Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-05-07

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the Constitution in the same manner that we
would take property for the public good. An
other clause is that referring to persons held
10 service and labor. ] admit this covers fii-
gitive slaves as well as those bound out as
apprentices but does it require me or you
to send them back +? II il does, will tram
pie il under my feet Let US see. Recollect,
il the master lets his slave como he cannot
take him back. II is only when he escapes
from his master that no law in the free States
shall discharge him from service. Now, we
do nothing here-wo are not called upon to
act at oil but il says he shall I've delivered
up, and if he is to be delivered up, you are
bound TO do it. Let us remember friends,
we must take the words in legal sense.
Now look at it. The Convention that framed
the Constitution refused to recognize prop
erty in man. The States did recognize il.
But tho the new governme nj formed by their
Union refused to recognize it. But if they
agreed to send back slaves to their masters,
II was recognition Of the property of the
master in the man. They left the question
with the laws of the States, neither recog-
nizing or refusing to recognize, but left it
where it was. The Constitution snys to the
States You may regard men as property if
you will | will not do il, hut will not pre-.
vent you. ! will not send back your slaves,
nor assist you, but they shall be left us other
property.
Suppose horse escapes from Kentucky
into Ohio. The owner comes and proves
his horse, and tells you 10 catch him aud de.
liver him up, but you tell him TO catch the
horse himself The law says, as the Consti-
tuition does, that such property shall be de-
livered up. All that is required is that do
not prevent the master. So ] soy to him,
catch your slave if you can. If he beats
ont your brains it is none of my business.
We have agreed not to use force to hinder
the master, that is all. THIS clause comes
the nearest TO involving us in the sin Of sla-
very. Construe it os you construe other
laws, and you must understand il that we
must make no law to prevent the master
from taking his slave. You may help the
slave, only when the master comes you shall
not knock him down. Few negroes would
he taken if this course wns followed. But
il is said we agreed not to stop tile sldve trade
for twenty years. Suppose we did. ] AIN
not going TO tear down the Constitution be-
cause il once had wrong thing in il. One
would think from the remarks which have
been made, that there is nothing good in the
Constitution. adni, there nre clauses, the
effect of which may be to prolong slavery.
There are other clauses which are directly
nnii-slavery, specially that one which pro-
vides that no person shall be deprived of life,
liberty or properly without due process of
law. And there is not n clause which re-
quires me to do anything which will tend to
prolong slavery.
We are commanded to "hod fast to that
which is good" There is good in the Con-
stitution. Were the Union dissolved, we |
could not help our brothers John G. Fee aud |
G. M. Clay, or the millions of non-slovehoId-
ers. We could have no influence in the |
South. We have freedom of worship, of |
speech, aud Of the press, aud where these
exist the days of oppression nre numbered.
these are guaranteed to us by this blessed
Constitution we are called upon to overthrow,
dissolve the Union, and we cannot operate
upon the South by these at all. My friend
will sny there is none of this freedom in the |
Snnth IL l. % Z al
tent, but there are more nnti-slayery papers
circulated in the South thnn we know of;
but dissolve the Union and not paper could
60 there. ! glory in these privileges, guar
q us by our glorious Constitution, und as
long as we have them have hope for the
slave.
Mr.. Blackwell of Cincinnati, said, be.
lieve the Constitution is un Anli-Slavery
document. do not think Mr.. Garrison has
applied the right test in determining its
meaning. The General Government is ns.
sumed TO be an omnipotent government,
whereas the Constitution expressly declares
il to lie limited. Slavery has grown under
the Constitutions; but il is not because of the
Constitution, hut the want OF anti li.slavery
sentiment We do not want change of
Constitution TO abolish slavery, hut change
of sentiment. The Constitution is plastic In
the hands of slavery or anti-sIavery. No one
doubts that the general objects of the Con-
siituiion as expressed in the preamble nre
Anti-Slavery. In interpreting il we are TO
look at the evident intention Of its adoption,
as thus expressed. Strict construction is the
order of the day, and everything that does
not clearly favor slavery, must he otherwise