Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-05-21

| times sure, TINT in relying on us they ARE re-
| lying on mrn cautious IN making charges,
mud able fully to prove those they make. II
| you deprive us Of this reputation, we lose all
power TO help the slave.
Mr. Mann thinks TO excite prejudice against
ns by nllusion to Our rebuke of kossuih aud
| Father Mathew. That story only shows
how impartial the nboliionists have always
been. When Father Mathew. TO help tceto-
talism, denied tie anii.slavcry principles
which hc had always procssrd, we rehulSed
him When Kossuih, in order to get help
for Hungary, lnvishcd eulogy on our Gov
ernmcnt, joined hands with Shareholders, aud
expressly promised silence in regard to slave
ry MS the price he was willing To pay for our
national aid, we rebuked him, us recreant to
Truth, Justice, aud Liberty. Mr.. Mann's
! pen has wide influence. We will never
complain no matter how often he tells that
story. ] do not know how he and his friends
| feel when they look hack on their parts in
| the kossutli drama Rumor SAYS some of
| them regard it as dclrious dream, aud do
not care to hear it mentioned. But assure
! him That VIC nre perfectly satisfied with the
parts we acted on that occasion. The often.
err he reminds the world ofthem the more he
| will please US. We rebuked those men in
the same spirit that we rcbuked the Serrctn-
ry of Education, when he kept silence on
the colored school question: that he might
gain aud exert more influence in behalf of
the white children ofthe State.
With all respect to Mr.. Mann, must say
tha, do not think his random aud discon-
nected remarks on my argument about vot-
ing under the Constitution need any ntten-
ton from inc. II stop to notice ono or two
points, il will not he from any real necessity,
Il LIS al.
misled by the authority of his name. lie
thinks do not make out my assertion, that
taxes are wrung from me without my con
sent, unless ] initiate tire Qudkcrs, and
oblige Government 10 sell my goods in or
der TO collect the tax. Let me remind him
that when Government imposes burden
upon us, giving us notice that il does not
care whether we assent or not, the very ma
lurc of the case excuses us from making n
| protest. We may make il, five choose hut
it is not necessary No one has any right to
| infer our assent, il we omit such protest.
| Each man will Judge how far aud in what
why ho will resist and protest against such
! things. lie Will choose such form of resis-
tunce or protests MS he thinks best adapted to
secure public attention to his cause, and to
! the principles for which he suffers. Neither
Paul, nor Bishop LAtimer, nor Sir Harry
Vane, seems TO have thought il necessary to
90 10 fsticuils with the cxecutioner; aud
thus they iiiled TO use absolutely all The pow
er God and Nature had left them of resisting
their fate, and showing that they did no, as
Seni, but only submitted to it, But it would
he rather hard TO infer from this that they as.
sented 10 their own deaths, and had no right
to utter word against the men who muir
dered them. The world is rather Of opinion,
that in oil such cases of The exercise OF dcs-
| polic power, the victim has II right TO choose
| how far aud in what way lie will resist
The old QuHkers did wisely, ms matter of
policy, in letting their chairs bc sold OF the
rOad.sdc. IL drew attention to their UTinci-
| pies, their cOuscienOnsness and their perse-
cniions. consider il hest in Boston, IN this
middle Of the nineteenth century, 10 protest
by wny of the press and the amt-slavcry
meeting. Hitherto, have found these sui
ficienily efiectual. | shall be happy to re-
ceiye any suggestions from Mr.. Mann us TO
making these forms ofprotcst more efficient,
or discovering better ones. IN the mean
| time, do not consider that avn obiiged, in
principle, TO make amy protest at all. II,
however, Mr.. Mann insists on believing that
taxes aro n thing which men IN general ure
! SO fond of paying that every individual will
he considered in love with them, unless he
absolutely eXhnusts himself in convincing
the world of the contrary, ] must leave him
TO certain old gentlemen, Grotins, Puflen-
donf aud Nallcl, who settled these theories
of government long ago.
i | should think Mr. Mann's reference to the
Connecticut dencon's Votr, with prayer en-
dorscd on it, to be n Jest, il lie hnd not men
toned il with appreciation once before when
addressing Free Soil Convention in 1851.
His notious of prayer differ from mine.
am so od-fashioned as TO think TINT 'long
prayers will never justify us in voting for h
man who 'devours,' not only widows houses,
but the widows themselves.
really canuot perceive how, on Mr.,
hlann's theory, we are TO decide what is law
in this country. Is the decision of the Su-
preme Court in the 'Prigg case law, in this
country, aud until il is changed? o, no
says Mr.. Mann, | am not bound by the de-
cisions of the Supreme Court. Congress is
n co-ordinute body, and eau make and settle
law as well MS the Supreme Court"
Very well. Congress has just enacted the
Fugitive Slave Law. Is that law until it is
repealed? o, no indeed! says Mr.. Mann
again, the Supreme Court has not yet settled
whether the slave is entitled TO jury tra
o. not. am not bound by that Fugitive
Slave Act of Congress.
by what then, is Mr. Mann, either as cili.
zen or legislator, bound 4? By his oien opin.
ion and conscience, he tells ms. OF course
there are just twenty odd millions who have
exactly the same rights as he /; aud this seems
to me n singular method of securing that
uniformity Of ido, which is necessary TO
mike n government. Practically, this is
anarchy.
II Mr.. Mann thinks l misrepresent him,
and INSERTS that he does consider himself
tThe decisions Of the Supreme Court are ofton
mere aiirmance. as in the Prigg case, Of some
law of Congress and hence this coordinate
power, Congress, is as much involved in them
as the Court itself. Such decisions rest gener-
LII. III .r T.. L..