Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-03-05

@"o WhuenCe VI OiaVefy on our govern
ment has received the profoundest philo-
sophical investigation from the pen of Rich
ard tiildreth, in his valuable essay on 'Des-
potlsm in America, "a work which deserves
place by the side Of the ablest political
disquistions of any nge.
Mrs. Chapman's survey Of Ten Years of
Anti-Slovery experience was the first at
tempt at n philosophical discussion of the
various aspects OF the anti-slavery cause,
and the problems raised by its struggles
with sect and party. You, Mr.. Chairman,
EDMUND QUINcY, Esq.,l in the elaborate
Reports OF the Massachusetts Anii-Slavery
Society for the last ten years, have followed
IN the same path, making TO American lite
nature contribution Of the highest value,
aud IN department where you have few
rivals aud no superior. Whoever shall write
the history either of this movement, or any
other attempted under a Republican Gov
ernment will find no where else so clenr an
insight and so full an acquaintance with the
most difficult part Of his subject.
Even the vigorous mind Of Rantoul, the
ablest, without doubt, of the Democratic
party, and, perhaps, the ablest politician in
New England, added little or nothing to the
storehouse of ADli-Slayery argument. The
grasp of his intellect aud the fnllness of his
learning every one will acknowledge. lie
never trusted himself To speak on any sub
lect till he had dug down to its primal grnn-
lie. lie laid most generous contribution
on the altar of the Anti-Snvery Cause. His
speeches on one question, too short aud too
few, are remarkable for their compact stnie-
ment, true logic, bold denuncations, and the
wonderful light thrown back upon our his
tory. Yet how little do they present which
was not familiar for years in our Anti Sa.
very meetings?
Look, too, at the last great effort of the
idol of so many thousands, Mr.. Senator
Sumner; discussion of great national
question, of which il has heen said that we
must go back to Webster's reply TO Huyne,
and Fisher Anles OF the Jay Treaty, to find its
equal IN Congress-praise which we might
perhaps qualify, If any adequate report were
LETT us olsome Of those noble oratons Of Adj
ans. No one eau he blind TO the skillinll Use he
has made of his materials, the consumate
ability with which he has marshulied them,
and the radient glow which his genius has
thrown over all. But, with the exception
Of his reference to the Anti-Slavery debate
in Congress in 1887, there is no train OF
thought or argument, aud no single iact in the
whole speech, which has not been familiar
~ our meetings and essays for the last ten
years.
Before leaving the Halls of Congress have
great pleasure in recognizing one exception
TO my remarks, Mr.. Giddings. Perhaps he
Is no real exception, since il would not he
difficult to establish his claim TO be consid-
cred one Of the original Abolition party
But whether he would choose 10 he so con-
sidered or not, il is certainly true thnt his
long presence AT the seat of government, his
whole-souled deyo,edness, his sagacity aud
unwearied industry, have made him n large
contributor to our nnti-sluvery resources.
The relations of the American Church to
slavery, and the duties Of private Christians,
-ihe whole casuisiry Of this portion of the
question, so momentOus among descendants
of the Purians,-huve been discussed with
great acuteness aud rare common sense by
Messrs. Garrison, Goodell, Gerrit Smith,
Pillsbury and Foster. They have never At
tented to judge the American Church hy any
standard except that which she has herself
laid down-never clnimed that she should he
perfect, but have contented themselves with
demanding that she should he consistent.
They have never judged her except out Of
her own mouth, mud on facts asserted by her
own presses and leaders. The sundering of
the Methodist aud Baptist denomination, and
the universal agitation of the religious world,
are the best proof Of the sagacily with which
their measures have been chosen, the cogent
arguments they have used aud the indispu-
table facts on which their criticisms haye
been founded,
In nothing have the abolitionists shown
more sagacity or more thorough knowledge
of their countrymen, than in the course they
have pursued IN relation to the Church.
None but New Englander can appreciate
the power which Church organizations WELD
over all that share the blood Of the Puritans
The influence of each sect over its own
members is overwhelming, often shutting ont
or controlling, all other influences. The ~
ranny Of our Methodism need not fear com
parson with the darkest picture of Cathol
icism that Protestant pencils ever painted
That each local church is independent o
nll others, we have been somewhat careful
to assert, in theory nnd practice. But tn
individuals independence of all organize
tions that place themselves between him an
his God, some few bold minds have asserte
in theory, but most even of those have stoI
ped there.
In such land, the abolitionisis early saw
that for moral question like theirs, only tw
paths lay open: to work through the Churc
that failing, TO join battle with it. Som
tried long, like Luther, to be Protesiants, an
yet not come out of Catholicism; but the
eyes were soon opened. Since then, W
have been convinced that TO come out iror
the Church, to hold her up as tie Bulwar
Of Slavery, aud to make her short-coming
the ninin burden of orr appeals TO the RELIC
ious sentiment of the community, was ou
first duty and best policy. This course al
enated many friends, and wus a subJect {
frequent rebuke from such men as DIR. Char
ming. But nothing has ever more strength
ened the cause, or won il more influence
and il has had the healthiest effect on th
Church ITSELF British Christians have a
ways sanctioned it, whenever the case ha
been fairly presented to them. Mr.. J. g
Adams, man far better acquainted with b