The Camden weekly journal. [volume] (Camden, South-Carolina) 1853-1861, 1853-11-08
From the Charleston EteMing Neacs'
Eastern Affairs.

lockers out from the political watch-tower have
answered, now war, now peace, until the rcspon
Sos have b,cpme as dark as the Dephc oracle
The last giving ont has however, something
more definite, at ltrst as to time. 1t is now said
that if in fifteen days the evacuation of the Da-
nuban provinces does not take place, the Sultan
will declare war. If this be authentic, il closes
the door to further negotiation. The pride of
the Autocrat will revolt at SO pcrcmptory Il coz
d:ioN. lr fat, there is no outward Si.sm Of di-
pomacv. If there Is IN under current Of nero
tiatiJn. that is known alone 10 the initiacd it is
covered by 50 fine net Of conceaInrnt, as to
hide tie springs from ordinary observation and
the operations from the scrutiny of the rrynr
correspondents Of the public press in Europe
Hearing nothing Of negotiation, war assumes
every hour IL more plausible scmbance But we
do not think that diI ,lomacy has cntrely finished
its work. The peace Of Europe is too HIGH
prize TO be abandoned while hope remains, and
there is the smallest scope for the logic aud per-
suaSion that belong to the controversy. We will
not then believe that war has taken place, al
though it appears to be inevitable until the blow
has been rrcvocably struck.
One result appears from the delay Of hostili-
ties, which is unexpected, amid,t so much cx-
citencnt among the Turks. The issue seems
more to be within the control of calculation and
less under the influence of enthusiasm, than
could have been apprchcnded. We expected,
before this, such was the apparent impulsivcness
Of popular Moslem feeling that the Sultan would
have been driven to untur the banner Of the
Crescent. Yet all this warmth so threatening,
has been kept in marvellous restraint. This
would afford better hope for peace, if it was not
allied to Mosltm pride. The source Of danger
is that diplomati>ts can find no balm for this
sore place in Turkish honor, that the national
territory has been wantonly invaded during the
pcndancy of negotiation, to coerce compliance,
from weaker nciglbor The first step, it would
appear in the Office Of rcraration, and us the
preliminary to peace, would be the evacuation Of
the invaded provinces. If war en<ucs its dura-
ton under ordinary circumstances would be diff
ficult to lcterm;ac, by even distant arproxima-
ton. In the present case there are some features
that will surround such conflict with awful con-
cumitants. 1t will be religious war, so far as
the populations directly engaged are concerned
On one side a war of ambition On the other
one of defence. The heads of the State will I've
forced to employ as means of strength the fan ti-
cism of their people respectively. Such con-
flict will be new in modern times
The duration Of an European war in former
periods Of the world was indefinite, for the in
tcrest or ambition Of parties, if it involved the
great powers, left il uncertain when its objects
would be attained. The conflict would close
most frequently after mutual exhaustion. But
war i'll our day is so adverse to the general in
tcrc>t that its commencement is no less difficult
than its pro!ongatinn seems impossible
mcrcc WAS never, ut any period so abounding in
checks to national hostility. Even if crowned
heads were disposed to rush into conflict rs free
ly as formerly, popular opinion, which now so
largely influences public councils, almost every
where, is a potent rcstraint on the passions of
war. But when the interests Of powers and
potentates whose voice is potential in the arLi
tramcnt Of war or peace, plainly point in the
same direction as the popular desire, this general
dissemination TO change peace for war is greatly
strengthened.
This is the present posture of aii:lirs. Can
any period in the history Of modern Europe be
pointed cut in which this double dissemination of
princes and people were SO manifest to engage
in hostililics: Not one OF the grca: powers is
prepared to buckl" OH the armour OF war. with
the exception Of Russia. WIlatevcr may be the
state OF their military arlnancn;<, some exhibit
an absolute poverty of means, while others can-
not borrow on any stock exchange in Europe
How are armies and h,.ct> to be maintained un-
der such circumstances But with this strong
dISSuaSivc to war, the prospect Of a scarcity, over
nearly al Europe, OF the staff of LIE, would re-
quirc the expenditure Of such large sums in spc-
Gle, the expense prodgiou>ly aggravated bv war
frrights, that an universal arrangement Of the
finances Of every State III Europe must be tive
consequences of war.
Whcn to this i; added the powerful motive
to preserve the general quiet, while the greater
part of Europe is filled with combustible mate.
ral. which want hut the event of disturbance for
fearful explosion we may justly estimate the in
ducements, not merely to preserve peace, but to
quickly terminate Il war, if war should be un-
fortunately inevitable. 1t is, impossible then,
to conceive Of any other than a short duration
to war; unless it assume features that bring the
Political and religious passions Of Europe into
tn" contest and place events beyond the con-
tro! of its governments. \ war of this kind
would produce Il fearful relapse into barbarisln.
LII INV '"''I VI l-'oc t'c hl'idt'cii anu lrcnZcd
populations that would arm-in such IN cncoull-
term the West Of Europe, the revolutionary
impulses, now with difficulty kept in restraint,
overwhelming thrones and altars, with kingly
prerogative and ari<tocraic privege-such com
mingled elements Of strife would carry the cvi-
lied world back to the chaotic darkness of the
middle ages. l'lcn, indeed, would be realized
the often quoted prediction of Bonapartc, Cos
sack or Republican, not in the sense usually un-
d"rStood, CosSack or Republican for Europe, but
Co$Sack for Enrop" and Republican for America.