The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-01-07

nave him underrate the cost OF such an institution
do not think less than four hundred thousand dol
lars would suitably aocompl sh it-oAe hundred and
fifty Thousand for the ground and the building, aa
equal amount for the purchase of pictures and sta
tuary, and hundred thousand moro to be invested
70 meet its annual wants There are mon enough in
this city whose foru aes would not be inconvenient
y dniDished by such . contribution, who may, in
ayear or month, in the order of human life be
summoned TO surrender all they possess into she
hands of those who do not need il, or by whom it
may be uselessIy employed / believe no higher
niche remains to be filled in the temple Of slty's
fame than this--no work by which q man may mare
certainly inscrbe his name upon its loftiest pedi
ment- there to stand until the last column which
sastains it shall crumble into dust
IL Is In establishments and institutions like these
that the munihcence OF republics and republicans is
war with tho spirit of the system under which we
live and can only bring with 1t unmixed evil pub.
lie Institutions for the elevation Of industry and The
perfection Of aft-institutions ia which all can
meet the footing of equality inherent in our DO
htcal Organization-are ut once the conservative
agencies and the glory of free institutions
But 1t is time for me to return to topic to which
briefly alluded 1t the commencement of my re-
marks mean the necessity Of practical sonfor-
nifty Of the social movement to tho principles on
which the political organization il founded. be-
eve there is only one condition to be fulfilled in
order to ensure for our system Of government all
the stability Of which human institutions are cspa~
BILE 1t must be carried out in the spirit in which
1t was created Society must not set up distinctions
III, III.
habit or conventional sanctions an influence at war
with it We must not weaken what was designed
to be secure OF introduce what WAS designed to be
excluded.
And, FIRST let 1t be distinctly understood tina. the
Law must be inaexiby maintained. use the term
law in it's largest sense, not only including what
has been specifically decreed, but compromising
the general order on the preservation Of which the
invielabiity Of all public suthorisy depends The
law is the will OF the people, ally ex-
pressed Whoever arrays himself against it, ex
ceptng to procure it's repeal in the mode prescribed
by the fundamental compact, commits An act Of
treachery to the people themselves. The law is the
basis Of all popular supremacy. It ia the very isa
ture by which free government is distinguished
from despotism. To uphold it lie Of tho highest
duties which is devolved on US US freemen 1t Is
always possible that those who are entrusted with
it's execution may err in the performance of their
duty. They may employ unnecessary, arbitrary, or
even wanton severity, in enforcing it Fer all this
they may be held to rigid account But no error
in the execution impair the obligation to uphold
II. 1t must be understood, and without re5srva-
ton, that the law il to be infexibly maint sined
I'd Kindred to the inviolability of the law, is
the inviolabihty of rights OF property. Under our
system Of government life is always seoure except
from private passion, hatred and revenge, and
these the law visits with rstrbution which many
regard as incompatible with the humanity of the
age The inviolabiGty of private property rests
upon the same basis as security to life. 1t is
Of the leading objects Of all 'ocial eompasts Life,
liberty, propersy-security to those is the great
end for which mon enter into society. We
believe it to be prejudcial to the general Interest
that property shall be kept in masses by the opera
tiop Of law. We have declared that children, in
cases Of intestsey, shall inherit equally We believe
that accumulations Of wealth should not be made
permanent We have abolished entails. We believe
that the distribution OF property should not be
sOlute power Of alienation shall not be suspended
beyond tho period Of two lives in being at the crea-
tion of the state All these provisions designed
to distribute as soon as possible without disooura
uiu ind d,u1 ond ind
tons Of property, which superior aagac!ty, good
fortune, accident, has created. None Of these re.
strictions are evasions OF the rights which social
compacts are designed to secure. We may 20 fur
ther and assign limits to future accumulation or to
the investment OF the proceeds Of industry ia partio
ular objects These are questions of practical wiz
dom and policy, which may be fairly settled by re-
ference to their probable influence upon the general
interest and prosperity But any regulation which
has the effect Of rendering existing tenure inss
cure or worthless is direct violation of ono of the
great purposes for which entered into society,
and must weaken the security of liberty and lfe by
impa,ring the fundamental obliga ions BY which ali
are supported. This is question in which the many
have far deeper interest than the few. The tens
OF millions which are held by large propretors, are
as nothing in comparison with the hundreds Of mil
Lions distributed in smaller portions amongst the
great DC dy OF people The security Of all must stand
or fall together
Sd. The different members of the general society
must understand and be willing to do justice to
each other. External forms of Organization, ralcs
of political conduct, do much. But the internal
spirit which anirnstes the system and inparts its
vital powers must be IN ha-mouv with its fAer,sj
interruption or shock from the ahtagonism of the
elements Of which 1t is composed One of the
theories of our government is that all politically
equal. We have reduced tho theory to practice by
making suffrage universal. and public employments
and hdnors. sessibe TO all Let ferbear to set
up social distinctions which may practically affect,
though certainly 10 limited exGent, what political
distinctions produce In other countries. Let US
avoid, far in lies. a which tends to divide
society into casses-for oil such divisions imply d.
verAty of interests, and almost always prodaee iso
lation Social distinctions must OF necessity be, In
/ the highest degree, evanescent with US We have
neither orders Of nobility permanent estates to
sustain or perpetuate them, They rest almost ex-
| clusively upon commerc ai wealth. and they par
take Of its vicissitudes and it's instability. To
seek to t0Hud distinctions upon wealth alone, whore
accommodations OF property are so transient, is not
only vainy attempting what IS unsttainaels bat its
tendency Is to make wealth che object of pernieious
jeaousies, and thus to inilict upon sosiety great
public evil Absolute equality IN the possession Of
property, as practical condition Of life, is but the
dean Of the enthusiast Ka.ure has so pronounced
il by endoSing her children unequally But in the
enjoy mont OF the comforts OF life, and in the Of
satisfying all our necessary wants. the condition Of
men approaches much nearer to equality than ia &c
ner ally supposed We rarely consider how little is
needed where there artificial wants to dseaiet
us--how much ia required 10 circles where eonyen-
tions exactons the rule Of penditurc Misan-
Outstanding ON this suoject-enoranoe the part
OF one portion Of the community of the Objects de-
Stree and wants, Of other portions lie at the foun-
dation Of all the jealousies which exist between
those whose condition is unequal. This miaundcr
standing should be corrected-thesc jealousies re-
moved and he who, instead Of contributing 10 OBJ
jscts of such vital Importance, shall attempt so
cite In one portion Of the community prejudiess
against another, should 10 ranked among the most
aIgerous enemies Of the republic
have already spoken Of divisions into classes as
undesirable and pernieous in their tendency. They
carry With them the idea OF opposite interests.
Disco eis,iop, separate action, alienation Jealousy,
unkrdnese, opposition, hatred collision, these are
the stefe by which their progress maturity ia to
be traced in other countries Let us, then, regard
each other as members Of single association,
standing in the same relation to the 81 stem, Of
which We are = part, and having none but common
il eresx. Let him who has little properly consider
thai those who possess il take with IL burdens and