Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1853-02-05

exposition snd force Of argument that had imagined Il
would hardly be contested that they constituted one OF the
main articles OF our political and diplomatic creed and
extended to all contingencies which might have arisen or
may hereafter arise out of the position which we have
occupied ever since 1923, and still occupy with re-
ference to the other Powers Of this continent Yet much
to my surprise and still to my regret, find my
friend from Virginia mr. Mason arrayed ia full ar
NOR against those principles and doctrines being allowed
virtue through which they might be extended beyond
the marrow circle Of the incidents in which, it said they
originated The merits of that rather view Of the
question are well worth being tested Let MS have a
iar understanding Of its terms. In his message of De-
cemoer "a 1923, Mr. Monroe lays down the two follow
ing propositions:
First The American continents by the free and inde
pendent condition which they have assumed and maintain
are henceorth not to be considered us subjects for colo
nization by any European Power"
second The United States consider any attempt on
part OF European Powers to extend portion
Of this hemisphere as dangeroao their peace and Safely"
The negotiations brought about between this Govern
ment and that OF Russia, in consequences of the ukase
through which the Car had the of
the Northern Pacific to the exclusion Of other Pow
ers had been deemed by Mr. Monroe proper occasion
for asserting the principle involved in the first Of these
propositions But the motives Of his procninng it TO the
world foreign to those negotiations which had been
brought to close and had ended in practical recog
milton BY the Car Its reasseron in the message look
TRANSFERRED and to which the policy implied in the
second proposition had been adopted.
Now what were the circumstances that gave birth to
doctrne Was it any demonstration Of hostility on the
part of any of the European Powers against Americag
Not in the least 1t the unsettled state Of Europe
the fact that the allied Powers had thought il proper
principle satisfactory themselves to nterpose by
force in the internal c0ncerns of whom OF America
By no means but sof Spain" And why this sensibity
about nterposition the part Of European Powers
with the of Spain? We have it in the words of
Mr.. Monroe himself. He says
The question Of the which such nterposion
might be carried on The same principle was one in which ali
thaira
were even the most remote and surely
50 than the Unted States"
For the statesmen Of that day. if may be permitted
use the language Of most accomplished and able writer
on American diplomacy mr. Henry Winter Dayis,) the
question not whether the threatening cloud arose
in Europe America but whether it was likely to burst
upon u.s. But we have Mr. John Quincy Adans's assur-
that both the principles have just quoted from Mr.
Monroes message were meant to be enforced pera-
15 1886, he tells that the principle referrng to the
noncoonzaon by European Powers Of any part of this
hemisphere had first been assumed in the negotiation
with Russia that it rested upon course Of Reasoning
equally simple and conclusive, because, with the
cepton OF the existing European colonies, which it
in nowise intended disturb the two continents con-
sisted Of several sovereign and independent nations
whose territories covered their whole surface and be-
cause by this, their independent condition. the United
States enjoyed the right of commercial intercourse with
every part OF their possessions. And he goes
sorting that to attempt the establishment of colony in
such possessions would be to usurp to the exclusion Of
Others commercial intercourse which the common
possession OF ALL We see it stated also, in the
message that one of the main objects of the Panama Con-
gress to take into consideration the of max
ing eectua the assertion of principle, well
the means of resisting interference from abroad with the
domestic concerns Of the American Governments" And
should not this satisfy my friend from Virginia MR.
MASON that the import of those two principles extended
further than the circumstances that gave them birth
have still additional evidence show how strangely
mistaken he was when he thought he discovered in Mr.
Rush's Notes his mission to England convincing init
nations Of his having entertained In reference to the
question the restricted views which the honorable
Senator has expressed. In his communication to the
American Secretary of State, dated April 3d. 1929 find
the impressive remark that he is fully sensible of the
magnitude Of the subjects to be treated Of and of their
momenous bearings, present and future ages upon the
interests the welfare, and the honor Of the United
/ States"
These doctrines had originated in the principle of prox
unity, which all writers on public law admit to be the
paramount rule of nations policy with reference all
matters that endanger - safety Rufus King, while
our Minister to England in 1901, had an eve t0that
principle, when taking the alarm at the
Of Louisiana by Spain to France, he presnmes 6nse
pose his objections to let any European Power make
acquisitions this continent and to insist that Louisiana
should remain in the possession Of Span it had not to
fall into that of the United States How willingly be
quotes the unsparing of Montesquieu, who
marks that 1t is happy for trading Powers that God
has permitted Turks and Spanards to be in the world
SINCE OF all nations, they the most proper to pos
sess great empire with insignifcance." Mr. Lvings-
ton, then Minister to France is still restless
than Mr. King himself While indusriously engaged in
seeking information with reference the state Of
things he takes occasion allude to certain mschev
proceedings had, the part Of Spanish officials at
New Orleans towards citizens Of the United States and
expresses the wish that Government
may avail itself Of the preence Spain has given us,
to take possession of Louisiana at viii be best,
says he, "to with the subject in our hands,
Thus early sprung up the minds of statesmen the
Of the impending danger attaching any
enterprise through which foreign Powers might seek to
resume extend their dominion over this continent
And when the days of Mr.. Monroe came, what had
sumed but the form Of suggestion in 1901 grew up to
the dignity Of axiom And indeed sir little
whether or Mr. Monroe's sentiments on this all-im
porant subject intended to reach other than
that the occasion Of which he thought proper pro-
claim them the world They have far infused them
can dves them Of their ominous signfcancy They
deeply seated in every American heart and disodge them
thence who Besides, sir what is the Of deba.
ting whether they intended for future ages Are
they not adapted present condition! And shall
repudate them when tainted with the threats Of
Powers smartng under what they consider to be the in
| fictions Of our growing greatnessf
Sir, am against this Government favorEg any scheme
through which attempt might be made to wrest Cuba
from Spain in violation Of the strctest precepts Of the
law of nations But II were idle for disguise that
there contingencies under which it might not be pos
sble for the necessity Of laying hands it.
Why, Mr. Everett himself forbear setting forth
those circumstances which might in the future, bring
the great crisis within the pale of immediate action
How candidly does he that Administration Of
this Government, however strong in the public conf
dence in other respects could stand day under the
odum Of having entered with the gren Powers Of Eu-
rope into stipulatons through which the exigencies