The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-11-10

President has no power, he ought to have.
New York Nou. 2d-A truckman in the
employ of the Custom House has been a1mon-
ished for employing man to shoe his horses
who had expressed the opinion that the Fug-
tive Slave Law was, if not unconsttution-
al, at least injudicious. The Administration
stands pledged to put down all coalition of this
sort.
THE APPENDIX TO MR.. ANDSL wss REPORT
In our review last week, Of Mr.. Andrews's
long and valuable Report, we omitted notice
of the Appendix. This will prove Of special
interest to our Southern readers, especially to
those who have been taught to regard slave
labor staples as the basis Of the commerce of
this country. 1t contains among several docu.
ments, one on the cotton culture, in which the
writer (who, by the way, we guess is a quon-
dam Senator from Florida undertakes to show
that there can be no competition in this branch
of agriculture with the planters Of the South
Britain is soundly rated for her attempts to
encourage free labor cotton. The peculiar
institutions" Of the South are covertly vim
dicated against the assaults of Anti-Slavery
men. Labor" it is asserted, " is not degra-
ded |" in the slave States. Ingenious tables are
printed, showing the valuation of each State,
and the proportion Of wealth to each individual,
from which it appears that the people of South
Carolina State almost at stand-still in
wealth and popuation-are two-fold better off
than those OF Ohio, which has grown up in fifty
years. from wilderness to State Of two mil
lions of souls. The cunning Senator reaches
this wonderful result by rating the slaves as
property, and adding their value to that of the
real and personal estate. Of course, if they
are to be taken into the estimate, in determin-
ing the value of property in State, and the
average value to each person, they ought not
to be regarded as persons at all. But our
Southern statistician adopts different rule
He first makes the slaves property, and then
apportOns this property among them, as per-
sons, as well as among the whites that is, he
takes the four hundred thousand slaves of
South Carolina, ascertains their market value
adds that to the value of the real and personal
|
of the State, apportions the whole value to the
whole population -four hundred thousand
slaves, and three hundred and seventy five
thousand free people! On what principle is a
man to be assessed as property, and then to be
spportioned to himself as person If in the
estimate of the wealth Of the State, and the
average wealth of its inhabitants severally, the
slaves are to be regarded as property, it is OBJ
vious that they cannot be regarded as the hold
erS of property Their value, "a well as the
value of the real and personal estate, must be
divided among the free inhabitants alone, to
determine the average individual wealth. But
adherence TO this principle would have led to
30 startling a result as to expose at once its
fallacy. 1t would have made the average
wealth of the people of the slave States three
or four times greater than that of the free-a
result rather too monstrous to ask even the
most credulous to believe. Hence the notable
device of rating human beings at one and the
same time as property, and as the holders Of
themselves as property
OF course, Mr. Andrews never invented this
process; it is the offspring Of the brains of a
Southern Yankee Nor do we suppose that he
is specially responsible for some of the curious
documents, intended as defences of the slave
system which we observe in the Appendix.
Meantime, the Government, as in the case of
the PrO-Slavery papers in the Patent Office Re-
port, uses the money of the People of the United
States in propagating, North ard South, the
miserable dogmas and fallacies of the slave
holding school OF political economists
The New York Evening Post styles Caleb
Cushing's letter one of the little expedients of
little men," and adds:
Perhaps this mode of dealing with the
people may answer its purpose for Will, but
we should apprehend not. The public is a stiff.
necked and hard-mOuthed charger, and is not
to he led up and down with mantus -maker'e
thread. 1t is only little minds that resort to
petty expedients, and it is sometimes amusing
to witness their astonishment when their petty
expedients bring forth only petty results"
| New MExICo.-About ten thousand votes
were cast in the election for Delegate from this
Territory. Ex-Governor Lane and the Next
can Padre Gallego, both claim the majority of
votes--of course the conflict n.ust be settled by
the next Congress A great deal of hostility is
said to prevail between the Americans and the
natives
LAYS or QUAKERDoM-We call attention
to the advertisement, in another column, Of the
Lays of Quakerdom the first number of which
is to appear in the December number of the
Knickerbocker From what we know of the
writer, we anticipate rare treat in these
novel Lays. Look ont for them.
| POTTER COUNTY, in Pennsylvania has elect
ed its Free Democratic candidates. The Pitts
burgh Visiter says this is the fault of John s.
Mann, with his little Peoples Journal.
The following is copy of call in circula-
ton for signatures. All who approve of such
a convention will please circulate it, and send
in the names to H. M. Addison, editor of the
Cleveland Commercial
DISCIPLE ANTI-SLAvERY CoNvENTIoN.-The
undersigned, members Of various Disciple
Churches in Northern Ohio, believing that HUI
man Slavery is great social, political, and
moral evil-a gross outrage of the plainest
dictates of humanity, and utterly at variance
with the principles of Christianity, the funda-
mental one Of which requires that
"All things whatsoever ye would that men
should do to you, do ye even 50 TO them"
That It's nxiatence is greatly detrimental To