Portage sentinel. [volume] (Ravenna, Ohio) 1845-1854, 1853-03-09

cate trust admitting motive as worthy either of
my character or position, which does not contem-
plate an efficient discharge of duty, and the best
interests of my country, acknowledge my obi
cations to the masses of my countrymen, and to
them alone.
j Higher objects than personal aggrandizement
gave direction and energy to their exertions in the
late canvass, and they shall not be disappointed.
They require at my hands diligence, integrity and
capacity wherever there are duties to be perform
led. Without these qualities in their public SER
wants, more stringent laws for the prevention or
punishment of fraud, negligence and peculation,
will be vain. With them they will be unneces-
sary.
But these are not the only points to which you
look for vigilant watchfulness. The dangers of
a concentration of all power in the federal gov
ernment of confederacy ours are too obvious
to be disregarded. ~
You have right, therefore, to expectyour agents
in every department to regard strictly the limits
imposed upon them by the Constitution of the
United States. The great scheme of our consti-
tutional liberty rests upon proper distribution of
I power between the State and Federal authorities,
! and experience has shown US that the harmony
and happiness of our people must depend upon
Just discrimination between the seperate rights and
responsibilities of the States, and your common
rights and obligations under the general govern
ment; and herein, in my opinion, are the conside-
ratons which should form the true basis of future
concord, in regard to the questions which have
most seriously disturbed public tranquility. If the
federal government will confne itself to the ex-
ercise of powers clearly granted by the constitu-
ton; t.can hardly happen that its action upon
question should endanger the institutions of the
state, or interfere with their right to manage
matters strictly domestic according to the will of
! their own people.
In expressing my views upon an important sub
ject which has recently agtated the nation to al
most fearful degree, moved by no other
impulse than most earnest desire for the perpet-
uation of that union which has made US what we
are, showering upon us blessings and confering
power and influence which our fathers could hard
| ly have anticipated, even with the most sanguine
hopes directed to far off future.
| The sentiments l now announce were not un-
known before the expression of the voice which
called me here. My own position upon this sub
iect was clear and unequivocal upon the record of
my words and my acts and it is only recurred to
at this time because silence might perhaps be mis-
construed. With the Union, my best and dearest
hopes are entwned; without it what are we ndi-
vdually or collectively! What becomes of the
noblest field ever opened for the advancement of
our race in religion, in government, in the arts,
and in all that dgnfies and adorns mankind.-I
From that radient constellation, which both iIlu-
mines our own way and points out to struggling
nations their course, but let single star be lost
and if their be not utter darkness the lustre of the
whole is dmmed.
Do my countrymen need any assurance that
such catastrophe is not to overtakethem! While
| possess the power to stay it, it is with me an
earnest and vital belief that as the Union has been
the source, under Providence of our prosperity to
this time, so it is a pledge of continuance of the
blessings have enjoyed, and which we are
sacredly bound to transmit undminished to our
children. The field of calm and free discussion
in our country is open and will always be so, but
it never has been and never can be traversed for
good in spirit of sectionalism and uncharitable-
ness. The founders of the Republic dealt with
things as they were presented to them, in spirit
of selfsacrifcing patriotism, and as time has
proved with comprehensive wisdom which it
will always be safe for us to consult every meas
ure tending to strengthen the fraturnal feelings
of all the members of our Union, has had my
heartfelt appreciation. To every theory of socie-
ty, government whether the offspring of feyerish
ambition or of morbid enthusiasm calculated to
dissolve the bonds of law and affection, which
unite us,-I shall interpose ready and stern re-
sistance.
believe that involuntary scrvitude, as it exists
in different States of this confederacy, is recog-
nized by the Constitution. believe that it stands
like any other admitted right, and that the States
where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies
to enforce the constitutional provisions. | hold
that the laws of 1850, commonly called compro-
mise measures, are strictly constitutional, and
ought to be unhesitatngly carried into effect. I
believe that the constituted authorities of this Re-
public are bound to regard the rights of the South
in this respect, as they would view any other le-
gal and constitutional right; and that the laws to
enforce them should be respected and obeyed, not
with reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions
as to their propriety in different state of socie
ty, but cheerfully and according to the decision
of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs.
Such have been and are my conviction, and upon
them shall act. I fervently hope that the ques-
ton is at rest and that no sectional, or ambitious,
or fanatcal excitement may again threaten the
durability of institutions, obscure the light
of our prosperity. But let not the foundation of
our hopes rest upon mans wisdom. It will not
be sufficient that sectional prejudces find place
in the public deliberations.