Spirit of the age. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1849-1865, 1853-11-16
@ 0 NJ M MS.
FOR TEE SPIRIT OF ruE AeE.

| again appear before your readers, Mr..
Editor, in reply to the views Of DR.. Copeland,
upon the subject of legislation, in regard to
tho sale of liquor, a vindication of which he
has written in your last issue. / can inform
my friend, that | had no Z" serious objection"
to being called young" as regards age
but, that ! quoted the word simply because
thought it had reference to the views which |
recommended and from which he differed. |
was aware of the position of my friend, in re-
lation to my recommendation, previous to
penning it and when his article appeared
thought it was written to check my recon-
mendation and in order to more effectually
do this, he used the word young" as
thought, to imply the rashness of youth and
thereby injure my recommendation in the
minds Of the aged. In the communication to
which he referred, | took the position that
the success of prohibition was paramount to
mere party considerations, and, therefore. |
g advised" that it be treated as such by the
friends of Temperance in electing members
to the General Assembly. Although we a.
gree in politics, this is the part that hurt my
friend. This, l doubt not, assisted in draw
ing out his first article. If this was the
cause, as presume it was, in part, why did
he not attack that part Of my communication
and prove me to be in error? AS he has
cunningly introduced this in his last commu-
n~ication, | would ask him to refute my ar
guments, upon this part of the subject, which
| have already advanced, were it not for the
fact that he has privately intimated to me
that he wished to close the controversy. This,
however, is left to his own option. Let that
be as it may, | shall be content. l do not
propose, as II Son of Temperance, to carry
Temperance into the " political field :" but |
do propose, as a citizen, to carry Prohibition
into the political world, should we be forced
to this alternative by the wire-working Of
political demagOgues. / deem the great
principle of Prohibition to be paramount to
party, and | feel myself religiously bound to
treat it as such in the next election. This is
what | conceive to he my duty, and | shall
perform it without fear, favor, or affection.
All evils, that hear upon the people, in
consequence of any unjust law, are necessa-
rily bound to be checked by the same author
ity that passed that law. 1t follows then,
that the evils of which the friends of PrOhib-
ition complain, are to be referred to the Legis-
lature. The question now arises, how is this
to be lone Some one will say, "let US pc
tition the Legislature upon this subject. and
in this way we will keep it out of politics."
We have tried this, but it was no go. We
were, therefore, forced to take other action.
This we have done, in Northampton, and l
am proud of it. What was that? Simply to
declare this question of Prohibition para
mount to party, and that we would treat it as
such. Is this mixing it with politics? By
no means, for we plainly say it is ABOVE it..
But to the question more Immediately at
issue between us. Upon this my friend is
for restriction, and | for prohibition or in
other words, he is for regulating an evil, and
| I'M for prohibiting it. He considers it
wrong for some to sell, and is willing to stop
them but, at the same time, he is opposed
to stopping good and orderly citizens" from
selling the stuff! He is, therefore, in favor Of
Il law to dloD "good citizens" to do wrong,
and make bad ones do right! Beautiful res
friction Trancendant republicanism I!
Let US look at restriction with another pair
of spectacles. If one man kills another and
is guilty ofmurder in the first degree, what
kind Of a law shall we have to infict the n
iotttaoaO A.sS - 1--9 .-Z-
my intelligent competitor. This is wrong,
Just like selling liquor, and, therefore, should
be restrained, not prohibited, by law, because
forsooth, some " good citizen" may be enga-
ged in it! To carry out the doctrine of my
competitor, would be to pass such laws as
this in relation to manslaughter and other
similar wrongs. In support of his position,
, my competitor has stated that persons are If
: the habit Of " trading in, and using liquor
without injury to the public interests. Herr
: we will forever disagree. There is not
store, in this State, where liquor is sold, tina
6 an injury does not come forth, as a necessar,
@ consequence. Negroes buy it indirectly,
o not directly, and are injured just as much a
,e if they bought it themselves. They give tn
money to sorry white men and they buy il
and that too from such persons as my con
petitor would term "good and orderly cit
d zens" This can be proven. just sc long a
a restrictive law is in existence, just SO Ion
II will this state of things exists. Pass an ell
\ tire prohibitory law and we will break u
o. white men US well as negroes. This is RICH
" Just and republican. This Is what. the pull
\ lie good calls for and it is what we intend
have. This kind of law is sanctioned l
4 reason, wisdom and intelligence. 1t is louC
ly called for by the drunkard as his only r
ID demption. Our negro population, humanit
90 and the social and moral well being of ma
n cry aloud for Prohibition. Woman, ST
le whose province it is to suffer most in tn
h miserable business of liquor dealing, wants
n prohibitory law. She was the first at tt
os tomb of our Saviour and the last at the eros
i. Likewise she was the first to favor our eau
r. and she will be the last to desert it.
My competitor, in his reply, has said som
IS thing about the perpetuation of the traffic
a lie speaks of tobacco as an evil that may
,e. per~petuated, and compares it with the pc
petuation of the liquor traffic. This compa
nm ison may be strikingly illustrated, by placiI
of a pigmy nine-pin by an Egyptian pyrami
". The force Of habit is not only great, but
Inv most irresistible. People are in the habit
inviting their friends to drink with them, a
,c. in this way social influence is %brOughtto be-
in in conjunction with habit, upon the perp
adj. uation of the liquor traffic whereas no su
Use influence is brought to bear in favor of tOb
co. Again, tobacco Injuries no one save
Mt person who uses it; and this injury dwind
= into utter insignifcance when compared W
his the untold evils, both temporal and etern
ice of the abominable liquor traffic. am S
/ is prised Mt such a comparison from so int
gent n source. The traffic in tobacco is
it'll at all analogous with the traffic in ard
nt. spirits. The one is a personal, the other
social, evil. The first is not a subject OF
md ~islation, the other is, as my competitor
hat admitted. Every man has the personal
rds ertv to chew tobacco, or drink liquor. |
the not for legislation against these evils. l
for q law to protect society just so far as
rte ciety is injured. The traffic in liquor is
n of evil . entire and in every instance . VIII,
our as the traffic in tobacco is not ar evil in a
cial point of view and, therefore, does
come under the head of legislation. lam
J. posed to legislating against individual Ii
ty, unless that liberty conflicts with pu
the interests. The liquor traffic conflicts '
Ill I--c-- - Cr-o