Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-09-17

only incident to the great question, which may
afterwards be settled one way or the other.
Three quarters Of a century ago, freedom and
slavery, held just this relative position to each
other, which, if again brought about Mr.. Chase
thinks would work differently from the past But
We doubt it. Liberty had then advantages in the
contest which she has not now. Slavery then had
far less experience in managing Democrats ;
far less territory wealth and power, than now, and
yet she succeeded in corrupting the nation and
decided the question in favor of despotism and not
democracy-in favor of slavery, and not of freedom
And with this experience before us, Mr.. Chase has
need to produce something else than his mere opin-
ion however valuable it may ordinarily be, in order
to satisfy the country that the result will not
again follow, could he place slavery and freedom
relatively, just whore he proposes Our failure
before from tho prcposterous attempt to cher
ish antagonisms-to foster liberty, and tolerate
slavery. Our government never has, and we do
not that it ever represent Mr.. Chases "iden
of freedom" while one half of its constituent
members practically Shareholders. OF course
they will represent in their union, the "idea" Of
their respective States and that idea is not the idea
of freedom, but the idea of slaverytho idea Of its
extension and its eternity. II seems to us marvel
Gus that Mr. Chase and others should talk Of the
questions "being settled" while such union exists
1t is the result of an effort, honest and earnest
doubt not to reconcile our savc-ridcn condition
under this government and in this Union, with tho
idea that we are freemcn. An attempt to reconcile
this fraternity with shareholders, and to reconcile
these concessions to slavery, with anti-savery ant
the principles Of freedom. The stakeholder
know better. They know that If this Union wou'C
exist, they must themselves ignore slavery at home
or their non-slavcholding associates must ignor,
liberty there. The latter have always done it,
When will they learn wisdom from the success o
their associates, or from the disasters Of their owl
defeat.
What we set down to do, was especially to ontc
our protest against the substitution of these parta
!, remedies for the thorough and radical ones whicl
the case requires. To amuse to satisfy ourscvo
with them is to grant permission for sayery to gro'
0 and flourish. OF course, we suppose many of tn
G cxcrescenccs of slavery will fall before the ov
t itself will be destroyed. But the best way to knoc
o them off is to strike at the root We have no oil
ectons that any Of the branches Of the tree shoul
e be Topped off, but we have faith that any sue
c looping will destroy its root even prevent il
,. growth. TO hope that slavery, inwrought as it
into every fibre of society and of government, is
$ be removed, by cutting off some of its incidents
seems to hopeful as though one was to cxpcC
a to palsy the arm Of an assailant, by pairing hi
nails, OF to stop the flow Of his life blood by cuttin
/. off his locks 1t is to hope for effect without
l. cause. Whatever measures therefore are MOI
speedily and radically extorminating, the onC
y y to be adopted, and the teachings of the paragrap
we have quoted, seem to us pcrncious to the caus
n in that it will induce men to be satisfied with in
. fcicnt instrumentnlitY.