The miners' express. (Dubuque, Iowa) 1849-1854, 1853-12-28
From the London I
From the London Times, of Nov. %.
EUROPEAN ALLIANCE AGAINST RUS
SlA-ENGLAND APPEALS TO AUS
YRIA AND PRUSSIA


the negotiations for the restoration Of peace
tpe East by The united exertions Of Europe,
ye can excite no surprise that the propositions III
n, reached Ct nsta iinople about the 9Th Of Nc
eb was declined ty the Turkish Government, Al
,c eventually withdrawn by the British and Fren
!, ENJOYS. The Turks were at that nome
flushed by the first int lig'nce Of Success, a,
If subsequent events have probably no, dininish
:, : their ardor for the war. If the Porte is to q.
: eide on the course to be pursued by the leadir
governments Of Europe, her policy and inter
lions are to carry on the war with vigor, ar
>. invoIe every other State in crus de again
- Russia, if she can. But before We can give o,
assent to SO sweeping declaration, we mu
Z be allowed to consider the positive interests
:, other countries besides the East of Europe, an
e we must remind some Of our contemporaries thu
, she object OF the maratirne powers in sendin
their fleets to the Bosphorus was not to Civ
3 this war European character, but on The con
5 trary, to support such negotiations as mgi
1 terminate it altogether. But as we have NOR
than once observed, it is not from the parie
principally engaged in this contest that muc
assistance in the work of peace can be expected
on The contrary, they are the chief obstacles +,
pacification. Peace is to be restored, if at al
by the combir ed influence ofthose powers an
interests which are deeply concerned il
the maintainance ofpuhlic tranquility ard pub
lie law than in the issue ofthe Turco- Russa
quarrel. The combined s9uadrons of Englan,
aud France may be prepared in the last resOr
to make an armed demonstration in the BacI
/ Sea; but it any effect can still be produced b,
the mediation of neutral powers, it must be will
the assent of the German States supported b,
a general resolution to uphold their commoI
award
| We have no reason to believe, in spite O
/ l. 4
contrary that Count Buol and NJ. de Mantenffe
! are insensible TO the mpmentous duties of the
respective positions, nor is their any ground fo
the surmise that those ministers are likely to be
superseded at Vienna and Befin BY statesmen
more plant to the influence of Russia. The
Cabinets 10 which they belong have never at
tempted 10 pasliate the conduct of Russia
They have, on the contrary, loudly condemned
1t Tor whatever its consequences might be in
the East, it was clear that in the West the prin-
cipal dangers and evils Of general war mus,
fall on their own territories. The question which
it is most vital for them to decide il what course
| their own security compels them to pursue
and on that point we shall beg leave to Offer
some further considerations If their object be
the maintainance Of peace, If their finances are
embarrassed, it they are haunted by the dresd
of revolution, they are 'und by every consid.
Grafton OF policy and prudence, To make common
cause with France and En- -.land in bringing this
war TO close, By firm resistance 10 the pre-
tensi'ns OF Russia, and an equitable consdera-
fi"n of the rights Of the Pcrte.
! The French and English governments acting
| IN concert with Austria and Prussia, could Ger
| tain.y have no disposition 10 revolution ze their
dominions or Ia weaken the au hority and
power they might employ in defence Of the
common cause. The revolutionary party in
Europe, Of which NJ. Kossuth is one of the or
gans. hopes to turn this advantage, because il
already Identifies Austria with the Russian
government, and consequently directs against
linngaV and Italy that hostility which Russia
has provoked Can there be more palpabls
Rrouf TO Austria of The fate that awaits her fshs
wavers now The revolution threatens her il
| proportion she is identified with the policy o
| Russia, and as she recedes from the alliance o
England and France In that case she is O ,cr
to every form OF internal insur ec,ion and ex'cr
nal war.
/ The empire would be conyuIse6 by shock
snch as it has not yet felt, and aussa, far from
being able 10 come 10 its assistance, would re.
