The national era. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1847-1860, 1853-03-24

naming third OF the value OF the properly, anu
took possession of the land and its population.
This was the first stage of freedom for the
serfs They became Crown peasants, held
their dwellings and bit of land as an heredl-
tary fef from the Crown, and paid annually
for the same sum total OF five rubles, labout
four shillngs) for each male person. rent for
which, assuredly, in the whole OF Germany, the
very poorest farm is not to be had; to say moth
ing in consideration that in case of bad har-
vests, destruction, disease, Sc, the Crown is
bound to supply the strict necessities of its
peasants, and to find them in daily bread, in
the indispensable stock of cattle and seed corn,
to repair their habitatiens, and 80 forth.
By this arrangement, and in a short time, a
considerable portion of the lands of the Russian
nobility became the property of the State, and
with it large number Of serfs became Crow
peasants This was the first and most import
ant step towards opening the road to freedom
to that majority of the Russian population
which consists Of slaves.
When in this manner the first ideas of iber-
ty had been awakened in the people the En-
peror, in the exercise of his own unlimited and
irresponsible power, took second step, not less
pregnant with consequences than the first I'm
able suddenly to grant civil freedom to the
serfs, he bestowed upon them, as transition
stage, certain civil rights A ukase permitted
them to enter into contracts. Thereby was ac-
corded to them not only the right of possessing
property, but the infinitely higher blessing of
legal recognition of their moral worth as men,
Hitherto the serf was recognised by the State
only as sort of beast in human form. He
could hold no property, give no legal evidence
take no oath. No matter how eloquent his
speech, he was dumb before the law. He might
have treasures in his dwelling, the law knew
him only as pauper His word and his hon.
or were valueless, compared to those of the
vilest freeman In short, morally he could not
be said to exist. The Emperor Nicholas gave
to the serfs, that vast majority of his subjects
the first sensations of moral worth, the first
throb of self-respect, the first perception of the
rights and dignity and duty of man What
proiessed friend of the people can boast to have
done more, or yet so much, for so many millions
of men!
But the Gar did not rest satisfied with this
Having given the serfs power to hold property,
he taught them to prize the said property above
all in the interest of their freedom. 1t seems
quite like a jest to speak thus of the "tyrant
and bloody-minded man." but speak in all
seriousness, and the facts are there to prove
my words. The serf could not buy his own
freedom, but he became free by the patch of
soil to which he was linked. To such purchase,
the right of contract cleared his road The
lazy Russian, who worked with an i'll will to-
wards his master, doing as little as he could
for the latters profit, toiled day and night for
his own advantage Idleness was replaced by
the diligent improvement of his farm brutal
drunkenness by frugality and sobriety; the earth,
previously neglected, requited the unwonted
care With its richest treasures By the magic
of industry wretched novels were transformed
into comfortable dwellings wildernesses into
blooming fields desolate steppes and deep mo-
raises into productive land whole communi-
ties, lately sunk in poverty, exhibited unmista-
kable sisss ef competency and ws,i-doipg. The
serfs, now allowed to enter into contracts, lent
the lord of the soil the money of which he of.
ten stood in need, on the same condition as the
Crown, received in security the land they occu-
pied, their own bodies, and the bodies of their
wives and children. The nobleman preferred
the serfs' loan to the Governments loan, be-
cause, when payday came for the annual in
terest and instalment, the Crown, if he was
not prepared to pay, took possession Of his
estate, having funds wherewith to pay him the
residue of its value. The parish of serfs, which
had lent money to its owner, lacked these funds.
Payday CAME, the debtor did not pay, but
neither could the scrfs produce the one third
of the value of the land, which they must dis
burse to him in order to be free. Thus they
lost their capital, and did not gain their free
dom But Nicholas lived the father of his sub
jects.
Between the anxious debtor and the still
more anxious creditor now interposed an i'm
perial ukase, which in such cases opened to
the parishes of serfs the imperial treasury.
Mark this; for it is worthy to be noted the
Russian imperial treasury was opened to the
serfs, that they might purchase their freedom
The Government might have simply released
the creditors from their embarrassment by pay
ing the debtor the one-third still due him. and
then land and tenants belong to the State
one parish the more of CroBa peasants. Niche
las did not adopt that course. He lent the
serfs the money they needed to buy themselves
from their master, and for this loan Ia third
only OF the value) they mortgaged themselves
and their lands to the Crown, paid annually
per cent. interest and per cent of the capital,
and would thus in about thirty years become
free, and proprietOrs of their land That they
would be able to pay off this third was evident,
since to obtain its amount they had still the
same resources which enabled them to save
up the two-thirds already paid. Surprising,
however, the very worst-that through inevita-
BILE mistortunes, such as pestilense, disease of
cattle, &c. they were prevented satisfying the
rightful claims of the Crown, in that case the
Crown paid them back the two-thirds value
which they had previously disbursed to their
former owner, and they became a parish of
Crown peasants, whose lot, compared to their
earlier one, was still enviable. But not once in a
hundred times do such cases occur, whilst by the
above plan, whole parishes gradually obtain
their freedom, not by sudden and violent
change which could not fail to have evil con.
sequences, but in course of time, after a proba.
ton of labor and fgugality, and after thus oh.
| tanning to the knowledge that without these
two great factors OF true freedom, no real lib
erty can possibly be durable.
cherish a steadfast belief that the reader.
who perhaps took up these pages with previ.
ously-formed contrary opinion, will here lay
them down in establishment, if not converted
from his views at least staggered in them and
perhaps will ask why, if the Emperor so ear
nestly desires the freedom Of his people, why he
does not-he to whom nothing is impossible,
and who has the right as we'll as the power
confer it upon them by stroke of his pen, in
stead of YEARLY prolonging his work, and
spreading it over 80 many years, to say moth
ing of the thousand evcntualities which may
occur to destroy it before it is complete The
answer is plain. The great man who is carry
ing out this reformation-let us call it by
its right name, this peaceful REEQRMArIoN-
who is pursuing, by carefully prepared roads,
his plans for the abolition Of existing abuses,
has chosen in his wisdom, which is equal TO
his love, the longer path, because it is not only
the sure one, but the only sure one. In the first
place. he recois with dsmay from the injus-
tice, without which 30 enormous an encroach-
ment on the rights of property could not be ac-
complshed Not less does he apprehend the
abuse of the suddenly bestowed freedom, for