The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-07-07

tnere were Otner states Wnlcn mad some slaves,
and had made no attempt or taken any step to
take them from the people There were few
slaves in New York, New Jersey, and Connec-
ticut: these States would probably oppose any
attempts to annihilate this species Of property.
He concluded, by observing that he would be
glad to leave the decision of this to the COM
mittee.--PGgeS 422, 423.
Mr.. Henry. Among ten thousand implied
powers which they may assume they may, if
we be engaged in war, liberste every one of
your slaves, if they please. And this must and
will be done by men, Il majority Of whom have
not common interest with you. They will,
therefore, have no feeling for your interests.
1t has been repeatedly said here, that the great
object of a National Government was national
defence. That power which is said to be in
tended for security and safety, may be rendered
detestable and oppressive. IL you give power
to the General Government to provide for the
general defence, the means must be common
surate to the end. All the means in the pos
session of the people must be given to the Gov
eminent which is intrusted with the public de-
fence. In this State there are 236, 600 blacks,
and there are many in several other States
but there are few or none in the Northern
States and yet if the Northern States shall
be Of opinion that our numbers are number
less, they may call forth every national re-
source. May Congress not say that erery black
man must fghtl Did we not see little Of this
last war We were not 30 haru pushed as to
| make emancipation general; but acts Of As
semhly passed, that every slave who would 20
to the army should be free Another thing
will contribute to bring this event about Sla-
| very is detested-we feel its fatal eliects-we
| deplore it with all the pity Of humanity Let
all these considerations at some future period
press with full force on the minds of Congress.
| Let that humanity, which trust will distln-
guish America, and the necessity OF national
defence-let all these things operate on their
minds; they will search that paper and see
if they have power of manumlssion. And
have they not, sir Have they not power to
provide for the general defence and welfare
May they not think that these call for the abo-
lition of Slavery? May not they pronounce
all slaves free, and will they not be warranted
by that power There is no ambiguous impl
cation or logical deduction. The paper speaks
to the point They have the power, in clear,
unequivOcal terms, and will clearly and GER
tainly exercise it AS much as deplore Sla-
very, | see that prudence forbids its abolition.
| deny that the General Government ought 10
set them free because decided majority Q: he
States have not the ties of sympathy and iel-
low feeling for those whose interest would be
affected by their emancipation. The majority
of Congress is to the North, and the slaves are
to the South. In this situation, | see "a great
deal Of the property Of the people of Virginia
in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquility
gone repeat it again, that it would rejoice
my very soul, that every one of my fellow-beings
was emancipated. AS we ought, with graft
tude, to admire that decree of heaven which
has numbered us among the free, we ought to
lament and deplore the necessity of holding our
fellowmen in bondage But is it practicable,
by any human means, to liberate them, with
out producing the most dreadful and ruinous
consequences! We ought to. possess them in
the manner we have inherited them from our
ancestors, as their manumsson is incompatible |
with the felicity of the country but we ought |
to soften, as much possible, the rigOr of their
unhappy fate. | know that in variety OF |
particular instances, the Legislature, listening |
10 complaints have admitted their emancpa-
ion. Let me not dwell on this subject. | will
'nly add, that this, as well as every other
property of the people of Virginia is in jeopardy,
nd put in the hands Of those who have no
imilarity of situation with us This is o local
natter, and can see no propriety in subject
ng it to Congress.-PGge 43l.
Gov. Randolph. That honorable gentleman
Mr. Henry and some others have insisted that
he abolition Of Slavery will result from it, and
t the same time have complained that it en-
ourages its continuation The inconsistency
rOves, in some degree, the futiIity of their ar
But if it be not conclusive to satisfy
he committee that there is no danger of en-
taking place, beg leave to refer
hem to the paper itself | hope that there is
one here who, considering the subject in the
aim light of philosophy will advance an OBJ
ecton dishonorabe to Virginia; that at the
moment they are securing the rights of their
ti2ens, an objection is started, that there is
park of hope that those unfortunate men now
leld in bondage may, by the operation of the
General Government be made free. But if |
my gentleman be terrified by this apprehen.
ion, let him read the system. | ask, and will
SIX again and again, till be answered, mot
~ defamation Where is the part that has q
endency to the abolition of Slavery? Is it the
lause which says that "the migration or i'm
'OrtatiOn of such persons as any of the States
low existing shall think proper to admit, shall
lot be prohibited by Congress prior to the year
80S!" This is an exception from the power OF
egulating commerce, and the restriction is only |
o continue till 1908. Then Congress can, by the
xercise of that power, prevent future importa.
ions; but does it affect the existing state OK
'laveryf Were it right here to mention what
,assed in convention on the occasion, | might
ell you that the Southern States-even South
'arolna herself--cOnoeived this property to be
ecure by these words believe, whatever we
nav think here, that there was not q member
f the Virginia delegation who had the small
st suspicion of the abolition of Slavery TO
o their meaning Point out the clause where
his formidable power Of emancipation Is IN
,erted. But another clause of the Constitution
proves the absurdity of the supposition. The
words of the clause are "No person held to
service or labor in one State, under the laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse-
quence of any law or regulation therein, be
from such service or labor, but shall
be delivered up on claim of the party to whom
such service or labor may be due" Every one
knows that slaves are held to service and labor.
And when authority is given to owners OF
slaves to yindcate their property, can it be
supposed they can be deprived Of it If a oiti-
zen of this State, in consequence OF this clause,
can take his runaway slave in Maryland, can
it be seriously thought that after taking him
and bringing him home he could be made
free Page 437.
Mr., Madison With respect to the amend
ments proposed by the honorable gentleman, IT
ought TO be considered how far they are good.
As far Us they are palpably and insuperably
Objectionable, they ought to be opposed One
| amendment he proposes is that any army
| which shall be necessary, shall be raised by
the consent of two-thirds Of the States. ! most
devoutly wish that there may never be an oc-
casion of having a single reg ment. There can
be no harm in declaring that standing armies
in time of peace are dangerous to liberty, and
ought to be avoided, as far rs it may be con-
sistent with the protection of the community
But when we come to say that the national 80
curity shall depend not on majority of the
| people Of America, but that it may be frustra'
ted by less than one,third of the people OF
America, ask if this be a safe or proper mode