Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1853-11-13

plated by the tripartite treaty, which diplo-
rnatic movement was summarily frustrated by
the positive negative of our government. The
object Of British policy is TO remove all danger
of the acquisition of Cuba, by making it value
less. Such an attempt to defeat the destiny,
cripple the interest, and impede the future ad-
yancement of our Union, is an act of hostility,
which no people who regard their honor and
character will do otherwise than oppose and
resent.
1t is evident to all, that to us, Cuba would be
OF more value than TO any other nation, Spain
notexcepted. Thereasons for this are manifold.
There is no respect in which she is desirable,
that her possession by another power, does not
make source of evil to MS. Her commercial
sympathies and tendencies, so naturally strong
for us, and which, if acquired, would spring
forward with irrepressible force under the free
trade policy between the States of the Union,
are now stitled and opposed by the heavy bur
dens of an inimical colonial policy ofrestrction.
Her geographical position at the opening of
the gulf which receives the vast products of the
Mississippi yalley-and pours them in a con
stantly rolling tide along the commercial
highway Of the gulf stream, almost within gun
shot of Moro Castle--makes her, in the hands
Of any other nation, thorn in our side, a
stumbhngblock in the path of our trade-while,
in our own, she would be a key to our store
house, and the security TO our coasters. With
its harbour floating the navies of our foes, les
pecially steam navies,) and its shores bristling
| with the bayonets of our enemies, Cuba is the
point OF our greatest danger-while, rs the rally.
ing point for our own navy and army, it is an
outpost, as we have said, securing completely
the entire gulf coast and the whole southern
mainland.
Is it then our reakaess or our strength; the
former, when it is aaothei's-we may make ii
the latter, by making it orr o,en No other
nation occupies any such relation to it. No
European nation, with power to maintain its de,
mands, would permit the proximity Of so dan
gerous possession to its territory Yet we
are expected to permit it, without single ef
fort to better our condition by acquiring it.
But there is another view in which it is dan
gerous in the hands of another power, when,
in our own, it would be o means Of security.
Ii the edict which has made Hayti desert,
where barbarians roam in the savage idolatry
Of their original African state--if the policy
which threatens to subject the white race to
the sway of the black Emperor Soulouque, or
if the doctrines are to prevail, which have al.
most destroyed the productiyeness of the Bri
fish West Indies, by elevating to equality with
the European, the sons of Ethiopia-can any
man in this land doubt the terrible influence of
such an example, by such neighbor, upon the
polity of the slave States of the Union? Can
any man doubt the justice of the demand which
these States make upon the federal government,
to interpose for the arrest of schemes and pol
icy so dangerous, if not fatal, to the integrity
of southern institutions, and so hazardous to
the peace of southern society?
We have then, in our judgment, a beneficial
interest, and equitable right in respect to the
policy proposed for Cuba. Spain has no ALSO
inte right to make Cuba what she pleases. Her
neighbors have rights and interests which limit
and qualify the rights Of Spain. No principle
is sounder, no maxim more universal than
this: g Sic mae tuo, ut non alienun, icetlds.'
None can so use his right as to do wrong 10
another. s~. ,~ ..
If Spain should pursue q policy in Cuba
which looked to preparation for making her
the means of oyerawing or interfering with our
commercial interests, or with our safety or if
Spain should undertake policy in respect to
her slaves at war with our interests, threaten
ing commissions at our homes, we would have
the right to veto her policy, and arrest her hos
tile movement. The law of nations-the ex-
| ample of nahons-common sense -justifes
| this position. What threw Europe into state
of war with France, during its revolution, but
| the fact that France was promulging sentiments
at war with their home peace and safety? No
people has right to imperil another by pur.
suing fancied good To SAGE itself from i'm
pending ruin it may; but to indulge in poll
| cy dictated BY a hope Of advancing its interest,
when that policy puts i'll danger the very safety
of another is forbidden by the law of nations,
| the principles Of all morality, and the dictates
| of common sense.
Such, in our judgment, are our rights as
against Spain. How as to any other power !?
AS we have already said, no other people are
endangered as we would be by certain Spanish
policy which might be adopted in Cuba. The
motive for interference by any such nation
must be sought for, not in its interest in that
island, but in its general schemes Of foreign
policy. As to such a case one remark will
suffice. If the special interest Of Spain could
give no right to pursue policy detrimental to
Us, for how much stronger reason should not a
| general interest do so.
| In such case we must look for the motive
to the policy suggested. 1fthe policy is carried
out by Spain at such suggestion, Spain will
stand in the shoes of the party suggesting it
| and must take ALI tha cnnaaouancac Snoin