Carroll free press. [volume] (Carrollton [Ohio]) 1834-1861, 1853-03-11

partments so marked as never Justly 10 be ques-
toned. II this reasonable expectation be not
realized, frankly confess that one Of your lead
ing hopes is doomed 10 disappointment, and
that my efforts in a very important particular,
must result in ahumilialing failure. Offices can
be properly regarded only in the light Of aids
for the accomplishment Of these objects, and
as occupancy can confer no prerogatiye, or i'm
Fortunate desire for preferment any claim. the
public interest imperatvely demands that they
be considered with sole reference 10 the duties
to be performed. Good citizens may well
claim the protection Of good laws and the be-
nign influence Of good government but claim
for Office is what the people Of a republic should
never recognize. No reasonable man Of any
party will expect the administration be so re-
gardless Of its responsibility, and Of the obvious
elements Of success as TO retain persons known
to be under the influence of political hostility
and paftizan prejudice in positions which will
require not only severe labor, but cordial CO.
operation.
Having no implied engagements to ratify, no
rewards 10 bestow, no resentments TO remem'
Der, no personal wishes 10 consult in sci .ctions
for official station shall fulfil this difficult and
delicate trust, admitting no motive as worthy
either Of my character or position which does
not contemplate an efficient discharge of duty,
and the best interests Of my country.
acknowledge my obligations 10 the masses
Of my countrymen, and to them alone.
Higher objects than personal aggrandizement
gave direction and energy to their exertiOns in
the late canvass, and they shall not be disap-
pointed. They require at my hands diligence,
integrity and capacity wherever there are du-
ties to be performed. Without these qualities
in their public servants, more stringent laws
for the prevention or punishment Of fraud, neg
ligence and pecusiion, will be vain. With
them they will be unnecessary.
But these are not the only points to which
you look for vigilant watchfulness. The dan
gers Of a concentration of all power in the
general government Of a cOnfederacy so vast
as ours, are too obvious TO be disregarded.
You have a right therefore to expect your
agents in every department strictly the limits
imposed upon them by the constitution Of the
United States. The great scheme Of our con-
stitutional liberty rests upon proper distrbu-
ton Of power between the State and federal
authorities, and experience has shown us that
the harmony and happiness Of one people must
depend upon Just discrimination between the
separate rights and responsibilities Of the States
and your common rights and obligations under
the general government, and herein in my opin-
ion are the considerations which should form
the true basis Of future concord, in regard TO
the questions which have most seriously dis
turbed public tranquility. If the federal gov
eminent will confne itself to the exercise Of
powers clearly granted by the constitution, it
can hardly happen that its action upon ques-
ton should endanger the constitutions OF the
States, or interfere with their right to manage
matters strictly domestic according TO the will
Of their own people.
In expressing briefly my views upon an i'm
portant subject which has recently agitated the
nation to almost a fearful degree, | am moved
by no other impulse than most earnest desire
for the perpetuaton Of that union which has
made us what we are, shoWering upon us bles-
sings, and comforting a power and influence
which our fathers could hardly have anticipa.
ted, even with their most sanguine hopes d.
rected to far off future.
The sentiments now announce were not un
known before the expression of the voice which
called me here. My own position upon thi,
subject was clear and unequivocal upon the
record of my words and my ac is, and it is on
ly recurred TO at this time because silence might
perhaps be misconstrued. With the Union my
best and dearest hopes are entwined without
it what a re we individually or collectively p
What becomes Of the noblest field ever opened
for the advancement Of our race in religion, in
government, in the arts, and in all that digni
fies and adorns mankind? From that rad
ant constellation which both illumines our owl
way, and points out to struggling nations their
course, but let single star be lost, and if there
be not utter darkness the lustre Of the whole
is dimmed.
Do my countrymen need any assurance thai
such catastrophe is not to overtake them
while possess the power to stay it? 1t is with
me an earnest and vital belief that as the Union
has been the source under Providence, Of our
prosperity TO this time, SO tits pledge of con
tinuance of the blessings we have enjoyed, and
which we are sacredly bound to transmit pndi
minished to our children. The field of calln
and free discussion in our country is open, ant
will always be so, but it never has been ant
never can be traversed for good in spir
Of sectionalism, and uncharitabeness. The
founders of the Republic dealt with things al
they were presented to them in spirit of self
sacrificing patriotism, and as time has proved
with a compre hensive wisdom which it will al
ways be safe for us to consult, every measure
tending to strengthen the fraternal feelings o
all the members Of our union has had my heart
felt appreciation. To every theory of society
of government, whether the offspring of fever
sh ambition or of morbid enthusiasm, calcula
ted to dissolve the bonds of law and affection
which unnte US, shall interpose ready an,
stern resistance,
/ believe that voluntary servitude as it exist
in different States of this confederacy, is recog
nized by the Constitution. l believe that
stands like any other admitted right, and tina
the States where it exists are entitled to eff
cient remedies, to enforce the constitutions
provisions. l hold that the laws of 1850, com
monty called Compromise Measures, are strict
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