The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-04-07

OF tneu power, ktor they hau iofoc~ sne'A
men into the Presidents Government and DIS,
played their real principles and their hatred
Of Republicanism, unblushingly, to astoniSneo
France
The reaction advanced by rapid strides The
Roman Rennbl;c was annihilated by her pre-
tended sister. France The rest of Italy was
re.enchained In Germany, in Austria, In
Hungary. the reaction was everywhere trium-
miami All the vengeance Of pride long pent
nm and suffering, of vanity CALLED and wound
ed bv the fraternity and equality of the epoch,
now burst forth in the maddest invectives and
falsehoods in the press and the most heartless
,,eysecutions and cruelties towards the Liberals.
AZ no time had Liberal institutions had so
fine An opportunity for development all over
Europe. But the horrors of the Revolution Of
1889 and the progress Of civilization, had
caused the Liberal party everywhere to take a
higher moral stand, and preach Cancellation
and good will to the richer classes. The pop
ular feeling in that sense was universally strong
hence the wolf in sleeps clothing was admit
ted into the new fold, and soon put down all
opposition
You will not be surprised that whsn the
wary old heads of the ruling classes of Eu-
rope found they had not only life in their
bodies, but actually nothing to fear from the
people, they were not long in putting in train
their plans, and using their means and per-
sonal influence in recovering lost ground.
Their old agents were at hand, only wanting
money and occupation, and ready to prove their
devotion. No man known or suspected OF con-
nection with the old police had chance of
EMPLOYMENT under the new order of things.
They we're then doubly devoted to their former
chiefs
But | must now speak of the fortunes of
Louis Napoleon, the selfstyled nephew Of the
| Emperor.
The wonder is, and you wonder, how, and
| why, the French nation can tolerate him.
How and why they can 80 tamely, after 80
many grandloquent hourishes about liberty,
and magnificent threats to annihilate tyrants,
quail apparently before, or, more correctly
speaking, Irvine about and applaud, the sue
| cess and the fortunes of this usurper
/ have already said enough, | believe, to
show how small part, in fact, the people play
in the politics of the world-how slow few,
| and providential, are their opportunities; and
enough perhaps to enable an idea to be formed
as to the causes of the present singular state
| of things.
Louis Napoleon has been twice well served
| by the blunderings of his adversaries. The
| Provisional Government gave him an import
ance by hesitatng to receive him. He was q
pretendsr, and, as such, should have been de-
MED an entrance on the soil of France. Such
a man has rights" and, having them, could
not help becoming the head of party or a
preSext for trouble. Thousands who detest him
and his claims, having had glimpse of profit
or fortune through him, embraced his cause.
In that respect man is the same everywhere.
Misery is never to be courted; and how few
can resist temptation
He was q second time served by the tyran-
nical and imprudent acts of the Legislative
Assembly which, after using him as an in
strument was, as every one knew, preparing
to arrest and imprison him as an impostor and
conspiratOr-an impost0r, on the ground OF
proof in the archives OF the Foreign Office,
| showing that he was not the son of Louis Be-
naparte--a conspirator, because he was plan
ming, or was the object of plans, for restoring
the Empire. These prosecutions made him
somewhat popular.
| After the distressing events we have already
spoken Of, originating in the efforts of the mid
die and upper classes Of France to overthrow
the Republic, all ranks of persons turned their
attention to the supposed nephew of the En-.
peror, rs a compromise between parties. The
| people instinctiyey claimed him as bar to
| the return Of the BourbOns and Orleanists
while those latter, perceiving the turn Of events
seized upon him, and made him their man tG
finally break up the Republic promising tc
put him aside as soon as he had served their
views
This is exactly what occurred up to the I'd
of December, 1851, when Louis Napoleon and
his desperadoes finding themselves menaced
with destruction, played that daring game
which startled without astonishing, the world
The people, still fondly clinging to their Re-
public. voted for and sustained the President.
They preferred him, with his pretended Social
| list views and the chances Of the Empire to the
old regime. The Imperial Government was to
them better than the divine right of royalty.
So long rs he served their purpose, they were
content to have him. Next to the Republic,
the Empire and its glories were preferable.
And were they not right The upper class,
now strong was quite ready to fight for their
power. The middle class was equally resolved
to have no more Socialism, in business at least,
and the people themselves demanded peace
and work What could they gain by a sue
cessful civil war, but to cause the capital of
the country to be dried up again; industry to
be paralyzed, and starvation to stalk through
the landi
Liberty indeed There is no liberty with
out money and if the capitalists are afraid of
and shy of her. what chances have the people !?
None. Their occupation Is to gain their daily
bread, as they may, in the scramble for exist
ence in times of peace, and TO fight, when they
have the rare opportunity, and when called
upon by the possessors of money, for that lib
erty they love, as the emblem of the good time
coming
To blame the French people for their fckle-
ness is wrong. How on earth could they help
themselves Why not blame the English for
their fckleness in applauding the Revolution,
then Cromwell, and, in moment after, Charles
II! Did fckleness ever equal that? 1t was
the fckleness of necessity, over which they
had no control whatever, and had as much
sincerity in it as the forced federation of Louis
Napoleon. There is this difference between
the enthusiasm for the latter, and that OF
Charles H. The French tolerate coldly their
usurper as q man to serve their purpose for a
destined time; the English applauded their
King with vehemence, and their republicanism
found admiration even for his vices.
| | have said that parties in France, after the
terrible instruction of June, looked to Louis
Napoleon, either as n safeguard against royal
ty on the one hand, or as an instrument for its
restoration on the other.
As party, the Bonapartists were contempt.
BILE. The foolish "escapades" at Boulogne and
Strasburg were universally ridiculed as the
fruits and the evidence Of shallow mind.
Great as was the admiration for the Emperor,
Imperialism was the last thing desired and
the selfstyled nephew neither by his acts gave
evidence OF the genius Of his uncle, nor by his
personal appearance recallad that face and form
for which all of the blood of the Bonapartes
are distinguished
But the pretenson, true or false, was useful
at the moment, as the means Of compromise
The terrific struggle OF June could hardly be
ries which are as bad as a defeat. Sooner,
then, than drive the people, become suspicious