Washington sentinel., 1853-11-06

right in 1852, but who professed to be sound
now, and that he had thereby failed to carry
out the pledge by which the President stood
committed to regard such men as equally en-
titled to the favor and patronage of the ad
Such an avowal naturally leads to the inquiry,
when and where did the President give such a
pledge? To constitute valid pledge, there
should have been party to receive and accept,
as well as a party to make it. Did the people
OF the United States accept and act upon such
pledge? Was it implied from the fact that
nothing Of the kind can be found in the Bal
timore platform, or in any public declara,
tion made before election by the President?
The prominent features of that platform were
its support of the compromise, and its hostility
to the antislavery agitation. Were the people
or the appointees Of the President bound to
know that the President elected on that plat.
form would regard men fresh from their anti.
slavery fandangos, and with unretracted de.
nunciations of the fugitive-slaye law yet warm
on their lips, entitled to favor equally with the
SCARED and veteran warriors who had never
deserted their posts? 0nthe contrary, had not
the people q moral right TO expect that their
Offices would be conferred by their servant, the
President, mainly on those whose past lives and
conduct afforded satisfactory proof that they
| were sound and reliable upon those questions !;
men whose fidelity and professions are not pur.
chased by pledges, or influenced by rewards, or
| the hope of rewards?
When was this pledge given2 The first pub
lie allusion to any such pledge which has fallen
under my observation, is contained in the reso-
lutions penned by John Van Buren,, esq.,, and
offered by MIR. Champhn in the assembly Of the
State. These contain the avowal that in the
| formation of his cabinet, and the appointments
to minor Offices, the President has fulfilled his
| pledges.
| If such pledges were really given, it is emf.
nently proper that the evidence should be forth
coming. Certain it is that those who know the
fact possess means of information that are not
common to the public at large. Even at this
late day the full knowledge Of such fact is
due to those who hold, or may hereafter accept,
offices under the administration.
But it was Of far higher importance that the
fact should have been known to the American
people before the election of 1852. The mere
suspicion that General Scott would bestow his
confidence and patronage upon the enemies Of
the compromise, lost him thousands Of votes.
Does any sane man believe that Gen. Pierce
would have received those votes if the fact was
known that he stood. pledged to do the same
thing, solely on the absurd condition that those
enemies gave the democratic candidates their
present support, and professed their acquies-
cence in the Baltimore platform But what's
more important still, the question arises, would
the democratic party so cordially and effectu-
| ally have supported its candidate with full
knowledge that he had given such pledges Is
1t not rather far more probable that the exam
pie OF the New Hampshire democracy would
have been initiated, the Baltimore convention
re-convened, its first nomination re-considered,
and new candidate presented and elected?
But idle regrets for what is past are unmanly
| and unavailing. In common with the great
body OF the young national democracy, who la
bored for the election of our President, have
been sadly disappointed. We feel keenly the
wound that has been inflicted in what we sup
posed was the house of friend We feel a
| strong apprehension that unless some unlocked
for change is effected, course of policy has
been commenced, and will be pursued, that
will prove fatal to the administration.
But what though the brilliant victory Of 1852
seems now like the apples of Sodom? If that
battle must be fought over again the national
democracy can and will fight it. Their princi
pies were triumphantly sustained by the people:
and if the fruits of that victory have been par,
tally lost, it is owing TO no fault of theirs
They may still repose with confidence in the
strength of their cause, their own courage. en-
ergy, and unialtering purposes Their honor
is untarnished, and to them is confded the elo-
rious task Of preserving, in its purity, the true
democratic faith.
Let them then bide their time-let them not
desert their guns. Unlike the ancient king of
Syria, our President does not hold his Office for
liie. his successor must ere long be chosen,
and the true soldier Of democracy will cheer.
iuily work on, remembering that this work is
No fhn ofr, L.. IL (.
year, but of a lifetime. Yours, very trnly.
e LYMAN TREMAiN.
THos. G. FIELDS AND OTHERS, committee.
BUFFALO, Oct. 81, 1853.
GENTLEMEN: Your favor Of the 9th instant.
inviting me to attend and address a meeting
called by the Young Mems National Democratic
Club, and others, to be held at Metropolitan
Hal, on Thursday evening next, is received.
10 accept your invitation would afford me
that degree Of pleasure which never fails to at
tend the performance of an agreeable duty; but
regret that engagements, which cannot be
postponed, will prevent my doing SO.
You will permit me, however, to say that in
the action OF the young democracy Of the me-
tropolis, having for its object a faithful support
Of the Constitution and its compromises. !. nm
unyieiding determination to maintain in its in
tegrity the national democratic party: a hearty
support Of the principles involved, and So suc.
ccssfully vindcated in the late Presidential con.
test, including a firm determination to carry
into effect the provisions of the fugitive slave
law and the promotion of the success of the
ticket headed George w. Clinton-I am Glad
70 recognize an honest and patriotic effort 10
secure and pcrpetuate in the party such auniou
ana harmony" as good men can approve; q
union based on great principles, sinceyelu en-.
te'taned; harmonizing of individual opinion
ior the accomplishment of common object.
and that object the good of the country.
IA my bnef poltica! experience, have not
so great and good man as Thomas Jeffsrson,
has not a higher destiny than the pursuit Of
ofiicial ernolument and hence cannot bnt re.
gret that those to whose hands have been tenn
porarily entrusted the interests of great ma.
tlon, should submit to be ruled by the spirit in
wmcn originated the maxim, Ito the victor be-