The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-08-25
BY DANIEL R. eoopLoE, OF NORTH CAROLINA.
ANNALS OF CONGRESS.

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY ii, l790-Continued
Mr. Lawrence. The gentleman from South
Carolina says the petitioners are of society
not known in the laws or Constitution. Sir, in
all our acts, az we'll rs in the Constitution, we
have noticed this society; or, why is it that we
admit them to affirm, in cases where others are
called upon to swear! If we pay this attcn-
ton to them, in one instance, what good rea-
son is there for cOntemning them in another
! think the gentleman from Maryland MIR.
Stone carries his apprehensions too far when
he fears that negro property will fall in value
by the suppression OF the slave trade not that
! suppose it Immediately in the power of Con-
gress to abolish a traffic which is disgrace to
human nature but il appears to me, that if
the importation was crushed, the value Of
slave would DO increased, instead of diminished
However, considerations Of this kind have moth
ing to do with the present question Gentle
men may acqulesce in the commitment of the
memorial, without pledging themselves to sup
port its object.
Mr.. Jackson. differ much in opinion with
the gentleman last up. apprehend, if through
the interference of the General Government
the slave trade was abolished, it would evince
to the people o disposition towards a tota
emancipation and they would hold their prop
erty in jeopardy Any extraordinary attention
| OF Congress to this petition may have in some
degree, similar effect. ! would beg to ask
those, then, who are DESTROYS of freeing the
negroes, if they have funds sufficient to pay
tor them? If they have, they may come for.
ward on that business with some proprety
but if they have not, they should keep them
selves quiet, and not interfere with business
in which they are not interested They may
AZ we'll come forward and solicit Congress to
interdct the West India trade, because it is
injurious to the morals of mankind From
thence we import rum, which has n debasing
influence upon the consumer. But sir, is the
whole morality of the United States confined to
the Quakersi Are they the only people whose
feelings are to be consulted on this occasion
Is 1t to them we owe our present happiness
Was it they who formed the Constitution Did
| they, by their arms or contributions, establish
our independence | believe they were gener-
ally opposed to that measure. Why, then, on
| their application. should we iniure men who,
| at the risk Of their lives and fortunes, secured
to the community their liberty and property
| IL Congress pay any uncommon degree of at
| tcntion to thoir petition, it will furnish Just
ground of alarm to the Southern States But
why do these men set themselves up in such
particular manner against Slavery! DO they
understand the rights of mankind, and the dis.
position of Providence, better than others? II
they were to consult that book which claims
our regard, they would find that Slavery is not
only allowed, but commended Their Saviour.
who possessed more benevolence and commise.
ration than they pretend 10, has allowed Of it
and if they fully examine the subject, they will
find that Slavery has been no novel doctrine
since the days Of Cain; but be these things as
they may hope the House will order the pc.
ttlon to lie on the table, in order to prevent an
alarm to our Southern brethren.
Mr. Sedgwick. II IL was q serious question
whether the memorial should be committed or
not ! would not urge il ct this time; but that
| cannot be a question for moment, if we con-
slier our relative situation with the people A
number of men, who are certainly very respect.
able, and Of whom, a. society, it may be said
with truth that they conform their moral con.
duct 10 their religious tencts ~ much as any
people in the whole community, come forward
and tell you that you may effect two objects by
the exercise of a constitutional authority which
will give great satisfaction. On the one hand.
you may acquire revenue and, on the other,
restrain n practice productive of great evil
Now, setting aside the religious motives which
influence their application, have they not a
right as citizens, to give their opinion of public
measures For my part, do not apprehend
that any State, or any considerable number of
individuals in any State, will bo seriously
alarmed at the commitment of the petition,
from fear that Congress intend to exercise an
unconstitutional authority in order to violate
their rights. | believe there is not a wish Of
the kind entertained by any member of this
body. How can gentlemen hesitate, then, to
pay that respect to memorial which il is en-
titled to, according TO the ordinary mode of
procedure in business Why shall we defer
doing that till tomorrow, which we can do to.
day for the result, ] apprehend, will be the
same, in either case
Mr. Smith of South Carolina. The question.
apprchend il, whether we will take the petit
ton up for a second reading and not whether
It shall be committed Now, oppose this, be-
cause it is contrary to our usual practice, and
does not allow gentlemen time to consider of
the merits Of the prayer. Perhaps some gen
tlemen may think Il improper to commit it to
no large committee as has been mentioned ;
variety OF causes may be supposed, to show
that such hasty decision is improper; per-
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