Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1852-1859, 1853-02-02
NUMBER 1874
THE NTIElLbIGEN


From the London Times
good deal of admiration has Ueen layished Cn
the facility with which Aberdeen, Palmerston
Russell, Graham. and Gladstone find themselves
able to meet at one Council Table. The public
were certainly aware that, in these higher regions
men had more perfect mastery over their opinions,
lhelr personal feelings, and their very recol-
ections than in their ervld sphere of vulgar p.r-
tlsanship. But, somehow other, the men in this
case had come TO be regarded as downright natu
raj oppostes, as incapable Of agreeing as ice and
flames; so speculation speedily at work, sug-
geShng the occasions and topics, that would ineY-
itably blow up this great coalition. Meanwhile
under the cover of these official magnates, the
most remarkable member of the new Cabinet almost
escaped without remark. Sir William Molesworth
the out and ont Radical Re[ormer the advocate OF
the ballot, of complete religious equality" and
the annual censor of our colonial policy, became
the colleague of Conservative Wigs high church
men, and old Slagers nearly half century in of
| nee, as II IL were the most natural thing in the
world. That the fine shades of difference that
separated the chiefs should be got over was very
full indeed not so that the interval which
separates them all from Radical Reformer should
disappear in one moment. How is this? How
comes 1t to pass that man, who, had his lot been
cast IN the neigh orlng metropolis, would long ere
this have been member of provisional Govern
inent. and at this moment most probably in exile,
can here become at once member of moderate
Government, and that, as we have said, without
exciting any remark? Nobody predicts, with hor-
| Tor, that Sir Williams theories will he thrown TO
the wind, and himself sw4mped in the mud of Of
flcej or, on the other hand, that he will break up
the Government. Nay, favored it would be said,
by the blindness or negligence of the public, the
great philosophical reformer goes to his borough
for re- election. 1t is populous borough, dem.
ocratc borough, and without single member of
the ariStocracy residing in it. Tooley- street is
there, and many other scenes o { plebean debate.
Its constituency may be terme pure democracy,
we are told, for real household suffrage is there
the number of electors being nearly equal to the
number OF houses. BY such constituency this
Radica! Retofmer, after accepting Office under
Lord Aberdeen is returned not only without cppo-
sition, but even with immense and unanimous con-
graduation. E..
The question we set out with was, why this
strange combina lion of political opposites does
so much as excite the least surprise? The au-
swer is found in the very simple statement of Sir
William MoleSworth, echoed by his friends and
practically adopted by the ten thousand elections of
Southwark, that the right Hon. Baronet will do a
great deal more IN the Cabinet than out of it. Out
of Office all that Sir William has done, or can do
is occasionally 10 review our colonial policy,
posing numberleSs evils in very powerful language
| and propoundlng sound theories in very uncom-
promising tone. he has invariably been met with
the answer that the evils could not be helped and
the theories did not apply and so the matter ended
for the moment Sir William made strong case,
and the Under Secretary replied that it was too
strong one. Sir William was told shat his views
were not PRACTICAL and the Under Secretary was
not at all concerned 10 reduce them % q practical
form. This unsatisfactory exhibition might have
Deen repeated year Dy year 10 END OF the chapter,
and in other countries, and other times, it would
have been SO repeated. Just now, however, we
are beginning to the folly of this perpetual
tagonism between theory and practice. We are
beginning to understand that it will do pro-
tect official practice from Just correction, and drive
sound theory TO lmprachcable extremes; and We
therefore bring the two in combination. We invite
the theorst to step into Office, and hep set his the
orieS to work. 1t is very true that Sir William
Moesworth is not in the Colonial office, and that
he will not be called TO test his principles i'm
neciately. Buthe is placed in a position where
he may tender advice on every possible colonial
question, and where his general consent will be
required TO the course actually taken. What is
quite as much as sensible theorist would desire
His present position, as compared with that out OF
office, will make just the difference between the
possibility and the impossbiliy of conference be-
tween philosophy and practice, if that deserves 10
be called practice which is often little more than
the obstinacy of officials.
We have seen how the matter has stood hither-
to, so long as Sir William Molesworth had no bet
Ter opportunity or occupation than to make tel
ling speech once or twice year on our colonial
administration, and publish in the form of pam
phlet Let us see how the matter will stand now.
When the next colonial difficulty comes before the
Cabinet-when some fourishing colony demands
the entire control over its revenue, the appoint
ment of all its public unctouarieS, the sale of its
| land, purely representative Government or any
other reasonable object OF colonial ambition,-Si
| William will be called on to advise, and TO recon-
| meEl the concession or the denial of the demand,
| or any other course that may be proposed. Now,
II, on the other hand the cause of the coloniStS
and the cause of liberty and progress will gain in
in Sir William good and influential vote, so on
the other hand, he will probably give more delib-
Grafton to that vote than he would to every word
in an opposition speech, or every flourish of his
pen in u dectamatory pamphlet. He will proba-
bly, think rather 1LoTe about the actual consequent
ces OF the proposed measure than he would about
the effect of telling sentence, brilliant antithe-
sis, highly wrought picture, or bold aticiL
Hitherto ii was out of Sir Williams power to offer
just that sort of advice which would have been of
| real utility. Had his opinion been asked on this
point, the only answer lie could have made would
have been that he declined to advise where he was
not Regularly engaged, and where, consequently,
he could not assist in carrying out his advice
On the other hand, 1t absolutely necessary, to
state his case, in appeal TO the Legislature and
| the people-all the appeal hitherto allowed him
! in the broadcast anu most striking characterS.-
tact, are all out of place, when man IS going
through the preliminary process of making his
cause known ConleSSedly, 1.-THE application Of
1 the soundest principles, there is great difficulty,
and with that difficulty The philosopher will not
eInbarraSs himselfwhile he is intoxicating he first
principles of his science. Why should he vollln-
| eeri limitations aud considerations of prudence
which could not succeed in purchasing the appro-
baton of office, but would sink the theory in the
dull understanding of ihe people3 There is no
longer this gulf between the Minister and the phil
osopher. Sir William Molesworth can now con-
suit the best practical means for giving safe and
lasting effect to his views of colonial self-goYern
i.uIent. This opportunity of alIying theory and
practice, or rather giving theory the means of
adapting itself 10 the actual slate of things,
owe to that patriotism which has merged all con-
sideraton of party or self, in the pursuit
of the public good. Without Coalition Minis
try, Sir William MoIesworth would, probably, ney-
er have done more than make long speeches to be