4 quirc all the forces she can muster TO defend
| herself alun. the vast frontier open to her as
sai!an's Let Austria commit the cxtravagan,
and fatal error ot aiiying II 'rse't. TO Rassa on
this questi' n, and besides the dishonor Of sup
| porting cause che has already condemned, ant
of abandoning to her northern neighbor III,
Lower Danube, she infallibly draws down or
herself the double curse of revolution and war
and will pay the penalty OF an aggression she
never approved That is the step her bitteres
enemies arden,ly desire her 10 take, as they
| 'oresee it would deliver her into their hands, fo
! the barrier hitherto placed by Russia to thei,
designs is already shaken by the probability
that her available strength will be required else
| where.
| Nor 10 the condition of Prussia much better
There, at least public opinion counts for some
thing, and we cannot conceive it to be in the
power of the Court Of Berlin to lend the sup
port of the German people to Russia in such ;
war as she has provoked. Several writer's is
the German Press have continued throughout
the summer and autumn to vent on the Govern
ment of this country torrent of vulgar abns,
because it did not exhibit oil the alaerity the,
required to attack the Russians and cut the Cor
dian knot of this eastern question. Their elo.
quence would have been better employed a
home, for it Prussia were already to assume the
position WHICH the occasion requires, in con
junction with France and England, her decision
| would alone suffice to render the prolpngatiol
of the war impossible. But If she stands aloo
she relinquishes the part of great Power, ant
leaves the interest Of the German people in THU
great question without champion or defen
der.
Austria and Prussia, it is said, may take re
fuge in declaration of neutrality. Ii that b.
their course, they do all they can to favor tn
designs of Russia, underhand, without havm
the courage to declare in her favor, and by de-
clining TO throw their whole weight on the sill
ofyrace they enormously augment the chanc
and danger of general war. Al snch mo-
inent in the affairs OF Europe, a declaration o
neutrality would be not only the least h mora
, BILE, but the most imprudent course they coul
pursue Tor the meditation which might be in,
posed on the belligerefts by the authorities Z
the four Powers will probably require more &C
tive measures on the part Of England and Franc
alone. Suppose the danger had come iror
another quarter, and that the Emperor Loui
Napoleon instead Of the Emperor Nicholas ha
given the signal of war by gross infroction {
public law, and by the invasion OF territor
not his own should we not have heard that In
} fate OF Europe depended on The intimate alena
I and joint measures nf the four other Powers
that they were bound TO combine against th
enemy OF the general peace, and that their uni
ted strength was the only barrier to the arnbitio
OF France. What woule the Continental State
have sa ID if England had taken thst oppor,uni
to declare her neutrality? What would the
say hereafter If England, following their exau
pie, shoald in the event Of such an occurrence
withhold her assistance and them TO their fate
: They woule say that England was the clandes
tine ally Of an aggresson, and that by neglectin
to play her part she placed the interests of tn
whole world in jeopardy. Such would be ii,
consequences OF the system of German neutra
ity. The concert of the great Powers, by whc
$" maEy important questions have been &C.
= fully adjusted, would be at an end. Euror
E would be broken up into separate alliances an
fresh questions would speedily be raised, whe
that authority which is the sanction ofexisiin
: treaties had ceased to protect them. By ,hes
. means, even the system Of neutrality would b
destroyed, and ere long the German Powe
would find themselves involved in warfare. an
/; exposed to all the peculiar dangers to whic
their present social and political condition reu
der then! obnoxious
n These considerations age doubtless familiar
q the laeding statesmen Of Germany, ard the
cannot but perceive that firm and temporal
union with the Western Powers is the sure
course to preserve peace, to protect pu5lic en-
> gagements, and to identify the leading States
Europe with that conservative cause which
v equally opposed to revolution and war. Ir the
/ swerve from that course, they may depen
upon it that neutrality will not protect the