The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-07-14

| snof JooSonsVA MY uiNi"i~yi
which may by any chance arise between tn
two Governments, and to array national preJu
dice effectively for the support of Slavery-ex
tension projects which the Southern propa
gaudists entertain for future development an'
consummation.
Emancipation in Cuba, if endeavored or 81
fected, is to be charged upon English interior
ence, though it may be compelled blythe policy
or necessities of the Spanish Government anc
provoked by our own fllibustering man@uvre'
for the annexation of the island. The right O
every people to settle and determine their OWE
domestic institutions and internal policy, is toe
clear to be impeached; but if an act in perfect
consonance with this law of national independ
ence can only be dsxterously tainted with tht
suspicion of foreign Interference in American
s9is.i,rs, tnen the Monroe doctrine and the pride
and interest of this great Republic can Dc
plausibly and effectively aroused against 1t
And, best of all, the advance of free instltu'
tons on this continent-which is as much q
virtue on this side of the Atlantic as sympathy
and aid to the advance of free institutions on
the other side is crime with us-will serve
for battle-cry through the nation, whenever
one more stride is to be taken in the extension
of the Southern system over all that portion OF
the Western hemisphere that lies open to Its
designs.
The Declaration of Independence charges
George the Third with "every act that may
define q tyrantn In the late war-which,
however, dates forty years ago--the same reign
maintained its old character. The American
people entertain but one opinion of the temper
and designs which, during these two wars, and
the interval between them, the British Govern
ment entertained towards US and the Union,
in the confidence that we never forget and
never learn anything calculates upon our ira
ditional enmity for every villanous enterprise
in which malignity can make use of ignorance
IL Spain threatens to liberate her Cuban
slaves, though driven to it by fear of the plots
of Southern marauders, or induced to it by the
persuasion of its wisdom and justice, the trick
is to charge it upon English interference, and
call upon the country to maintain the doctrine
of non-intervention in American affairs by for
eign Powers The proof Of not the fact, but
the suspicion, is in the history of our two wars
the reception of Mrs Stowe, and the feeding OF
the starving fugitives from Southern bondage,
who find their way into the British dominions
or in that other fact that Great Britain did,
some time ago, set free the slaves Of her own
West Indian islands This is conclusive of her
hatred to republicanism, especially the repub-
licanism of the United States. The abolition
of Slavery by the Northern States of this Union
did not prove any such hostility to republican
ism neither did similar act by Colombia
Mexico, and France in the day when they es-
tablished republican institutions for their own
government; but if Great Britain, within her
own provinces, or any other Government which
she can possibly help or hinder in the like pro-
cess, undertakes it. according to the Union,
the fact proves cher desire, her passion, to pre-
vent the advance of free institutions on this
continent at every hazard even if war should
be the final consequence of her policy"
1t is curious exercise for an honest mans
intellect to disentangle the argument by which
such thinkers reach their conclusions. For in
stance, How does the Union arrive at the idea
that it is inconsistent with the fraternal rela-
tons of the two countries for the private citi.
zens of one of them to feed and clothe the fu-
gitives of the other? We shelter the political
exiles of Great Britain, noe welcome all who
fly from her oppression and the legal punish
ment of their resistance to the law which holds
them to service and allegiance; the Turk did
the same thing handsomely for the Austrian
fugitives Kossuth and Meagher are two very
fair cases. But if an Englishman or few
thousands of them give little bread and a
word of comfort to our refugees, it is a mani
fest hostility to, not only our Government but
to the advance of free institutions The Union
evidently thinks through the framework o
the fugitive slave laws based upon the consti
tutional Compromise. According to them ant
to their judicial exposition, feeding the hungr.
and helping the hunted on their way is
crime; but, at the utmost, it is only the viola
ton of contract, and is therefore only an Of
fence when done by one Of the parties to tina
contract. All the rest of the world is free
nobody is enslaved by it but the negroes AM
the free people Of the United States Charity
humanity, and hospitality, are not offence
against the law Of nature, nations, or Of God
but only against the fugitive slave laws Of thes
States. An eye open to the distinction woul
see the difference.
And the admiration of a novel and of II
authoress in which the shareholders are as dee
and decided as the Exeter Hall philanthropist
themselves is put down for another proof Q
English aversion to republicanism. Brains ca
hardly be concerned in such blunder as thi
1t ia due to that blindness of heart which put
out the eyes of the understanding.
We do not conclude that such absurdities a
these are wholly due to moral dishonesty, be
cause we are aware intellectual integrity give
way at last when men persevere in evil, o
when they abandon truth and right for thei
supposed impracticability and falseness Q
reasoning grows with the habit of guilty feel
ing We have no conadsnoe in the soundnes
of any mans mind who sells himself to do evil
and we are therefore not astonished at the 81
parent frankness and the air Of conviction wit
which wrong-doers tell and defend their LEI
But we have, nevertheless no doubt that a.
this confusion of thought and classification @
facts is purposely conglomerated to serve sir
lister purpose which is held steadily in view.
There is shuttle in the thing, too, that
noteworthy. The Union holds itself out ger
orally as the organ of the Administration, an
the Administration permits, at least, the publ
to suppose that it is 30 but the management
| of the connection is so amb dexterous that tn