The republic. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1849-1853, 1853-02-16
TIL Z X EPUBLIC.

In New York, who were insOient and abusive
in their opposition to the PRESIDENT, were re-
moved from their places. In making these re-
movals the PRESIDENT exercised right for
which he was not responsible to the party or
any portion Of it, nor obliged to give any ex-
PLANTATION. The causes in this instance were
obvious. The Office holders in question were
bitterly hostile to the PRESIDENT and loudly
vituperative. A Chief Magistrate must be
destitute of common sense who undertakes to
carry on Government by means of such instru-
ments. He may with comparative safety re-
tain in Office his avowed political enemies, but
treacherous friends he is compelled to dismiss if
ne regards the good opinion Of the nation.
The very limited extent to which President
FILLMORE exercised this right was imme-
diately seized upon by the Tribune and it's asso-
ciate presses in New York as authorizing a course
of blind and venomous opposition to his Admin
lstration. The PRESIDENT and Mr.. WEBsrER
were especially selected as the marks to be shot
At in the editorials and the correspondence of the
Tribune. Every WING who believed in the
policy Of the WHIG Administration was 'spro-
scribed and prosecuted" by that journal. This
poor, dear innocent, that never had hair of it's
head touched by President FILLMORE, COM
plains nowadays that it was "ostracised" and
prosecuted" while it was engaged in the
habitual vituperation Of the PRESIDENT and his
constitutional advisers. The Tribune clique
were determined to rule the WING administra-
ton, and if they could not effect this object,
then to oppose it. They separated from the
WING administration in the first instance, from
the Wing Convention in the second place. and
are now declaring war upon the 1888 .537
Wines who voted for General Scorr after he
had endorsed the resolutions of the convention.
and announced himself as an earlier and better
friend of the Compromise than Mr.. WEBSTER
or Mr.. FILLMORE.
The Tribune in effect charges the two hun
dred and twenty-six Wines who voted in con-
vention for the Baltimore resolutions. General
ScoTT who approved of them, and the million
Of WH1Gs who voted for him, with standing on
a platform Of "hostility to emancipation at
home and frigid Indifference to the fortunes OF
freedom abroad" The reference here is to the
two resolutions that follow:
49, The series of acts of the thirty-6rst Con
'gress, commonly known as the Compromise or
Adjustment, (the act for the recovery of fugtives
from labor included are received and acouiesc-
: edin by the Wings of the United States as final
settlement in principle and substance of the sub
jects to which they relate; and, SO far as these
acts are concerned, we will maintain them, and
insist on their strict enforcement until time and
experience shall demonstrate the necessity of
further legislation to guard against the evasion
OF the laws on the one hand and the abuse of their
powers on the other-not impairing their present
efficiency to carry out the requirements of the
Constitution; and we deprecate all further agita-
ton Of the questions thus settled as dangerous to
our peace; and will circumference all efforts to
continue or renew such agitation, whenever,
wherever, or however made; and we will main
tain this settlement essential to the nationality
of the Wing party and the integrity of the Union
$50. That while struggling freedom everywhere
enlists the warmest sympathy of the Wing par.
ty, we still adhere to the doctrines of the Father
of his Country, as announced in his Farewell
Address. of keeping ourselves free from all en-.
tangling alliances with foreign countries, and of
never quitting own to stand upon foreign
ground. That our mission as Republic is not
to propagate our opinions, impose on other
countries our form of government by artifce or
force, but to teach by example, and show by our
success, moderation, and justice, the blessings of
self government and the advantages of free insti
tuticns.''
we see no hostility to Emancipation in the
first of these resolutions, and no frigd indifer-
ence to the fortunes of Freedom in the second.
We can imagine no possible advantage that
can accrue to the slave by the agitation of the
slave question, by the efforts of abolition soce-
ties in the Northern States, or by violating and
our constitutional obligations. We
think such journals as the Tribune, which de-
vote themselves to the work of exciting the
North against the South by harpng continually
on the evils and horrors of slavery, and there
by exasperating the South against the North,
are pests of society, unnecessarily meddling
with matters with which they have no political
concern, and over which they can exercise only
a malignant influence by iIl-advised interfer-
ence.
But again, we are told that the platform de-
nounces the doctrines of KossurH in regard to
international rights and duties. The resolution
ON this subject is quoted above. It expresses
Swarm sympathy" with nations struggling for
their freedom. 1t embodies an important princi
pie in the language of WAsHINeroN and the use
Of this language is stigmatized as the denun-
citation Of KossUTH. The Baltimore Conven-
ton were guilty, it seems, Of postponing Kos
sUrH to WASHINGTON. We think they were
clearly right. We do not admit that KossurH
was more reliable exponent than WASHING
TON of the rights and duties of the American
people.
It was not the first or second of these resolu-
tions that drove away Wines from the support
of General ScoTT. It was the belief that his
nomination was sought and obtained by the
Tribune and by men who agree with that
journal; men who prefer KossurH's doctrines
to those Of WASHINGTON, and with whom hos
tility to slavery is stronger principle than
love of the Union. 1t was this belief that
gave General PIERCE ten thousand majority in
the city of New York, the particular seat of
the sssapaciOusn labors of the Tribune