Grand River times. [volume] (Grand Haven, Mich.) 1851-18??, 1853-03-16


dangers of concentration of all power in the
general government of confederacy so vast as
ours are too obvious to be disregarded. You
have right therefore TO expect your agents in
every department TO regard strictly the limits i'm
posed upon them by the constitution of the u.
States. The great scheme OF our constitutions
al liberty rests upon proper distribution Of
power between the state and federal authorities,
and experience has shown that the harmony and
happiness of our people depend upon discon-
necton between tie separate rights and respon-
sibties of the States, and your common rights
and obligations under the general government;
and here in my opinion, are the considerations
which shonld form the true basis of future con-
cord in regard to the questions which have most
seriously disturbed public tranquility. If the
federal government will confne itself to the ex-
ercise of power clearly granted by the constitu-
ton, it can hardly happen that its action upon
any question should endanger the institutions
Of the States or interfere with their rights to
manage matters strictly domestic, according to
the will of their own people,
| In expressing briefly my views upon an i'm
portant subject which has recently agitated the
nation to almost fearful degree, am moved
by no other impulse than the most earnest de-
sire for the perpetuation of that Union which
has made us what we are showering upon us
blessings, and comforting u power and influence
which our fathers could hardly have anticipated,
even with their most sanguine hopes directed 10
far-off future. The sentiments | now an
nounce, were not unknown before the express
ion of the voice which called me here. My own
position upon this subject was clear and une-
quivocal, upon the records of my words and
acts and it is only REQUIRED to at this time be-.
couca silanca miOht marianne hn fniccopSf rue1
With the Union, my best and dearest earthly
hopes are engaged. Without it, what are they,
individually or collectively! What becomes Of
the noblest field ever opened for the advance
ment of our race in relation to the government,
to the arts, and all that dignifes and adorns man.
kind From that eminent constellation which
both iumes our own way, and points out to
the struggling nations their course, let but sim
Gle star be lost, and if there be not utter dark
ness, the lustre of the whole is dimnled. Do
my countrymen need any assurance that such n
catastrophe is not to overtake them while have
the power to stay it! 1t is with me an earnest
and vital belief that as the Union has been the
source, under Providence, of our prosperity to
this time, so it is the surest pledge of a contn-
uance of the blessings we have enjoyed, and
which we are sacredly bound to transmit undi-
minshed to our children. The field of calm and
free discussion in our country is open, and will
always be so.
But it never has been and never can be trav-
erscd for good in spirit of sectonalism and I'M
charitableness. The founders of the Republic
dealt with things as they were presented to them
in spirit of sef-sacrifcing patriotism, and as
time has proved, with a comprehensive wisdom,
which it will be always safe for us to consult
Every measure tending to strengthen the frater-
nal feelings of all the members Of our Union
has had my heartfelt appreciation.
To every theory of society or government,
whether the offspring of feversh ambition, or
of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dissolve the
bonds of law and affection, shall interpose a
steady and stern resistance. believe that invol-
untary servitude as it exists in different States
of this confederacy, is recognized by the consti-
tuition. | believe that it stands like any other
administrative right, and that the States where
it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to en-
force the constitutional provisions. hold the
laws of 1850, commonly called the compromise
measures, as strictly constitutional, and they
must be carried into effect
believe that the constitutional authorities of
this Republic are bound to regard the rights of
the South in this respect as they would view any
other legal or constitutional right and that the
laws to enforce them should be respected and
obeyed, not with reluctance encouraged by
abstract opinions as to their propriety in diff
erent state of society, but cheerfuly, and accord
ing to the decisions of the tribunals to which
their exposition belongs. Such have been and
are my convictions, and upon them | shall act.
fervently hope that the question is at rest, and
that no sectional, or ambitious, or fanatica ex-
element may again threaten the durability OF
our institutions. or obscure the lamp of our
prosperity But let not the foundations of our
hopes rest upon mans wisdom. 1t will not be
sufficient that sectional prejudices find no place
in the public deliberations; that the rash coun.
sells of human passions are elected.
1t must be felt that there is no safety but in
the nations humbly acknowledged dependence
upon God and his overriding providence. We
have been carried in safety through perilous
crisis Wise counsels, like those which gave us
constitutional privilege to uphold it, have carried
US through. Let the period be remembered as
an admoniton, and not as an encouragement to
any section of the Union to make experiments
where experiments are fraught with such fear
full hazards. Let it be impressed upon all hearts
that beautiful as our confederacy is, no earthly
power or wisdom could ever re-unite its broker
fragments.
Standing, as do, almost within view of the
green slopes of Monticello; and, as it were
within ranch of tho fon,h IF Wochinnton will