Semi-weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1852-1853, 1853-05-25

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Cannot be toQched we repeat by less than
Itwo4lbilas xoteof both Houses. Whence, then,
these fears on the partiof Mr.. Edwards Here
he Pounds his Argument and this failing him,
the whole supestructure falls to the ground. If
property be not protected, and amply projected in
the basis Of the Senate and of the Commons, sUhGt
rs Let our friend answer that question
Mr. Edwards says he entertains no distrust Of
the capacity Of man for selfgovernment. We re-
greet that he placed himself in position requiring
him to say that for in this country it is taken for
granted that all have confidence in the popular
power. But with this feeling of confidence in the
masses, how can Mr.. Edwards still insist upon
discrimination between free white men at the polls
Surely he cannot believe that one class in our State
would unite to harass and Cypress another; for
if so, the class thus uniting would at estab-
lish, by its own act, the fact that the persons
posing it were not qualified for selfgovernment
No man is fit to govern himself who cannot keep
his hands off the rights and property of his neigh
bors. Again, no class in this country has right
to command "the lion," whether Gagged or I'M
Gagged" The people, composed Of non-landhold-
ers and landholders, are the sovereigns They can
laugh at classes and class legislation and they will
have none of it either in Legislatures or in Consti
tutions. If classesif peculiar or exclusive inter-
ests could control restrain them, they would
be free or competent for self-governmept There
is power above them but their Constitution for
the time being, and no power beneath them, for
they are one, and all in all. They can do and undo
and no man shall question them; they can put up
and set down, and there is no appeal
But we have no wish to prolong this discussion.
We engaged in it only as a matter of duty, and
because reply appeared to be expected. We are
quite willing, now and hereafter, merely to state
the question and leave it with the people. It is
we'll understood by them that explanation is out of
place, and clear in the great principle it carries
with it that argument is almost unnecessary. Mr..
Edwards has not only missed the target, but the
board itself His ball whizzed in space, striking no
one The ''younglings" have proved, in many cases,
older than himself, while the sages and fathers of
the church" Mr.. Macon included, have risen upin
judgment against him. We have the authorities,
the facts, principle and the votes of the people on
our side; and thus fortified, we shall enter the next
campaign with the assurance that, happen what
may, Free Suffrage will triumph. We shall have
occasion, in that campaign, to perform our humble
part in defending it against the insidious objec-
tons Of its opponents and of enforcing its impor-
lance upon the people; and we are, therefore, the
less inclined to continue this discussion.
We cannot, however, conclude without making
a few suggestions to the friends of the measure
Stand together, friends, and go for the measure as
you have heretofore advocated it, by legislative en-
actment and the sanction ofhe people at the polls.
See to it. in all the doubtful Counties, that Senators
pledged to the measure, are elected. Vote for no
man who takes ground against it; and direct your
attention especially to the Senate for the Commons
will take care of itself Do this, and you will not
only triumphantly elect the next Governor, but
you will ensure for Free Suffrage at least one hun
dred votes in the Commons and forty votes in the
Senate. A Convention is impracticable, but Free !
Suffrage can be had without it. Unite, and you
will triumph divide and the advocates of exclu-
sive privileges will prevail.