The Belmont chronicle, and farmers, mechanics and manufacturers advocate. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1848-1855, 1853-04-15
ST. CLlIRSVILLE, OHIO, FRIDlY, APRIL Is, 1853.

i tWenty-nVe' Inc luea vi geltlng any Valui
n BILE information for the guidance of Congres
r, in this strange way, cannot of course be s,
l. riously entertained by one so eminenlly prat
r tical as the honorable mover. Without il
J. tending any disrespect 10 the Senator, hav
il to say | consider his proposition a mere eva
o sion of the question before us. | think
S would be better to reject the bill at once, tha
/ to adopt measure SO utterly futile and im
e practicable. understand him TO avow, wit
e a commendabe frankness, that his object
t to defeut the bill; but think it would be NOR
= manly and more statesmanlike to defeat it b.
+ direct and positive negotiation, rather thai
! by substitution which on its face amount
: to nothing and can come to nothing.
Without dwelling any further on the sub
sttute which has been offered by the honora
Bile and very worthy Senator from Pennsyl
: vana, proceed to say that there are three
different methods which can be adopted, tC
provide for the construction Of this work. The
first is to make it exclusively a Government
work, to be executed by the national Executive
in conformity with the directions oc Congress
and at the proper cost of national Treasury
1t is believed that great advantages would at.
tend this plan, provided the contract system
be adopted, and the contractors be compensa
ted in part out of the public domain. The
contract system would, in my judgment, be
indispensable to a proper economy. If itwere
executed after the fashion of the Cumberland
road do not hesitate to say it would cost
three or four times as much as it ought to
cost. But by letting the road out in sections
to the lowest bidders, suppose the outlay
could be brought within reasonable limits and
would not greatly exceed the cost of roads
constructed by private enterprise and capital
in various parts of the country. II, then, we
were to add compensation in part from the
public domain, in the usual manner, the re-
QUESTIONS on the Treasury would be reduced
so low that they could be promptly met with
out series inconvenience to any branch of the
public service. But this scheme is not now
before US, and therefore | need not dwell on
il further.
A second method would be to make the con-
struction OF the road exclusively a private un-
dertaking, and to put the work into the hands
of such citizens as may be disposed to furnish
the requisite capital, and would execute the
work ON the most favorable terms for the pub
lie; leaving it to their own sagacity and sense
Of interest to fix its ternni sad general
course, together with all the details of locs-
ton, making them such compensation in land,
or money, or both, US may be deemed adequate,
just, and equitable. 1t is safe to say that
whatever would be best for tho stockholders
in respect to the location and general course
of the road, would be quite likely, nay moral
ly certain, to accord with the public interests.
The sagacity and shrewdness of private en-
terprse would be no unsafe arbiter of ques-
tons which it might be difficult to settle in
the two Houses of Congress.
The third method is the one which we have
before us; it is the intermediate method,
where governmental control and capital is
combined to some extent with individual con-
troll and capital. The Government is to fix
the termin Of the road, and its general course
throughout, and the details of location and
execution OF the work is to be confided to such
citizens as may be disposed to furnish the
capital requisite for the consummaton of this
great enterprise. | need not, Mr.. President,
enter into comparison of these three meth
ods. The honorable committee have seen fit
to adopt the last, and can see no superior adj
vantages in either of the two former to in
duce me to reject the latter. therefore have
made up my mind to support it.
But there are some objections which have
been made to this plan, which | wish to no.
tice briefly. They have been examined, and
as humbly conceive, refuted with signal a.
bilty by my honorable and excellen, friend,
the Senator from Tennessee, Mr.. BGLL,]
who has just resumed his seat.
1t has been asserted by honorable Senators,
and among others the honorable Senator from
South Carolina, Mr.. BUTLER,l to whose o.
pinons have ever been disposed to listen
with Difference and respect, that this bill pro-
poses to confer on the Executive, or the chief
of the incoming Administrations power which
is unprecedented in the history of the coun-
try. fully admit the extent and magnitude
of the power proposed to be conferred. To
fix the termni of this road, and to lay down
or establish its general course, is to decide
questions which deeply concern the welfare
of the whole country; and yet | cannot see
how we can do better than to place the dis
position OF these questions in the hands of the
Executive. think we can do SO, under the
circumstances of the case, with safety and
propriety.
am apprehensive, Mr.. President, that
shall be obliged to pay poor compliment to
the two Houses of Congress, for | am con-
strained to say, as the result of many years
observation, that have as much confidence
in the imparta!ity, sound discretion, aud high
sense of patriotism and duty, of the President
elect-nay, good deal more-than have in
the collective judgment and wisdom of the
two Houses of Congress am not among
those who share the responsibility of his ele-
vaton to the Presidency. supported, with
whatever of effort WAS capable, another cit
izen, who had rendered his country services
such as no man now living can boast Of, and
who, thought by his great experience, his
generous and patriotic course, his unspotted
life, aud his transcendent abilities, was enti-
tied 10 fill the chief executive office. But my
wishes, my opinions, and my efforts, were
overruled, and, like good citizen, cheer
fully acqucsce in the result. The President
elect has received a high expression of the
rnn6hnncn of his cnuutrvmen Tho Nnrth