Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-05-28

uppiupiHUOn Dll Is presented to inc, shall
deprive the niuo thousand nine hundred aud
nlnety-nine of their lawful, equitable aud
Just dues from the government, in order to
prevent the ten-thonsandth man from getting
ills shareg This would be the highest in
Justice. he II remembered, too, that, prob
nbly, nine hundred aud ninety-nine thou
shDdls OF that one mans salnry are also dues
lor services lawfully, equiiubly aud constitu.
uonally performed; aud that there is no law
nor rule of justice which authorizes me to
sequeslralc or make rcprisals, by withhold
ing rom him years salary, due for lcgili-
nnte services because he has been guilty of
one breach Of the Constitution. NV only
course is-pay and impeach. Would to
God that could separate these small items
from the general nnss, but | cannot. BE-
cause The earth is full of sin,-slavery, war,
ldolatry, intemperance,-l might ns well at
Tempt to get off from it, aud make my nn-
nunl circuit round the sun in my own vehicle.
1t is physically impossible to pass the 0p-
preparation bills with specification and
apporionment MS 10 men aud scrvices,-itIst
as II is impossible TO pay tnx-bil in that
way,--nnd so, from the necessity of tho
case, we must appropriate money and pay
taxes IN the gross
This question is argued hy one party ms
though the whole amount of the upprOpriu-
Mons went TO pay vile panders to the Slave
Power; ms Though there were no claimants
on the government but some hnlf-dozcn
Judges aud mnrshnls aud those did nothing
bht catch aud try alleged ltgitves; whereas,
not one official net IN million of nets, nor
one cent III u million of cents, is done, or
pnid, Tor these ungodly purposes. Ii is,
repeat, IN making these appropriations, MS in
paying custom house duties or postuges;
cannot nrporliOn, or direct, or withhold; |
nllst pass aud pay the whole or nOne.-
| When have done the best can, according
10 my own opinion aud conscience my
responsibility for that case censes A week
ogo, pad live dollars to the railroad com
pany, which, last Friday, at Norwulk, killed
some sixty of my fellow. citizens aud some
OF my friends. For auglIt ] know, that
money has gone into the hands of the hom-
Iclie. Yet am ! chnrgenbe with their
deathy just os much MS nm with the ar
rest of Sims, or the unlawful oaths imposed
upon jurors who tried the alleged rescuers.
So IN regard to the mental bewildermpnt
exhibited IN that same column aud a half,
respecting obedience TO the decisions of the
Supreme Court. The rule, both of law aud
OF morals, is too plain to be mistaken 10y any
Intelligent man. have already alluded to
[ the difference between the coordinate bran
ran'ies OF the government on the one hand,
aud States and citizens on the other. The
latter ,lisobey the judgments of that court at
their peril. They disobey any law which
Congress may pass ut their peril. While
any citizens relDnins within the jurisdiction,
he must obey, or take the Consequences
All good laws should be obeyed. But If the
government lays its hands on me personally,
and commands me TO violate n divine law, I
hive hut one answer to gye,-the answer
which Uncle Tom gave TO Legree, when he
commanded him to whip woman. Uncle
TOn could work with slaves, could he
slave HIMSELF be bought and sold as slave,
because he could not help il; but when il
came to whipping an innocent person, not
all the ngonles of earth nor all the fends of
hell could torture him to do it. This wns
good Free Soilisn. Blu; suppose some
power, divine or human, had revealed TO
Uncle Tom that, by giping rOte, he could
save, or help 10 save, his fellow -bondsmen
think you, MIR. Phillips, thai you could have
ohiscaled aud stnlIlied the mind of that
saiutcd and nnriyred slave SO that lie would
not have done it!
Speaking Oh this subject, said the 'ciii-
zen is bound To obey the mandates of the
Supreme Court, 'ercfpt in cases Of conscience
MIR. Phillips retoIts that am lawyer enough
TO know that such an exception is mad
missable.' But | am morulist enough TO
know tot il is admissible; ; aud it Mr.. Phil
lips needs to he told, that even among hea-
then, the moral overridcs the legal, he ought
not to write for the newspapers. Why did
he meet my position with such a miserable
and irreligions sophism?
hope now have succeeded in bringing
the ideas which flued about, chaoticuIly,
through That column and halt INTO some
degree of logical order. At any rate, have
presented the views by which my conduct
has hitherto been governed, aud by which il
must continue TO he governed, until further
light shall he obtained / think il will be
seen 10y any man of candor, that there is in
all this, no playing fast and loose,' no eva
SION no taking refuge, now in one theory
aud now in anoIher' hut that The whole is
plain, and ut least, consistent with itself,
even il il bc not sound.
In my last letter. says Mr. Phillips, Il
snid all wish to say respecting the ballot
for women Yet he goes on with more
than half n column, to defend the same alb
horred doctrines which would egalize what
on his hypothesis, is purely and simply
wicked. lie introduces few new names,
aud gives one or two new illustrations; but
adds no new argument. The statement of u
single principle will confute the whole soph-
isiry of his reply.
Nothing can be clearer than that phys
ical, legal or moral power may he abused by
free agent; aud further, that such ability
TO abuse is not always n sufficient reason for
Withholding the power. All the powers and
faculties with which God hns endowed us
are llable TO ubuse yet they were not with
held. All the rights secured TO us by gov
ernment are liable to abuse; yet wise men
have granted them, nevertheless. But none,
except devil, could ever grant such pow
ers for The sake Of The abuse. They are
granted for the good they may effect; and ]
may add, for the great prenonderance of