The daily union. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1845-1857, 1853-01-28

and 10 agree with those o us who propose to wait Tor the
show US ,hal may oi in ihe rpening Indeed Mr Pes
idehh lhe senator's argument seemed TO me mean
dsnhg stream that visited and touched all the banks
OF controversy, but gided swiftly away from them,
conclusion.
ls tendency, think, was to exasperaie the American
people against the European powers and rrlate them
cannot symfalhze with such a spirit | would submit
TO no real wrong, and justify oppression tyranny
comhi.!ed by them. But on the other hand. will
no iacuiious cause OF controversy. want with
them. We are sure To grow by peace. A war between
tls TWO connenls would be involving not merely
lna WINCH was The strongest, but the integrity of our
republic. Before such shall come, want 10 see
anada transferred from her false position in Europe to
her fue position on this continent. Texas peopled like
assacnnsels, The interior OF the continent cultivated
IKE Cho and Oregon and California not only covered,
IKE New York, with forts and arsenas. and docks and
navy yards, but grapped fast to New York and Washing
ION oy an IRON chain that shall stretch it's links through
the passes OF The Sierra Nevada and the Rocky noun
tains. 4
The senator tells that the question Of the acquisition
| OF Cuba may be upon us tomorrow. and may not be
upon ior twenty five years That 10 say. stands
now, so far where il has stood Tor twenty
hive years part But he advises 10 be ready. That is
Just what propose to do And the way 10 keep ready is
to keep cool Ii we keep cool, shall be the less
prepared. II the portentous question shall indeed come
Tomorrow; WHILE on the other hand, excessive heat
premaurey generated, will be pass oil before the
expiration of the longer period
Mr. President, let survey ground carefully and
completely Political action, like all other human
icy OF princes, kings, and States. here is time for
colonization, and there is time for Independence. The
colonization Of The American hemisphere by European
powers was the work of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuTes the breaking up OF colonial dependence, and
the rise OF independent American States is the work OF the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries Its work that does
not as broadly and as rapidly could wish, but
does not 60 backwards Ii goes faster than was to have
been expected under the circumstances, for 1t began
when the United States alone, OF all the colonies Span
sh, FRENCH and English, had attained strength
and sufficient preparation for successful egoyernment
European States establish colonies here, for
the same reason that they cannot long retain their old
ones AS Tor France, she surrendered all her continental
American empire TO Great Britain in 1903, except Lous
Cayenne Napoleon sold Louisiana to in 1903,
because he could not keep for France She keeps
Cayenne only because II is not worth the cost OF
quest What does she want OF more American colonies.
10 be severed from her as soon as matured
Great Britain TOO, lost in the American revolution all
her American possessions but a remnant She keeps
that remnant from pride, moi interest," as Spain does Gu
ba Wha, does she want OF more American colonies, 10
draw upon The home treasury for defence and support.
and TO become independent as soon they shall become
srong2 Canada is only nominal colony dependency.
Great Britain yet retains Canada only by yielding to her
what she denied 10 us-fscal Independence.
And now, what does France or Great Britain want Of
Cuba II is slave colony. They have abolished sla
in all their possessions. Should either of them obtain
that island the fist act OF government there be the
abolition of slavery The abolition oil slavery, too,
must be made with compensation, and the compensation
must be drawn from the home treasury Will either Of
them take Cuba al such cost And what would Cuba
without slavery be worth to either of those powers Let
their experience The West Indies answer Cuba with
slavery. belong 10 no European State but Spain.
Cuba without slavery, would be worthless any power
but the United States. And John Quincy Adams was
rght-Cuba, either with without slavery, gravaies
towards, and will ultimately fall into, the American
Union
! What then Has Fance ceased TO be ambitious, and
has Great Britain adopted the policy that Augustus Cesar
teq queathed 10 Rome, 10 forbear from extending the
bounds oil emprel Not al all France and England are
unchanged do not know that yet they have learned
that Their power cannot be renewed restored IN Amen
ca. But | do know that they will find il out when
they Try TO renew and restore IL again; and therefore all
the alarms raised by the Michigan pass by
me like the idle wlpds. The Monroe doctrine was a
right one-ihe policy right one, no, because il
would require be enforced by arms, bat because il
was well lined. II the result OF a sagacous dis
covey OF the tendency oil the age II will prevail if
You affirm it. IL will equally prevail il you neglect TO
affirm it hereafter you have refused to DO heretofore
As practical question, therefore, II has ceased to be-
IL is obsolete. You are already the great continental
power OF America. But does that content you trust
II does You want the commerce Of the world, which
is the empire OF the world This is to be looked ior not
the American lakes nor on the Atlantic coast
the Caribbean sea, the Mediterranean nor on the
Baltic, nor the Atantic ocean, but the Pacific
ocean, and It's islands and continents. Be not over-con.
hdent Disregard not France, and England. and Russia
Watch them with Jealousy, and battle their designs
against you Bat look Tor those great rivals where they
are be foundon those continents and in the Eas,
where the prze which you are conendng with them for
is to be found Open up highway through your coun.
try from New YORK 10 San Francisco Pot your domain
under cultivation, and your en thousand wheels OF
uiacture IA NOTION Mulupy your ships and send them
forth the East The nation that draws eals
and provisions from the earth, ahd fabncstes the most
and sells the OF productions and fabrics to foreign
nations, must be, and will be, the great power OF the
earth.
| MIR SHIELDS obtained the floor, but gave way to
Mr.. CASS, who sad have a right to say VOID or
two, Mr. President, IN reply to the senator from New
York and the FIRST remark that have 10 make is, that
cannot characterize hs speech IN proper manner,
long entertain respect or myself and for the Senate
But will lay lbsthat OF all the speeches have ever
heard from that honorable senaor-and thai is sayng
good deal-ths the most dsingenuous, and marked
with the most self-compacency and the absence OF
American sentiment That IS my opinion OF it, Sir,
am not going follow the honorable senator through
the whole OF his remarks have risen simply TO read
the passage which he would not read--and which an
honest and just would have readin his speech be-
he did not want II to 60 out with his own remarks
MIR. MANGUM, | feel constrained TO call the honor
able senator 10 order.
Mr.. CASS Mr. President, | do no, mean TO say
word outof ORDER but The honorable will recol-
ec what the senator from New York said One express
SION which he used that he absolutely compassiop-
a,ed me Tor my labofing" in my speech !" aud there
IL no mistake about that sentiment running through the
whole OF The speech of the senator from New York |
wonder that the honorable from North Carolina
was not prompt enough 10 stop OF its expressions
As he has not, think have right 10 say a word or
Two IN reply. have done nothing set bat 10 character
ze the speech
Allow me to say few words about the senator's allu-
sion to what said about Mr. adams. As I said, he did
not qaoe those remarks and hs speech going out
to the world would lead the world TO suppose that had
INDUCED IN remarks about Mr.. Adams without the leas,
propuely SIR, the senator's commentary should have
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