Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1852-1859, 1853-08-30
of The events of the years war, or Of the

II occurs to her majesty government, therefore
to ask for what purpose are these arguments ~ IN,
duced with so much preparation, ana utgeo Win
90 much ability.
It would appear that the purpose, not yet fully
avowed, but hardly concealed, is TO procure the
admission of doctrine that the United States have
an interest in Cuba, TO which Great Britain and
France cannot pretend. In order 10 meet this pre-
tension, it is necessary to set forth the character OF
the two powers who made the offer in question,
and the nature of that offer. Mr. Everett declares
insthe outset of his despatch, that tthe United
States would not see with Indifference the islam
of Cuba fall into the possession of any other JA
ropean government than SPAIN" &c.
The two powers most likely TO possess mem,
selves of Cuba, and most formidable to th oulleu
States, are Great Britain and France. -
Great Britain is in possession, by tIaty' .. une
island of Trinidad, which, in the lsE century "as
colony of Spain; France was J. pSs I;o;nna
the commencement of this cen1ly, OF M 4
kv voluntary concession fIom Spain. IheSe wv
mowers. by their naval resrlrces, nre in fact the
only powers who could b. rivals WIN me Omiteu
States for the poSseSSicl OF Cuoa' wen, 'nsSS
two powers are ready 'oluntarlly 10 9eslaLe,
orally and collectively, that they Will not ootaln'
or maintain for themselves, or for any one OF tnem
selves and excLs We. control over the saul lsiahu
(of Cnba1. NO. assume nor exercise any dominion
over the sare. ,,,,r
to bar tie acquisition of Cuba by any European
State, The convention would secure that object:
Bat if it is intended, on the part oil the Onlteu
Ststes, to maintain that Great Britain and france
lave no interest in the maintenance OF the pLeSent
4 status quo in Cuba, and that the United States
have alone right to a voice in that matter, her
MaieSty's government at once refuse to admit Such
a claim. Her MajeSty'S possessions IN the est
Indies alone, without insisting on the Importance
TO Mexico and other friendly States oil the present
distribution Of power, give her Majesty al lntel
| est in this question Which she cannot torgo.
The possessions OF France in the American seas
give similar interest TO France, which, no DOUBT
will be put forward by her government. NoTS TINS
right at all nvalidated by the argument oil MI. EV
erett that Cuba is 10 the United States as an island
at the mouth of the Thames or the Seine would be
| to England or France.
The distance of Cuba from the nearest part of
the territory of the United States, viz: IRON the
southernmost part of Florida, is ITO miles.
An island at an equal distance from the mouth
of the Thames would he placed about ten miles
north of Antwerp, in Belgium; while an island at
the same distance from Jamaica would De placed
at Manzanlla, town in Cuba.
Thus there is no grounds for saying that the pos
session of Cuba by Great Britain OF France would
be menacing 10 the United States but that its pos
session by the United States would not be SO to
Great Britain.
There is one argument of the United States Sec
rotary Of State which appears to her MaeStys gov
eminent not only unfounded, but dlsquletng.
Lord Malmesbury and NJ. de TurgoG put forward
as for entering into the proposed compact
s'the attacks which have lately been made on the
island of Cuba by lawleSS bands OF adventures
from the United States, and with the avoNed de-
sign of taking possession of that island" 10 this
reason Mr.. Everett replies IN these terms: 'Ihe
President is convinced that the conclusions OF such
a treaty instead Of putting stop to these lawleSS
proceedings, would give new and powerful I'M
pulse to Them"
Tae Government of G reat Britain acknowledges
with respect the conduct of the President in dlSa-
vowing and discouraging the lawlesS attempts here
referred to. The character OF those attempts, IN
deed, was such to excite the reprobatlon OF eV-
cry civilized State. The spectacle OF bands OF men
collected together in reckless disregard OF treaties
or the purpose of making from the ports OF the
United States pratical attack on the territory OF
| a power in amity with their own State; and when
there, endeavoring 10y armed invasion to excite the
ebedent 10 revolt and the tranquil to disturbance,
was sight shocking, no doubt, to the just and
honest principles of the President. But the state
nent made by the President, that convention duly
signed and legally ratified engaging to respect the
present state of possession in all future tlme'
would but excite th:Se bands of pirates to more
violent breaches of all the laws OF honesty and
good neighborhood, it is melancholy avowal for
the chief ola great STATE. Without disputing its
truth, her Majestys Government may express
hope that this state of things will not endure and
that the citizens of the United States, while they
Justly boast of their institutions, will not be inSen
sible to the value of those eternal laws of right
and wrong, of peace and friendship, and of duty
to our neighborS, which ought 10 guide every
Christian nation.
Nor can people so enlightened fail to perceive
the utility of those rules for the observance OF in
ternational relations, which for centuries have
been known to Europe by the name OF the law OF
nations. Among the commentators on that law,
some of the most distinguished American citizens
have earned an enviable reputation; and II is dit
fcult TO suppose that the United States would set
the example of abrognting its most sacred proVls-
IONS.
No, let it be said that such convention would
have prevented the inhabitants of Cuba from as
sorting their independence. With regard TO inter
nal troubles, the proposed convention was alto
gether silent. But pretended declaration of in
dependence, with view of Immediately seeking
refuge, from revelts the part of the blacks, un
der the shelter of the United States, would justly
be looked upon as the same i'll effect as formal
annexation.
Finally, tDhile fully admitting the right of the
United States to reject the proposal that made
by Lord Matmesbury and NJ. de 1ugOt, Great
Britain must at resume her entire Hbertyj and
upon any occasion that may call for ii, be free to
act either in conjunction Nth other POtCerS,
as to her may seem fit.
Mr.. CHAMPION TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON.
wAslnSeToa, April IS, 1858.
In obedience to the instruction contained in
Lord John RusSelPs despatch, of the 2lst Febru
airy, have read to the Secretary of State of the
United States, and placed in his hands copy of
his lordshp'S despatch, Of the 18th of thatmonth,
upon the subject of Cuba.
| My French colleague having also received in
Structions from his government TO communicate to
! the government of the United States, despatch
upon the same subject, and very much to the me
effect, it was agreed between US that we should,
os upon former occasions, in regard to this matter
make our communications simultaneously; and
we accordingly waited upon Mr.. Marcy together
for that purpose, on the 18th instant.
Mr.. Marcy, after having listened attentively to
what NJ. de Sartiges and myself read to him, said
that he would submit the obSe vationS of the two
governments to the President; and remarked that
several weeks might probably elapse before any
reply would be addressed to us, even should the
President be of opinion, which Mr.. Marcy seemed
to think doubtful, that any further discussion of
the matter between the two governments was de-
sirabe.
1t would, he added, of course be necessary for
him again TO read over the dispatches in order TO
comprehend .tIeir full import; but as far as he
could now judge, the opinions of the two govern
menis seemed To cnincIde in referanra 10 twn