The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-02-24

the tyranncal King Of Naples has been very uneasy
lest the heir of Joachim Murat should strive to do in
italy what his cousin has succeeded in accomplish
ing in France. Fear of the Bonapartes is strong in
the bosom of King Bomba, and has driven him for
some time past TO seek possession of the Pope's
pIincpality Of Benevento lest that spot should form
a refuge for intrigues and conspiraces against his
throne Only yesterday the Debdts said -
The King of Naples insists more than upon the
conclusion OF the negotiations with the Pope about the
cesson Of the prne palty of Benevento There
mics Of the Bourbon dynasty in Italy and the King fears
that Beneyento may become the foyer of conspiracy;
hence his desire to possess himself OF this territory
Young Murat doubtless has his eye on Naples, and
men on each side Of the Alps now keenly remember
how the empire OF France was once linked to the
kingdom of Italy. The real and active powers now
in the latter country are welded by the Austrans on
the one hand, and the French who hold Rome, the
other-the Italians feeling themselves to be mean
while not only conquered but a deeply suf-
fering race. In estimating their true position, we
must not forget that instructions are not products
of well governed States. The very sign of revolt is
prinad fQcte proof of tyranny in the ruers-a trusm
Just in course of painful illustration. The power
of Mazzini-his co-operation with Kossuth- and the
fact that the manifestoes of the Italian and Hunga-
rian leaders were distributed and posted up under
the very noses of the Austrian garrison of Milan de-
monstrate the existence Of a widespread spirit of
disafecton. The movers in this affair avow their
reliance upon the present union of Mazzini and
Kossuth to raise what they speak Of ~ two wings
of an insurgent force against their common foe
Austria; the acting in Italy the other in Hun
gary. The belief seems to be, that if Milan could
hold out against the Austrians for q few days the
whole peninsula might join in the movement. MAJ
Zini left England more than month ago, and the
friends of Italian independence remember hopefully
his talents his Judgment, and his frequent successes,
and doubtless pray that the present attempt may
succeed. Kossuth, from q distance, speaks to the
Hungarian soldiers in the Austrian service with as
much confidence in their obedience to his COM
mands as though he still held Comorn and was die
tator. This tone of confidence was probably well
considered before it was decided on, and may be
well adapted for the countries and the purposes IN
view but those who but spectators of this unex
pected drama will hesitate before they recognise
any proof OF success in one early tone OF confidence.
Oppressed, sangune, clever and brave the Italians
undoubtedly are but the quarrel they have in hand
is one in which they stand against fearful odds.
Wide spread sympathy will be theirs, but SYM
pathy is NOT cannon Austria has sent large
army to watch the Montenegro fight, and it
may be-to take part in it. She has dangers also
on the side of Hungary and is far from prosperous
on the Bourse. These things are al i'll favor Of
the Italians. But then she has at her side
the great despot OF all-Rllssia, only too ready
to give help-hereafter to be paid for; and
doubtless, other neighbors would not hesitate to
join her. if need be- in the task Of subdung revolt,
which, if at all successful, might spread into Ger.
many with dangerous rapidity Could France stand
still whilst any such work was going on? Would
Piedmont be secure if Italy were embroiled? These
and other questions naturally arise out of the
pcation which must ensue, should the insurrection
III,
very existence for single day shows how wel.found
ed Mazzinis declaration is, that things as they now
are rest upon mere crust below which Is stream
Of burning lava. To this stream every Austrian
dungeons Of Lombardy or of Naples, adds fresh
fre-burning it may be out Of sight for while but
certain in the end to prove ts existence by insurrec
ton, with all its attendant horrors and dsmay.
Anticipated Collision In the United States
The Slavery Question.
from the London Times of Feb. TO-
The slave institutions of the United States seem
tending with marked fatality to violent result
Every mail brings intelligence Of some new outbreak
created by the operation OF the Fugitive Slave law,
and it appears scarcely possible that this measure
should ever be efectualy enforced. On the 2Sth of
last month we published an apologize explanation
Of this law from the pen of sensible American, and
we have since given insertion to communication of
Lord Shaftesbury's on the other side. Both these
writer's in our opinion, maintained their own propo-
sitons successfully; but the difference between them
can only be estimated by reference to considerations
omitted from the argument A few words will put
the English reader in possession of the case as it
It now stands, menacing with disruption and con-
fusion the whole territory Of the Union.
When the North American colonies asserted their
independence slavery existed among them, as it did
at the same time, and indeed long afterwards, in
other dependencies OF the British empire. The
Americans, in point OF fact, had the advantage Of
this country in humanity and enlightenment for
slave institutions were already denounced by many
of them, at period when agitation on the subject
had as yet arisen among ourselves BY the result OF
the all the colonies became free, and it was in
substituting form of State government for that
which had been demolished that the sagacious Amer
leans OF those days devised the scheme Of conteder
alton, converting thirteen independent States in.
TO a single Union. Such coalition could not, OF
course, take place without some reciprocal con.
cessions, and one of the stpulations then
made by the free states in favor of the slave States
was, that runaway laves should be surrendered. At
$aI
difficulty disturbances but, on certain trial. it
determined that, the.orignal law formed part
OF the federal constitution, it could be enforced only
by federal oiicers-that is to say by officers repre-
senting the supreme government, and not by the
officers of any particular State. As the duties how
ever, OF the supreme government in America are not
numerous, its local representatives are proportion
ately few, and two or three officers only are
to &c found even in the largest States. The con-
sequence, therefore, was, that the law became
virtually Intellectual for want Of an executive.
The federal staff OF the district was too short
handed for the capture aud surrender Of the
fugitives, and il was in aid Of the machinery thus
found to be defective that the new Fugitive Slave
law, so termed was passed the other day. AS a
general conclusion the reader may understand that
the legislation in question involved no novelty at all.
It's spirit was simply that of the original c0nStitu-
ton which called the Union into being. 1t had
always been enacted ana determined that slaves
escaping 10 free States should be given up, and the
new law did no more than give effect to old proyi-
This is the case Of the Shareholders and OF the party
who may be called constitutionasts that is 10 say
who, without reference TO their private feelings sup
port the shareholders in the rights secured to them
w the constitution. As a simple Of law, plain
inoontestabe, and not without certain show Of
justice il cannot be impugned,
on the other hand, though the opponents Of the
Observance have on thersde no law at AL they have
a principle for which they claim priority over all
law whatever. In all Tree countries, and in those
most which are the freest, it has invariably been
maintained that certain instructive conceptions OF
right and reason may take forcible precedence Of
statute obligations. II il to this understanding, in
tact and TO its exempfcltioa at proper seasons.
that political freedom and religious liberty arc d.
rsctly dGc. If our ancestors had not proceeded on
such convictions, we should never have had PrOtes
tant Church OF constitutional monarchy; and, 10
use a more pointed Illustration, we may say that
il al Americans had passively yielded to exist.
ing ordinances that obedience which i claim.
Ell for the Fugitive Slave law, there would never
have been any United States at all. The Ameri'