Washington sentinel. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1853-1855, 1853-11-13
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ted States Commissioner 10 the copy of the adj
dress OF the representatives OF the British and
French governments, which address was sent him
by the Minister OF Foreign Relations:
UNITED STATES COMMISSION,
Honolulu, September g. 1853.
SIR have the honor of receiving your com
munication of this morning, in which you say II
was resolved by the king in council, on the first
day of the month, that you should pass to me, off
! ciay, copy of the joint address 10 his Majesty
by the representatives OF Great Britain and France
made on that day, which you have done by enclos-
ing copy, No. IL, of the Polynesiaa, published
4 this morning.
| My thanks are due TO the king and council for
/ taking immediate measures to apprize me officially
Of the exacts contents offhe address, which | per-
ceive demonstrates against the extraordinary
| course adopted by some American merchants,
landed propretors, and other citizens ofthe United
1 States, to induce the king TO ALLEVIATE his sover
eighty and the independence Of the islands by i'm
| mediate negotiation for annexation TO the United
States
You are aware that the government Of the Uni
ted States has never made any propositions to his
Majestys government TO annex the islands, though
the matter has undoubtedly engaged the attention
both Of citizens ofthe United States and of subjects
Of The king. To me il is not surprising that the
i ssmerchants and landed propretors," whether
| American or others, should perceive great com
mercial advantages in such a connexon, consider
ing that the principal part of the commerce of the
| islands is with the United States, and that the
| islands must look almost exclusively 10 the Pa
| cifc coast OF the United States for market for
! their products and the means Of paying for their
/ heavy imports. l perceive, therefore, nothing
1 very extraordinary in the project demonstrated
4 against. And If now, or ut any future time, it
shall be found TO be decidedly for the interest of
i both countries TO unite their soveregnties, am
unable 10 perceive any treaty or moral obligations
/ the part OF either forbid the desired union,
or any good reason for foreign interference TO pre-
/ vent it.
French and English subjects might still be en-
/ titled to the privileges of the most favored ma
/ ton" and on the score Of commercial advantages
| cannot well complain of being subjected in these
| islands 10 the revenue laws Of a country which
consumes and pays for French manufactures and
other products to the amount Of forty millions Of
dollars annually, and of British goods TO the amount
| Of one hundred millions annually-the revenue
laws Of country rapidly growing, and whose
/ trade is now of more value to Great Britain and
France than that Of any of their colonies if not in
deed Of all Of them added together, vast as English
| colonies are.
| In view of these great interests, which would
be sacrificed by disturbance Of pacific relations,
| ito say nothing OF several hundred millions OF
| American stocks held in Europe, whose value
might for the time be seriously afected,) il is not
/ to be supposed that France will insist on the little
advantage Of importing into these islands silks,
! wines, &C., to the amount Of a few thousands OF
dollars, at FIVE per cent. duty, she now does by
her construction of the treaty of the 10Th March,
! lSi6, treaty which, instead Of being valid rea-
| son why the king should not transfer his sover-
| eighty, is a standing and powerful argument TO
Justify him in doing SO, since that treaty denies 10
him one OF the most important attributes Of sover-
eighty, one in the highest degree essential to all
independent nations. ,s
| Still less is il to be supposed that Great Britain
will claim the privileges of the most favored ma
ton under the French treaty, since she has gem
! erously thrown up her own treaty OF the same
date and tenure, and substituted that Of the 10th
July, 1851, in accordance with the American
| treaty Of Washington Of Goth December, 1S49
The right 10 cede or acquire territory or to unite
two independent nations by compact, is regarded
as inherent in all independent sovereignties. 1t
/ has certainly been practised from time immemo-
/ rial. The power which can cede part can cede
| all the parts. Modern history abounds in exam
pies, and none more than English and French his
tory. Annexation is neither a new thing nor rare
in our day as the Turks and Arabs of Algeria, the
/ CATERS OF South America, and more than one hun
1 dred and thirty millions Of people in India can
testfy--people II is hoped who may be benefited
| by the change; but, whether so or not, cannot
admit that annexation by voluntary consent is any
more illegal or reprehensible than annexation by
conquest. But whether it be done by one process
or the other, the government Of the United States
can have no colonies. Whatever territory is added
is but an integral part of the whole, and subject
10 the same national Constitution and laws.
| The expediency Of union with the United States
| do not propose TO consider at present. for have
i no authority TO say that the United States will
| consent 10 any terms that may be offered yet |
| have no doubt il they shall be offered they will be
! frankly received and duly considered; but no sim
| lister means Of accomplishing the object, however
desirable, will receive any favor from the United
/ States.
lam most happy TO have your testimony that the
1 commissioner and consuls Of the United States
| have acted fully and faithfully up 10 the princi-
pies declared by Mr.. Webster and Mr.. Clayton in
| the communications referred TO by you, and am
not permitted 10 doubt that you will have as little
4 reason hereafter as you have now to disturb the
| friendly intentions of the government and people
/ of the United States
NV regard for the king and his government,
and for the highly respectable representatives of
! England and France in these islands, who have
deemed il their duty TO interpose official re-
! monstrance, alike demand the utmost frankness
| in the expression Of the sentiments entertain,
which am sure they will appreciate.
The agreement or joint declaration of the 2sth
Of November, 1852 that neither Great Britain nor
France would take possession Of these islands as
/ a protectorate or otherwise, was credtable TO
those powers. The government of the United
| States was not party 10 the engagement, neither
1 was Kamehama iii, so far appears. The parties
10 il by their naval forces had both made hos
| tile demonstration upon the Kings sovereignty.
The United States has not but both before and
since though their interests were far greater here
than those of any all foreign powers, they have
constantly respected the government OF the king.
They have never sought to limit the right of his
government to frame its own system Of finance,
enact It's own revenue laws, regulate its own sys-
TEN of public education, establish its own judicial
policy, or demanded any special favors and they
were the first TO recognise the complete and I'M
qualified national independence of the kingdom
by the treaty Of the Goth of December, 1919.
The treaty having been faithfully observed,
there is nothing in the policy Of the United States
towards these islands which requires conceament
or demands Notwithstanding 10 disturb the
harmony which happily exists between the United
States and the great commercial powers OF
Europe.
Lest silence on my part, after the publication
ofthe joint resolution, should make different i'm
i preston here or elsewhere, and considering the
distance from the seats Of government of Europe
and America, il may be advisable to depart from
the usual course in such matters, and 10 publish
this letter also, 10 go with the remonstrance Of
the British and French representatives.
have the honor TO be, with great respect, your
obedient servant,
LUTHER SEVERANCE.
! His excclency ROBERT CREIGHTON WYLLIE, Minis
ter Of Foreign Relations, &c