The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-10-04

Of the United States, not only in relation to the
island Of Cuba hut also to the continent Of
North America. 1t covers the whole ground by
an appeal to the Judgment Of the American
people. and thus relieves Lord John Russell
| and every other British statesman from any
| further correspondence with the government at
Washington with view of elciting specfca-
tions of what the United States will or will not
do upon this and kindred subjects
| 1t will thus be seen that our position has
been most distinctly defined; and to this extent
the meretricious labors of Lord John Russell
in the correspondence in question have been
crowned with entire success 1t would be salts
factory to the American government and people
if as much could be said by them concerning
the actual intentions of their transatlantic cou-
sins. But this could hardly be expected.
The designs OF the British government in re-
lation to Cuba are not known, and for this all
sufficient reasOn-that they are not settled by
the London cabinet. The conquest of Cuba by
that power is impossible. We have no idea
that such contingency is thought Of; and
this is evinced by the plan of the tripartite
treaty. which, though diplomatic maneuvre,
is nevertheless expressive Of one thing, and
that is-the best means of preventing the acqui-
sition of Cuba by the United States The first
of these means-that Of complicating the ques-
ion with European politics, and resorting to
he old game of diplomatic combinations,
balancing of Powers-is found in the proposed
trpartite treaty. The second is foreshadowed
the proposition on the part OF British
authorities in Cuba for the gradual abolition Of
| slavery in the island and the introduction of
system Of apprenticeship. TIL success of either
of these preventive measures would foreclose
| the United States from the acquisition of Cuba
on any conditions. The first is purely political
in its character. Had it been successful Eng
land and France would in truth as the pro-
tectiDg powers, have made political Judgment
| on our Southern coast more formidable for its
| strength and for its means of holding in check
| the people of the United States than is to be
| found in all the territories now held by what
| ever government on this continent That, how
ever, was q failure, and something more-it
was the means OF placing distinctly before the
world the fixed purpose of the American peo-
i
| question whether they would or would not &C
| quire the island Of Cuba. We deem this an
nouncement Of great Importance. 1t enunciates
policy scarcely less startling and quite as
well sustained by this country as that setforth
in the inaugural address of President Pierce,
and as that which has been published in con-
nection with the arrest of Koszta at Smyrna.
The other branch OF British policy which is
| found in the overtures made, or believed to
| have been made to Spain-that Of the gradual
abolition of slavery in Cuba-rests upon very
different Basis. 1t bears the same impress. tobe
sure-it evinces the same purpose-it proposes
| to reach the same end; but it is urged on under
the name Of philanthropy and with the express
intention only Of alternating human suffering.
We say nothing in this connection of the pro-
priety Of complcating purely philanthropic
object with the vexed and disturbing question
| of international politics. Philanthropy, we
know, in this day and generation, is an old fogy
who reads best at distance Objects near by
are obscure and indistnct Nothing is worthy
of relief IN ones own household and neighbor-
hood. Suffering and starvation at home are too
readily accounted for. and from this infinite rea
SONS are extracted for Withholding needful aid.
We are apt to think that British philanthropy
in modern times is like water from the mountain
it runs and courses-it does not extend like
the dews Of Neaven-that beautiful type of true
charity-ov@ the arid plain and the parched de-
sert to nourish general vegetation. 1t is profess
sional and is more known for what it says
than for what it does. The movement of the
British government in Cuba is Influenced, be-
yond question, by ON insane desire to prevent
the ultimate acquisition Of that island by the
United States. This is the motive that under
lies the action of Lord John Russell and his as
sociates The question of slavery is secondary
in its character, and its abolition in Cuba is
sought with no view of beneiting the slave and
releasing him from bondage, but, if need be, to
destroy the values of the island in order to rem
der its acquisition undesirable.
Now, in this state of the case, it may be well
to advance one step beyond the ground occu-
pied by Mr.. Everett. by declaring that the peo-
ple Of the United States, anxious as they may
be to acquire the island Of Cuba by purchase,
and the pay ment Of fair consideration, and in
all RESPECTS to observe the laws of good faith
towards Spain. would regard the first authori-
tative enunciation of q successful movement to
abolish slavery in Cuba, under British instiga-
ton. as a sufficient reason for armed interven-
ton in the matter, and for the certain expul-
sion Of both Spanish authority and British pro-
lection from the island. Lord John Russell
and his associates would not be compelled to
record this step ''as melancholy avowal for the
chief of great State :" for he would find in it
nothing more nor less than the deliberate judg-
ment of the American people against the ac-
complement by Great Britain indirectly of
that which it had failed to do directly. If there
are sinuosities in European diplomacy, there
are none in the onward course of the people of