The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-10-04
The Designs OF England upon Cuba-Tht
Policy or the United States.

| Policy OF the united states.
| X is a little remarkable that the island OF
| Cubs--famliarly denominated the most precious
| gem in the Castihan crown-in which neither
| Great Britain or the United States have the
slightest Legal interest. has been the means of
eliciting from the two latter governments a
peculiar, if not an ungusrded expression, which
we deem to be wholly incompatible with the
conviction of either power that the island is
long destined to remain in dependence upon
the parent State. The jewel is either set so
| loosely in the crown. or that emblem of domin-
ion has so long been tossed from faction to fac
| ton, from cenqueror to conqueror as to force
| the conviction upon the two governments that
| it is soon to be an ownerless prize; or, what
comes to the same point the cabi let of Madrid,
by its blind and stubborn adherence to cruel
and wicked colonial policy, and by a still more
wicked connivance with the African slave trade,
will force the island from its present allegiance
and drive it into the embrace Of more liberal
and enlightened sovereignty.
The recent correspondence between Mr.. Eve
rett and Lord John Russell has essentially
exposed much of the policy of their respective
governments on the question of the ultimate
fate of Cuba. We have nothing to say upon
the merits of that controversy, beyond the ex-
preston that it has left upon The public mind
here very decided conviction that Mr.. Everett
has more than indicated the course which
the United States thought proper to pur-
sue touching the proposed alliance between
England, France, and the government at Wash
ington. This however, is only the diplomatic
feature Of the case-the public skirmshing OF
the combatahts 1t has ended precisely where
Lord John Russell knew it would end before
the tripartite treaty was presented for tue ap-
proyal of this government. 1t was manou-
vre for position, and with no view of bringing
on an engagement. The ground occupied by
the United States, in diplomatic point of view,
was before by no means as well defined on the
ubject in controy ersy as that Of Great Britain;
and in this respect, if in no other, Lord John
las secured the advantage in the correspon-
dence. 1t might have been remembered by the
British negotiator that in this country the
ourfe of the government may be accurately
.oretold by the barometer of public sentiment.
What the press expresses from day to day as
the conviction Of the people is pretty sure ulti-
mately to find its way into diplomatic notes.
The President Of the United States consulted
| this text when he informed Lord Malmesbury
that the ratification Of the tripartite treaty, in
stead Of putting stop to even lawless aggres-
sons, would give new and powerful influence
to them''-"a most melancholy avowaF' in the
| eyes Of the London cabinet Mr.. Everett, how
| ever, pursues the same point, and clearly
| evinces, for the first time in so authoritative a
manner, to the British government that there
| is power to be consulted higher than the opin-
ions Of cabinet officials at Washington, by frank
| " ayowng that his own individual views, ex-
pressed IN the Senate many years ago and still
entertained, are against the acquisition Of any
| more territory, and in favor of cutivatng what
| we have; but this did not permit him to over
| look the obvious conclusion Of the American
people that their mission is by no manner Of
means limited to the existing boundaries Of
the Union.
1t is precisely at this point that Mr.. Everett's
etter is significant ofwha is to be the policy