The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-11-30

We pace Il in his shape. Between these two
Congress must clio sc.
Some O. the hcw members will be better
qualified TO make heir election If they retrace
the political history Of tAls country lor the last
two or three years. Ia 1850 the Union had
narrow eieaTe. Fanatics from the North and
fanatics rom tie Soath made desperate on
slaughts upon the fundamental principle on
which il rests. Each strove vigorously to up
set the existing equilibrium and to give the
preponderance 10 its own section. There was
time when Cancellation ana adjustment Of the
conflicting pretensions of the contending parties
seemed impossible. The difficulty was over
come, however, by the immortal Clay, who
with aid OF such allies as Cass, Calhoun and
Webster, once more frustrated the designs Of
the disunonlsts, and postponed for time the
threatened injury TO our national existence
To the measure by which this signal triumph
was achieved the appropriate name Of
the compromise was given. 1t contained
no new principle. DO new application of an
old one but was merely a reclamation of the
doctrine on which our constitution was formed
nearly a century ago, and which had since been
constantly recognized and put in practice. The
news Of the passage Of this law was received
with general satisfaction by the people, though
men were not wanting, among the extreme fac
tons on either side, TO denounce it furiously
ana TO proclaim their conviction that it would
not be sustained by the country. The Presi-
Dental canvass ct 1852 was anxously awaited
to decide the question. When Franklin Pierce
was nominated it was publicly given out that
he took his stand on the compromise, and
would stand or fall with that measure. His
candidateship was in part the candidateship of
the compromise We may be permitted to add
that it was in that light We viewed it, and to
that impression on our own part that he
owed the support he received from the HERALD.
Against him was pitted one of the noblest Of
natures chivalry-a man against whose char
acter not single imputation could be whisper
ed, whose ices to his country entitled him
to the highest reward she could bestow, and
whose promotion to the Presidential chair might
have given fresh eclat to the Office, but could
not have added lustre to the name Of Scott
He, too, was so convinced that the compromise
was the only point in politics for which the
people cared, that he endeav to Guido his
rival in his professions Of fidelity to that mea-
sure; but, unfortunately, his chief supporters
were taken from among its most bitter oppo-
nents, and it was hardly possible to dis
criminate between the two. In the diem
ma, prudence dictated az the safer
course, that, all other things being
equal, the preference should be given
to him who was not the choice of William II.
Seward. Accordingly, with the sole thought OF
the compromise before their eyes the people Of
this country elected Franklin Pierce by an
overwhelming majority. There was no doubt
as to the fact. Every one knew'why his neigh
Dor voted for Pierce, and did not strive to con-
ceal his own reasons for doing likewise. Gen.
Pierce recognized it in his inaugural; and GER
tainly. from the tone Of that document. the peo-
pie had every reason to believe that his admin
istration, like his election, would be wholly and
thoroughly based on the compromise.
To the horror and Amusement of every one
the Cabinet was selected from its enemies.
cessionist Caleb Cushing, a Massachusetts,
coalitionist; William L. Marcy, an advocate for
conciliating the free sellers, were called to
power. This was the first practical violation
Of the compromise. Others soon followed.
Free sellers and secessionists were freely ap-
pointed TO Office. Staunch friends of the COM
promise were ostracised. The Cabinet inter-
tered in New York on behalf of the Van Buren,
free sellers; in Mississippi to defeat Foote, one
of the fathers of the compromise; in Georgia,
to support Mcdonald, the secessionist leader;
in Alabama, to throw overheard Col. Clemens,
a Union man. Acts more emphatically opposed
to the spirit Of the compromise could not be
devised. For while the Cabinet was ashamed
Of them. and though its members acted openly
to the compromise in words while they broke
it daily in deeds. But even this iimsy
disguise wore out A time came when they
thought they could venture to throw of the
mask, and the manifestoes for the Richmond
Enquirer and the Washington Union were
written. These took ground boldly against the
compromise, derided the notion of party
framed on its basis, and embodied in words
the principles which had prompted the previous
acts of the Cabinet.
If on calm review OF this narrative--and
we do not think its accuracy can be impeached
the members Of Congress resolve to support
the administration, their heads be the re spon-
sibility. The year 1852 is not so far distant
that the popular sentiment on the subject q the
compromise can be mistaken and those promi-
nent men in the Senate and House who ex-
pect to appeal at some future day to that
sentiment for the realization of their ambi-
tious hopes, will do well to mediate on The
matter ere they endorse policy d.
rcctly hostile to the public verdict Of
last year. The masses are not apt to forgive
such treachery, as many man living can tes-
tify. Nor can the young men, whose career is