The daily republic. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1853-1853, 1853-08-03

VIII there be Warq
The disposition Of the civilized world is pa
cifc. Monarchs find their subjects more easily
governed by food and wages than by conscrip
tion and famine. The subjects are convinced
that war is only game to determine what
master they shall serve, and that their labor
and self-denial must reimburse the expenses Of
the contest. The extraordinary efforts now
made to negotiate away any International diff
ferences prove the universal sentiment to b
adverse to war. 1t is conf1agration no doub
well enough to look on, but no nation can fee
secure SO long as spark may fire its own pre-
misses; and the admiration or sympathy for a
neighboring nation may be quickly converted
into more direct anxiety for itself.
Moreover, the growing intercourse between
nations has SO far implicated them in the com
mercial and industrial prosperity of each other,
that maritime war, with Its letters OF marque,
captures and blockades--its nice distinctions
between belligerents and neutrals--often affects
nations distant and otherwise Indifferent, al
most as much as those actually engaged in
hostlities. For instance, England could nei-
Their blockade, nor see blockaded. the cotton OF
New Orleans, nor the corn of Odessa. Hence
all nations constitute one grand Mutual Assur-
ance Society, interested in preserving peace, be-
cause the consequences of war must be borne
directly or indirectly by them all.
From the conviction of the deep interest
which nations have in the preservation of
peace, we have brought ourselves to believe
that the commercial nations of Europe will
submit to the aggressions of Russia upon Tur-
key rather than imperil themselves by re-
taliatory war of invasion. They may per-
haps make the conduct of Russia an excuse to
cripple her commerce, because a maritime war
with her will pay expenses; but they will not
combine to invade her. Our own diplomacy
shows the same laudable disposition to avoid
a reference of our rights to the arbitrament Of
war. More than twelve months since we diff
fered with Great Britain upon the construction
of our right of free fishery. 1t has been under
negotiation by three American ministers with
all the advantages of the archives at Washing
ton, the distracted quiet of the seashore and the
Arcadian seclusion of the mountains If
it cannot be determined by the eminent ne
gotiators in this country, Mr.. BUCHANAN is
prepared to transfer the subject to England,
where the whole discussion will be repeated
and yet the difference between the govern
ments is one Of verbal construction, which all
the philologists and commentators cannot ad
judicate, because the interests of the two coun
tries furnish the only rule by which either
will interpret the meaning Of the compact. A
century ago Great Britain would have scarcely
fired gun across our bows, or deigned to order
us to send our papers aboard. Now the two
commodores have covered the cabin table with
all sorts of charts, and every amicable effort
will be made to avoid the consequences of =
rupture.
Do our readers wish to know the conse-
quences of war between these two great ma
tions2 To the United States it would imply
the outlay of war establishment, and all those
social and commercial consequences which will
readily occur to the mind. 1t will be succeed
ed by an addition to the public debt, and by a
crop of politicians trained in the camp and on
the quarterback, who would remit to the realms
OF Fogiedom all those statesmen whose strategy
has been confined to the caucus, and whose
military demonstration to the serried battalons
of a political foe. These are some of the con
sequences to our people and politicians
With regard to England, we presume they
would be even more serious. Two American
expeditions against Canada have been foiled
The third would be successful. We could cut
Canada out even under the guns of her mis-
tress. We may add, that war or two would
simplify our treaty obligations very greatly,
and enable US to adapt our foreign engage
ments to the actual condition Of the country.
But passing by these consequences, all of
which would depend much upon the fortune Of
war, we give the cost to England of the last
general European war in which she was en-
gagged.
In the year 1913, England maintained
100000 sailors and marines, 237 900 regu-
lars, 81 900 militia, $4,000 yeoman cavalry.
adding the Indians and colonial armies She
had more than a million of men under arms.
She had ,003 vessels of war, of which 644
were in commission, SO were ships of the line.
The army cost -f33 100000. The navy esti-
mates were -f22. 100000, including ten mil
lions advanced. to the continental States, :"
lhe total war expense of the year 1913 was
more than five hundred millions dollars! Such
was the cost of war fought for maintaining
the national Interests of England and which
Drought no other acquisition than peace and
security. with the palpabe and probable
Consequences OF war, we have no apprehension
OF any hOstillties on either side ne Tho A,l.,.;o
that negotiation cannot adjust, unless il shall
be part of the policy of SANTA ANNA to force
us to another trial of prowess
The Kentucky Election.