The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1853-06-07
From the Ne,o Orleans Picayune, May 20.

From the Ne,o Orleans Picayune, May 49,
international Affiliations.
The Peace Society in England, which embraces
some very distinguished and enlightened men,
seem to be very much in earnest in its efforts to
discourage wars and to cultivate all possible
means of adjusting controversies between nations
without resort to arms. 1t is very laudable and
benefcent aim, although we must confess that
we cannot see that they have made much progress,
or that in the present, however improved, temper
of the world they likely to bring about by their
exertions any remarkable change in this respect.
The London papers furnish with an account
of late conference invited by deputation from
this society with Lord Clarendon, the British Sec.
rotary of Foreign Affairs. The motive assigned
for the interview was, that as Lord Clarendon had
recently announced the tendency of negotiation
with the United States for treaty on the several
questions in dispute, it was thought suitable
occasion to urge upon him the importance of in
cooperating into that treaty general provision for
the reference of all questions which may arise be-
tween the two Governments hereafter to the arbi.
tration of an impartial third power.
Lord Clarendon was incredulous aa to the effect
of this system in the prevention of wars but prom
ised to give it some attention, and appeared to
think it could do no harm as manifestation of
the CCSlTe VI the CONTRACTING par teS TO preserve
amicable relations and their willingness to try
other means than wars for the settlement of con.
troverses, long possible. The idea is amiable
and philanthropic; but we convinced that many
years must elapse and human nature have adj.
vanced many degrees iii civilization and chris.
tanity before it can be worked out into an effec-
tive system.
The practice of submitting international oues-
tons to the arbitration of impartial third powers
has grown up or late years spontaneously, and
intricate subjects have been thereby disposed
of. The United States have particularly favored
it, and have incorporated it in some treaties which
it has negotiated that is, they have agreed to sub.
NIT certain specified questions to an umpire
They have never yet consented to place be5ond
their own CONTROL by any general agreement, the
their interests their honor. IT, in the case Of
the northeastern boundary question, they did agree
to an arbitration affecting great territorial rights
and through them high points of sovereignty the
precedent for a renewal of the experiment. but
rather discloses the ineciency of such agreements
to bind nations against their own convictions. We
had treaty with England for reference to a
third party of this question, the magnitude and
difficulty Of which were not appreciated when the
treaty was made. The umpire made his award.
but it did not settle the dispute. On the contrary,
it protracted and complicated it. 1t was reiected
and had war grown out of the dispute 1t would
have been evident that this principle of arbitration
was complete failure; and that war did not FOL
low, is not at all owing to the treaty agreement to
arbirate. The dispute was settled by direct nego-
tlation, as though no third party had ever been
called upon.
1t will be so in nine out Of ten, nav ninety.
nine out of hundred whenever the differences to
be adjusted are serious, and national feelings are
excited 30 as to create the danger of collision be-
tween the parties themselves. Whenever on the
abstract theory the lnterpostion of party really
impartial should be potent in restoring moderation
and calming the passions, just then the temper of
both ia most jealous of foreign interference, dis
posed to be suspicious of undue influence, and
most impatient of the appearance of constraint
Besides, there are sounder reasons, appealing to
judgment and proper pride, which will always rise
up against the surrender to another nation of the
decision OF any question involving points of ma
tional dignity and territory. No general agree
ment for arbitration would ever be permitted SO to
constrain the action of any government in matters
which it might deem vital, in respect either to its
territory or it's power; and the license which popu
lar governments, from their nature, take in at.
taching Importance, sometimes exaggerated, to
questions that really inferior would ma Ike such
general provisions Ineffective. After all, every
question would be submitted or not and every
decision accepted not, according to the estimate
of its Importance attached by the parties disputant
The system would therefore fast become in effect
voluntary practice OF reference, each case depend
ing upon its own particular facts Inferior mat
tiers, which are of no national consequence, may be
30 referred and decided finally; but it is not diff
cult to foresee that arbitrations between nations
would be of little effect to prevent war on any
question which the contending. governments may
think worthy OF such an appeal, On which such
an appeal may be demanded by national feeling.
Mr.. Golden and his friends, therefore, appear
to US to be over sangulne in anticipating any ex-
tensive or practical alliance by treaties among ma
tons which shall materially influence the cessa-
ton of wars among them. The growing sentiment
of the age is daily more and more against war in
the abstract, yet the popular passion for glory and
conquest is still high, the instincts of national
do ovl sc
strong, and the diversites, real and supposed, Of
national interests, the conflicts of systems, and
the absolute necessities of self defence are SO i'm
perous, that the millennial day, when all questions
OF dispute are to be settled BY austere and infalli
BILE congresses, or by perfect and impartial UNI
pres. with the consent and to the perfect satisac
ton of all parties, is far away in the future which
no prophetic eye can penetrate. But we may see
propltlous omens that the nations are growing
more and more lndisposed to go to war upon
trifng occasions, or upon any than grand occa
sions that they willing to call in mutual coun-
sci to determine, if possible, upon general princ-
pies and for the general good knotty points which
might else entail bloody and useless wars and
that the more enlightened and liberal are willing
frequently to enter into gements for the peace
ful arbitration of particular questions, of which
the magnitude is insufficient to be permitted to
disturb international relations.
These things will perhaps ripen in the course of
time into system, under circumstances which
give some hope that it will be effective, and prove
d oohu VI union among many similar nations. But
in our day we fear neither the people nor the Gov
eminent OF the United States are ready for
single treaty with any power by which they shall
agree to submit all future questions to an umpire,
and to abide by his decision, be it what it may
They may agree to submit particular questions, or
to refer constructions of parts of particular treaties
to the arbitration of dsinteresed third party but
we are not altogether sure whether an adverse de-
cision in some of these would be very patient
IL received.
lHE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AND OUR SECOND
WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN.-During the first c.
cupation of Paris by the allies in 1914, Lord We'll
lington wrote many important letters to the Home
government, part of one of which, addressed to Lord
Liverpool, refers to the proposal then made to send
him to America:
81 have already told you and Lord Bathurst that
feel no objection to going to America, though
don't promise to myself much success there. Ibe-
heve there are troops enough there for the defence
OF Canada forever, and even for the accomplish
ment OF any reasonable offensive plan that could
be formed from the Canadian frontier. am quite
sure that all the American armies OF which have
ever read would not beat out of field of battle the
troops that went from Bordeaux last summer, if