Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1853-07-23

yesterday after the regular hours Of business and al
though slight decline subsequently occurred, they
perenced at the close Of the day decided rally The
first price Of consols 97f Z whence they receded
to 97 but ultimately the operations Of some influential
buyers caused rapid reaction until they reached e8
which they closed with great hrmness From the Paris
Bourse the teegaphic quotations showed rise of one
and half per cent in the Rentes and proportionate
Improvement in railway shares and the manifesto of the
Emperor Of Russia, published in the second edition Of
The Times, being construed exhibiting desire to pre-
vent the invasion Of the prncpaes being accepted
ON rrevocable challenge the tone of the market generally
exhibited considerable revival Of confidence This feel
ing was also assisted by the impression the favor
able nature OF the forthcoming revenue returns.
FROM THE LONDON TINES OF JULY g.
The manifesto Of the Emperor of Russia on his
Of difference with the Ottoman Empire which we publish
elsewhere, was promulgated the 26th Of June only
day after orders had been dispatched to the
armies to the Pruth At the same time we learn
by Geographic despatch from Vienna dated Yesterday
that the Pruth has actually been passed by the
corps destined Tor the occupation of Waachia and at
Skouany by the corps to operate in Modava and ii Is
stated that Gen. Gortschako would arrive this day
at Bucharest The decisive step is therefore at length
taken and the hesitation hitherto shown bv the Russian
Government has given way to rapid and vigorous action
Indeed, the publication Of the manifesto is distinct
proof that the Emperor has taken his course and we
form our opinion Of his policy from his own decla
ratons.
If this manifesto is intended solely as an appeal to the
fanacism of the Emperors Subjects it may serve that
purposes for it breathes throughout the srirt of religious
intolerance and ecclesiastical domination but not word
is to be found IN it which be interpreted to establish
Of war according to the laws and usages of the
civilized Powers of Europe. Not fact is adduced on
which any such case Of be founded not prn
cipe is invoked which is not repugnan to that policy
which has hitherto been the basis the peace subsstin
between Russia and the Porte 1t starts from the as
sumption that there is identity between that church Of
which the Emperor Of Russia is the head and the ortho
DIV of fha Ea
within his domnions But this assumption is entirely
groundless as is demonstrated by the fact that the EN-
peror Of Russia is the head of the church in his dom
MONS but is not the head of the Christian churches in
the domnions of the Sultan any more than the Queen of
England who is head Of the church in this country can
claim be regarded head Of the Protestant churches
oil over the world.
But, secondly, admitting, for the sake of argument
that the holy obligations Of which the Emperor speaks
do relate to the whole Eastern Church as well as to his
peculiar branch of it, he has utterly failed to show
that the rights Of that church have been invaded
all he accuses the Porte of having perhdously broken
OATH by which is meant that the Porte having grant
ed certain frman of privileges to the Greek Church.
was induced, by the advised influence of the French
Ambassador, to revoke that frman. Such act may
have been impotc, but it was infracton of positive
right, and it constitutes claim whatever for such re-
dress the Emperor of Russia seems prepared to take
with an armed hand especially the specific grievance
complained OF with reference to the Holy Places was
actually removed by the admission of Prince Menschkof
himself before these Interior demands were put forth at
all To assert that call the by which the just
claims of Russia could be peaceaby adjusted have been
tried in vain is direct violation Of the truth for as
far the claims Of Prince Menschko were Just or even
tangible they were adjusted to his satisfaction and
with the concurrence Of our own Ambassador stThe
subbornness Of the Porte is not courteous expression
towards Power with which the Emperor Nicholas still
processes not to be at war; but in this instance what he
pleased to call the stubbornness Of the Porte is no
other than the deliberate conviction Of every statesman
in Europe and the concurrent opinion of every Power
WI has not hesit tad IN
press that conviction with energy and constancy that
does her honor
The Danubian provinces to be occupied as pledge
for the reestabishment of the rights of Russia under
any circumstances whatever. But where has Russia
shown that any of her rights have been ovrthrown She
talks Of binding the Porte to observe soemnly the nvo
Liability Of the orthodox church But how has any immu
nifty of that church been violated threatened with yo
laton? We weared by the attempt to thresh this
chaf for argument fact, when it contains neither
the nor the other and reduced, after ALL to
differences drawn altogether from the absence
Of reason But let any compare the arrogant and
utterly unfounded language of this document with the
temperate and almost submissive tone of Reschd Pachas
last note to the Russian Cabinet in to its de-
mands and it will be impossible doubt that when the
Emperor Nicholas talks OF going forth fight the
thodox faith because Turkey in her blindness and stub
oornness desires TO Cypress it, he either words with
out meaning or he contemplates actions which Of
his allegations justify.
The important consideration attached to the manifesto
is not however its effect the rest Of Europe, but
Russian Church. to whom is directly if not exclusively
addressed There lies, we fear its chief danger. To
people and priesthood like the Russian, arguments and
proofs Of public law Of small value in support Of the
traditional desire and their claims to spiritual ascendency
" With full assurance in the of the Almighty we
shall 60 forth to fight for the orthodox faith are the
words OF this manifesto which will resound through the
empire 1t is the cry Of crusade raised among people
who are still Of the age Of the crusaders 1t is appeal
to sentiments which rational Government would
cte unless is prepared to give them amount Of salts
faction which, in this instance Russia cannot command
until she has dictated terms not only to the Porte but to
every independent State in Europe We are assured by
competent witnesses that already the feelings Of the Rus
sian public inhamed that at St. Petersburgh the
Government is blamed not for its violence but for its
moderation and surprise has been expressed at the art
fees Of language m employed to temper and qualify the
published declarations Of the Government But the opin
ion Of the public in Russia is very much what the Gov
eminent allows II or wishes 1t to be, and
ceive more weighty and grievous responsibility than
that Of throwing fresh fuel on this smouldering FIRE