The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-10-09

vsentery. rs fem marasmus, and IL fro N smallpox
here were, also 50 cases Of stillborn IL of prema.
ire birth, Of poisoning by stinkw eed, and Of
nicide by laadanum.
During the nineteen weeks end ng last Sunday
here were ten thousand and sixty interments in the
ity of New Orleans, Of which eight thousand one
undred and forty-three were Persons who died Of
elbow fever. Our last advic es from that Inflated
ity we're Of moro cheering character; trade was
esuning its wonted activity, many vessels were
on ing in, and little apprehension existed concern.
~ further ravages by the epidemic.
The Forsaxn and Domestic Policy OF tho Adj
NEUTRALITY-SUSPICIOUS. OF tho Cabinet
A great deal of breath has been expended on
what is termed the foreign policy OF the admin
istration, and something is occasionally said OF
it's domestic management-a word better used
to express the idea we have formed OF the Cabl-
net movements in connection with our home
affairs The truth is that. on either point,
nothing beyond generalities have fallen from
the President by which the country might
Judge of the foreign policy Of his adIninistra-
ton The inaugural address was heightened
and manly speech. 1t referred to the great
question of the day-that which elected General
Pierce to the position he occupied--in becoming
language, and in such tone and with such per-
tinent gesticulation as to convince the whole
country that at least upon the question Of
slavery he was sound to the core. This was the
only question of domestic policy which was pre-
sented in the inaugural. If Gen. Pierce re-
garded himself as elected to the high office he
occupied by the unity and force Of the demo-
cratic party alone-the old party OF banks,
tariffs and internal improvements-why was it
that in his first address that party did not so
much as receive passing notice? Why was it
that the old issues were then forgotten, and the
great sectional controversy between the North
and the South. and the settlement OF that con-
troversy on the compromises Of 1850, were the
object of his special notice and endorsement!
election and in its bearings did not affect indi-
vidual opinions and acts in this country,
why was it discussed in the inaugural with
such decided spirit and emphasis? And
why was the compromise there made o
fnalty, irrepealable-an extreme position
which can be defended only upon the ground of
both justice and necessity? The truth is appa-
rent that the President regarded the great COM
promise struggle as standing in the foreground
of causes which led to his election He knew
that the insane measures adopted by large Sec
tions OF the country having in view the disso
luton of the Union ITSELF had raised the cleo
ton Of 1852 quite out of the atmosphere of party
and rested it upon the broad question whether
the constitution of the country was or was not
the highest law which the American people
would acknowledge and enforce Both the first
address Of the President and the expression of
public sentiment upon it attest ,he truth Of this
position. There was nowhere seen or heard
the old party men recounting the scenes of ps at
triumphs and defee is nowhere was the CID
creed rehearsed-.nowhere dill the old demo-
cratic party worship ''by the light of other
days" They had received new covenant
higher destiny and nobler service was placed
before them; and in this spirit they nominated
Gen. Pierce at Baltimore. constructed plat
form on the basis Of the cons; tuition endorsing
the recent measures of compromise. and lifting
the democratic party up 10 that standard Of
national virtue and faith, they triumptantly
elected their candidate. When Gen. Pierce
came before the country to acknowledge the
honor of his nomination, and formally to ccept
the post that had been assigned him, he did so
making direct allosion to the Union ground &C.
cupied by the convention. declaring that
they were his, and as such he expressed
his entire concurrence in the proceedin
of that body. But he made no reference
to the old and musty records of party in the
United States, and in all likelihood felt no
earthly interest in them. Upon the kindred
question Of individual protection in foreign
countries General Pierce was equally explicit,
equally decided equally fortunate in his Ian
guage. He simply reiterated doctrines which
had been often urged in the American Senate;
but now that the Chief Magistrate OF q great
people repeated them. on the very threshold of
his administration, they derived an Importance
which had never before been conceded to them
This government iscomposed oiindividuals, and
at home or abroad the rights of the meanest
citizen cannot be invaded with impunity with
out destroying the beauty and the symmetry of
the political machine and essentially impairng
its perfection. The whole takes in its parts
and preserves its unity. We maintain armies
and naFies for the defence end security of
the citizan--we make war for his protection
he goes abroad beneath our flag, and carries
over all the earth national character impaired
TO him by his government. This is the theory
Of our administration, and ever has bcen and
the difference only between the past and the
present is this it is now the practice Of our
government II is no longer what is said by
the President--it is now what is done by him.
We say this question is kindred in its character
to that of the compromises of 1850; and 20 it is.
In either case ii = the enforcement of the rights
of American citize2s In the first against our
foreign enemies; tx the other against our do
nestle foes. 1t is not easy to say which is the
most to be feared, aud therefore which
a.