The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-10-16


London is nearly the only appointee who does not
disgrace the country. What principle can have
actuated the Cabinet in the distribution of these
Important trusts-wbether it acted on a mere
equitable scheme of dividing the public plumber
among personal friends Of its members, or from
motives more disreputable stills matter
of conjecture. Ii il fortunate for the United
States that our constitution enables the Senate
to revise the whole batch. When the proper
time comes, more than one among our maiden
ambassadors will contrivc to lind his way home
The British AristosraeX-The Rulers Of the
Mr.. Macaulay says somewhere that the his
tory of the Roman Catholic Church throughout
the last eighteen centuries is the most remark
able phenomenon Of modern times. The private
memoirs Of another body--the aristocracy OF
Great Britain during the past two centuries,
are. to our thinking, quite as striking and
wonderful We shall seek in vain parallel
for them in the whole range Of ancient and
modern history. Whether we regard the ridcu-
lousy small means which the British nobility
really has had at its disposal or the stupendous
effects it has contrived TO bring about by the
exercise Of those means. its course. from be-
ginning to end, has been entirely exceptional
and utterly unlike anything that the world
ever saw before.
Two hundred years ago the aristocratic ele-
ment was well nigh eztinguished in England.
To oil outward appearance it had ceased to
exist In a few years, had Cromwell been sue
ceeded by a man of vigor and character, it
would have vanished altogether. This was not
the case. Moreover religious discussions had
during the Protectors reign diverted public
attention from the great political issues that
were being tried, and thus the crushed aris-
tocracy were enabled to rally the scattered
fragments of their party and prepare for
fresh campaign Awaiting themselves of the
first symptoms of disorder, they hurriedly re-
called Charles H.; and the bulk Of the people,
wearied of wars and still smarting from the
effects of former intestine troubles, sulkily ac-
cepted the Restoration. A period Of which
brazen dehauchery was the only distinguishing
trait followed. James was less plant tool
in the hands Of his courtiers. By no means
friend to the people, he showed himself
dangerous foe to the nobility; and accordngly.
as soon as bis religious opinions had forfeited
for him any popular love that might have
interfered with the plan few private
meetings were held at the houses of some
of the leading noblemen, and William Of
Orange was invited to invade the kingdom
Again-when Anne was on her deathbed and
IF
the choice of her successor by whom do we
find the contest fought? Bolingbroke ia one
anti-chamber, and Oxford in the other: MARI
borough writing to the Elector to promise his
support; Shrewsbury extorting favors from the
poor woman who had not ten minutes to live !:
few Jacobite noblemen struggling tooth and
nail for their pet dynasty. OF any express
sion OF wish or a fear among the people
proper, with respect to the choice of their
future ruler. we can find no trace. The mat
ter was fully discussed, argued, and decided,
between some City or sixty men who had hap
pened to be born with titles. They chose
king. get him on the throne, and afterwards
ruled him.
Nor does the history of the Hanoverian dynas-
ty belle the assertion that ever since the Restora-
tion of 1860 these same fifty or sixty heads OF
families have ruled England. The reins Of
power have been occasionally held by men of
superior ability, chosen from the plebeian order;
but these have only gratifed their ambition on
condition Of ruling for the use and behoof of the
sristocracy All the laws which have been passed
all the'measures Of public policy which have
been adopted-all the movements Of Great
Britain with regard to foreign Powcrs-have
been framed and devised with a view to
strengthen and consolidate the 9 higher classes'
of Great Britain. Previously to the Reform
bill, the popular representation was SO great =
farce that it could hardly have been necessary,
on admitting cOmmoner to power, to stipulate
that he should serve the MOBILES with zeal and
fidelity. The fifty or sixty heads Of families
could upset any ministry when they pleased.
and substitute fresh one Of their own choos-
ing. When the wise project Of Broughsm and
his colleagues became law England, might
have thrown off the yoke Of the nobility had
Epglishmen been individuals Of different
stamp. Had the inherent tendency towards
fpnkeyism, which their own writer's so properly
reprove, been less deeply rooted 10 the hearts
of British commoners, popular liberty might
have been established. Unfortunately, this
has never been the case in England. The high
est aim Of men Of intellect. learning ami
wealth is to be admitted to the drawing-rooms
of the titled few. and probably to give their
daughter to a noble rout, or secure coronet on
the family pannels. This prestige outweichs
every consideration Of more solid benefits; aud
however ardent may be the repIblicanism Of
the Englishman Of twenty, who has everything
to gain, no lackey can be more servile to the
aristocracy than the same man when he has at
tanned a certain rank and station in society.
This peculiarly of the British character has
saved the mobiles. by working it judiciously
they still contrive to control public affairs. Aud
though commoncrs more frequently rise to power