The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-10-16

London is nearly the only appointee who does not
disgrace the country. What principle can have
actuated the Cabinet in the distribution Of these
Important trusts whether it acted on mere
equitable scheme of dividing the public plumber
among personal friends OF It's members, or from
motives more disrcputable stills matter
of conjecture. II is fortunate for the United
States that our constitution enables the Senate
to revise the whole batch. When the proper
time comes, more than one among our maiden
ambassadors will contrive to ind his way home.
The British AristoeracX-Thck Rulers OF the
World.
Mr.. Macaulay says somewhere that the his
tory of the Roman Catholic Church throughout
the last eighteen centuries, is the most remark
able phenomenon of modern times. The private
memoirs of another body--the aristocracy OF
Great Britain during the past two centuries
are. to our thinking, quite as striking and
wonderful. We shall seek in vain parallel
for them in the whole range of ancient and
modern history. Whether we regard the ridcu-
lousy small means which the British nobility
really has had at its disposal or the stupendous
effects it has contrived to bring about by the
exercise of those means. its course. from be-
ginning to end, has been entirely exceptional
and utterly unlike anything that the world
ever saw before.
Two hundred years ago the aristoeratlc ee-
ment was well nigh extinguished in England
To all outward appearance it had ceased to
exist. In few years. had Cromwell been sue
ceeded by man Of vigor and character, il
the case Moreover, religious discussions had
during the Protectors reign diverted public
attention from the great political issues that
were being tried and thus the crushed aris-
tocracy were enabled to rally the scattered
fragments Of their party and prepare for
fresh campaign. Awaiting themselves of the
first symptoms of disorder, they hurriedly re-
called Charles H.; and the bulk Of the people,
wearied of wars. and still smarting from the
effects of former intestine troubles, sulkily ac-
cepted the Restoration. A period of which
brazen debauchery was the only distinguishing
trait followed. James was less plant tool
in the hands of his courtiers. By no means
dangerous foe to the nobility; and accordngl7,
as soon as bis religious opinions had forfeited
for him any popular love that might have
interfered with the plan, few private
meetings were held at the houses Of some
of the leading noblemen, and William of
Orange was invited to invade the kingdom
Again-when Anne was on her deathbed, and
much of the peoples welfare depended on
the choice of her successor, by whom do we
find the contest fought? Bolingbroke in one
antichamber and Oxford in the other: MARI
borough writing to the Elector to promise his
support Shrewsbury extorting favors from the
poor woman who had not ten minutes to live !;
a few Jacobte noblemen struggling tooth and
nail for their pet dynasty OF any express
sion OF a wish or fear among the people
proper, with respect to the choice of their
future ruler. we can find no trace. The mat
ter was fully discussed, argued, and decided.
between some fifty or sixty men who had hap
pened to be born with titles They chose
king. set him on the throne, and afterwards
ruled him.
Nor does the history Of the Hanoverian dynas-
ty belle the assertion that ever since the Restora
tion of 1860 these same fifty or sixty heads of
families have ruled England The reins Of
power have been occasionally held by men OF
superior ability chosen from the plebeian order;
but these have only gratifed their ambition on
condition Of ruling for the use and behoof of the
sristocracy. All the laws which have been passed
all the'measures Of public policy which have
been adopted-all the movements Of Great
Britain with regard to foreign Powers-have
been framed and devised with q view to
strengthen and consolidate the 8 higher classesr
of Great Britain. Previously to the Reform
bill, the popular representation was SO great
farce that it could hardly have been necessary
on admitting commoner to power, to stipulate
that he should serve the MOBILES with zeal and
fidelity. The fifty or sixty heads Of families
could upset any ministry when they pleased.
and substitute fresh one Of their own choos-
ing. When the wise project OF Brougham and
his colleagues became law England, might
have thrown off the yoke of the nobility had
Epglshmen been individuals of different
stamp. Had the inherent tendency towards
funkeyism, which their own writers so properly
relrove, been less deeply rooted in the hearts
of British commoners, popular liberty might
have been established. Unfortunately. this
has never been the case in England. The high
est aim Of men Of intellect. learning and
wealth is to he admitted to the drawing-rooms
Of the titled few. and probably to give their
daughter to noble rout or secure coronet on
the family PANELS. This prestige outweighs
every consideration Of more solid benefits; and
however ardent may be the replblicanism Of
the Englishnau Of twenty, who has everything
to gain, no lackey can be more servile to the
aristocracy than the same man when he has at
tanned certain rank and station in society.
This peculiarly Of the British character has
saved the mobiles. by working it judiciously
they still contriye to control public affairs. Aud
.