Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, 1853-03-12
THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.


opinion he does not hold. This is the substance
of my statement, that Mr.. Mann allowed that
slave was the same to him as brother, and
but for the Constitution of the United States,
ne would as soon return to slavery his own
brother any fugitive slave. The latter part
of this statement he denies.
In his speech Of July Is, 1850, on the 200
2O7 pages Of his volume of speeches, Mr.. Mann
paints tbs consequences of Disunion in the
matter of getting back fugitive slaves. lie
supposos tie Constitution abolished, and OBJ
serves -
'An outside belt or border region of the
slave states, no part of which shall he more
than one hundred miles from free frontier,
would embrace nearly one half of their
whole area and, us ! suppose, much more
than one half of their whole slave population.
What is to prevent the easy escape of slaves
living within these limits? While God sends
nights upon the earth, nothing can prevent il.
| venture to predict that in such state of
things, slaves will become cheap, aud horses
will become dear. am aware of your laws
which forbid slaves to cross bridges or ferries,
without pass but you can have no law
against seasons Of low water. The o,d ndnge
says, riches have wings You will find that
these riches have legs. The Mississippi and
Ohio Rivers, where they border upon free
states, will be alive as with shoals Of por-
poises. Remember there is no constitution of
The United SidieS noW. That you hare broken.
The free states are, therefore, aJSoiped from all
obligation 10 surrender JugitiUes. The lac Of
! 1893 is al an end The constitution of
he United States, and The lac of 1888, being al
an end, The lac Of nature reuiues. :. THE
STATES BEING SEPARATED, wouLb
As soON RETURN MY own BROTHER on SISTER
INTO BONDAGE, AS I WOULD RETURN FuGI
TIVE SLAVE. BEFoRE GuD, AND CHRIST, AND
ALI CHRISTIAN MEN, THEY ARE MY BROTHERS
AND SISTERS
Aud on page eds
Il dsdain to nyai myself in n sober nrgu-
mcnt, of the popular sensitiveness on this
subject; and acknowledge my obligations
TO the constitution while it is suffered to last.
On page lS2 Of srme speech, he separates
himself from those who desire TO abolish
the Consiitution,' and classes himself with
those whose allegiance to this Constitution
is unshuken /; aud again, page 2l3, he says:
Two things exist at the north, which the
south does not duly oppreciatc,- depth
aud intensity of our nbhurrenrc of Slavery
aud that reverence for the law which keeps
it in check. The latter counterpoises the
former. We are law.abidiag people But,
release MS from our obligations, tear Off from
The bond Ch your opa hands The signatures
ichch bind Our conScicnccs aud repress our
feelings, destroy those compensaiions which
tie world aud which pOsteri,y would derive
from continuance Of this Union, and well
may you tremble for the result
The single sentence printed above in cap.
ltals, fully bears out my statement. But !
have put various portions of the speech to-
gether, to show that | do not msrepresen,
its general tenor. The reader will please
observe, that in the sentences above ilaliciseJ,
Mr.. Mann allows
l. Tint the present Constitution secures
tie right TO recover fugitive slaves. shall
presently cite other speeches of Mr.. Mann,
in which he makes the snmc statement.
2. In the sentence printed in small capi. |
ta's, he nsseris thut ieers The States once sepa.
rated, he would us soon return his brother as
fugitive.
3. lie claims to bear allegiance to the |
Constitution. What is this, in such connec- |
ton, but to leave the reader to infer TINT he |
will return fugitive slaves until he States are
separated?
MIR. Mann's second charge is, that have
not correctly represented the interruption
that MIR. Sutherland made in his MIR. Mann's)I
speech of August II, 1852.
will extract, from his own report, the
whole account in his own words, and the
reader shall judge:-
TO hail liberty in the East, while we were
propngatng slavery in the West to receive
with honors fugitive from Austrian bond.
age, while our hands were thrusting bnck
tugllyes into teniold direr bondage at the
South, were contradictions so palpable and
iiagrant that even partizan blindness could
not but see them. Kossulh owed labor and
service to Francis Joseph, of Austrin, lust as
much as Thomns Sims owed il TO join, Pot.
ter, of Georgia. Why should the one be
cheered, aud tho other chained? Why
should the Mississippi bring Kossuth here
Tor freedom, and the Acorn carry Sims bnck
to bondage? Kossuth had committed trea-
son, ten thousand times over, against the
House of linpsburgh. Why should he be
sheltered in our arnls against the penalties of
treason, while the government here sets nll
the foul ministers OF the law to make con.
sIrucIive treasons for the punishment of
Innocent men? Kossulh had rebelled ngains,
Auslria, and had caused the death of tens of
thousands of her subjects Why should Inc
be screened behind rampant Of American
hearts, while those who killed Gorsucb, un.
der the law Of selfpreservntion, and in de.
fence Of life, and liberty, and home, should
he ignopiniously hung on the gaIIows p
These were questions lhnt no deafness could
avoid hearing, and when heard, no sophistry
could answer. Freedom is one; slavery is