The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-11-24


who have trusted their debtors upon the faith
Of this visible property, will be defrauded If
Justice demands the emancipation of the slave,
she also, under these circumstances, seems to
plead for the owner and for his creditor The
claims of nature, it will be said, are stronger
than those which arise from social institutions
only. | admit it; but nature also dictates to
US 10 provide for our ogn safety and authorizes
all necessary measures for that purpose. And
we have shown that our own security nay our
very existence, might be endangered by the
hasty adoption OF any measure for the 'mme.
date relief of the trkOis of this unhappy race.
Must we, then quit the subject, in despair OF
the success of any pro ject for the amendment
Of their as well rs our own condition! think
not. Strenuously Gs feel my mind opposed to
a simultaneous emancipation, for the reasons
already mentioned, the abolition Of Slavery in
the United States, and especially in that State
to which | am attached by every tie that ma
ture and society form, is non my first and
probably will be my last expiring wish.
But here let inc avoid the imputation of in
consistency, by observing that the abolition Of
Slavery may be effected without the emancipd-
ton OF single slave; without depriving any
man Of the property which he possesses and
without defrauding a creditor who has trusted
him on the faith of that property. The exper-
iment in that mode las already been begun in
some of our sister States. Psansylvans under
the auspices of the immortal Franklin, (79) be-
| gun the work Of gradual abolition of Slavery
IN the year 1880, By enlisting nature herself on
| the side Of humanity. Connecticut followed
the example four years after. 1907 New York
very lately made an essay which miscarred
by a very inconsdcrabe majority. MIR Jeffer-
SON informs us that the committee Of revisOrs,
of which he was a member had prepared a
bill for the emancipation Of all slaves born al.
ter the passing that act. This is conformable
to the Pennsylvania and Connecticut laws.
Why the measure was not brought forward in
the General Assembly, | have never heard
possibly because objections were foreseen to that
part of the bill which relates to the disposal Of
the blacks after they had attained a certain
age. (Sl) 1t certainly seems liable TO many,
both rs to the policy and the practicablity OF
it. To establish such colony in the territory
of the United States would probably lay the
foundation of intestine wars, which would ter
inmate only 10 Their extirpation or final expul- /.
sion. To attempt it in any other quarter of /
the globe would lie attended with the utmost /
cruelty to the colonists themselves and the de-
structon of their whole race. If the plan were |
at this moment in operation, it would require |
the annual exportaiSn of 1000 persons. This
requisite number must for series of years, be
considerably increased in order to keep pace
with the increasing population of those people.
In twenty years it would amount to upwards I
Of twenty thousand persons, which is near half
the number which are now supposed to be an
nually exported from Africa. Where would
fund to support this expense be found! Five
times the present revenue of the State would
barely defray the charge OF their passage
Where provisions for their support after their
arrival! Where those necessaries which must
preserve them from pershing? Where ter
ritory sufficient to support them! Or, where
could they be received as friends, and not as
INVADERS To colonize them in the United
States might seem less difficult If the terri
tory to be assigned them were beyond the set.
Elements Of the whites, would they not be put
upon forlorn hope against the Indians! (S2)
WoulS not the expense of transporting them
thither and supporting them at least for the
first and second years be also far beyond the
revenues and abilities of the State The cx-
pense attending small army in that country
hath been found enormous. To transport as
many colonists annually, as we have shown
were necessary 10 eradicate the evil would
probably require five times as much money as
the support of such an army But the expense
would not stop there; they must be assisted
and supported at least for another year after
their arrival in their new settlements Suppose
them arrived. llterste and ignorant as they
are, is it probable that they would be capable
of instituting such government in their new
colony as would be necessary for their own in
ternal happiness, or TO secure them from de-
struction from without European emigrants,
from whatever country they arrive, have been
accustomed to the restraint of laws, and to re-
spect for Government These people, accus-
toned to be ruled with rod of iron, will not
easily submit to milder restraints They would
become hordes of vagabonds robbers and MUIR
derers. Without the aids of an enlightened
policy, morality, or religion, what else could
be expected from their still savage state and
debased condition. But why not retain and
the blacks into the Stqte?n This
question has been well answered by Mr.. Jeffer-
son; 1881 and who is there so free from preiu-
dces among us as candidly to declare that he
has none against such measure! The recent
scenes transacted in the French colonies in the
w est Indies, are enough to make one shudder
with the apprehension Of realizing similar ca
lamities in this country Such probably would
be the event of an attempt to smother those
prtJuuICcS WHICH nave Dcen CHcrlsneu tOr q |
period of almost two centuries.
Many persons, who regret domestic Slavery
contend that, in abolishing it. we must also
abolish that scion from it, which have denom-
mated cirH Slavery That there must be no
distinction of rights; that the descendants of
Africans, as men, have an equal claim to all
civil rights as the descendants of Europeans
and upon being delivered from the yoke of
bondage have right to be admitted to all the
privileges of citizen. But have not men,
when they enter into state of society, right |
to admit, or exclude, any description OF persons,
as they think proper If it be true, as Mr.. |
Jefferson seems to suppose, that the Africans |
are really an inferior race of mankind, (S4) |
will not sound policy advise their exclusion from |
society in which they have not yet been ad |
mitted to participate in civil rights; and even
to guard against such admission at any future
period, since it may eventually deprcciate the
whole national character? And if prejudces
have taken such deep root in our minds az to
render 1t impossible to eradicate this opinion,
ought not so general an error if it be one, to be
respected! Shall we not relieve the necessities
of the naked, diseased beggar, unless we will
invite him to a scat at our table! nor afford
him shelter from the inclemencies of the night
air, unless we admit him also to share our bad
To deny that VIC ought to abolish Slavery, with
ont incorporating the negroes into the State
and admitting them to full participation of
oil our civil and social rights, appears to me
to rest upon similar foundation. The exper-
iment so far as it has been already made among
US, proves that the emancipated blacks are not
ambitious of civil rights. To prevent the gen.
Grafton Of such an ambition, appears to comport
with sound policy for, if it should ever rear
its head it, partsans as well as its opponents,
will be enlisted by nature herself and always
ranged in formidable array against each 9TH
er. s5) We must therefore endeavor to find
some middle course, between the tyrannical
and iniquitous policy which holds so many hu-
man creatures in state of grievous bondage
and that which would turn loose numerous,
starving and epraQed banditu upon the limo