Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-03-05
lConiinned nom EanrM Pnrt.l

combating it nbly and coqueutly IN his ,
well known reply to lngersoll.
But is hr. Giddings willing TO sit down :
with Shareholders, like band of brothers.,
knowing oil the time that they nrc tyranis ,
at home, aud not seek to Use the conIrion
strength to protect their victims? Does lac
not know that it is impossible for free Stntes
and slave States to unite under any form OF
Constitution, no matter how clean the parcl-
ment may be, without tho compact resulting
in new strength TO the slave systems? It's
the unimpaired strength Of Massachusetts
and New York, aud the youthful vigor of
Ohio TINT, even now, enable bankrupt Car
onn to hold up the institution. Every uu-
tiom must maintain peace within her hunts. !
No government can exist which does not /
fulfil that function. When we say the Union /
will maintain peace ia Carolina, that being
a slave State, what does peace mean? II
means keeping the slave beneath the heel OF
his muster. Now, even Oh tie principle OF
two wrongs milking right, if we put this
great weight of d common government into
tile scale OF the slaveholder, we are bound
TO add something equal to the slaves side.
But no; Mr.. Giddiugs is content to give the
STAKEHOLDER the Irresistible aud orgunic half
of a common government, aud bind himself
TO utter no word, and move not finger, in
his civil capacity, TO help the slave! An
nbolitionist would find himself not much at
home, fnucy, in Tint band Of brothers,
And MIR. Sumner knows no better aim,
under the Constitution, than to bring back
the government to where it was iu 1859!
Has The voyage been so honest aud prosper
ous one, ia his opinion, that hls only wish
Is to start again with the same ship, the same
crew, aud the same sailing orders? Grant
nil he claims, as 10 the state Of public Opin-
ion, the intentions OF leading men, aud the
form Of our institutions al that period with
oil these checks on wicked men, and helps
10 good ones, here we are according TO
their own showing, ruled by slavery, tainted
TO the core with slavery, aud binding the n-
famous Fugitive Slave Law like an honorable
fontlet on our brows Tho more accurate
and truthful bis glowing picture of tie pub
lie virtue ot lISJ, the stronger my argument.
IL even all those great patriots, aud all that
enthusiasm for justice aud liberty, did not
avail TO Keep us safe, what will: ln such
desperate circumstances, can lis sintcsinun-
ship devise 10 better aim than to try the same
experiment over again, under precisely the
same conditions? What new gilaraniecs
does he propose to prevent the voyage from
being turned into n pirat;ca slnye-trading
cruise? None! Have sixty years taught us
nothing' In 1860 the English thought, ia
recalling Charlcs H., that the memory OF that
scaiiOld which had once dtkencd the win.
dows OF Whitehall, would be guarantees
enough for his good behavior. But, spite Of
the spectre, Charles II. repeated CHARLES l.,
and Jumes ouidid him. Wiser by this cX.
perieuce, when the nation, in 1859, got un-
other choncc, they trusted no guarantees,
but so arranged the very elements of their |
government, that William III. could mol re- |
peat Charles ]. Let us profit by the lesson. !
These mistakes of LEADING men merit con
stant attention. The nuti-slayery awakening
has cost too many years aud too much labor
TO risk letting its energy be turned into II
wrong channel, or baked by iiuiiess exper-
imenis. Neither the slave nor the county
must be cheated a second iimc.
Mr.. Chairman, when | remember the
grand port Of these men elsewhere, aud
witness this confusion of ideas, aud ycliug
of their proud crcsIs to party necessities,
they seem to me to loose in Washington
something of their oil giant proportions.
How Often have we witnessed this change
il seems the inevitable result of political life
under any government, but especially under
ours: aud We are surprised nt it in these men,
only because we.f6ndy hoped they would be
exceptions to the general rule. II was
Chamiori, ! think, who first lkeued Re-
publican Senate House 10 Milion's pnndcmo-
MUM another proof Of the rare insight
French writers have shown in critrising
Republican Institutions. The Capitol al
Washington always brings 10 my mind that
other Capitol, which in Mton's great Epic
rose like au eXhudion' from the burning
marI'-that lowered palacc, with starry
lamps and blazing crcssonls hung fixed IN
stately height, with root Of fcued guld,' it,,
hall like a covered ield.' You remember,
Sir the host of archangels gathered round
il, and how thick the airy crowd
'Swarmed and were strai,encd; till, the signal
given,
Behold wonder! They but now who seemed
In bigness TO surpass oarth's giant sons,
Now less than smallest dwarl,, in narro n room
Throng nuD,berless, like that pygmean race
beyond the Indian mount; or fairy elves,
Whose midnight rcyols, by forest side
Or fountain, some belated peasant secs.
Thus incorporoal spirits to smallest forms
Reduced their shapes immense, and were at
large,
Though without number still, amid the hall
OF that Internal court
Mr.. Chairman, they got no farther Than the
hall! (Chcers.) They were not n healthy
party! The healthy pnrty,-lho men who
made no compromise IN order TO come under
that nrch,-MiIton describes further on,
where he says
- But far within,
And in their own Dimensions, like thcm-
selvea,
The great scraphic lords and cherubim.
In close recess and secret conelavc. sat;
A thousand dcmi-gods on golden seats
Frequent and fun
These were the healthy party (Loud mp
pluuse) These are tie Cusses aud the
Houstons, tho Foote's aud tho Soules, the