man;
pin in England and here obedience TO law ia each
|tizen's fundamental notion of his public duty.
|ut IN France. eyer since the ruin of the old mo-
|hrchy, there % been nothing to stoo uuiyersaF
fense on the fall Of a dynasty except the brute
rec Of the army, the moral force of the peoples
pressed will The latter has been generally sub
|antially nugatory, both because il has not been
ltsligent, aud because il has no means Ut epforc-
pg its wishes There ia reason to believe that the
overnment of Louis Philippe, and even the repub.
e of Lsmartlne, were never acceptable to the mass
the French people, But the Parisians sustained
bose governments, and the rural population sub,
litted because they could not help il; and hence
9th governments continued until the army turned
gainst them, when they fell; but only to ma se,
pay for new usurpations. Thus the army, after
II, 10 practically the only real power in France
louis Napoleon, by appealing to the popular vote,
as obtained foe his dynasty quasi sanction by
ne people; but II Ia plain that if ne to lose the
upport Of the army, the enthusiasm of the people
DR. bis name could do MIN no good. He would, in
act, sink like a stone.
While he Emperor lives, toe fidelity of the army
8 possible. II he could live for thirty years. and
etain the aid OF the army, be might, by gradually
liberty, do much for France. But the
irst = nearly as impossible physically the two
after are morally. Louis Napoleon, IN the ordi.
nary course of events, must die long before the
French could become accustomed 10 his institu-
ions, FOOD as they might be, to reverence
hem in the sense In y aich the English and Anne
icans reverence their institutions. He will die
probably even before any heir he may have can
lttain majority. The great officers of the army
will not, we may rest assured, submit 10 be ruled
" boy; there will under similar crcum-
tances in imperial Rome, be general scramble;
ma that commander will attain the purple who
. most popular with the troops and most unscru.
,ulous-
This will be the result, when the Emperor dies,
{ the army remains opposed to the people But If
be army goes over temporarily to the side Of the
people, as IL has often done before, then there
will be a fourth, filth, or sixth attemptat a repub-
ic. In the end, possibly, one OF these attempts
nay succeed permanently, though We doubt il.
w hat France wants, before she can become repub-
lean really, ID the hab of self government, which
he can only obtain through free municipalities.
ocal elections, and the spread of sound political
news. Tnese can only be had gradually Bot
while her present system of Capitalization contin-
les, sne will be governed absolutely, let mo will
siyn at Paris, and whether she is called empire,
or republic.