The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1853-05-18
THE REPUBLIC.
WASHINGTON:
WEDNESDAY MORNING. MAY Is, 1853.
National Vanity.

in foreign language. Its editor, in the gen.
eral tenor Of his writings, evinces generous
American spirit with which we are always
pleased; but we not unfrequently find in its
columns articles that we regret to see there,
and which we cannot but regard as originating
from the pens of authors who have but imper-
fec,y conceived the duty implied in the relations
they have voluntarily assumed toward our
Government and people.
In the number we are now perusing cor.
respondent, in commenting upon the charac-
teristics Of Americans, candidly acknowledges
that national vanity is one, Of our greatest fail
ings, and declares that he does not wonder
that Europeans scof at the pretensions of the
'''model republc!" Now, at the peril of be
ing deemed tedious on this theme, as we'll as
of coming in for our full share of condemnation
in the premises. we shall make few passing
remarks on the subject.
The history of modern nations, it would ap-
pear from the ridicule evoked, can furnish no
other instance of vanity SO intensely absurd as
that we thus betray! When an election riot
occurs, or representative comes rushing into
the halls of Congress and threatening the dis
solution of the Union, or mercenary libeller
returns to his home from the bospitable boards
of our people, and writes book adapted to the
tastes of his countrymen, the "model republic"
is the derisive phrase; and it is repeated in the
same spirit by many an AFFECT and servile imi-
tator of foreign ais on our own soil, not few
of whom, in their superior wisdom, profess
the most serious doubts as to the final success
of our adventurous experiment in self-govern-
ment!
Conceding to sages so wise and so profound
the enjoyment Of all their superior discernment
and happy exemption from the weakness our
countrymen have betrayed in extolling the in
situations under which they live, and grow,
and prosper, and which enable them to give
succor and protection to the sons of toll and
the victims of oppression of every cline, we
proudly claim for ours the title they so emphat-
ically contemn as vain assumption, and exuIt
that that honorable name was given it In bap-
tism by the illustrious father of the Republic
himself! "The preservation of the sacred fire
of liberty and the destiny of THE REPUBLICAN
MODEL OF GOVERNMENT" said WAsHINGroN
in his Inaugural Address, in 1889, care justly
considered as deeply, perhaps as finally,
staked on the experiment entrusted to the
hands of the American people!" That Gre
publican model of government" then commit
ted to the guardianship of the American people
as sacred trust, and which has from that
hour to the present known no retrogressive
movement, secures to the people who live un-
der it such immunites and blessings as are en-
joyed by no other nation that exists or ever has
existed on the surface of the globe; and no
government, in any region of the world, has
taken single step toward the improvement of
the condition of its people, save as it has es-
sayed to initiate the ''modeP' we have
placed before it.
The violent throes that have long convulsed
France, that have rescued her from despotsm,
and forced each successive ruler, in form at
least, to acknowledge the elective pc yer of the
people, and to administer the laws in their
name; the progressive steps that have been
taken in England toward the enfranchisement
of the people, the extension of the right of
suffrage, and the amenability of the executive
to the popular voice; the concessions of the
papal power to the popular will, ere revolution
placed it in peril between French and Aus
TRAN protecting bayonets; these effects, toge
ther with all the revolutionary tendencies that
aff1ict the monarchies of the world, are con-
fessedly results proceeding from the influential
example our Government has set before the
nations of the earth. 1t is in vain to dispute
the fact. 1t exists, and is manifest to all who
reflect upon the subject, or listen to the attest
ing voice of experience.
Our duty is simply to realize the importance
Of this position, its responsibility, and our
whole duty proceeding from it.
The INFLUENCE OF OUR EXAMPLE appears
in every word and action of WASHINGTON to
have been the cherished object of his heart,
and they who have of late grossly belied
him as to accuse him of encouraging selfish
and unphilanthropic policy can find an apology
for their profane assaults upon his memory in
nothing save their ignorance of his character
and teachings He was never unmoved by the
emotions of sympathy and compassion when the
voice of the oppressed arose upon his ear but the
sacred duty Of cherishng and sustaining ''the
republican model of government he had
aided in constructing was in lis estimation
trust too precious to be placed in jeopardy
/ for any possible cause. "Why" he asked in
his Farewell Address, "by weaving our des-
| tiny with that Of any part of Europe, entangle
our peace and prosperity in the tolls of Euro
pean ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or
caprice?" This question was not submitted to
the American people as one of present applica
ton only. 1t was proposed in suggestion of
the permanent policy of the country, and as
connected with the important trust reposed in
the preservation of Liberty here, and of our in
fuence as beacon light for the guidance of the
family of man.
| How exalted and how reverential was his
estimate Of the boon our fathers wont II
was blended with every religious conviction
and emotion of his nature. 'sNo people, hi
declared in the Inaugural we have quoted
''can be bound to acknowledge and adore the
invisible hand which conducts the affairs
of men more than the people of the United
States. Every step by which they have ad