The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1853-01-30

those WateTss OF lnQulring INTO aud
mining "uim uhat inisnr adventures oil ANY NATION
mig ht attempt land the island OF Cuba-had we ia.
sisted upon those explanations being given which Mr.
Crtenden then Acting Secretary OF State had
n The hands Of the BRUSH Minister il would hardly be-
supposed that wewoud al this day be approached in the
supecilious style with which given understand
that beneetorth hold ourselves responsible for
any attempt which il may please adoen,srs ~ any
ton 10 make the island OF Cuba--as If America had
10 defend enormities which she never permitted
But will not eaators ask themselves, what is that in
eIest which thus prompts those naughty powers TO inter
fere with concerns, and TO dictate 10 what policy
should pursue What those relations now existing
between those powers which interest them IN the desines
of Cuba as deeply Spain can be ! am AFRAID, Mr.
President there are storms IN the answer can hardly
account for the forbeaance which we have OF late been
10 the habit of exhibiting whenever have found
selves in conflict with foreign preensons, and especially
whenever have had 10 meet the exactions OF England
The nations OF the world know that we cannot be will
ing dsparage ourselves IN their eyes, and TO endanger
the high position which easily hold at their
council board. But cannot expect 10 retain char
acter as one OF the great powers oil the earth unless
jealousy watch what contingencies may endanger IT, And
OF all The duties imposed upon government there is none
whose accomplishment Is more essential 10 It's pres
ervaton than that OF providing for the exgences OF
impending future The right OF self preservation is para
mount TO all other rights and lends sanction to what.
ever measures necessity may impel nation TO pur-
sue IN order TO indicate and maintain il Binder
what requirements country may be placed by the
late demonstrations through which France and Eng
land have manifested their resessness with reference 10
our increasing strength asd power, will be Tor those,
occasion ases, shall be at the head of the govern
ment In the mean time, however. am indisposed to
yield my assent 10 any policy that would divorce us
from those great principles and doctrines laid down by
those eminent who under the pressure OF fearful
crisis, took counsel from their duty and not from their
fears Those principles and doctrines have been pre-
senled TO the Senate by the distinguished senator from
Michigan Mr.. CAssl with such lucldy OF exposition
and force of arg lment that l had imagined it would
articles Of political and diplomatic creed, and extend
ed TO all contingencies which might have arisen may
hereafter arise, of the position which have occu-
pied since 1913, and still occupy, with refer
TO the Other powers Of this conneRt Yet, much
10 my SURPRISE and still more to my regret find my
friend from Virginia [Mr. MAsoNl arrayed in fall
against those principles and doctrines being allowed
virtue through which they nigh, be extended beyond the
narrow circle OF the incidents in which il is said they
originated The merits OF that rather view OF the
question well worth being tested. Let us have fair
understanding of its terms Ia his message OF December
q 1929 Mr. Monroe lays down the two following propo
stions
First The American CONTINENTS, by the ee and indie
pendent cndon which they have assumed and maintain.
hence forth TO be considered subjects f,r future
coonS a zion By BY. any I1i En'epean poweis1
panof European powers extend THEIR any
ton of his hemisphere as DANGEROUS TO THEIR PEACE
SAFETY"
The negotiations brought about between this govern
and that OF Russia. in consequence of the ukase
through which the Car had assumed the supremacy OF
the Northern Pacific sea, the exclusion OF other pow
es, had been deemed by Mr. Monroe proper occasion
for asserting the principle Involved in the first of these
propositions But the motives OF his proclamng to the
world were foreign 10 those negotiations which had been
brought close, and had ended 10 its practical recog
milton by the Gear. lis Ieasseron in the message look
ed FORE TO other which had then lately
transpired, and to meet which the policy implied IN the
second proposition had been adopted
Now what the circumstances tina, gave birth TO,
and furnished occasion for the proclamation OF such
doctrine Was any demonstration OF hostility on the
part OF any OF the European powers against America
Not in The least, II the unsetled state OF Europe "
the fact that he allied powers had though, il proper
hy
IN the internal conceIns''-of whom OF America BY
means; but "of Spain" And why this sensbily about
an On the a Of sGIGpe a.. pows Win
Monroe himself. he says;
"The question OF the which such in,erposon
might be carried on The same principle, was one in which
theirs Interested the most remote and surely
MORE rue UNITED STATES"
For the of that day. il may be permitted
the language OF most accomplished and able writer
American diplomacy Mr. Henry Winter Davs,) the
question not 'whether the threatening cloud
in Europe America, but whether il likely TO burst
upon us.n But We have Mr. John Quincy Adams's
that both the principles have just quoted from
Mr.. Monroe's message were meant 10 be enforced
perm.~snt rule Of American policy In his message OF
March IS, 1895, he tells that the principle (reerring
TO the colonization by European powers OF any part
OF this bemisphere) had first been assumed in the nego
tation with Russia that il rested upon OF
sonng equally simple and conclusive because wh the
exception of the existing European colonies, which IT
in nowise intended 10 disturb, the two conne nts
consisted OF several sovereign
whose territories covered their Whole surface and be-
"by this, their independent condition, the Uni
ted States enjoyed The right OF commercial inter-
with every part OF their possessions" And
he goes asserting that $40 attempt the establish
ment OF colony in such possessions would be TO
usurp, 10 the exclusion OF DINERS, commercial inter
course which the common possession OF all" We
see il stated also in the message that OF the
main objects OF the Panama Congress to take into
consideration tie OF making eectua the assertion
OF principle, well ~ the means OF resisting in
reference from abroad with The domestic OF
the American governments" And should not this salts
~ my friend IRON Virginia Mr. MAsoNl that the import
OF those two principles extended further than the crcum
stances that gave them birth have still add.
onal evidence TO show how strangely mistaken he
when be thought he discovered in Mr. Rush's Notes
his mission England convincing limitations OF his
having entertained in reference TO the question:
the restricted views which the honorable senator has
pressed In his comm nicalion The American Secre-
iary OF State, dated April 90 fs23 find the impressive
remark that he is fully sensible OF the magnitude OF the
subjects TO be treated Of, and OF their momenous bear
ings in present and future ages upon the interests the
welfare and the honor OF The United States"
These doctrines had originated in the principle OF prox
unity, which all writers on public law ADM, 10 be the
paramount rule OF nations policy with reference TO all
matters that may endsnger its safety Rufus King while
our minister England in 1901, had eye to that prin
cple when, taking the alarm The Tumored eession of
Louisiana by Spain TO Fagce, he presumes TO nerpose
his objections TO let any European power make new ac-