New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1853-01-26


and strengthened, and his observation. evidently bear
upon future difficulties. not thou iorsseen but winch
nigh; happen, and would then have 10 BE met We NAV
vet have TO meet them
Mr.. Monroe IL Il well known in the habit of con
sutng Mr. Jefferson In al grave cOnjunctures end for.
tunsely he consulted him tue subject Of Ms doctrine
snd we have the sentiments Of that patriarch Of the
dernoc ratio faith in relation 70 IL These are 70 be
found in letter from him to Mr.. Monroe, dated Oct
"a, 1924 few deys before the message sppeared-
written in answer to Mr. M0nroe's application for
his opinion. "1he question" said Mr. Jefferson. 'pre-
sented by the letter you have sent me- Is the mos,
momentous which hss ever been offered 70 my
contemplation since that of independence. That
made a nation-ttis sets our compass and points
the course which to steer through the ocean OF
time And never could embark on under circum.
stances more suspicious Our first aud fundamental
maxim should be never to entangle ourselves In the
broils Of Europe-our second, never TO suffer Eu-
rope to imermedde with els Atlantic affairs. Amer
lea, North and South, has a set of interests dis
finct from those Of Europe, and peculiarly her
We should, therefore, have system OF our
own, separate and apart from that Of Europe
the lat s laborng to become the domilc of despohsm
endesvor should surely beto make our hemisphere
that Of freedom" Can man be found who viii con-
tend that these noble sentimentsworthy OF him who
uttered them and now become precious legacy tor the
American peope-can one man. say, be found who will
venture TO contend that those words of wisdom and pa
tIotism temporary in their force and application, be
longing only TO the passing hour and confined 70 the e.
fort OF league which believe died before the writer
short even his tenure Of life Thus 10
down great national principle is wholly 10 mistake the
bersy and farreachDg policy of this the greatest Of
American Statesmen, after the first and the dearest
Washington. His ocean Of time opening upon US, -
was bounded by 10 such contracted limits. II was q
true ocean, and not mere duck pond. And this came
letter Of Mr. JefeTson exhibits IN still more signal
manner the vast importance he attached 10 this prnc
pie Of suffering Europe TO inermeddle with els
Atlantic efars' Why, Sir, he actually ready,
them TO 20 to war for its practical maintenance.
He far ahead Of all OF US; and must confess
Int IN IN IN
self thus only supported but anticipated, by name
which will live in the hearts Of the American people as
long they cherish reverence for real patriotism,
true democracy snd the highest qualities Of our nature
ennobed by life devoted to his country can now
stand proudly upon this position pointing to Mr. Jeer
sons declaration that he is willing 10 fight along
side Of England, in such cause. Not that would
purchase" lie says, "her smity at the price of
but the in which the present proposition might
gage US should that be ts Consequence is not her war
but ours Its object Is TO introduce and establish the
American system Of keeping out of our land all foreign
powers Of never (not today OF permitting those
OF Europe to intemeddle with the affairs of nations
II s 10 maintain own principle, not to depart from
IT," ANY question Of the justice expediency of the
first of these resolutions, may hereafter consider
question between the objector and Mr. Jefferson, and
not one between the former and nyself The opinions
Of Mr. Adams who OF course could not but understand
the views Of Mr. Monroe, he was then Secretary OF
State and Of Mr. Clay who took deep interest in this
matter and introduced joint resolution into the House
of Representatives the Goth of Jan, 1924, affirming
tnctly shown in the instructions of Mr. Clay TO Mr.
Poinsett dated March 25 ls25, wherein Mr. Monroe's
message and principles referred TO- and their exist
ing force asserted and assumed
Mr. Clay, while reporting these INSTRUCTIONS 10 Mr..
Adams for transmission to the House oil Representa-
tves observes, "that all approximations OF the danger
20 which Mr. Monroe audes Of interference by the Al
lied PowerF otherwise the Holy Alliance 10 introduce
their political yftems into this hemisphere have ceased"
But notwithstanding this in these Instructions TO Mr..
