The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1853-08-31

n, 1,....... s'o...Ie.- a. s,...., !, 80,
Flaw. we n as~snA&n Among ass
There is wide difference between a polti-
clan and q statesman. If we consult alone the
biography OF our own distinguished citizens, we
shall find the character Of the one and the other
distinctly defined. Their labors are unlike
their parts are discriminatory occupy differ
ent elevation and travel by different routes.
In an earlier and more patriotic age, statesmen
controlled politics; now politics control tates-
men then men shaped the course of events !;
now, events shape the course OF men. Those
who aspired to distinction were stimulated to o
broader and higher aim-to more noble dsir-
terested, and magnanimuus deeds-to a life Of
unquestioned libera!ity and to acts of undoubt-
cd utility and honor. 1t is true that men dit
fered in opinion touching the true system Of
our government and Of its domestic and for
eign policy. There were those who doubted
then. "a now. With such, the past contained all
that was valuable the future. all that is ques-
tionable and suspicious. There were others,
earnest. enthusiastic and hopeful who saw in
our condition the dawn OF new era to man--
the mellow light of the morn that precedes the
glory of the coming day.
Thus the two great parties-the democratic
and the whig-were formed. They we're equally
honest, equally patriotic. The wings desired
stable fixed, and equitable rule; they doubted
only the propriety of infusing into it so large
an element of popular control The democrats
Jaw safety only in legalized elective rights and
in universal suffrage. Personal interests and
individual ambition swayed neither of them
A great principle divided them. A common
pride bound them to the government to which
all adhered with the faith OF the Apostles OF old
to the religion Of the new covenant. Thus we
find the men of an earlier and more patriotic
age.f But everything must have an end and
a successor--,he day is foreclosed by the night
the sun. even, has some dark spots upon its
surface.
Twenty-s;x and halt years ago, Martin Van
Buren, represented the State OF New York in
the Senate of the United States. He had been a
politician widely known for successful man-
agement and not wholly undistinguished for
more solid attachments in political science,
His fame, unquestionably, rested upon his past
success as the leader sad repnted chief of the
democratic party Of the Empire State. New
York had not then been as thoroughly iGenti-
fed with national politics as at later day,
Virginia yet claimed the rights, and assumed
the obligations OF god-mother at that baptsma!
altar. She was the mother of States and ofstates-
men; and it must now be confessed. that among
the faults of her early and later life neither her
own. nor the virtue of her sons has been called
in question. But we wander from Mr.. Van
Euren. He was the chief of the New York
democracy. He was not a statesman-he
claimed no such distinction. He had studied
men more than political economy. He knew.
at least the chiefs OF his own State, and he
right judged that the pecuniary advantages
Of political control are sometimes quite as
great and powerful as the mere naked honors
and distinctions OF official life Mr.. Van Buren,
was no wild theorist, to set to work to deter
mine the character of men as you would that
of the weather, by the Development of single
principle. He knew they had various purposes
and diverse designs, and that law for all was
distrust disorder and confusion. He was Graf
ty subtle insinuating. He had little respect
for the past, and wss convinced that politics
was d game that could be played on large as
well as on small scale. His triumphs in New
York rendered it certain that success would
cninery used here could be enlarged to the Ca
pacity ofhis national arrangements AR Van
Buren, has been charged with wonderful adrot-
ness. and ii has als been limited that his plans
ar always concealed beneath a covering of
marvellous simplicity. 1t occurs to US that in
this respect he has been sadly maligned. His
success is attributable to no such mean de-
vices. He is man that knows the value of
reward and the force of a punishment He es-
teens an argument as good that produces the
effect desired-whether uttered 10 writing, in
speaking. or in money, it is all the same. Mark
tie record More than twenty-six years ago he
opened up to the admiring gaze OF the Union
that system Of directness in politics which had
distinguished his career in New York. Mr.
Adams was President Mr.. Calhoun Vice Presi-
dent, and he was Senator. Mr.. Van Buren,
was not man like Mr.. Clay, to dictate What
reforms should be made in the administration
of tie government; so he only expressed his
firm belief that the condition of the press, as
,ceH here (H'ashington) as throughout the
country, might be improved by juiicions
yepis,on Of the lars relatire to the public
printing"
This is curious point. In itself it is of lit.
tie moment; but taken in connection with sub
sequent transactions and party maneuvres, oa
both sides of the political field it is curious
initietoiy Of a game since mos. deliberately
played. 1t was the incipiency Of the - spoils