The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-11-14
The ADMINISTRATION Lettcrs-Probabie Re-
sIcnniiur OF MnrcY. Guthrie, and Day II.

signatioa OF Marcy, Guthrie, and Davis.
Politicians will find ample material fer re-
Election in the letters from Messrs. Davis, Gu
thrie Gushing and Marcy, which are published
in another column. They arewith some few un-
important exceptions, the principal expressions
Of opinion which have fallen from these gentle
men since they assumed office; and were there
no other reasons for Studying them with pecu-
liar ccare, the high position of their writer's
would entitle them to close attention, and fully
justify the prominent place we have allotted to
the collection in our columns. But they demand
notice on other and mere unusual grounds.
They are, without exception deliberate acts of
interference by members of the federal admins
tration, in local State politics. All Of the five
were written and published with the sole OBJ
iect of controlling and meddling with State ap-
pointments Four out of the number were
direct attempts to crush an Independent politi-
cal party in this State, by throwing the ad-
ministration influence into the scale with its
opponents. And the fifth though referring in
its application to another State, recognized and
acted upon identically the same principle.
The first of the collection is an endorsation
of John Van Buren, and his free soil allies, by
Jefferson Davis. on TIE trumpery ground that
the combination OF few spols seekers of op-
poste principles, at Baltimore, had the miracu-
lous effect of cleansing ell men from their pre-
vious faults, and rendering it crime in any
one to reproach traitors for their treason 1t
likewise consistently sneers at Dickinson and
Bronson. The object of this letter was to de-
lude the New York democracy and curry favor
for the Van Buren, free sellers during the State
canvass.
The second is the famous letter which has
earned for the Secretary of the Treasury the
unenviable epithet of the BRUTAL Guthrie"
1t is in strong contrast to the polished ciTcum-
locutions Of Mr. Davis. Mr. Guthrie does not
beat the bush He goes straight to the point,
aad tells Mr.. Bronson that all who, for the sake
of share Of the plumber, were unprincipled
enough to support the Baltimore platform, re-
garlless Of their private opinions are entitled
to their reward. Honesty among thieves is
obviously Mr.. Guthrie's motto. He says that
the Baltimore free sellers sold their souls or
credit TO support Pierce, and they have right
to be paid the price. Bronson is told to pay
'em, ard let there be an end Of the matter.
Unfortunately for poor Mr. Guthrie, he caught
G Tartar in catching the Collector, and received
a reply which must have unsettled his nerves.
Such, at least, is the inference from letter No. g.
intended to be an explanation Of Nc. 2. The
former performance, which gave rise to the I'M
complimentary epithet mentioned above, was
model Of polite correspondence compared with
the latter. A wild boar driven into corner
by pack of hungry dogs or she wolf defend
ing her young against the hrntsmen must have
been a fit likeness of the Secretary as he wrote
it, With the copy of his other letter before
him. in which he ordered Bronson to appoint
all who, from whatever motive, had sub
scribed to the Baltimore platform,-not
excepting the most rabid abolitionists--
he denies that he desired the Collector to APP
point free sellers to of1ice;' and having not
three weeks before made most direct and mali
cious attempts to interfere in the distribution
Of Office il the New York Custom House and
insisted on fair share of the local spols for his
4" stripe" he unblushingly states that he never
/" required the Collector to act in reference to
controversies Of local or State character"
Finally, to cap these inconsistencies in an APP
propriate manner, he procures the dismissal of
Bronson, as "a refractory officer and replaces
him by we'll known ally of Marcy's. 1t can
not be said after this that Mr.. Ggthrie has not
distinctly espoused cause in New York politics.
Mr.. Caleb Cushing's letter is tolerably well
known. 1t had no direct application to New
York, being addressed to Massachusetts,; and
was, as everybody knows, palpable contra
diction Of the letters Of Davis and Guthrie. It
is useful, however, in this argument, as showing
the principle on which the administration acts,
and how ready they are to involve themselves
in local disputes at State elections.
The fifth and last Of our collection is MIR.
Marcy's letter to the German meeting at Tam
many Hull. Mr.. Marcy, like Mr.. Guthrie, is
straightforward in such matters: he knows that
the spoils are the only aim and object of his po-
litics, and he doesn't object to say SO. Ifhe
calls the refusal of certain friends Of the Union
to be present at the Syracuse convention, IAN
uncalledfor secession" destitute Of reasona-
BILE pretext," "mischievous in its consequences"
and deserving Of a rebuke," he doesn't affect
to conceal that his motive for saying so is fear
that the wings will triumph at the elections
and win the State spoils. There is pleasant
frankness in the cynism with which he, like his
colleagues, boldly leaps down from his high
rank, and enters the lists Of the State elections
as champion of John Van Buren, and the free
sellers.
Here, then, we have four Of the members of
the present administration openly espousing
cause in State affairs. Three out ofthe number
took sides as emphatically as could be, in this
State, in favor Of the Van Buren, free sellers,
and against the Dickinson democracy. When
a politician acts thus, he stakes his place and
office on the result. When q statesman openly
pins his faith to certain line of policy, he re-