Ponsett he Is told that the great principle OF nonnter
ference was declared in the face OF the world (by Mr.
Monroe) at a moment when there reason to appre
bend that the Allied Powers were entertaining designs
ineal to the freedom If not to the independence, OF
the new Governments"
There is to believe that the declaration OF
had considerable effect In preventing the maturity
not in producing the abandonment OF all such designs
Both principles" Qhis and the anti Colonization one)
were laid down after much anxious elaboration ON
the pat of the late Administration. The President,
(Mr. Adhms,) who then formed n part OF IL con-
tinues entirely to coincide in both, and you VIII
urge upon the Government of Mexico the utility and
expedency of asserting the principles on all proper
occasions"
What principesf Not single one so Narrow and
temporary as TO be confined to a mere momentary oc
currence league which had much passed away from
any operation this continent as the Grecian league
for the destruction of Troy. II Mr. Adams and Mr..
Clay did not wholly misunderstood Mr.. Monroes doc.
ine precisely the doctrine cnuncated IN the
ISOLATION before the Senate. One fact stated by Mr..
CLAY upon the authority of Mr. Adams, shows that this
declaration of Mr. Monroe was Cabinet measure. fully
considered, and no doubt amply discussed. Indeed,
without this authority, judging from the cautious charac'
ter of Mr. Monroe il would have been safe to conclude
that go important step would not have been taken by
him without consultation with his conndentAl advisers
and especially IL IL known that his messages before
being sent 10 Congress- were always read and II occas
ion required discussed paragraph by paragraph AZ "a
bnet meetnge and such indeed was the pracnce OF hs
predecessors. r,, ~.
had bcen useful Still It's efficiency was limited by the
considerations already adverted 70, that Il was the ac
only of the Executive Department which ctuid mol
pledge the nation to amy particular course oil poncy
Congress alone could do that and the propre.y OF IA
action was go obvious, that both Mr. Clay ana MT
Poinset introduced resolutions into the House OF hep
reseniatives Affirming the doctrine Is prooaoie ua
the reason given by Mr. Clay Tor the one pre-
rpted by himself to final vote, operated also on others
and that was that the spprehended danger from the
Holy Alliance had disappeared and suppose then
now, the difficulty OF carrying such measure In
creased, as the cause of apprehension decreased
We stopped short In our true work, and waited i0i
another cxpedient before proelaiining principle MT
Jefferson, also, with his sound practical wisdom saw
that Mr. Mouroes declaration in order TO aitn its OBJ
ect needed the support and authority OF Congress aud
he therefore recommended to him In the letter already
referred To- that may lead 10 war the declaration
of which requires act OF Congress the case shall be
laid before them for consideration AT their first meeting
and under the reasonable aspect In which 70 seen by
himself" dhe PresideRt) go
With respect TO Cuba am glad to be able 10 iortify
my position by the opinions Of both Mr. Jefferson and
Mr. CLAY No man VIII now accuse either Of those DIS
ed ialesnen with being Influenced by any other
motives than love Of country aud desire to prom0t,
her interest in spirit Of justice al candidly confess
said Mr. Jefferson in the same letter, that have ever
looked on Cuba IA the most interesting addition which
could ever be made 10 our system OF States The con
troll which with Florida Point this Island would give n
over the Gulf OF Mexico ard the countries and lsthmu
bordering ON it, well those whose waters flow int
H. would MI up the OF our political wellbeng
Yet a. am sensible, that this can never be o6tsineC
ever with her fspsinsO own consent, out oy war (h'
means war with England from her opposition TO the
measure) and its independence that OF Cuba which
our second interest (snd especially lis Independence
Englsnd) be secured without IL have no hesitsoi
in sbandonipg my first wish TO future chances and &C
cepiins ts independence with peace and the friendship
OF Eng and rather than its association (q eccesson Al
the expence OF War and her enmy.' Il is due 20 Mr.
Jefferson. TO state that sf the time he wrote ths erter
fee ntifutons through the world seemed 81 have muc
70 apprehend from this Holy Alliance and believing