Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1853-09-24

industry, and its growing power in the lower house
Parliament they knew how indispensable TO the Stat
were the taxes and credit Of the Commons and at TN
time by Of their leisure and shr
felt Of their influence Both estates
not being kept asunder by the preudces Of birth, bu
reticuated in each other by family alliances bein
politically arrayed against the other by diverse in
terests, but each equally divided among themselves b.
the most natural difference Of political principles boil
estates together apprehcnded the usefulness Of Que so
head over taree united States that time without an,
common legislature and therefore preserved monarchy
while extent limiting the royal prerogatyes
Royalty its side since it received the throne from til,
hands of Parliament renowned the fable of its divine
origin which had heretofore lent it right peculiar anu
supreme all others Ii rather became more than
acquired and stipulated right which rests the posi-
ton Of the king the nobles and the commons in the
State and each values in the rights OF the other his
/ special right.
And herein the people remained true to their cha
in former times in which heretofore all revolutions
had been only the defence Of violated the restoration
of ancient privileges Upon this equality Of rights then
rests the equponderant influence Of these powers in the
State nay more, the equal humane and political charac-
ter Of their possessors their reciprocal posture towards
each other works against that political deterioration
which, according TO the test Of Aristotle arises from the
poiation Of the State to the personal selfish aims Of
single class.
classes Of the people appear beside each other in their
appointed rights and the elements are well mixed that
history is obliged to stop and point this Stats her
master work 1t is the constitutional form of govern
me IN its perfected and natural development where the
constitution has always existed where nothing essential
has ever been lost from its historical material and where
what is old has only passed into wonderful
daon to the later needs and experiences of ripper
manship And hence is that one man finds in the
fulhment OF the old Anglo Saxon another the compile
ton of the medieval feudai constitution The corporate
separation OF classes which obtained in the middle ages
IS here preserved IN life and in society it is in the
stuton the classes and powers Of the State with their
sefrepresented interests, like many great
stones on which the civil edice is compacted together
Stay
preemneny gives to it character form, and denomina
tion it would be hard to say When look at the unity
OF its Government the royal veto the executive power
and the energy it imparts fnraign aairs the
State, feel ourselves in monarchy When VIC take
its hierarchy in view, which, with its royal pope its
head strives towards national unity in faith Catho
cism after nnoersa we seem to strike upon the ele
ments OF theocracy. When we glance at the general
public spirit of the people, the stability and consisen
cy OF its policy at the persons by whose hands it WELD
ed and at the character of the rights customs social
habitudes, and political representation of the people, the
English State seems to be essentially arstocratc When
we consider that the authorization Of MI is the sole
h OF ne commons the balance of power appears to be
on the side Of the great civic community When
vey what is particular in their institutions and social
laons, the active agency and independent sentiment of
the private citizens the decentralization of the admins
raton, the segoyernment Of the people, the absence of
all official domination the great freedom of person and
security OF property the system of public Defence the
right Of assembage, and the freedom Of the press all
then seems democratic. Democratic also is the Govern
ment IN that the supreme resides in the Lela
ture and that the people in Parliament assembled
make its sovereignty effective in the disposition il makes
OF the Crown No people however carries the popular
sovereignty less in its mouth and is sincerely loyal
than the English.
No State abides strongly by its hereditary nstu
tons and no people sickle their aristocratic
conservatism and yet is the ustest boast of the Eng
shman that his constitution adjusts itself TO every pro-
and be moulded by the influence Of every
idea, every experience and every necessity Nobody is
more jealous than the Engishman in what pertains to the
security Of his person and his property against the
times is constructed in the idea Of antiquity, that
the individual lives for the State and must sacrifice his
single will and special interest to the general well
fare And this it is that gives to the English State to
its policy and its constitution exclusive, sided
sefseeking, strongly national characters and yetno peo
pie has shown itself capable to appreciate and to spare
the most alien nationalties in their ensayenent
These reconced contradictions, this many sided unity
and compacted harmony consequence of happy mix
ture IN the internal qualities of the people and in the
ternn institutions Of the Statecompose the peculiar value
OF the English Government the of its power the
guarantees of its freedom This composite is also
the reason why this State and its regulations difficult
10 understand and appreciate and why, despite many
limitations, they still remain without their counterparts
for this constitution is not adapted to formula
for every other State but is rather only At to be used
rule for that people who Of equally strong
OF nationality and with equally advantageous adapta
ton of its old and institutions should seek to form
for itself constitution equally correspondent to lis
ture and PECULIARLY which would then perhaps be
est in value to the English when the urthes from It il
shape and structure